Indian Antiquary Vol 43

Author(s): Richard Carnac Temple, Devadatta Ramkrishna Bhandarkar
Publisher: Swati Publications
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/032535/1

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY A JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH IN ARCHAEOLOGY, EPIGRAPHY, ETANOLOGY, GEOGRAPHY, HISTORY, FOLKLORE, LANGUAGES, LITERATURE, NUMISMATICS, PHILOSOPHY, RELIGION, &c., &c. EDITED BY SIR RICHARD CARNAC. TEMPLE, BART., C.I.E., HON. FELLOW, TRIN. HALL, CAMBRIDGE. FORMERLY LIEUT.-COLONEL, INDIAN ARMY, AND DEVADATTA RAMKRISHNA BHANDARKAR, M.A. VOL. XLIII.-1914. Swati Publications Delhi 1985

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Published by Swati Publications, 34. Central Market, Ashok Vihar, Delhi-110052 Ph. 7113395 and Printed by S.K. Mehra at Mehra Offset Press, Delhi.

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" MAULAVI ABDU'L WALI, M.R.A.S: THE POEMS OF PRINCE KAMBAN MISS LAVINIA MARY ANSTEY: CONTENTS. THE DATE OF MAHAVIRA G. D. : THE DATE OF SARVATJNATMA T. HART-DAVIES: SOME ANGLO INDIAN WORTHIES OF THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY PADMANATH BHATTACHARYA : A NEWLY DISCOVERED COPPER PLATE GRANT OF BHASKARAVARMAN OF KAMARUPA PROF. J. CHARPENTIER, PH.D. : A NOTE ON THE PADARIYA OR RUMMINDEI INSCRIPTION.. QUELLEN DER RELIGIONS GESCHICHTE R. E. ENTHOVEN, C.1.E. PAGE .. 219 17 118, 125, 167 H. HOSTEN, s. J. : BEZOAR: MANUCCI'S 'CORDIAL STONE.' PROF. E. HULTZSCH, C.I.E. : COBRA MANILLA.. * SHANDY' AND 'SHINDY' 267 ED. A. HILLEBRANDT THE BOWER MANUSCRIPT THE PURANA TEXT OF THE DYNASTIES ... FOLKLORE OF THE KONKAN, SUPPLEMENT..1, 13 SIR GEORGE A. GRIERSON, K.C.I.E. : .. 142, 159 95 THE PAHARI LANGUAGE S. H. HODIVALA : THE TRADITIONAL DATES OF PARSI HISTORY. 151 DR. R. HOERNLE: .. 272 THE DISCOVERY OF THE BOWER MANUSCRIPT. Supplement, XLV, LIII, LXV, LXXXI, 272 ... K. P. JAYASWAL : ETHNIC ORIGIN OF TAMRALIPTI KAUTILYA AND THE ARATTAS.. PROF. STEN KONOW, C.I.E. : THE MUDRARAKSHASA OF VISAKHADATTA, 36 179 195 64 124 64 179 195 Ethnic origin of Tamralipti by K. P. J. ... ... ... A newly discovered copper plate grant of Bhaskaravarman of Kamarupa by Padmanath Bhattacharya Painting at Agra and Delhi in 1666, by Vincent A. Smith Kautilya and the Arattas by K. P. Jayaswal 124 ... 95 PROF. K. B. PATHAK: JAINA SAKATAYANA, CONTEMPORARY WITH AMOGHAVARSHA I PROF. V. RANGACHARI : THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA 1, 27, 43, 111, 133, 153, 187, 217, 229, 253 VISHVESH SAHITYACHARYA PANDIT VARANATH SHASTRI :HATHAL PLATES OF (PARAMARA) DHARAVARSHA (VIKRAMA) SAMVAT, 1237 (1180 A.D.) 193 PROF. VINCENT A. SMITH : PAINTING AT AGRA AND DELHI IN 1666 .. 124 JOANNES DE LAET ON INDIA AND SHAHJAHAN 230 DEWAN BAHADUR L. D. SWAMIKANNU PILLAY, M.A., B.L. (MADRAS); LL.B. (LOND.) : THE TRUE AND EXACT DAY OF BUDDHA'S DEATH.. .. 197 SIR R. C. TEMPLE, BART. DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE FIRST ENGLISH COMMERCIAL MISSION TO PATNA, 1620 1621 SOME HOBSON-JOBSONS BENEFIT OF CLERGY DR. L. P. TESSITORI: MISCELLANEA. 64 PAGE .. NOTES ON THE GRAMMAR OF THE OLD WESTERN RAJASTHANI WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO APABHRAMCA AND TO GUZARATI AND MARWARI.. 21, 55, 84, 181, 213, 225, 245 .. 238 124 NOTES AND QUERIES. 205 S. V. VENKATESVARAN: THE DATE OF SANKARACHARYA G. VENKOBA RAO : .. SKETCH OF THE HISTORY OF THE MADHVA ACHARYAS 233, 262 COLONEL L. A. WADDELL, C.B., LL.D.: "DHARANI" OR INDIAN BUDDHIST PROTECTIVE SPELLS .. 37, 49, 92 Bezoar: Manucci's "Cordial Stone," by H. Hosten S. J. Some Hobson-Jobsons by Sir R. C. Temple Benefit of Clergy by Sir R. C. Temple.. 69, 97 239 272 .. ... The Traditional Dates of Parsi History by S. H. Hodivala ...-151 Cobra Manilla by Prof. E Hultzsch .. 179 "Shandy" and "Shindy" by Prof. E. Hultzsch 195 The Date of Sankaracharya by S. V. Ven kateswaran ... ... The Date of Sarvajnatma by G. D. ::: ::: ::: 238 272 36 239 272

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CONTENTS BOOK NOTICES. PAGE PAGE The Gardens of the Great Mughals, by Sir R. The Purana Text of the Dynasties, by Sten C. Temple .. .. .. .. 48 Konow ... ... ... ... ... .. 195 Mudrarakshasa by Visakhadatta, edited by Joannes De Laet on India and Shahjahan, by Vincent A. Smith Alfred Hillebrandt, by Sten Konow ... ... .. .. .. 239 ... 64 Quellen Der Religions Geschichte, by T. Hart The Bower Manuscript by Sten Konow ... 179 Davies ... ... ... ... ... ... 272 SUPPLEMENTS. The Discovery of the Bower Manuscript : its Date, Locality, Circumstances, Importance, eto : Introduction by Dr. R. Hoernle, C.I.E. ... ... ... ... ... XLV, LIU, LXV, LXXXI Folklore of the Konkan by R. E. Enthoven, C.I.E., I.C.S. .. .. .. .. .. .. 1, 13

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY, A JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH. VOLUME XLIII- 1914, * THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA. By V. RANGACHARI, M.A., L.T., MADRAS. CHAPTER I. THE PANDYAN KINGDOM FROM THE MUSSULMAN CONQUEST TO THE END OF KRISHNA DEVA RAYA'S RULE. 1310-1530. (The Muhammadan Conquest and Rule 1324-1371.) THE THE dawn of the 14th Century of the Christian era witnessed a revolution in the history of South India,-a revolution which will be ever remembered, and be ever felt by the various races and peoples who inhabit this part of the country. It was in that age that the Muhammadans, hitherto confined to Hindustan, extended for the first time into the cisVindhyan region, and converted the Hindu kingdoms either into Muhammadan principalities. or vassals of the Muhammadan Empire. More than a century had passed since Shahabu'ddin Ghori and his lieutenants had marched their victorious legions as far as the Bay of Bengal, and cemented the disjointed kingdoms of Hindustan by a common allegiance to a single sovereign authority. For the space of a century the "slave kings" of Delhi enjoyed and abused their power, and gave place to the Khiljis. The new rulers were not satisfied with preserving the dominions which the martial enthusiasm of their predecessors had acquired. The able and ambitious imperialist, 'Alau'ddin Khilji, formed, for the first time, the bold design of crossing the Vindhyan barriers and subduing the mysterious region which lay stretching to the South, and which had escaped Musalman subjugation so long. And fortunately, the circumstances were not unfavourable for his design. Centuries of internecine wars had already exhausted the vital strength of the Deccan and South Indian powers. The Yadavas, the Gajapatis, the Hoysalas, the Cholas, and the Pandyas had, in spite of differences of tongue and language, a common civilization and a common method of government; but they had never known the virtues of peace and the value of harmony. The impulse of ambition and emulation led to constant wars, which often ended in the absolute exhaustion of some or all of the contending parties. The Musalman conquest of the South. It is not surprising that, under such circumstances, the Lieutenant of 'Alau'ddin, the talented Malik Kafur, achieved in his celebrated campaign in the South, a rapid succession of triumphs. He first conquered King Ramachandra of Devagiri, and made him not merely a

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JANUARY, 1914 vassal of the growing empire, but an active participator in its growth, even at the expense of his own brother-chiefs. He then vanquished the pride of the powerful Pratapa Rudra of Warangal, and imposed the Musalman yoke on the kingdom of Telingana. The turn of the powerful kingdom, or rather empire, of the Hoysalas of Dwarasamudra came next. The ancestors of Vira Ballala III had extended their sway, by force of arms, over the effete and decay. ing kingdoms of the Cholas and Pandyasi; and Dwarasamudra, the proud and prosperons city of the Hoys!aas, was the seat of an imperial government. The empire, however, was scarcely in a condition to present a determined or protracted resistance to the invaders. The sincerity of history declares that the armies of the Hindu power were vanquished and that Vira Ballala himself was a prisoner in the Musalman camp. The whole land was exposed to the wickedness and vandalism of an enemy in whose views, plunder and devastation were the legitimate harvest of martial labour. The noble city of the Hoysalas was sacked and ruined. Its buildings were levelled to the ground, its grand works of beauty and art demolished, and its temples polluted by blood and by sceptic feet. Reaction or policy, however, soon taught Kafur that his zeal must be tempered with discretion. He therefore set the captive king free on condition that he should, like the kings of Maharashtra and Telingana, acknowledge the supremany of the Musalman emperor at Delhi. The date of the conquest of the Pandyan Kingdom. The movement of Malik Kafar after the overthrow of the Hoysala power is uncertain. I. is impossible to say how far he marched his invincible army further South. The celebrated historian Ferishtat says that, immediately after the subjugation of the Hoysala, Kafur carried on his depredations as far rs "Seet Bunder Ramessar" i. e., Ramesvaram, and erected there a mosque. The Musalman writers, Wassaf and Amir Khusru,5 give some interesting details which go to support this view. They assert chat, prior to the invasion of Kafur in 1310, a king named Kalasekhara had been ruling the Pandyan kingdom, for a space of 40 years and more. He, they say, was murdered by his elder and legitimate son Sundara Paidya. The parricide, however, was not allowed to enjoy the fruits of his terrible crime long; for his younger and illegitimate brother, Vira Paidya, avenged his father by This is plenty of evidence in the epigraphical reports to prove this. In the middle of the 13th century, for instance, & Hoysa a Viceroy settled a Saiva-Vaishnava dispute in the temple of Tirumaiyam in the reign of Maravarman Sundara Paidya II (1239-51). See Madras Ep. Rep. 1907, p. 70. Examples of such Hoysa la interference can be multiplied. It is plain that frequent inter-marriages between the royal houses also took place. Ep. Rep. 1892, Aug. 7-8. Arch. Sur. 1907-8, p. 235; Madras Manual, I, 120. ? According to Ferishta, the Muhammadan spoils included 96,000 maunds of gold and innumerable chests of jewels and pearls. The soldiers threw away the silver as an encumbrance. See Dow's Ferishta; Scott's Ferishta I, p. XIII; Elliott's Hist. of Ind. III, 49. Wassdf, however, says that 'Rai Paodya' of Dur Samun 'got assistance from Tira Pandi, one of the two rival brothers then ruling Ma'bar. The Rai, however, preferred submission, gave the province of Arikanna as a proof of his allegianco, besides an immense tremure and 65 elephants. The Muhammadans, therefore, left him in possession of the country, Amir Khusru gives certain details, but he does not mention Arikanna. Ibid, 88-90. 3 See Madr. Ep. Rep., Aug. 1892, p. 8; Scott's Ferishta I, p. XIII. 4 Scott's Derkan; Taylor's 0. H. M88. II, 99. 5 Elliot's Hist. of Ind. III 49-54 and p. 91 ; Sewell's Antiquities, II, 222. 6 The Kalea Dewar of the Musalman historian and the Maravarman Kulasekhara I of the inscriptions who ruled from 1268 to at least 1308. Soe Madras Ep. Rep. 1910-11, p. 79 ; 1909-10, p. 99, 1907-8, p. 72-3 For the details of the war between Vira Pandya and Sundara Pandys, see Elliot, III, 53-54. Bishop Caldwell identifice him with Kuna Pandye, the contemporary of JAnasambandhar, This is of course, wrong. The Musalman historian calls Vira Pandya, Tira Pandi,

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JANUARY, 1914.) THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA overthrowing and driving him away. The royal oriminal, however, promptly proceeded to Delhi, and asked for, and obtained Musalman help for his restoration. The invasion of Malik Kafur was, according to these authorities, due to this disputed succession; and it ended, according to Wassaf in the defeat and retreat of "Malik Nabu ", but, according to Amir Khusru, in the flight of Vira Pandya from Madura into the jungles and the consequent capture of the city and the burning of the temple. Amir Khusru says that as many as 512 elephants were captured by the Muhammadans as well as 5,000 horses, and 500 mans of jewels of every description,-diamonds, pearls, emeralds and rubies. There is no question, says Mr. Sewell, of the fact that "this invasion of the Mahomedans actually, if not nominally, effected the entire subversion of the ancient Kingdom of the Pandyans. It convulsed the whole of South India. The Chola kingdom went to pieces at the same time, and all over the peninsula there was a period of anarchy and confusion till the rise of Vijayanagar a few years later."9 Mr. Nelson, the author of the Madura Manual, a work of classical authority on the history of Madura, also accepts this view, and says that, as a result of the Musalman conquest of the Pandyan kingdom, it was ruled for the next half a century by a succession of Musalman Viceroys, i.e., from 1310 to 1358 A.D. The Hindu chronicles, on the other hand, distinctly assert that the year of Musalman invasion of the Paidyan kingdom was Saka 1246, Rudhirotkari, 10 i.e., 1324 A. D. "In.S. 1246 227 years after the destruction of Quilon," says the Pand. Chron., "in the month of Ani, year Rudhirotkari, when a king, Parakrama Pandya11 by name, was holding a precarious sway, at Madura, Adhi Sultan Mulk and Nemian 12 came from Delhi in the North, seized the king, sent him to Delhi, and took forcible possession of the kingdom." "In S. 1246, corresponding to Q. E. 227," says another chronicle, "when one named Parakrama Pandya was reigning, Adhi Sultan Mulk and Nemi (i. e., Malik Naib) came from Delhi in the North, took Parakrama captive, sent him to Delhi, and conquered the country." These statements are corroborated by Col. Dow, according to whom, it was in the reign of Muhammad III, by the year 1326, that the Carnatic " to the extremities of the Deckan and from sea to sea,"13 was reduced to subjection, and compelled to pay tribute. Mr. Taylor accepts this version, and rejects the date 131014, The Tamil work Koyilolugu assigns the conquest of Trichinopoly to 1327.25 8 Elliot III, 91: also Barni's account, p. 204. It appears from Khusra's account that Vira Pandya was not slain. As shown, later on according to Mr. Krishna Sastri Vira Pandya continued to rule till 1356. See Madr. Ep. Rep. 1900, p. 7-8, where Mr. Venksiyah discusses the whole question, Sewell misreads the Musalman historians. He says that Vira Pandys was defeated and Sundara Pandye restored. This is wrong. [Malik Kafur was equally well known as Malik Naib (the Lord Lieutenant). ED.) 9 Sewell's Antiquities, II, 222. It was evidently during this period of confusion that Ravi Varma Kuafokhara, the Kerala king, invaded the east, conquered Vira Pandya, married the Pandyan princess, and crowned himself in Madura in S. 1234 (1312). He must have been subsequently overthrown by the Muhammadans. (See Madr. Ep. Rep. 1890). It is highly probable that Ravi Varma's invasion was caused by the quarrel between Sundara and Vira Pandy. Ravi Varma's original kingdom was around Quilon (Kolamba). He first took Kerala, and then started in his campaign. In 1316 he was in Kanchi. Madr. Ep. Rep. 1900 p. 8; Insc. 349 of 1903 mentions him at Tiruvadi. 10 The exact Q. E. date is 498-9 and not 227. 11 of the Musalman chronicles, which give a different name altogether. 12 This is wrong. There was only one person-Malik Naib Kafor. Nemi is evidently a mistake for Naib. Soo Elliott, III. Dow's Ferishta, I, 301. 13 O. H. M88. II, 100; Wilks, I, 7; 14 The Trichinopoly Gazetteer ; 48 15 i. e., year Akshaya. For a full and completo analysis of this celebrated work, so Ind. Ant. May 1911

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JANUARY, 1914 It is difficult to say which of these is true. There are probabilities as well as inconsistencies in both. In regard to the first, we have to remember that the erection of a mosque at Rame varam is extremely doubtful. There is no trace of it whatever, nor is it mentioned by the Musalman writers we have quoted. Rame varam has been a centre of Hindu worship for centuries, and if a mosque had been erected in such a sacred place, it would certainly have attracted the special attention, and merited the notice, of the chroniclers. Even supposing that it was in reality erected, but afterwards destroyed by the Hindus, the fact would, if it had happened, not have escaped the notice of Hindu writers. There is, besides the mosque problem, another difhculty. All the authorities assert that the Musalman conquest of the country was followed by Musalman rule for the space of 48 years. If the conquest had been achieved in 1310, it is clear that the Muhammadans ought to have ruled till 1358, and then been overthrown by Vijayanagar. The conquest complete in 1324-7. But it is more or less well known that the Vijayanagar conquest of this region was complete only by S. 1293, or 1371 A. D.16 We are thus unable, if we accept the date 1310, to account for the interval of about a decade. Mr. Nelson found himself in this position. He took it that the conquest took place in 1310, that the Musalman Viceroys ruled till 1358, and that Vijayanagar rule came in 1371. He left the gap 1358-1371 unfilled. If, on the contrary, it is accepted that the Muhammadan advent took place in 1324, there is no incoherency in regard to dates. It is true that even in case of such an acceptance, some reservation has to be made. For the chronicles are not without mistakes. They say that from 1324 to 1327 the ruler was Sultan Malik, i.e., Malik Kafur ; but he had returned to Delhi long before, and been murdered. It is clear then that the chronicles cannot be relied on, so far as the name of the conqueror is concerned; but the fact is beyond controversy. First, there is the distinct statement of Ferishta that it was in the time of Muhammad IJI [Tughlak] that the conquest was achiev. ed. Secondly, there is the agreement in regard to dates. Thirdly there is the independent evidence of the Tamil work already mentioned The Mahomedan Governors 1324-1871. The Musalman conquest of Madura, then, took place between 1324 and 1327; and irom that time to the year 1371, the kingdom of the Pandyas was really under the rule of Muhammadan Viceroys. The Pand. Chron. mentions as many as six of them. During the first three years, it says, there was practically confusion and anarchy. Then a chief named Allathi Khan, evidently a deputy of the Delhi emperor, ruled for six years (1327-1333). His successors 'Alau'ddin Khan and "Suthi ? "ruled respectively for three and five years. The next Viceroy, whose name the chronicle does not mention, was in power for the next 19 years. (1341-1360). The last of the Musalman Viceroys was Fandakh Mulk, whose administration of twelve years ended in conquest by Vijayanagar. Mr. Nelson gives a slightly different account. As has been already mentioned, the dates which he assigns to the different rulers are different. He also asserts that there were eight chiefs.17 16 The Hindu chronicles; the Koyilolugu. Epigraphical evidences, no doubt, prove that Kampaia marched south as early as 1365, but the conquest was complete only in 1371. See Ep. Ind. VI, 322-330 where the Ranganatha inscription of Goppana is discussed in detail with referenco to Guru Parampara, Koyilolugu, eto. Salem, according to the Kongudesa Rajakhal, was conquered by Vijayanagar as early as 1348. 17 These were : Malik Naib Kafar 1310-13 ; 'Alau'ddin 1313-19; Uttumu'dain 1319-22 ; Qutbuddin 1322-27; Nakalu'ddin 1327-34 ; Savada Malik and Ahad Malik 1334-46; and Fandakh Malik, 1346-68. Boe Nelson's Madura Manual ; Sewell's Antiquities, II, 223,

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JANUARY, 1914.] THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA This period of Muhammadan rule was, we have every reason to believe, a period of misrule and misery, of popular suffering and keen discontent, of merciless oppression 18 and furious iconoclasm. Unable to distinguish a permanent rule from temporary military occupation, the Muhammadan rulers committed atrocities hardly reconcilable with the wisdom of statesmanship. "Men wereafraid of one another," says the chronicle we have already quoted, "and all things were in chaos. The tutelary God of Madura had to be taken into the Malayalam country.10 The walls of the temple, with their fourteen towers and the streets inside, were destroyed. The garbha graha, the ardhamantapa, and the periamantapa alone escaped this destruction."20 The temples were profaned and destroyed, villages plundered, towns sacked, and women dishonoured. Trade was completely at a standstill, and personal liberty or security at an end. With the cessation of public worship and of the business of trade, with the absence of security and the dread of violence, the proud city of Madura, the richest and the most flourishing city of South India21, became, with tragic suddenness, a scene of terror and desolation.22 Everywhere there was disorganisation and dislocation, chaos and confusion, which seemed irrevocable and eternal. 5 The Pandyan Kings-1324-71. It is an interesting question to discuss whether, throughout this reign of terror, the Pandyan kings were in power or not. Was the dynasty extinet, or was it alive and powerless in the presence of the conquerors? The chronicles are reticent in regard to the subject, and seem to imply that the dynasty was completely overshadowed. But the evidence of archaeology and epigraphy clearly informs us that the Pandyan line did not die under the Muhammadan rule, and continued to be nominally in power, being in reality the slave of the foreigner. As the Madura Gazetteer says, "not only during the Mus 'man occupations, but also throughout the rule of Kampana Udayar and his successors, and even, see below, through the time of the later Nayakkan dynasty and down to the overthrow of the Vijayanagar kingdom in 1565, Pandya chiefs remained always in authority in Madura." (p. 39). According to Kielhorn there were at least three kings in this Muhammadan period, namely, Maravarman Kulasekhara II (1314-21), Maravarman Parakrama Paidya (1334-52), and Jatavarman Parakrama Paidya23 (1357-72). According to Mr. Krishna Sastri, the epigraphist of Madras, the king of the Paidyas from 1310 to 1356 was one Vira Pandya whom he identifies with the rival of Sundara Paidya, the Delhi exile and the cause of Musulman invasion. From inscriptions discovered at Tirupatur in 1908,21 Mr. Sastri points out that the Muhammadans, who had occupied the local temple of Tiruttaliyandar, had destroyed it; that it was rebuilt by one Visalaya Devar in the 46th year of the reigning 19 Madr. Manu. p. 81; O. H. MSS. II; See also the appendix. 19 For the difficulties to which Sri Ranganatha was subjected, see Koyilolugu, 1888, p. 48-52. 20 The Pand. Chron; "The supple. MS. "says that the high tower and the entrance tower also escaped destruction. Taylor's Oriental Historical MSS. I.; The Madr. Manu. I, 123 reproduces part of the MSS. 21 For a short description of the splendours of Madura, based on Marco Polo, the Muhammadan, Chinese and Singhalese chronicles, about 1300, see Madura Gazetteer, 37. For an account of the foreign visitors themselves, see Madr. Manu. I. 137-40; Yule's Marco Polo; Stuart's Tinnevelly Manual, 38-40; Caldivell's Tinnevelly, etc. 22 The Musalman Governor, however, had his residence there, and the city became, says Iba Batuta, as large and prosperous as Delhi. Stuart's Tinnevelly Manu, p. 38, Madura. Gaztr., etc. 23 Madura Gazetteer, I, p. 35. Ep. Ind. X, p. 146-147. 24 Nos. 120 and 119; Ep. Rep. 1908-9, p. 83.

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6 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JANUARY, 1914. 66 king Vira Pandya; and that, as we do not know of any earlier Muhammadan invasion of the Pandyan kingdom prior to Kafur's in 1310, the Vira Paudya during whose reign Visalaya Devar reconsecrated the Tirupatur temple must be identified with that Vira Pandya, who, according to Sewell, 25 had succeeded Sundara Pandya II and was attacked and defeated by the Mahomedans under Kafur;" that Vira Pandya's accession must have therefore taken place somewhere about 1310 A. D.; that he ruled as late as 1356, the time" by which the Mahomedans slowly began to clear away," thereby enabling a safe reconsecration of the temple. There are some difficulties in accepting this version. As I have already endeavoured to shew, the Mahomedan conquest of Madura took place really after 1324. Vira Pandya's accession must have been before that year and not necessarily, as Mr. Krishna Sastri says, in 1310. A corroboration of this is afforded by the fact that the Muhammadans were overthrown in Madura by Vijayanagar not before 1370. It seems to me, under these circumstances, that Vira Pandya must have come to the throne some time between 1310 and 1324, and that the reconsecration of the Tirupatur temple must have taken place between 1356 and 1370. The Pandyan monarchs thus continued to rule during the Muhammadan occupation, but with the sword of Damocles hanging over their head all the while. SECTION II. The Vijayanagar Conquest. From this reign of terror the kingdom was rescued by the young and growing power of Vijayanagar. This is not the place to describe the various circumstances which gave rise to this state, a state which, ever since its rise, remained the bulwark of Hindu independence for more than two centuries. It is sufficient to state that, immediately after the sack of Warangal in 1324 and the final overthrow of the Hoysalas by the Muhammadans in 132626, the two royal adventurers, Harihara and Bukka, once the servants of the. ill-fated Pratapa Rudra, entered the service of the principality of Anegundi, and on its destruction by the Muhammadans in 1332, laid the foundations of an extensive empire by founding, in the year 1336, with the help of Vidyaranya, the glorious city of Vijayanagar. 27 From this time onward, Vijayanagar grew at the expense of the Hoysalas on the one hand, and the Musalmans on the other. For, even though, even after 1327, the Ballala king, Vira Ballala III,28 managed to retain some vestige of power (till 1342), and even though he had a successor in Vira Ballala IV, yet they were, ever since their great defeat, mere petty chiefs, leading a precarious life and holding a limited power at Tonnur (12 miles N, from Srirangapatam). The imperial power passed for ever from their hands into those of the obscure, but more vigorous, house of Vijayanagar. The five brothers Harihara, Bukka, Kampana, Muddappa and Marappa, conquered province after province, till at last the state of Vijayanagar was circumscribed by the ocean on three sides and by the Krshna on the other. Within a generation after the foundation of Vijayanagar this wonderful result was achieved. Never was an empire so rapidly made and a power so well established in the history of South India. 25 Antiquities II, p. 222. 26 Wilks, Hist. of Mysore, I, p. 7. Note Wilks' interesting remarks about the ruins of Dwarasamudra. 27 Sewell's Forgotten Empire; Suryanarayana Rao's Never to be Forgotten Empire; Wilks I, 8-9; for a curious version of the origin of Vijayanagar see Salem Manual; I. p. 44. 28 Inscriptions 499 and 509 of 1902 give some information about Ballala (1340-1341 A. D.) The Ballalas exercised authority at Tonnar till after 1347. See Wilks I, p. 10; Madura Manual, I, 140; Rice's Mysore Gazetteer, p. 342; Sewell's Antiquities II, 177.

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JANUARY, 1914.] THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA The Vijayanagar Provincial Organization. From the first, the Vijayanagar Empire had an organized system of provincial govern. ment. It consisted of numerous divisions and principalities, some of which were under viceroys, who might or might not be the members or relations of the royal family, some under the direct administration of the emperor, and some under the old indigenous dynasties. In the very first decade of Vijayanagar history, i. e., in the short reign of Bukka I, such an arrangement had, if we are to believe the inscriptions of the day, come into existence. Bukka I was himself in the direct charge of the Muluvai Rajya, the central and eastern portion of the Hoysala kingdom proper, and the most important division perhaps in the empire. Harihara I was in charge of the western half of the old Hoysa a kingdom together with the Southern districts of the Yadavas of Devagiri. The Paka and Muliki Vishayas (the Nellore and Kadapa provinces), collectively known as Udayagiri Rajya, were under the administration of Kampaia I,30 while the Maleha Rajya, comprising the Shimoga and North Kanara districts, was under the rule of Marappa. Barakur, the important city of the North Tulu country, was the seat of a viceroy; and Mangalore, the capital of the South Tulu country, had the same position and importance. Part of the Shimoga district and part of S. Kanara was ruled in 1347 by a feudatory chief who bore the title of Pandya, Chakravartin. Kolar was an important district under Harihara's son-in-law, Dandanayaka Mahamandalesvara Vallappa. The empire, as it grew and expanded, was thus partitioned among the generals, mostly relations of the royal family. Even in places where the old indigenous chiefs continued to rule, care was taken that they paid the tribute and that they were subject to the watchful supervision of a viceroy, or rather political agent. 7 An arrangement so common and so widespread could not but be applied in the case of the Chola and Pandyan kingdoms, when they were brought under the imperial sway of Vijayanagar. The common name by which these two kingdoms, especially the Pandyan, were known in those days, was the Raja Gambhira Rajya. The credit of bringing it under the empire belonged to Kampana Udayar II, the son of Bukka I. Himself an able soldier, Kampana had the fortune to be served by an even abler lieutenant, the Brahman Gopannarya,32 a man who combined with the martial valour of a warrior the scrupulous piety of a priest. Both these leaders seem to have availed themselves of the discontent of the Pandyan king and espoused his cause against the Muhammadans. The latter were completely overthrown, and Hinduism was once again triumphant at Madura. The date of this conquest is, as has been already. mentioned, differently stated by the different authorities. The evidence of epigraphy tells 29 See Arch. Survey Ind., 1907-8, for a very able article on the " 1st Vijayanagara dynasty, its Viceroys and Ministers," by Mr. A. Krishnasastri. 30 Afterwards under his two sons. 31 There are ample epigraphical references concerning him. Eg. Madr. Ep. Rep. 1899 p. 23, says he gave a jewel to Conjeeveram deity. He also did much for Tiruvannamalai and Tirukoilar shrines. See Ep. Rep. 1903 (573 of 1902); Insc., 106, 111, and 114 of 1903 record his gifts at the Jagannatha Swami temple of Tirupallani (Madura district) and bear ample evidence to the Musalman defeats; Insc., 1293. Nos. 282 of 03, (1374 A. D. Ananda), 159 of 1904 (1369 Saumya), and 163, show Kampana's power in Trichinopoly and S. Arcot District. 32 For his inscriptions at Srirangam, see Ep. Ind. Vol. VI, 322-380; for his Conjeeveram inscriptions, see Ep. Rep. 1888, 1890, etc. These belong to S. 1286, 1288 and 1297. In 1371 he removed the image of Ranganatha from Tirupati, took it to Jinji and then to Srirangam (55 of 1892). See also Koyilolugu (Ind Ant. May 1911, p. 391) 1888 edn. p. 54; Trichi. Gazetteer. D, 48; the Guruparampards of the Vaishnavas.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JANUARY, 1914. us that it began in S. 1287, i.e., 1365 A. D.33 The Madura31 chronicles, on the other hand, assign it to S. 1293 (1371 A. D.). Perhaps the conquest was commenced in the former year, and completed in the latter. The Continuity of Vijayanagar Rule over Madura. From this time onward to the close of the 16th century, the Pandyan kingdom, like the rest of South India, was under the rule of Vijayanagar. It is not possible to go into the details of every emperor's actions in the South,-first we have no materials for such a work, and secondly it is outside our province. It is sufficient if we note that, in spite of wars and troubles in the north, in spite of invasions and disputed successions, the grip of the imperial power never relaxed. At one time, indeed, the control was strong, owing to the strong personality of the emperor and the comparative weakness of the vassal, and at other times, weak owing to the weakness of the emperor and the self-assertion of the vassal; but it never ceased altogether. Unaffected by dangers from without and revolts from within, the imperial rule was maintained, first through the Udayars and then the Naiks. Sometimes the Viceroys themselves, generally relations of the royal family, proved rivals, and usurped the imperial crown. The usurpation of the Saluva chief Narasingha Naik 35 in 1485 during the weak rule of Virupaksha, and that of the Tuluva, Narasa Naik, in 1501, afford illustrations. But the usurpers themselves, when once their position became secure and unassailable, signalised their valour by the maintenance of a strong control over the provinces. The Tirupatur36 and Trichinopoly inscriptions of the Saluva emperor, Immadi Narasingha Raya, the son of the usurper, for instance, prove that his power was felt in the far south, Similarly the Tuluva accession was followed by the strong and all-embracing imperialism of Krishna Deva Raya (1509-1530). Usurper or right ruler, then, the sovereign of Vijayanagar was the suzerain of the south, and he took care, to display his power by a lavish distribution of patronage and a generous series of endowments in his vassal territories. SECTION III. The Udayars, 1371-1404. Kampana Udayar and his successors. The history of Vijayanagar supremacy naturally falls into two periods,-the period when Kampa a Udayar and his descendants ruled as the Viceroys, and the subsequent period when a number of nominated Naiks or Governors ruled the country. The dynasty of Kam. pat a was a short lived one, and lasted from 1365 to 1404. "After subduing the South and taking possession of Raja Gambhira Rajya," says Mr. Krishna Sastri, "Prince Kumara Kampana 37 appears to have ruled as an independent sovereign. His rule must have extended 3) The Madura Gazetteer, p. 38. Wilks is wrong in saying that the conquest of Dravida was achieved by Narasingha in 1490 : (I. p. 10). 4 The Pand, Chron. ; the " Supple, MS." The Koyilolugu, etc. 35 Epig. Ind. VI: Madr. Ep. Rep. 1909-10; '1908-9, etc. 36 Mad. Ep Rep. 1908-09 and 1909-10. 37 The title of Udayar, says Mr. Venkaiyah," seems to have been generally applied to Vijayanagara princes sent out as viceroys of provinces." (Madr. Ep. Rep. 1904-8, 1907, p. 83). On another occasion ho says: "It seems to have been the title which the kings of the first Vijayanagara dynasty originally boro as foudatories of Hoysalas" (Mdr. Ep. Rep. 1899 p. 22) Maha Rajah is a higher title (ibid, 1905, p. 58). Mr. Stein Knew also says that the Udayar title was assumed by such Vijayanagar princes as were sent out as viceroys. According to Wilks it was first assumed by governors of a small district, generally 33 villages, but later on by powerful kings. Soo Wilka, I, 21, footnoto.

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JANUARY, 1914.] THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA. over the whole South of the peninsula and parts also of the Mysore State, including at least the Bangalore and Kolar districts and South Mysore State."38 It is difficult to endorse the dictum that Kampana became "an independent sovereign," as we know for certain that he was a mere viceroy, a sort of political agent, whose existence was not attended with the extinction of the local dynasties. Nevertheless he made himself a powerful grandee of the empire, whose position was hardly inferior to that of an independent potentate. "Kampana," says Sewell,39 was succeeded by Aryanna40 or Aryena Udayar in or before the year 1377, for we have an inscription of the latter's reign dated in that year. Aryena was succeeded by his son Virupanna," while according to another account, 4.1 by his brother-in-law, Prakasa Udayar. Whatever the fact was, whether Prakasa or Virupanna was the viceroy, we find it impossible to reconcile it with epigraphical records, which clearly assert that between 1380 and 1396, the dominant man of the South was Virupaksha, the son of Harihara II.42 He is said to have vanquished "the Tundira, Chola, Pandya, and Simhala kingdoms," planted a pillar of victory in Ceylon, and presented the immense spoils of his victorious campaign to his father. A fine soldier, he is said to have been equally great in religion, and distributed the traditional" sixteen gifts." As the late Mr. Venkaiyah points out, he probably died as the viceroy of "Karnata, Tundira, Chola, and Paidya" lands. At any rate, from the fact that he did not succeed his father to the imperial throne, we have to infer that he must either have predeceased him, or, in case he survived, must have been contented with the role of a subordinate and a viceroy. It seems that Virupaksha had a literary bent of mind. The Telugu drama, Narayana Vilasa, has been attributed to him; and it is not improbable that the temper of the scholar disliked the burden of the imperial office. As a viceroy, however, he was evidently an able officer. His relations with the notables Virupanna and Prakasa are not known, but most probably he kept them under control. Whatever it was, there can be no question that it was his achievement that enabled his father43 to assume the imperial titles of Rajadhi Raja, Raja Paramesvara, etc. 66 38 Arch. Surv. 1907-8, p. 241. 39 Antiquities II, 160. Perhaps Aryena corresponus to the Embana Udayar of Nelson. 40 Inscription 562 of 1902 at Tiruvannamalai points out that he gave land and money for a watchman in S. 1299 (Pingala). An insc. of 1383 at Gudimaller says that, in his time, there was a quarrel between right and left hand castes for a space of four years. (422 of 1905). 41 Madura Manual based on Hindu chronicles. Virupanna's inscriptions are at Trinomali, etc., (Insons. 483, 565, 572, 649 and 654 of 1902). No. 565 mentions the remission of a certain tax in 1388 A.D. No. 572 says that his cousin, Jammana Udayar, granted land to provide for 5 persons who were to recite the Vedas in the memory of his deceased father in 1388 A. D., Insen. 649 at Tiruvalur in Tanjore District says that in 1393 (Srimukha) he gave a house-site to a certain Tirumattaperumal who had spent 400 panams for the temple during a famine in 1391 A. D. For Virupanna's tulabhara ceremony and other works in Srirangam, see Koyilolugu, 1888, p. 54. 42 By Malladevi, daughter (?) of king Ramachandra of Devagiri. Virupaksha's inscriptions range from Chingleput to S. Arcot. See Madr. Ep. Rep. 1899 p. 21-22; 1904; p. 13. Insen. 234 of 1904 belongs to 1387 A. D., (Kshaya year), His Alampundi plates of 1386 are the first instances of grantha plate inscriptions (Ep. Ind. II, p. 224-30) and give the same information. Most probably Vira Savanna Udayar, son of Bukka Udayar, was his cousin and ruled as a subordinate. (See inscription at Tiruvayar temple. S. 1303, Saumya, Madr. Ep. Rep. 1895); For Harihara's works in Srirangam see Koyilolugu, 1888, edn. p. 56, see also Trichi. Jazetteer, p. 49. 43 As Mr. Venkaiyah says, his inscriptions are, excepting those of the Udayars, the most numerous in the Madras Presidency. Ep.. Ini, III p. 113 (Inscription at Nellar.)

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JANUARY, 1914. SECTION IV. The Naik Governors: 1400-1500. The Udayars evidently became extinct in 1404, and Emperor Harihara II, then, seems to have inaugurated a new era of nominated viceroys, called Naiks, to look after the imperial interests in the south. The Naiks seem to have been less independent than the Udayars. Their powers, moreover, were confined to lesser areas ; for while the Udayars had a sort of general control over the Pandya, Chola and Kanarese districts, the Naiks were confined to special districts. There were thus Naiks, or Generals, in Tanjore, Jinji, Vellore, Srirangapatanam, and other places. The history of the Madura Naiks from 1405 to 1500, when the Tuluva usurpation took place, is very obscure. The first of the Naik Viceroys: Lakkana Danda Nayaka 1405-51. According to the Pand. Chron., on which Mr. Nelson based his monumental history, there were, in this period only two Naiks, named Lakkana and Madana. These were, the Chronicle continues, followed by an illegitimate branch of the Paidyan dynasty, which gave place, after ruling for about half a century, to Narasa Naik, evidently the first of the Tuluva dynasty. To use the language of the Chronicle itself; "After S. 1327 (1405 A. D.), from Subhanu to Vibhava (1451), a period of 47 years, Lakkana Naik and Madana Naik ruled the kingdom. After this from 1374, Sukla (1452) to Nala (1499)-a space of 48 years--the kingdom was ruled by Sundaratho! Mavili Vanathi Raya, Kalayar Somanar, Anjatha Perumal, and Muttarasa Tirumalai Mavili Vanathi Raya, who were the sons of the Pandyan king by a dancing girl of Kalayar Koil named Abhirami, and were brought to Madura and crowned as legitimate sovereigns by Lakkana Naik. Then in S. 1422 Pingala (1500 A.D.). Narasa Naik came, worshipped at the Ramesvaram shrine, and occupied Madura.+3a" The evidence of epigraphy is not more informing. It gives no information whatever in regard to the condition of the south in the reign of Deva Raya 44 I (1404-22), the real successor of Harihara II. The reference to the province in the reigns of his successor, Vira Vijaya+5 and Deva Raya II (1422-1449), is not so meagre. An inscription discovered in 1901 (No 128) says that all the southern dominions of the empire were, about this time, under the charge of one Lakkana Dandanayaka, evidently the same as the person mentioned in the Chronicle. Lakkana seems to have been a great man in his day. For a long tinie he had been minister at the imperial capital, and managed the imperial affairs. He then, at the instance of his master, started on a campaign in the south, and besides confirming the imperial authority throughout the mainland, crossed over to Ceylon' and evidently brought Ba The dates and the years do not agree. Vibhava ought to be Pramoda, Sukla ought to be Praja, pati, and Nala ought to be Siddharti, soe Dikshit and Sewell's calendar. 41 For his connection with the Srirangam temple, see Koyilolugu, 1888, p. 59. 45 For an inscription of his at Tiruvayar (S. 1351 Saumya) see Ep. Rep. 1894, No. 255 ; Vira Vijaya has an inscription at Trinomali dated 1418 A.D. (Vilambi) where he orders that Idangai and Valangai castos should have the same privileges (564 of 1902): 568 of 1902 ( 1413 A. D.), says that he gave 32 cows and 1 bull for the maintenance of a lamp by Annadatta Udayar, son of minister Savundappa Udayar. For Deva Raya's inscriptions see 569 of 1902, 658 and 659 of 1905, and 666 of the same year. These prove that the power of Vijayanagar was felt in Salem and Coimbatore districts also during these reigns.No. 479 of 1905 at Tiruvelangad is an inscription of Deva Raya in 1427 A. D: See Ep. Ind. III, 35-41 for his Satyamangalam plates of 1424. 46 Epig. Rep. 1903, No. 141. In S. 1360 (1438 A. D., KAlayukti) Deva Raya II is said to have given a gift at Tiruvannamalai for the merit of Madana Udayar, brother of Lakkana Dandanayaka, "the Lord of Shos, ocean." From inscriptions 966 and 567 of 1904, we understand that a local chief, Nagarna, son of Sidharasa, built the Gopura of TiruvAlur in S. 1362 (1440A. D..) for the merit of Lakkana Dandantvako Udayar. "Lord of tho Southern Ocean." Inscn. 666 of 1905 mentions Lalkana at Tiruvannamalai. For an excellent account of the connection of Ceylon with Southern India from the earliest times to'tha Britisb conquest, see Madr. Manu. I, 117-119, 125-26 ; Trichi; and Madura Gazetteere

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11 JANUARY, 1914.] THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA it to acknowledge the sovereign of Vijayanagar. The visits of 'Abdu'r-Razzak and Nicolo Conti at Vijayanagar took place at this time of glory and expansion. According to these and to Nuniz, not only did the powers of South India and Ceylon salute the banners of Deva Raya, but distant kings, like those of Pegu and Tenasserim, hastened to pay tribute. It seems that much of this prosperity was due to the talents of Lakkana and his brother Madana. The emperor in reward despatched them to the government of the southern dominions. Lakkana's advent to the Paidyan region took place in 1431 A. D. Mr. Nelson is thus right in saying that in the earlier half of the 15th century, 17 Madura was the seat of two Naik Viceroys and brothers, Lakkana and Mattana (Madana ?); but, as Mr. Krishna Sastri says, the date, 1405-1451 which he, on the authority of the Pand. Chron., assigns to them is not quite accurate. For, inscriptions of Lakkana in the Madura country earlier than S. 1360 (1438 A. D.) are not yet discovered; "and there are inscriptions that shew that he was in the Muluvayi country till at least S. 1353 (1431 A.D.) "48 Whatever was the exact date, there can be no doubt that Lakkana was a prominent viceroy at Madura, and if we may trust the Pand. Chron., a broadminded one also, as he sought for a branch of the Pai dyan line, and entrusted it with the royalty. So powerful was he that he assumed the title "Lord of the Southern Ocean," and issued a coinage of his own. Mr. Venkaiyah attributes a copper coin with the Canarese legend (Kha) Manadanayakaru on the obverse and the initial La on the reverse, to Dandanayaka Lakkana, 19 the invader of Ceylon. The Empire between 1450 and 1500. With regard to the position of Madura in the second half of the 15th century, when the sons and successors of Deva Raya II, Virupanna and Mallikarjuna, ruled the Empire, we are still more in doubt. We have already seen that, according to one version, an illegitimate branch of the Pandyan dynasty-consisting of Mavilivana Raya, Kalayar Somanar, Anjatha Perumal and Muttarasa Tirumalai Mavilivana Raya-ruled till 1499 A. D. From the phraseology of the chronicle which mentions this, we infer that no viceroys of Vijayanagar were present in the South; but the evidences of epigraphical records prove that such an inference is contrary to the fact. The emperors were indeed weak at home, but their names were evidently pronounced with loyal allegiance by the princes and people of the south. The inscriptions of Mallikarjuna50 have been found at such different places as Tiruvelangadu, Trinomali, and Kaveripakam, while those of his successors, Praudha Deva and Virupaksha, have been found as far South as Vedaranyam. Nevertheless it seems that the power of these monarchs was not so very securely felt by the people. 47 Madura Manual; Sewell's Antiquities. II, p. 223. 48 Arch. Surv. 1907-08. 49 Arch. Surv. 1907-08. Mr. Venkaiyah says that in the obverse of the coin, where an elephant faces right or left, is a Canarese syllable. Hultzch thought it to be Ni, but Venkaiyah deciphered it to be La, thereby making it correspond with (Kha) Manadanayakaru on the other side. See Madr. Ep. Rep. 1905. 50 Mallikarjuna's inscriptions at Tiruvelangadu belong to 1450 and 1451 A. D. (Inse. 470 and 473 of 1905); the Tiruvannamalai inscriptions to 1453 (570 of 1902; year Srimukha); Kaveripakam inscriptions, to 1455 (383 of 1905) and 1459 (392 of 1905 Pramadhi). The Kaveripakam or Arcot inscriptions are interest. ing. The first of them records a private agreement among certain merchants that they would set apart a sum of money, on all marriage occasions, for repairing a local temple; and the other speaks of "the great assembly" of Kaveripakam. Virupaksha's inscriptions are, at Vedaranya (1464, earliest of his) 489 of 1904; at Conjeevaram (1465 and 1470 see. Madr. Ep. Rep. 1890, May) at Gangaikonda Cholapuraz (Ibid: Inscription 83 of 1892.), etc.

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12 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JANUARY, 1914. -- The greatness of the Saluvas at this period, There are strong reasons for believing that the imperial agents and representatives of the period belonged to a very powerful feudal house, called the Saluva 1, who advanced their interests in such a manner as to eclipse the names of their masters, and behaved with a vigoar which could hardly be consistent with a position of absolute subordination. The Saluvas--"the hawks (Saluvas) to the birds of hostile kings"-had a respectable antiquity in Vijayanagar service. The first of them Saluva Mangu came to prominence as a subordinate of the celebrated Kampana Udayar. He, it is said, distinguished himself by conquering the Sultan of the south (Madura) and making him subordinate to Samba Raya,52 a prominent though feudatory king in N. Arcot, and by restoring Ranganatha to Sriranga and endowing 60,000 madas for the revival of the worship in the temple. We have already seen that Kampara's general Gopannarya restored the worship at Srirangam and subdued the Muhammadans; evidently Saluva Mangu53 wes his lieutenant or colleague. From the time of Mangu, the Saluvas had increased in power and in renown. Various members of the family ruled in different parts of the Vijayanagara Empire, "sometimes as feudatories and sometimes as semiindependent chiefs," as evidenced by the existence of stray epigraphical records. The saluva Governors of the North. Saluva Tippa Raja," for instance, the grandson of Mangu, so far advanced his career & to marry to in the royal family, and as the brother-in-law of Emperor,Deva Raya II, he became the viceroy of N. Arcot and part of Mysore,-a position which his son Goppa (circa 1430A.D.) evidently continued to occupy. The relations of a family so nearly connected by blood with the imperial family and so prominent in the service of the empire, were naturally rewarded and honoured with offices and powers in the different part of the empire. A Saluva Raja, known as Kampaya Deva, for instance, seems to have ruled about 1446 A. D. in the neighbourhood of Tirupati, and made gifts to the holy shrine of that place. Four years later, we meet with another scion of the family, Sirumallaiya Deva, son of Malagangaiya Deva, in the same locality. In 1465, again, a Parvata Raja of the same family, distinguished himself by building a mantapa in the temple, and in 1481 Timma Raja, the son of the above mentioned Sirumallaiya made a grant. More important, at any rate for our purpose, than the Saluvas of North Arcot, were the Saluvas who evidently ruled further south in the Trichinopoly, Tanjore and Madura distriots. We, unfortunately, do not know whether the Saluva chiefs exercised power over the region continuously from the time of Saluva Mangu, the contemporary and Lieutenant of Kampaya Udayar. We presume they did not. For, as we have already seen, the Udayar dynasty itself ruled in these regions till 1404, and then the great Lakkara Dandaniyaka 51 For a discussion of the origin and meaning of the word Saluva, see Arch. Suru. 1908-09, p. 166. 52 His inscriptions have been found at Conjoeveram in 1338 A.D. He has been called to fat T O T. (Ep. Rep. May 1890). From Inscn. 46 of 1900 we find that he was the son of one Vira Champa the son of Vira Chola. Sambava Raya ascended the throne in 1337 A. D. It is evident he was a scion of the old line Chola (Ep. Rep. 1900). At any rate he came to prominence during the Chola decline in Chingleput, N. Arcot and S. Arcot districts. An inscription of 1335 at Tiruvamattur seys (434 of 1903) that he came to the throne in 1321. He refers to the Muhammadan invasion and his victory over them in consequence of which he assumed the title I G T (Emperor of the whole world) The invasion must be that of 1327, which Mr. Venkaiyah ignores (see Ep. Rep. 1904 p. 16, 1906, p. 85; Ep. Ind. III.) 53 Madr. Ep. Rep. 1905, p. 62-3. The Jai Muni Bharatham says that he killed the Sultan of Madura 54 cf., Ep. Rep. 1905 (693 and 703 of 1904) 89 of 1905 says that he built the flagstaff of Tiruvelangada and Rame varam; No. 498 of 1905 of the same place also refers to him.

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JANUARY, 1914.) THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA became Viceroy. The Saluvas, then, must have come to the Chola and Pandyan realms in the latter half of the 16th century, after the death of Lakkana, that is, during the reigns of Mallikarjuna and Virupaksha,-a conclusion which epigraphy unmistakably confirms. The Saluva Governors of the South. The first of these southern Saluvas was the celebrated Gopa Timma Nripati, or Saluva Tirumalaiya Deva Maha Raja, 66 as he was more commonly called. The period of his rule was, to judge from inscriptions, from 1453 to 1468, and during this period, he earned high renown as a generous donor of wealth, land and jewels to the Srirangam and Jambukesvaram temples. Tirumalaiya Deva Mxha Raja seems to have been succeeded by Gopatippa, alias Tripurantaka, who, not less generous than his predecessor, set up a golden flagstaff at Rameivaram, in 1469 A. D. A third prominent chief of the South was Saluva Sangama Deva Maha Raja, whose two50 inscriptions at Ambil, belong to 1481-86, and therefore prove that he was a contemporary of Emperor Prauda Deva, during the last years of his rule. From this, it will be plain that, throughout the reigns of Mallikarjuna, Virupaksha and Prauda Deva, the Saluvas were the masters of the major portion of the Empire. Connected with the royal family and entrusted with .viceregal powers in Mysore, in Arcot, and in the South, they proudly wielded the title of Maha Raja, and no doubt, by their immediate presence in their respective spheres, eclipsed the names of their suzerains. It is not improbable that, in their growing strength, they were not without enemies. The local chiefs and kings, in their real loyalty to the Emperor, or in their fondness for independence, must have naturally looked upon the proud but formidable Viceroys with jealousy, and not unoften, therefore, risen against them. In the mysterious and inexplicable circumstance of a Pandya, Bhuvanekavira Samarakolahala, granting, according to a Conjeevaram57 inscription of 1469, two villages in the Pandyan kingdom to the Ekambaranatha temple in this, we perhaps see an example of such a local discontent and consequent disaffection, which had evidently a remarkable though temporary success. The identity of this Pandyan king is still a matter of uncertainty and controversy among epigraphists. It is not known whether he belonged to the Pandyan line which, as we shall see presently, ruled in the district of Tinnevelly from the middle of the 14th century, or he was simply a local chief of Madura, who was a feudatory of the empire. The anation will be discussed in detail in the next section ; but here it may be noted that ti. cising was perhaps due to the overbearing turbulence of the Saluvas. The triumph of the Pandyan, however, was evidently not long-lived. For it seems that, while the southern and middle parts of the empire were under the younger line of the Saluvas, the representative of the main and elder line, Narasimha or Narasingha as he was called in common parlance, had made 55 An inscription of his at Tiruvadi (Srimukha, 1453 A. D.) records the gift of an ornament to the shrine. (Ep. Rep. 1903): The Koyilolugu says that he contended with one Kampa Raja for the undisturbed possession of Trichinopoly. During this struggle all the people lived from 1458 to 1470 in the 100 pillared mantapa outside the town. In 1470 Tirumal Raja established himself. The Koyilolugu gives the details of his gifts to Srirangam temple. See 1888 edn. p. 68. 55 These are 593 and 594 of 1902. The Cholas at the same time seem to have been ruling at this time in Uraiyur. For, according to an inscription of Jambhukeavaram (30 of 1891) there was a king named Vala Kamaiya or Akkala Raja Mahamandaleshwara, also called Chola Narayana, in 1481 A. D. (Ep. Ind. III) He claims to be a descendant of the old Chola. Dr. Hultzach points out that insc. 56 of 1892 says that another "Lord of Uraiyur "Channaiya Baliya Deva, ruled there in 1530, and gave gifts to Ranganatha and Valli Nachiar at Uraiyur in 1530 A. D. And as this inscription refers to Krishna Deva Raya, Hultzsch says, "It thus appears that as late as the 15th and 16th century of our era, descendants of the Chola dynasty reigned at Uraiyara vassals of the kings of Vijayanagar" (Ep. Rep. 1892 Aug. p. 7). 57 Elliott figures a coin of this king. On the obverse is a kneeling figure of Garuda, and on the reverse the Tamil legends, Bhuvanekavira and Samarakolahala (Ep. Rep. May, 1890).

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14 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JANUARY, 1914 himself the chief man in the counsels of the Empire. His names occurs in the epigraphical records during a generation of 30 years, from 1456 to 1486. Like the other civil officers of the day, he was also a general, and distinguished himself, with success, in the numerous wars of Vijayanagar with the Musalman powers. A very able and domineering personality, he soon obtained the chief place in the imperial court, and became the de facto ruler of the empire, and we can hardly believe that he could have looked on the offensive campaign of the Pandyan at the expense of his own relations with equanimity. It, therefore, seems more or less certain that, in the name of the emperor, he curbed the Pandyan's ambition, drove him back to the confines of his kingdom, and revived the Saluva power in the South by the appointment of a relation Sangama Deva, as the viceroy of the Kaveri region. The Saluva usurpation of Narasingha, 1486. It is not surprising that, under these circumstances, the emperor soon found himself a monentity and his minister his master. By the year 148659 the usurpation of the Saluvas was complete. The Sangama line which had been on the throne for 150 years was deposed, and the Saluva was the master of S. India. The usurper justified the foul means he employed by the remarkable capacity with which he guided the imperial affairs. So well-known did he become that, from his day onward, the Karnata Kingdom came to be known to the foreigners as the kingdom of Narasingha. This is not the place to describe the various activities of Narasingha in the heart of his empire. Our purpose is confined to the history of Madura and the extreme South. It will be sufficient, therefore, if we briefly glance at its condition at his time. It seems that Narasingha owed his elevation to the throne to certain officers who had distinguished themselves chiefly in the South. Saluva's Lieutenants : (1) Nagama Naik. First of these was a certain Nagama Naik,co a personality around whom an almost impenetrable mist of obscurity has gathered. It is not known whether this chieftain, "the foremost of the servants of Narasingha Raya," was the celebrated Kottiyam Nagama Naik of the Madura chronicles, the father of the great Visvanatha Naik the founder of the Naik dynasty of Madura. It is impossible to say, in the present stage of our knowledge, definitely, whether they were identical. As will be pointed out later on, historians have not been at one in regard to Nagama's date. According to some, he was a contemporary and general of Krishnadeva Raya (1509-1530), and according to others, of Achyuta (1530-1542) and Sadasiva (1542-1567). The chronicles are hopelessly wrong in 58 For some of his inscriptions, see Madr. Ep. Rep. 1904, Nos. 249, 253 and 264. 59 Tho Thirukachar insc, for instance, says that a private individual built & village for the merit of Saluva Narasimha and his first servant, Nagama Naik, and not of the king. (318 of 1909) Insc. No. 188 of 1902(1472 A. D.) says that Virupaksha gave lands for the merit of Saluva Narasimha at Villiyanur. The position of the Saluvas in the Vijayanagar history was first properly ascertained by Mr. Ramaiyah Pantulu. (See Ep. Ind. VII, Devapalli platea of Immudi Narasimha pp. 74-85). For a pedigree of all the SAluvas, see ibid: for a fuller one, Arch, Sury. 1908-9, p. 168. According to Koyilolugu Vira Narasingha defeated Frauda Deva and ascended the throne in S. 1409. A typical inaccuracy and ignorance of the older authorities on the relation between the Saluvas and Tuluvas can be seen in Madr. Manu, which says that Narasimha overthrew the first dynasty in 1479, and was succeeded in 1509 by Krishna Raya. See Madr. Man., I, 150. Later on, however, the same authority says : Narasimha "was succeeded in 1490 by Veera Narasimha Rajah, who at his death left three sons, Atohoota, Sadasiva and Tirimal. These being minors, the country was managed by Krishna Raya, their father's brother who had previously held the office of prime minister." Ibid, p. 153. Examples like these can be multiplied; but the reproduction of exploded accounts is scarcely profitable. * Inso, 318 of 1909. It is perhaps this same Nagama Nayaka, "who is mentioned in a Virinchi puram inscription of 1482." (8. Ind. Insc, I, p. 132).

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JANUARY, 1914.] THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA 15 attributing him to about 1430,and may therefore be ignored, so far as chronology is concerned. Depending entirely on epigraphical evidences, then, the latest possible date of Nagama Naik, is 1558, when his son Visvanatha Naik established, as we shall 800 later on, the Naik Raj in Madura. Now, the question is whether the father of Visvanatha and the servant of Narasingha oould be identical. Mr. Krishna Sastri believes it "not unlikely,"ol and it seems to me that his surmise is correct. The date of Narasingha's lieutenant is 1486, and the latest date of Visvanatha's father is about 1558. It is possible, nay probable, that he died earlier. Under these circumstances it is not improbable that the Nagama of 1486 and the Nagama of the Madura chronicles were the same. If that were the case. Nagama must have been very young when he was in Narasingha's service. He must have then supported Narasa Naik, the Tuluva, in his usurpation against the Saluva, and served the Tuluva emperors-Narasa, Vira Narasimha, Krishna Raya and Achyuta Raya, if not Sadasiva also. And such a long record of service perhaps instilled ambition into his mind and caused a desire to make himself, as we shall see later on, independent in Madura. To his first patron, Narasingha, however, he was faithful and true. (2) Narasa Naik-His Family History. . Another chief whose valour was a main support to the Saluva usurper, was the renowned Narasa Naik, later on the founder of the Tuluvac2 dynasty. Narasa Naik belonged to the same family as the old imperial house. He, in fact, deduced his descent from the younger brother of Yadu, from whom the kings of the first Vijayanagar line were descended. His ancestors, in other words, were the cousins of the Sangama emperors. The descendants of Tuluva had served the empire for a long time in a comparatively obscure sphere, in the Tuluva country. During the time of Narasingha's usurpation, their leader, iswara, emerged from this comparative obscurity, and distinguished himself largely as a devoted general of Narasingha Raya. Iswara is described to have been a chief whose bravery won for his master a number of vietories over disaffected chiefs and Musalman adversaries, and whose reputation for liberality extended "from Setu to Himachala and from the eastern to the western ocean." In bravery and in generosity, in martial valour and faithful service, Iswara, however, had an equal and companion in his son Narasa Naik. It seems that Narasa first distinguished himself in the southern parts of the empire. We have already seen how, in 1469, a Pandyan chief defeated the Saluva chiefs of the south and marched as far as Conjeevaram, and how Saluva Narasingha, then a general of Virupaksha,vanquished him, and re-established the Saluva influence in the south. It is not improbable that Narasa Naik first came 61 Arch. Suru. 1908-9, p. 165. 62 The best account of the Tuluva history is in Ep. Ind. I. 361-371. The Hampe inscription of Krishnadeve begins from Timma, the first conspicuous chief of the family, and traces the following genealogy. Timma towars (Bukkemba) Narasa S. (1404-1418). Vira Narasimha Krishna Raya (by Nagala) (by Tippamba) The Unamanjeri plates of Achyuta Raya give the same genealogy, but add a third wife for Narasa in Obambika, by whom he had a son Achyuta, who succeeded Krishna Devs, (Ep. Ind. III, 147-58). The British museum plates add Ranga as Achyuta's brother, and state that Ranga had a son named Sadasiva and Achyuta also had a son named Venkata Raya. Ep. Ind. IV, 1.22.

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16 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JANUARY, 1914. to prominence on this occasion. For inscriptions63 record how "he quickly bridged the Kaveri, though it consisted of a rapid current of copious water, crossed it, straightway captured alive in battle with the strength of his arm the enemy, brougbt Tanjore and Srirangapattana under his power, and set up a pillar of fame,"; and how " he conquered the Chera, Chola, Mana Bhusha, the lord of Madura, the brave Turushka, the Gajapati, and other kings; " and how he made gifts at Ramesvaram and every other shrine on earth which abounds in sacredness. In other words, Narasa Naik was one of the greatest lieutenants of NarasinghaC+ Raya, and we may be sure that the usurpation of the latter in 1486 must have been effected with the assistance and co-operation of the former. After the elevation of his master to the imperial dignity, Narasa Naik seems to have been entrusted with the general control over the southern provinces, Madura, Trinchinopoly, and the extreme south of the peninsula. The Saluva of Ambil, one Aiya Somayya Viramaralar, "the Lord of the Southern Ocean," whose inscriptions have been found in Madura, were probably subject to his control. Besides thus exercising general supervision in the south, Narasa saved the Empire many a time from the Bahmani Sultans with whom Narasingha waged constant war. It is not surprising that, under these circumstances, when Narasinghe died in 1492 A.D., he entrusted the empire and theguardianship of his two young sons to Narasa Naik, his tried friend and counsellor. The name of the elder son of Narasingha is not known, but it is certain he ruled only for a very short time. For, a few months after his elevation, he fell a victim to an assassin who had been hired by a certain Timmarasa, evidently a scion of the Saluva family, and a strong private enemy of the ill-fated boy emperor. The murderer, however, was soon killed by Narasa, the Tuluva regent, and the younger son of Narasingha, Immudi Narasingha, was then raisedco to the imperial throne. Narasa's Viceroyalty in Madura and Usurpation. Narasa Naik had all this time been true to the trust his master had placed in him. The de facto ruler of the Empire, he had never entertained any idea of ambition or treason, but now either the youth or the ill-nature of Immudi Narasimha instilled the feeling of treason in his mind. Dissatisfied with actual power, he wanted the nominal title of emperor also. Already he had overshadowed his young ward; for as Mr. Krishna Sastri says,97 "In the records of Immudi Narasimha the place of honour is generally given to Narasana Nayaka, who is invariably referred to either as a generalissimo in charge of the whole army of the Vijayanagar kingdom, or as an agent managing the State affairs for Immudi Narasimha from the capital Vijayanagar. Records of the latter are found 6 E.g. The Hampe insc, Ep. Ind. I. 64 E.g. Insc. 198 of 1904 (1483-4 A. D., ; at Tiruvakkarai, S. Arcot; yr. Sobhakrit) mentions Narass es his agent ; A Tirukayilur insen. (1 of 1905) says that in 1471 he was in those parts evidently. The Koyilolugu gives some interesting information in regard to Narasa Naik's work at Trichinopoly. It says that Koneri Raja, the Saluva governor and successor of Tirumal Riya at Trichinopoly, favoured the Saivas of Tiruvanaikaval, and besides giving away some of the temple villages, annoyed the temple authorities by collecting puravari, kanikas, etc. This matter was reported by Kandidai Ramanuja or Kandadai Annan, as he was called, who was the older brother of Emperor Vira Narasingha and was appointed general supervisor of the 108 Vaishnava temples in the Empire. He reported the matter to Narasa Naik, who seems to have been a superior officer. He defeated Koneri Raja and took away the charge of his district from his handa. Narasa then restored the villages and remitted the newly imposed taxes. It is said that some people, during Koneri Raja's oppression, threw themselves down from the Gopura and thus died. See Ind. Ant. 1911, p. 142. 65 Insc. 664 of 1909. Ambil (skr. Premapuri or pleasure-town) is 13 miles E. N. E. of Trichinopoly, oa the Coleroon. 66 The "Tammarsya " of Nuniz (Ep. Rep. 1905, p. 62-3). Soo Arch. Suru. 1908-9 p. 105.

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JANUARY, 1914.] A NOTE ON THE PADARIYA OR RUMMINDEI INSCRIPTION distributed over the Kadapa, Anantapur, S. Canara, Trichinopoly, and Madura districts of the Madras Presidency and the Mysore State."as "Almost all the viceroys, however, were directly responsible to the regent and not to the emperor." Madurai-mandalam i.e., the country around Madura,appears also at this time, as a province of the Vijayanagara kingdom governed by a chief, who was under the direct orders of Narasa Nayaka.69 It seems that, by gradually getting the control of the provincial viceroys, Narasa Naik practically deposed 70 his ward, and himself assumed the imperial dignity. Immudi Narasimha was indeed not killed, but he sank into the position of a subordinate viceroy in the region of the Kaveri, and there consoled himself, apparently for the loss of his actual power, by the assumption, whether rightly or wrongly, of the high-sounding titles of" the conqueror of Ceylon71 and of all countries," "the witnessor of elephant hunt," etc. The exact date of the Tuluva usurpation is not known, but by 1502 it was a fact. 17 The advent of the Tuluva dynasty to the imperial throne introduces a new epoch in the history of the imperial relations with Madura; but before going to consider them, we shall go back to the period of the Vijayanagar conquest, and trace,as far as the present state of historic research allows, the indigenous history of the Pandyan kingdom. The history of the imperial Viceroys has been sketched, and now the indigenous rulers themselves will command our notice. (To be continued.) A NOTE ON THE PADARIYA OR RUMMINDEI INSCRIPTION. BY JARL CHARPENTIER, PH.D.; UPSALA. 1 Devana piyena Piyadasina lajina visati vasa bhisitena 2 atana agaca mahiyite hida Budhe jate Sakyamuniti 3 sila vigadabhi ca kalapita silathabhe ca usapapite 4 hida Bhajavam jate ti Lumminigame ubalike kate 5 athabhagiye ca. The literature concerning this inscription until 1903 has been discussed by Pischel, S. B. Pr. A. W. 1903, p. 724 ff., who proposed a new interpretation, based on certain philological and linguistic facts, for the difficult words vigadabhi, line 3, and athabhagiye, line 5. His conclusions were partly approved by Mr. Vincent A. Smith, Ante. XXXIV, 1 ff., who proposed another translation of athabhagiye, but agreed with Pischel concerning vigadabhi1. Dr. Fleet, J.R A.S., 1908, p. 471 ff., suggested another interpretation of silavigadabhica, thinking bhica to be Sanskrit bhittika from bhitti 'wall,' which is wholly improbable from a linguistic point of view, as consonants were not dropped to such an extent at that early stage of Prakrt dialects; on the other hand, Dr. Fleet's interpretation of athabhagiye seems to mark a progress in comparison with former translations. As for ubalike, line 4,-which was declared by Buhler, E. I., Vol. V. p. 5, not to be derivable from udbalika, but rather from avabalika, Dr. Fleet proposed to connect it (p. 478 f.) with a vernacular word traceable in the Kanarese umbali a rent-free grant etc.; again, Sir C. J. Lyall, J. R. A. S., 1908, p. 850 f., proposed to connect it with a modern word ubari, occurring in Bundelkhand, and meaning an estate held on a quit-rent or something less than the full assessment." And finally Dr. F. W. Thomas, J. R. A. S., 1909, p. 466 f., has proved that the derivation from ud-balika is quite possible, as the Kautiliya-artha astra, p. 111, 4. 12, uses the parallel word uch-chhulka in the sense of free from octroi.' 3 Arch. Surv. 1908-9, p. 169. 69 Ibid; Inse, 39 of 1908; p. 170. 10 According to Muhammadan historians, he was killed. But this is wrong, as insc. of Vira Narasimha are found as late as S. 1427. (Ep. Rep. 1904) Insc. 386 points out that in 1498 Narasa was still a regont. 71 Ep. Rep. 1910, p. 114. Insc. of Immudi Narasimha have been found at Piramalai (139 & 151 of 1903). They belong to A. D. 1500 They mention one Eppuli Nayak and his gift for the merit of Tipparasa Aiyan in Keralasingha Valanadu of Piramalai Simai. 1 At least in the text; but in n. 2 on p. 3, Mr. Smith says he is no longer quite confident of the correctness of Pischel's interpretation. 2 A similar suggestion by R. G. Bhandarkar, J. B. Br. R. A. S., XX, 366, n. 14.

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18 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JANUARY, 1914. I shall here try to put forth another interpretation of the word vigadabhi, which forms the main difficulty, but let me first say some few words concerning the name of the place of Buddha's birth, Lummini or Lumbini. That this name still survives in the present Rummindei, the place where Aboka's pillar was found, has been pointed out by Mr. Vincent A. Smith, and forms a strong proof for the correctness of the tradition. This word Rummin-dei means evidently the goddess (devi) of Rummin=Lummini', but it is by no means clear what Lummini is, and in what connection it stands to the Pali form Lumbini, etc. Speyer, V.0.J., XI, 22 ff., has suggested that Lumbini is a false form, and that Lummini is the right one, and represents Sanskrit Rukmini, name of the wife of Krsha. But I do not think this derivation very probable either in sense or from a linguistic point of view; for Rukmini is, as far as I know, never mentioned in any connection with Buddhist legends, and the instances of Krshoa-worship in Eastern India at this time are rare and uncertain; moreover, Rukmini is represented in many passages of the Jaina canon, written in a dia. lect nearly akin to real Magadhi, by Ruppini. So all we could possibly expect from Aloka would be Luppini (or Ruppini), but not Lummini,* Rummini. The reference to Rummavati for rukmavati (Kuhn, Pali-Gr. p. 46) does not help much, for the language of Asoka's inscription is undoubtedly old Magadhi, and not Pali. However, the various forms of the word in the Pali-canon and other Buddhist writings do not encourage us to try a derivation from Rukmini. The Nidanakatha (Jat. I. 52) has Lumbini; but the Sutta Nipata, III, 11, 5,-undoubtedly the oldest passage where the word occurs-gives Sakyana game janapade Lumbineyye.? This corresponds to what we find in Buddhist Sanskrit literature: Lumbini, Lal. V., ed. Lefmann, I, 78, 81, 91 ; Mahav. I. 99, 8; III, 112,9; and Lumbini Lal. V. I. 252, Lumbini-vana, Lal. V. I, 82, 96 ; Mahav. II, 18, 18; 145, 6; and Lumbini, Lal. V. I, 234, 411; Mahav, I. 149, 3; II, 18, 10, 12, 15; and Lumbiniya, Lal. V., ed. Calc., p. 92, 13. But besides we find a rather strange form in Mahavastu, I, 99, 6, Lumbodyana, which gives a word Lumba-, apparently connected, but not identical with Lumbina; and ibid. I. 99, 7 stands lumbini in a position which undoubtedly gives us the right to assume with Senart, ibid. I. 453, that it is not a nomen proprium but merely an adjective. So we must perhaps think that Lumbini should be derivated in some way from this lumba, which may be the simple word. Now we find in Hala, 322, a word lumbis, which means, no doubt, valli or lata 'a creeper'; and also a cluster, bunch of flowers, tuft,' for He-m. Desin, 7, 28, explains lumbi by stabako lata cha and there is no reason not to presume that lumba-, may have the same meaning. If then lumba-, lumbi, means ' a creeper' or a cluster of flowers' lumbini would stand beside it just as kumudini, 'a place where waterlilies grow,' puskarini, a lotus-pool,' etc., stand beside kumuda, puskara, etc., and it would mean'a place where creepers grow,' 'a wood, a thicket of creepers,' or perhaps, a place where are clusters of flowers'' a forest of flowery trees' and this would be the real sense of the name Lumbini, also called Lumbini vana. This means, of course, that Lumbini, and not Lummini is the real form ; but we must remember that the Sutta Nipata, a text certainly older than the inscription, has only Lumbineyya, and, moreover, it seems to me much more probable that Lummini may be a local dialect-form from Lumbini than that the latter word should be a false translation from the former one. So far for Lummini; I now return to the much-discussed word vigadabhi. Pischel, supported by an overwhelming mass of philological evidence, has suggested that silavigadabhi 3 Ante., XXXIV, 1 f. * Windisch, Buddha's Geburt, p. 6 n., refers to Speyer's suggestion, without wholly approving it. * Plschel, Pkt. Gr. $ 277. & Other instances are rumma visin, Jat. 497, 8.1, rumma-ripin ibid. g. 22 and rummin, Jde, 489, 8.18 : of. Morris, J.P.T. S. 1891-93, p. 12 f.; Charpentier, Z. D.M.G., 63, 173 n. 4. 1 Game and janapade must change place according to Oldenberg, Buddha; p. 423, n. 1. The MSS. have also other readings which seem, however, to be merely attempts to explain the word lumbt which was not thoroughly understood.

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JANUARY, 1914.] A NOTE ON THE PADARIYA OR RUMMINDEI INSCRIPTION must mean 'a flawless block of stone' (ein fehlerfreier Felsblock) and may be connected with ganda-sild and ganda-saila, a rough block of stone', and further with a number of derivations from a root gada-varane (recorded in the Dhatup.SS35, 84g), which occur in various northern Buddhist and Prakrit texts. But although this is grammatically absolutely right, I do not believe in it any more than in Dr. Fleet's explanation, "a stone surrounding and screening wall," which violates the rules of grammar. It is quite impossible for me to understand why Asoka should have thought it an action so remarkable as to be recorded for perpetuity that he had a rough block of stone made flawless, and a stone pillar cut out of it; for any person who saw the pillar could easily convince himself that it was smooth and well-polished, without any need of having this pointed out to him in the inscription. But there is another reason of far more importance which makes me disbelieve Pischel's interpretation, and generally any interpretation that does not try to account for it: Hiuan Tsang tells us that Asoka had a pillar erected on this spot with a horse on its top. It does not matter whether Hiuan Tsang himself saw the horse lying broken on the ground, or whether it had already been removed when he visited the placelo; no sound interpretation will doubt that he really knew that there had been a horse. And we may without hesitation believe that Asoka-or the person who had his order executed-considered it far more important to record that a horse had been made and put up there, than that the pillar had been cut out and polished from a rough block of stone. The only real question is this: can we find in vigadabhi a word that can be made to mean a horse' without straining the linguistic usage? I think we can, and shall try presently to prove it. The whole inscription is quite clear in grammatical forms with the exception of the single word vigadabhi, and would run in Sanskrit as follows: 1. Devanam-priyena Priyadarsina rajna vimsativarshabhishiktena 2. atmana agatya mahiyital1 iha Buddho jatah Sakyamunir-iti 3. sila *vigadabhi ca karita silastambhas chochchhrapitah 4. iha Bhagavan jata iti Lumbinigrama udbalikritah 19 5. ashtabhagyas cha (kritab). = Now, what is vigalabhi? Evidently a compound, for the derivations with the laddhita suffix-bha (Pan. V. 2, 139), although increased by Pischel l. c. p. 728 by some new examples, scarcely, in my opinion, offer a possibility of explaining this word. I take vigada-bhi to be in Sanskrit vigala-bhrit, a word which does not exist, that I freely admit, but this is no objection to the derivation of Prakrita words, when made in conformity with grammatical rules. Now, we know in Pali and Prakrita words like Pasena-di or degji Prasena-jit, Inda-(j)i = Indrajit, Assa-ji- Aiva-jit (Mahavagga I, 23, 2), Nagga-(j)i Nagna-jit (or degcit), 12 tadi tadit, 13 etc., and these and others leave not the slightest doubt that a Sanskrit word *vigada-bhrit should correspond to a Prakrita *vigala-bhi and vigada-bhi. It is true that bhritya gives bhachcha in Pali,14 but this is no serious objection, for r may give a, i and u in Prakrita15, and bhrt must undoubtedly in the analogy of the words mentioned above have become bhi. So I am fully convinced that sila vigadabhi is to be rendered by sila* viga labhrit or* vigadambhrit, since we might as well read vigadambhi. But the compounds ending in bhrit seem mostly to exhibit the undeclined form of the first compositional member. It remains now to attempt an explanation of vigala, and here I think the Jaina texts will help us. Verse I, 12 of the Uttaradhyayanasutra, one of the oldest texts in the Jaina Canon runs thus: puno' ma galiyasse va kasam vayanam ichchhe puno kasam va datthum ainne pavagam parivajjae || 9 Julien, I, 324; Beal, II, 25; Watters, II, 15. 10 Cf. Pischel, l. c. p. 724. 11 Scil. mahtyite, loo, absol.worship having been made'; Buhler, E. I. Vol. V. p. 4. takes it as mahtyitam, which seems to me difficult and rather unnecessary. 13 Cp. Pischel, Pkt. Gr. SS 395. 12 Cp. J. A. 1911, p. 14 Cp. the well-known Komarabhacca-kumara-bhrtya, 8. B. E. XVII, 174 n. 15 Cp. here pahudi, pahuda for prabhrti, prabhtta, Pischel, Pkt. Gr. SS 218. And there really exsits viesan-bhi visva bhrt-in Uttaradhyayana III, 2.

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20 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JANUARY, 1914 "He should not, in every case, wait for the express command (of the teacher) like an unbroken horse for the whip (of the rider), but like a broken horse which sees the whip (of the rider) he should commit no evil act."10 I gather from this that galiyassa = Sanskrit galitasva or gadita ivali means ' an unbroken, idle horse,' and is probably a technical expression as well as ainna ="ajanya,ajaneya 'a thoroughbred'18 the contrast of it. In the same text, XXVII, 16, gali-gaddaha means'a bad, lazy donkey'; and khalumka,* khalokzan'a bad bullock,' used ibid, XXVII, 3, is explained by Devendra as meaning gali-vrishabha ' a lazy bullock.' Moreover, Sanskrit lexicographers give us the word gali and gadi'a young, but unbroken, lazy bullock,' which is clearly a shortening from galio or gadi vrishabha. These facts permit me to assume the existence of an old word gadi, gadita or gali-, galita-, which means 'idleness' and 'idle, lazy,' and moreover as a term for a horse an unbroken, bad horse.' As, now, *gada, if it existed, must have been a shortening from *ga la va and mean an unbroken horse,' so vigala is a shortening from *vigada wa, and means *agadaiva, a broken steed, a thorough bred'; and this is an epithet well fit for the noble horse Kanthaka, which Pischel 19 assumes to have been meant by the statue of a horse on the pillar. Consequently, sila viga labhi means 'a block of stone bearing a horse,' and denotes, of course, the slab on which the horse stood and the statue itself. As for athabhagiye, I think Dr. Fleet is fairly right in suggesting that it means 'the king's share of grain,' i.e., the tax paid in grain. The land of the Sakya clans where the village of Lumbini was situated, was famous from times long before for its rice-crops, and we know from Kautilya, p. 60 etc., that a technical term for 'taxes received in the shape of grain' is bhaga. But we gather from the same source that the king was entitled to take at least one-fifth or one-fourth of the whole supply of grain, and not one-eighth as Dr. Fleet suggests. So ashtabhagya cannot mean this; it would rather be possible that it could mean ash!a (varsha) bhagya, i.e., that the village should be entitled to the grain-tax for eight years. But I admit that this is wholly uncertain. However, it must refer to the grain-tax,' for bali is taxes for religious purposes 'according to Kautilya 20 and so we have here two fiscal terms. Consequently the whole inscription may be rendered somewhat in the following way "His Majesty King Priyadarsin came here himself twenty years after his anointment, and, worship having been performed, because here was born Buddha the saint of the Sakyas he had a slab of stone bearing a horse made and a stone-pillar raised up. Because here was born the venerable one the village of Luamini was made free from religious taxes21 and entitled to the grain-tax for eight years." MISCELLANEA. KAYASTHA AND KAYATHAN Dravidian word, the question of the ethnic origin of In connection with the history of writing in this Kdyatha will be set at rest; we shall accept KAyathaus & Dravidian element. Would some country, I have been trying to find out the ethnic one from the Madras Presidency enlighten us on origin of the writer-caste Kayastha. The original the philology of Kdyathan? I may also mention form of Kdyastha seems to be Kayatha, which is the hero that Sirindstara is an important subdivision general and popular name of the easte. Kayastha of the writer-caste. as a Samskrit word is clearly meaningless. It is & This, too, does not appear mere fanciful restoration of Kdyatha. to be an Aryan word, and it might give some elue to I am told that in Telugu Kayatha (Kdyathan) our Southern scholars in tracing the origin. means papers,' records. If this is native K, P. J. 16 Translation by Jacobi, S. B. E. XLV. 3. 17 This seems to correspond to Pkt. galiyaasa; but Devendra gives galyaiva, which might also be & possible rendering. 18 Devendra explains dinna akirna, vinua, which would fit better to the form of the word; but I cannot make out the sense of it. Op. Leumann Aug. S. A. V. 19 L c. p. 725. 20 See Dr. F W. Thomas, J. R. A.S., 1909, p. 461. 21 Or: 'made to pay only a quit-ront (according to the suggestion of Sir Charles Lyall, J.R. 4, S.. 1908, p. 850 f.)..

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FEBRUARY, 1914.] NOTES ON GRAMMAR OF THE OLD WESTERN RAJASTHANI 21 NOTES ON THE GRAMMAR OF THE OLD WESTERN RAJASTHANI WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO APABHRAMCA AND TO GUJARATI AND MARWARI. BY DR. L. P. TESSITORI, UDINE, ITALY. Prefatory Remarks. When I first discovered some Old Western Rijasth'ni MSS. in the Indian collection in the Regia Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale at Florence three years ago, it occurred to me that an account of the new grammatical forms, which are met with in them, would prove very profitable to students of Neo-Indian philology. When, however, I took the task upon myself and began to study the MSS. and to grow familiar with the language, I saw I could give new explanations of many grammatical forms, the origin whereof had been missed or ignored hitherto, and therefore resolved to enlarge the original plan of the work into an historical grammar of the Old Western Rajasthan, and this I now lay before the public in the form of the present "Notes." The subject being extremely important for the history of the development of modern Indo-Aryan vernaculars from Apabhra ura, I hope that my labours will be well acceptable to all scholars interested in this branch of Indian philology. As regards imperfections, which will still for many years to come necessarily accompany every similar research into this field, I think there is a reason, for which l ought to be particularly excused in the present case. It is this: that, as far as I know, I am the first European who has ever dared to treat an important subject of Neo-Indian philology, without having been in India. I am, therefore, entirely cut off from that heip from natives, which is thought to be indispensable for any such work. That I have never been in India is no fault of mine, as it has always been my strongest desire to prosecute on the spot the study of the languages I love so well. It has simply been want of that opportunity, which I yet hope may some day come to me. CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTION The language, which I have termed "Old Western Rajasthani" and propose to describe in these pages, is the immediate offspring of the Caurasena Apabhraa, and the common parent of the modern dialects comprehended in the two general terms, Gujar ti and Mirw iri -Attention to this old form of language was first called by the late Mr. H.H, Dhruva, who in the year 1889 published an edition of the Mugdhivabodhamauklika--an elementary Sanskrit Grammar with explanations in Old Western R jasthin',-and in the year 1893 read a paper on "The Gujar ti Language of the Fourteenth-Fifteenth Century before the Ninth International Congress of Orientalists in London. He was, however, too careless in his work and too unaccustomed to philological accuracy to give his observations a reliable character and to make his labour profitable for inquirers into the origin of Neo-Indian verna. culars. In Vol. ix, Part ii of the Linguistic Survey of India, Sir George Grierson took up the subject again and gave a most clear account of the language used in the commentary of ihe Mugdhivabodhamsuktiks. This was as complete as it could be made on the comparatively scanty evidence of the grammatical forms occurring in it. He called the language " Old Gujarati," and explained it as the link connecting Gujarati with Apabhraca. The reason that I have adopted a different name for it is that, from the new materials which I have utilized in the present "Notes," it appears that at least until the fifteenth century there was practically only one form of language prevailing over the whole area now covered by Modern Gujarati and a great part, or possibly most of the area of Modern Marwati, and that this language was precisely that which is evidenced by the Mugdh vabodhamauktika. In other words, at the time above-mentioned Marw it had not yet detached itself from Gujarati, and hence the necessity of substituting for the one-sided term of Old Gujarati another in which Old Marw i could also be comprehended. * The term "Old Western RAjasthant," which seems to me a most convenient ono, was first suggested to me by Sir George Grieren

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22 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (FEBRUARY, 1914. The fact is that the language, which I call Old Western Rajasthani, contains all the elements which account for the origin of Gujarati as well as of Mirwari, and is therefore evidently the common parent of both. That Gujarati and Mirwari are derived from a single stock, the Caurasena Apabhra nca, has long been recognized", and Sir George Grierson, who was the first to detach Rajasthani from Western Hindi and to class it as a separate language, has already remarked that if the dialects of the Rijasthint are to be considered as dialects of some hitherto acknowledged language, then they are dialects of Gujarati.3" The close agreement between Gujariti and Mirwari is quite consistent with the ethnological theory according to which-as shown by Sir George Grierson and Mr. D. R. Bhandarkar'--Rajputana and Gujarat were populated by the same Aryan tribe, i. e., the Gurjaras, who migrated from the ancient Sapidalaksha in the North-West of India into North-Eastern Rajputana and thence gradually spread westwards into Gujarat, imposing their language over the whole tract covered by their immigrations. The same theory also accounts for the agreement between Rajasth ini and the languages of the Himalaya, which Sir George Grierson has grouped together under the general name of " Pahiri." Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji, in his " Early History of Gujarat?" represents the immigration of the Gurjaras into Gujarat as having taken place during the period A. D. 400-600. However this may be, it is certain that the language imported by the Gurjaras from Sapadalaksha took a principal part in the formation of the Caurasena Apabhramca. Our present knowledge of the latter language is chiefly based on the description given by Hemachandra, sitras iv, 329-446 of his Prakrit Grammar. Hemachandra, having flourished in the 12th century A. D. (St. 1114-1228), and it being evident that the form of Apabhramca treated of by him must be anterior to his time, we have authority for placing the terminus ad quem for the Caurasena Apabhraica described by him at least as early as the 10th century A. D. For the subsequent period in the history of the Apabhramica we may expect ample information from the Prakrita-Paingala, as soon as a critical edition of it will be available. A part of this work has been collated by Siegfried Goldschmidt and utilized by Pischel in his Prakrit Grammar, and from it it is clear that the language, in which the illustrations to the Pilgala-sitras are written, represents a stage of development more advanced than the Apabhramca of Hemachandra. To, confine myself to mentioning only one, but most important, feature of this later Apabhramca stage, I may quote the case of the present passive, which commonly ending in -ije ( Page #27
FEBRUARY, 1914.) NOTES ON GRAMMAR OF THE OLD WESTERN RAJASTHANI 23 Next in the development comes the stage of the language, which I have called Old Western Rajasthini. It is, however, to be observed that the Pingala-Apabhramca is not a pure representative of the stock from which the latter originated, but contains in itself many elements, which point towards Eastern Rajputana as to their home, and are now found to have developed into the dialects of Eastern Rajasthani, such as Mewati, Jaipuri and Milvi, and of Western Hindi. The most important of such Eastern peculiarities is uhe use of the genitive postposition kau, which is utterly foreign to Old Western Rajasthani, and even at the present day is found to be completely missing in the dialects of Gujarat and Western Rajputana, and vice versa to be largely spread amongst the dialects of Eastern Rajasthani and Western Hindi. For the purpose of deriving Old Western Rajasthini from Apabhraca, the language of the Prakrita-Paingala is therefore only indirectly utilizable. The immediate successor of the latter is not the Old Western Rajasthini, but that distinct form of language, of which we have a document in Chanda's poetry, and which might well be called Old Western Hind!. One of the characteristic features of this language, as well as of the Pingala-Apabhraca, is the use of the present participle to give the meaning of the present indicative. With the evidence hitherto available it is not possible to fix the limits of the Old Western Hindi on the West, fost as it is not possible to fix those of the Old Western Rajasthani on the East. It is very likely, however, that at the time, with which we are concerned, Old Western Hindi extended more to the West than at the present day and occupied some portion at least of the area of modern Eastern Pajasthani. Whether it went so far as to be conterminous with the Old Western Rajasthani or was separated from the latter by an intermediate form of speech, in which the two merged together, I cannot say with certainty, though I am inclined to favour the second alternative. If this intermediate language existed, it would be proper to call it Old Eastern Rajasthini and to regard it as the old representative of the modern dialects, which are known under the general name of Dhudari or Jaipuri. Possibly some documents of this oid language are in existence, but until they are produced we shall have to leave the question sub judice. We may, however, take it for granted that the old vernacular of Eastern Rajputana--be it Old Eastern Rajasthani or Old Western Hindi-was in origin more closely allied to the language of the Gangetic Doab than to that of Western Rajputana and Gujarat, and was only afterwards differentiated from the former under the influence of the latter. In the collection of Indian MSS. in the Regia Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale at Florence, I have discovered a fragment of a Jaipuri version of Rimachandra's Punyagravakathakoca and, though the language is hardly more than 200 or 300 years old, yet it is noteworthy that it presents many more points of agreement with Western Hindi, than does Modern Jaipuri. I now return from this digression to take up the thread of my subject. The chief characteristics of the Old Western Rajasthani, whereby it stands out as separate from Apa branca on the one side and from Modern Gujarati and Mirwari on the other, may be resumed in the two following: 1 A double consonant of the Apabhramca is simplified and the preceding vowel generally lengthened. Ex.: Ap. ajja>0. W. R. 6ja (Dd. 10 6); Ap. vaddala > 0. W. R. vadala (F 535, ii, 2); Ap.. chibbhadi > 0. W. R. chibhada (P. 252). This phonetical process is, with few exceptions, equally common to all Neo-Indian vernaculars and may be regarded as the most marked feature of the latter in comparison with the Apabhramca 2 The hiatus of the two vocalic groups ai, ai of the Apabhrapca is preserved, i.e., the two vowels in each group are still considered as forming two distinct syllables. Ex.: Ap. achchhai> 0. W. R. achhai; Ap. *unhaalau > 0. W. R. Anhalau (Adic. ) In Modern Gujarati ai is contracted to e and ai to 8, and in Modern Marwari ai to ai and au to au. Thus in the former language the two examples above would be che and undlo respectively. 10 The meaning of these abbreviations will be explained at the end of the present chapter.

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24 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (FEBRUARY, 1914. As regards the time, towards which the final detachment of the Old Western Rajasthani from the Apabhranca took place, we cannot go very far from the truth if we fix it in the thirteenth century or thereabouts. This is borne out firstly by the consideration that the Pingala-Apabhramca cannot have existed as a current language after the twelfth or at the most the thirteenth century A.D., and secondly by the evidence of the Mugdhavaborlhamauktika, which is dated in the year 1394 A. D. and represents the Old Western Rajasthani not in a period of formation, but already completely developed. Many grammatical forms older than those evidenced by the Mugdhavabodhamauktika have been preserved it. poems written in the fifteenth century. As already pointed out above, Old Western Rijasth ni represented in origin a single language, common over both Gujarat and Rajaputana. When the process of differentiation of Old Western R jasth ini into Gujar ti and Marw pi began it is not possible to determine with the materiais hitherto available, but it is certain that it was eftected gradually and its completion required a very long time. One of the chief characteristics, by which Marwari is distinguished from Gujarati, namely the ending -d of the first person plural of the present indicative, is already found in the Vasantavilusa, a work which is reported to come from Ahmadabad and to date from St. 1508.11 It would therefore seem that in the fifteenth century the formation of the Mirwapi was already in progress. But even long before that time it is possible to notice in the Old Western Rajasthani a Marwati tendency, chiefly characterized by the employment of the dative postposition rahas to give the meaning of the genitive case. In the later stage of the Old Western Rijasth ni the differentiation becomes so marked that it is always possible to say whether a MS. is written under the influence of the Gujarit or is of the Marwari tendency. Of the two currents, into which Old Western Rajasthin thus divided itself, the one represented by Gujarati remained generally faithful to its source, whilst the other represented by Morwisi < hrai>rai, rax, tai. 4 The pronominal forms: tuhe for tumhi; amha, tumha for amha, tumha; tid, jia for teha, tiha, jeha, jiha. 5 The substitution of the compound pronouns ji-ka, ti-k, for je, te. 6 The substitution of pa, pi for Gujariti apana, i pare, when used to give the meaning of the first personal pronoun plural, including the person addressed. 7 The forms di, tina of the cardinals 2, 3, instead of b, trini. 8 The substitution of the pronominal adverb kadi for kahi. 9 The ending-i of the first person plural of the present indicative, instead of -au. 10 The erding -isi of the second and third person singular of the future indicative, instead of -isai, -isii. 11 The substitution of the feminine for the neuter with past participles of verbs of saying or asking, used without any object expressed, as in: pichhi "[He] asked "(AdiC.) All the above peculiarities are found in the MS. Adic. and a great part of them also occur in the MS, Shasht As regards the genitive postposition hand/, which Marwari bor. rowed from Pai jabi and Sindhi, I have noticed no traces of it in the texts I have seen. When the Old Western Rijasthini stage finishes and Modern Gujarati and Mirwari pro perly begin, I am not able to say with certainty. All the MSS. of the later Old Western 11 H. H. Dhruva, Op. cit., p. 320, 323, 325.

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25 FEBRUARY, 1914.] NOTES ON GRAMMAR OF THE OLD WESTERN RAJASTHANI Rajasthani period, which have been available to me, are unfortunately undated and, till further evidence is produced, it is impossible to fix any definite limits. Of one thing I am certain: that Modern Gujarati cannot commence with Narasingha Meheta, as is commonly stated. This poet having been born in the year 1413 A. D., was contemporary with Padmanabha, who wrote his Kanhadeprabandha, in the year 1456, and it is therefore plain that Narasingha Meheta too must have written in the same form of Old Western Rajasthani as Padmanabha did. That the songs of the former appear now to be couched in a form of language very near to Modern Gujarati, does not affect the question, for it is quite natural that they were in due course modernized during the 450 years, through which they have come down to us. Judging from the fact that the Old Western Rajasthani poems, which are known to be dated from the fifteenth century, exhibit a language, which must be at least 100 years older than that of the later Old Western Rajasthani MSS.-even allowing for the antiquated forms which are commonly employed in poetry,-I have no difficulty in holding that the Old Western Rajasthani period must have lasted at least as long as the end of the sixteenth century. But it is very probable that Old Western Rajasthani reached beyond this limit; anyhow some of its characteristics certainly did. The passing of one language into another being always effected through gradual steps, it is natural that, whenever the older language is made to finish and the younger one to commence, some of the features of the former must be found in the early stage of the latter and likewise some of the features of the latter in the ultimate stage of the former. Confining myself to Gujarati, which is more faithful to the Old Western Rajasthani tradition and better known than Marwari, I would take the following as the principal characteristics marking its existence independent from the Old Western Rajasthani: 1 Contraction of the vocalic groups ai, ai into e, o. Ex.: kare ( y. Ex.: karace (Page #30
26 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ FEBRUARY, 1914. rranged in Professor Pavolini's "I Manoscritti Indiani della Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale di Firenze (non compresi nel Catalogo dell' Aufrecht)."13 idi.-BAlavabodha to the e dinathadecanoddhara, 88 Prikrit gihe. From the MS. S. 1561, r in the India Office Library. Adic.--Adinathacharitra. From the MS. F 700 (Sarapura). - Indr.-Balavabodha to the Indriyaparajayacataka, 99 Prakrit Verses. From the MS. 8. 1861, c in the India Office Library. * Up.-U paderamalobalavabodha by Somasundarasuri. From a MS. kindly lent to me by ('ri Vijaya Dharma Suri, 120 leaves. Samvat 1567.14 Rish.-Rishabhadevadhavalasambandha. From the MS. F 758. + Kal. ---Avachuri to Siddhasenadivakara's Kalyanamandirastotra, 44 Sanskrit verses. From the MS. F 671. Kinh.-Kinhadeprabandha by Padmanabha (Jhalora, Samvat 1512=1456 A. D.) Lately printed by K. H. Dhruva (in the Tata Tar ?) I was able to collate it through the kindness of Sir George Grierson, who lent to me his own reprint copy of it. Chat.-- [Navasthanasahita-] Chaturvimcatijinastavana, 27 verses. From a MS. procured to me by Cri Vijaya Dharma Suri. Samvat 1667. Ja.Jambusvami-nau gitachhandai, 30 verses. From the MS. F 752. * Dac.--Avachuri to the Dacavaikalikusitra. From the MS. F 587. * Dd.--Dacad ishlanta. From the MS. F 756. P.-Pa ichakhyana, a metrical translation of the first tantra of the Panchatantra, 694 verses (including a number of Sanskrit verses, which are now and then interspersed). From the MS. F 106, registered in Theodor Anfrecht's "Florentine Sanskrit Manuscripts" (Leipzig 1892). * Pr.-Paraphrase to the Prikrit Pragnottararatnamala by Rishyuttama, 29 verses. From the MS. F 762 Bh.-Bilavabodha to the Bhavavairigyasataka, 104 Prakrit verses. From the MS. F 619. * Mu-Mugdhavabodhamauktika, a Sanskrit grammar with explanations in Old Western Rajasthani, written in the year 1394 A. D. An account of the Old Western Rijasthani forms occurring in it, is made by Sir George Grierson in LSI., Vol. ix, Part ii, p. 353-364. * Yog.-Chhaya to Homachandra's Yogacastra, first four chapters. From the MS. F 618 Ratn.-Ratnachuda- or Mcrichada-ni katha, 351 verses. Samvat 1571. From the MS. F 766 Vi.-Vidyavilasacharitra by Hira sandasuri, 174 verses. Samvat 1485. From the MS. F732. cal - Calibhadrachaupai by Sadhuhamsa, 220 verses. From the MS. F 781. >> Cil.-Taba to Jayakirti's Cilopadecamala, 116 Prakrit gahis. From the MS, F 791. Cra.-Balivabodha to the cravakapratikramarasutra. Samvat 1564. From the MS.F 643. Shasht.-Balavabodha to Nemichandra's Shashlisataka, 162 Prakrit verses. From the MS. 638. Besides the above, I have also partially collated several other Florentine MSS., which in the course of the following pages will be occasionally cited by F followed by their progressive number in Professor Pavolini's catalogue. As regards the chronology of the abovequoted materials, of which most are undated, the following is an attempt to classify them by centuries, chiefly based on the comparison with six or seven of them which are dated : A. D. 1300-1400--Kal., *Mu. A. D. 1400-1500-Vi., Kinh., Rish, Dac., *Yog. A. D. 1500-1550-P., Ja., Ratn, Cal., *Cra., "Up., *Indr., *Adi, *Bh. A D 1550--1600-Chat., *Shasht., * Adi Ch., *Pr., *Dd., CEl. It is not impossible that some of the MSS. classed under the last period, of which only one (Chat) is dated, and this in the year Samvat 1667 (-A, D, 1611), outreach the end of the sixteenth century. The MSS., which show traces of the Marwati tendency, are the five following : *Kal., *Dac., *Up., *Shasht., *AdiCh. The two last, being more recent in time, are naturally affected by Marwasi peculiarities in a greater degree, (To be continued.) 13 Giornale della Societa Asiatica Italiana, Vol. xx (1907), p. 63-157. 14 At the time of sending the present " Notes" to the Press, I had collated this MS, only as far as leaf 68, corresponding to Gaha 300 in the Prakrit original by Dharmadasa,

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FEBRUARY, 1914.] THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA. By V. RANGACHARI, M.A., L.T., MADRAS. (Continued from p. 17.) SECTION V. The Indigenous Pandyan Kings from 1871 to 1500. From what has been said in the preceding section, the question will naturally suggest itself as to who the Pandyan kings of this period were; for as we have already seen, the Pandyan dynasty did exist during this period. Who were the kings then? How many of them ruled ? Did they rule in Madura, as of old ? How did they distinguish themselves? What was their attitude to the Vijayanagar political agents? We have, unfortunately, very few materials from which we can draw any definite conclusions in regard to these important questions. The Line of Soma-Sekhara. According to one MS., "the Supple. MS." of Mr. Taylor, there was a continuous slynasty of Paidyan kings from the time of Kampania Udayar right down to the establishment of the Naik Raj. It says that immediately after his conquest of the Musalmans and the revival of Hindu government and worship, Kanpaia Udayar, the Vijayanagar General72 instituted a search for persons of the old Paidyan race, as a result of which he caused one Somasekhara Paudya to be crowned. This Somajekhara, it continues, ruled for a space of 17 years, and was followed by as many as 14 kings. The last of these, it says, was Chandra Sekhara Pandya, and it was in his time that a war took place between the Paidya and the Chola chiefs of the day, the result of which was the advent of the Naik Raj in Madura. The MS. mentions the number of years during which each of these kings is said to have ruled. The whole can conveniently be expressed in the form of a genealogy Somasekhara (17 years) Soma Sundara (35 years) Raja Kunjara (18 years) Raja Sekhara (18 years) Rama Varma (36 years) Varada Raja (19 years.) Kumara Singha (16 years) Bhima Sena (40 years) Pratapa Raja (1.5 years) Varaguna Pandya (27 years Kumara Chandra (22 years) Varatunga (8 years) Kulottunga (19 years) Chandra Sekhara (35 years) 72 The MS. says that he was the general of the Mysore King." He came at the head of the Canarese in S 1293, Virodhikrit. See Madr. Manu. I, p. 123. and the appendix for the translation of the MS.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [FEBRUARY, 1914. In other words, there were 15 sovereigns whose rule covered a period of 345 years. " During this state of things," continues the MS., "in K. 4533, S. 1354, (1432) year Paritapi, Kottiyam Nagama Naik, by order of the Raya, conquered the Paidyan country. Afterwards down to Isvara (S. 1380) Visvanatha Naik ruled the country." It will be at once perceived that, in regard to chronology, this account cannot for a moment be believed. From the distinct specification of the number of years allotted to each king, it will be plain that Chandra Sekhara Paidya, the king, in whose time the invasion of Nagama Naik is said to have taken place, must have reigned from 1683 to 1718. And yet in the very next line the MS, says that the invasion of Nagama took place in 1432 A.D. How could the chronicle seriously maintain that Chandra Sekhara lived, as a computation of is own dates shews, between 1683 and 1718, and yet that he was conquered by Nagama in 1432 ? Further,as we shall see later on, the date 1432 assigned to Nagama Naik and his son Visvanatha, that is, to the Naik conquest of the Paidyan kingdom, is too early by a century. The chronology, then, of the "Supple. MS." cannot be trusted ; but is the list of the Pandyan kings given by it genuine ? So far as the indigenous chronicles are concerned, there are at least three75 MSS. which, though they do not give any dates, and though they differ in minor details, yet generally support the "Supple. MS." After giving a good deal of legendary and historically valueless matter, one of them says: " While Kula Vardhana Paidya was thus ruling, a Muhammadan named Badshah invaded the country, conquered it, destroyed temples, and drove the Pandyan king to the Western country. Then the Paidyan kingdom was miserable and subject to Musalman rule. Subsequently the Canarese came in large numbers, destroyed the Muhammadans, revived the worship in temples, came to the west, called Soma ekhara Paidya, a scion of the Paidya line, crowned him, and then returned to the Canarese country." Soma ekhara, continues the MS., ruled "for some time," and was then followed by fifteen kings. These kings are identical with the kings of the "Supple. MS."; but there are three differences between the two chronicles. First, while the Supple. MS.says that the dynasty ended with Chandrasekhara, the 15th from Somazekhara, the other MS. says that it ended with Chandra Kumara, the son of Chandra Sekhara and the 16th of the line. Secondly, the latter MS. gives no date. Thirdly, the latter is, as we shall see later on, a little more detailed in regard to the circumstances of the Naik conquest of Madura. In fact its account of the conquest places the whole fact in a different aspect. The third MS., (called 74 the Paidya Rajas' Purana Charita) mentions the same list of kings, but has got its own version of the Vijayanagar and Naik conquests. After giving a list of 24 kings previous to the Muhammadan advent, it says: "While the kingdom was thus ruled, some Muhammadans from the north under Mulla), captured the country, ruined the temples, and necessitated Minakshi and Sundare vara to take refuge in the Malayalam country. When things were in this condition a Hindu king from the north named Kainananir overthrew the Muhammadans, reopened the temples for worship, and reorganised the daily pija. Some days after, a scion of the old Paidyan dynasty who had fled westward, got the help of the kings of Malayalam'and Mysore, and attacked Kumana. The latter, thereupon, came to an agreement with him by which he left the kingdom and returned northward. The Pandya, Soma ekhara, then ruled for some time, and was followed by 14 kings. These are exactly the kings mentioned 73 Those are : * An account of the Chola, Chera, and P& dya kings, copied from a document in possession of one named Kali Kavi Rayan of Panthurai, Coimbatore." (Restored Mack. MSS., 111, 234-256): Pandya Raja Purana Charita (Ibid, 15-25); and Pandya Prata pa Vamaduali. See appendix for translations and references. Resto. Mack MSS. III, p. 15-25. 75 .e., Malik Katur. T6 In this it agrees with the other MSS. see ante section 2. TT Kamanan was Kampada Udayar. He was hot a king of course. The MS. is very meagre and vague. T9 That the Pandya king was at this time a refugee in the west is confirmed by other MSS. E.g. The Supple. MSS., Kali Kavi Rayan's Account, etc. But the account of Kampana's defeat and return is quite absurd and contrary to fact.

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FEBRUARY, 1914.] THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA 64 in the other two MSS, but no dates are given, and the cause of the Naik advent is dismissed in the single statement that as Chandra Sekhara had no son, he adopted Visvanatha Naik, and the Raya confirmed this, and sent him as Pa.dyamandalatipati and Dhakshinasimhasan tipati." Another MS. Chronicle, The Pandya Pratapa Vamsura'i, has got its own version of the events. It says, after a good deal of legendary matter, that" while Kulavardhana79 Paidyan was ruling, a Muhammadan named Mullah came from the north, fought with Kulavardhana, seized the kingdom, closed the temples, and spread Muhammadanism everywhere. Then a single garland, a single sandal paste and a single lamp were left in the holy of holies of the Madura shrine, a stone wall was erected in front of the Garbhagraha in both the shrines, and the festival idols were taken for safety to Malayalam.so For many a day there was the Muhammadan regime. Then two Canarese named Kampaia Udayar and Empana Udayar came from the north at the head of a large army, overthrew the Muhammadans, and revived worship, as of old, in the temples. The stone wall before the Garbhagraha was then removed and lo! it was found that the sandal paste, the garland, and the lamp were as fresh as if placed that very day. The two kings were struck with wonder. They got the festival idols from Malabar, revived the old festivals, and thus ruled for many days. Meanwhile Kulavardhana Paudya had gone to the west and died there. His son Somasekhara then proceeded to the Canarese country in the north, had an interview with its kings, and proceeding to the court of Kampa:a's masters1 Basava Deva Maha Raja, waited on him for a year, during which he enjoyed his grace and the favour of his ministers. At the end of the year, thanks to the advice of the latter, the Raja presented him with elephants, horses, army, etc; crowned him as the king of the Pandyan kingdom, and wrote to Kampaia Udayar to give it over to him. Somesvara, thereupon, came to Madura and when three Kalhas off it, sent word to Kampana, who gave him a cordial reception, crowned him, and entrusting the kingdom to him, returned to his country. Then Someswara ruled for some time." The MS. then gives this genealogy. It has no dates. It, moreover, gives only 13 kings, and many of these are not identical with those mentioned in other MSS. Some vara. 1 Kuvalayandha Paudya Varada Raja P. 1 Kumara Singha P. J Vajra Singha P. 29 Bhima Sena P. L Pratapa Rama P. I Varaguna Rama P. I Kumara Chandra P. T Varatunga P. Chandra Sekhara P. T Somesvara P. I Chandra Sekhara P. 79 It will be seen that in regard to the name of the Paidyan king this Ms. differs from others. 80 Cf. the Koyilo!ugu. 61 The term Basava Deva Maha Raja is unknown to the inscriptions. The MS. is here unreliable. It may however be the fact that the Pandya king got back his kingdom from the Raya after waiting on him for a year

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30 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (FEBRUARY, 1914. "After Chandra Sekhara the Pandyan kingdom became extinct. For he had no child, and Vira Sekhara Cho a invaded the kingdom, seized it, and drove him away. Chandra Sekhara, thereupon, went to the Raya and complained, and he sent Nagama Naik to restore him. He came, defeated and drove out the Chola ; but, turning traitor, seized the Paidyan crown himself, and ruled for four years. Then owing to the Raya's orders, Visvanatha Naik came to the south, defeated his father Nagama Naik, and gave back the kingdom to the Paidyan. Subsequently, however, the Pai dyan, owing to his having no heir and owing to his fear that after him his kingdom would be seized by his enemies, adopted Visvanatha as his son, gave him the royal seal, and crowned him in Minakshi's temple. From that time, Visvanatha and his descendants ruled the Paidyan kingdom." The MSS. thus agree in mentioning fifteen kings as the rulers of the Pandyan realm from the time of Kampala Udayar to the time of Vi vanatha Naik. But, in spite of this agreement, the list must be considered a spurious one. Messrs. Nelson and Sewellssolved the problem for their part by putting these monarchs to the pre-Musalman period, to, in fact,a Parakrama Paidya who is said to have been the victim of the Islamites,-a procedure which is directly against the account of the MSS., which plainly indicate that they were the successors of Kampaia Udayar. Mr. Taylor, on the other hand, believed in the existence of the kings, but not the dates3 ascribed to them by the "Supple. MS." He says that the period of 345 years assigned to them cannot be accepted, as it would bring the last Paidyan king " too low down." Nor is he prepared to believe the date S. 1354 so inconsistently attributed by the MS. to Chandra'ekhara. He gives three reasons for his contention. First the period of 61 years which will have to be assigned to the 17 kings in case the date S. 1354 is accepted, is too small as the average comes to less than four years. Secondly S. 1354, he surmises, may be a mistake of the copyist for S. 1454. Thirdly, Nagama Naik, the founder of the Madura Naik dynasty, was, according to many authorities, a general of Krishna Deva Raya in the 16th century. For these reasons he adds 100 years to S. 1354 and concludes that the dynasty must have ended about S. 145481 i.e., 1532 A.D. In spite of Mr. Taylor's opinion, there are certain reasons which warrant the belief that the list of kings is not genuine. It is more than probable that the three MSS. were taken from a single source. Their Existence doubtful. Then, again, all of them are suspiciously short and vague, and while the chronology of . one is distinctly absurd, the chronology of the others is a perfect blank. Above all, there is a singular lack of epigraphical evidence to support the existence of these kings. Had they existed, they would certainly have left the marks of their sway in stone or metal, as the kings of those days invariably did. A Hindu king without resort to the panegyric of Brahmans and the reputation of a donor to tem ples and priests was, in the medieval age of Indian history, & practically impossible phenomenon. The name of religious benefactor was as dear as life to the kings of those days. Charters and grants carved in undying plates, and inscriptions cut in undying stone were, for them, the only means of ensuring an eternity of fame and a perpetuation of remembrance. A king indifferent to such means of reputation in such an age would indeed be a marvel, and a series of such kings would be a still greater marvel. And yet, throughout the 15th century, we do not meet with any inscription of these kings. Only one conclusion is possible,-they had not existed at all. If the information given by the " Supple. MS." and other MSS. in regard to the Pandyan line of Somasekhara can be thus dismissed as a fabrication, it ought not to be concluded that there were no indigenous rulers in Madura during the period of 1) centuries which we have surveyed. We have already seen how during the Muhammadan occupation and rule of Madura in the 14th century, kings of the Paidyan dynasty continued to rule. We have seen how according to Kielhorn, three of them at least, Maravarman Kuleiekhara II, (1314-21) Maravarman Parakrama Pai dya (1334-52) and Jatavarman Parakrama Paidya, have left evidences of their nominal, though not actual sway, and how83 according to Mr. Krishna 82 Antiquities, Vol. II. 218-20. 830. H. MSS, II, 88.40. H. MSS. II, p. 88 8 See Ante, section 2.

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FEBRUARY, 1914.] THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA Sastri a certain Vira Paudya ruled and distinguished himself during the same period. We may be sure that, in the time of Kampana Udayar's dynasty and of the Naik Viceroys who followed him, the indigenous kings continued to rule. But we have got few inscriptions of this period to enlighten us on the reigning dynasty. 31 Pandyan Emigration to Tinnevelly. This absence of inscriptions in the name of the Pandyans between 1370 and 1550 has made some scholars suppose that the Paidyans had left Madura. They indeed never abandoned the title of "Lords of Madura"; never for a moment thought themselves as otherwise than the kings of the city of Minakshi and Sundraesvara, of the city which the halo of tradition connected with prehistoric scerres, in which the gods played a more active part than men. Nevertheless, they ceased to be the direct rulers of Madura. They shifted their headquarters to the district of Tinnevelly, to the town of Tenkasi which they built and beautified. Henceforward their immediate activities were in the basin of the Tambraparni and not the Vaigai, and their immediate neighbours were the Keralas and not Cholas. The frequency of invasions, Chola as well as Hoysala, Hindu and Muhammadan, Telugu and Canarese, must have been the cause of this emigration. Nearness to the historic areas of Trichi and Tanjore, of Coimbatore and Dvarasamudra, was a source of constant danger and ceaseless anxiety; and the Musalman conquest must have completed that dread and anxiety which the occupation of Madura must have inevitably engendered in the minds of its occupiers. The Banas established in Madura. The Pandyas of the Vijayanagar period, then, ruled in the Tinnevelly District. They, however, it should be clearly understood, never gave up the title of "Lords of Madura." In fact it is more or less certain that the chiefs who were in the direct charge of Madura considered themselves to be the dependents and feudatories of the Paudyans at Tinnevelly, both of course being under the control of the Telugu agents of Vijayanagar. Who were these chiefs, then? Were they the relations of the Paudyans, or did they belong to a distinct hereditary line? It is in answering this question that we find a significant clue in the statement of the Pand. Chron. we have already noted, namely that in the middle of the 15th century, Lakkana Dandanayaka installed, in Madura, the illegitimate sons of the Pandyan, Mavilivana Raya Kalayar Somanar, Anjatha Perumal and Muttarasa Tirumali Mavilivana Raya; and that these ruled till 1499, when Narasa Naik became the master of the Empire. Now, the Pand. Chron. is valuable only in giving us a clue as to the rulers in Marlura and nothing more. It does not enlighten us as to details. In fact, a minute consideration of it puzzles the investigator. From its phraseology, for instance, it is inferable that all these four chiefs were brothers and crowned at once: that could, of course, not have happened. The first Mavilivana alone would have been brought from Kalayar Koil, and the others should have been his successors. They might have been his brothers or sons, or even grandsons. Then, again, the chronicle implies they were Pandyas. This can be dismissed as false. It may be true that they were connected by marriage with the Paidya royal family, but they were not Pandyan except in title. They were, or at least two of them were, as their very name shows, Banas. The term Mavilivana Raya was long a puzzle to the historians of Madura. Mr. Taylor believed that Mavilivana was identical with Mahabalipuram ! "The allusion to the king of Mavilivana " he says, "is made in a passing and familiar way, as to a matter very well-known and understood at the time when the MS.se was written. The word Mavilivanam will not bear an application to the Marava country. The Malayalam country is also radically different in its orthography. There is no independent palayam of this name in our lists. And the only name (within our knowledge) to which the names agree is Mavalivaram, or the Seven Pagodas, near Madras, sometimes learnedly termed Mahabalipuram 36 Mr. Taylor refers to the Hist. Carna Dynast.; but this applies equally to the present MS.

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32 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY FEBRUARY, 1914. Besides, on inquiry, it is found, that the people of the country commonly use the words Mavalivanam and Mavalivaram, quite indifferently, and interchangeably; and that there can be no reason whatsoever to question the application of the name in our MS. to the place called on the spot, more usually Mavalivaram. Hence we presume that the certainty of the reference may be taken for granted. We further remember speaking to an intelligent native, who, alluding to the ancient division of Soradesam, said, that after the partition of it hy a Soren king in favour of his son, this part of the country came to be called Soramandalam (that is, we suppose Tondlamandalam) and that the capital of this latter kingdom was Mavalivaram."'87 This interpretation, however, must be described as absurd. Mr. Nelson was happier in his endeavour to clear the mystery. He surmises that, from the fact that Mavalivanan is not mentioned in the list of the palayams of the day, it must have been the name of some obscure chief, probably a scion of the old Pandyan line. The eminent epigraphist, Rao Bahadur V. Venkaiyah was the first to give, with the aid of epigraphy, some information which goes to elucidate the early history and activities of the Mavalivana kings. The Previous History of the Banas. He points out that the Banas or Vanassa originally owned a kingdom which extended as far as Kalahasti in the east and Punganur in the west, i.e., "the whole of the modern North Arcot District to the north of the river Palar."'89 In the beginning of the 10th century the great Chola king Parantaka I. deprived the Banas of their dominions. One branch of them, in consequence, sought their fortunes in the Telugu country in the Guntur District.00 Another branch migrated apparently to the banks of the Southern Pennar, and gave their new home the name of Vanagopadi. Chiefs of these branches evidently continued to acknowledge allegiance to the Chola Emperors of the 10th, 11th, 12th, and 13th centuries.91 With the decline of the Chola Empire the Vanada Rayars, like other feudatories, displayed a spirit of disaffection, and one of them, whose inscriptions are found at Kudumiamalai in the Pudukottah State, and who reigned from 1243 to at least 1278, claims to have defeated the Chola monarch. In later times, the Banas seem to have gone further South and settled in the Madura District, where we find inscriptions of Mavilivana Reyars in the 16th century."92 Mr. Gopinatha Rao, the. Superintendent of Archaeology in Travancore, is more explicit in describing the circumstances of the Bana advent and advancement in the district of Madura. "About the beginning 03 of the 13th century A. D." he says, "when the Chola supremacy was getting weakened, and the Paidyas were rising in importance, a chief of Nadu Nadu (or Magadhai Nadu), Raja Vanakovaraiyan by name, rebelled against his overlord, 9+ and seems 87 O. H. Mss., II, 140.44. Mr. Taylor often writes absurdity and this is a good illustration of it. 8! Madr. Ep. Rep. 1903, 1906 eto. Tiruvallam was ancient Vanapuram in North Arcot District. The connection with Mahabalipuram is a pure fancy and there is no clue to any extension of territory as far As that place. (Ep. Rep. 1904, p. 16), Ep Ind. Vol. XI, 230-8 contains a very detailed account of the Banag and their emigrations. 89 Ep. Rep. 1906-7, p. 79, An insc. at Tiruvallam of the 9th century says that the Binas were the masters of 1200 villages of Vaduga vali; i. e., the road of the Vadugas or Telugus. (S. Ind. Insc. III P. 20.01 and 06-96) A Chola king of the 10th century changes the name of their region on the Palar at the instance of a Mavalivana Raya to his own name Viranarayanacheri (Ibid. II, p. 389). See also Ep. Ind. XI pp. 222-229, for five Bana insc. from Gudimallam. 90 Mr. Venkaiyah says that a descendant of this branch was at Kondavidu in the 12th century A. D: See Ep. Rep. 1899-1900,para 85 ; 1900, etc. 91 Eg. Rep. 1906-7, p. 79-80 gives rome instances. See also Ep. Ind. Vol. XI, p. 239. 92 Eg. No. 585 and 587 of 1902. 93 Trav. Arch. Series, p. 53. 94 Sendamit, III, 423-432. Magadhai Nadu is the region between Trichinopoly and S. Arcot districts. See Ep. Ind. VI. and XI, p. 239-40 for detailed examination of the term.

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FEBRUARY, 1914.] THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA to have joined the Pandya king."95 Mr. G. Rao surmises that, in return for this invaluable service, the Pandyas apparently left "the Madura country in charge of their new ally the Vanakovaraiyan"; and "changed their capital from Madura to Tinnevelly." Bana Chiefs of Madura 1400 to 1550. In the paucity of Paidyan inscriptions in the 15th century in Madura and in the frequency of Vana inscriptions, he finds unmistakable proofs of his theory. "We see from about S. 1375 (1453 A.D.), inscriptions of the Mavalivanada Rayars, of whom one Urangavillidan Mavalivanadarayan calls the country his own. The next person of this dynasty appear's to be one Sundarattoludaiyan Mavalivinadarayan, the son of Tirumalirunjolai, MaraliVanadarayan. It seems to me that the Mavalivanadarayars of the Pand. Chron. must refer to these kings. Gopinatha Rao further says that the second of these two chiefs, who bore a few of the Vijayanagar birudas and lived about S. 1398 (1475 A. D.), must have been the opponent of Narasa Naik during his reputed invasion of the Paudyan kingdom some time about this date. "Either97 the Mavalivanarlarayan was defeated by the Vijayanagar general and then dubbed himself with the Vijayanagar birudas, or he defeated the latter and assumed, as the conqueror, the Vijayanagar birudas; which of these was the case, it is not easy to say in our present state of knowledge of the history of that period. But that the chieftains of this family held or were suffered to hold the Madura country under them is certain. For inscriptions of a second Sundaratholudayan Mavalivanadarayan are found in several places, such as Tirupallani, Alagar Koil, Kalayaros Koil etc., till so late a period as S. 1468 (1545 A.D.)." It will be thus perceived that, whatever might be the case of Kalayar Somanar and Anjatha Perumal, the other two Mavalivanas of the Pandyan chronicle are historical figures ; and it is not improbable that the Pandyan that made grants in the Conjeevaram temple was a Mavalivana Raya, who, unable to endure the overbearing nature of the Saluvas, rose against them and marched as far as Conjeevaram, but only to be beaten and driven by Saluva Narasingha and his general Narasa Naik. Their relations to the Pandyans of Tenkasi. The Paidyas of the Vijayanagar period, then, confined themselves, if we are to depend mainly on inscription lore, to the Tinnevelly district. They still of course had claims over Madura as the Vanadarayas were originally their allies and later their vassals. But they did not directly rule the Madura country. In Tinnevelly, they distinguished themselves as great builders and rulers from the middle of the 14th century to the end of the first quarter of the 17th century. The researches of scholars have elucidated and defined the history of the various sovereigns of the line. Bishop Caldwell, the foremost authority on the history of * See Ep. Ind. XI, p. 240 footnote 6. It will be seen from this that Maravarman Sundara Pandya I (1216-35) is stylod 'Vanada Rayan'; whilo Jataverman Sundara Pandya I, had an officer named Vikrama Paudya Vanada Rayan. Vanada Rdya thus became the title both of the Pandyan king and his nobles. For one such inscription see Trav. Arch. Series, 46. It belongs to the Mah nantapa of the Anda temple at Srivilliputtar. Insc. 113 and 121 of 1903 are other examples. Or, as Vonkaiyah says, perhaps he helped "the contemporaneous Pandyan princes Sri Vallabha and Kulasekhara to set up a show of Pandya sovereignty." Ep. Ind. XI, p. 240 ; Ep. Rep. 1908-9, para. 32 and 1909-10, para 38. 08 Madr. En. Rep.. 1903, p. 18 and 19. Nos. 585 and 587 of 1902 which are in the Alagar temple say that in 1630 (Manmatha, which is wrong) and Hevilambi (this is also wrong) ho made gifts of land. 99 Ep. Rep. 1907, p. 84, para 57. The inscription is in the Ekambaranatha temple. "It is not unlikely that he (the Pandya) took advantage of the weakness of the central Government at Vijayanagara and ocoupiod Conjeevaram for a short time."

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34 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (FEBRUARY, 1914, Tinnevelly, was the first to attempt a connected account of the Paidyas of this period. He gives a list of eight sovereigns from 1365 to 1623. From an inscription at Kottar in South Travancore he points out that the first of these, Parakrama Pardyan 100 by name, came to the throne in 1365 A.D. It was in his reign, says Caldwell, that Kamparia Udayar's reduction of the South must have taken place. It was in his time also that the Bahmani King Mujahid Shahi imitated the exploits of Malik Kafur, and instituted a plundering raid throughout "the countries between Vijayanagar and Cape Comorin." The Tenkasi Dynasty 1365-1500. From 1374 to 1431 Bishop Caldwell is unable to assist us, but Mr. Sewell points out from an inscription2 near Ramnad and another in the Sankara Narayana Taluk in Tinnevelly District, that two kings, Vira Paidyan and Kulasekhara Paidyan, ruled successively in 1383 and 1402, while Kielhorn mentions a Konerinmaikondan Vikrama Pandya, who came to the throne between June and July 1401. The second in Dr. Caldwell's list is Ponnum-Perumal-Parakrama Paidyan) who came to the throne in 1431. Dr. Caldwell then gives the following list. Vira Paudya 1437- ? + Vira Paudya 1475-1490 5 (at least) Parakrama P. 1516- ? Vikrama Paidyan 1543-1565 1 Vallabha Deva alias 1565-1610 Ati Vira Rama. P. Sundara Paidya 1610-1623 During these reigns, concludes Dr. Caldwell, the Vijayanagar kings were the suzerains. But "I think it may be assumed that they did not interfere much in the internal affairs of the country, that they contented themselves with receiving tribute and occasional military hely, and that the principal result of their suzerainty was that the various petty states included 190 It is highly probable that this was Jatavarman Parakrama Pandya whose inscriptions found at Nagar Koil shew that he came to the throne in 1357-8, according to Kielhorn (Ep. Ind. VII). 1 Madr. Manu I: Briggs' Ferishta, etc. ? See for these inscriptions Sewell's Antiquities I, 302, and 306. The former was found in the 8. wall of the Sabhamantapam of Tiruttarakobamangai temple, 8 miles S. W. of Ramnad. It is dated S. 1305 (Rudirotkari). The 2nd is a grant of lands and tolls by "Tribuvana Chakravarti Kulasekhara Devar in S. 1324. It is a grant in Karivalamvanda Nallur, N. of Sankara Narayana Koil, but the king was at Vasudevanallur, when he ordered the grant, as is proved by Ext. I in Trav, Arch. Series, p. 45. 3 From a Tenkasi inscription according to a local tradition he was the son of a Kasi Kanda Parii. krama Pandyan, whose existence, however, is doubtful. See Sewell's Antiquities, II, p. 224 and Caldwell's Tinnevelly. 4 Froin two inscriptions at Sri Vaikuntam in Tinnevelly. 5 Based on a Mack MS., and an inscription of 1490. 6 An inscription at Kuttalam. 7 Caldwell gives no authority for him. According to him Vikrama's immediate successor was the famous Ati Vira Rama Pandya, but Mr. Nelson mentions an insoription at Srivilliputtar (Sewell's Antin. I.. 106), which rocords << grant in 1646 by a Parakrama Pandya. (Sowell's Antiq. II, p. 224). Caldwell's authority for placing Ati Vira Rama's accession in 1565 is a Kuttalam inscription, dated in his 40th year, 1605. Sewell points out, however, a Tenkasi inscription giving the date of the beginning of his reign as 1562. 1610 is fixed by Caldwell as the date of Ati Vira Rama's death and of Sundara Pandya's accession on the authority of Burnell, who got the information from a copper plate grant belonging to mattin Tanjore Dt. (which is the matt referred to here ?).

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FEBRUARY, 1914.] THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA 35 within their nominal rule were protected from foreign invasion and their propensity in fighting with one another kept in check." Subsequent researches have added much to the information given by Caldwell. It has been said that the first king of this line according to Caldwell was Parakrama Paidya (1365) and the second Ponnumperumal Parakrama Paidya, who came to the throne in 1431,and that Mr. Sewell added the names of two kings between 1365 and 1431. Mr. Krishna Sastri confirms 1) the additions of Mr. Sewell. Only he says, on the authority of an earlier inscription, that Kule ekharail ruled in 1396 A.D. The Parakrama Pandya, whom Caldwell attributes to, year 1431 the really ascended the throne in 142212 A.D. and ruled for a space of 42 years till 1465 A. D. Arik sari Par3 krama 1422-65. From a large number of inscriptions concerning him at Kuttalam and Tenkasi, we find that Arikesari Parakrama is a celebrated figure in the history of the later Paidyan kingdom. As the builder of the important and historic temple of Visvanathaswami at Tenkasi, "the Benares of the South," which, ever since his time, was the capital of the Paidyas, he will ever live in the history of Indian religion and art. The story goes that god Visvanatha of Benares appeared to him in a vision, and asked him, as his own temple in distant Benares was dilapidated, to build a new temple at Tenkasi, on the banks of the holy Chitra Nadhi, in the Tennar Nadu. The king accordingly commenced the building of a shrine in S. 1368. It was a huge undertaking, and occupied, from the laying of the foundation to the completion of the pinnacle, the long space of seventeen years, and did not cease with the king's death.23 Parakrama Paidya was a great devotee of Siva, and he signalised his piety by constructing, in addition to the Tenkasi temple, a sabha at Jayantipura, a mantapa to each of the gods at Marudhur and Senbagavanam, and by bestowing liberal endowments on the Salitsvara temple at Tinnevelly. Arik sari Parakrama was not only a builder and devotee, but in the view of Mr. Gopinatha Rao, a great soldier and an important political figure of the age. An inscription affirms that he was the conqueror over the chiefs of Singai, Anurai, Irasai, Semba, Vindai, Mudali, Virai and Vaippar. Mr. Gopiratha Rao believes that he was also the enemy of the celebrated Narasa Naik, the father of Krishna Deva Raya. "In all the Vijayanagar grants of the second or Tuluva dynasty, Narasa Nayaka, the father of the distinguished Krishna Deva Raya, is said to have defeated a king of Madura named Manabhasha. We know that Narasa lived about the time of the first usurpation of the Vijayanagar kingdom by Saluva Narasimha14 about 1470 A. D., and 8 Caldwell's Tinnevelly, p. 54. 9 See Madr. Ep. Rep. 1906, p. 72 which gives an account of the Puduk Mtah plates, which are an im. portant document in this period of Paadyan history : (Ep. Rep. 1908 09, p 85-86.) 10 Ep. Rep. 1908-9; p. 100, Mr. Krishna Sastri here sums up all the information in regard to the Pandyan dynasty of Tinnevelly. 11 Inscription No. 270 of 1908. 12 Madr. Ep. Rep. 1909-10, p. 100; Trav. Arch. p. 44. According to Keilhorn, Arikesari Ascended the throne between 10th Juno and 19th July 1422, as proved from astronomical calculations (Soo. Ep. Ind. VII) Keilhorn mentions a Vira Pandya Maravarman, whose inscriptions are found at Tenkasi, Kilayar Koil and Tiruvadi, and who came to the throne, according to his calculation, between March and July 1443, and ruled till at least 1457. (Ep. Ind. VII). 13 For some minor differences betweon Mr. Krishna Sastri and Mr. Gopinatha Rao in regd to the meaning of the phraseology of the inscription describing the building of the temple, see. Trav. a ch. Series, p. 52. 14 This is wrong. The Saluva usurpation took place only about 1486. Narasa, however, lived about 1470. But he could not have met Perakrama, as the latter died in 1465.

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36 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [FEBRUARY, 1914. distinguished himself in the latter's service. This period agrees very well with that of a Parakrama Pai dya."15 One other theory of the same scholar may be noted in this connection, a theory which is, in my opinion, entirely untenable owing to its violation of accepted tradition. "In the section of stray Tamil verses called Tanip: daltirattu, a verse praising a king named Manabharaia, said to be the composition of the Tamil poet Pugalindi, is found. If this name refers to Arikesari Parakrama Paidya Deva, the age of Pugalendi will become the last quarter of the 16th century A. D. "But tradition," he acknowledges," places him at the beginning of the 12th 10 century A.D." Alagan Perumal Kulas: khara till 1473. On the death of Ariki sari Parakrama, his younger brother Alagan Perumal Kula ekhara Deva, who had already shared with his brother the duties and dignities of royalty for more than three decades-for two inscriptions clearly prove that he began to reign in 1429,-succeeded him as the chief king. It is not improbable that he was the great Paidya, who signalised his reign by marching as far as Conjeevaram in 1469 and was evidently compelled to retreat by Saluva Narasingha and his general Narasa Naik. This, however, remains yet to be proved. A builder like his predecessor, he constructed an audience hall in the Visvanatha temple, and completed the tower which had been left unfinished by his brother. His reign seems to have ceased about 1473 A.D., when evidently his son Alagan Perumal Parakrama Deva assumed the sovereignty. Like the large majority of the kings of the age, he had a colleague in one Parakrama Kula ekhara17 whose period of co-operation, however, is completely overlapsed by the period of his superior. Alagan Perum1 Parakrama 1473-1516. Alagan Perumal1s Parakrama ruled till 1516, and was therefore the sovereign who must have been ruling at the time of Narasa Naik's usurpation in 1501. (To be Continued.) NOTES AND QUERIES. BEZOAR: MANUCCI'S" CORDIAL STONE." IN his ftoria do Mogor Manucci has several references to the bezoar (Pers. padzahr) or 'poison stone," a hard concretion found in the stomach of a wild gont of the Persian province of Lar. He used it with beneficial effects when treating a female patient at Lahore c. 1673, and employed it, after he settled at Madras, in a special remedy which. bore his name. The fame of Manucci's patent medicine reached the ears of C. Biron, a French surgeon. Biron spent about six months in India in 1701-1702, chiefly at Pondicherry and Chandarnagar. On his return to Europe he published a short account of his travels with many curicus and interesting notes on the minerals, plants, animals, etc., that had attracted his attention.2 He has a chapter on "bezor.rd" stones and a long account of the properties of the Goa or Gaspar Antonio "I have also," he adds, a cordial stone composed by Manouchi, a Doctor of Madras on the Coromandel coast. He sells it at a Crown an I do not know what it is made of this Doctor makes a great secret of it. " stone. ounce. H. HOSTEN. [" Manooch's stones" were also known to Lockyer in 1711. See Trade in India, p. 268. R. C. T.] 15 Ibid, 53. 16 There were other Pa dyan kings who had the same title. Gazetteer, 32 See Eg. S. Ind. Inscs, III, 56, Madu. Keilhorn between November 1479 and 13 The history of this series of kings however is not so easily defined. There are so many Kula ekharas and Parakrama Paudyas mixed together in the inscriptions that the whole period is one of hopeless confusion. But I hope that the verison I have given here is fairly correct and complete. See Trav. Arch. Series and Ep Rep. 1909-10, p 100-102, etc. 3 p. 199. 1. e., Jatila Varman Kulasekhara, who came according to November 1480 and whose 20th year was 1499. 1 storia do Mogor, edited by W.Irvine, I. 54, II. 178, 431, III. 199. 2 Curiositez de la Nature et de l'Art, Paris, Jean Moreau, 1703.

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MARCH, 1914.] DHARANI OR INDIAN BUDDHIST SPELLS 37 "DHARANI", OR INDIAN BUDDHIST PROTECTIVE SPELLS. Translated from the Tibetan. By L. A. WADDELL, C.B., L.L. D. The cult of protective spells, in the form of magical texts, has been shown by me elsewhere to be widely prevalent throughout Buddhism in all its sects, and to have played an important practical part in that religion from its commencement. Such texts under the name of Paritta or Dharani are in universal use by all sections of Buddhists - Southern " as well as * Northern,"--and I there adduced evidence, almost unimpeachable, to show that some of these spells were used by Buddha himself I also described the early widespread use of these spells amongst the amulet-loving people, not only of India but of the adjoining lands, that embraced Buddhism. It is also attested by the fact that the great bulk of the ancient Sanskritic manuscripts recovered from Central Asia by Sir Aurel Stein and others consist mainly of fragments of these protective texts, the originals of several of which are as yet unknown. The interest and historical importance of these spells is not merely Buddhistic. Most of the charms and their associated rituals (sadhana) exhibit elements which, like those of the Atharvavedo, are manifestly pre-Buddhist and even pre-Vedic, and afford some insight into the religion of pre-Aryan India. Especially interesting in this regard are the vestiges thus preserved of the animal-gods; e.g., the Garuda, dating manifestly to the earliest nomadic and pre-historic 'hunting'-stage of primitive society, and the references to the early anthropomorphie mother-fiends, (Raksini), also pre-Vedic, and dating to the matriarchal and more settled stage of early civilization ; as well as the light that is shed upon the evolution of many of the Brahmanical gods of the Vedic and later periods. Thus several of the gods of the Hindu Pantheon are disclosed by these contemporary texts in early or transitional forms, and in the process of being clothed by the hands of the Brahmans with the functions and attributes of popular aboriginal gods and genii, in regard to which prototypes Brahmanical literature is more or less silent. As little of this Dharani Literature has hitherto been published for Western readers, and a great mass of it exists in Tibetan texts translated with remarkable fidelity from the Sanskrit, it has been suggested to me that translations of some of these Tibetan versions into English would be acceptable to students of Oriental religion and mythology. I accordingly offer here an instalment of these texts and their translations. The Tibetan material now available in Europe for this purpose is immense. The British collections in the national libraries are especially full, as they have been greatly increased by the large accessions collected by me during the Lhasa Expedition of 1904,3 which included several sets of the "Dharani Pilaka": as well as the series contained in three sets of the great Mahayana Canon (Ka-gyur), in the Encyclopedic Commentaries (Tan-gyur), and in numerous separate texts, mostly in duplicate or triplicate. 1 The " Dharani" Cult in Buddhism, its Origin, Deified literature and Images: Ostasiatischen Zeitschrift. 1912, 155-195. 1 Of the PAli Paritta several have been translated by Gogerly." Collected Writings" edited by A. S. Bishop, Colombo, 1908. Of Dharani a few have been translated or summarised from the Sanskrit by R. L. Mitra ("Nepalese Buddhist Literature" 1882), by Max Muller (Usnisa-vijaya D); by R. Hoernle Maha-mayari 'in Bower MS."). From the Chinese, a few by S. Beal (Catena); by H. Kern (Sacred Books of the East. XXI); and a list of others contained in the Chinese Tripitak is given by B. Nanjio (Catalogue). Of the Tibetan collections, the titles of several are given by Csoma Korosi (" Analysis in Asiatic Researches XX) and more fully by J. J. Schinist (Inlex, St. Petersburg 1848), and for part of those in the Tan-gyur by F. W. Thomas (Sadhanas in "Museon," Louvain, 1903) and Dr. P. Cordier (in his Catalogue of the Tan-gyur Collection, Paris 1909). From the Uigur Dr. F. W. K, Muller has translated a few (Uigurica, II Berlin 1911.) 3 "Tibetan MSS. collected in the Lhasa Mission," Asiatic Quarterly Review 1912, 80-113. The collection was dispersed between the libraries of the India Office, British Museum, Oxford and Cambridge Universities. 4 Hiuen Tsiang's Records (Beal) II. 165, Watters, do, II, 160; Kern's Manual Indian Buddhism 46,

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38 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY MARCH, 1914.] The texts which I have selected at present are with one exception (No. 6)' now published and translated for the first time and relate especially to the Garuda, which is characterised in the title by its beak.' That monstrous bird, which incorporates a sun-myth as well as a thunderstorm-myth, from its widespread prominence amongst primitive people in remote antiquity, presumably was regarded as the supreme spirit in prehistoric times. It is the Phoenix or Feng of the Chinese in its combat with the dragon-spirits (the nagas of India) who withhold the rain ; it is the gryps of the Greeks and the roc or rukh or simurgh of the Persians. In the ancient Indian Buddhist sculptures at Sancbi and elsewhere it figures prominently in antipathy to the nagas, and in process of being absorbed into Buddhist mysticism. Whilst into later Brahmanism it has been incorporated to form the car of Vishnu and as the symbol of victory to surmount the standards and banners dedicated to that god by the Imperial Guptas and other would-be Chakravarta emperors. In No. 2 the appearance and functions of the bird are described. By No. 6 important light is thrown upon the genesis and evolution of the Buddhist goddess Tara, the so-called Queen of Heaven' and 'Mother of the celestial) Buddhas.' The identity of Tara with the goddess Usuisa-Vijaya was pointed out by me long ago. Now, in this Dharani Tari is identified with Durga (who also bears the title of Vijaya) and Kali and most of those other Mother' she-devils of pre-Vedic times, who have in later clays been imported into and incorporated with Brahmanism. She is moreover especially identified with the Garuda under the title of the "Female Thunderbolt-Beak," Vajratundi. In form, these Dharanis or spells are generally given the shape of the orthodox Buddhist sutra. They purport to have been recited in the usual way by Ananda at the First Council,' the place and circumstances where they were delivered 'is usually mentioned ; and the words of the spell are often put into the mouth of Buddha himself. The incantatory formulas, constituting mantras or spells-proper, are in a crude style of Sanskrit, with recurring cabalistic ejaculatory words, such as are also found in Brahmanical mantras. 1. The Iron Thunderbolt-Beak. Vaira-loha-tundia Dharani. India Office Tibetan texts (Waddell Collection) No. 17 Vol. Z. (19). No. 261 in my list n Tib. MS. loc. cit.] Om ! In the Indian speech [this] is called Arya vajra loha-tunda nima dharani: in the Tibetan speech Phags-pa rdorje gnam-lchags kyi mch'u (or "The noble Iron-ThunderboltBeak of the Sky.'') Salutation to Buddha and all the Boddhisattvas ! Thus have I heard. The Blessed One having gone into the country of Magadha passed through the mango-grove.' Leaving the mango-grove he sat down in the rock-cave of the Indra hills. Then Sakra the most powerful of the gods together with the (gods of the directions, came to the outside of the place where The Blessed One was and saluted the feet of The Blessed One. Then Brahma and Vishn'i and Indra (Sakra) and the four great kings (of the Quarters) thrice circled around The Blessed One and besought him saying :- Bhagvan we, all assembled, beseech you to A fragment of this Dharani from the Sanskrit has been published with translation by Dr Hoernlo from a Stein MS. in J. R. A. S. 1911, 461, etc., and a full translation of another Stein MS. is I understand to be published in the final Report on the Expedition Results. An Uigur version of the same is translated into German by F. W. K. Muller, Uigurica II. 1911, 50. For further descriptions of this bird-god from Buddhist sources with illustrations, see my article on " the Dharapi Cult" above cited, pp. 187-191. << The Indian Buddhist Cult of Avalokita and Tara," J. R. A. S. 1894, 83, No. 4.. 8 Indra-saila-guha in the Rajgir Hills.

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MARCH, 1914.] DHARANI OR INDIAN BUDDHIST SPELLS 39 capture the heart of the Nagas to disperse their thunderbolts so that the malignant Nagas may not destroy the harvest, with manifold despoilation, Turn them aside, the wind and hail of the clouds, that they do not destroy everything, that the flowers and fruits and the harvests be preserved from injury. We beseech you to utter the spell called "The Iron Thunderbolt-Beak of the Sky." We beseech The Blessed One for the welfare of all beings to bestow upon us this gift! The Blessed One (then] spoke thus to Brahma, Vishnu and Indra, and the Four Great Kings of the Quarters). Honourable Sirs ! for the welfare of all beings I shall utter it as a blessing (like one ?] of the noble truths. Then Brahma, Vishnu, and Indra and the four great kings heard the mantras of the dharani [as follows ): Salutation to the Three Holy Ones ! Salutation to Buddha Sakya-muni, to all the completely perfect Tathagata Arhants. Salutation to all the great Magical powerslo for compelling the calm of the glorious hereafter. 11 Salutation to the highest in the three worlds. Matha matha pramatha (twice). jvalita bhikrita vajra jvaya jvaya ; Mahavaya viryaparakrama. kotara jaya, pramabhavavuma, pramasare! Bho bho naga dipa dipa! Bhiswaramadha pramadhane namur bhanan sphotayana huit hun pha! phar!... dc. dec. Hantu sarvadushtana bhasvodaya hridaya mahyesare jiladitri sudaradura hanahana husi phat ...&c. This what you have just now heard is "The glowing12 Iron Thunderbolt-Beak of the Sky." It will break all the malignant Nagas, and convert evil things into sweet perfumes. It will madden and destroy (evil] ... &c. At the same time, he called forth by name (the following spirits to receive his commands: The Naga-king of the ocean Mataiga, the Naga-king [known as the Hooded One' (Ch'atra), the great Enchanter.'13 Ten billions, one thousand millions and one hundred thousand saluted the feet of the Bhagavan who, after those Nagas had formed an outer assembly [said unto them] "Guard ye all the beings of the world (Jambudvipa) the flowers and fruit and harvests, the trees, leaves and branches ! Free them from wind, hail and excessive drought! Make timely rain to fall! By your own vow, by the vow to your tutelaries and to the Tathagata, guard these for ever henceforth! Each of you becoming entirely perfect in mind do no injury to man." . . &., &c. 2. The Red-copper Beak. [India Office. Tibetan text (Waddell Colln.) No. K. 17. Vol. Z. (18): No. 265 in my List]. In the Indian speech (this) is called Arya ghadsa pratai bhanda-ghata kada britachakhadhayt; in the Tibetan speech 'p'age-pa zais-gi moh'u dmar-pos gdug-pai phyoga t'ams-chad gnon par byed-pa ses-bya-bai gzuis [i.e. "The Dhara i of the noble Red Beak of Copper, who expels the mischief in all the directions."] Salutation to the Buddhas and Bedhisattvas! Salutation to all the noble ones (aryas) ! Salutation to all the Buddhas of the directions, to all the Bodhisattvas and hearers ! Salutation to the Blessed One. Tathagatha Arhanta, the completely perfect Buddha, Sugata the fearless one whose words discipline humanity, the most high one, the leader of gods and men ! Or spirit, 'heart,' or 'cesence, Tib. skin-po. Secondarily it moans vajra or thunderbolt, also the bluejewel of Indra--Indranfla 11 Literally "the other side" (of life)-pa-rol zib-gyis gnon-pai mtu-po. The word which I have translated 'compelling,' namely non-pa, literally means to suppress to 'overoome by force,' and is frequently used in magical operations (cf. Jaeschke, Tib. Dict., 307.) 12. Bar-ba. 13 Mt'u-ch'e-wa. 10 Mtw-po.

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40 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MARCH, 1914. Salutation to the faces of the thousand Buddhas! Salutation to the illustrious Bearer of the Thunderbolt (Vajrapani). This speech was thus heard by me :-The blessed One was seated at the hermitage of the reed-grovelt by the sheet 13 of lotuses on the bank of the river Ganges, Ic in company with a great retinue of monks and novices. At that time all the people were overpowered by disease caused by the naga (dragons)17 and prayed to Buddha) for the terrific supernatural power of the noble Red-copper Beak, so that the eight plagues of the hot countries should not increase their fury, 18 carry off, upset, anck up the blood and flesh (of the people); that the angry flood of consuming fiery waves might not descend further] [Here part of the Shaman's operation in exorcising the Nagas is indicated.] By throwing the iron-nai 19 the paralysed limbs will despatch their accumulated stupefaction to the cemeteries. By throwing up the seed 20 the diseases of the eight great Nagas will be ejected and the stupefying wounds over the earth be purified. Her the Beak' has the head of the Garuda bird with a body of copper.21 He feeds overhead. He has a beak of copper 990 fathoms long. He devours anyone of the four races of Nagas. He craves for blood and hail22 and water. He stares fiercely with red eyes. He crunches (even the gods. He laps up the marrow of things. He sends suddenly 23 ulcerous diseases. He subdues the foundations of the three worlds. He scatters the poison of fearsome diseases. Below. he strikes widespread panic into the lower hells ; above, he sinks down the highest of beings. He splits down the six thousand kinds of plague. He lays low the thousand kinds of Nagas of the interior (of the earth). For these reasons there is (amongst the disease-causing Nagas] fear of his appearance and re-appearance. Then Vajra pani besought the Blessed One, the beneficent ascetic, [saying) "O Sugata, pray have compassion on the six classes of beings, pray set them free from their disease and distress! Pray set them free from the disease of passion, pray kill the fire of anger, pulverize the rock of arrogance, clear away the darkness of ignorance, the poison of disease, deliver from the thousands of disease-demons!" Thus having supplicated, [the Buddha), in compassion seeing [the distress), acted at heart.24 [Seeing) Vajrapani miserable and the torments of the fierce disease, the state of the bodies of all, the disease-spirits] breaking (their) promises and vows had tormented by sickness and enfettered with the thread of passion (Buddha-exclaimed], " Come all (diseases spirits] ! swiftly come near here! I shall explain. Be advised." Thus he commanded. Then through Vajrapani's (request ?] there arrived near, distressed at the commands of the Victorious One, to attend the presence of the Victorious one, the eight classes of the Rak-a-mother fiends25 (also ? he or they] called "The swift-goer of the depths, the middle and 14 Jam-buhd. Skt. nala. There was a hermitage of this name on the Ganges near Vai ali. 15 Or coverlet : 80-ke'he-Skt. kumba (?). 19 Literally possessed of the eight limbs or arms, which the Drctionaries state is the Ganges. 17 JI dec-ned, clefined in the Dictionaries as 'disease caused by Naga;' also leprosy, kusta. 18 gnad kr'o-bo. literally "furious spirit.' 19 Ichags-kviger == Skt, kila, a form of Indra's bolt. 20 t'ig, also * lines oc 'spots, 21 In Jewish mythology Brass is symbolic of irresistible weapons Dan. 2, 39; Mic. 4, 13; Zech. 6, 1. Chui-ser, may also mean "yellow water' or 'putrid water.' 23 Burciu, which may also read 'by (his) bolts.' 24 The construction here is very involved and obscure; and Buddha is not mentioned, probably intentionally an, in order that the spell of go bloodthirsty a being should not be directly Ascribed to the placid Buddha 25 Lha-m1-erin, literally = god or spirit + mother or not) -- fiend (ritkana), can read the fiends who are not gods i.E. (4suri); but the eight mothers rikrini form a well-known group.

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MARCH, 1914.) DHARANI OR INDIAN BUDDHIST SPELLS 41 top," the race of the Brahman Naga Vasuta 24 Thus spoke Vajrapaai to the (whole) race of the Brahman Vasuta Naga. "Who am I to... make useless speech? I am alone ! You do not hear even me! You do not attend me, the mighty one .. possessed of swift energy." Thus he said. Then Vajrapani reflecting in heart (what he should do] said "You who are the lords of the earth, what should I say to you?" [Then the Naga replied :) "I am the king of the Nagas, and am called Vasuta' the gem of the Brahmans.2: To me belongs all poison ... [here follows five leaves describing the various diseases &c. caused by Nagas, and the spell appears to be disclosed by the Naga king himself in these words :) These were the words commanded -Om Hrum Hi Hi Ah Tathagata naga-hridaya. tathagala namah dhamaya. tathagate raja sri lhanana, budya budhya, raja iiala pari parilira, nagahu yarbala povamdha svaha! Guha raja-la srahu ! hruni hri!.. (&c. &c.) By this fortunate talismans of the noble one, the sharp Red Copper Beak, may the sevil) power of the six classes of Vasuta' be swept away!.. Then straightway the vanquished race of the Brahman (Naga) is turned aside. This Dharani of the Red Beak of Copper' is translated by the Indian abbot Jiana Deva and the Tibetan Binle Cho's='grub, and the translator (-interpreter) Ka-ba Bha-po.29 3.' The Thunderbolt-Beak. Vajra-tunda Dharani. From Ka-gyur-rGyud, Calc. edn. (also India Office ?), Vol. M. fols. 426-466: Csoma, Analysis p. 540-7 St. Petersburg ed. 754 W., fols. 27-50 : Schmidt, Index p. 167, also in gzu: (Dharahi Section) of latter, 937 W., fols. 38-79]. Om ! In the Indian speech (this is called] Vajra dun!a" nama naga samaya; in the Tibetan speech rDo-rjei mch'u zes-bya-ba klui-dam trig-go-[that is The Naga's vow called * The Thunder-bolt Beak.') Salutation to the Omniscient One! At that time The Blessed One 1 was staying at the great city of The Striding Servant (?)': 2 Amongst the great retinue [there] assembled (were] Takshaka (king of the Naga Serpent-dragons) and the rest of the Naga retinue, also gods and a great retinue of men assembled for the welfare of living beings. Seeing these, he [The Blessed One) thought that he would completely fulfil the hope of all by explaining the religious means of doing virtuous acts. At this time in that city was a Brahman named Visnu a rich man enjoying great wealth. Proud in the possession of fine clothes and many goods and chattels (yet) was he not blessed. The sacred Vedas and the Brahmans were [his] means of crossing to the other shore (of existence] These began and ended merely with mantras (spells). By respecting these spells the Nagas were summoned; by burnt offerings was summoned] the Fire [? god). When the harvest of this Brahman ripened it began to be destroyed by exasperating rain. He said I forgot for 26 This title suggests Kubfra, who was lord of the Vasu spirits, and the rik asi were latterly placed under him; but he is not usually described as a Naga himself, yet in the Jatakas he is given control over nagas. In later Brahmanism the chief of all the Naga kings is Vasuki. ? Bram-ze-rin-poche'. 8 Cha's.pa literally implement,' or woapon, . The last-named, who is called in one copy of this text, Ka-ba, appears to me to be the same as the Ka.ba l'albotsegs (or Sp-Kata), who was a pupil of Padma Sambhava, circa 748-802 A. D.; see my Bud. dhism of Tibet p. 31 fn. 3 No. 17; Also Griind wedel's Mythologie 49,155. Several of his works are in the Great Commentary, Tangyuer, mdo Section, Vols. 117-124. 30 This is obviously a corruption of the copyist--the Dictionaries give trenia as the Sanskrit equivalent of the Tibetan mch'u, a beak; and the correct form is given in the colophons. 31 Bhagavan. 32 Gyog'dor, literally servant - thrown off or forsaken or striding : A possible restoration by the Sanskrit-Tibetan lexicons is Urana dana.

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42 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MARCH, 1914. obtaining victory over this to utter the excellent spell and therefore the rain has begun to fall; so remembering the astrological formula he summoned the Naga (and) performed the burnt offering of fire-mixing together sessamum and fruits, and the mustard grain, butter, salt, he made the burnt offering. Thereupon the Vagas merely appeared (but] were not subjected. He praised the bolt (of Indra]33 and struck the head of the Naga, and splitting it he enjoyed the pleasure of weakening the downpour. Thereupon the Naga quivering with great rage and fury, instantly by the swift power of a Naga forsook his [former] body and changed temporarily in a vapour of dazzling light to destroy [his assailant). When this great spirit was descending like a shroud to destroy the body of the Brahman, the latter unassisted by his men was unable to make the burnt offering of fire. Helpless, in order to escape, he besought The Blessed One as a protecting mother to save him. Falling at the feet of the Blessed One he prayed saying: 'O Bhagavan, save my life I beseech you from destruction by the enraged Naga! Will you not save! Save, O Bhagavan, Save, o Tathagata !' Then The Blessed One spake unto that great breathless Brahmin: Fear not great Brahmin, I shall be your protector, and saviour and friend,' and having thus spoken and saying no more, he sat down. Then Vajra pani, the great general of the Yaksas besought The blessed One, saying: - Grant this prayer 0 Bhagavan, so that the harvest be not destroyed by wildsNagas, also for the sake of (our) complete happiness.35 in the future. Your instructions are necessary for all living beings. In what way should we act in such an alarming emergency ? O Bhagavan what is to be done to benefit the harvests, to protect them perfectly, to increase them to the utmost, for the complete protection of the fields against the hostile Nagas--we beseech you tell us!' Then, the Bhagavan answered Vajrapaai the lord of esoterism and said :-" Vajra paui, the angry heart of the Naga causes it to do angry, deeds. The Dharani called the * Thunderbolt Beak', the heart of the Tathagata, the Arhant and most perfect Buddha, is the remedy. That I now declare (unto you). By this speech the injury will be swiftly stayed and all the harvest be completely protected &c., &c." Thereupon Vajrapani, the great general of the Yaksas spake thus : 'The Blessed One is the healer of all living beings. We beseech him in kindness to utter the words of the mantras of this great Dharari. Then the Bhagavan in kindness said [the spell]: Namo Bhagavate sarvd Buddhana namo Bhagavate Sakyarajava! O jala jala giri giri bhavana, dipata vega mahachandanato hridaya jalani. huru huru. hana hana. daha daha. patsa patsa. sarvasasana naga-kula paiana, dc. dc. dc. Naga dindharini hum phat jalamani pha! jalini phat phat phat pha svaha!" (The subsequent pages go on to enumerate the various specific ills and diseases, demons, and animal pests against which the spell is efficacious, and also details the necessary offerings to be made. The only other reference to Beak,' which I have observed is the following. * the owl and the rat and the various kinds of long-beaks and swarming pests shall not come forth on the muttering of this spell." It ends by restating the title correctly as Vajra-tunda, and adds that it is the thunderbolt-heart3e for allaying the harm done by Nagas to the harvest. In the colophon no name of author or translator is mentioned.) (To be continued.) 33 Tib. pur-bu. This is the name of the large nail of wood or metal used to stab demons. My Sanskrit-Tibetan Dictionary gives its equivalent as ketli and famku' and the former manifestly is intended for kila . bolt, pin or lance,' from kil to bind (Wilson's Ekt Dick, 232); and the latter is obviously corrupt for iarba = the thunderbolt of Indra, Wilson 8. D. 848. 34 Literally 'untamed.' 35 Or niredwa. 36 Or essence' anin.po.

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MARCH, 1914.] THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA. By V. RANGACHARI, M.A., LT, MADRAS. (Continued from p. 36.) SECTION VI 1500-1530. The Empire under the Tuluvas, We have already seen how the great Tuluva regent Narasa Naik deposed the Emperor Saluva Immudi Narasimha and established a new dynasty on the throne of Vijayanagar. Men of great capacity and industry, the monarchs of the Tuluva line took prompt steps to bring the various provinces and feudatory states under the control of the central authority. It is true that Narasa Naik died within a year or two19 after his exaltation to the imperial dignity; but even within this short space of time, he made his name a real power throughout the Empire. His eldest son and successor, Vira Narasimha, the Busbal Rao of Nuniz, ruled till 1509 A.D. According to copper plates and inscriptions, he was a virtuous emperor who made gifts at various places, such as Ramesvaram, and Srirangam; but according to travellers and chroniclers, a weak and incompetent sovereign, whose repose was constantly invaded by either external or internal enemies. Free from the dominance of the strong personality of Narasa, the feudatories of the various provinces shewed signs of disaffection and independance, and defied the central authority. Many of the Kanarese chiefs of upper Karnata or Mysore, for example, became overbearing. The Musalman governor of Goa openly made war with his suzerain.20 The chief of the small, but strategically well situated, feudatory state of Ummathur in Mysore rebelled, and after a victory over the Emperor, made himself independent 21 at Terkanambi and the surrounding country. Taking advantage of these troubles, the Gajapati king carried his arms into the empire, and seized the fortresses of Kondavidu and Udayagiri. The sultans of the Trans-Tungabadra region naturally exulted in their immunity from chastisement and opportunity for aggression. The Empire under Krishna Deva Raya 1509-1530. It was under such circumstances that the great Krishna Deva Raya22 came to the throne. It is beyond our province to give a detailed account of the greatness, the magnificencu and the achievements of this remarkable man. Nowhere in the world's history do we find a more striking example of a king who deserved to be king not because of his inheritance, but because of his kingly qualities. Soldier and statesman, administrator and conqueror, poet?) and patron of arts and letters, Krishna Deva was undoubtedly the greatest monarch that ever sat on the Vijayanagar throne. The works of Akbar seem to face into insignificance before the glories of this monarch. Numerous are the romances that have 19 In the latter part of S. 1424 1. e., 1502 A. D.: See Arch. Sur. 1908-09, p. 171. 20 Ep. Carna. VI; Arch. Suru. 1908-09. 21 Terianambi is Gundlupot Taluk of Mysore. The Kongudesa Rdjdkal also mentions the growth of the power of this chief at the expense of the Empire See Ep. Car. III, 95, which says that a chief named MATA RAID was so aggressive as to extend his territory as far as Penukonda. Inscriptions 578 and 579 of 1908 point out that Narasa Raja Udayar held territory as far as Tirumuranjampundi in Coinbatore in 1499 A. D.: (see also Ep. Rep. 1900). 22 He was about 20 when he came to the throne. Being the son of Nagala, a queen of inferior status, Krishna Deva was considered by many wrongly to be illegitimate. His predecessor had tried to deprive him of his eyes and, according to one version, to kill him; but saluva Timma seved him. For details see Ibid, 174-186. Mr. Krishna Sastri bases his account or Sewell's antiquities; Viresalingam. lives of Telugu Poets; Poet Venkataraya's Krishnard ja Vijayamu, the account of Nuniz; Forgotten Empire and Ep. Reports. >> Eg. Krishna Deva himself composed the poem Amuktamdlydda, besidcs some Sanskrit works, He also patronised many writers and came to be known as the 2nd or Andhra Bhoja. (See lives of Telugu Poets, Arch. Suru. 1908-09, p. 185-186. also Ep. Ind. I, 370-1; Ibid 398-402.)

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MARCH, 1914. gathered round his magic name. Numerous are the tales, embodying facts as well as fictions, with which poets and writers have, for centuries, loved to associate his beloved person. Poets have praised his poetic genius, scholars have admired his scholarship, kings his kingcraft, priests his piety, artists his taste, and the historian his towering personality in the history of Hindu civilization. Even to children his name possesses a charm. The hero of a hundred nursery tales, he is, with his friend and "father," Saluva Timma?: Appaji, their friend, their companion and their hero. Even to-day when the round of tales goes around the domestic hearth of the Hindu home, when the children, old or young, gather around the smiling old man and cry for the good old stories, heard perhaps scores of times, of the beloved * Raya", and of the more beloved " Appaji," what a sunshine is there in their faces ! how poignant their grief when the son of Nagala was condemned by his cruel brother to be deprived of his eyes! What joy when he was saved by Appaji and the eyes of sheep were presented to the tyrant ! How interested when the great emperor's personal habits, his gymnastic exercises, and his morning pursuits are narrated ! Krishna Deva Raya, in short, is the national hero of the Andhras, and more than any other sovereign, made the Telugu sovereignty over south India a reality. Immediately after his accession, he adopted effectual measures to reimpose the yoke of the empire on those who had defied 2n its standard. He first reduced the powerful Ummathur chiefs of the Mysore-Kongu marches, who, as we have already seen, had grown turbulent in the time of Vira Narasimha, The pride of the Gajapatia was then humbled ; not only were the fortresses of Udayagiri and Kondavidu once again brought under Vijayanagar, but the Gajapati dominions invaded, and the Gajapati king had to humbly acknowledge the supremacy of Vijayanagar. The king of Orissa then felt the puissant arms of the great emperor, and a pillar of victory in the heart of the Kalinga country remained, ever after, a melancholy reminder of the military aggression of the Telugu over the Uriya ; and when the defeated chieftain was compelled to give his daughter27 in marriage to the conqueror, he had to rue the proud and indiscriminate contempt in which he had held the family and powers of his adversary. Krishna Deva Raya's foreign Policy. An even more successful exploit of Krishna Deva was the conquest of the Raichur duab29 from the Muhammaclan, and the invasion and occupation of Bijapur itself. The country of the 'Adil Shah was overrun, the fortress of Kalbarga 29 was destroyed, and the Vijayanagar emperor found himself the arbitrator in the internal politics of Bijapur and Ahmadnagar. Never before had the enemies of Vijayanagar trembled so much as in the days of Krishna Deva and never had Vijayanagar ruled over such an extensive territory.30 While the emperor was engaged in these exploits in the north almost throughout his reign, he did not forget the comparatively tranquil South. His power strongly felt throughout the empire. Here, there was no corner of the extensive land which stretched from sea to sea and from the Krishna to the Cape which escaped his vigilant control. The large number 24 For a connected account of this celebrated man, based on epigraphical records, see Aich. Suru. 1908.09, p. 183. The literature concerning him and his activities is legion. 25 Ep. Ind. III p. 17-22, Mukku Timmanna Parijala paharana refers to this campaign a which ended in the capture of Sivasamudram; the Muhammadan historians. also refer to it. 26 All the epigraphical and other authorities in connexion with this have been ably cited by Mr. Krishna Sastri in Arch. Surv. Rep. 1908-09, pp. 176-179. ZT Arch, Surv. 1908.9, p. 179 based on inscription and Telugu and Tamil literature. 28. See Sewell's Forgotten Empire for an elaborate discussion of the date of the Raichur siege and capture. (1520 A. D.); Insc. 47 of 1906; Ep. Rep. 1907; Nuniz account ; Scott's Dekkan I, 239-40 29 The poem imukta Malydda. 30 Soe Wilson's Des. Catal. of Mack. MSS., 1882, p. 87.

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MARCH, 1914.] THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA 45 and the wide range of inscriptions31 go to prove this. In the districts north of Madras, in the region covered by modern Mysore, in Salem, Coimbatore, Malabar, the Arcots, Tanjore, Trichinopoly, Madura and Tinnevelly, in the whole of South India, in fact, including Mysore and South Bombay, the marks of his sovereignty are apparent. In South India he distinguished himself chiefly by his temple architecture and by his religious endowments to almost every Vishnu and Siva temple. The temples of Chidambaram, Tiruvanamalai, were especially benefited by his magnificent labours. The thousand-pillared mantapam, the sacred tank, the eleven-storeyed gopura, the car of Vinayaka, the central shrine, the gold and silver jewels, the gold pinnacle, cornice and doorways, and the other glories of the Tiruvannamalai temple were due to Krishna Deva's liberality 2. The lofty and imposing northern tower of the Chidambaram temple, again, was his work. 33 "The high towers of most of the temples of the south," says Mr. Krishna Sastri, "must have been built in the time of Krishna Raya, as also the picturesque and extended addition known generally as 100-pillared and 1000-pillared mantapas. We frequently hear of a Raya-gopuram, which means the tower of Rayar (i.e., perhaps Krishna Raya). It is not possible at this stage of epigraphical research to say how many temples were benefited by Krishna Raya's charities. It may be presumed that his liberal hand was practically extended to the whole of the Empire." In 1517 he remitted 10,000 varahas of the imperial revenue to the Siva and Vishnu temples of the Chola country. An inscription of 1528 at Piramalai says that the Emperor's power was felt in the island of Ceylon. The Southern Viceroys between 1500 and 1530. A word may be said about the viceroys of Vijayanagar in the south and the indigenous Paidyan dynasty during the period of thirty years covered by the reigns of Narasa Naik, Vira Narasimha, and Krishna Deva. It has been already pointed out, how, after the usurpation of Narasa Naik, the Saluva Emperor, Immadi Narasimha, sank into the position of a subordinate viceroy, and ruled in the basin of the Kaveri and Vaigai S.Arcot, Trichinopoly and Tanjore. Immadi Narasimha had the mortification to observe himself relegated to oblivion by Narasa's son, Vira Narasimha, in 1502. The relations between the two are unknown, but there is clear evidence to prove that the former lived at least till 1505.37 In the years which followed, the Saluvas continued to rule over the Kaveri and part at least of the Vaigai regions. From his headquarters at Tiruvadi, one Sellappa Vira Narasimha Nayakar, who has been styled in a Chingleput record,38 "Ubaya Pradhani," and occupied a very prominent place in the counsels of the Empire, gave various grants from 1515 to 1530. "In S. 1444 Sellappa Vira Narasimha Nayakar restored, apparently on his own responsibility, a grant to a temple at Tirumaiyam in the 31 In Salem E. g. an insc. of Karpuram Udaya Nayanar temple at Uttamacholapuram (near Salem) shews that Sela Nadu was under him (see. Ep. Rep. 1888). The Sendamangalam insen. 1903 also proves it. In S. Arcot he built the N. Gopura of the Chidambaram temple (Ep. Rep. 1888). His insc. are also found at Vilipuram (116, 117, and 118 of 1897); Acharapakam (233 of 1901) S. 1400; at Tiruvannamalai (Ep. Rep. 1904 p. 13); at Tiruppalathurai (228 of 1903); at Piranmalai (146 of 1903); 35 of 1905 says that the governor of Tindivanam Simai gave a gift of land. In 1522 an insc. at Tadikombu near Dindigul (4 of 1894) mentions a gift in his name by a tributary Kondaiya Deva Maha Raja, son of Senna Rajaiya. 32 Arch. Surv. 1908-9, p. 181; Ep. Rep. 1900, p. 27, (574 of 1902, etc. 33 Insc. 175 and 174 of 1892. 35 Ibid. p. 182. 36 This gift has been recorded in the temples of Tiruvannamalai (S. Aroot), Sendamangalam (S. Arcot), Kannanur (Trichi), Trichi, etc. 34 Arch. Surv. 1908-09, p. 186 (footnote). 37 Arch. Surv. 1908-09, p. 172. 36 Insc. 233 of 1909, of S. 1450 records a gift for the merit of Krishna Deva at Acharapakam.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MARCH, 1914. Pudhukottai state30" Two inscriptions from Tirupattur, dated S. 1432, refer to the same chief.40 From these we understand that Siluva Naik was a very powerful and conspicuous magnate of Krishna Deva Raya. So powerful was he, that he seems to have entertained ideas of treason, and to have been looking anxiously for the death of Krishna Deva, so that he could declare himself independent; and when Krishna Deva diect in 1530, he actually declared himself independent, and excited, thereby, one of the most formidable rebellions in Vijayanagar history, a rebellion which had important effects on the history of S. India, and which indirectly led, as we shall see in the next chapter, to the establishment of the Naik dynasty in Madura. The Karnataka Rajis' Suvistaracharitra t1 gives a different account of the southern part of the Empire under Krishna Deva Raya. It says that the affairs of the Karnataka were very much unsettled, that the chiefs were turbulent, and that an imperial army of 100,000 men had to be sent to conquer and compel the payment of tribute and allegiance. The imperial forces commanded by the Sirdars Vyappa Naik, Tuppakki Krishnappa Naik, Vijaya Raghava Naik and Venkatappa Naik, proceeded to Seringa patam and enforced tribute from all the chiefs of that region. Vyappa then descended into the lower Carnatic and arrived at Velur by way of Ambur. Here the numerous chiefs of Chittur and Tondamandalam met him and saluted the imperial flag. Making one Pennurutti Venkata Reddi, the Faujdar of this region. in accordance with the Raja's orders, Vyappa then resumed his march and arrived at Jinji. Here the kings of the land between that place and Jayankondacho!apuram saluted him and paid obeisance. Vyappa then despatched his colleagues Vijaya Raghava Naik and Venkatappa Naik to the south to collect tribute from the Chola, Paudya, and the Chera realms. These generals visited, in the course of their triumphant career, the cities of Tanjore, Trichinopoly, Madura and Tirunagiri, and excited so much fear in the minds of the local chiefs and governors that they hastened to acknowledge the Emperor. The whole of the Iower Carnatic now formed part of the Raya's Samasthana, and brought in an aggregate revenue of three crores to the imperial treasury. Vyappa divided the whole country into three divisions, each of which brought in a crore, and was ruled by a viceroy. He himself stayed at Jinji. To Vijaya Raghava he gave Tanjore, and to Venkatappa, Madura and Tirunagiri. Vyappa, and his lieutenant Tupp kki Krishnappa Naik had the country north of the Coleroon under them, Vijaya Raghava bad the Kaveri region, and Venkatappa, the Vaigai and the Timbraparni basins. Each looked after his province, and collected tribute from the local rulers. The Chronicle then goes on to describe the actions and achievements of the viceroys of Jinji in detail. We cannot say how far this account is correct. But there is no reason to make us think that it is not correct. The division of the Empire for purposes of good administration is not unnatural, and Krishna Dera might have authorised such a procedure. The Governors of Madura. But if Venkatappa was the general Viceroy of Madura and Tinnevelly, what was the relation between him and Saluva Narasimha Naikan ? Was he his subordinate, or was he subject to Vijaya Raghava Naik? It is difficult to say. Again. one 39 Inscription 399 of 1906. 40'Insc. 91 and 92 of 1908. Krishna Sastri identified him first with Vira Narasimha, Krishna Deva's father, (Ep. Rep. 1908-09), but has since rightly given up that theory. This Vira Narasimha was a Saluva, probably the "Saluvanay" of Muniz, who held large territories which bordered on Ceylon. 11 There are three copies of this work in the Oriental MSS. Library. The best is in Taylor's Res. Mack. MSS. Vol. I.

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MARCH, 1914.) THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA of the Mackenzie+2 MSS. says that between 1500 and 1535 there were a number of Naik governors in Madura. These were Tenna Naik who ruled from 1500 to 1515; Narasa Pillai, 48 1515-1519; Timmappa Naikar, 1519-1524; Kottiyam Kamaiya Naik, 1524-1526; Chinnappa Naikar, 1526-1530 ; Vijaya Naika, 44 1530-1535; and Viasvanatha Naik, 1535-1545. What was the relation between these governors and Venkatappa Naik? Was he superior to them all? If so, how long was he in that position. All these questions are difficult to answer. Further epigraphical discoveries alone can enlighten us. The local kings in the same period. It is certain that while Saluva Naik, or Venkatappa Naik, was representing the imperial interests in the districts of Trichinopoly and Madura, the indigenous rulers continued to rule as his subordinates. In Trichinopoly, for instance, one Channaiya Baliya Deva ruled about 1530 and acknowledged the supremacy of Krishna Deva, and gained distinction 15 by his gifts to the god and goddess at Uraiyur. It seems that this chief looked on Saluva Naik with suspicion, if not hatred, and proved himself, as we shall see later on, a no mean enemy of his. Coming to the south, the region around Madura was under the immediate rule of the Vanada Ravars. Still further south were the Paidyan rulers of Tenkasi, who claimed a nominal supremacy over the Vanada Rayars, but readily paid allegiance to Vijayanagar and its representatives. We have already seen how, at the time of the usurpation of Narasa Naik, Alagan Perumal Parakrama was ruling in Tinnevelly. He continued to govern during the reigns of Vira Narasimha and Krishnadeva. He died in 1516 and was followed by the joint kings Abhirama Parakrama and Ahavarama, the first sovereigns of the Pudhukottai plates. 46 These held power till 1533 when one of the most remarkable kings of the dynasty, Jatilavarman Srivallabha, ascended the throne. 12 The Pand. Chron. ; see also Mad. Manual; Sewell's Antiq. II, p. 223. 43 Pillai, Naikan, and Aiyar seem to have been used interchangeably. 44 Also called Aiyakarai Vyappa. Is he the same as Krishna Diva's general mentioned in the Karnataka Raja's Savistdra Charitra ? + See. Ep. Rep. 1892, (aug). 45 See Mad. Ep. Rep. 1908. 16 Trav. Arch. series. The genealogy as given in these plates is as follows: Abhirama Parakrama. Ahara Rama Parakrama P. Salivatipati Srlvallabha. Srlvallabha. Manabharana, (Pandya Rajya relationship doubtful. Sthapanacharya). alias Kulasekhara. Manakavacha Kaliyuga Raman Tirunelveli Perumal Vira Pandya his Co-Regent. Ati Vira Rama. Srivallabha. Guia Rama Varatunga RAme. The Donors. Mr. Venkaiyah thinks that Abhirama Parakrama was the same as the Parikrama Pandya of Caldwell who ascended the throne in 1516 A.D. The relationship of Srivallabha and Manabharana who are said to be the brothers of Srivallabha Pardya Rajyasthapana charya by Mr. Venkaiyah is disputed by Mr. Gopingthi Rao who believes that there is nothing to shew in the original that they are his brothers. The actual donor is a certain Tirumal Naik of Chintalapalle, minister of Vira Mahipati, (ie, Virappa Ndik). He is said to have fought in the battle of Vallaprakara wherein the army of Virabhupa was annihilated and the troops of Achyuta were completely, routed. For an explanation of the latter part see Chapt. III.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1914 The Death of Krishna Deva In the year 1530 Krishna Deva Raya joined his fathers, leaving a void in South Indian history which could hardly be filled by any other statesman. His death was a blow to the Empire from which it never recovered. His brother and successor, Achyuta Raya, was not wanting in capacity, but the moment the eyes of Krishna Deva closed, there was a universa! rebellion in the Empire, and Achyuta Raya had to go to the south and quell it. It was this formidable rebellion that indirectly led to the establishment of the Naik dynasty in Madura. but in order that the condition of Madura and the south in general may at the time of the establishment of the Naik dynasty be well understood, it is necessary that the civilization of South India in the period of Vijayanagar supremacy must be described. I shall therefore proceed to sketch the features of South Indian civilization in the next section. and then describe, in the next chapter, the events of Achyuta Raya's administration, which ultimately led to the Naik Raj in Madura. BOOK NOTICE THE GARDENS OF THE GREAT MUGHALS. By C. M. enables her readers to get at the inner life of the VILLIERS STUART. London, Black, 1913. people : always valuable information. THIS is notable work for two reasons. It The author is rather severe on modern British breaks new ground and has been written by the wife | taste in gardening as being inapplicable to India, of a voung officer of a British Regiment serving whereas the formal Mughal garden and its sur temporarily in India. In the lattc: respect it supplies sors are fully suited to situation and climate. a welcome answer to the complaint that English The present writer cannot agree with this view ladies obliged to reside in India for a while take altogether. India is a vast country and there are no interest in the country. conditions in places to which the modern English This is no butterfly book, but a serious attempt system seems to be admirably suited, while in at the history of modern Indian gardening as others, especially in the arid, dusty plains, the introduced from further North and West by Babar formal walled system seems to specially succeed. and his successors, and at comprehending the symbo- What does appear to be faulty taste is to mix up lism in which the Indian lady of to-day enshrines her the modern British system with the Mughal, and carden. There are minor mistakes in it, of course, to attempt, as is sometimes done, to combine both for the writer is young and has had perforce to look within the same four walls. The irresistible tenfor information and guidance to more experienced denoy in all Oriental countries 18 to follow the persons, who have not always guided her aright. governing powers, and there is no doubt a danger But this fact need not trouble the reader. If he under British rule of all the formal Indian gardens is experienced, he can put the errors straight for becoming Anglicised to their damage. If the author himself. If he is not, they will not affect him succeeds in giving native ladies a pride in their form The main fact for both classes of readers is that of gardening and in thus checking & mischievous this book seriously starts a line of enquiry well tendencing towards indiscriminate Anglicising, she worth following up by those who would know what will have performed a work of permanent usefulness. is in the minds of the natives of India, while they In view of the severe controversy bound to arise live out their daily lives. over the ordering of the new Delhi this book is The fact of the author being a woman gives most opportune. Gardens on a great scale will be her an advantage that no man, however experienced necessary and both British and native sentiment and learned in things Indian, could have. Garwill have to be considered. This book will supply dens are everywhere naturally attached to dwellings much necessary information on the latter point, in such a way that the women occupying the which would not otherwise be forthcoming. I must. hounes can have ready and continuous access to however, point out that the Mughal System to be thom. So she has been able to make friends with beautiful and successful is "millionaire" gardening, the wives and other female belongings of the owners, and if followed on a cheap scale is bound to be the and find out at first hand from them what their unpleasant failure that the modern Indian malg gardens mean to them, and how their contents achieves when left to himself. and forms have come to be preserved. All this R. C. TEMPLE

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APRIL, 1914.) DHARANI OR INDIAN BUDDHIST SPELLS " DHARANI," OR INDIAN BUDDHIST PROTECTIVE SPELLS. Translated from the Tibetan. BY L. A. WADDELL, C.B., LL.D. (Continued from p. 42). 4. The Black Iron-Beak. Loha Kala-tunda.37 Tib. 1 Chaga mch'u nag-po. [Ka-gyur Gyud. Calcutta (& I. O. ?) Hodgson Coll. Vol. M:I. O., Tib. texts. (Waddell Coll.) No. K. 17. Vol. Y. (21), No. 264 in my list : Csoma, A8. Res. XX. 540 (8).] This purports to have been recited by Ananda in order to procure rain, etc. It is to coerce a large number of great Naga-kings,' who are specified by name. 5. The Thunderbolt-Claw. Vajra-Ratiru. Tib. Dorje sder-mo. (I. O., Tib. Texts (Waddell Coll.) No. K. 17 vol. Ji. (31), No. 260 in my list]. It is addressed to several Mothers,' and other she-devils who are specified by name. No translator is named. 6. The White Umbrella-one of Buddha's Diadem, U nisa Sitatapatra Aparajita. The great Turner-away (of Evil). Tibetan: Ka-gyur rGyud, Calc. (& I. O. ?) Hodgson Coll. Vol. P. (13) fol. 181-188 224-229; Csoma As, Res. XX. 519 (18); St. Petersb. Vol. Ph. (14) fol. 212-224. Dharani Sect. W. 133-138: J. Schmidt Cat. 162; I. O., Tib. Texts (Waddell Col.), Ka-gyur as above. Sanskrit :-Raj. L. Mitra, Nep. Budd. Lit. 227; Stein, Turkestan MSS., Hoernle, J.R:A.S. 1911, 461 ff: R.A.S. Hodgs. Coll. No. 77-Uigur ;F.W.K. Muller Uigurica II., 50 ff.--Chinese; Bun. Nanjio, Cat. Tripitaka, No. 1016 ()) " In the Indian Speech [it is called] Arya tathagatos nisa sitatapatre aparajita38 mahapratyangira paramsiddha nama dharani: in the Tibetan P'ag-8-pa de-bz'in giegs-paigtsug-lor-nas byun-bai gdugs-dkar-po-chan gz'an-gyis mi-t'ub-pa p'yir-zlog-pa che'n-po mch'og-tu grub-po z'esbyas bai gzuns i.e., "The Dharani called The Noble White Umbrella One, invincible against others who sprang from the diadem of the Tathagata to accomplish 39 perfectly the great turning away [of evil.)" Salutation to all the Buddhas and Bodhisattvas, and Noble Hearers and Pratyeka Buddhas ! Salutation to the Blessed One, (Bhagavan),40 the invincible queen of the diadem! This word was thus heard by me. The Blessed One was seated in the storeyed temple of the gods of The Thirty Three' with a great congregation of monks, a great congregation of the Bodhisattvas together with Sakra, the ruler of the gods. At that time, the Blessed One seated himself on a low cushion, and at that low level entered into the deep meditation called * the perfect Vision of the Diadem ' (Usnisa vidariana). 41 37 One version reads 'dusta." 38 Tho masculine gender here, as well as in the Tibetan translation of the title, presurdeg, I think, a form antecedent to the deification of this spell as a fomale goddess. 39 grub-pa, the Tibetan equivalent of the Sanskrit siddha means to accomplish by yoga-methods 40 This is masculine. 41 In the list of religious stages' (dharmapayaraya) enumerated in the Mahduyutpatti (No. 244, 82 St. Petersb, edn. p. 81) is mentioned Unisa-vivarmurdhnah samadhi pravesa.

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50 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [APRIL, 1914. Not long after he was seated in that meditation these words of an esoteric spell issued from the middle of the diadem of the Blessed One.12 Salutation to the Buddha, the Law,43 the Congregation ! Salutation to the series of the seven All-perfect Buddhas, the congregation of Bodhisattvas and the hearers (sravaka), Salutation to the great embodied Bodhisattvas, Maitreya and the rest! Salutation to the saints (arhanta) of the world, to those who have entered the stream (of saintship, srauta panna), to the saints who will transmigrate only once (sakridagamin)! Salutation to the perfectly enlightened ones of the present age 1 Salutation to the saints of the gods (Devarisi) to the useful power of the saints who hold the spells (vidyadhara-rist), to the saints (siddhi) who hold the spells ! Salutation to Brahma, to Indra, to the blessed Rudra, 4 the lord of Uma (the turner away of, or from, difficulties).45 also to herself! Salutation to the blessed Narayana in his forms doing great deeds! Salutation to the blessed Mahkkala dwelling in the fearsome three-tiered city in the cemeteries and the troops of Mothers doing energetic deeds, the adored ones! Salutation to the line of the blessed Tathagata! Salutation to the line of the blessed Thunderbolt, the blessed Jewel, the blessed Eleph. ant & the blessed Virgins (Kumara), the blessed Nagas! Salutation to the blessed king holding hero-destroying weapons, the completely perfect Saint the Tathagata, Buddha ! Salutation to the blessed completely perfect saint Tathagata Buddha Amitabha ! Salutation to the blessed completely perfect Saint, Tathagata Buddha Aksobhya ! Salutation to the blessed completely perfect Saint, Tathagata Buddha of medicine Baisaj-ya Guru, the king of bery]47 light! Salutation to the blessed completely perfect Saint Tathagata Buddha, the vast flowery lord of the Sal-treel-grove?]! Salutation to the blessed completely perfect Saint, Tathagata Buddha the king of the top-most jewel' (ralna-sambhava ?)! Salutation to the blessed completely perfect Saint, Tathagata Buddha Samantabhadra ! Salutation to the blessed completely perfect Saint, Tathagata Buddha Vairocana ! Salutation to the blessed completely perfect Saint, Tathagata Buddha, the vast-eyed king of the scented top of the utpal-lotus flower!' Having saluted all these, the Blessed Mother, 18 the Invincible White Umbrella-One, the Great Turner-aside of Evil, issued from the diadem of the Tathagata, to cut asunder com. pletely all the malignant d mons;49 42 The Stein MS. does not contain the foregoing important matter, which locates the origin of the spell and explains its name from its mode of origin. The Hodgson Sanskrit MS. (No. 77) omits the last sentence fromat' to 'diadem.' 43 To avoid needless reiteration I omit several of the phrases Salutation to.' 44 Legs-Idan drag-po; my MSS. Dictionary restores Legs-Idan to Bhagavati.' 45 Dkd-t'ub-zlog. This Tibetan etymology for Umi, differing from the current Brahmanical one namely light,' is in keeping with the Brahmanist legend of the prohibition addressed to Durgi by her mother, Umd, i. e., practise not austerities.' 46 In the Stein MS., Dr. Hoernle reads here raja (J. R. A. 8., 1911, 463) for which the Tibetan would suggest gau 47 Vaflurya. 48 Bchom-Idan-dae-ma, here the feminine form appears for the first time. 49 Gdon.

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APRIL, 1914.) DHARANI OR INDIAN BUDDHIST SPELLS To cut asunder all the [hostile] spells60 of others; To turn aside all untimely51 environments ; 52 To save53 the animated beings from all fetters54 and from accidental death; To turn aside all hostilities55 and evil dreams and evil spectres (bhuta); To frighten away the injuries of yakras and raksas; To frighten away the hosts of 80,000 malignant demons; 60 To cause happiness throughout the 28 lunar constellations ; To turn aside all enemies and dangers and hatred; To frighten away all evil demons, all poisons and weapons ; To turn aside fire and flood. She is the saviour (Tara)5T from all fear of harmful things ! The great terrible destroyer (Ugra)68 is she, invincible against others (aparajita)! Very fierce (Chanda)59 is she, with great might! Very fiery, with great shining brightness(Marici)! Of great whiteness, a white one is she, clad in a garland of flames ! 60 The noble Tara, with the frowning brows (Bhrikuti (?))! The renowned one known as The garlanded with thunderbolts of victory.'! Her outward mark of the lotus is the mark of the thunderbolt ! The garlanded one, invincible against others (Aparajita)! With thunderbolt-beak (Vajra-tundi) [yet] the shape of a beauteous damsel 01 is she ! Placid (Siva) is she, adored by all the gods ! The placid one garlanded with gold ! The great White One in a white robe of fire ! Noble Tara great in might, the thunder-bolt enchaining others. The thunderbolt maid, the upholder of the race ! Be jewelled with the juice of the saffron flower! The famous thunderbolt diadem of Vairocana ! May all this troop of thy mystic forms, protect our own circle and the Buddhist] doctrine and all living beings! Here follows the especial incantation or spell, the Dharani proper, in crude Sanskrit. It is a shorter form of the above prayer for protection with some additional cabalistic words.] O sarva tathagatornisa sitatapatre hun hrukhri stoi. Jambhanakari hiti hru hri stou. Mohanakari husi hrum hri stom. Lambhanakari hun hrusi hre som. Bhanakari hun hru in hristown. 50 Srage. 51 Dus-ma-yin-par. 52 Ch'ib. 58 'Grol-pa. 54 Bchins. 55 Sdar. 36. Gdon. 57 Sgrol. 58 Drag sul, restored by my MS. Dictionary to Ugra. Ugra Tard is one of the Nepalese series of the * Fine Tards' (Hodgson's Essays, reprint 94). See my Buddhism of Tibet, p. 436 for several of these fierce forms of Tara. 69 Gtum-ch'en-mo. 60 Rnam agegamo, literary shape +dancing damsel, 61 Most of these epithets in this hymn of praise have been found by Dr. Hoernle in a Sanskrit text of this Dharani in the Stein oollection, though in a different order.

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52 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [APRIL, 1914 Para pizabhaksanakari &c. Sarva dusana pradustana, dc. Sarva yaksa rakesa graha nam vidhvai sanakari, dec. Sarva para vidya che'danakari, dc. Chatura-sitina graha sahasra nai vidhvan, dc. Astavi-sitingin naksatra na i prasadhanakari, dec. Astavi nan mahagraha nai Vidhvani, &c. Raksa raksa nam sarva satvansca. O White umbrella-one who issued from the diadem of the Tathagata, the Blessed One ! The greater averter (of harm] the diadem-thunderbolt, The great mother possessing a thousand hands, The great mother with a thousand heads, with millions of eyes of unchanging fire, The great vast thunderbolt by whom, in the cycles of the three worlds, we ourselves and all living things will become blessed. The thunderbolt always gaping, possessed of eyes like glittering gold. The white one with the gait of the thunderbolt (and) eyes like the Buddha. The thunderbolt like the light of the sun, holding a thunderbolt like the moon. Learned in all these various [mystic] forms and spells! We beseech thee to protect us and all living beings! Oin risigana prasasta sarva latha jatosnisa sitata patre han druri, Stanbhanakari, &c. ... raksa mai svaha. O great averter, the thunderbolt diadem, the White Umbrella-one who issued from the diadem of the blessed Tathagata ! O great owner of a thousand heads and a hundred thousand eyes I thy distinctive name of the Fiery-one' is never changed ! Thy great vast thunderbolt is the terror of the three retinues of kings, of ourselves and the [other] beings! It is the terror of everyone, the terror of water, of poison, of destructive weapons, of the hosts of foreign armies outside the frontier, of the famine, enemies, descending tongues, of untimely death, earthquakes, meteors ! It is a terror more than the punishment of kings! It is a terror to the gods and nagas, to lightning, to the Garuda of the skies, to ferocious beasts of prey, the harmful spirits of the gods, the devils of the nagas and asuras, the winddust-devils, gandharva [ .. &c. several other classes of spirits are named). Instead of the pricks of these demons let us obtain happiness. Feed [us] with wholesome fresh food, with plenteous food, with red amalaka fruit,c2 and meat and the fat of the land ! Feed us with harvests of lifeless animals ! . . [here various foods are specified]. Arrange for us the spells for doing all these things ! Bestow on us by the thunderbolt-dagger63 [favourable conditions) for our grain ! Arrange we beseech thee for this on a vast scale ! Bestow on us by the thunderbolt-dagger the spells necessary for performing these works by the sky-going fairies [dakini], by Brahma, Indra, Narayan, the Garuda and its associates, Mahakala, the troops of [divine) mothers, human skeletons (spectres ?] and vanquishers of dreams, [also] for performing the deeds of a naked ascetic, 64 (Jaina) the deeds of a Buddhist c2 Myrobalan emblica. 63 P'ur-bus gdab-po. 64 Dge-sbyon gear-bus.

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AFRIL, 1914.) DHARANI OR INDIAN BUDDHIST SPELLS 53 monk,65 of an arhanta freed from sensuous desire, of the followers of the creator of living beings' fi.e. Brahmans), of the following Vajrapani, of the male and female angels, of all the Saints, of all the gods ! Bestow by the thunderbolt-dagger the power of the Gandharvas (8) Salutation to the White Umbrella-One who emerged from the diadem of the Tathagata. The Bleened One who is the means of performing deeds like those of the Buddha and all the Bodhisattvas. We beseech you to protect us and all living things .. Here follows an invocation to the goddess as the terror of... 67" To destroy (evil) ']. O a sitana larka prabha sphuta-vika Sitatapatre! Oi jvala jvala, khada khada, hanahana, daha daha, dhara dhara, vidhara vidhara, ls'inda ts'inda, bhindabhinda, hun hui, phat pha!, evaha ! He he phat, Ho-ho pha!, Amoghaya phay, Apratihataya phat. Varadaya68 varapradaya, pratyanngira ya, asuravidra-vanakaraya, Varavidra-vanakaraya, Sarva devibhayah Sarva nage-bhayah.69 Here follows the series of Spirits good and evil to each of which sarvas is prefixed and bhayah phat is affixed, namely rakse, bhute, prete, pisatse, kusmande, putane, katputane, skande,unmade, c'ch'aye, apasmare, ostarake, dakini, revati, yamaya,bakuni, matigane, skambu kamman, apalatavake, kantrane, gandharve, asure, kinnara, garude, mahorage, yakse, durlamghite, dugpraksite, jare, bhaye, upadrave, upasarve, krityakarmanika-khorda, kirana vetade, ciochapresaka-sarvadascchardita, durbhugte, tirthike (naked Jains) Srar'mane, patake). Sarva Vidyadhara phat! Jiyakara madhukara sarva arthasadhaye bhyo vidyacarye bhyah phat! Chaturbhyobhaginiye [The four fear-causing sisters ?] pha!! Sarva Kaumari vajra, Kulandhari, vidyacarye bhayah phat! Sarva Mahapartyarigirato bhayah phat, Vajra Sashkhala pratyasigirayai phat 71! Mahakalaya matri gana namaskritaya, Prahma naye, Vinnavaye, Maheivaraye, Randaraye, Mahakalye, Camundye,7 Kumaryd, Varahyye, Indraya, Agnaya, Yasmaya, Varunaya, Marutya, Saumaye, Ibana, Kaladandya, Kalaratre, Yamadande, Ratre, Ka palyee, phat! Adhimukti emasana vasidye ! Oin sto, bandha bandha, raksa, raksa, masi svaha / We beseech you to protect us all, the sinful as well as the worthy ... May we become the first born for a hundred years, may we see a hundred thousand lives free from trouble by yaksa873 and other demons may we obtain wholesome food in plenty ... If the White Umbrella-One [be invoked) then the Thunderbolt-Diadem, the great turneraway [of Evil), will save from death, wild beasts, accident... o White Umbrella-one (the product] of all the Tathagatas and Buddhas destroy (all evil) ! Cause all the kings of the Nagas, Ananta and Sankapala and the great Mahakala to shed sea 65 Mgo-reg. 66 Literally the eaters of human offerings.' 67 It appears to read bhyib, which is not intelligible; possibly it is intended for a derivative of the Sanskrit bhaya * fear.' 68 After each of these titles comes phat, which I omit for brevity. 69 This is bhayah and not bhyah and clearly shows the word = 'fear and that the latter form, which ocours in several places, is presumably an error. 70 This implies that there are several forms of Mahapratyathgird. T1 From the following titles I omit phat for brevity. T2 It is interesting to find that CamundA is identified with Sitatapatra (ie, Tard), for this svenging form of Durge was, like Sitatapatra herself, sent forth as an emanation from the head, 73 This prominence given to yaksas suggests an early date.

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54 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [APRIL, 1914. sonable rain, to yield geasonable masses of cloud, seasonable loud-voiced thunder! Be near to us in all dangers. Help us to perform the duties of a follower of the Buddha during the ages! May the contents of this [book] through the grace of] Buddha and all the Bodhisattvas be of use to gods, men, titans, (asuras) and angels (gandharvas), to ourselves and fellow beings! Praised be the word of the Blessed One, and may its meaning become fully manifest! The Dharani here contained is named The Noble Invincible White Umbrella-One, which issued from the diadem of the Tathagata to accomplish perfectly the great turning-away "[of Evil)." [End of the Dharani] As a postscript there are five pages containing a further list of Indian demons and diseases and other evils for which the spell is efficacious, including the following: Tongues of fire, itching and ulcers, emaciation, cough, difficulty of breathing, insanity, poisonous drugs, curses, fire-water, fever, death by enemies, untimely (accidental) death, unworthy' beggary, scorpions, worms, leopards, lions, tigers, the black bear (dom), the red bear (dred), wild yak (possibly buffalo), water-devil.' It concludes with this prayer : "Against all these evil swarms we beseech you to protect us"! Against all these may you be pleased to perform the binding spells (mantras). O brilliantly shining one be pleased to bind evil! Be pleased to perform the vidyamantra spells against all others [counter-spells ?] ! Be pleased to fix their bounds! Tadyatha on anale khasame . . . vaire, Some aanti, dante visade vire, Devi-Vajradhari, Vandhani, Vajrapani phat.... May it protect us! Svaha ! Oi Vajrapani bandha Vajrapdienamama sarva dustam vinayakaru phat svdha !" Keep it near your heart ! Whoever having written this overpowering queen of magic spells (vidya-mantra) named The White Umbrella-One,' the great averter [of Evil), which issued from the diadem of the Tathagata,' on birch bark, or cloth, or on tree bark, 74 and fixes it on his body76 or on his neck or causes it to be read (then) throughout his whole life he shall not be harmed by poisons, by fire, by water, poisonous drugs, curses ... &c. &c. (To be continued.) 74 Sin-sun or tree + bark. It is restored by the Tibetan lexicons to the Skt. vallal, which in Wilson's Sanskt. Dict. (p. 766) is defined as the bark of a tree, garment made from bark.' In the Sanskrt. soripts in Stein and Hodgson collections, the word is kalke, which Dr. Hoornle translates as paste' (loc. cit. p. 476), though he suggests it may be in error for valloa, which the Tibatan version I find shows (and as Dr. Hoernle admite) is the correct form. See text in following note. 75 Lua-du. The Sanskrit versions have kdyagate, which Dr. Hoernle has translated as paper,' but the Tibetan text indicates clearly that this should be kdya, the body, The Sanskrit text as given by Dr. Hoernle is : bhd ja-patre ud vastra vd Kalke od kdyagate ud kanthagata od likhitud dhariyeryata. The Tibetan text with its literal translation is : gro-ga sam, nas sam, in un i briste, 1. e., birch-bark, or cloth, or tree valka-back upon having written lu sam mgul-dubtage sam tlog-par-byed ta, body or neck on fixed or caused to be read it

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APRIL, 1914.] NOTES ON GRAMMAR OF THE OLD WESTERN RAJASTHANI 55 NOTES ON THE GRAMMAR OF THE OLD WESTERN RAJASTHANI WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO APABHRAMCA AND TO GUJARATI AND MARWARI. BY DR. L. P. TESSITORI, UDINE, ITALY. (Continued from p. 26.) CHAPTER II. PHONETICS. $1. Old Western Rajasthani possesses the same phonetical system as Apabhramca, with the exception of initial n and medial nn, which in the former are dentalized much as in Jaina Maharastri. Possibly Old Western Rajasthani had also the /-sound, which is common to both Gujarati and Marwari, though in the MSS. there is no particular character for it. Other sounds, which are not distinguished from one another in writing, are : 7 and 6, and 8, anusvara and anun 18ika, kh and s. Anusvara and anundsika are both represented by a dot over the aksara, and Ich by the same character , which is used to render the $ sibilant of Sanskrit. In tatsamas, of course, all Sanskrit sounds may occur. The consonant y was generally pronounced as j both in tatsamas, especially when initial, and in tadbhavas, when not euphonic. Occasionally y is written for j, as in : yamana (Cal. 16) for jamana < jimana, yova yogya (Indr. 43) for jova yogya, yugalia (Adi C.) for jugalia, etc. (a) Single vowels. $2. An a of the Apabhramca is generally preserved in Old Western Rajasthani, except in the cases following: (1) In initial syllables or in medial syllables, mostly when preceded or followed by a syllable having a long vowel, a is frequently turned to i. In Prakrit this was the case only when a fell before the accent of the word (cf. Pischel, Op. cit., $S 101-103). Old Western Rajasthant examples are : Idau (P. 504, 506, 508) < indau (F. 783, 74) < Ap. andau Page #60
56 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [APRIL, 1914 (2) When falling before or after a labial consonant, a is often turned to u. For an analogy in the Prakrit see Pischel, SS 104. Ex.: Ubhayakumara (Cal. 96) Page #61
APRIL, 1914.) NOTES ON GRAMMAR OF THE OLD WESTERN RAJASTHANI 57 aji (Adi C.) < dja-i Skt. parinayati, pharasai (Cra.)Page #62
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [APRIL, 1914. vayaragi (F 616, 126) Page #63
APRIL, 1914.] NOTES ON GRAMMAR OF THE OLD WESTERN RAJASTHANI 59 $7. Old Western Rajasthani has both a long and a short e, as Apabhrapca and Gujarati and Marwari. As in writing no distinction is made between e and, I shall transliterate both by e, save in a few particular cases, where it is important to know whether e is long or short. Generally e is long in tatsamas and short in tadbhavas, but there are many exceptions to this rule as shown by Old Western Rajasthani poetry as well as by the evidence of the modern dialects. Cf. the list of words containing a short e given by Sir George Grierson, p. 344 of L.S.I., Vol. ix, Part ii. In Old Western Rijasthani poetry e in one and the same word may be accounted short or long only to suit the exigencies of prosody. Thus in P. we find : jeha (100), teha (25,100), je (21), te (69), jana (270) and joha (25), ha (23, 38, 59), j(100), (100) jan ( 62 ). Apabhramca e undergoes the following changes in Old Western Rajasthani : (1) e is changed to i. This process had already begun in the Apabhramca stage, but was chiefly restricted to the case of terminal e (Cf. Pischel, $ 85), Ex.: amhi (see $ 84) < Ap.amhe Page #64
60 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (b) Vowels in Contact. $9. Apabhramca aa is never allowed to remain in hiatus in Old Western Rajasthani, but is either contracted to d, as in the oblique of nominal bases in -aa (see SS 62), or euphonic y is inserted between the two a, as in: rayara Page #65
APRIL, 1914] NOTES ON GRAMMAR OF THE OLD WESTERN RAJASTHANI 61 - instrumental plural (see $ 60) and of the precative singular(see $ 120), where it is no doubt very old. Ex.: core (Kal. 9) Ap. corahi < Ekt. *corabhis corais), ja nije (Bh. 21, P. 564) i>i) or in the u being accented, I am not able to say. Possibly, in some cases prevailed the former reason and in some other cases prevailed the latter. Thus in the example: mu (Vi.77) (see $ 83)e, see $ 10, (4). The only example available is formed by the termination of the second person plural of the precative, which is :-ijo, -ijyo Page #66
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [APRIL, 1914. $14. di is contracted to a. Ex.: anera (Kal. 34) < Ap. *annaeradi ia mentioned SS 17. (c) Anusvara and Anunasika. $20. In Old Western Rajasthani MSS. no distinction is made between anunasika and anusvara, the bindu being employed for both cases alike. So we cannot decide whether such forms as si, hut, etc. should be read jam, kau naim, namely with anusvara as in Apabhramca, or ja, kaznai, namely with anundsika. But it is highly probable that the bindu represents anun dsika throughout, except of course in tatsamas, where it stands for anusvara or the

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APRIL, 1914.] NOTES ON GRAMMAR OF THE OLD WESTERN RAJASTHANI various class nasals. The passing of anusvara into anundsika had already begun in the Prakrit and Apabhramca stage. Prakrit Grammarians state that in Prakrit and Apabhramca poetry the terminations,,, etc., can be accounted both long and short i.e., the terminal nasal may be optionally treated as anusvara or as anunasika (see Pischel, SS 180). Hemacandra, sutra iv, 411 of his Prakrit grammar, states that in Apabhramca the terminations... are commonly,' (pryas) pronounced as short and from the examples quoted in his grammar we can see that the same is the case with the terminations, and . It would therefore seem that terminal anusvara had already passed into anunusika in the Apabhramca and if we judge from the evidence of the verses quoted by Hemacandra, where nearly all terminal nasals are anundsika and only a few ones anusvara, we feel inclined to believe that the former represent the rule and the latter the exception, i.e., that in Apabhranca terminal anusvara had actually become anunasika in the ordinary language and had survived only in poetry, where it continued to be employed whenever a long syllable was required. In passing from Apabhramca to Old Western Rajasthani anusvara and anunasika are treated as follows: (1) Medial anusvira is changed to anuntsika when the preceding vowel is lengthened. Ex : sacarai (P. 388) Page #68
64 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [ APRIL, 1914. MISCELLANEA. ETHNIC ORIGIN OF TAMRALIPTI. The classical form of Dramida in Tamil is SINCE the time of Lassen it has been accepted by Tiramica, The Skr. Timral-(6. g., Tamral-ipti Indianists that * Timralipti' is a Sanskrit word, of the Maha-Bharata), and Tamal' (e. g. Tamalipti of the Brihat-Samhita) are derived from the that it is connected with lumra (ate). As a classical Tiramida. matter of fact the word has nothing to do with tamra or any other Sanskrit word. The original forms of Tamralipti and Damalipta A form nearer to the original I find in the would thus have been : *Tiramidatti and Drami. Data-tumora-charita, viz., Damalipta. In Damalipta ti, Both forms seem to have been current, the the principal member Damal' is only a little removed former being classical and the latter, popular." The from the original (Tamil) Dramida, The variations expression rendered into Skr. would be Dravadika of Lremila are the Skr. Dravida, and the Pali! or Dravidiled. Lenilo as in the Mahacamaa. Tarinatha drawing Both members of the expression, the base as usual on some old authority kives Dramila, Damal' or Tamal' and the ending -itti ortti, are The second member ipta or ipti is clearly non- Dravidian, This is sufficient to establish that Sanskritic. Its original form is best preserved in Tamalitti was originally a Dravidian town, founded the Poli-itti of its Tamal-itti. In Tamil atti orti is by the Dravidians before the Gangetic delta and * neuter-feminine ending. Hindu writers applied Orissa were colonised by the Aryans. the rules of Prakrit philology and restored ti into K. P. JAYASWAL. Caloutta. pi! BOOK NOTICE MUDRARAKSASA by VISAKHADATTA edited by AL- lived under king Munja in the 10th. Moreover, FRED HILLEBRANDT, BRESLAU 1912. Indische there is not much in the Mudrarakshasa which is Forschungen in Zwanglosen Heften herausgeg. taken from the Brihatkatha. The events narrated etc., von ALFRED HILLEBRANDT, H. there form the frame into which the plot of the THE Mudrirakshaga is one of the best Indian play has been woven. So far as we can judge, the plays, and it occupies a somewhat peculiar position main intrigue is the work of the poet himself. It within the dramatic literature of India. It is a is not, however, possible to judge with confidence Na ska and conforms to the rules laid down by the about this matter. We know that various tales authors on rhetorics. The main interest, however, about the downfall of the Nandas and the rise of centres about the dramatical conflict in the minds the dynasty of the Mauryas were popular in India. of the acting persons and in the intrigues spun by Some of them have been preserved in the Kathi the leading actors. The principal plot is, as prescribed saritsagara and the Brihatkathamanjarl, others by by Bharata and his successors, prakhydta. Accord Hemachandra in his Paribishta-parvan, and others ing to the Dacardpavaloka (1, 68) it has been taken by Dhundhiraja in his commentary on the Mudrafrom the Bihatkatha. In support of this statement rakshasa, published in Telang's edition of the play. Dhanika quotes a stanza from the Brihatkatha, That these traditional tales have been largely which actually occurs in Kshemendra's Bihatkatha. circulated can also be inferred from the fact that Manjari I, ii, 216. There is however some difficulty they have been incorporated in the Atthakathis of about this statement, which is not found in all the Mahavihara and the Uttaravihara in Ceylon, manuscriptst. Kshemendra's time was the 11th and some of them have even influenced the folklore century, and the author of the Dalar pa valoka of Europe. So far as we can see, however, the * Lassen, Alt. I. 145. 1 Ch. VI, ? Caldwell, Gr. of. Dra: Lange., 2nd ed., Introduction, p. 13. * Caldwell, p. 125. cf. the Canarese neuter-feminine -iti (p. 125), and the Telugu -ti, an infoctional increment of neuter singular nouns (p. 160.) * Caldwell, Intro. p. 13. * Its present-day survival Tamaluka would prove that the pronunciation with T was more popular amongst the Aryans. 1 See Hall, Vasavadatta, Introduction, p. 55. Cf. Geiger, Dipavamsa und Mahavamsa, pp. 42 ff.; Turnour, The Mahdwanso, pp. xxxviii ff. * See my paper in the Norvegian journal Maal og Minne, 1913, pp. 1 ff.

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A RTL, 1911. ] BOOK-NOTICE. 65 events which form the principal contents of the general notions. This is of interest. Those scholars Mudrarakshasa, Chanakya's intrigues with a view of who maintain that the Indian drama is borrowed bringing Rakshasa, the minister of the last Nanda from the Greeks have paid considerable attentions king, over to the side of Chandragupta, are not to such points in which the Michchhakatiki, which dealt with in these popular sources, and even the has often been supposed to be the oldest Indian nanie of Rakshasa seems to be a free invention bydrama, agrees with Greek plays, The Mudra. the author. rakshasa, where the agreement in general ideas We have accordingly to acknowledge that with, later European plays is, to my mind, much Visakhadatta has freely invented the principal plot. greater, warns us to be very careful in such comHe was possessed of great dramatic skill and the parisons. It not seldom happens that we are more intrigue is extremely cleverly thought out. In struck by the similarity between India and Europe itself the Mudrarakshasa comes nearer to the idea nes nearer to the idea than by the difference, and in such cases we are of a tragedy than any other Indian play. Our apt to suppose that one of the two has been sympathy is, the whole time, with Rakshasa in his ! influenced by the other. But often wo find that there are rather two different lines of development fight against Chanakya's intrigues, and our interest which have led to similar results, and I think we in the development of the action ceases when the are usually on the safe side if we carefully examine forner is defeated. According to our ideas the whether such details which we would like to natural end to the whole would have been that explains due to foreign influence, cannot be the Rakshasa should become a victim of the misunder. result of an independent development. In the standings created by Chanakya, or that he should case of the Mudrarakshasa there cannot, I think, have rushed against the enemy or committed be any doubt. The whole atmosphere is entirely suicide, or something of the sort. Then we should Indian and not European, though we are constantly have had a real tragedy in Indian literature, and, reminded of European ideas. The whole question I may add, a tragedy according to modern European about the possible connexion between the Indian notions. The struggle of the central figure, the and the Greek play cannot be decided at the hand holiest and faithful Rakshasa, is not broken in vain of such considerations. The oldest Indian plays we attempts to brave the blind forces of fate, as in the know, the A vaghosha fragments published by Greek tragedy, but the fight is fought between the Professor Luders, do not remind us of the Greek devoted servant of a fallen dynasty, who trusts stage at all. To judge from the Prakpit, the his friends and is beloved by them, against the Michehhakatiki is considerably later. The droptraditionai master of political intrigue. Rakshasa ping of single stops between vowels is already taught is of course also intriguing. He could not have ! by Bharata. We do not however know how old been an eminent minister of state according to Bharata is, and we do not know how far we can Indian ideas without that. But he does not live rely on the printed text of his treatise on Prakpit and breathe in intrigue as his adversary. On the phonology. It seems however impossible to assume contrary, we have the impression of an honest and that the dropping of such consonants became the straightforward man, who only occasionally takes rule before the third or perhaps the fourth century. to intriguing in order to satisfy the requirements of In Pali and in Paisachi they are retained, and the Netstra. The conflict in the Mudrarakshasa this is, I think, a sign of the priority of these is therefore the same as in the tales of the Panchatantra and similar collections which aim at dialects as compared with the ordinary Prakrits. teaching the advantages of shrewdness and ver Bhasu, on the other hand, uses a Prakrit which has satility in all walks of life, even against honesty. It already reached the secondary stage, and he is is therefore quite in keeping with the general ten. older than the Msichchhakatiki, and than Kalidasa. dency of the play that Chanakya achieves his aim It is impossible as yet to arrive at certain chronoin every respect. logical results. It seems to me, from the point of The Mudrarakshasa is accordingly niti drama, view of the Prakrit, that we can only fix the evidently intended to show the advantages of poli. chronological order between these works. The tical training according to the Nitidstra. Though Brihatkathi of Gunadhya is probably at least one it in many respects impresses the European critic century older than Bhasa, and so are the plays of as different from other Indian plays, and almost Asvaghosha. If Professor Liders and Dr. Marshall as & modern European play in its development of are right that Kanishka and Avaghosha belong to the plot, it is therefore entirely Indian in its the second century A. D., it is hardly possible to + See Canapati Sastri, Suripnadnaradatta, pp. xxxviii. ff. 5 Epigraphische Beitrage, Berliner Sitzungsberichte, 1912, p. 830. & Archeological Discoveries at Taxila. Lecture before the Panjab Historical Society, Sept. 4th 1:13, p. 12.

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66 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ APRIL, 1914. clate Bhasa before the third or fourth, and conse- can be adopted. For I agree with M. Lacote quently the Michchhakatika cannot well be older that the source of the two Kashmir recensions of than the fourth. At all events, the Michchhakatika the Brihatkatha was not the old work of Gunadhya, cannot any more be considered as the oldest Indian but a later work, compiled in Kashmir, probably play, and the arguments in favour of the Greek about the seventh century A.D. The fact that hypothesis which have been drawn from its sup. the stanza occurred in the Kashmir Bihatkatha posed similarity with the Greek comedy can no which was made use of by Somadeva and Kshe. more be maintained. mendra does not accordingly carry us back to a This hypothetical dating would of course have very ancient time. If it belongs to the original Tantrakhyayika, it is of course much older. But to be changed if D. Fleet were right in assuming then it will hardly be possible to assume, as does that Kanishka belongs to the first century B. C. I Professor Speyer, that its author was Vi-Akhadatta. have myself long held this view, but I have found It must then have been borrowed by him from the it necessary to give it up after Professor Luders' and Dr. Marshall's discoveries. I also think that Tantrakhykyika, or from the floating stock of niti verses which have been current in India from the it is necessary to assume that Kanishka is later most ancient times. I agree with Mr. Keith that than the Kadphises kings in order to explain & it is impossible to draw any chronological inference statement in the Chinese sources, which seems to from the occurrence of the stanza in the Mudrahave been hitherto overlooked. We hear that rakshasa and the Tantrakhyayika. Nothing would after the conquest of India by Kadphises II, the be more natural than that the author of a niti Yue-chi became exceedingly rich and flourishing drama like the Mudrarakshasa was indebted to the and were everywhere designated as "Kings of niti literature proper. Kuei-shuang." Now this title "King of Kuei Professor Speyer is inclined to suppose that the shuang "is nothing else than the well known Shaonano ahao Koshano, which title begins to be Chandragupta named in the bharatavakya of used by Kanishka. When the Chinese inform us Mudrarakshasa may be some prince of that that this designation only came in use after name who belonged to the dynasty of the Guptas. He who is eulogized in that final stanza as a success - Kadphises, and when Kanishka is the first to use it, the only possible inference is that Kanishka is ful protector against the threatening Mlechchhas later than Kadphises. may be Chandragupta I, the founder of the new I therefore think it probable that Bhasa is not and national dynasty, who lived in the beginning or his glorious descendant Chandragupta II at the earlier than the third century. I should even be end of the fourth century. It would be no matter inclined to think that the fourth century is a still of wondering at, if the brilliant exploits, especially more likely date. The wish in the bharatavakya of the Balacharita, the Datavakya and the Svapne of the first Chandragupta who subverted a secular visavadatta that the King may become the sole domination of barbarians" in the N. and N. ruler from sea to sea between the Himalaya and the W. parts.of India, had prompted the unkown poet Vindhya, leads us to think of a state of affairs in Visakhadatta to "glorify a similar establishment India which was not brought about before Samud. of a mighty national monarchy by the namesake of his king and by his famous minister." ragupta's conquests. If this theory proves to be I have myself thought of a similar solution of the right it constitutes a land-mark in the history of the Indian drama. Now the late Professor Speyer in chronological question. And in this connexion 1 have noted the curious fact that the beginning of the his excellent Studies about the Kathasaritsdgaras Mudrarakshasa in the excellent manuscript Mis has tried to show that also the Mudrarakshasa nandy-ante tata! pravisati satradhdrah just as is the belongs to the fourth century A. D. The stanza case in Bhasa's plays, while in other plays and in the Mudrarakshasa II, 13 also occurs in the Tantra. remaining manuscripts of the Mudrarakshase the khyayika I, 46. Now, the Tantrakhyayika was reroark tatal pravisati sutradhara! comes after the used by the author or compiler whose work was introductory stanzas. The arrangements wherewith the source of the Kathasaritsagara and the Bihat. the Satradhara recited the introductory stanzas kathamanjari, and the stanza in question must was clearly a peculiarity of Bhisa's. Compare have formed part of that work. Professor Speyer Harshacharita v. 15. infers that it also formed part of the Bihatkatha sutradharakritarambhair natakair bahubhamikaih of Gupad hya. I do not think that this conclusion sapatakair yalo lebhe Bhdeo devakulair iva. T See O. Franke, Beitrage aus chinesischen Quellen-Zur Kenntnis der Turkvolker und Skythen Zentra. lasiens, p. 66. # Verhandelingen, der Koninklijke Akademie van Wetenschappen ta Amsterdam. Afdeeling Letter. kunde. Nieuwe Ruke Dul VIII, No. 5, pp. 51 ff. Essai sur Gunddhya et la Brhatkatha, Paris 1908, pp. 143 ff. and passim. 10.J. R. A.S., 1909, pp. 145 ff.

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Arrit, 1914. ] BOOK NOTICE 67 Other authors however did not in this respect in his kingdom by Chandragupta. Hillebrandt12 follow Bhasa. If now the reading of M is the original has also drawn attention to the fact that Grahaone that would tend to show that Vifakhadattavarman, the son of Avantivarman, was killed in was probably one of the immediate successors of Rajyavardhana's expedition against the Hunas, and Bhisa, and that he stuck to his arrangement with he agrees with Dhruva and others in assuming that the introductory stanzas. the Mlechchhas mentioned in the bharatavakya were the Hapas. Attention has also been drawn to the There cannot, moreover, be any doubt that Vif. fact that the Mudrarakshasa must have been written khadatta has, to a not inconsiderable extent, imita. ted Bhasa, and more especially his Pratijnayangan. before the destruction of Pataliputra, because that dheriyaya. The solemn vow made by Yangandhar. town plays such a great role in the play. Now &yuna, his use of spies and persons in disguise, the this argument would naturally lead to the conclusion curious use of a kind of argot in order to convey a tha Professor Speyer's dating of the play is the hidden meaning in act III, and even minor details right one, because Pataliputra ceased to be the such as the comparison of dependents without Magadhn capital at a comparatively early date, and affection to a wife (Kalatra) in I, 4 [cf. Mudrar. I, in the Mudrdrakshasa it is throughout treated as the 14), and many other details in Bhana's play natural capital. On the whole, therefore. I am constantly recall similar features in the Mudrarakg. inclined to follow the late Professor Speyer with hasa and add strength to the supposition that regard to the date of the play. The reading Ranti. Visakhadatta was an immediate successor of Bhasa. varmd was perhaps introduced on che occasion of a But then the king alluded to in the bharatardkya later representation. cannot have been Chandragupta I, must have Professor Jacobi has advocated 13 another dating of * been Chandragupta II. Visakhadatta. He is of opinion that the Mudra. rakshasa shows traces of imitation of the poet It may be objected that the whole tendency of the Ratnakara, who lived under king Avantivarman Mudrarakshasa militates against the Assumption of Kashmir in the 7th century. He also draws that it was written in praise of a king Chandragupta. attention to some striking parallels between details Our sympathy is the whole time not with in the Mudrarakshasa and Kalhapa's description of Chandragupta and Chanakya, though we admire Avantiverman, and at the hand of the astronomi. the latter, but with Rakshasa and the defeated cal data mentioned in the introduction of the dynasty. It is only by tho force of circumstances play he calculates that it was acted the that Rakshasa is brought to adopt the case of the 2nd December 850 A. D. Dhruva, on the other Mauryas. If we were to think that the MudrarAkshasa hand, maintains that Ratnakarahas imitated is written at the hand of actual events it would be Visakhadatta, and he also draws attention to such more natural to assume that the author's patron cases, where the Mudrarakshasa seems to have had fought the king of Magadha. Now this would been imitated by authors older than Ratnakara. It suit the hypothesis based on the reading Ranti is almost impossible to judge about such cases. varma instead of Chandraguptak in the bharatavdlya, We never know whether there are direct loans or occurring in some manuscripts, advanced by Mr. common loans from a third source. The direct lang in his edition of the play, and adopted by allusions to tho Mudrarakshasa in Indian literature most scholars that the author's patron was the mentioned by Dhruva are still less decisive. The Maukhari king Avantivarman whose son married stanza Panchatantra (ed., Buhler). III, 138 cannot the sister of king Harsha of Kanauj. Their con- be dated. Nor is it possible to come to a decision tenaporary was the Gupta King Madhavagupta, about the date of the Chapakausika, in which ose tatt.er Mahasenagupta defeated Susthitavar. there is an allusion to the Mudrarakshasa. Of man, who was probably a contemporary of Avanti. greater importance is the fact drawn attention to varman, and there must have been frequent wars by Dhruva that there did not, in the days of between the Maukharis and the Guptas of Magadhell, Avantivarman of Kashmir, exist an independent On the other hand there was also more peaceful re- king of Sindh, while the Sindh king is mentioned lations between the two families, and two Maukhari as a mighty Ally in the play, and further the way queens wear names which show that they belonged in which Visakhadatta mentions the Kashmir king. to the family of the Guptas, viz., Harshagupta, the Against such a late dating as suggested by Professor queen of Adityavarman, and Upagupti the queen of Jacobi it is also possible to draw attention to the .varavarman. If we assume that Adityavarman high respect with which the Buddhas are mentioned, Wis an ally of Susthitavarman, who was defeated V, 6; to the recurrence of the stanza II, 18 in by Mahasenagupta, it is conceivable that Aditya- Bhartribari's Nuisataka 27, in the Panchatantra, and varman was conciliated in some way by Mahasena in the VetAlapanchaviniati, where it is probably gupta, just as Malayaketu in the play is reinstated borrowed from the Mudrarakshasa, and to other 11 Cf. Gupta Inscriptions. pp. 14 f. 12 ZDMG., xxxix, 131. 13 Vienna Oriental Journal, Vol. II, pp. 212 ff. 14 Ibidem, Vol. V, pp. 25 ff. 15 Select Specimens of the Theatre of the Hindus, p. 251 foot note.

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68 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ APRIL, 1914. minor details. Wilson's views that the Mudra- the first to give us a really critical edition, with rakshasa was written in the eleventh or twelfth full materials. To judge from his review of Telanga century has now only historical interest. It was edition20, his edition was planned more than thirty based on the assumption that the Mlechchhas men years ago, and the Mudrarakshas has evidently tioned in the bharatavakya were the Musalmans. been in his mind during all these years. In 190.5 he Who the author of the Mudrarakshase was, we published an edition of all the Prakrit versee, 21 and know not. His name was Visakhadatta, and he was now follows the complete edition, with exhaustive the son of the Maharaja Bhaskaradatta, or, accord apparatus criticus and an index of Prakrit words. ing to most manuscripts, Pithu, and the grandson It is an exceedingly careful work Professor of the feudatory (Samanta) Vatesvaradatta. Hillebrandt has given us. It would have made We do not know any of these persons. Wilson16 the book still more useful if he had added an index thought it possible that Pyithu was identical with of pratikas. It very often happens that we the Chahamana Pithviraja of Ajmer (12th century), have to identify verses, and such indexes are but that is of course excluded. Hillebrandt seems extremely useful. This is however & minor consi inclined to identify Bhaskaradatta with Harsha's deration, and I prefer to think of all we have got friend king Bhaskaravarman of Kamarupa Ac. in this new edition, cording to the Harshacharita, however, Bhaskara. There are of course many minor details where it is varman was the son of Susthiravarman Miganka possible to have different opinions. Thus I am and the grandson of Sthiravarman. Now this agrees very doubtful about the restoration of the Prakit with the information derived from the newly dis. forms required by the rules of the grammarians. covered copper-plate grant of Bhaskaravarman This is more especially the case with the Magadhi. which has been brought to light by Padmanatha The Prakrit grammarians are all comparatively lato, Bhattacharya 16 We only here learn that Sthiravar. and their rules about Magadhi are probably to some man and Susthiravarman are misreadings instead of extent artificial, Professor Hillebrandt has corrected Sthitavarman and Susthitavarman. It is then pro throughout so as to bring the Prak ita into agree. bable that Susthitavarman, the father of Bhaskara ment with the grammarians, and he has done so in varman, was the king defeated by Mahasenagupta. an excellent way. It is perhaps the only possible Dr. Fleet's supposition that Susthitavarman was thing to do, and in the case of Sauraseni and Maha. & Maukhari has hitherto been generally adopted. rashtrf our knowledge is so far advanced that we Now that we know of a Susthitavarman whose can do so with some confidence. But it is more diffi. time suits the case, it will be necessary to change cult to be confident in the case of Magadhi, about our opinion. We know that Bhaskaravarman was which dialect we are still very unsatisfactorily in the contemporary of Harsha, who again was a formed. The use of a comparatively correct Magachi contemporary of Madhavagupta. Now it was M- in the fragments of plays preserved in later inscripdhavagupta's father who defeated Susthitavarman, tions does not pro ve much for the older plays, now and the Kamarupa king Susthitavarman was the that we know that the Prakpit grammarians cannot father of Bhaskaravarman. There is then a perfect be so old as some of us were once inclined to think accord in the chronology, and there cannot be It is also possible to find individual cases where one much doubt that Mahasenagupta's adversary was is inclined to disagree with the editor. Thus I would the Kamarupa king Susthitavarman Sri-Mrigkokalread idyddi and not jayadi in the Sauraseni, or else Now it is tempting to assume some connection I would also read ja nasi instead of jd dsi. I would between the Maukharis and the Kamarupa kings. substitute a and not a for a when it is short; I Both dynasties use names formed in the same would not allow Sauraseni in verses, at least not it way. It has already been suggested that Avanti- the Maharashtri forms occur in some of the manu. varman may have sided with Susthitaverman in his scripts; I would read susiduris instead of suddur, war against Mahasenagupta, and the chronology is p. 13, 1. 10; tissd or ide for tissde, p. 18, 1. 5, and so in favour of such a supposition. On the other hand on. It is possible to disagree about such questions, it seems impossible to reconcile the genealogy of and to think that the editor has erred. But the VicAkhadatta with that of the Kamarupa kinge. principal thing is that he has given the full mateWe cannot therefore say who the author of the rials so that we can judge for ourselves in every Mudrarakshase was though 10 15 nigniy probable case. And his methods are so found that we usually that he belongs to the Ganges country and lived in feel convinced that he is right. Of misprints which the fourth century. We know of no other work by have not been corrected I have only noted Sindhuhim, but the Mudrarakshase itself has long been shans for Sindhusino, p. 140, L. 6, and karaye for known and admired. It has also been published karana, p. 177, 1. 5. several times. Professor Hillebrandt however is STEN KONow. 16 l. c.; p. 128. 17 ZDMG., Vol. xxxiv, p. 131. 18 See Bijoya, Vol. I, Calcutta 1320, pp. 628 ff., and Radha Govinda Basak, Dacca Review, 1913.June, 19 Gupta Inscriptions, p. 15. 20 ZDMG., Vol. xxxiv, pp. 107 ff. 21 Zur Kritik des Mudrardkrasa, Nachrichten der K. Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Gottingen Phil.-hist. Klasse 1905, Heft 4.

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MAY, 1914) FIRST COMMERCIAL MISSION TO PATNA 69 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE FIRST ENGLISH COMMERCIAL MISSION TO PATNA, 1620-1621. EDITED BY SIR R. C. TEMPLE, BART. Prefatory note. [I have recently edited volume II, of the Travels of Peter Mundy, 1608-1667, for the Hakluyt Society. This volume covers the years 1628-1634 while Peter Mundy was travelling to and from India in the interests of the English East India Company of that date. He spent part of the year 1632 in a commercial expedition to Patna, and as he made several references to the previous commercial mission of Messrs. Robert Hughes and John Parker to that place in 1620-1621, I had reason to examine the whole of the proceedings of those two men while there. In Appendix D of my volume on Peter Mundy's Journals, I have given a brief account of the work of Hughes and Parker and in Foster's English Factories (1618-1621) there is a concise account of their doings. But in the course of my enquiries I had to collect together and edit all the original documents left behind, relating to the time spent by Hughes and Parker in Patna. They are of considerable value, as illustrating the kind of work the pioneers of British enterprise in India had to do, the manner in which they set about it, the conditions under which they lived, and the qualities required of such men. It is therefore worth while to reproduce the original correspondence in this Journal Hughes and Parker are exhibited to us as typical commercial pioneers, level-headed bargainers, quick to perceive where trading possibilities lay; brave, imperturbable, venturesome men, loyal to their employers ; men whom neither difficulties nor dangers daunted. Incidentally, the interesting fact came to light that even in those days the value of the subsequent great trade in Bengal (tasar, tussore) silks was foreseen and that much trouble was taken to introduce them into European markets. Among other things, Hughes tried to send talking mainas to England in 1620. In a letter to his superiors at Agra he writes of "a cupell of pratlinge birds called mynnas, which we have bought to be sent to the Company and intreate you carre may bee taken for theire convayence to Surratt."] Robert Hughes to the Surat Factory. Patna 19 July 169) Lovinge Frends, Mr. Kerridge ette. After longe expectation and no cirtayne newes of Mr. Younge and his companies aproche neare Agra (the yeare spendinge so fast), it was thought needfull to dispeede mee for Puttana, and havinge accorded upon a computed some of monnyes for some presant investment, with bills of exchange for 4,000 rupees], I departed Agra the 5th June and thankes bee to God) arived here in safitye the 3rd presant, havinge bine on the waye 29 dayes, in which I outran 300 Jehanger courses [Jahangiri kos.] Presantlye upon my arivall I procured acceptance of my exchanges, and hope of good payment, theire date beinge expiered; of whose currant performance, when received, I shall advise to Agra. I have since my comeinge vizited the Governor Muckrob Con [Mukarrab Khan), whoe scemes wonderous plesant for our arivall here, and was as inquisitive to knowe what goods I had brought with mee; wherunto I as exactlye answared that at presant I had nothinge, but that what futurlye should come fitinge his circare (sarkar, government, establishment] Ata Consultation held in Surat on the 22nd Jan. 1620, it was decided that John Young should "Basist Mr. Hughes in Hogreporepatamia (Hajipur Patna) or where else the ambertees are made." Foster English Factories in India, 1618-1621, pp. 182, 191.

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70 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (MAY, 1914. hoe should have the first sight of, wherwith hee seemed well contented, and hath given order to gerche out for a house for mee, but as yet cannot finde any convenyent enoughe, yet hope shortlye to bee well seated, thoughe I feare not rent free. The Nabobe is desierous of some cloth and hydes, for which I have advized to Agra for what theye can spare, or maye lye there un vendable; also tapestrye, clothe of tishoo [tissue), velvetts, embrodares, fethers, or anye other rich commodities to bee gotten, and hath desiered me to write you to procure him some from the expected fleete, of which if you may spayer anye, doubtlese theye wilbe well sould, and your selves knowe him to bee as free in payinge as in buyinge. I have made some enquirye into the commodityes here to bee procured and by you required from England. And first for clothinge (as I have bine enformed, for I have not had tyme yet to make anye experiences), the usiall custome of buyinge the amberty? calicoes at Lackhoure [Lakhawar] (which is the pente (peth, penth, market-town] or fayer for that commoditye, and is a towne 14 course from this place) is as follows: theye are dalye brought in from the neighboringe gonges [ganj, a village] by the weavers, from whome they are bought rawe, of length 13 coveds Jehangery (which is one-fourth longer then the elahye [ilahi gaz. 33 in.) of Agra), from which the buyer, of an antient custome, teares of 17 or 2 coveds, and soe deliverse them marked to the whitster, whoe detaynes them in whitinge and starchinge about three mounthes, the charge whereof is neare upon 3 ru[pees] per courge [score), and the abatements and disturyes (dasturi, commission) in buyinge them rawe from the weaveres. per rupye or 25 per cent. In this maner, by reporte, dalye maye there bee bought 50,60, and some dayes 100 peeces. Almost in the like nature are theye sould here in Puttanna, beinge likewise brought thence by the weaveres, but readye whited and cured, and the same customes and abatements as in the cuntrye; and by computation here may bee provided within the space of three or four mounthes, soe bought, and of the broadest sizes, called zeferconyes [zafar-khani], two or three hundred corge. Of sahannes [sahan, fine sheeting] and hammomes [hammam, towelling] theire are but fewe at presant in towne. Theye are brought from the lower partes of Bengalla in smalle parcells by Puttanes (Pathans). Other sortes of choutare? cloth are not here to bee gotten, unlesse some fewe rahmoutes. What of theise sortes shall come to towne, I shall not slip anye oportunitye for theire procuringe, for the yeare is allreadye so farr spent that it will not permite anye convenyent investments to bee made at Lackhoure in th'ambertyes rawe, the tyme beinge soe shorte for theire dispeed hence, and theye soe tedious in whittinge. Of rawe silke of Bengalla I have sent musteres (samples] to Agra, and have entreated, after perusiall [inspection), to send them you joyntlye with this my leter. In the paper No. 1 are two skeynes of the first and second sortes, which is the sortes cheflye by the Companye required, and by us provided [at] Agra, which at presant is here to bee bought (wounde of into skeynes of a coved longe) for 54 rupees gross the seare of 344 pices weight per seare, from which is abated 17 per cent. kessure [kasar, diminution, discount] and disturye, and will falle out net not above 4 rup[ees] the seare of 344 pices weight. In the paper No. 2 is two skeynes of the third and fourth sortes wee usialye buye in Agra, not wound of aparte, Amberty, ambertee ambartroo (Hindt, amriti, imrati, amirti imarti), a name applied to a stout cloth of N. India, See Travels of Peter Mundy, ed. Temple, II, 141 n. 3 The word is chaudh, chautaha, chaudhi, chautai, lit., four folds, & coarse double-width cotton cloth of two lengths. This word clearly means a kind of chaulah or wide, coarse cotton cloth, but I am unable to trace it in any vernacular, unless it is a mistranscription for dual, rdo, rd watt rdori.

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MAY, 1914.) FIRST COMMERCIAL MISSION TO PATNA for want of tyme, and is here worth at present, to bee wound of as the former, 47 rup[ees] gross per seare, out of which the prementioned disturye abated, will cost 3 rup[ees] 9 annyes [ana, anna] net the seare of 34 pices weight per seare. Theise are theire presant prizes, betwene which and that wee buye in Agra you will perceave a great diferance in price for theise four sortes, to saye, one-third of the sorte No. 1 and two-thirds of the sorte No. 2 hathe cost us together in Agra neare upon 54 rup (ees) net the seare of 30 pices, which here halfe on[e] half th'other maye bee bought for about 4 rup[ee]s net the seare of 341 pices weight per seare; and I am promised at about theise rates to have delivered in from the silkwynderes 10 or 15 m [aun]ds per mounth, and doubtles a greater quantitye therof maye bee procured, but then wee must venture out some monye before hande, which I resolve upon, findinge sufitient securitye for performance; and herupon have advised them at Agra to desist farther in its investment there, which per computation is at least 35 per cent. derer then here it maye bee bought. Serbandy silke, the best of Mucksoude [Maksudabad Murshidabad] and Sideabaude [Saidabad), from whence theise sortes are wounde of, is at presant here worthe 100 rup[ees] gross per maunde of 40 seres per maunde and 343 pices per seare, from which is abated the savoye (sawai, an excess of a fourth] or 25 per cent.; soe it rests net worth about 75 rupees per m[au]nde net. The brokeridge as well on this as on all other sortes of silke is, by the Nabobes comande, but 5 annes of a rupye per cent. from the buyer and 10 annyes from the seller ; but the brokeres doe usialye take one-half per cent. from the buyer and one per cent. from the seller. For brokeridge of clothe theye can clayme nothinge as deue from the buyer, onlye his curtizeye; but from the seller theire right is half a pice per rupye. I shall here provide some quiltes of Sutgonge [Satgaon), wrought with yellowe silke, at reasonable rates; and have already halfe a score in possession, and am promised more dalye as theye come to towne. There are some Portingalls at presant in towne, and more are latlye gon for theire portes in Bengala; into whose trafiqe I have made enquirye, and gather that theye usialye bringe vendable here all sortes of spices and silke stufes of Chyna, tyne, and some jewelleres ware; in lewe whero theye transporte course carpets of Junapoore [Jaunpur], ambertyes, cassaes [lchassa] and some silke. The Mogoles (Merchants from Upper India or Pereia] and Praychaesc are here like bees, whose cheefest provisiones are mandyles [mandil, turbancloth], girdells [kamarband], layches [alacha, ilacha, silk cloth] and doupattas [dopatta] of Malda; also a sorte of thine cloth called caymeconyes [kaim-khani]? of Beyhare [Bihar), and are much like unto course cassaes, 14 coveds longe and four-fifths of a coved broade, of 40, 50, and 60 rup[ee] 8 per courge. Theise are bought for transporte to Lahore, and thence for Persia ; samples wherof, and of all other commodityes here to be provided fittinge that trade, I purpose to buye some smalle quantityes of eatch for a tryall. And also am bertyes is a principall of theire investments, for the compasinge wherof theye bringe hether either redy spetya [specie) or exchanges. I praye adviz whether th' ambertyes you mention to bee provided rawe are ment as from the loome, without washinge and starchinge, or to bee whited onlye without starche. 5 Sirbandi, head-winding, evidently a cocoon, the ordinary words for which are koya, pilah. Mr. Foster conjectures that this word is the Sanskrit prdchya, waed like parbiya to indicato an inbabi. tant of countries to the eastward. See English Factories in India, 1618-1621, p. 195 n. 7 See Mr. Foster's note on this kind of cloth, op. cit., loc. cit.

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72 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MAY, 1914. The generall transporte of goods from hence to Agra is by Carte, but now in the seasone of the raynes the wayes are soe deepe that no Cartes Can passe, and therfore for necesitye whatever goeth hence is laden on oxen. It wilbe the prime October at soonest before the Carts can stir hence, whose freight to Agra is commonlye 14 and 1 rups. per maund and goeth not under lese then 35 dayes. What goods maye here bee provided betwist this and the begininge October shall, God willinge, bee dispeeded hence about that tyme, which wilbe the soonest. I have written to Agra to dispeed John Banggam with some goods advised for which lye unyendable there with the first opertunitye, for that this place will requier an assistant or two, for that it promiseth plentye of Commoditye and doubtles will to good purpose bee established a factorye. I have also advized for 5 or 6000 rups, more to bee forth with remitted hether, for th' exchange here is cheaper by 1} or 2 per Cent, then there, for th' intrime I am promised at intrest for 2 per Cent. At the foote of this my letter you will perceave the presant prizes of sondry Commodi. tes as well vendable here, as that here maye bee provided, which with the prescribed I entreate you acepte untill future experyence maye Imboulden mee to enlarge. Untill when with hartye Commends and prayers for prosperitye in our Joynt affayeres, I take leave and rest, &c. 8 The present valleues of sondry Commodities as well Vendable as to bee provided in Puttana, advized to Surat and Agra. Broade Clothe good redd, worthe 15 rups. the Jehangir Coved Elyphants teeth, the best worth 80 rups, per md. of 40 sers per md. and 33 pices per sr. Seamorse (walrus] teeth, worth 10 rups. per seare 37 pices Bulgare hydes, worth 18 rups. per payer Quick silver, worth 3! rup. per seare Vermilion, worth 3 rup. per seare Lead, worth 9 rup. per maunde Tyne, worth 38 rup. per maunde Amber beads, worth 2, 3 and 4 tankes [tanka] per rup. Corrall, no setled price, but accordinge to its goodnese Saffron, worth 16 rup. per seare Swords, knives, fine wares, etc., no price Currant [The remainder of this list is illegible] The Nabobe would faine have 3 or 4 Cases of emptie bottels. He was impertinent [importunate) with me and would not bee satisfied but that I had brought some with mee, soe that I was Constrayned to give him the 3 small bottels out of my standishe [inkstand, bottle-stand). Hee required many other thinges, which in regard theye are not to bee had I here omite, and not havinge elce at presant rest &c. II, Robert Hughes to the Surat Factory. Patna, 6 August 1620. Good Frends, Mr. Kerridge etts. My last of the 12th last month by waye of Agra advized you of my ariyall here, and what elce the then poore experience of this place encouradged mee, a Coppye wherof (to avoyde repitition) I send you herewith, $ Factory Records, Patna, I., 2-4. 9 Factory Records, Patna, I. 1, 4.

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MAY, 1914.) FIRST COMMERCIAL MISSION TO 'PATNA 73 referringe you, and havinge now made some experience of what my formeres gave you hopes of, it rests that I advize you therof. I have bine dealinge with the wea veres of Lackhoure (Lakhawar) which bringe th Ambertyes to towne, from whence in smale parcells I have bought about 16 Courge [kori. score) from 1 to 6 rups. net the peece, and allmost all of the broadest sizes. The raynes is some impediment to theire provision, for that the weavers by reson therof Com not to towne, as wontedlye, and there are greate store of buyers abroade, which hath somwhat inhansed the Commoditye. Also there are latlye Come up diverse frigitts of Portingalls from Sutgonge [Satgaon] whose merchants buye up all theye can laye hand of. If tyme would have permited some investments to have bine made in the Country, it had bine the best and Cheapest Course to have bought them rawe [undressed] from the weaveres and have put them fourthe to whitinge, but the season for theire dispeed hence to Come to you tymlye to send this yeare for England is soe neare at hand that this yeare it was impossible to get them ready. For the future, if you resolve that quantityes therof be provided it wilbe needfull that this place bee furnished with monnye in such season that no tyme bee lost, for that theye are teadious in whittinge ; as also it is requisite that for what provisione shall heare bee made bee at Agra before the raynes to take the first opportunitye for Conveyance with theire goods, which will bothe save Charges and regayne tyme. Lackhower afords greate quantityes of fyne clothe, to saye of four, five, six, eight to ten rupes per peece, and by bespeakinge them and deliveringe monyes out before hand the weaveres will make them a full Jehanger coved [Jahangiri covado, cubit] broade, which is yeard, halfe quarter [i, e., about forty inches] English (which breadth, as theye saye, they cannot exceed, to have them close wrought), but of what reasonable lengths wee shall desier them. For your list of goods required this yeare from Agra, you specifie th'ambertyes to bee all Course at or under 2 rups. per peece. Wherefore in your first praye advize how you stand afected to the fyne. Theire breadth are generallye neare upon an elahy [ilahi], coved and broader then your narowe baftas of Baroche [Broach]. Of Sahannes theire come none to towne. Diverse boates are shortlye expected from the lower partes of Bengalla, which by reporte bringe quantitye. I have bought for 400 rupes in tusser stufes of Bengalla, 10 of halfe silke, halfe cotten; and of Bicuntpoore layches Baikanthpur alachah about 16 courge at 12, 10 and 16 rupes per courge. Theye are 51 coveds longe and somwhat more then broade, some patternes wherof I send you herwith. Theye are fitt lenghets for petticotes, cheape, and doubtles will sell in England to good profitt. Theye are made five course hence, infinite quantityes, and are generallye bought up by the Mogolles for Persia ; by bespekinge them (if theye give Content) wee maye hare them made of what lenghets and breadthes wee shall desier. With my former I sent you musteres (samples] of Bengalla silke and theire prices, since which I have made further serche therinto and herwith send you other samples by mee wounde of from the Serbandy (cocoon), of which I bought a maunde for a triall, and wound it of into seavene severall sortes, wherby I finde that theise 4, to saye the second, third, fourth and fifthe will stand us in about 41 rups, net the seare of 341 pice with all Charges of wyndinge it of defrayed; and the 3 other sortes, to saye the first, sixth and seaventh, rated at worthe hero at present to bee sould for readye monnye, the first at 47% rup. per seare, the 6th at 1 rups. per seare, and the 7th at 17 rups. per seare; oe that the Chea 10 Tasar, a coarse silk. See ante, vol. xxix. pp. 339 f.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MAY, 1914, pest and surest dealinge is to buye the serbundye and wynde it of my selfe and theron have resolved, havinge bought about 6 mds. more, And at present have thirty men at worke theron, purposinge to increase them to a hundred, and if you aprove therof and the price (which is cheaper then in Agra) I may have two or three hundred silk winderes to worke in the house all the yeare, wherof I praye advize your oppiniones, for to buye it from the Cottewalle [lotw 11, nawab's agent] it will cost or of a rupy dearer, and yet not soe good stufe ; and the first 6th and 7th sortes, beinge sent hence to Agra, will sell here for 20 par Cent. more then it is worthe heare, which course will much ease the price of the rest. And I purpo 3o also to dye and drese some of the Course sortea into sleave [floss) 11 silke and send you to bee sent for England as samples. It will wast the in the dresinge, and th, Charge herof be about it of a rupye the seare and will not stand in above 2 rup. per sere readye drest. I have taken a house in the greate bazare, neare unto the Cutwalls choutrye [choultry, chabutra, office]; the rent 64 rupes per month. I have not herde from Agra since my departure thence, but expect John Banggam with some goods and monneyes formerlye advized for. Halfe my former exchange are runn out, And I hope to have the remaynder speedilye invested in Ambertyes, of which commoditye the partes about Lackhoure afords such quantitye that (by ths weaveres reportes) daly 1,000 peeces are taken from their loomes ; and without question you maye have 50,000 rupes yearlye invested therin if you aprove of the said sortes. Your order wherin and in the silke provisions for the aprochinge yeare I shall expecte. And not havinge elce at present, &c. &c. rup. an. The Verourd [bardward) or proportion wound of from a sere of serbandy raw silke, containing 34 pices weight the sere: wounde of into seven severall sortes, and Cost net ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 2 00 more for the Charge of wyndinge it of ... rup. an. 81 pices wt. waste or losse in the wyndinge it of rated at ... 00 00 6) pices wt. shekesty 12 or the 7th sorte at 141 anns. per sere is ... . 00 03 4 pice wt. Cattaway13 or the 6th sorte at 1} rups. per sere is ... ... ... 00 02 24 pice wt. Gird1. or the first sorte at 4*t rup. tbe sere is... 00 061 124 pice wt. of the 2d, 3d, 4th and 5th sorts (of which this inclosed is the sample) rated at 41 rup. net per sere ... ... ... ... ... 01 094 34 pice wt. rated together and costs rup. net ... ... ... ... ... 020 and is as it is worth here at presant, about which price, within is more or lesse the seare, quantityes maye bee provided wound of acordinge to this sample and of the lenghths of theise skeynes 13 11 Tho O. E. D. defines sleave-silk as silk thread capable of being separated into smaller filaments for use in embroidery; floss silk. 19 Shikasta, broken, irregular (threads). 13 Katodi, imperfect, disooloured. 14 Gird, round, i. e., even quality. 1 Factory Records, Patna, L, 4-6.

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MAY, 1914.) FIRST COMMERCIAL MISSION TO PATNA 75 III i Robert Hughes to the Agra Factory. Paina, 3 September 1620. Kinde Frends, Mr. Fettiplace, etts. After longe expectation and desier to here from you, Yesterdaye I received yours of the 9th August...... I perceave that you take notice of what I writt Concerninge the provision of Amberty Callicoes and your opyniones jump with what I have bine latlye large unto you Concerninge that Commoditye in theire future investments to bee made at Lackhoure. I once thought, and indeed fullye purposed to have made some small tryall there this yeare, but meanes and menes promises faylinge kept mee from them spight of my teethe (in spite of my efforts). Howsoever, I doubt not but to have the monnyes you now sent Imployed therin here in Puttana tyme enough to bee dispeeded hence by the begininge of th'ensuinge mounthe and these with the cost of my provision to bee with you in Agra by the prime November, whereof more hereafter. You have discouraged mee in the silke provisions of which I had and yet have [great] hopes to doe much good therin, of which I sent you second samples (hence the] 6th August, and therin was large of the setled Course I have taken for providing in the Condition required by the Companye, and I am suer at Cheaper rates then theye aprove of, to send fourthwith what quantitye possiblye maye bee procured, which imbouldned mee the rather therin, so that I have encreased my Cor Conna [karkhana, workshop] to almost a hundred workmen, but here will stop untill I here further from Surrat. I have delivered them mony out beforeband, which now can hardly bee recalled, and therfore they must worke it out; 10 or 12 mds. serbandyes wilbe the most I shall wynde of for this yeare, which will not bee much, yet I hope such a sample as shall Confirme its future provision, its price beinge Considered; neither (I am gure) were theye at Surrat Ignorant of its price in Agra when in their letter, which arrived & litell before my departure, theye desiered what quantitye possible might be procured this yeare. I have bine large unto them therof, and expecte theire order for the future. My last samples I hope you have sent them For quilts of Sutgonge I have not exceeded above a dozen, nor shall not ad therunto manye more, unlesse such as promise good Content. Th (ose alreadye bought I have trymed tip with silke fringe, tassells, etts, and lyned them parte with tafetye, parte with Tessur [tasar, tussore]. what goods I have in a redinesse I am packinge to regayne tyme. I perceave at what rates your exchange runns, which is much lower then here. I ofered 4 per Cent, to have taken up some smalle matter of Byrumdas Chebill Sansye [Bhairon Das Chibilla Shah],but could not procure it, soe that you maye thanke Shame [Shyam, Sham] for his Casemanaskhasnama, letter of introduction), thoughe his letter of Creditt was of no Validitye. I have not to doe with Pragdas [Prag Das] his sonne, havinge long since cleared with him. He is almost Crackte [bankrupt], theire havinge latlye Come hondyes [hundi, bill of exchange, cheque] on him for a lack of rupes and reporte of his fathers troubles in Agra. In your occasiones to remitt monyes by exchange, you maye bee bould to deale with Chamseyes (Chandsahai Shah's sonne, whose father is the Currant dealler (generally accepted agent) of Puttana. The Ambertyes you mention to bee provided browne[unbleachod) must of necessitye bee refered until the next yeare, and then(as you saye) theye must beo washt out of theire 18 Seo infra, letter of 3 Maroh 1621 where this name is given in full as "Chaunaoyshaw", Chandsahai Sheh:

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76 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MAY, 1914. mandye; 17 or eloe hapilye theye will rott before they arive in England, which Course I all waise endevored to take and shall endevor my utmost therin, and in all other sortes of that clotho according to your direction, bothe for its length, breadth, starch and close workinge. It seemes Mr. Younge and his Companye arived with you in safitye, and since have bine dispatched for Lahore. I expected Mr. Banggam to my assistance, in whose roome you mention Mr. Parker to bee longe since dispeeded and with him the goods I advized for, of whose aproche I yet here no newes. When hee cometh I shall take notice of the partikulers, which wilbe wellcome to our Governor, whoe hath bine and is in expecte of some toyes aswell as rich Commodityes. After Mr. Parkers arivall and receypte of your Invoyce and examination of the goods, I shall give you Creddit, as well for them as for the 200 rups. delivered for theire expence on the waye, and shall expecte more monnyes forthwith to bee remitted to keepe us still in action, wherof I praye consider and what it is to gayne oportunitye. And so much in answer to the perticulers of your letter now received, wherof I may conclud for ought I have done since my last. Upon the arivall of Mr. Parker I shall enlarge, or in th'intryme, if necessitye requier. Untill when, with a hartye Commend &c. I have enquired after spicknard, but at present here is none for our turnas. It comes out of the Northe Cuntry in the could wether and will not bee here to be gottene this 2 or 3 mounthes at the soonest.! IV. Robert Hughes to the Surat Factory. Patna September 1620. [Identical in substance with the letter of 3 Sept. to Agra The following are additions). I yet here no newes [of Mr. Parker] althoughe hee hath bine a mounth on the waye, nor shall not expecte him yet this 10 dayes for that the countryes are Bp overflowne that I feare his Carte with much dificultye will finde passadge. What goods hee bringes will come to late for theire proceed to bee this yeare invested. I praye remember our governor with what fyne goods and toyes you maye spare of what you expecte in this fleete. Hee is verye ernest with mee to procure him some, And I. have promised to write you in his behalfe. Hee groweth rich, and no feare but that he will paye well and a good price. 19 v. Robert Hughes to the Agra Factory. Palna 14 September 1620. Mr. Fettiplaco etts. My last was of the 3d presant by a sherafes [sarras, money-changer] convayence which advized you of the receypt of yours of the 9th August and therwith the second bills of exchange for 2500 rups, of theire acceptance and what elce that instant required, since when, I praye take notice. This your expresse came hether the 10th presant by whome I received yours of the 23th August, and therwith bills for 2500 rups. more, and the second bill for parte of the 3000 sent before, all which are well accepted and no feare but of Current payment. About 2000 rups. of the first exchange I have already received, as having occasion therof before it was dewe. The remaynder within this daye or two wilbe also received, of which ther is no feare. I take notice of Pragdas his breakinge [bankruptcy], thoughe I hope it's no damadge to us. I am suer I have sondrye tymes advized you of my clearinge with his sonne here for those exchanges I brought on him, which I hope is sufitient to cleare that doubte and assure your selves I shall not bee backward in recea vinge in the monye of theise exchanges when dewe 17 Mand, manr, manda, manra, mandi, manri, any greasy dirt, also used for starch. 15 Factory Records, Patna, I.,6.7. 19 Wartory Records, Patna, I, 8.9.

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May, 1914.) FIRST COMMERCIAL MISSION TO PATNA Two dayes since came hether one of Mr. Parkers servants, whoe brought mee a letter from him dated in Aughmull surraye[Amwakantha) 20 2 dayes Journye shorte of Bannarse [Benares). Hee writt mee littell save his troubles on the waye, and the damadge the goods have susteynde by the raynes etts., which in 2 or 3 dayes more I shall expecte him with his letter. Hee sent mee the first bills (which nowe aro of no Importe) as also the Invoyce of what goods you have sent by him, for which when received (and what moneyes elce received from you) I shall give your Account Credditt. I take notice of the clause in the Surratt letter, and doe endeavor my utmost for provision of Ambertrees and what elce maye give content, and doubt not but to have what monyes you have remitted mee wholye invested by the fyne [end] of this presant mounthe, neither shall I omitt the first opertunitye for theire dispatche hence to bee with you with what expedition possible. I have detayned your bearer the longer in hope Mr. Parker would have arived, that therby I mought have had wherwith to have bine larger, but therof now uncirtayne, I thought best to dispeed him, for that you earnestlie requier advice of the Exchange receypte and acceptance which is as prescribed, wherunto I have not aughto elce materiall to add save my hartye commend &c.21 VI. Robert Hughes and John Parker to The Agra Factory. Patna, the 6th October 1620.22 Very good Frends Mr. Fetiplace etts. Our last unto you was of the 14th September by retorne of your expresse which brought your last bills of exchange. Therin wee advized you of theire acceptance and now intreate you take notice that wee have founde satisfaction bothe for those and all your formers, save only a rest of Champseyes Chandsahai Shah] which as yet is scarce dewe, 2 I may bee about 600 rups. In a postscripte of our last 23 wee also advized you of the then presant arivall here of John Parker with the goods mentioned in your Invoyce sent therwith, which havinge examined, wee finde to fall out Just in quantitye, thoughe in quality they were som what damnified on the waye by reason of th'extremitye of fowle wether theye met in theire passadge. Yet the most parte therof, to saye the broadcloth, kersyes, hydes, swords, and small wares wee have delivered into the Nabobs Circare [sarkar, court, establishment]and theye have past his view, but as yet wee have not founde leasure to come to a price for them. Our quicksilver wee have sould (but not delivered) for 41 rups. per seare of 374 pice weight but have not bine offered for our Amber beads above 10 rups. the seare of 14 pice the seare, wherefore detayne it in hope of a better market. Wee have finished our provisiones for this yeare, which consist of 1975 peeces Ambertyes, 60 pcs. sahannes and hammomes, 12 courge of Tussres 22 quilts of Sutgonge [16 Courge 14 pos. Bicuntpore Layches (Baikunthpur alachah, silk cloth ) 24 ] 2704 seres Bengall silke (600 rupes in Malda wares for Persia], besides diverse other goods for samples, of all which wee have sent you an ampell Invoyoe hereinclosed, wherunto for theire pertickuler cost refer you. The totall wherof Amounts to 7500 rups., and our remaynes in Casho, silke wrought, ette. may hee about 1200 rups. The rest of your monye remitted is disbursed in Charges etts. 20 The "Ahumohol ca Sarah of Mundy (Travela, ed. Temple II, 115) and the "Aoomal-serai" of Rennell (Bengal Atlas)now represented by Amwakantha (Indian Atlas). 21 Factory Records, Patna, I, 9. 22 A letter of the same purport was also written to Surat on this date. It contains come slight additions. These have been added to the Agra letter and placed between square brackets. 23 Not extant. 21 Added from the letter to Surat which is omitted.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MAY, 1914. The forementioned goods is all packed in 26 balles laden on 4 Cartes and was dispeeded hence under the conduct of 10 servants the 4th presant, whoe by agreement are to bee with you in Agra within 30 dayes, to saye by the second November. The transporte bence of the goods to Agra hathe cost us (somethinge more then the ordinarye freight hence, to saye] 25 2 rups. the Jehanger maund.20 Theye contayne in all 81 maunds, for which we have paid the Carters here 153 rups, and have delivered them our bills on you for 8 rups. more, which wee intreate you paye them, if theye arive with you within theire tyme lymited, otherwise detayne it, for theye not acomplishinge with us accordinge to agreement theye are to have but 19 rups.27 the maunde, the price now cut [reduced] of the Caravan which goeth in 40 dayes. Of theire performance wae praye advize us, that accordinglye, if theye faile, wee maye have redresse here from the owners and theire suertyes. The balle of silke no. G. consisteth of Girde, Cattawaye and shekesty, which wee send you purposlye to sell in Agra. The rest is all for England, of which ther is a small bale of sleave silke (packed up with the cannister of Lignome alloes], 28 drest from the Cuttaway and shekestye and dyed into severall Colleres, a sample wherof wee send you by this bearer and is all Cuttaway, save the skeyne of watchet (pale blue] which is shekestye. The crimson is died in Lack and all the rest of the Colleres Carrarye [karari, fast, ingrain). After your perusiall, if you please, you maye send it with the goods to Surrat for theire view. Wee have delivered into the hand of our servant Dyalla [Dyala] 15 rups. to defraye the charge of the goods on the waye, wherof wee charge you. Wee had sent Abdel Caryme ['Abdu'l-Karim] with the Cartes but that hee is lefte sicke at Lackhoure, where Mr. Parker hath bine since his cominge and invested about 1000 rups, there amongst the weavers in white clothe; also 25 ps. browne (as from the loome) wee have sent to Surrat for samples. [Packt up with the rawe Ambertyes have wee sent 8 peeces Camsukes [kam-sukha, unfinished cloth]whited onlye without starch and 10 ps, with starch, all provided at Lackhoure]. 29 Wee have paid our servants which went with the goods 47 rups. per pce. [?apiece] for theire Journye. Wee entreat you retorne Dyalla with the newes of theire arivall, and when you conceave them to a proche neare, send out one to meete them...... Wee expecte no more monye for this yeare past, for a tymlye dispatche hath left us somthinge in Cash which, with the proceed of our goods, wee purpose to begine our provisone in the rawe clothe of Lackhoure in the ensuinge yeare ... The silke wound of [off] you will perceave to falle out in price as formerlye advized and by us expected, For its future provision wee shall not bee over hastye, onlye worke out our monye delivered the silkewinders, wherin their can bee no losse but gayne in its present sayle here ...Here hath bine nothinge as yet efected save investments ... Wee intreate you deliver Abdell Carymes wyfe 4 rups. more ... With our goods wee have sent a cupell of pratlinge birds called mynnas [maina], which wee have bought to bee sent to the Company, and intreate you carre maye bee taken for theire convayence to Surratt. At the foote of our Invoyce you will perceave theire cost, [also a muster (sample) of Lignome alloes of which here is quantitye, and cost 1 rups, the seare of 33 pices weight]. 25 added from the letter to Surat. 26 The Jahangfrf man, the royal man, was rather heavier than the commercial 'maunu, and weighed 62Iba, in Mundy's time. See Travels, ed. Temple, II. 237. 17 The letter to Surat says they were to forfeit of their freight if they exceeded the limited time, a added from the letter to Surat.

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MAY, 1914). FIRST COMMERCIAL MISSION TO PATNA 79 - For what goods lye by you ded, if you send them hether, doubtless theye will finde good sayle. The bone lace39 is so well licked that the Nabobe requieres all the rest, which wee entreate you send by the first conveyence, with what sword blades, knives, etts. you can sparelo. VII. Robert Hughes to the Surat Factory, Patna, 31 October 1620. Mr. Kerridge, etts. Our last unto you was of the 6th presant ... Since the dispeed hence of our goods wee have sould into the Nabobs Circare allmost all the goods sent to us from Agra, viz.,... brocade cloth . redds ... greene ... yellowe. .. Bulgare,hydes ... Cerseyes., besides diverse other brayed [damaged, tarnished] wares to good profitt, in all for 2400 rups. for which wee have got out a Berate [bardt, order for payment], and are in speedye expectation for our monyes, which once received I purpose for Lackhoure, whether Mr. Parker is gon before with 900 rups. to make enterance into the rawe Ambertyes, the tyme beinge now principall good for theire provision and no buyers alreade. We intend provision of none but the broadest sizes and are promised of a full Coved broade which oomes littell shorte of an Englishe elle. Wee shall expecte your order what sortes and quantityes therof to bee provided for th' ensuinge yeare as also for other Commodities this place may aforde. And for that tyme is pretious and the whitinge of th'Ambertyes teadious, wee purpose out of hand to invest all the monnyes wee have in that Commoditye, and for the future will expecte from you or Agra. Our provisions of silke wee have almost let falle untill wee here how you aprove therof. Diverse letters have wee written you since our Comminge into theise partes, answare unto none wherof have wee received, but live in hopes.31 VIII, Robert Hughes to the Surat Factory. Patna, 11 November 1620. Lovinge Frends, Mr. Kerridge, etts. It is not manye dayes past since I received yours of the 5th September, answere to myne from hence of the 12th July... By what I then writt you concirninge provisions of Amberty Callicoes, you rightlye aprehende the quantity to bee but small. I had that information but from reporte, which since hath not proved much contrary. Here in Puttana where buyinge them at the best hand, to saye from the weavers which bringe them readye whited to towne in small parcells, I could not with all my endeavors atayne to above a thousand peeces, wherefore was foursed for the presant to make up our Investments of that Commoditye partlyo bought in Lackhoure and partlye from other marchants who bought them there rawe and whited them themselves, which Course tyme would not permitt us to take, comming hether soe late in the yeare, and wee perceaved for what the weavers bringe readye to towne is onlye to serve the Bazare. And merchants that make theire provisions abroade will not sell here for halfe a savoye [saw ii] 32 profitt, but transporte them for Agra, Lahore, etts, where they make a far greater gayne. So that it is the extraordinarye profitt which induceth merchants to furnishe Agra with that Commoditye, from whence doubtles you wilbe this yeare suplyed with a good quantity, in that wee understand theye have 29 Bobbin lace, usually of linen thread, See O. E, D., 8. v. Bone-lace. ,90 Factory Records, Patna, I., 10-11. 31 Factory Recoris, Patns, I., 1. 32 sawai means 13, i. e., or 25 p. c. profit. So " halfe, & savoye" would mean & pr 125 p. c. profit.

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80 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MAY, 1914. bought all came to hand, though question at what rates, as havinge not herde of theire bargayne. Those I provided here, bought from the weaveres, was accordinge to custom of the buzare, bothe for price and allowance, which is a savoye per cent... and makes 20 per cent. difference or abaitment, to saye, for 100 rupes gross wee payed 80 net,33 which is the 4 aneys or distury [dasturi, discount]. . . . Now for the future provision of rawe Ambertyes at Lackhoure (which must bee our Course if you intend anye greate investments therin), theye are bought there in Infinite quantityes browne from the weavers, and of all sizes and prizes, of which there is 3 sorts, viz., rasseyes [razai] 34 zeffer conyes [zafar-khani] and Jehngeres [jahangiri]. The rasis are generallye course narowe bredthe, of about our halfe Jehanger Coved Broade, and fewe or none above 2 rupees net the peece. The Zefferconyes are for at most broader then those from 1 to 6 rup. the net peece. And the Jehangers the broadest of the 3 sortes, whereof som are a full Jehanger Coved, but those very fewe, fine, and high prized, from 3 to 12 rups. net per peece. In lengehts these are about 13 coveds and therin litell diference betwene either of the sortes. And theise are all the sortes of Ambertyes Lackhoure yeldeth, of which if you intend provisions in all of them, 20000 peeces maye yearlye bee provided browne, but then wee must have the yeare and meanes beforehand to bee perpeatually doeinge therin for that their whitinge (as formerly advized you) is exceedinge teadious and troublesome, thoughe put forth as bought, and theire charge in cureinge them more or lesse, accordinge to their finenes and breadth, some 24 some 3, and some 3 rups. per courge, besides sope etts. But herin maye bee bothe some tyme and charges gayned if you aprove to have some of them caumsoucks [kam-sukha, unfinished] and onlye washt out of theire grease or mandye [mandi] and no starche; but to send them you rawe as from the loome, wee are cirtaynlye perswaded theire thred will rott before theye come to your hands (and therfore intreate your exprese order therin), and was the principall resone wee sent you so fewe this yeare, which were only 25 peeces for samples; wherby you might judge of the cloth, beinge rawe, and know it's longht, breadth and vallue, all which it selfe expresseth. The disturies [dasturi, discount] in buyinge it browne at Lackhoure is as the merchant makes it. Some cut of [f]a savoye [25 p. c.] some halfe a savoye [12 p. c.], some a rupeye per peece, and some buye it for nett, which is all to one efecte, for what allowance soever you deducte it is inhaunced in the price, and therfore no setled custom, everye one acordinge to his fansye. The custome of tearinge of the reza [reza, scrap or fragment] from the length of the browne amberty is more benifitiall to the merchant here, by its sayle aparte, then the length of the remaynder can advantage by its seeminge fyner, and is at least ten per cent.;35 which in theire gaynes theye accompt not of, but allot it to the defrayinge theire charges and curinge of the rest; which custom wee neither have nor purpose to follow, but to white the intier pece as bought from the loome. Theye are not all of one exacte length, but some come out shorter then others by a coved, and generalye maye bee 13 coveds Jehanger longe, or of Puttanna, betwene which and the coved of Lackhoure is 33 They paid, however, Rs. 5 too much. Discount of a saudi would be 25 p. c. not 20 p. c. This is shown by the statement" which is 4 aneys or distury," i. e., 4 annas in the rupee or discount-25 p. c. "Four aneys or is also interesting as showing that the rupee of account in Patna in c 1620 was of 16 annas and not of 12 as usual in Bengal at that period. 34 Razdi, ordinarily a quilt, coverlet; here applied to narrow breadth cloth. 35 This statement means that the reza was usually 10 p. c. of the whole piece and constituted a species of discount, like our own 13 to the baker's dozen."

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MAY, 1914.) FIRST COMMERCIAL MISSION TO PATNA 81 some small diferance, the country coved beinge the longer by allmost a giery [girih, * of a gaz] or to. In buying the browne cloth the buyer payeth no brokeridge ; but in the sayle of the clothe the brokeres inhanceth five pices in eatche peece of what price soever ; wherof the brokeres share two pices, two pices the Governor or Shekdare (shikdar, revenue officer of the prigony (pargana, district] and one pice they retorne back to the merchant; which custome is very large, and wee shall endevor if possible to reduce it to lesse. And this is as much as I can advize you bothe for quantitye and Custome for buyinge the Ambertyes 'either here in Puttana or at Lackhoure. What I was enformed concerninge the provision here of Bengalla silke, wounde of as our masters requiered, my letter of the 6th August acirtayned you bothe for price and quantitye, with which I sent you [thereof] musteres and advized you of the constant course I had taken for it's provision at the best hand, but our frends at Agra upon your advice unto them not to proceed further in that investment wholye discouraged mee which was th' occasion I almost let f[all my] determined purpose therin, yet with the rest of our goods have sent you a good sampell, which both for goodnes and price you will perceave to exceed what hath bin provided in Agra, the diference of them advized you ; so that it cannot but prove a profitable commoditye in England, and for the future if you shall determine on anye greate provisions to be made therin, I cannot prescribe or advize of a better course to attayne quantitye therof at cheape rates then for our selves to buye the silke rawe, as it comes in serbandy [cocoon) from Bengalla, and wynde it of here in Puttanna into the condition the Companye ayme at; and in that nature have now sent you from hence but hope at somewhat better ratte then that was, for that the ser bandy is latlye much fallene in price, of which sortes fittinge England I can acirtayne you the provision of 30 mds. per mounth, which as yet is the most I dare afirm to, and that will requier a good some of monye to keepe us Continually in Imployment, and if but 300 maunds per Anno at 4 rupes the seare of 331 pice weight (at which price wee maye without doubt furnishe you from hence) will requier at Leaste 50000 rups. for it's performance, wheron I leave you to conclude and determine. And if you shall desier sleave silke of the best and principall sorte, it will cost us drest and died unto severall Colleres 4 rups, net the seare of 331 pices weight. What wee now sent for a sample was drest from the coursest sortes of the serbandy silke, which is much inferior in goodnes to what maye here be provided in quantitye. And thuse have you my opynion and advice of the two mayne propes which must uphould this a factory, and theye not to be provided in anye quantityes without a continuall residence. For other sortes of callico cloth, as sahanes and hammomes, wee perceave them not to bee brought hether in anye greate quantities, but a continuance here maye doubtles provide some, but to what nomber I cannot saye. For tusser stufes, 40 or 50 corge yerlye. And wares for Persia (of which wee have sent you some sampels) greate quantities of all sortes; 100,000 rupes speedilye employed therin. Lignom aloes, also good quantitye, wherof likwise wee sent a sampell of the ordinarye sorte knowne here by the name of simmulye samaleh) 36 ... Of this commoditye there is here of diverse sortes and prizes from 20 rupes per maunde to 40 and 50 rupes per seare. 36 Watt, Dict. of Economic Products, &. v. Aquilaria Agalloche, gives the three kinds of this wood as gharks (the heaviest), nim gharki or samalch-i-a'ld, and samaleh (the lightest or commonest sort.)

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82 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MAY, 1914. The Caymoconyes [kaim-khani] of Beyhare [Bihar] I with you acord to bee a commoditye fitter for Persia then England, yet as fit for Barbary or Turkey as anye other place. Of Sutgonge quilts wee sent you this yeare a pack ... and all of them bought at such reasonable rates that we expecte good muzera 37 for them from the Companye. Theye are not made here, but brought from the bottom of Bengala ... Other sortes of quiltes are not here to bee gotten of any kinde.... The transporte of our goods from hence to Agra at 1} rups. per maund is no dearer then usialye all men paye for theire goods which goeth in Carravan and are 40 dayes on the waye.... In our last wee advized you of the saile of some goods into the Nabobs Circare and to what vallue theye amounted. Since which wee have received parte of the monyes and hope within 2 or 3 dayes to cleare that busines. The poore rest of our Cash hath since bine invested at Lackhowre in the broadest sorts of raw Ambertyes; and they all delivered out to whittinge. Wee have bought about half a score maunde serbandy silke and are agayne 'setinge a foote its wyndinge of, and want but means to goe throughe for some good quantitye of that Commoditye and our country provisiones of browne Ambertyes, both which is now to bee efected to good advantage. And therefore if suplye in som good some arive not from Agra the sooner, wee shall endevor wbat possible on Credditt, beinge sorye for [? to lose] the least opertunitye which promiseth advantage. If your encouragement from Persia shall induce you to enorder provisiones of Banarse mandiles [mandil] it is from hence but a step tuether, where doubtles wee may furnishe you with more varietye and at farr better rattes then Agra can aforde. And so intreatinge your speedye order for what quantitye goods you shall requier from hence and meanes for their accomplishinge &c.98 IX. Robert Hughes and John Parker to the Honnorable Company. Patna, 30th November 1620. Right Honnorable : Our humble dewtyes promised etts. Your Worships in your last yeares letters dated the 15th February and 6th March, 2018 [1619], sent by the Charles, Ruby and Dyamond, earnestly requiringe quantity of commodityes fittinge England, and theire provisiones to bee made in such places as give best hopes, as well for attayninge quantitye as also for theire procuringe to best advantage for price, condition ettc., amongst sondrye other newe, imployments thought on by the President and Councell in Surratt, after dispeede of the Lyon the last yeare for England, theye enoidered some experience to bee made in the partes of Bengalla, for that by reporte it promised good store of callico clothinge, rawe silke, ettc., the commodities by your Worships most desiered; for which cause theye appoynted Robert Hughes to bee sent from the Agra factory to Puttanna, the chefest marte towne of all Bengala, apoynting him likewise an assistant then in Suratt, but afterwards sent up for Agra in companye of Robert Younge; whoe beinge longe detayned in Ahmadavad, for want of company wherwith to proceed for Agra, spent a greate parte of the yeare there ; wherof wee havinge notice in 37 The word is apparently P.. mazra,' lit. a place of sced produce : hence used mistakenly by this Writer in the sense of produce, profit. 38 Factory Records, Patna, I., 13-16.

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MAY, 1914.) FIRST COMMERCIAL MISSION TO PATNA . 83 Agra, the tyme spendinge so fast, and the waye betwene Puttanna and Agra somwhat teadious, it was thought requisite to dispeede Robert Hughes before and th' assistant to followe him upon advice of the necesitye. And havinge acorded upon a computent some of monnyes for some presant trialls, with bills of exchange importinge 4000 ruppes, hee departed Agra the 5th June, and after 29 dayes travell arived here in Puttanna the 3d July, where havinge procured acceptance of his exchanges, and made some inquisition into the hoped good here to bee efected, and upon good information beinge acirtayned that this place to good purpose might bee established a factory, hee fourth with advized Surrat and Agra therof, and intreted the sendinge his assistant and by him some English goods which in Agra laye unvendable, with more suplye of monyes, to proceede in provision of what goods might posiblye bee compased tymelye to be sent hence this yeare for Surrat and England ; of which advize and information the Agra factors approved, and in place of John Bangam, which was proceeded with Robert Younge for Lahore, theye sent hether John Parker, and by him the goods advized for, whoe came hether about the midst of September; before and since whose arivall what we have efected in our provisions, ette., we will preceed to give Your Worships notice. [Here follows a list of the goods provided at Patna for which see previous letters]. All which goods weare dispeeded hence for Agra the 4th October, exceedinge well packed and fenced with wrappers, cotton woll, waxcloth, und what elce requisite for theire preservation both by land and sea.... The severall stufes now sent you... if theye give Content and prove vendable in England, greate quantityes therof maye yearlye here bee provided, as likewise the quilts wrought with yellowe silke, fethers, and Lignom Alloes, which are all but for tryall; and therefore the two mayne propes which must uphould this a factory is Amberty Callicoes and rawe silke, neither wherof are to be provided in anye quantityes without a continuall residence, for that theye requier great tyme, carre, and dilligence, th' one in the procuringe them whitted, and th other in it's wyndinge of, and maye not be efected to anye purpose under a yeares tyme, wherof wee have bine large to Surratt, and expect theire resolutions how to proceede.... The Portingalls of late yeares have had a trade here in Puttana, oominge up with theire friggitts from the bottom of Bengalla, where theye have two porttes, th' one called Gollye [Hugli], and th' other Pieppullye [Pipli], and therin are licenced by this kinge to inhabitt. Gollye is theire cheefest porte, where theye are in greate multitudes, and have yearlye shippinge both from Mallacka and Cochine. The commodities theye usiallye bringe up hether is for the most part tyne, spices, and China wares, in lewe wherof theye transporte ambertye callicoes, carpets, and all sortes of thine cloth, which theye die into redds purposelye for saile to the sothwards. This cittye stands upon the river Ganges, whose swifte currant transportes theire friggitts with such dexteritye that in five or six dayes theye usiallye go hence to theire portes, but in repairinge up agayne spend thrice the tyme.9 . . (To be continued.) 39 Factory Records, Patna, I. 16-18. Certain paragraphs of this letter have been omitted as they contain information previously given.

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84. THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY following: NOTES ON THE GRAMMAR OF THE OLD WESTERN RAJASTHANI WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO APABHRAMCA AND TO GUJARATI AND MARWARI. BY DR. L. P. TESSITORI, UDINE, ITALY. (Continued from p. 63.) (d) Single Consonants. Apabhramca consonants, in passing into Old Western Rajasthan, undergo the changes (MAY, 1914 SS21. g is occasionally aspirated to gh. Ex.: saghalau (P. 329) ph see SS 26. For g>gr see SS 31. SS22. j is occasionally changed to y. In many cases this change is only apparent, for in the writing the two characters j and y are often interchanged and there is no doubt that they were pronounced much in the same way, i.e., as j (see SS 1), but in some other cases it would seem that an actual weakening of j to y took place, i.e., between vowels j gradually lost its force as a consonant and came to be used as a mere euphonic element like the yacruti of Jaina Prakrit. Ex.: kahii (F 715, 1, 10) tr see SS 31. SS26. p is occasionally aspirated to ph. The case here is somewhat analogous with SS 21, only from the two single examples available it would seem that ph has been brought about by p combining with an h in the subsequent syllable. Ex.: Mod. Guj. aphanie Page #89
MAY, 1014.) NOTES ON GRAMMAR OF THE OLD-WESTERN RAJASTHANI 85 upharau (Adi. 55) pr see $31. $27. m is changed to l in : Lisai (Yog. ii, 67, 111, Indr. l) jyo cf. the case of the relative pronoun in the dialects of the Rajasthani. $29. ris occasionally changed to d and vice versa. Ex.: keda (F 715, i, 14) Page #90
86 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MAY, 1914 pramai (Mu.) s pamai Page #91
NOTES ON GRAMMAR OF THE OLD WESTERN RAJASTHANI 87 gaydha (Vi. 45) Page #92
88 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (2) palatals: sacavai (P. 297) lh see SS 42. (7) sibilants: visasa (P. 284) nh. The differentiating of nn to nh had already begun in the Pingala-Apabhramca, where we come across such forms as: dinha, linha (i, 128) for regular dingai, *linna (see SS 126, (3) ). The case here is very analogous to the differentiation of ll to lh, which is explained below. Old Western Rajasthani further changed nh to nh and treated the latter as a single consonant. The same did Old Eastern Rajasthant and Old Western Hindi and out of dinhau, linhai made dinha, and linha. To the Old Western Rajasthani tendency to change nh to nh we have a testimony in the termination -anhura of the noun of agency, which is derived from -anahara through -anhara (see SS 135). The nexus nh has further survived in the postposition kanha, for which see SS 71, (1), and in : banhi (Cal. 15)Page #93
NOTES ON GRAMMAR OF THE OLD WESTERN RAJASTHANI $42. Through the same process as nn seems to have gone Apabhramca U. Differentiation of Il to lh is already found in the Jaina Maharastri in the examples : melhiydi Page #94
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY atarau (Adi. 73, F 535, ii, 4) Page #95
NOTES ON GRAMMAR OF THE OLD WESTERN RAJASTHANI haidai (P8) Page #96
92 44 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MAY, 1914. DHARANI," OR INDIAN BUDDHIST PROTECTIVE SPELLS. Translated from the Tibetan. BY L. A. WADDELL, C.B., LL.D (Continued from p. 54.) 7. The Flaming Diadem. Usnisa-jvala. Om! In the Indian speech [this is called] Aryosnisa jvala nama Dharani; in the Tibetan speech' P'ags-pa gteng-tor' bar.-wa zes bya-bai gzuns. Salutation to The Three Holy Ones! Namas samanta buddhanam, apratikatasasanamam. On! kha-kha, khahi, khahi, hum, hum, jvala, prajvala prajvala, tistha tisthasti sarvadurani mitidusa svavana santi kura svaha. This indeed is the spell of the thousand Buddhas, it is the famous 'flaming diadem'. This famous luck-bringer makes all one's deed to be blessed, whether they be of different kinds [good or bad ?], whether they be hundreds of thousands, 900, or five fold. Evil dreams and evil omens70 are made harmless. Whoever mutters77 it merely once has [harm] cleared away. The hosts of obstructing demons79 are rendered powerless and utterly destroyed. Life and future happiness become increased! Mangalam! (O happiness!) 8. The All-Victorious Turner-aside (of Evil.) Vijayavati-pratyagird [Dharani]. [From Ka-gyur rGyud, Hodgson Colln. Calc. (also I. O. ?) Vol. P. (13) No. 51 fol. 389-392: Csoma An. p. 524-51, St. Petersb. Vol. Tsh. (18) No. 730 fol. 225-227: Schmidt's Index p. 101 I. O. (Waddell) Tibet Colln. No. K. 17. (34).] O! In the Indian speech [this] is called Arya vijayavavavatinas nama pratyangira; in the Tibetan speech 'Pa'gs-pa p'yir-zlog-pa rnampar rgyal-ba-chan: [that is, The Noble All-Victorious Turner-Aside or Repeller]. Salutation to the Buddhas and Bodhisattvas, the guardians who strive after the welfare of all living beings! Salutation to all the Sadhanas (rituals for compelling visions of spellspirits)! Salutation to all the holders of spells (mantras)! Salutation to Buddha, The Law and The Order! Salutation to the Bodhisattvas, Mahasattva Mahakarunase and the illustrious Arya Avalokistesvara. All these were saluted by Vijayavati Pratyamgira, who throws off life-destroying agencies and curses, pacifies the ghosts of the dead and excessive misfortune, dissipates fear [at the hands] of kings, fear of robbers, fear of fire, fear of floodwater, fear of dakinip-reta, pisacha, kumbhanda astaraka, apasmara, putana,s1 fear of losing the track, fear of the cremation-path fear of those beings who walk in the darkness of the night and in the daylight. She makes them harmless and of a good disposition or entirely disperses them, repels all enemies, pacifies all upsetting and obstructing demons. She cleanses 11 belas. bgeg-s= Skt. gana. 16 mt'san. an. 79 This is obviously corrupt for vijayavati, the form in the St. Petersburgh text, and Schmidt p. 101, which is also the form given in the Sanskrit Tibetan Dictionaries. 80 This is an epithet of Avalokita, although here differentiated from that divinity by and.' 81 Classes of evil spirits.

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MAY, 1914.] DHARANI OR INDIAN BUDDHIST SPELLS 93 completely from all sin, from sluggishness in speech, the stiff in speech become charming in address and expression82. Salutation to the Bodhisattvas, Mahasattva Mahakarupa and the illustrious Arya Avalokistesvara. The essential spellg83 which will accomplish these [objects) are as follows: Oi dhara (repeat 7 times), dhiri (seven times), dhuru (eight times). Protect us against fear, harm, destruction of life, curses, protect us! Sara (seven times)! Siri (seven times)! Suru (seven times)! Mara (seven times)! Muru (seven times)! Protect us from all disease, protect us ! Hili (eight times) 181 hulu (eight times) ! kili (nine times ) ! mili (eight times)! isi-li (nine times)! sulu (9 times)! Repel all demons ! On visara visara kanpa ka pa naiana nasayanasaya! Against wrathful and malignant enemies whom you desire may come no nearer, make burnt-offerings and employ the above spells and afterwards repeat them once more. Svaha ! This will close the eyes of foes, close the ears, nose, tongue, bind the body, mind, and all the members, large and small it will bind. Sphuta, sphula, sphula sphoaya (three times)! To clear away all destructive influences and curses, suppress every evil under every circumstance. Sarvatru uma, turu (four times ), Svaha ! Protect us against fear and all kinds of harm, destruction of life, curses, ghosts and apasmara. Protect us! Svaha. To cleanse from all one's sins-a prayer to cleanse: Tsara Tsara svaha ! mara mara svaha, Siri siri svaha, kuru kuru svaha, dhuru dhuru svaha ! For men desirous that harm shall not increase or that they be not befogged or stranded in solitude, or enraged or deluded, that they may turn aside all demons(bhita), and all seizing'demons (graha) and all diseases so that they do not drive people insane, do not befog the mind, stiffen, frighten, at all frighten, dismember, overpower, Svaha ! Nile (three times) ! Keie svaha piti (three times)! Keie svaha lohite (three times) ! Kese svaha mavadate avadate avabhata / Keie svaha sveto sveto vastudharaniye svaha ! Turn aside the power of all demons! Cleanse us from all sin, Svaha! Increase (good) deeds(two times), increase our good-luck and prosperity, increase our (good) deeds ! Svaha ! Protect us against fear, harm, onset of sickness, all [evil ? ] births and destruction of life, and all curses, and all disease-demons and all sin, and all evil planets and vast evils and all visible and invisible harm! Protect us, Svaha ! "This (spell] named The All-Victorious Turner-aside (Vijaya Pratyamgira) produces victory 85 Whosoever on their neck [hangs) this (spell] enfetters [evil] and thus becomes certainly the victor. The unblessed path of troublous dreams, sin, enemies of all kinds, robbers, fire and kings all these cannot harm. Whoever on their neck (hangs ]this ( spell ] enfetters (evil ]; then the water-floods cannot carry him off. Sins become cleansed, every virtue becomes swiftly increased, illness is banished by profitable gain. The book on the) noble Vijaya pratyangira, so named, is finished. Mangala i !" The Tibetan text of the Sitatapatra or Maha pratya igira Dharani is easily accessible, as in addition to its occurrence in the Ka-gyur Canon, and in the Dharani Pitaka (Mdo-mai gzuns), it is also frequently met with as a separate manual. The Red Copper Beak' however, being less common and as yet un-known in its Sanskrit version, I here append its text, translated in Roman characters from the printed copy in my collection, in the India Office Library, K. 17 Vol. Z. (18). Its translation I have given at pp. 39-41. 62 Implies the attributes of the Vedic Vach, the goddess of speech, the prottoype of Sarasvati. 83 Mala mantra. 84 This spell with. Hiki kili mili' is evidently part of the great peafowl charm against snakes ascribed in simpler forms to Buddha. See my art. Dhirani Oult., loc. cit. 85 Literally causes victory to arise.'

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MAY, 1914. TEXT OF THE RED COPPER BEAK.' Om | rgya-gar-skad-du arya ghadsha pratyan bhandhaghata kadabrita tsakhadhaya bod-skad-du 'p'ags-pa zans-kyi-mch'u dmar-pos gdug-pai pyogs t'am-chad gnon-bar byed-pa. 'es-bya-bai gzuns 11 Sais-rgyas den byau-chab sems-dpa t'am-chad-la p'yag'-ts'al-lo II 'p'ags-pa t'ams-chad-la p'yag-'ts'al-lo 1 'pyogs-ba bchu bzugs-paf sans-rgyas t'am-chad-la p'yag-'ts'al-lo bya n-ch'ub sems-dpai ch'ogs-rnams dan nan-t'os sde dai bhud-du | bchas-ba-rnams-la p'yag 'ts'al-lo *bchom-ldan'-das de-bzin gsegs-pa dgra-bchom-pa yai-dag-par rdsogs-pal sais-rgyas rig-p& daii z'abs-suldan-pa bde-bar gsegs-pa jig-rten-ma k'yen-pa skyes-bu 'dub-bas ka' losgyur-ba bla-na-med-palha dai mi-rnams gyi ston-par gyur-pa* | sans-rgyas ston-gi ito bo-chan-ia p'yag-'t'sal-lo | dpal-p'yag-na-rdo-rje-la 'pyag-t'sal-lo II. 'Di skad bdag-gis t'os-pa dus gchig-na behom-ldan-das 'dam-bui-ts'al padma-mdsesbyed sa-k'ebs-pai gnasi ch'u-bo yan-lag-brgyad-dai Idan-pai 'gram-na bzugs sola-bor dmag-tu med-pa daj t'abs gchig-godge-sloi-gi, dge-'dun-ch'en-po dan t'abs gchig-tu bzugs-so II. De-nas 'pags-pa zaus-moh'u-dmar-poi dros-grub drag-poi las-la dbau-mdjad-pa mdsenad t'ams-chad-las gsol-ba 'tog-pa | slog-pa | sa k'yor-pa | k'rag-'jib-pa | drod.yul-ba | gnam-pde brgyad-la gnad k'ro-wo me-mche'd-pa || rba-k'ol-ba k'ro-ch'u k'ob-ma 'bab-tu 'jug-pa | lchags-kyi gzer-'debs-pa yan-lag bskums-pa mta-bzi adud-pa dur-kr'od-da rgyugpa klu-ch'en-po brgyad-la nad gton-ba nam-mka-la t'ig 'debs-pa sa-la srubs bzi-ru dags pa zaus-kyi lus-l'a bya-k'yuu-gi mgo-bo yod-pa klad-pa-la za-ba zans-kyi-mch'u 'dom dgu brgya dgu bebu yod-pa zas-su klu-rigs b'zi za-ba skom-du ch'u ser dan k'raq geol.ba spyan-rtsa dmar-la sdan mig-tu bgrag-palha-ba mur-ba | rkau-la bla | dag-pa ro-mags kyi nad lhog-bur-du gton-ba | k'ams gsum ze-la gnon-paran sgras'jigs-pai dug 'tul-ba mar. la dmyal-baf gdar-la 'grugs-pal yar-la srid-pat sten-du p'ugs-pa i ghan-rigs druq-ston gsogpa-la 'gyar-ba klu-rigs stod p'rag k'on-nal-ba | de-Ita-bui 'jigs-pai ch'a-lugs-chan dan yan tabs gchig-go! De-nas behom-ldan-das dka-tu'b | mdsad-pa-la dpal-p'yag-na-rdo-rjes geol-pa | bde-bar gsegs-pa'-gro-bu drug-la t'ug-rjes gzui-du gsol fon mdos-pat-nad-las t'ar-bar mdsad-du gsol 'dod-ch'ags-kyi-nad-las t'ar-bar mdsad du gos! ze-sdad-gi-me-bsad-du gsol ia-rgyal-gyi brag snil du gsol 1 gti-mug-gi-mun-pa bsal-du gsol i gdug-pat-nad-las bsgral-du gsol gdon-ston 'prag brgyad ch'chu rtsa b'zi-las bsgral-du gsol | zes-zus-pas t'ugs-rjes gzigs-na gnad-ba mdsad-do | dpal-p'yag-na-rdo-rje non mons-pa-chan-dan nad gdol-ba-chan-gyis mnar-ba lus siams-pa t'ams-chad dai dam-las 'das-padam-t'sig nams-pa | nad-kyis gduis-pa sredpar srad-bus bchins-pa t'ams-chad-la sog-chig | di gan-du myur-bar sog-chig | nas bsuddo gdams-so z'es-bka stsal-to! De-nas p'yag-na-rdo-rjes Iha-ma srin-sde brgyad-gyi gam-du p'yin-te i rgyal-bat bka-la ion rgyal-bai sku-la btos myur ba mar bar 'den zes-byas-pas klu va-su-ta bram-zei rigsla p'yag-na-rdo-rjes i asu-yin ch'a-med-dam byas-pas na-la ch'a-med-dok'yod-la a-ni minan-no i mi Itos-sol na-ni stobs-chan yin-no | kyan-par-chan yin-no i sugs-chan yin-no! mai-la k'or-rnams kyan stobs dan ldan-pa yod-do zes zer-rol P'yag-na-rdo-rjes kyod-la nuspa chi yod-byas-pas nas k'yod-la ka-rlane sig gtad-gis edod-chig zer-te p'yag-na-rdo-rje

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MAY, 1914.) MISCELLANEA. 95 raus ta'd-du'dug-bas glu-ba-su-tas ka-rlans bun-pa zlig btad-bas p'yag-na-rdo-rje-la sut'ug t'ug-du byui-io. De-nas p'yag-na-rdo-rje t'ugs-rtog skyes-te k'yod-na jo-bos-chan zig 'dug-pa ji skad bya-ba bas na ni klui-rgyal-po bram-ze rin-po-che' Va-su-ta zes-byn-ba yin-nora-la dugrnam-pagla... [here five leaves from fol. 3b to 8b) kes bka stsal-pa Om hrum hri hruh ah tathagata | nagahridaya | tathagata namah dhamaya | tathagate rajasrilhanana | budya 'budya raja isala pari parilira nagahu yarbada povamdha svaha guha rajala svaha hrum hrf .. [3 pages to fol. lla]. 'p'agg-pa zana-mch'u dmar-porno-bas dpal-dau-chas-pa | va-su-ta rigs-drug dban-du sdud-pao | de-nas kyai bram-zei-rigs rdul-du rlog-par byed-pao II Zais-mch'u dmar-poigzuis rdogs-rgya-gar kyi mk'an-po dsnana de-va dai bod-kyi bande ch'os-grub daj lo-tsa-ba ska-ba bha-pos bya tsal-du bsgyur chii zus-te gtan-la 'pab-bab || The passages which I have enclosed between two asterisks, contain I find the Tibetan translation of a portion of a hymn in praise of Buddha in the first chapter of the Lalita Vistara almost word for word and in the same order of sentences; this hymn has unfortunately been omitted by M. Foucaux in his edition of the Tibetan version of that text. It was probably one of the early rhymes of the Buddhists and may possibly occur in the Pali Tripitika ; for Dr. Kern has found (Man. Ind. Buddhism p. 15) that the Lalita Vistara contains whole passages identical with the Pali Scriptures. Some of the epithets indeed are those claimed by Buddha himself in his first sermon at Benares (CE. Oldenberg 'Buddha' p. 129). The corresponding sentences in the Lalita Vistara I here, extract from Lefmann's text p. 3 : Bhagavatah korli sabdaloko loko abhyudhato arhan samyaksambudho vidyacaranasampannah sugalo lokavitparah purusadamyasarathih kasta devana i ca manusyarai ca budho bhagavan panccaksu samanbagatah. Analysis of the details of these spells must be postponed for the present. The vivid picture of the Garuda as a paramount storm-deity of Nature speaks for itself, whilst the popular terror against disease and drought demons is reflected in the rampant Naga worship dating to pre-Vedic times. The dramatic birth of the Spell-goddess ("The invincible One of The White Umbrella The Turner aside of Evil ") from the head of Buddha forms, I would point out, an exact parallel to the Greek myth of the birth of Athene (the helmetted Minerva, also a Turner aside of Evil and custodian of the thunderbolts) from the head of Zeus. MISCELLANEA. A NEWLY DISCOVERED COPPERPLATES copper plato grant has been discovered at a GRANT OF BHASKARAVARMAN villago called Nidhanpur in. Parganah Palicha khanda in the district of Sylhet, which was issued OF KAMAROPA. by Bhakaravarman from camp at Karpaguvarpa. THE name of Bhaskaravarman, the friend and Tho grant consisted of four copper plates whereof contemporary of Harshavardhana, is not unknown the third is now miasing ; so that at present there to the readers of Hoi-yu-chi of Yuan Chwang or are only three plates, the first, the second and the the Harshacharia of Bapabhatte. Very recently I fourth containing inscriptions of four pages, both the

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96 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MAY, 1914. sides of the second plate being written. It is stated in the last verse that the original plates had been burnt and so new plates were issued with inscriptions written in characters differing from the former. The seal with which the plates were found tied bears witness to the destruction of the original plates by fire as it has been bent and shattered, the inscription in it all obliterated and the figure of the elephant--which was the seal-mark of the ancient kinge of Kimaropa-has also been rendered very indistinct. Apparently, though the plates were renewed, the seal was not thought worth renewal. The most important information that we get from this grant is the names of the ancestors of King Bhaskaravarman. The following is a tabular statement showing the names, but from this the names of the mythological kings Naraka, Bhaga. datta and Vajradatta have been omitted : Pushya Varman Samudra Varman (Queen Dattadevi) Balavarman (Q. Ratnavati) Kaly&na Varman (Q. Gandharvati), occur in the Harshacharita (Uchchhvdsa VII) of Barabhatta : there the genealogy is as follows : Bhuti Varman Chandramukha Varman Sthiti Varman Susthira Varman alias Mrigarka (9. Syamadevt) Bhaskara Varman The discrepancies are small and negligible and they were due apparently to Bana's careless notes about what the ambassador of Bhislaravarman had said to king Harshavardhana, or to the errors of the scribes who copied the Harsha. charita. There can be no doubt that the names as found in the inscriptions are correct, as they were written under the immediate superintendence of the king himself. Two very important points arise in connection with these inscriptions: (1) when and how Karpasuvarpa came under the sway of the king of Kimaropa : and (2) was Sylhet within the political jurisdiction of Kamarupa. I have discussed these points in detail elsewhere! and the conclusions arrived at are: (1) Karnasuvarpa became a part of the territory of BhAskaravarman when, after the death of Harshavardhana (in 648 A. D.) the former rendered material help to the Chinese invader Wang Hieun Tsi in crushing Arjuna (or Arunksva) who had usurped the throne of Harsha : and (2) Sylhet which had a separate existence as Shih-li-cha-to-lo mentioned by Yuan Chwang, did not form part of the kingdom of KAmarpa; the plate where the record of locality of the grant was expected having been lost and there being instances of discovery of copper plates far beyond the locality of the grants, it cannot be asserted from the mere accident of the find, that the land granted by these plates belonged to the district of Sylhet. These copper plates bear the most ancient record hitherto discovered in Assam : and as they contain the names of kings who-assuming at the rate of four in a century-reigned from the middle of the fourth to the middle of the seventh century A. D., these plates are most important documents to a student of the ancient history of Assam, Gapapati Varman (Q. Yajnavati) Mahendra Varman (Q. Suvrata) Narayapa Varman (Q. Devavati) Mahabhuta Varman (Q Vijnanavati) Chandramukha Varman (Q. Bhogavati) Sthita Varman (Q. Nayanadevi) Susthita Varman alias Sri-Mriganka (Q. Syamadev1) Bupratishthita Varman Bhaskara Varman It is interesting to note that the names of the four immediate ancestors of Bhaskara Varman PADMANATHA BHATTACHARYYA, In Bengali, Vijayd Vol. I, No. 10; Rangpur Sahityaparishad Patrika Vol. VII-In English an article is being published in the Epigraphia Indica.

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JUNE, 1914) FIRST COMMERCIAL MISSION TO PATNA DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE FIRST ENGLISH COMMERCIAL MISSION TO PATNA, 1620-1621. EDITED BY SIR RC. TEMPLE, BART. (Continued from page 69). X. Robert Hughes and John Parker to the Agra Factory. Palna, 29 December 1690. Good Freinds, Mr. Fettiplace etts. Yours of the 27th November is come to our hands, wherein wee perceave of the receipt of our formers and that our goods sent you hence came in convenient tyme with saftye to accompany youre for Surat, wherof we are glad ... We will give your accompt creditt... for the 33 pces. bone lace sent by Shek Cassums [Shekh Kasim's] man... Wee perceave of your purpose to retourne Dyalla [Dyala] our servant with some goods. [The remainder of the letter concerns the price of raw silk at Patna; the reduction in the cost of winding if the 20 and 3d, and 4th and 5th sorts are wound together; and the stoppage in procuring both silk and cloth owing to want of funds]. Wee have now but to rest in expect of monye, newes of the fleets arryvall and the retourne of our expresse which brought you our letter for England to convey to Surat.40 XI. Robert Hughes and John Parker to Mr. Francis Fettiplace etc., in Agra. Patna, 29 December 1620. Our good freinds, Two dayes since arryved here Dyalla who brought yours of the ultimo November and the goods therein specified... nor have wee more herewith to adde, as havinge done nothinge since our last (which was 6 dayes past by a Bazar Cossid [kasid, messenger]), as nott havinge monyes left, and therefore must lie idle untill you furnishe ug.41 XII. Robert Hughes and John Parker to the Surat Factory. Patna, 31 January 1691. Lovinge Frends : Maye it please you take notice that after longe expectation and desier to here from you, the 24th presant wee received yours of the prime December .. In [our letter] of the 11th November wee answared yours of the 5th September, therin endevouringe your better satisfaction for the hoped good of this place, and the reasone which induced us to conceave it a meete residence, which was strengthned by the plentye of Commodities it affords, bothe for England and Persia, referinge all to your determinationes ... Wee have bine longe in expectation of suplve from Agra, which is not yet come, the defaulte wherof bath lost us four mounthes tyme wherin much good mought have bine done in this place; and if for what here shalbe provided you requier to bee dispeeded hence before the raynes, theye must bee gone hence by the prime Maye at farthest, unto which is but 3 mounthes, and yet wee have no meanes wherwith to proceede... In our last wee wrought [wrotol you what quantitye of silke and calliooes a yeares tyme and store of monyes would compasse by the course wee have taken ; the former not here to bee provided in the condition the Company requier it from the dallers [dealers] 40 Factory Records, Patna, I., 19. 11 Factory Records, Putna, I., 20.

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98 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JUNE, 1914. therin, for that theye are soe poore and begerlye that theye cannot furnishe us without trustinge them with monyes beforehand, which course wee dare not atempt, theye not bcinge able to give securitye for performance. The unacustomed wyndinge it of into so manye sortes in this place is a sufitient reason why not so well performed as in Agra and Lahore, where theire use therof for weavinge of tafites, ettc., requiers it. And for the originall or serbandy, thousands of maunds is allwaise to bee bought in Agra, thoughe not at such easye rates as here or in Bengall, and if what alredye provided shall induce you to animate us futturlye for anye large provisiones therin, our selves know not how to prescribe a better course for its procuringe in quantitye at esier rates then formerly advized you, unlese you would send into Bengalla, a hundred and fortye course from this place, to the cittye of Mucksoudabad [Maksudabad, Murshidabad) where it is made, which would bee worth bothe labor and charge, for wee are asured that there it maye be provided in infinite quantityes at least twenty per cent, cheaper then in anye other place of India, and of the choysest stufe, wounde of into what condition you shall requier it, as it comes from the worme; where are also innumerable of silkwynderes, experte workmen, and labor cheaper by a third then elce where. But untill your farther resolution therin wee shall endevor scordinge to your order the provision of what quantitye therof meanes and tyme will permit, as also of sahannes and such sortes of amberty callicoes as you advize of. For other provisions, thoughe in th' intrime wee receave suplye from Agra, wee shall defer untill your farther injunctions. Wee... thank you for sending our English letters. Your detayninge them so longe in Surratt before theire dispeed was not soe prejuditiall for our replye therunto as was your messingers desayes on the waye, who it seemes) betwene Surrat and Agra spent almost 40 dayes, and from Agra hether15.12 XIII. Robert Hughes to the Surat Factory. Patna, 3 March 1621. Our last unto you was answare unto yours of the prime December, dispeeded hence the ultimo January, and two dayes since was received your letter of the 15th January, replye to our formeres of the last October and 11th November, wherin wee perceave what you apprehende of the sortes Amberty Callicoes Lackhower produceth, as well for theire lenghets, breadths as prizes, wherin wee also perceave you to bee mistaken in the lenghet of the Jehanger Coved, you mentioninge it to bee but 32) Inches, wheras Elahye [ilahij of Agra is full that lenghet. And the Jehangery coved of this place no lesse then 40 Inches which wants not much of our English ell and makes greate diferance bothe in the length and breadthe of our Ambert yes. So that governinge your selves by the shorter coved it could not but give you just occasion to conceave the narowest sortes ufiting either for England or transporte, as likwise the broader sortes to come shorte in theire lenghets and breadthes for the use of sheetinge, shirtinge, etts., whereas rightlye apprehendinge them in their trewe lenghets and breadthes, questionles would have animated you to a better opynion of them. And wee doubte not but the well makinge of the Clothe (wherin it exceeds either Samanes (samana] *or your Baftaes [ba fta] will make it of good esteeme in England And wee shall endevor what possible the provision of onlye such as for breadthes and lenghets, price, etts., maye bee well approved of, purposinge our Investments onlye in the two broader sortes, to saye, Zefer Conyes and 12 Factory Records, Patna, I., 20-21. 13 A fine cloth made at Samana, now in Patiala Stato.

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JUNE, 1914] FIRST COMMERCIAL MISSION TO PATNA . 99 Jehangeres and those to bee, the Zefer Conyes all under 2 rups. per peece and the Jehangeres of all prizes to 8 rups. per peece, the quantities of eatch you determine to enorder wee will, accordinge to your promise, expecte, and in the meanety me proceede therin, and in silke so farr as our meanes will permitt, havinge now received some suplye from Agra, Viz., in 6 bills exchange 5003 rups.... [We] have sent to Lackhoure to Mr. Parker 2500 rups. to bee doeinge there in the browne clothe, and have paid some debts for silke bought on Credditt, And now wee have monyes, purpose to laye in 50 or 60 mds. serbandy ware, so that untill your farther order, our provisions shalbe onlye silke, Ambertyes and Sahanes, if to bee gott.. Muckrob Con [Mukarrab Khan] is by the Kinge recalled from this Government, it beinge given Sultan Pervize [Parwiz], whoe is shortlye expected. The yeare is allreadye so farr spent that it is impossible all our provisions should bee dispeeded to Agra before the raynes. What maye bee provided betwene this and the prime Maye shall then bee sent you, and the rest with the first oppertunitye after the raynes are spent. And soe not havinge elce &c.44 XIV. Robert Hughes to the Agra Factory. Patna, 3 March 1621. Mr., Fettiplace &c. The last of the passed mounth came hether yours of the 15th ditto, wherinclosed I received 6 bills exchange Importinge the mentioned some of 5003 rups. the which are all Currantly [generally] accepted and doubte not but of as good satisfaction, theire owners being reported for Currant [accepted] dealers . . . havinge taken up parte therof, Viz., of Sunder Mydas [Sundar Mayadas] 1000 rups. and have cleared Maun Muckon [Manmukand] their bill of 500 rups. Basesar Mera [Bisheshar? Mall] hath a good reporte which is the best of his sufitiancye I can yet advize you... Chaunseyshaw [Chandsahai Shah] hathe a sonne in Agra with whome if you deale in this kinde you maye rest confident of good satisfaction to bee here made by his father whoe in our experience is the Currant delar of Puttana Wee apprehend what you advize of the sortes of Course silke sent you for saile in Agra. Wee cannot mervell that those sortes are in so littell esteeme at presant, in regard, since theire dispeede hence, th' originiall from whence theye are taken of is fallen in price almost 30 per cent. Wee are ofered for our Shekestye a rupye net per sear to sell it here, and thinke to put that sorte of at about that rate rather then trouble you therewith. Onlye our Cuttaway and Gird wee will detayne untill your farther approbation. Wee conceave Surrats order for th' investinge the presant monyes sent. Theye are stranglye mistaken in our Jehanger Coved... the misconceypte wheron theye ground theire opynions maye not bee our guide, and therfor... wee will proceed accordinge to our owne judgment in our Lackhour investments. Th' exchange hence to Agra beinge to our presant advantage I have ventered takinge up 2000 rups. more upon you at 13 per Cent. losse havinge received here of Maun Muckon [Manmukand], sherafes [sarraf] 1,962 rup. muryes [for nuryes, niri, newly-coined], to bee by you repayed in Agra unto Cassy [Kasi] and Baseser [Bisheshar] in 2,000 rup. honds [hundi, bill of exchange] ... the bill... is written at 40 dayes Bandy mudet [band-i-mudat, term for settlement] Th' occasion the exchange hence to Agra 41 Factory Records, Patn, I., 22.

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100 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JUNE, 1914. is of late so fallen is for that Muckrob Con [Makarrab Khan] hathe delivered out 3 lackes of rups. to bee repaid him in Agra. Now beinge both in Cash and Credditt, I promise farther not to trouble you untill your answare hereunto, feringe lest I mought bee more bould then Convenient. Yet if your suplyes from Surratt have encouraged you, you shall doe well to strengthen us with 5 or 6000 runs. more out of hand, for which wee shall have speedye Imployment ... ' The Parda Lparda, tapestry curtain], Looking glasse, 2 pces. moheres (mohair] and 280 pices weight amber beades I delivered into Muckrob Cons Circare and am promised [payment]Hee departes hence (by reporte) within theise eight dayes, and already Perveze his servants have umull ['amal, authority). Seaventeene pces. of the bone lace I have sould Shekassame [Shekh Hasan] for 216 rups., which is received. The rest of the lace remaynes. Most of theire papers were lost before come to my hands, so that I was fayne to guse (guess) at theire partikuler prizes. * .45 XV. To the Agra Factory, Patna, 31 March 1621. Lovinge Frends: My last unto you was answare to youres of the 15th February... since which have I received the second bills (of exchange] by Guarshaw (Gauher Shah] your expresse, whome I retorned with pertickujer answare the 13th presant... And now let mee intreate you take notice of what bath passed with us since I have at sundrey tymes Caried and sent to Mr. Parker at Lackhoure 4000 rupes which is almost all invested in the browne Ambertyes of those partes. which (as bought) are put out to whittinge, and now havinge more meanes will suplye that place with what parte therof maye bee spared. I have bought about 30 mds. serbandye silke [at betwene 70 and 80 rups. per md.] 46 and have workemen in paye to winde it of, and as you strengthene us with meanes, shall accordinglye persist in that investment, for in aught elce of this place wee medell not, untill receave order from Surratt, save in sahannes and hamommes. Of the latter I have bought about 6 corge, and as such sortes come to hand shall ingrose them. In my last I advized you howe I had cleared with Muckrob Con for those thinges delivered into his circare, to seye, for the parda or peece of tapestrye,17 300 rupes; as much for the greate looking glasse; 50 rupes for 2 pieces moheres ; and 280 rupes for 280 pices weight amber beades. Hee is at present removed from hence and gon for Helabaze [Allahabad], and doubtles will for Agra ; whoe if come to you, I praye demaund of his sonne, Shek Alaboxe [Shekh Allah Bakhsh], 18 rupes for two Bulgare hydes delivered him. And thus have you breflye th'efecte of what hath passed with us in our afayeres since my last. And now I entreate you take notice what likwise hathe hapned by disaster. The 24th presant, keinge Saterdaye, about noune, at the west parte of the subarbes belonginge to this citye, at least a course without the walles, in th' Allum gange, [Alamganj], a tirable fier kindled, which havinge consumed al those partes, by the fource of a stronge andye [andhi, a dust-storm], brake into the citte and within the space of two greese's came into the verye harte therof, where our aboade is; whoe beinge enviorned 45 Fuctory Records, Patn, I., 23, 24. 46 Added from the letter to Surat which follows. 47 Parda means a heavy curtain; the "peece of tapestry" must have been for use as a curtain and not as a wall hangir g. 1 Chari, a native bour, about half an English hour, so two groene" would mean one hour.

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JUNE, 1914) FIRST COMMERCIAL MISSION TO PATNA 101 with neighboringe choperes [chhappar, thatched roof) (wherof indeede the whole cittye consistes), it was no more then tyme to looke to our owne, which were not many, yet more then in so littell a warninge could be conveyed of, althoughe I wanted not th' assistance of almost a hundred of my workmen then at worke. But where the contrary element was wantinge, it was littele bote to contend with the furye of thother; and therfor gave waye to its voyolence of fourse, to save that which most requiered ayde in this nesesitye which was the mayne of our maisteres goods then under charge, which by good helpe I conveyed by a back waye into a stone house neare adjoyninge. But before it was entirlyc efected, a choper before my chamber toke fyer, and in an instant was consumed, as also the chamber itselfe and all that therin was, save my accompts and monyes, which with as much dificultye as dainger I atayned; of ought elce not anye signe lefte of what it was ; wherof belonginge to the Companye in a chest was theise pertiokuleres-the remaynder of the bone lace, 16 peeces; the amell (enamel], safron and one peece mohere, with some Verouerds [baraward, proportion] of silke takon, and other trifells standinge in the tankes, which with all that was once myne and the litell houshould stufe wee had, was entierlye lost. The rest, throughe Gods providence, had an unexpected deliverance. From hence it proseeded estward unto the verye scirtes of the towne, where, wantinge more combustable matter to mayntayne it selfe, was constreyned to stinke and goe out, havinge lefte behinde litell save ruines of olde walles, ette. The infinite losses of all men by this disaster are almost incredible to bee reported, besides men, woemen, and children registerde sattaes (sati, burnt alive) upwards of three hundred. And so much lett sufize for relation herof. The 28th presant came hether your exprese ... with yours of the 16th March and therinclosed 4 bills of exchange importinge 5000 rups.... Two of the bills sent on Sunder Mudas [Sundar Mayadas] was instantly acksepted, but the third importinge 1500 rups. I had much adoe to put upon them, for althonghe it was written on them, yet (as theye saye) not by theire shawe [8hahi, banker) but by one Calyane [Kalyan] of Agra, in whose afaires it seemes formerlye theye have had some trust, but his gamoshtyo [gomashta, agent] latlye beinge gon hence for Agra with his goods caused them to make question of restitution, yet after much arbitrament this morninge theye acksepted it, which havinge doune, I instantlye, to avoyde sutter jogrees (satta jhagra, quarrels about bonds] caused them to paye in the monye, abatinge for the tyme, which theye have donc, but have not taken in the bill, for that upon advice from Agra in case that should theire prove dificulte theye purpose to Nat Care [nakar, dishonour] it and use our Cusmona [khas nama, letter of credit] for recoverye of the debte theire from the said Calyane . It is much to our disadvantage that you writte your bills at so longe a date of payment, wheras written at twise sevene dayes berbust [barbast (custom), sight] and send no worse Cassads [kasid, messenger) then this (whoe came in a leavene [11] dayes, theire would bee much gave in the deheig [dahyek, discount]. The exchange thence to Agra is at presant but 1 rups. per Cent. lose betwene the tasye sickaw [laza-sikka, newly coined] and the hondye [hundi] rupee, 30 and but that you have promised sepdlye [? speedily] more suplye by exchange from you, on occasion. wee would have taken it up here, which would have bine more profitable..... 51 This sentence means that the portion of the silk that had been wound off, and the cocoons still in the tanks were all destroyed. * Rupees remitted by bill of exchange. 51 Factory Records, Patna, 3, 24-25.

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102 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JUNE, 1914. XVI. Robert Hughes to the Agra Factory. Patna 11 April 1621. Lovinge Frends, Mr. Biddulpe and Mr. Fettiplace. My last unto (you) was of the ultimo last mounthe... since which on the 7th presant came hether this berer with your last of the 25th March, wherunto in answare. Inclosed I received second bills for the prementioned 5000 rups, and fower bills more Importinge 3000 rups, are all Currantly ackcepted. The bill of Mollas [Malla] for a thousand rupes is written at twice seaven dayes berbust [sight] but all the rest at 41 dayes after theire date. . . I aprehend what you entende wee should doe with our course sortes of silke taken of for the serbandy and will endevor it, if not better hopes for its sayle at Agra, the charge of transporte, etts. considered, but the prizes as rated in our last Invoyce you maye not expecte to bee now obtayned, for that the tymes are otherwise, Th'originall from whence theye are parted beinge (as often advized) a savoye (sawai, 25 p. c.] fallen in price uver wbat it then was, and so proportionablye theise Courser sortes. In your next I praye advize us of theire trewe value with you, for therby will wee governe our selves either for its detention or sayle here, for by Merchants that purposelye come from Agra to make theire provisions in theise sortes wee are informed that Agra vends greate quantityes therof, and at much better rates then here it can bee sould. Since my last we have done littell save prosecute our silke and Amberty Provisiones, wherin wee over slip no oportunitye which maye bee to advantage and are in dalye expecte for what elce Surrat shall enorder, that tymlye wee maye make entrance therin. Wee shall not expecte more monyes from you untill you have approbation from Surrat for our further suplye which cannot bee to soone, Wee have ventured 500 rup. to Mucksoudabaude [Maksudabad, Murshidabad) for samples [of] silke of the sortes wee provide, rather for experience of that place then the necesitye, therof, beinge encouradged therunto by good liklyehood of principall commoditye and at much easier rates then theise partes 'afordes. The voyadge is but two monthes, which when expired and returne made wee will advize you more of the event. Sultan Parvez is shortlye expected here, and if you intende & setled imployment, it would not bee enconvenient that you sent us somthinge wherwith wee might make causmana [khas nama] with him, and if so stored) somthinge for saile, it would bee a furtherance to the rest of our busines to make frends wherof,since Muckrob Cones departure, wee are altogether destitute,52 ... XVII. Robert Hughes to the Agra Factory. Patna, 19 May 1621. Lovinge Frends, Mr. Biddulphe etts. Yours of the 29th Aprill came to our hand the 14th presant wherin wee received bill of exchange importinge 8000 rups.... All save the two bills of Maune Mookonde [Manmukand] were written as you advized, twise 7 days berbust [barbast, sight) ... Wee have likwise received a Coppy of the list for what goods are required by Surrat this yeare, and shall endevor our utmost for theire satisfaction in what theirof theise partes afordes. Upwards of 4000 poes. Ambertyes (of the sorte pread vised) are alredaye provided, which wee will endevor to inlarge to what quantitye more tyme 52 Factory Records, Patna, I., 27-28.

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JUNE, 1914) FIRST COMMERCIAL MISSION TO PATNA 103 and meanes will permitt, as also for silke in the Condition theye ayme at, thoughe Cloubte wee shall come much shorte in the quantity, the yeare beinge already so farr spent, and but barre [barely) 3 months lefte us for th'efectinge this yere provisiones to bee dispeeded hence with the first opertunitye after the raynes, which wilbe about the seazone our last yeres goods went hence; and therfore to avoyde farther trouble then, what goods wee have readye wee have despeeded towards you, and are as you nay porceave by a briefe invoyce therof here inclosed. They were this morninge laden on two Carts and have made theire first Manzull [manzil, stagel, Wee have paide in parte of theire freught 74rups, and have given the Carters a bill on you to receave 8 rups, more in full therof (if) theye deliver them you in safe and good condition, and are in all 17 balles gt. [containing) 52 mds. net, hired at 14 rups. I tuke [laka]53 per md, net, the Currant price of the Carravan theye goe in Companye with, and maye bee about a hundred Cartes more. Notwithstandinge, for their better safgard, wee have sent you Dyalla our servant and 6 Tierandazes tirandaz, archer, guard) more, have paid them in full of theire Journye, and have delivered Dyalla 10 rups. to defraye theire charges on the waye... You will perceave that wee have sent you all our coarse silke, havinge not founde here buyers for such a quantitye, which if you put of as you advize them to bee worthe there, theye will not come to a bad market. Howsoever wee thought it more convenyent to send it you now then to detayne it untill after the raynes, in regard there is hopes you maye put it of tymlye enoughe to have it's proceede agayne resent to bee this yeare invested, which after the raynes wilbe to late, and by that tyme wee shall agayne bee furnished with a greate parcell to trouble the market. It seemes you have received but littell fine goods from Surratt which althoughe not enordered for presantly, yet a trifell would at instant have stoode our busines in some steede if wee mought or maye yet expecte it from you, for from Surrat it will come to late to further our this yeres necessitye, and for the next wee expecte not.04 XVIII. To the Agra Factory. Patna. 2 June 1621. Good Frends, Mr. Biddulphe etts.... Maye it please you take notice that the prime presant came hether this bearer with yours of the 18th Maye, and therinclosed second bills for the 8000 rups. last sent and eight other bills of Exchange for 8000 rups. more ... with a transcript of our late beloved frende Mr. Fetiplaces Testament, for whose Lose wee are hartilye Contrite. God graunt us all whom hee hathe lefte behinde to bee assiddualye myndfull of the waye he hathe led us, that wee maye with the more Comforte be prepared to followe him when the Lord shall caule us.... Wee apprehend Surrats resolution for the desolvinge this factory (our this yeres provisions beinge accomplished), and wee will as neare as possible endevor to follow direction, as well for efectinge theire disieres in the Commodities of theise partes as for our speedye dispatche therin, for the sendinge hence our Investments with the first and convenient transporte, which will not bee (as often advertized) untill the raynes are spent, to saye about the prime October. And wheras you desier Robert Hughes his presant repaire for Agra, 53 The hiring price was therefore I rupee 12 annas and a taka. The copper takd not the silver, which was a rupee) was 2 or 4 pice (paisa) and the pice was a quarter anna ; Bo one takd would be worth from a half to one anna. The context presumes that it was half an anna, which makes the hiring price to be R. 1 123 As. 54 Factory Records, Patna, I., 28.

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104 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JUNE, 1914. necessitye ansvares that the heate of our present busines and Mr. Parkers indisposition of helthe (whoe almost theise 3 monthes hathe layne daingerouslye sicke of the blody fluxe) $5 will not permit it untill the last of the raynes, unlese it please God speedilye to strengthen Mr. Parker whoe hath not theise two monthes, nor is not at instant in case to mannadge theise afaires which lie disperst. Yet you mave not doubte of our utmost diligence to the hastninge our beinge with you. You shall not neede to send anye further suplye of monye untill farther advice; th' exchange from hence at presant is somuch to our losse that wee shall withhould drawinge bills on you untill necesstye urge it. Our Lackhowre Investments are exceeded to upwards of 5000 poes, fine and course Ambertyes, which quantitye wee hope at least to trebell by that tyme wee shall with convenyency bee readye to dispatche hence. The Princes (Prince Parwiz) arivall here with so greate a retienewe hath made this place to narowe for his entertaynment, which hathe caused the removinge diverse, as well merchants as otheres, from theire aboades, whose houses hee hath liberaly a bestowed on his servants; amongst which couppelment wee are displaced, and have bine theise ten dayes wandringe to cover ourselves and goods, thoughe but with grase (grass), to debar the heate and raynes, now in excesse; which havinge now attayned throughe the helpe of Mr. Monye [by paying a high price], wee endevor agayne the plasinge our silkwynders, in which imployment you maye not expecte us this yeare to exceed above as much more as alred ye have, And wee hould it sufitient, beinge but a triall, so you cannot but conceave the necesitye of frends, and us destitute wherwithall to make them. . . . XIX. To the Surratt Factory.. Patna, 2 June 1621. Good Frends, Mr. Rastell etts.. In all wee have received from them [at Agra] for our this yeares investments 29,000 rups. besides the proceede of some sailes here. Theye advize not of anye more monyes theye purpose to sende us. as thinkinge what alreadye sent sufitient to keepe us imployed the littell tyme now left us, but wee hope to drawe from them seasonablye to bee invested at least 10000 rups, more, for that theye advize Mr. Younge hathe littell hopes for th' accomplishinge th' one halfe of the narowe clothe you expecte from thence, which defaulte wee will endevor to salve by enlarginge them here. We formerly also advized you of the dispeede hence for Agra what goods wee had then readye, which were 13 bales silke and 4 balles Callicoes which were sent hence the 18th last monthe.si ... xx To the Surat Factory. Lackhours, 3 August 1621. Loving Frends, Mr. Rastell etts.... 3 dayes past came to my hands yours of the 8th June... whereby I perceave you . . . requyer ample azd sudden replye to the points of your present received, which ... I shall endeavour. And first I wonder at your hopes for soe sudden a dispatche in our Investments, Consideringe you are not ignorant of the late supplye of monyes for its effectinge sent 55 Added from the letter to Surat which follows. 06 Factory Records, Patna, I., 29-30. 57 Factory Records, Patna, I., 30-31.

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JUNE, 1914) FIRST COMMERCIAL MISSION TO PATNA 105 us which beeinge allmost spent before the first mo [nyes) came, and haveinge formerly both amply and frequently advized of the seasons for transporte of goods hence, which if before the raynes must be the latest in Maye, and if after, it is not to bee expected that caryage can possibly be gotten untill October, here beeinge noe other convayance to Agra but by carts, which by reason of the rottenes of the wayes in the season of the raynes passeth nott. And what of our provisions in the first season was ready, wee gave Conveyance to... and with the first opportunity will proceed with the complete transporte of our full investments which will be (at the soonest) about the fine of th' ensewinge month. In our lynnen Investments we have endeavoured to follow the honble. Companys and your orders, whereunto we have unyted our owne experyence and Judgments, haveinge with noe little labour and toyle at present attayned to the provizion of 475 Corges or 9500 pces. upwards of the ads. wherof are all at or under two rup. nett the pce., as bought browne from the loome, and are the desired breadthes, to say, the second sorte generally knowne by the name of Jafferchanes [zafar-khani], which both for length and breadth will parallel, if nott exceed, your narrowe Barroch baftaes. The remaynder are fyner, broader, and hyer, pryzed, to say, from all pryzes from two to six rup. the peece, samples wherof, as well browne, white and starched. we intended to have sent you undemanded, whereby you may guesse at our penyworths [profit], and accordingly resolve or desist from further provizions thereof. In regard you have called us away from hence with what convenient speede may possible, of force hath caused the lettinge fall of our silke provizions, especyallye for the cleeringe and gatheringe up of our rests with the silkewynders, soe that we shall not much exceed what we have allready dispeeded to Agra, neither have we met with any more sahans since we advized you of the 12 corges last bought. Some Lignum Alloes we have provyded for tryall in England, of severall sorts and pryzes, from 2 to 10 rups. the seare of 33 pices wt. in all to the valew of aboute 400 rups., and now are lookinge out for musters of what other commodities which in our judgments these parts may affoard fittinge either England or Persia, for provizion whereof John Parker is now in Puttana, unto whose postscript I partly referr you, my selfe haveinge bene here in Lackhoare allmost these 6 weekes to fynish these provizions and gather up our cloth at the washers, which this month I hope will be all come in, and packt ready to transporte. Mr. Biddulphe lately advized us to mak provizion of the gumlacke mentioned in your list, which we conceave (considderinge the great freight from hence) will cost itts worth in Agra ; notwithstanding, some wee will provyde, though butt for a future tryall. The best is worth at present 4 rups, nett per md., and the Caryage from hence to Agra will be half soe inuch more, whereof we have advizecl to Agra to th' end they may provyde the greatest part there. The Amber beads sould Mockrobchan [Mukarrab Khan] at soe good rates was more by Accydent then through any great esteeme they are in these parts, which those we received there, as many more from Agra, which for want of vent yett lyeth by, beeing in the Bazar worth nott above 8 or 9 rups, the sere of 14 pices, which by reportes they are better worth in Agra, which hitherto hath caused theire detention in hopes of a better markett, but now we shall endeavour to put them off at pryce Current, rather then Cary them back. Att my first cominge into these parts, Among the sondry other Commodities, I enquyred after the vent and esteeme of currall [coral], but could not learne it to bee a commodity worth the transporte from Suratt, it not vendinge in any great quantity nor the valew

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106 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JUNE, 1914. truely knowne without sight of the sortes, which occasioned but a spareinge advice thereof, yett incerted it in my list of the valew of sondry other Commodities then sent Mr. Kerridge and Company. Yett for your better sattisfaction I have intreated John Parker to make further inquyery thereof, from whome you may be pleased to expect inlargement in this point. ... Haveinge advized you of the scope and effect of my present aboad here, have nott whereof to enlarge.... 58 XXI. John Parker's " Postecriptum." Patna, 7 August 1621. ... Of the price and esteeme of currall in these parts. . I have enquyred of the merchants which deales most in that commodity, who, as they say, never saw unpollished currall brought into these parts, which if I mistake nott, is the sort you seeke vent for. In other places it is much spent to burne with the dead; which here they use nott. And for pollishinge or cuttinge it into beads, heer are nott workmen that hath skill therein ; and therefore noe commodity for this place. Pollished curr all will sell here, but in small quantity; and at what pryce I cannot informe you, the quallity thereof beeing soe different. Currall beads is very well requested for transporte into Bengala, and great quantityes thereof will yearly vend, to say for 50 or 60,000 rup., at or about the pryzes followinge, viz., those of 12 beads to a tanke (tanka-4 masha] at 6 tanks for a rup., of 6t a tanke at 2 tanks for a rup., of 4 to a tanke at 14 tanks per rup., of 3 to a tanke at 14 per rup., and soe accordinge to theire bignes. 69 For the sale of our remaynder of amber beads, we must nou governe our selves by those sould Mockrobchan, those beeinge all choice beads which you cannot but judge will somewhat disadvantadge the sale of the rest. Besides, those sent hither were for the most parte of the 2 worst sorts, which, as wee were informed in Agra, were the sorts most vendable here, and questionlesse are, accordinge to their valew, butt the best sort will sell for more mony though nott for more proffitt; therefore it is nott much [wonder] that those sould in Agra were sould at for good rates, they beeinge one with another as received from Suratt, besydes was helped with the best sort which was chosen out of the parcell sent hither. I have shewed them to dyvers merchants since Mr. Hughes his beeing at Lackhoare, butt cannott attayne to above 9 rup. the sere, at which rate rather then retourne them for Agra would putt them off, butt it is nott a commodity which yeilds ready mony, and by reason of our sudden departure I dare nott trust them out, though should be promysed payment within ten daies. For the future sendinge of which commodity I cannott anymate you, it beeing a commodity that will nott sell in any great quantity, but in small paroells, as for 100 and 150 rup., which will nott goe far therein ; soe a small anantity will furnish a great many of these merchants. I have not yett provyded the gum-lacke, nor elce for musters, the merchants, brokers, shopkeepers etto, of the citty beeinge all in trouble for mony which the Prinoe requyers them to furnish him with ; Sos that none dares be seene to sell a pyce worth of goods. But * Factory Records, Patna, I., 31-32. 59 Taking the Jeweller's mdaha at 15 grs. Troy, then the meaning of this statement is that small beads of 5 grs. sold at 72 for the rupee; beads of 10 grs. at 12 to the rupes; beads of 15 grs. at 7 to the rupee; beads of 20 grs, at 4) to the rupee, and so on. This statsmat shows that the small 5 gr. beads were much commoner than any other sort.

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JUNE, 1914.] FIRST COMMERCIAL MISSION TO PATNA 107 now he beeinge gone I shall soone imploy the small matter intended therein. We have at present about 4000 rups, in cash, 2000 whereof will run out in expences, charges, and transporte of our goods. The rest I shall endeavour to disbourse accordinge to Mr. Hughes his direction and myne owne discression. . . . 60 XXII. Robert Hughes and John Parker to the Honnorable Company. Patna, 14 August 1621. Honnourable and right Worshipfull . . . Our last yeares letter dated the ultimo November . . . The Cargazone of our goods therein mentioned and sent hence came both safely and seasonably to Agra, and from thence goods was dispeeded for Suratt, which and the whole Caffalo [kafila] was most unfortunatly robed and spoyled by the Decans Armye, 01 for which we have just cause to be sory, soe shall rest till time shall procure your Worshipps a full restitution, which we hartyly pray for, and hope it will prove as successfull as the losse was disasterous. Wee haveinge the last yeare made some small tryall into the Commodities of this place, and accordingly advized thereof to Suratt, we had theire approbation for a this yeares Contynuance and promise of speedy suplye of monyes for the effectinge some good Invest. ments, as well in silke as Callicoes. Butt the late arry vall of the last yeares fleet, with dyvers other hindrances and Impediments in Suratt, occasioned us unexpectedly to remay ne here untill March last before they had meanes to remitt us monyes as pretended, in which interim we endeavoured the saile of dyvers brayed [damaged] goods formeriv re ceived from Agra, which haveinge effected, to the valew of 4000 rups., the proceed whereof beeinge received, we incontinently imployed it, parte in Bengala silke and parte in Ambertye Callicoes. In fine of March2 we received from Agra our first supplye in bills exchange for 5000 rups., and since at severall times sondry other supplyes, in all bills for 32,000 rups., and therewith the transcript of a list from Suratt, which enordered the provizion of 100 mds. Bengala silke, and 20,000 pces. Amberty Callicoes of Lackhoare, with further promise of meanes for itts accomplishinge. Butt it seemes them selves beeinge streightned at Suratt, they could not supply us as determyned, nor effect what once enordered for want thereof. The monyes sent us we persisted to itts investment, which we have now brought allmost to a Conclusion, and haveinge hopes of a Conveyance from Suratt by retourne of the last yeares shipps from the Red Sea could not omitt to advize your worshipps thus breifly thereof. Forasmuch whereof as we had attayned unto by the beginninge of May last, we then sent for Agra, and was 13 bales Bengala silke, whereof 6 containing 18 mds. 12 seares of the sorts requyred by your Worshipps and Suratt, throwne of here into skeynes of a yard longe; the rest was of the courser sortes taken with that from th' originall or serbandy sent for saile in Agra, wherewith likewise went 3 bales containing 13 corges Amberty Callicoes and a bale containing 5 corges Hamoms [hammam], the which goods is arryved there in safety. Since when wee have proceeded to the investinge our monyes last sent us, and have at present attayned unto 470 corges or 9400 pces. Amberty Callicoes Wee have likewyse endeavoured theire whitinge, which is . 60 Factory Records, Paina. 1., 32-33. 61 In 1620 hostilities were in progress between Jahangir's forces under Prince Khurram and the rulers of the Dakhan under Malik 'Ambar. 62 Should be February, see ante, letter of 3 March 1621.

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308 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JUNE, 1914. nowe allmost fynnished, haveinge caused 400 corges thereof to be starched, as the ordynary custome of theire cureinge is, and the remayn der beinge 70 corges, we have whited unstarched, and yett shall endeavour the makinge them up 10,000 pces., which will be the uttmost our remainder of Cash will permitt in this investment. In other sortes of Callicoes we have nor can doe little, Sahan cloth beinge scarce and nott such quantityes thereof made, or brought hither, as your worshipps happyly have bene enformed there is, of which sort 12 Corges is all we could, by much seekinge after, yett procure, and cost 78 rups. nett the corge of 20 poes. * In regard of theire absolute order from Suratt to repayre with our this yeares proviziones for Agra, it hath caused us the letting fall of the further provizion of Bengala silke. which without a Contynuance here is nott to be provyded in the condition expected by your worshipps, soe that our this yeares proviziones thereof will not exceed above 25 mds. of the sorts fittinge England. And although a far greater quantity was listed us by the Council at Suratt, yett since (as it should seeme) whatt allready is provyded is thought to be inough untill further tryall thereof. This intended to be sent you we hope, both for price and goodnes, will come your worshipps well to passe, and yeild in England expected proffitt, boeing as good and better cheape then the sample last yeare sent. Wee have soe deeply waded into vur Callicoe Investments that at Instant we have [notl remayning in Cash (besides to beare the charges of the goods transport to Agra) above 2000 rups., wherewith we are to endeavour the provizion of some gumlacke, stuffs ette. of Bengala for musters both for England, Persia, or the Red Sea, which being accomplished, we will hasten our dispatch towards Agra with as much Convenyency as the season of the yeare will permitt, and lay out for Caryage to convoy our goods, which until the fine of the next month is nott here to be procured, the raynes beeinge soe vyolent, that in time thereof noe Carts passeth betweene this and Agra, and other Conveyance or meanes of transporte here is nott. Notwithstanding, we question nott but our goods shall arryve in Agra as last yeare seasonably to accompany theire this yeares Caffalow (kafila) from thence to Suratt... in the meane tyme we shall nott omytt our uttmost dilligence in the prosecutinge our present and what future affaires may bee comitted to our charge.es... XXIII William Biddulph and John Young at Agra to the President and Council at Surat. Agra, 22 August 1621. They will observe the orders as to the placing of factors, and have recalled Hughes from Patna, leaving Parker in charge there until Young arrives 64 XXIV. Robert Hughes and John Parker to the factors at Agra. Patna, 13 September 1621. Good Freinds, Mr. Biddulphe ette. The last night came hither your expresse with yours of the 19th August and the perticular pointe in your letter from Suratt, which we have well considered, and apprehend theire order in all things, which 6 Factory Records, Patna, 1., 33-35. * Foster, English Factories in India, 1618-1621, pp. 260-281.

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JUNE, 1914.) FIRST COMMERCIAL MISSION TO PATNA 109 [if] it had come sooner might have bin followed; butt now we having cleered (in effect) al our busines here, and att Instant are upon departure towards you, Robert Hughes affore and John Parker followeth with the Carts, which we hope accordinge to Agreement will sett out within 4 or 5 dayes more at farthest. Theire procureinge hath bin as well difficulte as Costly, we payinge 2 4 rups. per md. Jehangere weight from hence to Agra Carrayan Burbust Sbarbast, i.e., customary caravan rate) and hope they will be with you Accordinge to our former Advyce by the last of the ensewinge month which will be the soonest, and therefore referr itt to your Considderations whether to detayne your goods soe longe or send a latter Caffalo. The raynes hath bin so extraordynary this yeare that extraordynary Charges cannot any way further our goods Arryvall, and therefore of necessity must attend untill the wayes are passable. Wee expect Thomas Haukeridge [Hawkridge] to meet John Parker, and soe ior present Robert Hughes beinge on departure, he referre you to John Parker for larger advyce, and hastyly comends you to the Lord, restinge &c. 66 XXV. John Parker to the Surat Factory. Palna, 17 September 1621. Loving Freinds, Mr. Rastell etts., You may please be advertized that 4 dayes past came hither an expresse from Mr. Biddulphe etts in Agra who brought us Coppy of certaine points in your letter of the 14th July to them, soe well concerninge this factory as others, which arryveinge with us but the night before Mr. Hughes his departure, he had not tyme to answere, and therefore I pray accept of this breife replye till conveniency permitt us to give you more ample sattisfaction and larger relation of our this yeares Imployment which Mr. Hughes at his cominge to Agra will (questionlesse) endeavour, to whome I partly referr you. We apprehend your order for the future furnisheinge of this place with factors, and my stay here untill Mr. Youngs arryvall to discharge me, which before Mr. Hughes his goeinge was considdered of, and should have bin observed if had come sooner, butt having cleered (in effect) all our busines, the Carts hyred and are promised they will lade within 3 or 4 dayes, haveing noe rest in Cash, nor any imployment to occasion my stay, thought better to hazard your sensure in derrogatinge from your order then to putt the Company to the charge of (as we conceave) my needlesse stay, which when you Considder off and rightly apprehend, I hope will be soe charitable that wee doubte nott to appeare blamelesse. And though the way betweene this and Agra is nott very daingerous for robbers, yett nott free of taxes, as you may perceave by the transporte of our last goods from hence, which cost 14 rup. per carte, and since other merchants have paid 200 [(sic) 20] rup. per carte, soe that it is nott unrequizite that some Englishman accompany the goods, by whose presence the greatest parte or all may peradventure be saved, which I shall endeavour. Mr. Hughes departed hence the 13th current and went by the way of Lackhoare, to hasten away the cloth bought there to Mobulepoore ce which is theire place of ladinge; and appointed me to make what hast I could and send away the goods here to meet them, which 65 Factory Records, Patna, I., 35. 66 Mahab Alipur, near Masaura [Museowrah), the Mohubalpoor of the Indian Atlas, sheet 103, ed. 1857.

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110 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JUNE, 1914. haveinge effected, to goe for Lackhoare to imbale four or five fardells yett unpacked and clere some small matters there, and thence to proceed in company of the goods with what speed possible for Agra.... In our letter of the 3d passed month you were advized the some of our Investments, since when we have done little butt gett in the cloth from whittsters, and bought 50 mds. Gumlacke of the 3 sorts requyred, a few Malda wares for musters of commodities fitting Persia, some Ambertres of all sorts and prizes for your perusiall, ette, stuff of small vallew for musters. Wee had provyded the whole 200 mds. of lacke requyred, butt feare we should nott gett caryage for itt, which by reason of the princes remoove, and the Abowndance of raynes fallen this yeare is nott easily procureu, yett have obtayned promise of soe many Carts as we shall need (which will be about 18 or 20) and hope of the Carters dew performance. The freight costs deare, to say 25 rups. per md., which could nott be avoyded to have the goods come in season to Agra, and now the beginninge of November will be the soonest, make what hast may bee67.... XXVI John Parker to the Agra Factory. Patna, 17 September 1621. Loving Freinds, Mr. Biddulphe etts. By our joynt letter dated the 13th ditto you will perceave that Mr. Hughes was then upon departure towards you, who proceeded accordingly by the way of Lackhosre, and expect dayly to heare of his dispeed thence, whome I purpose with the goods to follow accordinge to his order, with what Convenyent spoed I may, or rather the wether permitt, for nor yett is ended the raynes butt dayly powreth downe in such quantity that I cannott gett an hower of faire wether whereby to send forth the goods, which nowe is all ready for the Carte, and attendeth nothinge but the wether, which alteringe, I will take the first oppertunity. Your letter received by this bearer requyers little answere butt promise to make what hast may bee with the goods, whereof you may be ascertayned. For any thing elce needful your knowledge (except your Cossid [kasid] make more speed homewards then outwards, who was 25 dayes on the way) Mr. Hughes I doubt not will be with you sooner to relate.68.. . XXVII John Parker to the Agra Factory. [Lackhoure], October 1621. Loving Freinds, Mr. Biddulph etts., In my last of the 17th and postscript of the 21th passed month I advized you in what forwardnesse I then was and the hopes I had speedily to proceed towards you with the fruits of our imployment, two dayes after date whereof I laded the Puttana goods from Mendroo Serayce toward Mobulepoore, and my self came hi her to dispatch the little Mr. Hughes left here to be effected, which beeinge longe since finished, I have bin idler then willingly I would have bin; for partly by reason of the longe winter70 (which yett is not ended) and the foulnesse of the wayes, I have nott yett found oppertunity to send away the goods from hence. And now at last cominge to dispeed them, I fynd the packs soe heavy that they are nott port Factory Records, Patna, 1., 36-37. 68 Factory Records, Patna, I., 37, EUR) I cannot identify this sardi. In fact, however, "summer," This is a very curious expression for the rains" as being the cool 1st season.

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JUNE, 1914] THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA 111 able either on oxen nor by caharr [kahar, porter), though offer treble the freight accustomed betweene this and Mobulepoore, where the carts and rest of the goods have attended these 15 dayes, and the wayes soe untoward that in the best seayon of the yeare they are unpassable for carts, and camells are nott here to be procured at any rate, for whose burden these f[ardles) were intended. Yett Mr. Hughes before hee packt them agreed and gave earnest both for oxen and Cahars who then promised to accomplish and have laded hence the better halfe, but few of them able to goe thorowe, have discharged theire ladinge, some in one place, some in another, themselves run away and left me to gather the goods togeather, which I feare will nott bee till parte of them be repackt, which will cawse great delay. Therefore, tearinge the worst, I thought good not to detayne your messenger longer, butt to advize you of the liklyhood of my tardy Arryvall with you to th'end you should consid - der of detayneinge any parte of your provizions in expect of ours, which (to my greife) I begin to doubte will come too late for retourne on the this yeares fleet. The Censure I shall incurr there (by beeinge left here for there dispeed and Conduct) I must with patience undergoe, in soe much as cannott be avoyded. All I can doe is promise to slacke noe tyme nor oppertunity in theire dispeed hence, nor theire passage on the way, which will nott be without extraordinary charges, which I seeinge the necersity I shall the lesse respect, though will be noe more lavish then the occasion requyers. The expences I lye at is nott small, haveinge before Mr. Hughes departure entertayned almost 40 servants for the more safe Conduct of the goods, whome I could not discharge, haveinge paid them afforehand and beinge in dayly hopes of settinge forward. Your letter of the 27th August I have received and should to prevent the worst) have bin glad to have received the desired firmaen [farman], but beeinge it was not to be had, I must hope the best, and that now the countrey is soe quyett that I shall have noe necessitye thereof.71 John Parker. XXVIII William Biddulph, Robert Hughes, Robert Young and John Parker to the President and Council at Surat. Agra, 23 November 1621. Mr Hughes came to this place the 10th of last month; Mr. Yonge and Mr. Willowby arrived here with there goods from Semana the 12th same month; and Mr. Parkar with theire Pattana goods arrived here the 14th present.72 THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA By V. RANGACHARI, M. A., L. T., MADRAS. (Continued from p. 48.) CHAPTER I. SECTION VII The Effects of Vijayanagar Conquest. Political Effects. THE Vijayanagar conquest introduced a new epoch in the history of South India. It gave rise to a singular complexity in government, by causing an influx of Telugu generals and viceroys into the Tamil land. These Telugu generals came, it should be understood, as the supporters of Pandyan authority against Muhammadan usurpation. They therefore did not interfere with the royal dignities and privileges of the restored Pandyans. Nevertheless they 11 Factory Records, Patna, I., 38. 72 Foster, English Pastories in India, 1618-1621, pp. 335-336.

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112 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JUNE, 1914. were, from this time onward, the real rulers of the land, and reduced the indigenous monarchs to the position of mere figureheads. The pride and perhaps the prejudice-for the new viceroys belonged to other castes, spoke different tongues and came from another part of the country of the Pan yans might have disliked the presence of these, their allies or rather masters; but they could not but submit, for their own sake, with tame and willing resignation, to their dominance. The history of Madura, thus, in the Vijayanagar period is the history of a dual power, of two dynasties, one locally royal and the other extraneously viceregal. The people of the kingdom of Madura (which included Tinnevelly and, in later days, Trichinopoly algo), in other words, had two masters, the immediate one being their own king, and the more remote one the Vijayanagar agent. As has been already mentioned, the relations between the two authorities were, probably, cordial rather than strained. Self-interest and weakness necessitated a spirit of ready compliance on the part of the Pandyan rulers, while self-confidence and the possession of superior strength unconsciously led to the easy assertion of mastery on the part of the viceroys. At the same time, the viceroys do not seem to have availed themselves of their position to interfere too much in the internal affairs of the kingdom. Prosperity did not kill their prudence, nor did the allurements of power banish from them the virtue of moderation. They evidently confined themselves to the collection of tribute, the upkeep of the imperial army, and the remittance of the surplus tribute to the emperor. They, as was natural in their position, controlled the foreign policy of the king, and kept a watchful eye on his political acts and movements, his alliances and his enmities. They also helped him in the subjugation of local risings, in the encouragement of learning by means of endowments to Brahmins, and in the furtherance of all the arts of peace. But they hardly, it may be believed with Dr. Caldwell,46 interfered much in the internal affairs of the kingdom. Social Effects. Immigration of the Badugas. The influence of Vijayanagar was stronger on South Indian society than on South Indian government. It in fact created a revolution in the social history of the land. For it led to a considerable immigration of men and women from the Telugu and Canarese lands to the land of the Tamils. Centuries back, the political skill and imperial statesmanship of the Chola emperors had caused and promoted a large influx of Tamil soldiers,ti servants, officers and men into the Telugu land; and now, by an act of Providence, the reverse process happened. Already, the territory covered by the Tanjore, Trichinopoly, Madura and Tinnevelly districts, i. e., the two kingdoms of the Cholas and the Pandyas, had received an influx of a few Canarese people during the short life of the Hoysala supremacy; but this immigration of the 13th century was 18 on a comparatively small scale, owing the ephemeral nature of the Canarese dominion, as well as to the vehement opposition to it of the local kings and peoples. The Vijayanagar conquest was followed by such a large immigration from the north that the historian can hardly be deemed inaccurate if he describes that conquest as the conquest of the Tamilians by the 46 See his History of Tinnevelly. 47 In the days of the Chola Empire, See the Madr. Ep. Reports for numerous examples. 49 Bishop Caldwell ascribes the construction of the Canadian Aniout and the town of Palamkottah to the Canareso immigrants of this period. Soe his Hist, of Tinnevelly; also Stuart's Tinnevelly Manual

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JUNE, 1914) THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA 113 Badugas19 or northerners as the Telugu and the Canarese peoples were called. The Rayas of Vijayanagar were probably Telugus, though their capital was in the Canarese country. The imperial civil and military services consisted largely, though not entirely, of the Telugus and the Canarese The Viceroys were Telugu, their subordinates mainly Telugu, and above all, the thousands of followers who came with them were all Telugu. Nor could it be otherwise. A Telugu dynasty supported by a Telugu army and service, could not but send forth, for its own safety, into every quarter of the empire, Telugu soldiers and rulers. Refractory chiefs had to be subdued by Telugu generals, and tributary vassals had to be watched by Telugu political Officers. The result was, there came into existence a large number of Telugu colonies 50 everywhere in the south. Throughout the Tamil country, hundreds of Telugu villages came into existence, and Telugu customs and habits, creeds and cults began to mingle in complex companionship with the Tamil ones. Many a strange festival and observance, many a household name and superstition, was brought by the conquering colonists, and the civilisation of the Tamils became mixed up with the civilisation of the Badugas." The causes of Baduga colonization. The causes and circumstances of the colonization were not the same in all cases. Some colonies had a military origin. They arose from the camps of the northerr army. camps which while on march resembled, in their size and their component factors, wving cities. The presence of a large number of men, and of horses and cattle, necessitated, wherever the camp was pitched, the opening of shops and the formation of villages; so to say, of the camp-followers. The frequency of military operations compelled the presence of engineers, masons, carpenters and other artisans. The Brahmins again, were indispensable as priests, as astrologers and as accountants. In this way wherever there was a noilitary encampment, there was necessarily a Telugu-Canarese settlement, consisting of all cantos and classes of the community. The camp in time became, after the conquest, a permanent colony; and even when the army was ordered to another locality, the activities which it stimulated there were adequate enough to perpetuate the village that was brought into existence by it. In this way many Telugu villages and even towns arose. Some colonies had perhaps a different peaceful origin. They possibly arose from the men of peace following in the wake of a northern viceroy who, however, was invariably a military commander also. But the vast majority of the Telugu colonies owe their origin, not so much to the State or the army, as to the valour and enterprise of numerous private adventurers; and this is borne out by hundreds of historic 1 MSS. They consisted, as a rule, of people, who followed the pastoral and other peaceful occupations of life. The majority of them were cowherds or peasants, some were soldiers and Sirdars in the Raya's Service, some minor chiefs, and some probably merchants and manufacturers. These men had naturally among them many who had been rewarded by the Rayas with feudal estates, or 19 For an interesting article on the Badugas, see Chris Coll. Magaz. Vol IX. 753-64 and 830-43. The Badugas who colonized the regions of Coimbatore and Nilgiris c to be called "Badagas". The Badugas were a race of strong and muscular physique, and they were always very ready to enlist in the armies of the Rajas of S. India." The Vijayanagar sovereigns employed them largely, as soldiers, generals, governors and viceroys. Vi vanatha Naik was only one of these. For a description of the Badaga customs, etc., of the Nilgiris, nee Grigg'e Nilgiri Manual ; Thurston's Castes and Tribes ; Chris. Col. Maga. Vol: IX. &c. 50 Wilks compares them to the Roman colonies. See his Wysore, I, 10. Also Caldwell's Tinnevelly, p. 48.

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114 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JUNE, 1914. palayams as they were called in the Tamil country, for notable exploits and services rendered by them to the State. The distinction for which they received their reward may have belonged to any department of life. Some were rewarded on account of their hardy physical strength and triumph over professional wrestlers, some on account of their skill in magic, others on account of their having distinguished themselves as local chieftains or efficient soldiers. Howsoever it was, whether the newcoming Polygar31 was a wrestler or a soldier, a chieftain or a statesman, he naturally never came alone. When he migrated to his new home, he took with him, as the MS. chronicles mention, hundreds of families of his own kinship and following, of his own caste and creed. The fertile valleys of the Kaveri, the Vaigai, and the Tambraparni, the borders of the Western Ghats, the wild regions of Tinnevelly,--the whole of the South India from the Kaveri to the Cape became in this way spotted with a number of Telugu palayams. These palayams were based on military tenure. The Polygar was to clear the forests, to build villages, to extend cultivation, to execute irrigational works, to, in short, rule over his estate, which of course was inhabited by his own countrymen and to a larger extent by the Tamilians of the locality. The Polygar was thus in the position of a petty ruler. He had the hereditary right of succession vested in him, although the succession of a new Polygar to his paternal estate had to be ratified by the central authority. He could tax his people, and had at the same time to maintain the police, and arrange for and preside over the distribution of justice. He could, with special permission (which was granted only in extraordinary cases), even fortify the capital of his colony. The ordinarily permitted fortification was of mud; but special exploits achieved on behalf of the suzerain power procured from the Raya or his viceroy in Madura the sanction to build stone-forts as well. The Polygar lived in his palace; had hundreds of retainers, and held, during the Navaratri and other similarly important occasions, a Darbar or kolu as it is called in Tamil. To the central authority, he had of course to pay his tribute. He had further to maintain a stated number of troops, and wait on the Raya or the provincial viceroy whenever called on to do so. All official communication between the Naik Viceroy at Madura and the Polygar seems to have been carried on through sthanapatis or agents, whom each Polygar had the right to maintain in the capital. The date of the early Palayams of Trichinopoly and Manapparai. It is difficult to say, owing to the perplexing chronology and wild statements found in the chronicles of these adventurers, who, among these, came to South India in the 14th and 15th centuries, and who came later on with Visvanatha, the founder of the Naik dynasty at Madura. But there is no doubt that many of them were immigrants of the earlier period, though they did not arrire so early as some of the MSS. would make us believe. Taking the Trichinopoly district, for instance, which, as we shall see later on, formed part of the Naik dominion, we find that, out of the five palayam852 (Turaiyur, Iluppi, Kulattur Peramur and Ariyalur) which belonged to it, three at least trace their founders to periods not 51 According to Wilks, the term Polygar is a comparatively modern term introduced by the Telugu government of Vijayanagar in the place of Udayar. See Wilks' Mysore, I, 21, footnote. 52 Turaiyur is even now the seat of & Zamindari, 12 miles N. of Magiri in the Trichinopoly District. Iluppur also id Zamindari, 26 miles S. of Trichinopoly. Kulattar has become part of Pudukkottai. Peramar And Ariyalar are estates in Mu'iri and Udayarpalayam taluks. For the description of all these places seo Trichi. Gazr. and for a translation of their MS chronicles see appendix II on Trichinopoly palayams. A full reference to the bibliography of the history of these has also been given there.

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JUNE, 1914] THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA 115 later than the beginning of the 15th century. The most important and extensive of these palayams, namely, Turaiyur, situated strategically well and picturesquely beautifully between the two hills of Kollaimalai and Pachchaimalai,53 was founded, according to one version, by two Reddi brothers, Anna and Sura, the alleged owners of a "Pallavole estate" in the neighbourhood of Nellore during the time of Krishna Deva Raya, and according to another MS it came into existence between the years 1450 and 1456. The neighbouring palayam of Ariyalur, the chief of which was a Nayanar of the Palli or Vannian caste, was founded about 1405 A.D. by two brothers, Rami and Bhumi, the sons of one Udaya Nayanar of Anagundi. It is true that the chronological value of this statement is very much injured by the later statement in the MS that the exodus from Anegundi took place in the time of Narasinga Raya and Visvanatha Naik; for, of these the former is known to have died about 1490, and the latter came to the south, as we shall presently see, between 1530 and 1560; and in ascribing both these events to 1405, the MS certainly commits a blunder. But we may fairly assume that the first immigration leading to the foundation of this palayam took place about 1405, and that it was later on confirmed first by Nara inga, and then by Visvanatha, when he established himself at Madura and organised the various palayams so as to put them on a definite basis. We have no reliable information about the foundation of Kulattur and Peramur by the Tondaman and Tirtakutti, Deva; but we have authority enough to believe that the Kamakshi Naiks of Iluppur (a place 26 miles south of Trichi) belonged to a very ancient line, though as the Polygars of Iluppur proper, their antiquity cannot be traced to a period older than 1660. The story is that Iluppur, together with the neighbouring estates of Marungapuri and Kadavur, which belonged to the division of Manapparai, was originally "one estate under a chieftain of the Tottiyan caste, and that the Iluppur estate descended to one Vallavadu Kamakshi Naiken" about 1650 A. D Coming to the Manapparai Taluk, we find that, according to one MS., there were eight palayams, namely, Marungapuri under Puchi Naiken, Nattam under Lingama, Thohaimalai under Vasuvappa, Pillaimulungi under Murti, Ramagiri under Sami, Viramalai under Kamaiya, and two others the names of which are not given, but the chiefs of which went by the names of Lakkaya Naiken and Viranar Kami Naiken. It is not improbable that the fast is simply a repetition of Viramalai under Kamaiya, in which case there would be seven palayams according to this MS. Two other MSS on the other hand mention only six palayams, and leave out the last two. One of these, however, leaves out Kamaiya Naik of Viramalai and substitutes, in his place, one Ranga Naik of Kumarapalayam. All the three MSS agree in regard to the five estates of Marungapuri, Nattam, Thohaimalai, Pillaimulungi and Ramagiri. Now, of these, as I have already said, Marungapuri, like 53 The Kollaimalais lie chiefly in the Namakkal and Atur taluks of Salem, and the Pachchaimalais partly in the Perambalur and Musiri taluks of Trichi and partly in the Atur taluk of Salem. For a short but fine description, see Trichi. Gazr. p. 3-4, and for a longer one Salem Manual. 54 The Manapparai taluk till 1856 was part of the Madura District. It was then transferred to Trichi District. Manapparai is no longer taluk head quarters. It is in the Kulitalai taluk. Marungapur is even row a Zamindari 12 miles S. of Manapparai. Kadavur also is a living estate, 28 miles S. W. of Kulitalai. Tohaimalai is an extinct palayam the ruins of which can be seen 14 miles S. of Kulitalai. Pillaimulungi is the same as Kadavur. Viramalai is also in the Kulitalai taluk and Kumarapalayam in Salem District 15 miles N. W. of Tiruchengodu. MS. histories of four of these palayams only are available, and they have been abstracted and translated in appendix III entitled Manapparai Palayams.

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116 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JUNE, 1914. Iluppur, was an extensive estate till late in the 17th century. Muttiah Naik, common ancestor of Marungapuri, Kadavur and Iluppur, was a Tottiyan of Gooty. He emigrated to the south, says a MS, in 1284 A. D., but at the very next line it says, quite inconsistently, that he was a servant of Tirumala of Vijayanagar and a contemporary of Visvanatha Naik, who belonged to the 16th century! We have no historial materials concerning Thohaimalai, and Viramalai; but we are somewhat better informed in regard to Nattam and Ramagiri. The founder of Nattam, Lingama Naik, came originally from the neighbourhood of Chandragiri in consequence, it is said, of "Mughal" ravages-some time evidently previous to the establishment of the Naik Raj. Sami Naik of Ramagiri came from Gooty about 1420 A. D. in the time, it is said, of Nagama Naik, Chandra Sekhara Paadya and Visvanatha,-a chronological mistake which almost all the Polygar inemoirs commit. The Palayams of Dindigal and Madura. Proceeding to the palayams of Dindigal, we find the same disagreement among the MSS in regard to the actual number of feudal estates in the Naik period. One gives 24, another 23, a third 21, while the English records 53 mention 26 palayams when the province came into the hands of the Hon. E. I. Company. The Chinnobas of Palni and the Kondama Naiks of Ayakudi came to their respective estates in the train of Kottiyam Nagama Naik, about whom we shall scudy presently (though the MS memoirs of these err, like many others of the series, in placing Nagama in early 15th century), from Abobilam, their native place. Tirumalai Chinnappa Naik of Virupakshi founded his palayam about 1381 A. D., and his brothers, Appaiya and Errama, founded the respective estates of Kannivadi66 and Idayakottai 7. The MS history of the Kannivadi chiefs, however, while recognising the close relationship between their ancestor and the ancestors of the Viru pakshi and Idayako!'ai chiefs, gives a different date for the settlement,-namely 1403 A. D. It further says that Appaiya was the contemporary of Chandrasekhara Pandya and Kottiyam Nagama Naik, and can thus hardly be considered correct in its chronology. It is curious that, while both the Viru pakshi and Kannivadi chronicles say that Errama of ldayakottai was a brother of their founders, the chronicle of the latter does not mention this, but simply asserts that the ancestor of the family Vallala Makka was a servant of Nagama Naik and came with him to Madura in 1432, and settled at Idayakottai. The Naik chiefs of Madur. Emakalapuram,58 Tavasimadai, Ammaiya Naikenur,59 Kulappa Naikenurco . 55 For a comparative statement of the 3 MSS in a tabular form see Appendix IV entitled Dindigal palayams. The M8 chronicles of almost all these are available and have been abstracted, translated and edited in Appendix IV. "Pajni is the headquarters of a Kluk in Madura District. (Seo Madura. Gazr. 304-8) It is an extinct palayam. Ayakudi is 4 miles E. of Palni, and unlike the latter a Zamindar even now. It has now been purchased by the Zamindar of Rottyambadi. (Madura Gazr. p. 301). Virupakshi is also an extinct palayam 13 miles E. of Paini on the bank of the Nanganji. It is not a Zamindari. For the full references to the MS chronicles and translations of them see Appendix IV. 50 This lies 10 miles west of Dindigal, close under the Palni hills, and is the largest Zamindari in the district. Madura Gazt. 238-240 and Appendix IV., Section 4. 57 The seat of a Zamindari, 21 miles from Dindigal, on the northern frontier of Palni taluk. Madura. Garr. 302-3; Appendix IV, Section 5 * 8 miles S. E. of Dindigal (Madura Gazr. p. 237); Tavasimalai is near it. (Ibid, p. 243). See Appendix, IV, Sections 10 and 11. * Four miles east of Nilakottai, in Nilakottai Taluk (Ibid. 292-4). Appendix IV, Sectior 12. 60 Nilakottai itself. Ibid, 205-6. Appendix IV, Section 13.

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JUN, 1914 THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA 117 Koppaiya Naikenur,61 Tottiyan Kottai,62 Gandama Naikenur,63 Bodhi Naikenur.c4 Periyakulam,cs Kombai, Kambam, Kudalur and Erasakka Naikenuris were all Kambala Tottiyans who migrated to the south with their families, followers and castemen, either along with, or some time before, Nagama Naik, the father of the great Visvanatha. The period of their settlement can be roughly assigned to the latter part of the 15th and the former part of the 16th century. The same is more or less the case with the chiefs of the Palayams of the Madura division known as Ottappa Naikenur,&9 Doddappa Naikenur, Tu Vellayakundam, 11 Puliyankulam,2 etc. The Palayams of Tinnevelly. In and about the district of Tinnevelly, a large number of the palayams were in Tamilian hands, and were therefore more ancient than those of the Tottiyans. The majority of tho Tottiyans owed their settlements to either Nagama or Visvanatha Naik, while the Tamilian Polygars held their position from ancient times, primarily owing to their martial valour. They belonged to the Marava and Palli castes, and were once evidently so serviceable to the country as to be rewarded with the semi-sovereign powers and privileges of feudality. The most important of them73 were the Marudappa Tevas of Ottumalai, the Tirtapatis of Singampatti, the Saluva Tevas of Orkadu, the Vanuiyans of Siyagiri and Elayirampannai, the Tiruvonatha Pandyans of Settur, the Indra-Talaivas of Talaivan-Kottai, the Valangaipuli Tevas of Chokkampatti and the Puli Tevas of Neikattanaevval. The MS histories of these estates begin from legendary and pre-historic times and narrate in detail the feats and adventures of the early chiefs. The Polygars of Sivagiri, for instance, are said to be the descendants of Siva. They, it is said, were originally pigs, but transformed by Parvati into great warriors! They then entered the Pandyan service, and helped Babruvahana in the defeat of his father Arjuna in the 61 Ibid, p. 296. Appendix. IV., Section 14. 62 This is six miles W. S. W. of Nilakdttai Madura Gazr. 298. No MS history of this estate is available. 63 A Zamindari in the S. E. corner of Periyakulam Taluk. Ibid p. 317. Appendix IV, Section 16. 64 This is 15 miles S. W. of Periyakulam. Ibid. 313-6 Appendix IV Section 16. 65 The Taluk centre. The Zamindari referred to is that of Ramabadra Ndiken of Vadagarai, Appendix IV, Section 17. 66 Four miles N. W. of Uttamapalayam, close under the great wall of the Travancore hills. The palayam was resumed by the English. Ibid, 319-20. Appendix IV, Section. 18. 67 Six miles S. W. of Uttamapalayam. Its history is similar to that of Kombai. Ibid,' p. 818-19. Appendix IV gives a legend about it. No MS history is available. 63 Four miles E. of Uttama palayam in Periyakulam Taluk. A living Zamindari. Ibid. 316-17. Appendix IV, Section 20. gives what is known about this. 69 In the Tirumangalam Taluk. A living Zamfndari. See Madura. Gazr. p. 330. See Appendix V. 70 Chief village of the Zamindari of the same name in Tirumangalam Taluk, Ibid, p. 326, and Appendix V. Seo: 2. 71 A Zamindari, 8 milos N. N. E. of Madura, in Madura Taluk. Ibid, p. 281. See Appendix V, Sec. 3. 72 Thirteen miles S. S. W. of Tirumangalam. Ibid. p. 328 and Appendix V. Sootion 4. I have been. able to get no MS history of Kaochailatti. 3 The MS histories of all these have been translated and given in the appendix. Singampatti and Orkadu are within 3 miles of AmbAsamudram. Ottumalai or Sri-keralam-bQdhur is about 15 miles from TonkAsi, and Surandai 10 miles. Talaivankottai, Neikattan Sevval, Sivagiri, and Settur can be visited by taking the road from Tenk si to Srivilliputtar. Their pioturesque situations and vicissitudes I have described in detail in Appendix VI. See also Chap. II.

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118 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JUNA, 1914. course of his Aivamedha campaign! They then received a palayam at Tribhuvana74 where they lived for centuries, till one of the chiefs killed two dacoit brothers on the hills of modern Sivagiri, and was therefore honoured by the then Panilya king by being made a Polygar of the very scene of his glory. His descendants ruled there continuously; and the chief, who was the contemporary of Visvanatha Naik, was confirmed in his ancestral estate and dignity, like many other indigenous chiefs in their ancestral estates. The stories of the other Polygars are equally wild and legendary though some are not quite so miraculous and incredible. Chokkampati, for instance, traces its history to an alleged Pandyan king of the 12th century at Tenkasi called Sivili Maranic. It is said that the first Valangaipuli Teva was a servant of that king, and rendered great service to the country in subduing a formidable rebel, who occupied the region covered by modern Chokkampatti and had successfully defied for long the king's generals. The first Polygar of Talaivankottai owed his position, it is said, to a similar achievement. His heroism and skill enabled him to capture a terrible boar, which had committed immense havoc in the country and had eluded the attack of all the royal hunters. Examples of this kind may be multiplied; but it is unnecessary, as the detailed history of every palayam is given in the appendices, and as a reference to them will enable the reader to gain the needed information about the subject. It is sufficient here to note that most of these Tamil chiefs of Tinnevelly claim to have ruled their estates from the time of the Mahabharata or a Sivili Raja; and there can be no question that, even though the antiquity which they claim is, as a rule, absurd, they were much more ancient than the Tottiyans who immigrated into the country in the 15th and 16th centuries, and were formally recognised as Polygars by the generous statesmanship of Visvanatha Naik. Having been long in possession of the different parts of the country and highly valiant in arms, the Tamil Polygars were, out of considerations both of expediency and necessity, placed by the founder of the Naik dynasty in a position of equality with Tottijari chiefs, like Ettappa Naik of Ettiyapuram, Katta Bomma Naik of Panchalankuruchchi, and Iravappa Naik of Nagalapuram, (To be continued) THE DATE OF MAHAVIRA. BY JARL. CHARPENTIER, PH.D.; UPSALA. IN writing for the Cambridge History of India,' Vol. I., the chapter concerning the history of the Jains it has, of course, been necessary to me to try to ascertain the real date of Mahavira ; and, as it is impossible in the limited space assigned to that chapter to discuss fully the various facts concerning this most important question, I have found it convenient to set forth here my considerations, upon which I have founded my opinion concerning the date of the founder of the present Jain Church. Moreover, no full discussion of this theme has ever been entered upon since the time, when Professor Jacobi, in his introductions to the T4 The famous centre of Baivism, 12 miles south-east of Madura. 75 About 15 miles N. of Tenkasi. It is not a living Zamindarf. I have collected a number of MSS about it and I shall abstract them in the appendix. The palace is now in ruins. 46 Sivili Raja is a celebrated figure in the Tinnevelly traditions. To him are attributed a number of temples (eg, the temple of PA ayam-kdttai near Tinnevelly) and other holy works. He was evidently a king of Tenkasi, but nothing definite is known about him. In later days Ativirs Rama Papd ya was known by this title. 7 See Appendix VI on Tinnovelly palayame.

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JUNE, 1914.] THE DATE OF MAHAVIRA 119 edition of the Kalpasutra and to the Sacred Books of the East, Vol. XXII-works that mark a new epoch in the study of Jainism-established with undeniable evidence, at least very narrow limits for the age of Mahavira ;1 and so it might not be without some utility to take up the matter once again. As my materials are in much the same as those of Professor Jacobi, most of my article will consist in summing up and furcher developing what has been previously said by him. And it will be seen that the result of rur inquiry is in full agreement with the opinion on the date of Mahavira which he formed many years ago, but which seems not to have been taken up by scholars dealing with the matter since. In important treatises dealing with Jainism, e.g., Hoernle,--Proc. A. S. B., 1898, p. 39 ff, or Guerinot Bibliographie Jaina, p. VII., we find the date of Mahavira's death fixed at 527 B.C.; and the later author calls it la date la plus accreditee,' it being in fact in agreement with almost the entire tradition of the Jains themselves. For it is well known, that the Svetambaras believe the death of their spiritual master to have occurred 470 and the Digambaras 605 years before Vikrama; and as the difference between these two dates is 135 years, or just the same as the interval between the Vikrama era (57 B. o.) and the Saka era, (A. D. 78), it is quite clear, as Professor Jacobi points out,--that the Digambaras have here confounded Vikrama and Salivahana, a confusion by no means of rare ocourrence. Now at first sight this seems to be fairly correct, but when we examine the matter a little more closely it will be seen as has many times been remarked by Jacobi and other scholarsthat this statement is based on very slight facts, if really on facts at all. There are two main points which should be considered in connexion with the date 527 B. C., viz. : (1) The relations of the Jains concerning the 470 years between the Nirvana of Mahavira and the accession of Vikrama in 57 B. C., and (2) The possibility or non-possibility of accepting 527 B. C., as the right year for Mahavira's death viewed from the certainly established fact of his being contemporary with Buddha, who died, according to my opinion (as I shall explain below) in 477 B.C. Finally in the last part (III) of my paper I shall discuss the tradition represented by Hemachandra and the conclusions to be drawn frorn it. The Jain Chronology and its Foundation. Merutuiga, a famous Jain author, composed in V. Sam 1361-1304 A. D. his work the Prabandhacinlimani and about two years later his Vicdrasreni, being according to Bhau Dajis A commentary on his Theravali. In this work he gives as a basis for an adjustment between the Vira and Vikrama eras the famous verses, first quoted by Buhler" and after him discussed by Jacobi - jain rayanim kalagao. ariha titthamkaro Mahavira tai rayanim Avanti-vai 1 Older opinions concerning the date of Mahavira are found in Rice Ante. III, 167; E. Thomas ind, VIII, 30 f.; Pathak ibd. XII, 21 f. eto. As all these discussions have been rendered obsolete by the works of Professor Jacobi, I need not dwell here upon them. 2 Kalpasatra, p. 7. 3 Vide J. B. Br. R.A.S. ix, 147; other works by Merutunga and references to modern literaturo concerning him are found in Wober's Cat. II, 1024 sq. 4 Ind. Ant, II, 362.

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120 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JUNE, 1914, ahisitto Palago raga ||1|| satthi Palaga-ranno pannavannasayain tu hoi Nandava atthasayain Muriyanam tisam ciya Pusamittassa 21 Balamitta-Bhanumitta satthi varisani catta Nahavahane taha Gaddabhilla-rajjam terasa varisa Sagassa cau | 3 || Palaka, the lord of Avanti, was anointed in that night in which the Arhat and Tirthaikara Mahavira entered Nirvana (1) Sixty are the years) of king Palaka, but one hundred and fifty-five are (the years) of the Nandas; one hundred and eight those of the Mauryas, and thirty those of Pusamitta [Pushyamitra] (2). Sixty (years) ruled Balamitra and Bhanumitra, forty Nabhovahana. Thirteen years likewise lasted the rule of Gardabhilla, and four are the years of Saka (3). These three verses are repeated in many commentaries and chronological works, (Buhler), for instance in a pattavali of the Tapagaocha (extending from Mahavira to the accession of Vijayaratna, V. Sam. 1732-A. D. 1685-86)e where are added two verses filling up the space between Vikrama and Saka, which do not interest us here. The only point of difference is the reading Nahavana for Nahavahana in v. 3, but this can be of no use to us here, as confused and incredible as the verses are, it seems still utterly improbable, that the author should have placed the Great Satrap Nahapana before Vikrama. These verses contain-as already remarked--a short account of dynasties reigning between the death of Mahavira and the accession of the famous king Vikramaditya but their provenance is totally unknown. That they were not composed by Merutunga himself or any of his contemporaries is certain, because at that time the Jain authors had long ago ceased to write in Prakrit. They do not, of course, belong to the Jain canonical writings, and this makes it highly probable that they originated after the final redaction of the canon by Devarddhiganin (in 980 or 993 after Mahavira, i. e., A. D. 453 or 466 counting from 527 B. c.), and belonged to the older set of commentaries, the composition of which did undoubtedly begin immediately after--if not already before--the final redaction of the Siddhanta. If the nominative Nahavahane is authorised by the manuscripts-on which point I cannot, of course, have an opinion--this might be a sign of a certain age; for it is absolutely certain that in later commentaries, e.g., that of Devendra on the Uttaradhyayana (from A.D. 1073) where the Prakrit is much older than the time of the lika itself, no nominatives in -e exist.8 But there is another fact, upon which a certain stress ought to be laid in connexion with these and similar chronological statements of the Jains, and that is that they all take the Vikrama 3 The translation is taken from Buhler, 1. c. Published by Klatt, Ante. XI, 261 sq 1 Acording to Pulle Studi Italiani, I, 10 the Jain authors began to compose their work in Sanskrit about A. D. 850 (time of starka); but this is by no means an ascertained date. 8 I have chosen this text as an example because its Prikrit parts are well known from the 'dusgewahlte Erzahlungen of Professor Jacobl. To make the point here discussed quite clear, I wish to state that the few passages of the text, where really nominatives in e ooour (p. 28, 11. 17-24, p. 32 1. 3533, 1. 28 and p. 34, 11. 11-20) how totally different style and probably belong to a canonical work, which it is not possible for me to identify at present.

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JUNE, 1914.] THE DATE OF MAHAVIRA 121 era as having been in reality founded by a king Vikramaditya of Ujjayini. For Kielhorn" has long ago proved that the connexion of the era commencing 57 B. O, with a king Vikramaditya of Ujjayini, who perhaps never existed, was not established till a very late date, the first mention of Vikrama Sa ivat' being made in an inscription at Dholpur from Samv. 898-A.D. 842; and the oldest literary mentions of Vikrama in connexion with the era seem to be those afforded by Dhanapala's Paiyalacchi (V. Sanv. 1029 A.D. 972) and Amitagati's Subhasita-samdoha (V. Saiv. 1050-A. D. 994),10 If we take these facts into account, it seems probable that the verses cannot at least in their present shape be so very old dating perhaps from the 8th or 9th century A. D. But this is rather a suggestion, and their main content the enumeration of kings between the death of Mahavira and the commencement of the era beginning in 57 B. C.-may very well have existed long before this era was in any way connected with the rather mythical king Vikramaditya of Ujjayini. As for the statements made in them, they are of a somewhat mysterious nature. Palaka, King of Avanti, is here mixed up with the Nanda and Maurya dynasties and Pasyamitra of Magadha, and with several rulers of Western India, among whom Gardabhilla is elsewhere stated to have been the father of Vikramaditya, and Saka a prince belonging to the nonIndian dynasties of North Western India. Jacobi11 has already shown that the introduction of King Palaka of Avanti into this list, which must from the beginning have been intended to give the names of the kings of Magadha, as Mahavira belonged to that country, seems highly suspicious. Who was this Palaka? No doubt, he is meant to be identical with Palaka, son and successor of Pradyota, King of Avanti, and brother of Vasavadatta, queen of the famous King Udayana of Vatsa.12 As this Udayana was a contemporary of Mahavira and Buddha, it is quite possible that his brother-in-law, Palaka, may have succeeded to the throne in a time nearly coinciding with the death of Mahavira But there is absolutely no connexion between him and the dynasty of the Sisunagas, ruling in Magadha at and after the time of Mahavira. However, I think it possible that his appearance in this list may give us a rather valuable clue to the question concerning the provenance of these verses. For in their present shape they are, as mentioned above, late and composed at a time when the kingdom of Magadha had absolutely ceased to have any connexion with or interest for Jain writers; but from the fact that out of 470 years recorded not less than 293 are filled up by the names of actual rulers of Magadha, we might undoubtedly infer that they were derived from ol ler sources actually giving the right names of the Magadha kings. Now the list finishes with kings of Ujjayini, Gardabhilla being one such, and his son Vikramaditya being the most famous of them all; and, as the Jains already in the centuries immediately preceding our era played an important role in the west of India, and had many connexions with Ujjayini, they probably did not find it at all unsuitable to begin this list with a king of that famous town as well to end it with one. Moreover, we may perhaps rightly conclude, that the connexion of the Jains with Magadha and Eastern India really ended with the downfall of the Mauryas. From the confused tales of the Buddhists as well as from other and more certain sources,1 9 Ante, XX. 397 ff. 10 On the slight differences in fixing the date (A. D. 993 or 994) of. Schmidt and Hertel Z. D.M.G. 59. 297 sq. 11 Kalpasitra, p. 8 sq. 12 This is expressively stated by Merutunga, who tells us that Pradyota died the same night as Mahavira according to Bhau Daji, J. B. B. R.A.S. IX.,147 sq. Whether he is the one mentioned in the Mrechakatika is not likely to be discovered. But, as there is nothing in that play connecting him with Udayana, I do not deem it very probable. However, some light may perhaps be thrown upon this question, when the text of the Carudatta becomes available in the Trivandrum series. 188 sq. 13 Cp. V. A. Smith, Early History of India, p.

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122 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JONE, 1914 we might think that Pusyamitra was zealously orthodox-or that at least they suffered considerably from the successors of these, and that they did not in reality know anything concerning the kingdom of Magadha after that time. 14 Professor Jacobiis has tried a somewhat complicated hypothesis in order to account for the introduction of King Palaka of Avanti into the list of the rulers of Magadha, considering Udayana, the brother-in-law of Palaka, to have been confused with Udayin, the son and successor of Ajatasatru, and Palaka to have entered into the list in this way. As I have ex. plained above, I do not think that Palaka belonged to the original list at all; but, if his presence there is to be accounted for in any way, I think another suggestion may be more easily adopted. It is stated in Kalpas. $ 147 (p. 67 ed. Jacobi) that Mahavira reached nirvana while staying at Pava (or Papa) in king Hastipalaka's office of the writers' (rajju-sabha). This monarch is mentioned also in $ 123, where he is called Hatthipala, and Jacobi, S. B. E. XXII, pp. 264, 269, has in both passages used the form Hastirala. But the manuscripts give in both paragraphs alternatively the form Hatthipala and palaga, and the latter is taken into the text by Jacobi in SS 147. From this it is clear, that he was styled Hastipdla as well as palaka, a circumstance upon which no special stress need be laid, because we have no reason whatsoever for expecting anything else. Now it is both possible and credible that a Hastipala (ka) might in more unofficial language be styled Palaka, and as this king stands in the closest connexion with the death of Mahavira, we might well suggest that he may have been said later to have been anointed in the same night in which the Prophet entered Nirvana. This might in my opinion supply a reasonable cause for the introduction into this list of a certain Palaka, who was later mistaken for the king of Avanti well-known to the Jains in Western India 10 However, this king Palaka is for reasons already partly mentioned, and to be further developed subsequently, of no chronological importance whatsoever for fixing the date of Mahavira and for filling up the space between him and the commencement of the Vikrama era. Passing over, for the present, the regnal periods assigned to the Nandas (155 years), the Mauryas (108 years) and Pusyamitra (30 years), as I shall enter upon a more close examination of these dates later on, I shall now say some words concerning the kings, whose names fill up the last 117 years before the beginning of the Vikrama era, i. e., about 174-57 B. c. These are the following: Balamitra and Bhanumitra, reigning for 60 years. Nahavahana (Nabhovahana) reigning for 40 years. Gardabhilla reigning for 13 years, and Saka reigning for 4 years. There is in reality not much to be said concerning this strange list of rulers, and nothing certain. Nahavahana, a name which Buhler and Jacobi render by Nabhovahana, is a totally unknown personality ;17 and the only suggestion to be made is that he may have been 14 Of course, the Jains had a patron in Eastern India in Kharavela, king of Kalinga; but this protec. tion may have been of rather short duration. The Jains do not seem to recognise their obligation to their great patron even by mentioning his name, and his date is uncertain (op. farther on). 15 Kalpas., p. 8 sq. 16 King Hastipala(ka) of Pava undoubtedly a petty olan-ruler of the type of Suddhodana of Kapilavastu or Siddhartha of Kundaggama, is, as far as I know, mentioned nowhere else in Jain or Brahmanical scripture. This show clearly that BA ond crily have been remembered because Mahavira paned away in his dominions. And such an unknown ruler could, of course, very easily be confused with a far better known name sake. 11 If the varia Lectio Nahavana is in fact worth anything and renders the name Nahapina, the Satrap who woms to have flourished about A. D. 80-125 and in fact reigned between 40 and 50 years, this list would of course in its later part be absolutely useless. But there are reasons which make me believe that this is not the case : (1) it seems really impossible that even & very confused chronology would put Nabapins before Vikrams, and (2) if Nahapana had really been intended, he ought most certainly to have been mentioned in the story of Kalakacarya, dealing with the rise of Scythian power in India before Vikrama; but this is not the case.

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JUNE, 1914.) THE DATE OF MAHAVIRA 123 some petty ruler in Western India during the period between the downfall of the Maurya einpire and the beginning of the Vikrama era. Just the same may be said concerning Balamitra and Bhanumitra, although they are mentioned elsewhere. For in the somewhat confused legend of Kalakacarya, edited by Professor Jacobi in Z.D.M.G. 34, 247 sq., we read on p. 268 sq. that these princes, who were the nephews of Kalaka, ruled in Bharukaccha (Bharoch) and were friendly disposed towards the Jain Church. As this Kalaka played according to the legend the somewhat despicable trick of calling the Sakas into India to destroy his enemy king Gardabhilla of Ujjayini, this would place the two princes a short before the time of Vikrama. Without trying to entangle the very confusing facts told about Kalaka or rather the different Kalakasof which there seem to have been at least three1-I point only to the statement that there existed one Kalaka, who was the 23rd sthavira after Mahavira and is said in the supplement to the Kalpadrumalo to have lived 376 years after the Nirvana, i.e., 151 B. C. counting from 527 B. C. The pat!avali of the Tapagaccha 20 says that this Kalaka died 376 or 386 years after Mahavira, i.e. 151 or 141 B. c.; and this would fit fairly well with the time assigned in the versus memorialee to Balamitra and Bhanumitra, as they are supposed to have reigned together during 60 years or between 174-173-114-113 B. o. However, I attach just as little importance to this coincidence as to the whole chronological statement of these verses. In the same legend concerning Kalaka the history of Gardabhilla and the Sakas is told at full length. There may be really some historical foundation for the stories told concerning this invasion of India by Scythian rulers before Vikrama, rulers stated to have been brought in by a second Kalaka living 453 years after Mahavira, i. e., 74 B. c. or just in the year of Gardabhilla's accession to the throne 17 years before Vikrama. This Gardabhil)a is elsewhere said to have been the father of Vikramaditya21 and king in Ujjayini ; and concerning him it has been suggested, that he was identical with Bahram Gor, king of Persia A. D. 420-438, and again that he is in reality the same person as the satrap Gudaphara or Gondopheres, who must have lived in the first century B. c.22 But neither of these hypothesis is satisfactory, Gardabhil(l)a being always closely connected with the time of Vikrama. Now it must be conceled that Gardha bil(l)a is a rather strange Indian name23 scarcely to be accounted for, and seems very likely to be of foreign origin. And I might suggest that it is at least as probable as the above-mentioned theories, that Gardabhil(l)a represents in fact a Greek name ending in thos, and that the person in question was perhaps a petty Greek prince or Governor overthrown by the Scythian invaders, and had in reality nothing to do with the famous king of Ujjain. There is nothing against this suggestion in the fact, that the Gardabhilas are mentioned in Visnu P. IV, 24, 14 as a tribe or dynasty for they rank there together with the Yavanas, Sakas, Bahlikas and other invaders, named as successors of the Andhra Dynasty. For of course these may have been named after the old Gardabhila, existing many centuries before, on account of some real or fictitious relationship to him. (To be continued.) 19 Jacobi l. c. p. 250 s. 19 A commentary to the Kalpas utra by Laksmivallabha, who wrote a commentary on the Uttari. dhya yanasitra in Samo. 3 Klatt Ante. XI, 251. 21 Visnu P.: (Wilson) 5, 392, cf. Weber, Ind. Stud. XV, 252 ag. 2. The first suggestion was made by Wilford As. Res. 1x, 147 aq. the second one was propounded by Prinsep, Ante. II, 142 and supported by Lassen Ind. Act. II, 409. 23 To be compared as far as I can soe, only with the old Gobhila and tho obscure name Robhila in the Mcchakatika. cf. Indog. Forach, 28, 178, 29, 380 aq.

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124 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JUNE, 1914. Indies are dull and Delhit indechone of MISCELLANEA. PAINTING AND ENGRAVING AT AGRA of Indian artists is so rarely obtainable that I am unable to say whether UdQt Singh and Ghulam AND DELHI IN 1666. Raza belonged to the Agra School or not. The ONE of the best and mont instructive of the old lasciviousness of that school may be ascribed travellers was Monsieur Joan de Thevenot, who reasonably to the evil example set by Shahjahan.. visited India in 1666 and 1667, dying near Tauris When Indian painting becomes better underor Tabriz in Persia in November, 1667. His stood than it is at present, critics probably will travels were translated into English and published be able to distinguish at sight the productions of in that language in 1687. Writers on Indian art Delhi from those of Agra. The traveller's high have not yet noticed, 80 far as I am aware, bis praise of the colouring is fully justified, but his criticism of the Agra and Delbl paintings, which I censure that the Indian painters " make faces ill", transcribe as being of considerable interest - does not apply to the better portraits. "One may see a great many pictures in the Indies upon paper and pasteboard, but generally His statement that there were tolerably good they are dull pieces, and none are esteemed but engravers at Delhi is new to me, and I shall be those of Agra and Delhi : however, since those of much obliged if any body can produce a specimen Agra are for the most part indecent, and represent of seventeenth century engraving done by an Indian Lascivious posturee, worse than those of Aretin, artist. there are but few civil Europeans that will buy 1 A History of Fine Art in India and Ceylon them" (Part III. p. 39). p. 336. "The painters of Dolbl are modester than those VINCENT A. SMITH, of Agra, and spend not their paine about lascivious Oxford. pictures, as they do. They apply themselves to the rendering of Histories, and in many places, one KAUTILYA AND THE ARATTAS. may meet with the Battels and Victories of their In the Bibliotheca Indica edition of the Vayu. princes, indifferently well painted, Order is observed Purana the passage (37, 324) about the succession in them, the personages have the suitableness that of Chandragupta stands as follows: is necessary to them, and the colours are very lovely, but they make faces ill. They do things uddhariSyati tAn sarvAn kauTilyo variSTabhi* : / in miniature pretty well, and there are some at caMdragupnaM nRpaM rAjye kauTilyaH sthaapyissyti|| Delbi who engrave indifferently well also ; but speing they are not much encouraged, they do not "Kautilya will uproot all of them (Sahasu or apply themselves to their work, with all the ex Sahasva and others, the 8 sons and successors of ctness they might : and all their care is to do Ag the Mahipadma, 323), through Dvirash a . . . Thuuch work as they can, for present money to subsist un'. (Ibid., p. 46). What were thene dvirashtas3? Apparently some The traveller, it will be observed, had a poor people. I propose to read the word as Virashtraopinion of the work of the contemporary artists bhi. Virashtras would be the same as .ratlas, seven or eight years after the accession of Aurangzeb, whose puritanical opinions no doubt On this datum of the Vayu, it appears that much discouraged art. When I examined hundreds Chandragupta was mainly helped by the Arattas in of specimens of Mughal and Indo-Mughal art his war, which has been related, though no doubt three years ago, I found only four, namely, throe in exaggerated terms, in the Milinda-panho, es by Udot Bingh and one by Ghulam Raza, which fought between Bhadrasala, the Nanda's general. could be reproached for indecency. The wholesale and Chandragupta. They were the band of accusation of indecency brought against the artists mbbers" of Justin, as Cunningham guessed years of Agra, no doubt quite justified, has been a surprise ago. But Cunningham thought that Chandragupta to me. The explanation of the absence of such used them against the Greeks. That might or objectionable works from the London collections might not have been the case ; here we have must be that suggested by de Thevenot, namely, evidence to hold only this much that they were that civil,' or decent Europeans seldom bought used against the Nandas. the indecent paintings. Information about the lives K. P. JAYASWAL. Between these lines the second half of the preceding sloka intervenes : muktAM mahIM varSa zataM nandentuH sabhaviSyati : . Sumalya and others, in the Vishnu. 3 Changed in the Brahmanda into ir : * A confusion between dvi and vi. Probably it was originally "itter: implying that with Arashtans or Aratthans, Kautilya exterminated the Nandas, not all at one and the same time, but in two different attempts.-D. R. B. 5 And further there was Bhaddasala, the soldier in the service of the royal family of Nanda, and he Waged war against king Chandragupta. Now in that war, Nagasena, there were eighty Corpse Dances ii, p. 147. " It was this prodigy which first inspired him with the hope or winning the throne, and so having collected a band of robbers, he instigated the Indians to overthrow the existing Government." (V., 4.). The Ceylon tradition also says that he was helped by "robbers. Cf. Maldbhdrata, Karna-Parva. xliv.. (31-32) the Arattas are shorn of virtue, (37) they are to be avoided; (44, 21) they are robbers by habit. 7 Buddhist tradition implies that he started his operations by first conquering or winning over the frontier

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JULY, 1914.) THE DATE OF MAHAVIRA 125 THE DATE OF MAHAVIRA BY JARL CHARPENTIER, PH.D., UPSALA. (Continued from page 123) O much concerning Gardabhilla. As to Saka, to whom is attributed a reign of four years ere he was overthrown by Vikramaditya, there are without doubt some hints of very great interest and perhaps of real historical value included in the confused legend of Kalaka. For the text states that Kalaka, after having sworn to Gardabhilla to be revenged, roamed about till he came to the country Sakakula (Z.D. M. G. 34, 262), and in v. 63 of the Kalakacaryakathanalca it is said of the royal dynasty of Saka : Sagakulao jenam samagaya tena le Saga jaya. Because of coming from Sakakala they were called Sakas. Moreover, we learn from the same source that the governors of provinces in Sakakala were called sahi and the king of the country, this crown-jewel in the crowd of princes' was styled Sahanusdhi. Now, I think Professor Jacobi21 was right in making Sakakula-Sakasthana, Zaknotiv, and moreover reminding us of the name Sakapaulot, metioned by Strabo XI 8, 2,25 which really presents a remarkable likeness to the Sanskrit word Sakakula. And there cannot be the slightest doubt, that the title Sahanus dhi is only a modified transcription of the well-known legend on the coins of the Kushan kings, Shaonano shao. So there must be some foundation for the legend told concerning Kalaka and the invasion of Scythians which he provoked ; and as I deem it rather improbable from the whole shape of the legend26 that it relates to the great conquest of North-western India by Ooema Kadphises, it may in fact contain a faint remembrance of some battle between Saka satraps and a Greek (?) prince (Gardabhila), which has later been localized in Ujjayini. A full account of the Saka princes who seem to have flourished in the first century B. o. may be seen in Duff Chronology of India, p. 17 sq., and it does not at all invalidate the possibility of this suggestion. The theory that the invaders were Persians and that Sahanusahi represents the king of kings' ruling that country cannot be upheld, as it is expressly stated that the invaders were Sakas, and not Persians or Bactrians. As for the title Shaonano shao, which I find in the Sahanusahi of the text, it is true that it does not occur on coins before Kaniska; but this is not material, as the legend arose apparently at a far later date, and in that time the earlier Sakas and the Kushans might very easily be confused. However, it is interesting and certainly a proof of the text not being wholly valueless, that it has preserved these rather minute reminiscences of the Saka dynasties. I have tried to show, that the chronological list, on which the Jains found their assumption of a period of 470 years between the death of Mahavira and the commencement of the Vikrama era is almost entirely valueless. The line of rulers composed in order to fill up this time is wholly unhistorical and can by no means be trusted; for it assigns the first 60 years after the Nirvana to a certain king' of Ujjain, who had absolutely nothing to do with Mahavira, and for whose introduction into the list I have tried to find out reasons as above. 24 1. c. p. 256. 25 Malista de gnorimoi gegonasi ton nomadon oi tous Ellenas aphelomenoi ten Baktrianen, Asioi, kai pasianoi, kai tokharoi, kai Sakarauloi, kai ormeuentes apo tes peraias tou Iaxartou, tes kata Sakas kai Sogdianoue, en kateikhon Sakai. 26 In the Kalaka legend it is not the king of kings' (sdhanushi) but only his satraps (edhi) who invade India, and not with his consent, but to escape his rage against them.

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126 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JULY, 1914. The following 293 years are filled up by dynasties of Magadha of undisputed historical character, and this shows clearly, that it was originally the kings of Magadha who were to be recorded here. And that is just what we should expect, as Mahavira passed nearly his whole life in that country and in close connexion with the two kings Bimbisara and Ajatasatru. As for the last 117 years before Vikrama, they are filled up by various kings or princes of partly different nationality, of whom we know with absolute certainty nothing more than that they never had anything at all to do with Magadha. Thus, we find that the statement of the Jains, according to which their last Prophet died 470 years before Vikrama, or 527 B.C., rests upon a wholly hypothetical basis, and can nowise be trusted. I shall now enter upon the second part of my enquiry and show that it is wholly inconsistent with the adjusted Buddhistic Chronology too, and ought, consequently to be absolutely abandoned. II. Buddhist relations concerning Mahavira and the Jains-The date of Buddha's death. The investigations of Jacobi and Buhler have made it quite clear, that the Buddhist and Jain canonical writings speak of persons who are to a large extent identical, although sometimes different names are used to designate them. From this it was rightly concluded by these two eminent scholars, that Buddha and Mahavira must have been contemporaries, must have visited mainly the same localities, and have come into contact with the same kings and other prominent persons of their age. Moreover, Jacobi has shown with absolute conclusiveness that Nigantha Nat(h)a-putta, often mentioned 27 in the Buddhist canon amongst the six heretical teachers, who flourished about the same time as Gotama Buddha, must be identical with Mahavira. And no one will nowadays doubt that these two teachers were absolutely different from and independent of each other, although living at the same time and, perhaps, often enough having to face each other at their wanderings through Magadha.28 Passages in Buddhist canonical writings dealing with Nat(h)aputta and his followers have been admirably discussed by Professor Jacobi in S. B. E. Vol. XLV., p. XV sq. But as his main purpose was there to collect and explain the Buddhist notices of the early Jain creed and doctrine, and less attention was paid to the historical facts possibly to be extracted from these narratives, I shall here dwell upon some of these passages again. As the Pali Canon was, of course, brought into its present shape at a time far posterior to the events related in it, it cannot always be absolutely trusted. But there seems to be rather strong evidence for thinking the main facts related in it to have really occurred, as they are represented there. The well-known introduction to the Samannaphalasutla (D.N.I. p. 47, sq.), telling us. how king Ajata atru of Magadha paid visits to one after another of the six heretical teachers Pura a Kassapa, Makkhali Gosala, Ajita Kesakambala, Pakudha Kaccayana, Sanjaya Belathiputta and Nigantha Nataputta to hear their doctrines, and at last discontented with all he had learnt took refuge with Buddha may be a little exaggerated, as it is not very credible that Ajatasatru saw seven great teachers after each other in one single night29. But the 27 Passages where Nat(h)aputta is merely mentioned without anything being told about him are for instance CV.V, 8,1; D N. II., p. 150 ; M. N. I., pp. 198, 250 : II., p. 218.; he is called in Buddhist Sanskrit Nirgrantho Jnatiputrah, e.g. Divyavad p. 143 ; Mahavastu I. pp. 253, 257; III, p. 383. 28 The late L. Feer J. A. Ser. VIII, t. XII, 209 sq. held the opinion, taken from the Papaficas idani (v. J. A. 1887, p. 324 n.) that Mahavira never met Buddha, but this is apparently a mistake not to be upheld. 29 The Mavh. Nik. II., p. 2 sq. tells us how the six heretical teachers once spent the rainy season in RAiagrha at the same time as Buddha. Mahavira spent fourteen of his war as there according to Kalpas. $ 122. But the visit of Ajata atru is said in D.N. to have taken place in the full moon of Karttika (about Nov. 1) after the end of the rainy season. However, it seems quite possible that it may refer to the same event.

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JULY, 1914) THE DATE OF MAHAVIRA 127 Wam content of it is undoubtedly true, as much as we can control the facts told concerning the doctrines of at least two of the teachers, Gosala and Nataputta, by comparison with Jain writings.30 Moreover, the Jain writings, e. g., the Aupapatikasutra $ 39 sq., tell us of visits paid by king Kaniya or Koniya (Ajatasatru) to Mahavira ; and although there are no facts from which to conclude that it is the same visit as that alluded to by the Digha Nikaya,31 there are sufficient instances to prove that the imagination of Ajatasatru paying visits to Mahavira was quite familiar with Jain writers. In Majjhima Nikaya I, p. 92 sq., Buddha tells his relative, the Sakya prince Mahanaman, of a conversation which he had once had with some Nirgrantha ascetics in the neighbourhood of Rajagrha. These disciples of Mahavira praised their master as all-knowing and allseeing, etc.; and there is nothing remarkable in this, for the claim of possessing universal knowledge was a main characteristic of all these prophets, Mahavira as well as Gosala, Buddha as well as Devadatta. Moreover, there are other instances in the Pali Canon where Mahavira is praised in the same way by his followers; so in Majjh. Nik. II, 31, where Sakuludayi in Rajagraba, ind. II, 214 sq., where some Nirgrantha monks, and in Anguttara I, 220, where the Licchavi prince, Abhaya, in a conversation with Ananda in Vesali, eulogizes Nataputta in the same way. But all these passages speaking in a quite familiar way of Nataputta, his doctrines ard his followers seem to prove, that the redactors of the Buddhist canonical writings had a rather intimate knowledge of the communication between Buddhists and Jains in the lifetime of Gotama and Mahavira. The passage in the Mahavagga VI, 31, i sq., speaking of the meeting in Vesali32 of the general Siha, who afterwards became a lay-disciple of Buddha, with Nataputta has been discussed by Professor Jacobi in S. B. E. XLV, p. XVI sq., and also the well-known Upalisutta of the Majjhima Nikaya (1, p. 371 sq.). Here it is related at considerable length, how Upali,who was a lay-follower of Nataputta, went to see Buddha at a time when the two teachers dwelt at Nalanda33 in order to try to refute him on matters of doctrine. But this attempt had only a scanty result ; for Buddha soon converted Upali, and made him his disciple. So Upali went back to his house in Rajagrha, and told his door-keeper no more to admit the Nirgranthas. When Mahavira afterwards came with his disciples to see him, Upali declared to his former teacher the reason of his conversion, and eulogized Buddha, his new master. The text finishes with the following words: atha kho Nigganhassa Nataputtassa Bhagavato sakkaram asahamanassa tatth' eva unham lohitam mukhato ugganchiti, but then and there hot blood gushed forth from the mouth of Niggantha Nataputta, since he was not able to stand the praise of the venerable one.' Much stress has been laid on this passage, as several scholars have combined it with the story told in D. N.III., 117 sq. 209 sq. and Majjh. N. II., 243 sq.34 that Nataputta died in 30 Of. concerning the doctrines attributed to Nataputta (DN. I. 57 sq.) Jacobi S. B. B. XLV, p. XX sq. and concerning Gosala (D. N. I. 53 sq.) ibd. XXIX and Dr. Hoernle's admirable treatise in Hasting's Encyclopaedia Vol. I., p. 259 sq. (also Uvisagadasdo App. II.) 31 The Aupapatika Satra speaks of Kupiya as residing in Campa, the Digha Nikdya places the meeting in R&jagpha. The visit of Ajatakatru alluded to in Uvas. I. $ 7 (quoted by Mr. Vincent A. Smith, Early History p. 41 n.) refers also to Campa. Of this I shall speak later on. 32 The passage is repeated in Arg. Nik. IV, p. 180 sq. 33 In the $ 122 of the Kalpasdira quoted above Mahavira is said to have spent fourteen rainy seasons in Rajagtha and the suburb (odhirikd) of NAlanda. This was a famous place even with the Jains, cp e. g. Satrakranga II, 7. (8BE.XLV, 419 sq.). 31 Of. Chalmers, J.R. A. 8. 1895, p. 666 sq.

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128 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JULY, 1914. Pava, while Buddha stayed at Samagama in the land of the Sakyas. It has been concluded from this, that Mahavira died a very short time after the interview with Upali.36 I cannot here dwell upon the Buddhist record of Mahavira's death, which I shall discuss later on; but I wish here to lay stress on two facts in connexion with the tale of Upali, and the death of his former teacher. The first is that, although the place where Mahavira is nowadays said to have died is a small village called Papapuri, about 3 miles from Giriyak in the Bihar part of the Patna district, 30 it is quite clear from D. N. III, 117 sq. &o., that the Buddhists thought it to be identical with the town Pava, in which Buddha stayed in the house of Cunda on his way to Kusinara; for it is said to have been in the land of the Sakyas, and this is at a considerable distance from Rajagrha, where Mahavira had his interview with Upali. It will have been rather far to walk, if Mahavira had really been so ill as to die soon afterwards. And as, according to the Kalpasitra $$ 122-123, Mahavira spent the whole of his last rainy season, nearly four months, in "King Hastipalas office of the writers "at Pava, he must have lived at least nearly half a year after the interview with Upali, if we could trust the story that he died as a consequence of it. And for the second, we are told absolutely the same story of hot blood gushing forth from the mouth concerning Devadatta in C. V. VII, 4, 3, and that at an occasion when he like Mahavira had real reason to be very excited. And in the old texts it is nowhere stated, that he died as a consequence of it, although later reports used by Spence Hardy and Bigandet seem to think so.37 From this I venture to draw the conclusion, that Mahavira's death stood originally in no connexion with, and was by no means a consequence of his interview with, his apostate follower Upali. In the Abhayakumarasutta (M.N.I., 392 sq.) it is stated that prince Abhaya was asked in Rajagrha by Nigantha Nataputta to go to Buddha, and put to him the question, whether it was advisable or not to speak words agreeable to other people. By this a trap was to be laid out for him ; for if he answered 'no' he would, of course, be wrong, and if he answered * yes,' Abhaya ought to ask, why he had in such fierce terms denounced Devadatta and his apostasy. I admit, that too much weight should not be attached to this passage, as another closely similar instance occurs elsewhere in the Pali Canon38 ; but, as it can, by no means, be proved to be worthless, it seems to involve the conclusion, that Mahavira was still alive after the apostasy of Devadatta. This event is probably with justice thought by Professor Rhys Davids 39 to have taken place about ten years before the death of Buddha himself. Professor Jacoblo has called attention to the fact, that Buddha and his followers are not mentioned in old Jain scriptures, which is rather strange, the heads of both churches being pan. 35 That Nataputta diod shortly after the dispute with Upali is expressly stated by Spence Hardy, Manual of Buddhism, p. 280 but from late sources. Cp. Jacobl Kalpas, p. 6. 36 Comp. Imp. Gaz. of India, Vol. XX, p. 381. 57 of. SBE. XX, 259 n. Another instance proving the same fact is afforded by the history of Seijaya, the teacher of Sariputta and Mogallana ; in the Mahavagga I, 24, 3, he is said to have vomited hot blood, when his disciples abandoned him, but nothing is told about his death, which cannot have ocourred then, if I am right in my suggestion that he was the same person as the teacher S. Belatthiputta. But Boal and Bigandet tell us, that he died immediately afterwards, which is, however, directly contradicted by Spenoo Hardy, Manual p. 202. Op. 8. B. E. XIII, 149 n. 1. >> Vis., in Samy Nik. IV., 322 eq. where we are told that Buddha and Nataputta were staying in NalandA at the same time during a severe famine; when the latter asked his lay-follower the squire (gamani) Asibandhakaputta (cf. ibd. p. 317. sq.) to go to Buddha and ask him, whether he deemed it right to have all bis monks there at that time devouring the food of the poor people. 39 Vide Hastings Encyclopaedia Vol. IV, p. 676. 40 Kalpas, p. 4

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JULY, 1914 THE DATE OF MAHAVIRA 129 contemporaries, and has drawn from this the conclusion that the Buddhists were of no great importance at the time of Mahavira. However, I cannot fully subscribe to this conclusion, the premise not being quite correct; for the Buddhists are undoubtedly mentioned amongst other sects in some places of the Siddhanta.11 Moreover, this may be partly due to the composition of the Jain Canon itself. Undoubtedly Buddha was a rival of Mahavira, and a dangerous one, too, but he never played in regard to him the same part of a treacherous and hated enemy as did Gosala Mamkhaliputta, who went straight away from Mahavira and founded a new sect of his own, and, moreover, proclaimed himself to have reached the stage of a prophet (tirthakara) two years before his former teacher. To a religious congregation still in its infanthood this may have proved a most fearful blow, and so we must not wonder at all the imprecations which the Jain Canon lavishes upon this philosopher, 12 whom even Buddha is said to have stigmatised as the worst of all evil-minded hereticg43. So Gosala may have been to the Jains of early time a far more important person than even Buddha. Moreover, the Jain canonical scriptures themselves, brought undoubtedly into their present shape at a much later time than the Pali Canon, 44 are wholly out of comparison with the sacred lore of the Buddhists. Far it be from me to suggest that any earlier stories about Buddha and his doctrine have been cancelled by the redactors-an hypothesis by no means to be upheld. But I desire to call attention to two facts, offering perhaps to some degree an explanation of what is remarked by Professor Jacobi : (1) The Dretivada is lost, and it may have contained-I cannot absolutely say that it didsomething concerning the Buddhists, as it is clear already from its name that it dealt with other doctrines.45 (2) The schematistical style of the present Siddhanta itself excludes to a great extent the possibility of finding in it such statements as the one required, it being in my opinion only fragments-in some parts, to be sure, to a large extent worked out in a most abominable style--and register-like versus memorials detached or perhaps better preserved from what was the original canon. I cannot dwell further here upon this topic, which I hope to treat more fully elsewhere.16 I have merely wished to draw attention to some facts, which may perhaps account to a certain degree for what is remarked by Professor Jacobi. I shall presently refer to some instances from the Buddhist scriptures showing the rather intimate knowledge which they seem to possess concerning the Jains. Most such passages--mainly dealing with matters of doctrine-have already been collected by Professor Jacobi ; some few dealing with rather trifling things may be added as giving further proof, if needed, of the well-established fact, that Buddhists and Jains must have lived in close contact with each other during the first growth of both churchog, i.e., in the lifetime of their founders. 41 Of.e.g. Weber Ind. Stud. XVI, 333, 381 and Satrakrtanga II, 6, 26 sq. (S.B.E. XLV, p. 414 sq.). 42 Cf. Bhagavati book XV summarised by Dr. Hoernle in his Uvisa gadasao, App. I. 43 Vide Ang. Nik. I., 33, 286. 4 The previous existence of the fourteen parvas, the circumstance that the angas are incomplete, the D stivada being lost, and the blank denial amongst the Digambaras of the authority of the present Svetam. bara Canon are all facts pointing to the rather late origin of the Siddhanta, as it is handed down to us. 45 To Professor Jacobl (S.B.E. XXII, p. X! V ff.) the main reason for the loss of the 14 yarvas--which constituted the main part of the Drivdda--is that they dealt with the doctrines of Mahavira's opponente, but I do not think this suggestion quite acceptable. Another less credible explanation is offered by Weber Ind. Stud. XVI, 248; cf. also Leumann Actes du VIe Congres des Orient, III, 559. 46 In the introduction to an edition of the Uttaradhyayanastra, which is in preparation.

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130 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JULY, 1914. That the Jains designate their spiritual masters by the title arhat is well known, and this title occurs already in the Edict of Kharavela, as far as I can see it in the expression : To samano va brahmaro va araha (ov. V.8, 1),47 must mean a Jain. Moreover, it should be noticed that the Pali Canon gives to Nataputta and the other five heretical teachers the titles ganin, ganacariya, ganassa sattha (Samy Nik. I., 66) and titthakara, which are never, as far as I know, attributed to Buddha, 48 but are quite suitable for the Jain prophet; for gana seems to have denoted in old times the sections of the Jain community, and to have been identical with the more modern gaccha, and tirthakara is the most common title of Mahavira, which was claimed by Gosala too. One might perhaps doubt a little, whether this really proves anything, since the same titles are used for all these teachers. But we must remember that Gosala, the most important of all after Mahavira, was himself a former disciple of the latter, and had claimed himself to have already before his teacher attained to saintship. Moreover, these two are mentioned together with Pakudha Kaccayana and Purana Kassapa in a verse, which seems to be really old, in Samy Nik., II., 3, 10, 6, a circumstance perhaps of some weight. And Buddhaghosa asserts expressly in the Sum. Vilas. I, 144, that Pakudha was situdakapatikhitto, i. e., forbade the use of cold water (like Mahavira), and deemed it a sin to cross a river or even a pool on the road (nadim va maggodakam va atikkamma silam me bhinnan-ti); another point of his doctrine has been discussed by Professor Jacobi in SBE. XLV, p. XXIV sq. As for Porana Kassapa, nis doctrines, as expounded in DN. I., 52 sq., do not show any resemblance at all with Jainism; but it is perhaps nevertheless worth notice, that two circumstances seem to hint at a somewhat closer connexion between Parana and Gosala : in Sum. Vilas. I., 142 is told a story explaining the reasou, why Parana was a naked ascetic, and this story is undoubtedly similar to the legend concerning Gosala, ib. p. 14450 ; and the well-known division of mankind into six classes (Jati), the black, the blue, etc.,01 by Gosala is ascribed in Ang. Nik. III, 383 to Purana, which is perhaps no mistake, but indicates that he really shared the opinion of Gosala. Moreover, Gosala denied the very existence of karman (n'atthi kammam etc., DN.), and Purana seems to do much the same, as he asserts, that a man could commit murder and slaughter without running into any sin, and likewise do meritorious works without storing up good karman. His leading maxim seems to be included in the words: nasti papam nasti punyam. So it seems at least probable, that there was some degree of connexion between these four teachers, Mahavira, Gosala, Pakudha and Parapa, however they may have differed on some points of doctrine, and their adherents may well have been divided into ganas as were those of the Jains.52 47 The title arhat is extremely rare as a designation of heretics in the Buddhist scriptures; cf. Rhys Davids in Hastings' Encyclopaedia I, 774. 48 Observe the difference in the Samannaphalasutta (D. N. I, 47 sq.) between the attributes of the horetical teachers and of Buddha, which are here seen in close connexion with each other. 19 Cp. Hoernle in Hastings' Encyclopaedia I, 261 concerning the relations between Pakudha and Gosala. 50 This legend is givon by Dr. Hoernle Uvds. App. II, p. 29; Of. Spence Hardy Manual p. 301. 51 Cf. Sum. Vilis, 1, 162; Hoornle in Hastings' Encyclopaedia I. 262. I have treated of this theory and the lesyd doctrine of the Jains in a paper, called the Leey theory of the Jains and Ajivikas' printed in 'Sertum philologicum C. F. Johansson oblatum,'Upsala 1910, p. 19 ff. 52 I cannot account for the two others viz., Ajita Kesakambala and Sanjaya Belatthiputta. Ajita seems to have been a mere materialist, denying not only the existence of & soul but also every thought on another life. The assertion in the Dulva (Rock:ll Life of Buddha p. 103), that he shared the doctrine of Gosala is not worth much compared with the passage of the Digha Nikaya. As for Sanjaya, I think he is in Mahav. I, 23-24 as the teacher of Sariputta and Moggal. lane. If this is right, he was undoubtedly & Brahman; to judge from the D.N. I., 58 sq., he seems to have boon & sophist, mostly trying to display his rhetorical skill. 8. the pariurdiala

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JULY, 1914) THE DATE OF MAHAVIRA 131 That MahAvira was a naked ascetic is stated already by the Acaraiga I, 8, 1 sq. In this respect he differed from his predecessor Parava, who had allowed the wearing of two garments.53 Gosala too was a naked mendicant, and seems to have laid down nakedness as a rule for his followers, the a jivikas, whilst Mahavira probably let open to his disciple the choice between nakedness and wearing of garments. The Buddhist scriptures frequently speak of naked mendicants, and especially denote the a jivikas as such, e.g., Mahavagga VIII, 15, 3, I, 38, 11 ; 70, 2; CV. VIII, 28, 3; Niss. VI, 2; Samy. Nik. II. 3, 10, 7 etc. But in some of these instances the naked friars are only called titthiya (tirthika), and might well be followers of Mahavira. Moreover, in the report of the 'six classes of Gosala and Parana a difference is made between the nirgranthas of one garment', the householders in white clothes, followers of the naked ascetics' (gihi odalavasana acelakasavaka), and the naked ascetics or ajivikas, which shows, that the Buddhists knew wall the different schools of their rivals. It is very often spoken of the acelas or acelakas, without further definition, and acela is a favourite word with the Jains In (Ang. Nik. I, 206) the nirgranthas are said to command their lay followers to strip themselves naked on the uposa ha days. In CV.V., 10, 1, it is said, that a monk had a water-bowl made of a gourd and the people seeing him said just like the tirthikas'. Now in Acaranga II, 6, 1, 1 it is permitted to the Jains to have bowls made of gourdg5s, and so this may really point to them 5c and in M. V. IV, 1, 12, there are monks keeping the mu gavrata or vow of silence,' which reminds us of the Gotra, where the vow of silence is practised (monapadam gottan), an expression denoting the Jain church in Sutrakrtaiga I, 13, 9 (SBE. XLV, p. 321). There are certainly other instances, too, proving the same fact, viz., that the Buddhists in very early times had an intimate knowledge of the life and institutions of their opponents, the Nirgranthas or Jains, but I shall not linger over the discussion of these passages. From what has been said above, taken together with the previous instances, supplied by Professor Jacobi and other scholars, may be concluded, that not the slightest doubt is any longer possible as to the fact, that Mahavira and Buddha were different persons, contemporaries and founders of rival communities of monks. But, if we believed the Jain tradition to be right, when it asserts the death of Mahavira to have taken place 470 years before Vikrama, or 527 B. c., we might well doubt whether this is possible. For the death of Buddha, the date of which was first, and in my opinion rightly fixed by General Cunningham and Professor Max Muller, occurred in 477 B. C. ; and as all sources are unanimous in telling us, that he was then 80 years old, he must have been born in 557 B. c. From this is clear, that if Mahavira died 527 B.C. Buddha was at that date only 30 years of age, and as he did not attain Buddhahood, and gain no followers before his 36th year, i. e., about 521 B. c., it is quite impossible that he should ever have met Mahavira. Moreover, both are stated to have lived during the reign of Ajatasatru, 53 Cf. for instance Uttaridhy. XXIII, 13. 51 In this chapter is a curious instance of coincidence between Buddha and Goala, which may undoubtedly have been taken by them both from some Brahmanical source. For in $2 it is told that in a certain night there rose up a catrudipiko mahamegho and rain fell, on which occasion Buddha said to his disciples : Yatha bhikkhave Jelavano ixissati evan catasu dipesu vassati, ovased petha bhikhhave kdyam, ayam pacchimako catuddipiko mahamegho, o monks, as well as in Jetavana it rains now in the four continente. Strip yourself naked, O monks, for this is the last great cloud over all the four continents.' This 'last' great rain reminds us instantly of the last tornado,' one of the eight finalitios' (attha caramdim) of Gusala, of. Bhagavali p. 1254 sq. and Hoernle in Hastings' Encyclopaedia I, 263. 55 cf. also Aupaput. $ 79, VIL * In the same chapter monks are told to have had waterbowls made of sculls, which seems con zoquently to have been the use of 60. seots already in very early times.

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132 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY who became king eight years before the death of Buddha, and reigned 32 years; this makes it even more impossible to believe in the dates mentioned above. So either the date of Mahavira must be moved nearer the commencement of our era, or that of Buddha must be moved backwards. However, the date 527 B. c. is a traditional one, and the date 477 B. O, only a calculated one, so perhaps some one might find it easier to doubt the correctness of the latter. Moreover, the year of Buddha's death has been in some researches of the most recent years moved some years backwards : to 486 or 487 B. c. by Mr. Vincent A. Smith and others, or to 482-83 B. c. by Dr. Fleet. If this were really correct, there might be a possibility-but not more-of the correctness of the date 527 B. c. for Mahavira ; but I do not believe in these alterations. I shall here once more examine the main facts for the calculation of Buddha's death, in order to give proof of my opinion, that the fixing of 477 B. c. as the year of the Great Nirvana by General Cunningham and Professor Max Muller was probably as near to correctness as we can possibly attain. The real chronology of India begins with Chandragupta after the invasion of Alexander. But the date of Chandragupta's accession or abhisheka is by no means absolutely fixed, varying between 325 and 312 B. c. according to different authorities. Moreover, the calculations of the time between Buddha and Chandragupta in old texts are not of great weight; and so I am convinced-sharing this opinion with M. Senart Ind. Ant. XX, 229 sq. and Mr. V. Gopala Aiyyer, ibd. XXXVII, 341 ff. amongst others--that it is only the inscriptions of Asoka that can afford us the possibility of obtaining a fixed starting point for the chronology. The suggestion of Buhler Ind. Ant. VI. 149 sq.; XXII, 299 sq. ; Ep. Ind. III, 134 sq. and Dr. Fleet J.R.A.S. 1904, p. 1 sq., that the number 256 at the end of the Siddapur, Sahasrain and Rupnath edicts denotes 256 years elapsed since Buddha's death, has been completely refuted by Dr. F. W. Thomas, J. A. 1910, p. 507 sq., who has proved with undeniable evidence that this passage means that Asoka himself had been away from home 256 nights, when he had the edict published.57 Incredible as the suggestion was before the appearance of this article--for it is not very probable that Asoka should have denoted his spiritual master by the epithet vyutha, never used elsewhere, while on the Lumbini pillar he employs the well-known epithets Buddha, Sakyamuni and Bhagavant--it has now totally lost all chronological importance. But M. Senart had long before found the starting point in the 13th Rock-Edict, where Asoka speaks of the Yona king Amtiyokas, and the four kings beyond his realm, Turamaya, Amtikina, Maka and Alikasudara, and I foliow him in this. Lassen Ind. Alt. II., 254 sg. had previously remarked, that the kings in question are Antiochos II Theos, king of Syria (261246 B. o.), Ptolemaios II of Egypt (d. 247 B. C.), Antigonos Gonatas of Macedonia (d. 239 B. o.), Magas of Cyrene (d. 258 B. c.) and Alexander of Epirus (d. probably 258 B. c.). Now the Rock Edicts were published when Asoka had been anointed 12 years, i.e., in the 13th year after his coronation, and no one can doubt or has doubted, as far as I know, that in the Ed. XIII he speaks of these five kings as alive. As he sent missionaries to them all, and stood, to judge from this, in a rather intimate connexion with them, it is impossible to suppose, that he should not have known one or two years after 258 B. C., that two of them were dead, one amongst these (Magas) being, moreover, a close relative of Ptolemaios; and the latter was one of the mightiest kings of his time, who had himself despatched the ambassador Dionysios to # The conclusion of Dr. Floot, J. R. A. S. 1910, p. 1301 sq. based on the acceptance of the reading of Dr. Thomas is totally untonablo. The 256 days are explained in the only possible way by M. Lovi, J. A. 1917 p. 119 sq. 38 of. Rock-Ediot II, where probably the same kings are intended.

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JULY, 1914] THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA 133 Bindusara or even to Asoka.59 So the 13th year of Asoka must fall after 261 B. C., the accession of Antiochos Theos, and before 258 B. c., the death of Magas and, probably, of Alexander (if the last did not die even earlier). If, thus, the 13th year fell between 260-258 B. c., the year of the coronation must have been 272-270 B. C., and as Aboka had been, according to a unanimous tradition amongst the Buddhists, king four years before his coronation, his father Bindusara must have died between 276 and 274 B. C. * This calculation is founded on the irrefutable basis of contemporaneous monuments. But now the Chronicles of the Buddhists tell us, that Asoka was anointed king in the 218th year after Buddha, after having put to death his 99 brothers.co If this statement were to be trusted, it would with certainty fix the death of Buddha in 489-487 B. c. But it cannot be taken as evidence, because it is contradicted by another notice in these same chronicles.ci I shall explain here what I think to be wrong in their calculations. Brahmanical, Buddhist and Jain tradition alike epeak of king Bimbisara of Rajagrha, and his son and successor Ajatasatru, whom the Jains call Kuniya or Koniya. And the oldest documents of the Buddhists tell us, that this Bimbisara was the contemporary of Buddha, and was put to death by his son Ajata atru eight years before the Nirvana. This Bimbisara was according to the Purawas the fifth sovereign belonging to the Saisunaga dynasty and reigned 28 years; but the Dipavamsa III, 56-61 and the Mahavamsa II, 25 sq. tell us that he was born five years after Buddha, was made king at the age of fifteen, and reigned 52 years. This is however of ro great importance, as Bimbisara died before both Buddha and Mahavira. After Bimbisara came Ajatasatru (or Kupika), reigning for 25 years according to the Purana, and 32 according to the Ceylonese chronicles. Buddha died when he had been king for eight years. But here the coincidence, even in names between Brahmanical and Buddhist records ceases, for the Pura na tells us that Ajatasatru was succeeded by a king, called Harsaka or Darsaka, who reigned 25 years, and whose successor was called Udaya, and reigned 33 years, while the Buddhists call the successor of Ajatasatru Udayibhadda (DN.) or Udayabhaddaka (Dipav., Mahav.), and give him a period of 16 years, and the Jains call him Udayin and attribute to him a rather long reign.c3 (To be continued.) THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA. BY V. RANGACHARI, M.A., L.T., MADRAS. (Continued from page 118) The Palayams of Kongu. The Kongu country (Salem and Coimbatore) remains now to be noticed. The Madura MSS mention only three Palayams here, namely, Tali of the Ettula Naiks, Talaimalai of the Ramachandra Naiks, and Dharamangalam of the Ghetti Mudaliars; but the Mackenzie MSS contain the history of more than a score of Kongu Polygars,78 who 59 Cf. V. A. Smith Early History, p. 139. 0 That this is refuted by the Rock-Ed. V., where Acoka speaks of his brothers, was noticed by M. Senart Ind. Ant. XX, 256 sq. 61 I attach no importance whatsoever to the assertion of the northern Buddhists, that Asoka lived 100 years of the Nirvapa. This is a valueloes as the statement that Kaniyla lived 400 years after Buddha, a suggestion certainly to be viewed only in connexion with the former one. 62 This may have been his real name, as avouched by the oldest Buddhist and the Jain tradition 3 Upon this I shall deal further on. 78 All these are in Mack MSS, local tracta, BKS. IV, XVII, XVIII and XIX. They have been translated in Appendix VII and a reference to it will give an idea of the topography, the history, eto. of the Palayams. It is unnecessary to dwell upon them here.

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134 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JULY, 1914. acknowledged the supremacy of the Naiks of Madura. The majority of these Kongu Polygars were not Tottiyan Naiks, but Canarese Kavusdans. Comparative nearness to the Canarese country naturally exposed this province from very early times to Canarese invasions and immigrations. It was on account of this that the establishment of the Hoysala as well as Vijayanagar supremacy was earlier here than furtherio south. It is not surprising therefore that when Visvanatha established the Naik kingdom of Madura and extended it over Kongu, he had to either suppress or conciliate these Kavunda chiefs, as he had to do with the Maravas and Palis of Tinnevelly. The Kavundans were Canarese, but it is curious that their chronicles say that they were Ve!!alas of Tondamandalam. They assert that about so "Kali 1100," a certain Cheraman Perumal married a Chola princess and she took with her 8,000 families of these Vellalas as her followers; and that these divided the Kongu country into 24 Nadus, over each of which they placed a Kayundan. The chiefs served the Chola, Pandya or Chera kings as the political exigencies of the day demanded. Indeed they were not infrequently subject to Mysore. They had in this manner occupied the Kongu country for centuries; and they, as we shall presently see, were conciliated by the Naik rulers of Madura. It is not possible to go into the details of the histories of these Kavundans, but a very brief reference to them may not be out of place. There was, in the first place, the able Venu Udaya Kavundan of Kakavadi;$1 the Mannadiar of Kadayur, again, the chief whose ancestor Kangyan, we are informed, distinguished himself in the Kangyam Nadu as early as Kali 557 ! The Vallal Kavundan of Manjarapuram, again, whose ancestor gave his country the name of Talai Nadu-"country of heads"--from his habit of using the skulls of his numerous opponents for ovens! There was the valiant Vanava Raya Kavundan of Samattur, whose namesake and ancestor, Piramaya Karundan, had dared, in order to get an interview with the Raya in Vijayanagar, to cut off of the ears, horns and tail of the Raya's fighting bull, and who, on account of his proud refusal to bow to the Raya, acquired the title of Vasangamudi Kavunda Raya! The MS history of this chief says that Vaiyapuri Chinnoba Naik of Virupakshi was only a Veda relation and nominee of his ! Another prominent chief was the Kalingaraya Kavundan of the village of Ottukuli on the Anaimalais, the 9th of whose line was soon to wait on Visvanatha Naik in Madura, and accompany him, like a faithful vassal, in the war with the five Pandyas. The Niliappa Kavundas of Nimindapatti had a fairly extravagant history. The first of them, it is said, served Kuna Pandya as a Sirdar and vanquished an "Oddiya" invader,-a feat which is attributed also to some other Kavunda chiefs. His descendant also was, like others, destined to acknowledge the Naik supremacy, and pay tribute. The most important of the Coimbatore chiefs, however, was the celebrated Ghetti Mudaliar of Dharamangalam. The MS history of his line says that, about s. 1400, two Mudaliar brothers, Kumara and Ghetti, were in the service of "the Karta's2 at Madura ; that the latter, a vain man, once admired himself by the use of the royal ornaments on his own person, and so fearing chastisement, left for the See the Kongudisa rdjakka! which attributes the Vijayanagar conquest to 1348-9. 80 The date is of course absurd. The dates given by the Kongu Polygar memoirs Are generally so. The chief of Kangyam, for example, is said to have lived in K, 557 and yet in the time of the Vijayanagar rulers ! 81 For a full account of the topography and history of all these Palayams se Appendix VII. 82 This is the term generally used to denote the king or governor in the Naik period.

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JULY, 1914] THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA 135 west, where the local chief of Amaravati, Kumara Veda by name, adopted him and, on his retirement, bequeathed to him the chiefdom of Dharamangalam! Another chief, Immadi Goppana Mannadiar of Poravipalayam, had a very respectable family history which goes back to still ancient times. It says that, immediately after the return of Kampana Udayar, the restored Pandya recognized the then Goppana as a chief. "In course of time, the Pandyan kingdom became extinct, and the Raya's power was extended throughout the south. The Raya then crowned Kottiyam Nagama Naik's son, Visvanatha Naik, as the king of the country east of the pass. Visvanatha when he came to Madura summoned all the Polygars, and Mansabdars of the country. Goppana Mannadiar went, and saw him and obtained his favour." The same was more or less the case with the Pallava Raya Kavundans of Thoppampatti, the Periya Kavundans of Masakur, the Choliyanda Kavundans of Sevvur, the Sakkarai Kavundans of Palayakottai, etc. These Kavundans, it should be mentioned, were recognized as feudal vassals by the later Naiks; but as in Tinnevelly, they were controlled by a number of Tottiya chieftains whom Visvanatha either established or raised from obscurity to grandeur. Thus came into existence the Deva Naiks of Avalampatti, the Samba Naiks of Samachuvadi, the Bomma Naiks of Andipatti, the Muttu Rangappa Naiks of Metratti, the Chinnama Naiks of Mailadi, the Dimma Naiks of Vedapatti, the Sottha Naiks of Sothampatti, the Sila Naiks of Tungavi, etc. Some of these were, as a reference to their histories in Appendix VII will shew, Polygars in the times which preceded the advent of Visvanatha Naiken in Madura, but they were definitely organized by him in the middle of the 16th century. The Castes and Creeds of the Immigrants. The Tottiyans. It may be asked to what caste and creed the immigrants belonged. The majority of the Telugu colonists were Tottiyans, or Kambalattars. Both the chiefs who migrated to the south and became83 Polygars, and their main followers were Tottiyans. Of a proud and virile community, they connected themselves in their legends with God Krishna. They declared that they were the descendants of the 8000 cowherdesses of Krishna, a tradition which indicates, as Mr. Stewarts surmises, that their original occupation was perhaps the rearing and keeping of cattle. Other circumstances also go to prove this. The names of their two most important subdivisions, Kollar and Erkollar, are simply the Tamil forms of the Telugu Golla and Eragolla, which denote the shepherd castes of the Telugu country. The subdivision of Killavars, again, is probably a corruption of the Telugu kildri, a herdman. The fact that the Tottiya bride and bridegroom are seated in their marriage ceremony, even now, on bullock saddles goes to prove the pastoral and agricultural life of their early ancestors. The extraordinary skill they display in the reclamation of waste lands is noticed in scores of Mackenzie MSS, which graphically describe the processes of their emigration with their herds of cattle. Besides agriculture, cattle breeding and 83 Nelson uses the term Vadugas to denote the immigrants. He subdivides them into Kavarers, Gollas, Reddis, Kammavars, and Tottiyans or Kambalas. Of these the last three were agricultural. See his Madu. Manual, p. 80. 84 Madr. Census Rep. 1891; Thurston's Castes and Tribes.

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136 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (July, 1914 fighting, the Tottiyans had other occupations $5 also. Almost all of them, men and women, were magicians. Indeed many of the Polygar memoirs assert that many chiefs owed their dignity and estate to their skill in magic. They were, in the popular opinion, experts in the cure of snake bites by magical incantations, and "the original inventor of this mode of treatment has been deified under the name of Pambalamman." (Stuart). It is impossible to go into all the divisions and subdivisions, endogamous and exogamous,80 into which the Tottiyan caste became divided. In Madura they were in three divisions,-the Vekkili or Raja Kambalattar, the Thokala and Erakolla. In Tinnevelly they were in six divisions. Each of these divisions again was further subdivided into septs. The Erakollas of the Palayam of Nilakkottai, for instance, formed a group of seven septs. There were similar groups in the Trichinopoly district. On the whole, there seem to have been, according to one MS, nine sub-castes or important 'septs--or Kambalams as they were called-included in the comprehensive term Tottiyan; and in the tribal council meetings, representatives of each of the nine Kambalams had to be present. Each of the Kambalams had a number of headmen. The Vekkilians, forming one of the Kambalams, had, for instance, three headmen called Mettu Naiken, Kodia Naiken and Kambli Naiken. The first of these acted as priest on ceremonial occasions such as the attainment of puberty, the performance of marriage rites and the conduct of the tribal worship of Jakkamma and Bommakka. The Kambli Naiken attended to the ceremonial and other duties relating to the purification of erring members of the community. The Kambalam was so called, it is said, "because, at caste council meetings, a kambli (blanket) is spread, on which is placed a kalalam (brags vessel) filled with water, and containing margosa leaves, and decorated with flowers. Its mouth is closed by mango leaves and a cocoanut." The Tottiyans were, as a rule, very conservative and did not yield to Brahmanical influence with ease. In the system of marriage after puberty, in the curious system of family polyandry which existed among them, in their preference of the Kodangi Naiken to a Brahman for their Guru, in the custom of allowing the tali to be tied on a bride's neck by any male member of the family into which she is married, in the eating of flesh, etc., we see the signs of primitive forms of social organisation still offering resistance to the assaults of Brahmanism and its patriarchal influence and monandrous marriage-bond. In their marriage customs they resembled the other Dravidian classes. They had the custom of marrying their boys to the daughter of their paternal aunt or maternal uncle. 85 A few, like the Kattu Tottiyans of the present day, were perhaps even then the dregs of Tottiyan society, and led the indolent and easy-going lives of vagrante, beggars, and snake-charmers. Some were pigbreeders, and the lowest class were Ormikarans or drummers, some peons and retainers, etc. They of course were held in contempt by the higher classes, and there was no interdining or intermarriage between them. As & whole, the Tottiyans south of the Kaveri believe themselves to be socially superior to those north of it. This is explained on the ground that the latter gave a girl to a Muhammadan in marriage. That is why they are said to address the Muhammadans with unusual intimacy. The legend shows that the southern Tottiyans were proud seceders from their northern brothers in protest of their intermarriage with a Muhammadan. See Trichi Gaz.; Castes and Tribes p. 187; Jadr. Gaz. 86 It is curious that the Tottiyans did not celebrate marriages in their own homes, but in pandals of green pongu leaves erected for the purpose on the village common. It is equally curious that on such occasions even the wealthiest ate only cambu and horse-gram. The sacredness of the pongu is due to the fact that it was by means of the pon ru tree that they were able to cross the floods of a river during their retreat from the pursuit of Muhammadans.

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JULY, 1914.] THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA 137 But in the arrangement of such a marriage they ignored even the most ridiculous disparity of age. Not unoften a tender youth found himself the husband of a grown up woman,-a circumstance which necessarily gave currency to primitive ideas of female morality, and to the belief, characteristic of the caste, that a woman might, and indeed should, have, in case she did not desire disaster or unhappiness, marital relations with the father and other male relations of the husband.57 The same reason must be at the basis of the notion prevalent in the caste that a woman loses purity only when she chooses #lover of a different caste. The woman found guilty in this manner, however, was instantly put to death through the hands of the despised Chakkiliyan, Divorce among the Tottiyans was easy and the remarriage of widows freely allowed; but the widow who did not avail herself of the permission and committed sati with her husband, was highly respected and even deified. The ladies of the Tottiyan Polygars5 frequently committed sati on the death of their lords. In religion the Tottiyans were chiefly Vaishnavites.59 A reference to the Appendices will she v that when the Tottiyan Polygars emigrated from the neighbourhood of Vijayanagar to the south, they carried with them the images of Ahobila Narasinga Peruma!, Tirupat. Venkatachalapati, and other Vaishnava deities Many curious legends are given in the MSS about these deities. The ancestor of the Kanniyadi Appaiya Naiks, for example, we are told, neglected his tutelary god at first; but the deity managed to get into his notice, brought about an interview between him and the Pandyan king through the instrumentality of a vision, and finally secured for him a Palayam; and this of course led the gratified adventurer to build a temple to his divine benefactor. Wherever the Tottiyans went, they built temples, sometimes of stone, but generally of brick or mud, and dedicated them either to Narasimha or Venkatachalapati. They had also their own minor household deities, which were chiefly the manes of departed relations, satis, or vestal virgins. The patron deities of the caste, Jakkamma and Bommakka, were women who committed sati. "Small tombs called Tipanjam-kovils were erected in their honour on the high roads, and at these oblations were offered once a year to the manes of the deceased heroines." Another deity, Virakaran, was derived from a bridegroom who was killed in a fight with a tiger. Pattalamma was the goddess who helped the tribe during their flight from the north. Malai Tamburan was the God of the Ancestors. Closely connected with the Tettiyans were their domestio servants or Parivarams, who formed a separate caste. Some of them were called Chinna Oliyams or lesser servants, as they discharged the comparatively low kind of duties, such as palanquin-bearing The Periya Oliyams or Maniyakarans had more honorable duties to perform. In their marriage customs, in the easy allowance of divorce, in the toleration of the loose marriage tie within the caste, in the recognised right of the Polygar to enjoy their women at will, and in the severity of the punishment inflicted on those who went astray with men of other castes, they in every way resembled the Tottiyans.no 87 Not unofton a family of several brothers had one wife,--a custom sanctioned by the tradition of the Pandavas. See Wilks I, p. 35; Thurston's Castes and Tribes; Madura Gas, etc. Madr. Manu. I, 282. $of the various chronicles of the Appendix. 89 Nelson, p. 81; the Polygar Memoirs, etc. % Soe Madu. Gagr. and Thurston's Castes. Excommunication was the punishment for immorality out side casto. A mud image of the offender was made and thrown away outsido the village as a sign of Bocial death.

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138 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JULY, 1914. The Reddis. Next to the Tottiyans, the Reddis01 were the most prominent Telugu colonists. But the Reddis came without their women; and on account of their marrying Tamil women, they became very much denationalised. They are in consequence an almost different community from the Reddis of the North. They occupied chiefly the region covered by the modern Trichinopoly district, and also parts of Coimbatore and Salem. It seems probable that they immigrated in two different waves. One of them married the women of the lower classes called Pongalas, and so came to be known as Pongala Reddis, while the other married dancing girls and came to be known as Panta Reddis. Next to the Vellalas in social rank, they considered themselves superior to all the other Tamil castes. They are a physically fine class, inaustrious and well behaved. Their chief occupation has been agriculture. Owing to some special social reason they were very friendly to the Chakkiliyans, who were allowed to take part in their marriage negotiations, accompanied their women on journeys, and had the right of receiving alms from them. The Reddis were only partially open to Brahmanical influence. They wore the sacred thread, for example; but this they did only at funerals. They did not allow their widows to marry again; but their ideas of chastity were very loose, except in the case of maids and widows. They had, again, for their deities, Yellamma, Rengaiyamman, Polayamman, and other such non-Brahmanical creations, for propitiating whom they indulged in certain very gruesome rites. The Teluguised Saurashtras. In a survey of the tribal migrations in South India during the Vijayanagar rule the important industrial community of the Teluguised Saurashtras, the clothiers and master-crafts-men of the Peninsula, cannot be ignored. Centuries back the original habitation of this people had been, as their spoken language Patnuli or Khatri shews, in Gujarat, or Sam ashtra. About the 5th Cent. 02 A.D. they, in response to the invitation of Emperor Kumara Gupta, the son of the famous Chandra Gupta Vikramaditya, immigrated to Malwa to practise there their art of silk-weaving. For centuries they stayed there. The Musalman invasion then deprived them of their royal patrons and induced them to cross the Vindhyas. In the kingdom of Devagiri they found welcome, but the Musalman Nemesis came there also, and the emigrants had to seek protection further South. The Empire of Vijayanagar had just then been formed and begun to attract to its magnificent capital everything that was grand and good in Indian religion, art, industry, and skill. The Saurashtras evidently found themselves a highly patronised community there. Nor is it surprising that they experienced such hospitality. The splendour of the imperial court, the gigantic establishment of the imperial harem, the royal practice of making presents to favourites and officers in gorgeous robes, and the love of luxury common in those days, contributed to the enormous increase in the demand for silk clothes; and the Saurashtras, assured of easy livelihood and substantial recompense, perfected their skill, and satisfied the emperors and the nobles. The period of the Saurashtras' stay in Vijayanagar, in consequence, was a period of unusual prosperity to them. It was evidently during this period that they enlarged their Khatri vocabulary by the addition of a large number of 91 The Reddis cr Kapus were the landlords and agriculturists of the Telugu country. For their customs see Godaveri Gaz. p. 55. For a fairly detailed description of them in the south see Trichi. Gaz., 117-18 and Thurston's Castes and Tribes. 92 Mandasor insc. of 473-4. See Madu. Gaz. p. 110, which beautifully summarises the history of the community.

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JULY, 1914] THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA 139 Telugu and Canarese words, and at the same time imbibed the customs and habits of the Telugus. With the advance of time, the Saurashtras, thanks to the close political relationship which, as we have seen, existed between Vijayanagar and the South Indian kingdoms, migrated, in large numbers, to the basins of the Kaveri and the Vaigai. Wherever there was a chiefdom or a viceroyalty, wherever there was likely to be a demand for fine robes and garments, wherever there as the surety of royal patronage, they settled. The Chola and Pandya kingdoms, the Kongu and Mysore regions, became in this way centres of industrial activity, and the silk and laced cloths of Madura especially became famous throughout the world. Other Telugu Communities. It is not possible to go into the history of the other Telugu communities who occupied the various parts of the South. It is plain that a number of Telugu Brahmans both of the Vaidika and the Niyogi classes, must have come to the South in the wake of the immigrating Polygars. Then again there were professional castes like the Uralis or Uppiliyans, 9+ the traditional manufacturers of salt and salt-petre; the Kavarais, many of whom were sellers and manufacturers of bangles - Telugu spinners, dyers and painters; the Seniyans or Telugu weavers ; Telugu barbers, leather workers, washermen; the fickle but industrious O dans, whose services in tank-digging and earth-working has made them highly useful in an age of utilitarian public works; the Dombans or jugglers; and lastly beggars attached to the superior castes. All these had generally their caste heads; and there were caste assemblies, which met at need and enquired into social complaints and grievances. These caste-assemblieso: freed the State largely from the necessity of administering justice as between persons of the same caste. Cases involving different castes or communities, however, came before the king for decision. As a matter of fact, each caste had its own self-government; and as each caste generally colonized in a separate village, caste government came to be more or less identical with village self-government, Canarese Immigrants. It has been already pointed out that the Telugus were not the only northerners who migrated to the South in this age. Side by side with them there came large numbers of Canarese, of all grades and professions of life. They were of course not so numerous as the Telugus, nor so influential, but they were none the less conspicuous in the northernising of the South. The districts of Coimbatore and Salem, in particular, the hilly regions which divided the kingdom of the Pandyans from Travancore, became the scenes of their colonisation. The vast majority of them were known by the caste title of Kappiliyans, while others were known as Anuppans. A number of traditions exist in connection with their migrations. The Kappiliyan tradition regarding their migration to this district is similar to that current among Tottiyans (whom they resemble in several of their customs), the story being that the caste was oppressed by the Musalmans of the north, fled across the Tungabadra and was saved by two pongu trees bridging an unfordable stream which blocked their escape. They travelled, say the legends, through Mysore to Conjeeveram, 3 Tho Saurashtras were so indispensable in silk-weaving that even Haidar Ali ostablished a colony of them in Mysore and gave them special facilities. 91 The habits and customs of all these can be fully understood from Thurston's Castes, which is based on all the information it is possible to get. 18 Nelson points out, for examplo, that panchayats or juries of loading mon decided civil disputes among Tottiyans. Examples may be multiplied, but are unnecessary.

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140 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JULY, 1914. thence to Coimbatore and thence to this district. The stay at Conjeeveram is always emphasised, and is supported by the fact that the caste has shrines dedicated to Kanchi Varadaraja Peruma!.96 The same, with slight modifications, is told of the Anuppans. Both the communities had a close resemblance to the Tottiyans in their customs and practices. Like the latter they carried the custom of marriage between a man and his paternal aunt's daughter to an absurd extreme, thereby reducing marriage to polyandry within the family, while prescribing severe chastisement to the exercise of it beyond it. Both were non-Brahmanical in their marriage rites, 97 though in detail they differed from one another. Both had very curious ceremonials to be done at the attainment of age by a girl. Both sanctioned the remarriage of widows, though the Kappiliyans seem to have been more restrictive in their regulations in regard to this. Early in their history they seem to have split up into those two endogamous divisions known as Dharmakatlu and Munukatu, into which they are divided even in the present day. Both the Canarese and the Tottiyans, again, worshipped satis, and observed festivals in their honour. The Kappiliyang however were not inclined to ancestor-worship to the same extent to which the Tottiyans were. Both were indifferent to the burial or burning of the dead. Both, again, had "an organisation mind," that is, had panchayats which settled all matters concerning them, the Jati Kavundan or Peria Danakkaran of the Canarese corresponding to the Mettu Naiken of the Telugus. Like the Tottiyan Polygars, the Kavundan chiefs of Kombai, Devaram and the adjoining Palayams had a number of parivarams or followers, who formed a distinct caste and closely imitated them in their customs and rites 0 The rise of Caste jealousies. The advent of the Vadugas into the Tamil lands was necessarily productive of occasional caste quarrels and popular disunions There had been enongh bickerings among the indigenous communities of the land, as between the Maravas and Kallas for example, the Vellalas and Pallis, the Pariahs and Pallas, and so on. There had been enough social unrest caused by the right and left hand disputes; and the range of those disputes was increased by the northerners. Proud and unscrupulous, the new colonists looked on the Tamils as a conquered race, while the Tamils, sullen and repentant, attributed their fall to want of organization and not of valour, and hated their late adversaries and present rulers. The hatred between the Marava aud Tottiya especially was inexhaustible, and conflicts between their chiefs in regard to their relative status seem to have been frequent. The Polygarmemoirs tell us of such squabbles, and they also glaringly illustrate the national solidarity of each community in opposing the other. The advent of the Saurashtras, again, was followed by certain social disputes between them and the Brahmans, which have not died even now. The great ambition of the Saurashtras was to get themselves recognised as Brahmans.100 Claiming to be the descendants of a sage named Tantravardhana, -literally one who improves threads, they adopted the titles of Aiyar, Aiyangar, Acharya, 'Sastri, etc., * Madu. Gaz. p. 108. For a comparison of the rites and ceremonies, see loi. cit. and Thurston, >> Among other Canarese tribes who immigrated to the Kongu country may be mentioned the Toroym. See Thurston and Salem Manual The literature on this subject is fairly voluminous, but it would be out of place to enter inoo the various theories which have been suggested in regard to them. Bee Madr, Manu. I, p. 69; Taylor's Rais. catal, III. 100 That is why they now object to being called Patnolkarans, which name, they say, belongs only to the seniya, Kaiko as and other 'low caste' weavers.

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JULY, 1914] THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA 141 to the indignation of the Tamil Brahmans. Taunted with the fact that their non-Brahmanical occupation was an incontrovertible proof of their non-Brahmanical birth, they skilfully gave currency to plausible legends which shewed that their occupation was a pure accident, was the result of a misfortune and not a symbol of their social status. They had a curse to that effect, they said, during their stay at Devagiri. Here, they say, they had occupied a number of streets on condition that they were to supply a number of silk cloths every year for the Dipavali festival to the goddess Lakshmi of the place; but the failure to do so on one occasion induced divine anger and the consequent decree that they ought not to be regarded as Brahmans. Another version, as given in the Skanda Purana, attributes their social degradation to the indignation of sage Durvasas, whose request to them to bear the cost of a temple they unwisely ignored. A third version says that once Indra performed a sacrifice in Saurashtra; that in the course of his religious observances he distributed monetary gifts to all Brahmans, but that the Saurashtras refused to take them in their unwise pride. The insulted god of the Devas thereupon cursed them to become poor, to be gluttons, and to swerve from Brahmanical ways of life. A fourth account attributes their social fall to Parasu Rama. It is said that he performed a ceremony to his father in Saurashtra, and invited the Brahmans of that region to it, but they refused. The sage therefore pronounced the decree that they should not only become poor, but leave their homes and wander without a settled home for centuries. More remarkable than these legends is the story of the Skanda Purana,-that the Delhi Emperor despatched one of his generals to bring certain Saurashtra women to his harem; that the Saurashtras resisted, but could hardly stand before their adversaries; that many of the ladies then committed sati, or were killed by their defeated husbands or brothers; that the Musalmans thereupon vowed to kill every Saurashtra Brahman in the country; that a horrible massacre ensued, and Saurashtra blood ran like water; that most of them preferred death to dishonour, but that about 7, 500 of them, more fond of life than of honour, bartered their safety for social dignity, cast away the sacred thread, pretended to be Vaisyas and traders, assumed Vaisya names and titles, and ultimately left their homes in search of new and happier homes. The account of Musalman oppression and consequent emigration may be true, but it is inconsistent with the theory of ancient emigration. Whatever the fact was, the Saurashtras never relaxed their efforts to demonstrate their alleged Brahmanical origin. The obstinacy of the southern Brahmans in denying it and the indifference of other classes who called them Chettis, only went to increase their efforts to declare their social rank. And they were not quite without success. Their light complexion, their handsome and regular features, their orthodoxy, their charities, their liberality in the maintenance of temples and the conduct of festivals, their assumption of Brahman titles, names and customs, and above all, the state patronage under which they lived, enabled them to counter-balance, to a certain extent, the opposite tendencies engendered by their occupation, by the observance of certain curious rites which shewed their foreign character, and by the sturdy conservatism of their women who clung, in spite of their husbands' movements with the times, to old customs, their old language, and their old methods of dressing. Not infrequently the disputes between the Saurashtras and the Brahmans reached an unpleasant crisis, and the State had to intervene. A remarkable instance of such a crisis and such an intervention occurred in the regency of Mangammal. We are informed that, in that reign, "eighteen of the members of the

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142 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JULY, 1914, (Saurashtra) community were arrested by the governor of Madura for performing the Brahmanical ceremony of upakarma, or renewal of the sacred thread. The queen convened a meeting of those learned in the Sastras to investigate the Patnulkarans' right to perform such ceremonies. This declared in favour of the defendants; and the queen gave them a palm leaf award accordingly, which is still preserved in Madura.1" From this time onward the caste followed "many of the customs of the southern Brahmans regarding food, dress, forms of worship and names, and has recently taken to the adoption of Brahmanical titles, such as Aiyar, Acharya and Bhagavatar.2 Similar acts of state interference or arbitration made the conflicts between the various communities less serious than they would otherwise be, and before long the close proximity of the conquerors and the conquered, the services of the former in exploiting the country and increasing its resources, the growth of mutual acquaintance, the community of action and interest as against outsiders, and other causes contributed to greater cordiality among them; and the advent of the Badugas thus came to mean no other thing than an innocent complication of an already highly complex plethora of castes and tribes. (To be continued.) THE PAHARI LANGUAGE 1 BY SIR GEORGE A. GRIERSON, K. C. I. E. The word 'Pahari' means 'of or belonging to the mountains,' and is specially applied to the groups of languages spoken in the sub-Himalayan hills extending from the Bhadrawah, north of the Panjab, to the eastern parts of Nepal. To its North and East various Himalayan Tibeto-Burman languages are spoken. To its wost there are Aryan languages connected with Kashmiri and Western Panjabi, and to its south it has the Aryan languages of the Panjab and the Gangetic plain, viz in order from West to East, Panjabi, Western Hindi, Eastern Hindi and Bihari. The Pahari languages fall into three main groups. In the extreme Last there is KhasKura or Eastern Pabari commonly called Naipali, the Aryan language spoken in Nepal. Next, in Kumaon and Garhwal, we have the Central Pahati languages, Kumauni and Gashwali. Finally in the West we have the Western Pahari languages spoken in Jaunsar-Bawar, the Simla Hill States, Kulu, Mandi and Suket, Chamba, and Western Kashmir. As no census particulars are available for Nepal we are unable to state how many speakers of Eastern Pahati there are in its proper home. Many persons (especially Gorkha soldiers) speaking the language reside in British India. In 1891 the number counted in British India was 24,262, but these figures are certainly incorrect. In 1901 the number was 143,721. Although the Survey is throughout based on the Census figures of 1891, an exception will be made in the case of Eastern Pahari, and those for 1901 will be taken, as in this case they will more nearly represent the actual state of affairs at the time of the preceding census. Madu. Gaz. I, p. 111. 2 Madu. Gaz. I, p. 111. 1 This article is an advance issue of the Introduction to the volume of the Linguistic Survey of India dealing with the Pahari Languages.

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JULY, 1914.] THE PAHARI LANGUAGE 143 Central and Western Pabari are both spoken entirely in tracts which were subject to the Census operations of 1891, and these figures may be taken as being very fairly correct. The figures for the number of Pahari speakers in British India are therefore as follows: Eastern Pahari (1901) .. .. .. . .. 143,721 Central Pahari (1891) .. .. .. .. .. 1,107,612 Western Pahari (1891) .. .. .. .. .. 816,181 TOTAL 2,067,514 It must be borne in mind that these figures only refer to British India, and do not include the many speakers of Eastern Pahari who inhabit Nepal. To these speakers of Western Pahari must be added the language of the Gujurs who wander over the hills of Hazara, Murree, Kashmir, and Swat and its vicinity. Except in Kashmir and Hazara, these have never been counted. In Kashmir, in the year 1901, the number of speakers of Gujuri was returned at 126,849 and in Hazara, in 1891, at 83,167, and a mongrel form of the language, much mixed with Hindostani and Panjabi is spoken by 226,949 Gujars of the submontane districts of the Panjab, Gujrat, Gurdaspur, Kangra, and Hoshiarpur. To make a very rough guess we may therefore estimate the total number of Gujuri speakers at, say, 600,000, or put the total number of Pahari speakers including Gujuri at about 2,670,000. It is a remarkable fact that, although Pahari has little connexion with the Panjabi, Western and Eastern Hinds, and Bihari spoken immediately to its south, it shows manifold traces of intimate relationship with the languages of Rajputana. In order to explain this fact it is necessary to consider at some length the question of the population that speaks it. This naturally leads to the history of the Khasas and the Gurjaras of Sanskrit literature. The Sanskrit Khasa and Gurjara are represented in modern Indian tongues by the words Khas, and Gujar, Gujar, or Gujur respectively. The mass of the Aryan-speaking population of the Himalayan tract in which Pahari is spoken belongs, in the West, to the Kanet and, in the East, to the Khas caste. We shall see that the Kanets themselves are closely connected with the Khasas, and that one of their two sub-divisions bears that name. The other (the Rao) sub-division, as we shall see below, I believe to be of Gurjara descent, Sanskrit literature contains frequenti references to a tribe whose name is usually spelt Khaia (CT), with variants such as Khasa ( ). Khasha (09), and Khasira (ure). The earlier we trace notices regarding them, the further north-west we find them. * See the continuation of this article in the next number. 3 Authorities on Kanet and Khas-Cunningham, Sir Alexander,--Archaeological Survey of India, Vol. XIV, pp. 126 ff. Ibbetson, Sir Donzil, Outlines of Panjab Ethnography (Calcutta, 1883), p. 268. Atkinson, E T.-The Himalayan Districts of the North-Western Provinces of India, Vol. II (forming Vol. XI of the Gazetteer, North-Western Province), Allahabad, 1884, pp. 268-70, 376-81, 439-42, etc. (see Index). Stein, Sir Aurel-Translation of the Raja-Tarangini, London, 1900, Note to i, 317, II, 430, and elsewhere (800 Index). Hodgson, B. H.-Origin and Classification of the Military Tribes of Nepal Journal of the Asiatio Society of Bengal II (1833), pp. 217 ff. Reprinted on pp. 37 ff. of Part II of Essays on the Languages, Li. terature and Religion of Nepal and Tibet (London, 1874). Vansittart, E.-The Tribes, Clans, and Caates of Nepdl. Journal of the Asiatio Society of Bengal, LXIII (1894), Part I, pp. 213 ff. Levi, Sylvain Le Nepal, Paris, 1905. Vol. I., pp. 257, ff., 261-267, 276 ff.; Vol. II, pp. 216 ff., etc. (see Index.) E.g. Mahabharata, VI, 375:-Darada) Kasmird) . . . . Khasirah, Dards, Kashmire, and Khairo. Regarding the equation of the last named with Khaies, of. Wilson, Vishpu Purdpa II, 184,

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144 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JULY, 1914. Before citing the older authorities it may be well to recall a legend regarding a woman named Khasa of which the most accessible version will be found in the Vishnu Purana, but which also occurs in many other similar works. The famous Kasyapa, to whom elsewhere is attributed the origin of the country of Kashmir, had numerous wives. Of these Krodhavas was the ancestress of the cannibal Pisitasis or Pisachas and Khasa of the Yakshas and Rakshasas. These Yakshas were also cannibals, and so were the Rakshasas. In Buddhist literature the Yakshas correspond to the Pisachas of Hinda legend." Another legend makes the Pisachas the children of Kapisa, and there was an ancient town called Kapisa at the southern foot of the Hindu Kush.8 That the Pisachas were also said to be cannibals is well known, and the traditions about ancient cannibalism in the neighbourhood of the Hindu Kush have been described elsewhere by the present writer. Here we have a series of legends connecting the name Khasi with cannibalism practised in the mountains in the extreme north-west of India, and to this we may add Pliny's remark10 about the same locality,-next the Attacori (Uttarakurus) are the nations of the Thuni and the Forcari; then come the Casiri (Khasiras), an Indian people who look towards the Scythians and feed on human flesh.' Numerous passages in Sanskrit literature give further indications as to the locality of the Khasas. The Mahabharata11 gives a long account of the various rarities presented to Yudhishthira by the kings of the earth. Amongst them are those that rule over the nations that dwell near the river Sailoda where it flows between the mountains of Meru and Mandara, i.e. in Western Tibet.12 These are the Khasas .. . . the Paradas (? the people beyond the Indus), the Kulindas13 and the Tanganas.14 Especially interesting is it to note that the tribute these people brought was Tibetan gold-dust, the famous pipilika, or ant-gold, recorded by Herodotus15 and many other classical writers, as being dug out of the earth by ants. In another passage10 the Khasas are mentioned together with the Kasmiras (Kashmiris), the inhabitants of Urasa (the modern Panjab district of Hazara), the Pisachas, Kambojas17 5 Wilson, II, 74 ff. 6 Bhagavata Purana, III, xix, 21. They wanted to eat Brahma himself! So Kalhana, Rajatarangini, i. 184, equates Yaksha and Pisacha. See note on the passage in Stein's translation. 8 Thomas in J. R.A. S., 1906, p. 461. 9 J. R. A. S., 1905, pp. 285 ff. 10 XVI, 17; McCrindle,-Ancient India as described in Classical Literature, p. 113. Is it possible that Thuni and Forcari' represent Hupa and Tukhara'? 11 II, 1822 ff. 12 II, 1858. Cf. Pargiter. Markandeya Purana, p. 351. 13 Vide post. 14 The Tayyavor of Ptolemy. The most northern of all the tribes on the Ganges. They lived near Badrinath. Here was the district of Taniganapura, mentioned in copper-plate grants preserved at the temple of Papdukesvara near Badrinath (Atkinson, op. cit. p. 357). 15 III, 104. 16 VII, 399. 17 According to Yaska's Nirukta (II, i, 4), the Kambojas did not speak pure Sanskrit, but a dialectic form of that language. As an example, he quotes the Kamboja tavati, he goes, a verb which is not used in Sanskrit. Now this verb favati, although not Sanskrit, happens to be good Eranian, and occurs in the Avesta, with this meaning of 'to go. We therefore from this one example learn that the Kambojas of the

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JULY, 1914.) THE PAHARI LANGUAGE 145 (a tribe of the Hindu Kush), the Daradas (or Dards) and the Eakas (Ecythians), as being conquered by Keishna. In another passage Duhasana leads a forlorn hope consisting of Sakas, 18 Kambojas, 18 Bablikas inhabitants of Balkh), Yavanas (Greeks), Paradas,18 Kulingas (a tribe on the banks of the Satlaj1'), the Tanganas,18 Ambashthas (of the (!) middle Panjab, probably the Ambastai of Ptolemy),29 Pisachas, Barbarians, and mountaineers.21 Amongst them, 22 armed with swords and pikes were Daradas, 23 Tangalas,23 Khasas, Lampakas (now Kafirs of the Hindu Kush),21 and Pulindas25 . We have already seen that the Khasas were liable to the imputation of cannibalism. In another passage of the Mahabharata, where Karna describes the Bahikas in the 8th book, they are again given a bad character.20 Where the six rivers, the Satadru (Satlaj). Vipasa (Bias), Iravati (Ravi), Chandrabharga (Chinab), Vitasta (Jehlam), and the Sindhu (Indus) issue from the hills, is the region of the Arattas, a land whose religion has been destroyed.27 There live the Bahikas (the Outsiders) who never perform sacrifices and whose religion has been utterly destroyed. They eat any kind of food from filthy vessels, drink the milk of sheep, camels, and asses, and have many bastards. They are the offspring of two Pisachas who lived in the river Vipasa (Bias). They are without the Veda and without knowledge. Hindu Kush spoke an Aryan language, which was closely connected with anoiont Sanskrit, but was not pure Sanskrit, and which included in its vocabulary words belonging to Eranian languages. We may further note that Yaske does not consider the Kambojas to be Aryans. He says this word is used in the language of the Kambojas, while only its (according to his account) derivative, fava, a corpoo, is used in the language of the Aryas. Again in the same passage Yaska states that the northerners use the word datra to mean & sickle'. Now we shall see that in Western Pabari and in the Pifache languages generally, tr continually become ch or sh. Thus the Sanskrit word putra, & son, becomes puch or push in Shipa. We may expect similar change to occur in regard to the word datra. This word actually ocenrs in Persian in the form Jde, but the only relation of it that has been noted in the Piadeha dialoota is the Kahmirl drot, whioh is enlly the same word as datra,with metathesis of the r. 18 See above. 19 1. e, if they are the same as the Kaliogas of Mark, P., LVII, 37. 20 VII, 1, 66. 21 VII, 4818. 22 VII, 4848. 23 See above. 24 Mark. P., LVII, 40, and Pargiter's note thereon. 25 There were two Pulindas, one in the south and another in the north. See Hall on Wilson, Vishnu P., Vol. II, p. 159. 26 VIII, 2032 ff. A clan of the Bahikas is the Jartikas (2034), who perhape roprement the modern Jatts. If they do, the passage is the oldest mention of the Jacta in Indian literature. 27 Note that their religion has been destroyed. In other words they formerly followed Indo-Aryan rites, but had abandoned them. They aro not represented as infidels ab initiu. In this passage the Arattas are mentioned in verses 2056, 2001, 2004, 2008, 2009, 2070, 2081, 2100 and 2110. The name is usually interpreted as meaning a people without kings', but this is a doubtful explanution

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146 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JULY, 1914. The Prasthalas, 28 the Madras, 30 the Gandharas (a people of the north-west Panjab, the classical Gandarii), the people named Arattas, the Khasas, the Vasatis, the Sindhus and Sauviras (two tribes dwelling on the Indus), are almost as despicable.30 In the supplement to the Mahabharata, known as the Harivansa, we also find referenoes to the Khasas. Thus it is said 31 that King Sagara conquered the whole earth, and a list is given of certain tribes. The first two are the Khasas and the Tukharas. The latter were Iranian inhabitants of Balkh and Badakhshan, the Tokharistan of Musalman writers. In another place, 32 the Harivasha tells how an army of Greeks (Yavanas) attacked Krishoa when he was at Mathura. In the army were Sakas (Scythians), Tukharas,33 Daradas (Dards), Paradas, 33 Taiganas, 33 Khasas, Pahlavas(Parthians), and other barbarians (Mlechchhas) of the Himalaya. Many references to the Khasas occur in the Puranas. The most accessible are those in the Vishnu and Markandeya Puranas, which have translations with good indexes. I shall rely principally upon these, but shall also note a few others that I have collected. The Vishnu Purdna34 tells the story of Khasa, the wife of Kasyapa, with her sons Yaksha and Rakshaga and her Pisacha stepson already given. It also tells (IV, iii) the story of Sagara, but does not mention the Khasas in this connexion, nor does the Bhagavata Purana in the corresponding passage (IX, viii). The Vayu Purana, on the other hand, in telling the story mentions the Khasas, but coupling them with three other tribes. Of these three, one belongs to the north-west, and the other two to the south of India, so that we cannot glean from it anything decisive as to the locality of the Khasas. A remarkable passage in the Bhagavata Purina (II, iv, 18) gives a list of a number of outcast tribes, which have recovered salvation by adopting the religion of Krishna. The tribes belong to various parts of India, but the last four are the Abhiras, 35 the Kankas, 86 the Yavanas, and the Khasas (v. 1. Sakas). Here again we have the Khasas mentioned among north-western folk. Again in the story of Bharata, the same Purdna tells how that monarch conquered (IX. xx, 29) a number of the barbarian (Mlechchha) kings, who had no Brahmans. These were the kings of the Kiratas, Hunas, Yavanas, Andhras, Kankas, Khasas, and Sakas. The list is a mixed one, but the last three are grouped together and point to the north-west. 23 Locality not identified. 29 In the Panjab, close to the Ambashshas (see above). Their capital was Sakala, the Sagala of Ptolemy. In verse 2049 of the passage quoted, we have & song celebrating the luxury of Sakala. "When shall I next sing the songs of the Bahikas in this Bakala town, after having feasted on cow's flesh, and drunk strong wine? When shall I again, dressed in fine garmente, in the company of fair-complexioned large sized women, eat much mutton, pork, beef, and the flesh of fowls, asses and camels? They who eat not mutton live in vain." So do the inhabitants, drunk with wine, sing." How can virtue be found among such a people ?" 30. At the time that the Satapatha Brahmand was written, the Bahfkas were not altogether outside the Aryan pale. It is there (I, vii, iii, 8) said that they worship Agni under the name of Bhava. 31 784. 32 6440. 33 See above 31 I, xxi. 55 On the Indus, the Abiria of Ptolemy. 36 Kankas have not been identified, but in the list of nations who brought presenta to Yudhishthira already mentioned (Mahabharata, II, 1850) they are mentioned together with the Sakas, Tukharse, and Romas (1 Romans), 1., as coming from the north-west,

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JULY, 1914 ] THE PAHARI LANGUAGE 147 The Markandeya Purana (LVII, 56) mentions the Khasas As a mountain (probably Himalayan) tribe. In three other places (LVIII, 7, 12 and 51) they have apparently, with the Sakas and other tribes, penetrated to the north-east of India. This would appear to show that by the time of the composition of this work the Khaias had already reached Nepal and Darjeeling, where they are still a numerous body:37 We may close this group of authorities by a reference to the Laws of Manu. Looking at the Khasas from the Brahmanical point of view, he says (X, 22) that Kha-as are the Offspring of outcast Kshatriyas, and again (X, 44), after mentioning some south Indian tribes he says that Kimbajas,88 Yavanas,38 Sakas, 38 Paradas,38 Pahlavas,88 Chinas 39 Kiratas, o Daradas38 and Khasas are those who became outcast through having neglected their religious duties, 41 and, whether they speak a barbarous (Mlechchha) or Aryan language, are called Dasyus. Here again we see the Khasas grouped with people of the north-west. Two works belonging at latest to the 6th century A.D. next claim our attention. These are the Bharata Nadya Sastra and the Brihat Salihita of Varahamihira. The former12 in the chapter on dialects says, The Bahliki language is the native tongue of Northerners and Khalas. Bahliki, as we have seen above, is the language then spoken in what is now Balkh.43 Here again we have the Khasas referred to the north-west. Varahamihira mentions Khabas several times. Thus in one place (X, 12) he groups them with Kulatas (people of Kulu), Tanganas (see notett), and Kasmiras (Kishmiris). In his famous chapter on Geography, he mentions them twice. In one place (XIV, 6) he puts them in Eastern India, and in another (XIV, 30) he puts them in the north-east. The latter is a mistake, for the other countries named at the same time are certainly northwestern. The mistake is a curious and unexpected one, but is there nevertheless, and 37 Vide post. 38 See above. 30 Usually translated Chinese,' but I would suggest that in this and similar passages, they are the great Ship race, still surviving in Gilgit and the vicinity. 40 At present mostly in Nepal. 41 So Kullaka. 42 xvii, 52. Bahlikabhashodichyanari Khasanam cha sada saja : I am indebted to Dr. Konow for this reference, 13 Lakshmidhara, a comparatively late Prakrit Grammarian, says that the language of Bahlika (Balkh), Kekaya (N. W. Panjab), Nepal, Gandhara (the country round Peshwar), and Bhota (for Bhota, i.e., Tibet), together with certain countries in South India is said by the ancients to have been Pai achi See Lassen, Institutiones Lingue Pracriticae, p. 13, and Pischel, Grammatik der Prakrit-Sprachen, $ 27. 44 The whole passage (29 and 30) runs as follows in North East, Mount Meru, the Kingdom of those who have lost caste (nashtardjya), the nomads (pasupdas, worshippers of Pa apati), the Kiras (a tribe noar Kashmir, Stein, Raja Taraigivi, trans. II, 217) the Ka miras, the Abhisaras (of the lower b:lle between the Jehlam and the Chinab), Daradas (Darda) Targapas, Kulatas (Kulu), Sairindhras (not identified), Forest men, Brahmapuras (Bharmaur in Chamba), Darvas (close to Abhisira), Damaras (apparently a Kashmir tribe, Stein II, 304 f.), Foresters, Kiratas, Chinas (Shins of Gilgit, see note, or Chinese), Kaupindas (see below), Bhallas (not identified), Patolas (not identified), Jutasuras (? Jatts), Kunatas (see below), Khasas, Ghoshas and Kuchikas (not identified)." It will be seen that every one of the above names which has been identified belongs to the North-West.

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148 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY JULY, 1914. moreover Varahamihira is not alone in this. Bhattotpala, in his commentary to the Brihalea hita, quotes Parisara as saying the same thing. 15 In the section dealing with those men who are technically known as 'swans,'+6 Varahamihira says that they are a long-lived race ruling over the Khasas, Surasonas (Eastern Punjab), Gandhara (Peshawar country), and the Gangetic Doab. This passage does not give much help. Kalhana's famous chronicle of Kashmir, the Rajatarangini, written in the middle of the 12th century A.D., is full of references to the Khasas, who were a veritable thorn in the side of the Kashmir rulers. Sir Aurel Stein's translation of the work, with its excellent index, renders a detailed account of these allusions unnecessary. It will be sufficient to give Sir Aurel Stein's note to his translation of verse 317 of Book I. I have taken the liberty of altering the spelling of some of the words so as to agree with the system adopted for this survey - "It can be shown from a careful examination of all the passages that their (the Khasas") seats were restricted to a comparatively limited region, which may be roughly described as comprising the valleys lying immediately to the south and west of the Pir Pantsal range, between the middle course of the Vitasta (or Jehlam) on the west, and Kashtavata (Kishtwar) on the east. "In numerous passages of the Rajatarangini we find the rulers of Rajapuri, the modern Rajauri, described as "lords of the Khasas,' and their troops as Khasas. Proceeding from Rajapuri to the east we have the valley of the Upper Ans River, now called Panjgabbar. ... as a habitation of Khasas. Further to the east lies Banasala, the modern Baenahal. below the pass of the same name, where the pretender Bhikshachara sought refuge in the castle of the Khasa-Lord' Bhagika.... The passages viii, 177, 1,074 show that the whole of the valley leading from Banahal to the Chandrabhaga (Chenab), which is now called Bichhlari' and which in the chronicle bears the name of Vishalaga, was inhabited by Khasas. - Finally we have evidence of the latter's settlements in the Valley of Khasklaya. Khasalaya is certainly the Valley of Khaisal (marked on the map as Kasher ') which leads from the Marbal Pass on the south-east corner of Kashmir down to Kishtwir .... " Turning to the west of Rajapuri, we find a Khasa from the territory of Parnotsa or Prunts mentioned in the person of Tuuga, who rose from the position of a cowherd to be Regarding the Kaupindas or Kunindas, it may be mentioned that Cunningham (Rep. Arch. Surv. Inula, XIV, 125) identified them with the Kanets of the Simla Hill States, whose name he wrongly spells "Kunet." The change from. Kuninda' to Kanet' is violent and improbable, though not altogether impossible. It would be simpler to connect the Kanets with Varahamihira's Kunatas, but here again there are difficulties, for the t in Kanet' is dental, not cerebral. Such changes are, however, not unoommon in the Pikacha' languages. 45 A similar but fuller list is also given in Vardhamihira's Samdsasahhita, in which the Khasas aro classed with Daradas, Abhiskras and Chinas. 46 LXVIII, 26.

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Jiny, 1914.] THE PAHARI LANGUAGE 149 chosen Queen Didda's all-powerful minister. The Queen's own father, Simharaja, the ruler of Lohara or Loherin, is designated a Khasa, ... and his descendants, who after Didda oooupied the Kashmir throne, were looked upon as Khasas.--That there were Khasas also in the Vitasta valley below Varahamula, is proved by the reference to Viranaka asa seat of Khasas' .....Of this locality it has been shown ... that it was situated in the ancient Dwaravati, the present Dwarbidi, a portion of the Vitasta valley between Kathai and Muzaffarabad. "The position here indicated makes it highly probable that the Khasas are identical with the modern Khakha tribe, to which most of the petty hill-chiefs and gentry in the Vitasta valley below Kashmir belong. The name Khakha (Pahari; in Kashmiri sing. Khokhu, plur. Khakhi) is the direct derivation of Khaia, Sanskrit a being pronounced since early times in the Panjab and the neighbouring hill-tracts as kh or h (compare Kashmiri h< Sanscrit 6). "The Khakha chiefs of the Vitasta valley retained their semi-independent position until Sikh times, and, along with their neighbours of the Bomba clan, have ever proved troublesome neighbours for Kashmir." We have already noted that another name for the Khasas was Khasiras. The name Ka mira (Kashmir) is by popular tradition associated with the famous legendary saint Kasyapa, but it has been suggested, with considerable reason, that Khasa and Khasira are mure probable etymologies. At the present day, the Kashmiri word for Kashmir' is * kashir,' a word which is strongly reminiscent of Khasira 47 Turning now to see what information we can gain from classical writers, we may again refer to Pliny's mention of the cannibal Casiri, who, from the position assigned to them, must be the same as the Khasiras. Atkinson in the work mentioned in the list of authorities gives an extract from Pliny's account of India (p. 354.) In this are mentioned the Cesi, a mountain race between the Indus and the Jamna, who are evidently the Khabas. Atkinson (l. c.) quotes Ptolemy's Achasia regio as indicating the same locality, and this word not impossibly also represents Khasa Perhaps more certain identifications from Ptolemy are the Kasioi Mountains and the Country of Kasia. 18 In other places49 he tells us that the land of the 'Ortopokopos (Uttarakurus) and the city of Ortopokoopa lay along the Emodic and Seric mountains in the north, to the east of the 47 The change of initial kh to k is not uncommon in Pisacha languages. Thus, the Sanskrit khara, an ase, is kur in Bashgall Kafir, and in Shipa a language very closely connected with Kashmiri, the root of the verb meaning to eat' is ka not khd. 48 Serica VI, 15, 16, in Lassen 1.4.1, 28. 49 VI, 16, 2, 3, 5, 8; VIII, 24, 7, in Lassen L.A., 1, 1018.

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150 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JULY 1911. Kasia mountains. The latter therefore represent either the Hindu Kush or the mountains of Kashgar in Central Asia.50 To sum up the preceding information. We gather that according to the most ancient Indian authorities in the extreme north-west of India, on the Hindu Kush and the moun. tainous tracts to the south, and in the western Panjab there was a group of tribes, one of which was called Khasa, which were looked upon as Kshatriyas of Aryan origin. These spoke a language closely allied to Sanskrit, but with a vocabulary partly agreeing with that of the Eranian Avesta. They were considered to have lost their claim to consideration as Aryans, and to have become Mlechchhas, or barbarians, owing to their non-observance of the rules for eating and drinking observed by the Sanskritic peoples of India. These Khasas were a warlike tribe, and were well known to classical writers, who noted, as their special home, the Indian Caucasus of Pliny. They had relations with Western Tibet, and carried the gold dust found in that country into India. It is probable that they once occupied an important position in Central Asia, and that countries, places and rivers, such as Kashmir, Kashgar in Central Asia, and the Kashgar of Chitral were named after them. They were closely connected with the group of tribes nicknamed Pisachas' or 'cannibals' by Indian writers, and before the sixth century they were stated to speak the same language as the people of Balkh. At the same period they had apparently penetrated along the southern slope of the Himalaya as far east as Nepal, and in the twelfth century they certainly occupied in considerable force the hills to the south, southwest and south-east of Kashmir. At the present day their descendants, and tribes who claim descent from them, occupy a much wider area. The Khakhas of the Jehlam valley are 'Khabas, and so are some of the Kanets of the hill-country between Kangra and Garhwal. The Kanets are the low-caste cultivating class of all the Eastern Himalaya of the Panjab and the hills at their base as far West as Kulu, and of the eastern portion of the Kangra district, throughout which tract they form a very large proportion of the total population. The country they inhabit is held or governed by Hill Rajputs of pre-historic ancestry, the greater part of whom are far too proud to cultivate with their own hands, and who employ the Kanets as husbandmen. Like the ancient Khasas, they claim to be of impure Rajput (i.e. Kshatriya) birth. They are divided into two great tribes, the Khasia and the Rao, the distinction between whom is still sufficiently well-marked. A Khasia observes the period of impurity after the death of a relation prescribed for a twice-born man; the Rao that prescribed for an outcast. The Khasia wears the sacred thread, while the Rao does not.51 There can thus be no doubt about the Khasia Kanets. 50 According to Lasson, p. 1020, the Kaola opn of Ptolemy are the mountains of Kashgar, i.e. Khagairi,' the mountain of the Khalas. See, however, Stein, Ancient Khotan, pp. 50 ff. The same name re-appears in Chitral, south of the Hindu Kush, where the river Khonar is also called the Khashgar. For further speculations on the subject the reader is referred to St. Martin, Mem. de l'Acad. des Inscr. Sav. Etrang. I serie vi, i, pp. 264 ff., and to Atkinson (op. cit.), p. 377. Ibbetson, op. cit., 8-487. Regarding the R&os, see the next instalment of this article.

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JULY, 1914.) MISCELLANEA 151 Further to the east, in Garhwal and Kumaon, the bulk of the population is called Khasia, and these people are universally admitted to be Khabas by descent. In fact, as we shall see, the principal dialect of Kumauni is known as Khasparjiya, or the speech of Khas cultivators. Further east, again, in Nepal, the ruling caste is called Khas. In Nepal, however, the tribe is much mixed. A great number of so-called Khas are really descended from the intercourse between the high-caste Aryan immigrants from the plains and the aboriginal Tibeto-Burman population. But that there is a leaven of pure Khus descent also in the tribe is not denied.52 In this way we see that the great mass of the Aryan-speaking population of the Lower Himalaya from Kashmir to Darjeeling is inhabited by tribes descended from the ancient Khabas of the Mahabharata. (To be continued.) MISCELLANEA. THE TRADITIONA" DATES OF PARSI (A.D. 582), according to another in 777 V. Samvat HISTORY (A.D. 721). A much later event, about which for Proy, S. H. Hodivala, M. A., of the Junagadh that reason, if for no other, we might suppose they College has been lately devoting considerable would be in agreement, is the subject of a similar attention to the early history of the Indian Parsis, conflict. The old Fire Temple is said to have and road on the 25th of October last, before been brought from BanadAh to Navsari according to one of these entries in 1472 V. Samvat (A.D. 1416), the "Society for the Prosecution of Zoroastrian Researches" a paper on the "Traditional dates but another would place the event three years later, of Parsi History" of which the following is a sum giving the actual day and month, as Roz Mahres. pand, Mah Shahrivar, V. Samvat 1476 (A.D. 1419); mary. and not the least instructive fact about these The lecturer first pointed out that chronological statements about certain interesting events in the rival dates is that both of them are demonstrably early annals of the Indian Parsis many are found wrong noted down at random on the margins and flyleaves The most important of these statements is the one of many manuscripts, but that very few of them are which makes Roz Bahman, Mah Tir, V. Samvat 778 properly authenticated, that some of them are (A.D. 716) the date of the first landing of the Parsi nameless, and even where the name of the writer "pilgrim fathers" at Sanjan. That the Parsi roz happens to be known we are left entirely in the mah here given does not tally with the Hindu dark as to the sources of his infomation or his tithi was proved to demonstration by the late competence to form a judgment. Moreover, not Mr. K. R. Cama in 1870, but the year has for all that one of them has been hitherto traced to any book been accepted by many inquirers, perhaps only for or manuscript written before the middle of the want of anything more satisfactory to take its place. eighteenth century. Lastly, they exhibit among The earliest authority for this entry hitherto known themselves the most bewildering diversity and the was the Kadim Tarikh Parsioni Kasar a pamphlet same event (the first landing at Sanjan) is placed by on the Kabisl controversy written by Dastur Aspan one in V. Samvat 772, (A.D. 716) by another in V. diarji Kamdinji of Broach in A.D. 1826. The lecturer Samvat 895, (A.D. 839) and by a third in V. Samvat first showed that this entry oan be carried back somo961(A.D. 906). There is the same conflict sa to the year what further, as it ooours in a manuscript of miscel. in which the Persian Zoroastrians were, according laneous Persian versoe belonging to Ervad Manek ji to these entries, obliged to abandon their ancestral R.Unwalla, which is at least a hundred and fifty your hom. According to one, it was in 638 V. Samvat old. There can be no doubt that Dastur Aspandiarji 12 Regarding the origin of the Nopal Khas, see Hodgson and Sylvain Levi, op. cit.

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152 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY JULY, 1914. had seen this number 772 8. somewhere and that regarded as the traditional date of the consecration he was anxious for polemical purposes to obtain of the first Indian fire temple, was converted by this faith and credence for the date, by making it fit in caleulator into the initial year of the Kohistan persomehow with the then universally accepted figures egrinations. Last came the date 895 V. Samvat, of the Kissah--Sanjan It is fairly well known which is put forward in a MS, copied by an Udvada that according to that interesting old account of Dastur in 1816 A.D. It was shown to have been the "Parsi Retreat", the Zoroastrians lived for a indebted for its existence to the ingenuity of some hundred years in Kohistan, for fifteen years in Old arithmetician, who, thinking(as many of us also inust Hormuz and for nineteen at Diu. Now, if the Dastur do) that V. Samvat 772 (A.D. 716) was not only too had followed the Kissah out and out, and added early, but opposed to all the probabilities of the 134 (100+15+19) to A.D. 636--the year of the first case, made his own calculations somewhat thus: decisive victory of the Arabs at Kadisiya, or A.D. 651.54+100+15+19 = 839 A.D. = 895 V. Samvat. to A.D. 641, the date of fatal field of Nelavend, Anquetil du Perron was told at Surat in A.D. 1759 or to A.D. 651, the year of the Yazdajird's death, that the Fire Temple was brought from Bansdeh to the total would have been 770,775 or A.D. 785, but in Navsari in V. Samvat 1472 (A.D. 1416 ), and the no case would it have been anything like A.D. 716 statement occurs also in a Persian poem written (772 V. S.). What then was to be done? Why to l about the same time. This date is the simple result go back five years-take A.D. 631 the year of Yazda of 700-a round number which occurs in a much jird's accession as the starting point, borrow the cock disputed couplet of the Kinadh-having been added and bull story of an astrologer having told Khusruto A.D. 716 (772 V. Samvat,) the apocryphal date of Parviz of the fall of the monarchy from a Musalman the landing. The other figure hociated with the annalist and adopt the inconceivably improbable Navsari Fire Temple 1175 V. Samvat (A.D. 1419) can notion that the Zoroastrians fled from their homes be shewn to have been made up in two ways--ono and took refuge in Kohistan forty-nine years of which has been already indicated above. The before Yazdajird's accession; A.D. (631-49)-582 +100 | other rests upon an ingenious emendation of the +15+19=716 A.D. =772 V. Samvat. It is needless disputed line in the Kissdh by which 70 is substitued to state that a date which cannot be made up for 700 (haftad' for haftsad') combined with without being bolstered up by such a supposition the two items of a fifty years cycle of wandering must be regarded as absolutely unhistorical. Having anterior to the Kohistan century, and the substituthus disposd of the earliest date for the arrival at Sanjan, the Professor took in hand the latest, tion of fourteen for twenty-six at the end. A.D viz., 961 V. S. (A.D. 905), which is found in a 651+50+ 100-300+200 + 70+14=1419 A. D.= 1475 V. manuscript written about A.D. 1750. The writer first Samvat. notes that the Atash Beheram was brought to The Professor summed up by saying that most of Navsari in v. Samvat 1475 (A.D. 1419), and these calculations appeared to have been ex post working backwards first on the line of the Kissah facto made up by combiniag a few generally accepted ---Sanjan and then diverging from it in two postulates with certain indeterminate items in that particular items, arrives at V. Samvat 777=(A.D. 721) i way which best brought up some preconceived as the year of the commencement of the Iranian answer. In short, he maintained that they were wanderjahre, which is by him made to extend to only speculative results arrived at by persons one hundred and fifty years (including fifty spent in anxious out of a genuine historical curiosity to different places), instead of the Kissah's century construct, for the satisfaction of their own under. passed in Kohistan. V. S. 777+50+100+15+19+300+ standings, intelligible systems of Parsi chronology, 200+14=1475 V. 8.=1419 A.D. The lecturer then by arranging, altering and modifying the materials proceeded to shew the process by which these two at their disposal according to their personal estimates new items (50 and 14 instead of 26) had been evolv. of the probable and the improbable. ed and traced the first to & peculiar construction At the same time, the Professor emphatically of some lines in the Kissah, and the second to a declared that they were honest attempts for the minor stream of tradition which made fourteen advancement of knowledge, and very much like years only and not twenty-six (14+12) elapee bet- those mutually contradictory and even demonstrably wrap the back of Sanjan and the transportation of false schemes of Kianian, Parthian or Sassinian the fire of Beheram to Navalri. The next thing point- chronology, which were associated with the nan.is of ed out was how 777 V. Samvat, which is by others so many Oriental and European historians.

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AUGUST, 1914.) THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA 1.53 THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA. BY V. RANGACHARI, M.A., L.T., MADRAS. (Continued from page 142.) Religious Effects. SUCH were the social and political effects of the Vijayanagar conquest of South India. The religious effects were equally noteworthy. During the half century which elapsed between the Muhammadan conquest and the expulsion of Muhammadan power by Kampana, Hinduism, both in its Vaishnava and Saiva aspects, was in a depressed and precarious condition. Temples were closed or even destroyed, religious processions were disallowed, and forcible conversions to Muhammadanism were attempted and in many cases secured. The gods of Madura, as the chronicles point out, had to be refugeas in Travancore,' and those of Srirangam at Tirupati. The great leaders of Hinduism became scattered, and kept their precarious torch of light and learning burning in retired corners, in secluded villages. The great Vedantacharya, for example, the apostolic head of the Sri Vaishnava community at Srirangam and one of the most profound scholars and philosophic and literary writers of the day, had to retire to the distant and secluded townlet of Satyamangalam and spend his days there in grief owing to the cessation of divine worship in the temple at Srirangam; while his rival Sri-Vaishnava teacher 'Sri-Saila,u was carrying on at Alvar Tirunagari and the south, amidst equally depressing circumstances, the development of the more popular form of Vaishnavism which is adopted by the great Vaishnava sect of Tengalais. Saivism and the Smarta7 cult had their doughty champion in Vidyaranya, and he devoted every moment of his life to their revival and extension; but his attention could not have been entirely devoted to this work. From 1336 onward, he had to employ all the versatile qualities and powers of his genius in the organization and the strengthening of the great Hindn Empire which he founded. There is no doubt that his chief object in establishing this power was the expulsion of Muhammadan rule from the south, so as to restore peace to the ancient religion of the Hindu gods, and maintain the safety of Hinduism free from all trouble and disturbance. The realisation of this object necessitated at the time the employment of the resources of his great genius in the firm establishment of the new Hindu kingdom and the organization of its army and military strength, in the construction of frontier defences, the subjugation of neighbouring powers, and so on. And as these naturally could not be effected within less than the period of a generation, the Vijayanagar march to the valley of the Kaveri8 could begin only after 1360. In the period between 1327 and 1360, therefore, the religious freedom of the Hindus in the south had completely gone. Madura was a centre of Musalman influence rather than a stronghold of Saivism, and Srirangam was daily subject to the vandalism of the Musalman governor and his followers. The Koyilolugu tells us that the Muhammadan was about to destroy the great shrine, when 3 See the Pand. Chron. and other MSS. 4 See Yatindrapravanaprabhdua, Koyilolugu, and the Guruparamparas of the Sri-Vaishnavag of S. India. 5 See the Vadagalai Guruparampara 6 Yatindrapravaraprabhava. 7 For a short but excellent account of the Smirtas see Madr. Manu., I, p. 87-88. & There are some authorities which say that Vijayanagar generals were in the south as early 9 1348.9. ... tho Konguddar Rajakkal and Vud igalai Gurupirampara ; but epigraphy clearly proves that their advent was after 1360. Sri-rangam the great Vaishnaya centre seems to have come under Vijaya. nagar generals only about 1370. Soe Koyilolugu.

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154 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [AUGUST, 1914. the charms of a courtezan and the services of a Vaishnava Brahman, Singapiran by name, moderated the animosity of the conqueror and made him proceed on moderate lines. A break in this comparative mildness was indeed caused by the attribution of a disease from which "the Mleccha" suffered to Brahmanical magic and his consequent orders to raze the shrine to the ground; but the importunities of his mistress and the counsels of his servant made him satisfied with the mutilation of various parts and works of the temple instead of & wholesale destruction. The progress of the disease, however, led to the destruction of the gigantic walls of the temple and the utilization of their materials for the construction of a fort at Kanyanur; but this was discovered to be a blessing in disguise, for the Muhammadan governor from this time onward made his sojourn at Kannanur instead of Trichinopoly. The people of Sri-rangam-the remnants of a once teeming crowd-were, in consequence of this, able to carry on their worship, but with their festival idol a refugee in Tirupati, their religious leaders scattered, and their fears alarmed by daily acts of Muhammadan vandalism, their worship was, in the eyes of many, a mockery, and their apparent freedom worse than slavery. The same was the case in every other important place in the south, and everywhere the people were in despair. It was from this despair and dislocation that Kampana U ayar and his lieutenants freed the people of the south. The expulsion of the Muhammadans by the year 1371 led immediately to the revival of worship and the opening of the closed temples, both Saiva and Vaishyava. The deities of Madura, say the chronicles, were brought back from their refuge in Travancore." Worship was performed once more with extraordinary solemnity and fervour; and that nothing might be wanting to restore confidence and energy to all classes of men, the Brahmans contrived a great miracle significant of the pleasure of the god and of the perpetual regard for his faithful worshippers. Kampaya was taken on an appointed day to witness the reopening of the great pagoda, and on his entering and approaching the shrine for the purpose of looking upon the face of the god, lo and behold everything was precisely in the same condition as when the temple was first shut up just 48 years previously. The lamp that was lighted on that day was still burning; and the sandalwood powder, the garland of flowers, and the ornaments usually placed before the idol on the morning of a festival day were now found to be exactly as it is usual to find them on the evening of such a day."10 Kampana Ulayar was struck with this remarkable miracle. With great piety and reverence he made the customary offerings, endowed numerous villages to the teniple, bestowed many jewels, and established rules and regulations for the regular performance and revival of worship. The same thing was done by Goppanarya in the Vaishava stronghold of Sri-rangam. He cleared it of its Musalman tyrants, brought back the images of Ranganatha 11 and Ranganayaki from Tirupati, and revived the ancient prosperity and busy activity of the shrine. He further made numerous endowments to it and made it, by the influence of his exalted office in the growing Empire, an object of solicitude in the eyes of the imperial rulers. Vaishnavism in consequence began to shew from this time onward a new energy and vigour, a new spirit of proselytism and progress. The Kannanur is a village adjoining Samayapuram, celebrated in the Carnatic wars. 10 Nelson's Madu. Manl. p. 82. Nelson here gives simply the translation of the MS. chronicles-18 will be seen from a reference to appendix I, Rev. Taylor suspects the existence of recret wickets and private doors known only to Brahmans. 0. H. MSS. 11 See the various Guruparamparaa, Yatydrapravana prabhava and, above all, the Koyilo ugu See also ante, for epigraphical references.

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AUCUST, 1914) THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA 155 scenes of religious life on the banks of the Kaveri came to be reproduced on the banks of the Tungabhadra, and the support of the Tamil kings and chiefs came to have its counterpart in the patronage of the Telugu ones. The despair of Vaishnava leaders was replaced by the prospect of unlimited triumph. The great Vedantacharya came back to Srirangam, and resumed those soul-stirring lectures and disputations which had been the source of so much enthusiasm to his admirers and of so much terror and anxiety to his detractors. By the time of his death in 1371 he had the double satisfaction of seeing Vaishnavism safe from Musalman tyranny and Visishtadvaitism from Advaitic dominance; and when fifteen years later Vidyaranya breathed his last, he must have died with equal contentment at the bright prospects of Hinduism in general and of Advaitism in particular, The rise of a popular Vaishnavism or Tengalaism. The rescue of Hinduism from the tyranny of Muhammadanism was chiefly the work of the orthodox party, both of Vaishyavism and Saivism, through the agency of the Vijayanagar Empire. But the fruits of victory were to be realised by the people in general. The harmony established by the government led to a popular upheaval in religion, and there was a wide spread movement in the 15th and 16th centuries for the loosening of the reins of orthodoxy. Everywhere there was a cry against the rigidity of the caste system, against the elaboration of ceremonials, against exclusive adherence to Sanskrit at the expense of the vernaculars, and against the tendency to attach more importance to philosophy than to devotion. The people wanted, in other words, less philosophic and more devotional religions. They wanted less ceremony and more feeling in their cults, less formality and more sincerity of belief, less head and more heart. They wanted to see the caste system more in consonance with lore of fellowmen, to remove that detestable social tyranny which went on in the name of religion. They wanted vernacular bibles in preference to Sanskrit ones. This widespread popular movement asserted itself both against orthodox Vaishnavism 12 and orthodox Saivism. The movement against orthodox Vaishnavism was called Tengala'sm. It was organized and led by a great leader named Manavala Mahamuni, a native of Alvar Tirunagari and a disciple of Sri Saila. About the year 1400 he proceeded13 to Srirangam and began to organize his party with such skill and foresight that the orthodox party of Nainar Acharya, 14 the son and successor of Vedantacharya, lost for ever its old prestige and following. The work of Manavala Mahamuni was carried on by his successors in the eight Matts15 he established for the purpose, and though the orthodox party was revived and strengthened by the celebrated 12 In N. India the popular movement was carried on by the Ramanandas, the Kabir Panthins, the Vallabhacharyas, the Chaitanyas, the followers of Nanak, the Dadu Panthins, the Mira Bais, ote. All these belonged to the 15th and 16th centuries. See Monier Williams' Hinduism 141.148. For Chaitanya's influence in the south and the rise of the Satanie, soe Madr. Mchu, p. 73, 86 and 90. 3 The classical biography of him is called Yatindraprio npr. bhduwm, of which there are two oditions. Manavala is considered by the Tengalais to be the incarnation of Ramanuja. He died about 1450 A. D. He is, of course, not the founder of Tengalaism, but it was he that gave it a highly acctarian colour: so sectarian, indeed, as to give rise to a new caste altogether. For a short description of the Tengalais see Madt. Manu, I, 84. Hopkin's Religna, Ind. p. 501 and J. R. A. S., Vol. XIV. 11 Otherwise called Valadacharya.' He organized the worship of Vedantacharya in temples, and it is no doubt his zoal for that greatest of orthodox writers that contributed not a little to the strengthening of the rival sect of Tengalaism. Varadacharya was born about 1320 and died about 1416. His disciple known as Kadambi Nainar was the preceptor (in the Bhashyaa) of Manavala Mahamuni. See the Vadag. Gurup., 1913 edn. 168.180. For a comparison of the Tengalai and Vadagalai doctrines see Mysore Census Report 1891; Brahmuddin, 1912: Madr. Munu, I, P. 85 and 89.90. J. R. A, S., 1911. 25 The heads of these were called the Ashta-dig-pajas. The most important of them was the jeer of Vanamamalai or Nanguneri in Tinnevelly District.

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156 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [AUGUST, 1914. Adi Van Satagopa Swami of Ahobilam, 16 yet the attraction which Tengalaism possessed among the masses, its tactful alliance with a large number of the temple authorities and of the ruling princes of the day, its skill in organization, its comparative laxity in caste matters its advocacy of the vernacular bibles, naturally made it stronger and stronger in the land; so that by the end of the 15th century there was perhaps an equal number of followers among the two sects. The princes were of course divided between the two, some professing Vadagalaism as the Sanskrit school came to be called, and others Tengalaism. The Emperors professed the former, as they had for their teachers a very orthodox Vadagalai family of Conjeeveram known as the Tatacharyas, 17 and as they were the special worshippers of the deity of Ahobilam, a seat of Vadagalai influence. But the majority of the Polygars and minor chieftains seem to have been naturally attracted to the more popular religion. One of the Mavalivana18 kings is actually said to have lifted up the palanquin of Manavala Mahamuni. It is not improbable that many of the Tottiya chiefs were likewise brought under Tengalaism,- a phenomenon which explains the profession of the Tengalai cult by them to-day. The rise of Salva-Siddhantism. The popular movement in Saivism or Saiva-Siddhantism as it was called, revived by the famous Meykan Ca10 Deva, the author of Sivagnanabodham, the philosophie bible of that creed, in the 13th century, made rapid progress in this period. Meykanca Deva had adopted the Vibish advaitic philosophy of Ramanuja, but made siva instead of Vishnu the Supreme Being. His system is thus the same as Ramanuja's system, but with Saiva terminology. His great achievement was to make Saivism the religion of the masses as distinct from the religion of the higher castes as formulated by Sankaracharya. Vidvaranya and other Advaitins. Meykanda's work was continued by a number of saints chiefly non-Brahman. The famous Pattiragiriyar, 20 the fanatical Siva Vakya, the reformed u 16 He lived in the latter part of the 1881 and the earlier part of the 16th century. He was the diaginta of GlatikAiAtam Ammal, who was the disciple of Varadhicharya, the son and successor of VedAntich itablished his celebrated Matt at Ahobilam, the god of which place, Narasi:ha Perumal was hia tastelarv deity. Many miracles are attributed to Satagopa. Soe Sats impriddy : Muktavili for m Af his life and his successors in the Ahobila Matt. Adi Vaj Satagopa's disciple was Tholappacharya the Anthor of Smriti Ratnakar and the preceptor of the Vijayanagar Emperor. (See insc, recording Kamalapuram tank near Hampi). Even ron.Brahmans were converted by Satagopa, and many of the princes and Polyears who came to the south were devotees of Ahobila Narasingaperumal. That is why tho Tottiyans built temples tu him wherever they settled. 17 A number of epigraphical references prove this. See section II, ante. 18 See the Yatindraprava naprabhava. 19 The data of Mevkanda Deva has long been one of doubt and controversy. Prof. Seshagiri hati eave he was the disciple of Paranjitimunivar, the author of Tiruvayddal Purdnam who he about 1550 in the court of Ati Vira Rama Pandya. (See his Rep. Sana. Tam, Mss. 1896 NAS M ... ... M i lh and 56. a udam. MSS. 1896-7p. 52 The author of the Madrid Manual also thinks that the Siddhar School was after Ativire Pandya : but he wigns Ativira Rama to the lith century, about 1040 A.D. (See Vol. I, p. 57 and 120 Mr. Copinatha Rao has given epigraphical and other arguments to show that he lived about 1928 (M dr. Review, 1904). 20 Gover attributes Pattiragiriyar to the 10th century (See his Folksongs, 159) An +4vinavakam Pillai in his edition of Pattipattu Pilai's works (1907) says that as P a ttu P. ALU Pillai refers D . to Varaguna in the 9th century and as some of his works are referred to by Nambiindar N 11th century. Pattinattu Pillai must have lived in the 10th century, and so Alo Per and so also Pattiragiriyar his dianinle. From the fact that many of Pattipattu Pillai's works are not referred to in the 11th and from his style, the majority of the scholars attribute him and his school to the 15th and 16th centaries. Soe ea. Dr. Caldwell's Dravid. Grum., P. 116. Caldweli, it should be noted. divideo literary history into two cycles, the literary, wherein he includes Ativira Rima Pandya and the wherein he brings in the Sittare. The latter, he points out, pretend to be Saivites, but philosono nonantaries.He attributes Sinagnana, bodham to the 16th century and the Sittare (Tirumala cirivar. Sive Vikya, etc) to the 17th century (Ibid, p. 146, and 1.88-9). For the alleged between the Siddhar school and Christianity, see Caldwell's Dravid. Gram, 116; Barth's Relinions ravid. Gram, 116; Barth's Religions of India, in 210 and Hopkins' Religions of India, P. 482. The Siddha movement is described in detail chapter.

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AUGUST, 1914] THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA 157 Patinattu Pillai, the scholarly Paranjodhimunivar, and the earnest Aghora Sivacharya and Sivagrayogin are typical examples. They all declared a crusade against Brahmanical superiority. They condemned idol-worship, and held that religion ought to be a thing of feeling and not observance. They looked with abhorrence on the narrow view of limitation on which the worship of God in the form of an image was based, "Those who really know where the shepherd of the world lives, will never raise their hands to any visible shrine," nor "Are the gods of man's making helpful in the matter of salvation ?" Can these artificial gods, Siva Vakyar asks, who owe their existence or non-existence, their elevation or neglect to the piety or caprice of men; can these, made and unmade, baked and unbaked move of themselves? Can they free themselves when bound? What is the use of decking stones with flowers? What true religion is there in the ringing of bells, the performance of set obeisances, the going around fanes, the floating of incense, the offerings of things arranged as if in a market? Siva Vakya ridiculed even the yogin and his 96 rules of procedure. He ridiculed those who believed that the carriage of linga on the neck was true piety. He had no faith in self-mortification or in the efficacy of mantras. He held that pilgrimage was of no use. "Can a bath in the Ganges turn black into white?" he asks. The transformation of a sinner into a saint is not possible by that process. "Shun illusions, repress the senses, then the sacred waves of Kasi will, he says, swell within your own breast." In short, to Siva Vakya, his own thoughts are the flowers and ashes to be offered to the Lord, his own breath is the linga, his senses are the incense, and his soul the light, and his God is not the artificial image in the temple, but a wholly spiritual object, -"the original, the endless, whom no mind understands He is not Vishnu, nor Brahma, nor Siva. In the beyond is He, neither black nor white, nor great nor little, nor male nor female ---but stands far, far, and far beyond all beings' utmost pale." Pattiragiriyar was less fighting and more pathetic in his appeal. He prays to his Lord to bend his mind like a bow, to bind his senses to it as strings and impel the arrows of his thoughts to Him alone. H. asks: when will the senses be annihilated, when will his pride be subdued, and when will his tired being be steeped in sleepless sleep?" "When, he asks again and again, will he cleave through birth's illusions and attain the last spiritual state, the acme of spiritual perfection from which there is no return? When will he be freed from the opium-like things of the world for the nectar-like things of God ?" He finds all written wisdom useless as a guide to the identification with the divinity. He cannot find, inspite of immense poring into it, truth therein. He therefore yearns for the time when he can burn the Sastras, deem the Vedas lies, and exploring the mystery, reach bliss, when the soul, suffering like a fish in a net will get freedom and happiness, when the carnal lusts will end, and "I with eyelids dropped, to heaven ascend and with God's Being my own being blend." The wailings of Pa tinattu Pillai were even more pathetic. No man had a truer idea of the illusion of earthly happiness, and a better capacity to weave fine ideas into fine patterns of thought," though sometimes, in the opinion of Mr. Caldwell his productions are more " melodious verbiage than striking thought."21 When speaking of idol-worship, for example, he points out how God's presence is found not in stone or copper, chiselled or furbished by tamarind, but" in speech, in the Vedas, darkness, heavens, the hearts of ascetics and the loving mind." Idols, he vowed never to adore. Equally vehement is his hatred of earthly life and career. "What 21 Ind. And. I. p. 198. Dr. L. D. Baruett 13 ot opinion that the Southern school of Saiva Siddhantism had in reality its origin in the north. For a detaile feonsideration of the quation. S R. 4. 8. J. 1910 ; Siddhantadipika, June 1910. For a few examples of the writings of Pasinttu Pilai and others see Gover's Folksonge.

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158 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [AUGUST, 1914, is there in the body, he asks in one place, that men should love and cherish it so much? It is a property claimed by various agents,-by fire, by worms, by the earth, by kites, jackals and curs. Its ingredients, moreover, are nasty and of bad odour. To love it, therefore, is the greatest of anomalies, of inexplicable inconsistencies. As is the body, so is every other thing of man. His habitation, his fame, his women, his children, his beauty, his wealth, nothing abides. The moment he is dead, he is, to his mother, an object of contempt. To his sons," who encircle the pyre and fall the wonted pots, his memory is more a burden than a pleasure." "There is no love, therefore, concludes Pastinattu Pillai, as the love of God. It is the most enduring, eternal and pleasure giving." It is the sole support of his life. Vows and austerities, Vedas and Puranas, offerings and prayers, sandals and ashes, mantras and mortifications, all these are, in his opinion, nothing but Godward perfidy.". It is the love of the Lord that is everything. The Policy of Vijayanagar, With tender solicitude the Vijayanagar sovereigns fostered all these various aspects of religious activity. Their attitude towards the two great religions of Hinduism was one of inexhaustible generosity and boundless encouragement. And they shewed it in various ways. They first built temples and towers, walls and manlapas, and constructed cars and vehicles. They organized festivals at state expense. They reared gardens of useful trees. They made numerous endowments of land. On all sacred occasions, on days of eclipses, on the anniversary days of the deaths of royal personages, they made various gifts to temples in the form of lamps, cows, gold, etc. They interfered in the management of the temples and looked after their proper maintenance 23 They even remitted revenues amounting to thousands of vardhas on behalf of temples. Nowhere else in the world's history do we find such a close alliance between the state and the church, such a hearty co-operation between temporal and spiritual leaders. True, Vijayanagar was pursuing no new policy. The idea of the close connection between royalty and religion is as old as Indian history; nevertheless the policy of Vijayanagar seems to have been singularly liberal and broadminded. The Emperors seem to have extended their patronage not only to sects of Hinduism. Their range of patronage knew no bounds, knew no petty partialities. A remarkable proclamation of Deva Raya in the 14th century declares the unity of the Jain and Vaishoava religions, and the consequent necessity on the part of the adherents of the two religions to abstain from conflicts24 Examples of endowments even to mosques are not wanting and prove the nobility of a power, which valued harmony above everything else among the various peoples and creeds of Empire. The services of Vijayanagar to art and industries, to literature and culture were equally great, but space forbids an attempt to dwell on them. Nor is it my province to do so. The foregoing survey of the social, political and religious effects will suffice to point out the atmosphere in which the Naik Raj was established, the policy which it inherited, and the problems it had to solve. The other effects-on art, on painting and sculpture, on architecture and literature-will be incidentally illustrated in the course of this treatise. With these remarks we shall proceed to consider the circumstances under which the Naik dynasty was founded in Madura. - Ind. Ant. I. p. 197-204. See the Koyilo ugu for examples of such interference 24 Ind. Ant., Vol. XIV, 233-5.

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AUGUST, 1914.] THE PAHARI LANGUAGE 159 THE PAHARI LANGUAGE. BY SIR GEORGE A. GRIERSON, K. C. I. E. (Continued from page 151.) While Sanskrit literatures commencing with the Mahabharata contains many references to the Khasas, until quite late times it is silent about the Gurjaras. They are not mentioned in the Mahabharata or in the Vishnu, Bhagavata, or Markanteya Purana. In fact the earliest known reference to them occurs in the Sriharshacharita, a work of the early part of the 7th century of our era. According to the most modern theory, which has not yet been seriously disputed, but which has nevertheless not been accepted by all scholars, the Gurjaras entered India, together with the Huyas and other marauding tribes, about the sixth century AD. They rapidly rose to great power, and founded the Rajput tribes of Rajputana. The Gurjaras were in the main a pastoral people, but had their chiefs and fighting men. When the tribe rose to power in India, the latter were treated by the Brahmans as equivalent to Kshatriyas and were called Rajputs, and some were even admitted to equality with Brahmang themselves, while the bulk of the people who still followed their pastoral avocations remained as a subordinate caste under the title of Gurjaras, or, in modern language, Gajars, or in the Panjab, Gujars. So powerful did these Gurjaras or Gujars become that no less than four tracts of India received their name. In modern geography we have the Gujrat and Gujranwala districts of the Panjab, and the Province of Gujarat in the Bombay Presidency. The Gujrat District is a Sub-Himalayan tract with a large proportion of Gujars. It is separated by the river Chinab from the Gujranwala District, in which Gujars are more few. In the Province of Gujarat there are now no members of the Gujar caste, as a caste, but, as we shall see later on, there is evidence that Gujars have become absorbed into the general population, and have been distributed amongst various occupational castes. In addition to these three tracts Al-Biruni (A.D. 971-1039) mentions a Guzarat situated somewhere in Northern Rajputana.65 In ancient times, the Gurjara kingdom of the Panjab comprised territory on both sides of the Chinab, more or less accurately corresponding with the existing Districts of Gujrat and Gujranwala. It was conquered temporarily by Sankaravarman of Kashmir in the 9th century.56 The powerful Gurjara kingdom in South-Western Rajputana, as described by the Chinese pilgrim Hiuen Tsiang in the seventh century, had its capital at Bhinmal or Srimal, to the North-West of Mount Abu, now in the Jodhpur State, and comprised a considerable amount of territory at present reckoned to be part of Gujarat, -the modern frontier between thet Province and Rajputana being purely artificial. In addition to this kingdom of Bhinmal, a southern and smaller Gurjara kingdom existed in what is now Gujarat from A.D. 589 to 735. Its capital was probably at or near Bharoch. Between these two Gurjara States intervened the kingdom of the princes of Valabhi, and these princes also seem to have belonged either to the Gurjaras or to a closely allied tribe.57 13 Authorities on the connexion of Rajputs and Gurjaras or Gajars : Tod, J.,-Annale and Antiquities of Rajasthan, London, 1829-32. Introduction. Elliot, Sir H. M., K.C.B., --Memoirs on the History, Folklore and Distribution of the Races of the North-Western Provinces of India. Edited, eto, by John Beames. London, 1859. I, 99 ff., etc., (500 Index). Ibbetson, Sir Denzil, K.C.S.I.,Outlines of Panjab Ethnography. Calcutta, 1883, pp. 262 ff. (Jackson, A.M.T.).-Gazetteer of the Bombay Presidency, Vol. I, Pt. I, App. III. (by A. M. T. J.), Account of Bhinmal, esp. pp. 463 ff. Smith, Vincent A.-The Cherjaras of Rajputana and Kanauj, J. R. A. S., 1909, pp. 63 ff. Bhandarkar, D. R. Foreign elements in the Hindu Population. Indian Antiquary, XIL. (1911), PP. 7 ff. esp. pp. 21 ff. 54 See Mr. V. Smith's doto below. 55 India (Sachau's translation, I, 202). Mr. Bhandarkar (I.c., p. 21) locates in the north-eastern part of the Jaipur territory and the south of the Alwar State. The Gujuri dialect spoken in the hills of the North West Frontier Province is closely connected with the Mewati spoken in Alwar at the present day. On the other hand, as stated in a private communication, Mr. Vincent Smith considera that it tast have been at or near Ajmer, about 180 miles to the North-East of the old capital Bhinmal 56 Rajatarangini, v. 143-150, and Stein's translation, I, 99. 5T Bombay Gazekteer (1896), Vol. I, Part I, pp. 3, 4.

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160 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [AUGUST, 1914, The Gurjaras who established the kingdoms at Bhinmal and Bharoch probably came from the West, as Mr. Bhandarkar suggests. The founders of the Panjab Gurjara kingdom which existed in the 9th century presumably reached the Indian plains by a different route. There is no indication of any connection between the Gurjara kingdom of the Panjab and the two kingdoms of the widely separated Province of Gujarat.58 As may be expected, the Gajar herdsmen (as distinct from the fighting Gurjaras who became Rajputs) are found in greatest numbers in the north-west of India from the Indus to the Ganges. In the Panjab they are mainly settled in the lower ranges and submontane tracts, though they are spread along the Jamna in considerable numbers, Gujrat District is still their stronghold, and here they form 134 per cent. of the total population. In the higher mountains they are almost unknown. In the plains tracts of the Panjab they are called 'Gujars' or Gujjars' (not Gujars). and they have noerly all abandoned their original language and speak the ordinary Panjabi of their neighbours. On the other hand, in the mountains to the north-west of the Panjab, i.e., throughout the hill country of Murree, Jammu, Chhibhal, Hazara, in the wild territory lying to the north of Peshawar as far as the Swat river, and also in the hills of Kashmir, there are numerous descendants of the Gurjaras still following their pastoral avocations. Here they are called * Gujurs' (not Gujar' or 'Gujar') and tend cows. Closely allied to them, and speaking the same language, is the tribe of Ajars who tend sheep. The ordinary language of the countries over which these last mentioned people roam is generally Pushto or Kashmiri, though there are also spoken various Pisacha dialects of the Swat and neighbouring territories. In fact, in the latter tract, there are numerous tribos, each with a Pisacha dialect of its own, but employing Pushto as a lingua franca. The Gujurs are no exception to the rule. While generally able to speak the language, or the lingua franca, of the country they occupy, they have a distinct language of their own, called Gujuri, varying but little from place to place, and closely connected with the Mewati dialect of Rajasthani, described on pp. 44 ff. of Vol. IX, Pt. II of the Survey. Of course their vocabulary is freely interlarded with words borrowed from Pushts, Kashmiri, and what not; but the grammar is practically identical with that of Mewati, and closely allied to that of Mewati. The existence of a form of Mewati or Mewari in the distant country of Swat is a fact which has given rise to some speculation. One sept of the Gujurs of Swat is known as Chauhan,' and it is known that the dominant race in Mewar belongs to the Chauhan sept of Raipats. Two explanations are possible. One is that the Gujurs of this tract are immigrants from Mewat (or Alwar) and Mewar. The other is that the Gurjaras in their advance with the Hunas into India, left some of their number in the Swat country, who still retain their ancient language, and that this same language was also carried by other members of the same tribe into Rajputana. The former explanation is that adopted by Mr. Vincent Smith, who has kindly supplied the following note on the point : "The surprising fact that the pastoral, semi-nomad Gujur graziers and Ajar shepherds, who roam over the lower Himalayan ranges from the Afghan frontier to Kumaon and Garhwal, speak a dialect of Hindi,' quite distinct from the Pushto and other languages spoken by their neighbours, has been long familiar to officers serving in the Panjab and on the North-Western Frontier 59 In 1908 the Linguistic Survey made public the more precise information that the grammar of the speech of the still more remote Gujurs of the 58 The above account of the early history of the Gurjaras is based on information kindly placod at my disposal by Mr. V. Smith. 59 Ibbetson, Outlines of Panjab Ethnography (1883), p. 265.

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AUGUST, 1914.] THE PAHARI LANGUAGE 161 Swat Valley is almost identical with that of the Rajputa of Mewat and Mewarin Rajputana, distant some 600 miles in a direct line.60 In the intervening space totally different languages are spoken. Why, then, do the Muhammadan Gujur herdsmen of Swat use a speech essentially the same as that of the aristocratie Hindu Rajputs of Mewar ? The question is put concerning the Gujurs of Swat, because they are the most remote tribe at present known to speak a tongue closely allied to the Mewati and Mewasi varieties of Eastern Rajasthani. "But dialects, which may be described as corrupt forms of Eastern Rajasthani, extend along the lower hills from about the longitude of Chamba through Garhwal and Kumaon into Western Nepal, so that the problem may be stated in wider terms, as :- Why do certain tribes of the lower Himalaya, in Swat, and also from Chamba to Western Nepal, speak dialects allied to Eastern Rajasthani, and especially to Mewati, although they are divided from Eastern Rajputana by hundreds of miles in which distinct languages are spoken ?' " It is not possible to give a fully satisfactory solution of the problem, but recent historical and archaeological researches throw some light upon it. All observers are agreed that no distinction of race can be drawn between the Gajars or Gujurs and the Jats or Jatts, two castes which occupy a very prominent position in North-Western India. It is also agreed that several other castes in the same region, such as Ajars, Ahirs and many more, are racially indistinguishable from the Jatts and Gujars. The name Gujar appears in Sanskrit inscriptions as Gurjara, and nobody can doubt that the modern Gajars represent the anci. ent Gurjaras. Long ago the late Sir Denzil Ibbetson recognized the fact that in the Panjab it is impossible to draw distinctions in blood between Gujars and many clans of Rajputs, or, in other words, local enquiry proves that persons now known as Rajpats may be descended from the same ancestors as are other persons known as Gajars,1 Mr. Baden Powell observed that there is no doubt that a great majority of the clan-names in the Panjab belong both to the "Rajput" and the "Jat" sections. And this indicates that when the numerous Bala, Indo-Scythian, Gujar and Huna tribes settled, the leading military and princely houses were accepted as "Rajput," while those who took frankly to cultivation, became " Ja". C2 Mr. D. R. Bhandarkar has demonstrated recently that the ancestors of the Ranas of Udaipur (Mewar) were originally classed as Brahmays, and were not recognised as Rajputs until they became established as a ruling family.c3 In fact, there is abundant evidence to prove that the term Rajput' signifies an occupational group of castes, which made it their principal business to rule and fight. That being the traditional business of the ancient Kshatriyas, castes known as Rajput were treated by the Brahmans as equivalent to Kshatriyas, and superior in rank and purity to castes engaged in agriculture. We may take it as proved that there is nothing to prevent a Rajput being descended from a Brahma, a Gujar, a Jatt, or in fact from a man of any decent caste. Consequently the Gujur herdsmen and Ajar shepherds of Swat may well be the poor relations of the Rajput chivalry of Mewar, and the present divergence in social status may be the result of the difference of the occupations to which their respective ancestors were called by Providence. If the Swat Gujurs and the Mewat and Mewar Rajputs come of one stock, it is not so wonderful that they should speak a language essentially one. Certainly there is no difficulty in believing that all the Himalayan tribes, both in Swat and east of Chamba, who speak forms of Rajasthani, may be largely of the same blood as the Rajputs of Eastern Rajputana. Of course, I do not mean that a pure race is to be found anywhere in Indiaalmost every caste is of very much mixed blood. 60 Linguistic Survey, Vol. IX, Part II (1908), p. 323. (In the passage quoted from Vol. IX of the Suroewthe particular Rajasthani dialect wAS Jaipuri. But further enquiry has shown me that Mewati and Mawari are more akin to Gujuri than is Jaipuri. This is a metter of small importance. Jaipur lies between Mewat and Mewar.-G. A. G.) 61 Ibbetson, op. cit., p. 265. 22. Notes on the Rajpat Clans (J. R. A. 8., 1899, p. 534) 63 Guhilots'(J. Proc., A. S. B., New Ser., Vol., V. (1909), pp. 167-187): Atpur Inscription of Caktikumara', Ind. Ant. Vol. XXXIX (1910, p. 186). (So, in Mahabharata VIII, 2076. a Bahlika b. Ahmane may, if he choose, become a Kshatriya.-G. A. G.]

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162 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [AUGUST, 1914, "Not only are the Jatts, Gujars, Ajars, etc., related in blood to the Rajputs, but we may also affirm with confidence. that that blood is in large measure foreign, introduced by swarms of immigrants who poured into India across the north-western passes for about a century, both before and after 500 A.D. The Gurjaras are not heard of until the sixth century, but from that time on they are closely associated with the Hunas (Huns) and other foreign tribes, which then settled in India and were swallowed up by the octopus of Hinduism-tribes insensibly, but quickly, being transformed into castes. It is now certain, as demonstrated by epigraphical evidence, that the famous Parihar (Pratihera) Rajputs were originally Gurjaras or Gujars; or, if we prefer, we may say that certain Gurjaras were originally Pratiharas ; and it is practically certain that the three other fire born' Rajput clans--Pawar (Pramar), Solaiki (Chaulukya), and Chauhan (Chahamana)-were descended, like the Parihars, from ancestors belonging to a Gurjara or cognate foreign tribe "We are not able to identify the locality beyond the passes from which these ancestors came, nor do we know what tribal names they bore before they entered India, or what language they then spoke. Further, it is not possible at present to be certain concerning the road by which the Gurjaras, Huvas, etc., entered India. Probably they came by many roads. But the legend locating the origin of the fire born clans at Mount Abu and much evidence of other kinds indicate that the principal settlements of the foreigners were in Rajputana, which became the great centre of dispersion "We know that as early as the first half of the seventh century, Bhinmal (Srimala) to the north-west of Mount Abu, was the capital of a kingdom ruled by Vyaghramukha Chapa. The Chapas were a subdivision of the Gurjaras. A coin of Vyaghramukha was found associated with numerous slightly earlier Huya coins of the sixth and seventh centuries on the Manaswal Plateau in the outer Siwalik Hills, Hoshiyarpur District, Panjab, which at that period undoubtedly was under Huya-Gurjara rule. Early in the eighth century, Nagabhata I, a Gurjara, who had then become a Hindu, established a strong monarchy at Bhinmal, where Vyaghramukha had ruled a hundred years earlier. Nagabhata's son, Vatsaraja, greatly extended the dominions of his house, defeating even the king of Eastern Bengal. In or about 810 A.D., Nagabhata II, son and successor of Vatsaraja, deposed the king of Kanauj and removed the seat of his own government to that imperial city. For more than a century, and especially during the reigns of Mibira-Bhoja and his son (840-908 A.D.), the Gurjara-Pratihara kingdom of Kanauj was the paramount power of Northern India, and included Surashtra (Kathiawar) within its limits, as well as Karnal, now under the Government of the Panjab. "I take it that the Gurjaras and other foreign tribes settled in Rajputana, from the sixth century onwards adopted the local language, an early form of Rajasthani, with great rapidity. They brought, I imagine, few women with them, and when they formed unions with Hindu women, they quickly learned the religion, customs, and language of their wives. I am inclined to believe that during the period of Gurjara rule, and especially during the ninth and tenth centuries, the Rajasthani language must have been carried over a wide territory far more extensive then that now occupied by it. It seems to me that the Gujurs and Ajars of Swat, and the similar tribes in the lower Himalayas to the east of Chamba, should be regarded as survivals of a much larger population which once spoke Rajasthani, the language of the court and capital. For one reason or other the neighbours of those northern Gujurs and Aja s took up various languages, Pushto, Lahnda, or whatever it might be, while the graziers and shepherds clung to the ancient tongue which their ancestors had brought from Rajputana, and which probably was spoken for a long time in much of the country intervening between the hills and Mewat. If this theory be sound, the forms of the Himalayan Rajasthani, should be more archaic than those of modern Mewati or the other 81 I have a suspicion that they may have been Iranians, perhaps from Sistan, but I cannot profess to prove that hypothesis.

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AUGUST, 1914.] THE PAHARI LANGUAGE 163 dialects of Rajputana, just as in Quebec French is more archaic than current Parisian.c5 I do not see any other way of explaining the existence of the Rajasthani 'outliers,' if I may borrow a convenient term from the geologists. The historical indications do not favour the notion that the Gurjaras, etc., came via Kabul and thence moved southwards, dropping settlements in the Lower Himalayas; they rather suggest immigration from the west by the Quetta and Kandahir routes or lines of march still further south. Settlements dropped among the Himalayan Hills by invaders speaking a Central Asian language could not possibly have picked up the tongue of eastern Rajputana. The ancestors of the Swat Gujurs must have spoken Rajasthani and have learned it in a region where it was the mother tongue. The far northern extensions of that form of speech must apparently be attributed to the time when the Gurjara kingdom attained its greatest expansion. We know from inscriptions that the dominions of both Mihira-Bhoja and his son, Mahendra pala (cir. 840-908 A, D.), included the Karnal district to the north-west of Delhi. "My answer to the problem proposed at the beginning of this note, therefore, is that the Gujurs, etc., of the lower Himalayas, who now speak forms of Rajasthani, are in large measure of the same stock as many Rajpat clans in Rajputana, the Panjab, and the United Provinces; that their ancestors emigrated from Rajputana after they had acquired the Rajasthani speech ; and that the most likely time for such emigration is the ninth century, when the Gujara-Rajput power dominated all northern and north-western India, with its capital at Kanauj.cc" Turning now to the other explanation, we may prenaise by stating that the Gurjaras may possibly have entered Rajputana from two directions. They invaded the Sindh Valley, where they have practically disappeared as a distinct caste, the Gakkhars, Janjuas, and Pathans being too strong for them. But their progress was not stopped, and they have probably entered the Gujarat Province and Western Rajputana by this route. In Gujarat they became merged into the general population, and there is now in that province no Gujar caste, but there are Gajar and simple Vaniis (traders), Gujar and simple Sutars (carpenters), Gajar and simple Sonars (goldsmiths), Gujar and simple Kumbhars (potters), and Gujar and simple Salats (masons). Gajars, as distinct from Rajputs, are strong in Eastern Rajputana, their greatest numbers being in Alwar, Jaipur, Mewar, and the neighbourhood. Here they are a distinct and recognised class, claiming to be descended from Rajputs. These must have come along the other supposed line of advance from the north. Several Gujar-Rajput tribes, such as the Chalukyas, Chahamanas (Chauhans), and Sindas, came to Rajputana from a mountainous country called Sapadalaksha. 65 [As a matter of feat Gujurt is more archaio in its forms than its nearest congener, modern Mewati. See the Gujuri section below.-G. A. G.) 66 For historical, epi raphical, and numismatic details, see V. A. Smith "The Gurjaras of Rajputana and Kanauj (J. R. A. S., Jan., April, 1909); * White Hun Coins from the Panjab " (ibid., Jan. 1907); * White Hun Coins of Vyaghramukha" (Ibid., Oct. 1907); "The History of the City of Kanau, etc." (Ibid., July 1008). D. R. Bhandarkar "Foreign elements in the Hindu Population" (Ind. Ant., 1911, pp. 7-37). Mr. Bhandarkar (p. 30) thinks that Eastern Rajasthani is derived from Pahari Hindi : but I do not think he can be right. 67 Ibbetson, 7. c., p. 263. Mr. Vincent Smith is of opinion that the position of their principal settlement, that at Bhinmal. North-West of Mount Abu, indicates that the Gurjaras came from the West, across Sindh. and not from the North down the Indus Valley. They could have entered Sindh either vid Makran, as the Arabs did later in the end of the 7th century, or through Baluchistan by roads further north. If they came from Sistan and spoke an Eranian language, they would soon have picked up an Indian tongue. On this theory, tho Gujars of the Panjab would have entered that province from the south, proceedling up the Indus Valley. Mr. Smith points out that the Panjab Gurjaras probably are later settlement. Wo hear of them first in the Kashmir chronicles in the 9th century. EUR8 Bhandarkar, l. c., p. 22. 69 In 1901, the total number of Gojars in Rajputana was 462,739. Of these, 46,046 were enumerated in Alwar, 184,404 in Jaipur, and 50,574 in Mewar. Bharatpur, adjoining Alwar, had 44,876.

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164 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [AUGUST, 1914. Mr. Bhandarkario has shown that this Sapadalaksha included the hill-country from Chamba on the west, to Western Nepal on the east, thus almost exactly corresponding with the area in which Western and Central Pahari are now spoken. Now, in this tract at the present day it may be said that, while there are plenty of Rajputs, there are no Gujars. The main population is, as we have seen, Khasa, in which the non-military Gujars must have been merged. The Sapadalaksha Gujar-Rajputs, on the other hand, have provided Mewar with its Chauhans. We have seen that one of the Swat Gujur septs is also called Chauhan, and the second of the two explanations for the presence of the Gujurs in their present seats is that they are not a backwash of immigration from Rajputana, but are the representatives of Gurjaras who were there left behind while the main body advanced and settled in Sapadalaksha. Instead of taking to agriculture and becoming merged in the population, they retained their ancestral pastoral habits and their tribal individuality.72 We have seen that there were originally many Rajputs in Sapadalaksha. In the times of the Musalman rule of India many more Rajputs from the plains of India took refuge amongst their Sapadalaksha kin and there founded dynasties which still survive. Particulars regarding these will be found in the Introduction to the three Pahari languages and need not be repeated here. Suffice it to say that it is plain that down even to the days of late Musalman dominion the tie between Sapadalaksha and Rajputana was never broken. And this, in my opinion, satisfactorily explains the fact of the close connexion between the Pahari languages and Rajasthani. We thus arrive at the following general results regarding the Aryan-speaking population of the Pahari tract. The earliest immigrants of whom we have any historical information were the Khatas, a race hailing from Central Asia and originally speaking an Aryan, but not necessarily, an Indo-Aryan, language. They were followed by the Gurjaras, a tribe who invaded India about the sixth century A. D. and occupied the same tract, then known as Sapadalaksha. At that time, they also spoke an Aryan, but not necessarily an Indo-Aryan, language.73 Of these Gurjaras the bulk followed pastoral pursuits and became merged in and identified with the preceding Kha-a population. Others were fighting men, and were identified by the Brahmans with Kshatriyas. In this guise they invaded Eastern Rajputana from Sapadalaksha, and, possibly, Western Rajputana from Sindh, and founded, as Rajputs, the great Rajput states of Rajputana.7 70 l. c. pp. 28 ff. Sapadalaksha becomes in modern speech sawa-lakh, and means one hundred and twenty-five thousand, a reference to the supposed number of hills in the tract. At the present day the name is confined to the 'Siwalik' hills. 71 We see traces of this merging in the great Kanet caste of the Simla Hills. It has two divisions, one called Khasia and the other Rao (Ibbetson I. c. r. 268). The former represent the Khasas, and it is difficult to avoid the conclusion that the Raos are Gujars who have become merged into the general population and have adopted a name Rao, indicating their closer connexion with the Rajputs. 72 The writer's personal opinion upon this disputed point is given at length near the end of this article (p. 166). 73 It is possible that the Gurjaras, at the time that they first entered the hills, did not speak an IndoAryan language. We are quite ignorant on the point. But this must not be taken as suggesting that the languages of their descendants, the Rajputs and the Gujurs, is not Indo-Aryan. It is now-a-days certainly Indo-Aryan, and belongs to the Inner-Group of these languages. 74 It is interesting, on this point, to note that the Central Pahari of Kumaun and Garhwal (ie., of Eastern Sapadalaksha) agree with Eastern Rajasthani in having the genitive postposition ko and the verb substantive derived from the achh, while in the Western Pahari of the Simla Hills (i.e., Western Sapadalaksha) the termination of the genitive is the Western Rajasthani ro, while one of the verbs substantive (4, is) is probably of the same origin as the Western Rajasthani hat. As for Gujarat, the genitive ends in no, and the verb substantive belongs to the achh group. West of Western Pahari we have the Pothwari dialect of Lahnda. Here also the genitive termination is no, but the verb substantive differs from that of Gujarati. On the other hand Gujarati agrees with all the Lahnda dialects in one very remarkable point viz., the formation of the future by means of a sibilant. We thus see that right along the lower Himalaya, from the Indus to Nepal, there are three groups of dialects agreeing in striking points with, in order Gujarati, Western Rajasthani and Eastern Rajasthani.

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AUGUST, 1914.] THE PAHARI LANGUAGE 165 The Khasas were, we have seen, closely connected with the tribes nicknamed 'Pisachas' or cannibals, of North-Western India. I have elsewhere contended, and I believe proved, that the wild tribes of the extreme North-West, immediately to the South of the Hindu Kush, are modern representatives of these ancient Pisachas, and I have classed the languages now spoken by them and also Kashmiri, as belonging to the 'Pisacha Group.' This Pisacha Group of languages possesses many marked peculiarities strange to the Aryan languages of the Indian Plains, and several of these are clearly observable in the various forms of Western and Central Pahari-strong in the extreme west, but becoming weaker and weaker as we go eastwards. It is reasonable to infer that in this we have traces of the old language of the Khasas, whom Sanskrit tradition makes to be related to the Pisachas.75 But the Pahari languages, although with this Khasa basis, are much more closely related to Rajasthani. This must be mainly due to the Gujar influence. We have seen that the Gujars occupied the country, and became absorbed in the general population, but at the same time they must have given it their language. Then there was a constant reflux of emigration on the part of the GujarRajputs from Rajputana and the neighbouring parts of India. These re-immigrants became, as befitted their Kshatriya station, the rulers of the country and to-day most of the chiefs and princes of the old Sapadalaksha trace their descent from Rajputs of the plains. The re-immigration was increased by the oppression of the Mughul rule in India proper, and there are historical notices of tribe after tribe, and leader after leader, abandoning their established seats in Rajputana, and seeking refuge from Musalman oppression in the hills from which they had originally issued to conquer the Gangetic Valley.76 In Sapadalaksha proper (the hill-tract with Chamba for its western and Kumaon for its eastern extremity) the Khasas and the Gujars have kept themselves comparatively pure from admixture with the Tibeto-Burmans who overflowed from beyond the Himalaya and also occupied the southern slope of the range. Here the Aryans succeeded in arresting their Tibeto-Burman competitors in the race for possession. On the other hand, in the east, in Nepal, the Tibeto-Burmans forestalled the Khasa-Gujars, and when the latter entered the country they found the others already in possession of the chief valleys. The bulk of the population of Nepal is Tibeto-Burman, and the Khas conquerors have ever been in a minority. The result has been a considerable racial mixture, which is well described by Hodgson and Professor Sylvain Levi in the works mentioned in the list of authorities. Most of the Khasas of Nepal are of mixed descent. Here it is unnecessary to do more than record the fact, and to refer the ethnologist to the works above mentioned for particulars. What concerns us now is the language, and that has followed the fate of the Khas-Gujar tribe. While still distinctly allied to Rajasthani, the Aryan language of Nepal presents a mixed character. Not only many words, but even special phases of the Grammar, such as the use of the Agent case before all tenses of the transitive verb, and the employment of a complete honorific conjugation, are plainly borrowed from the speech of the surrounding Tibeto-Burmans. These changes in the speech are increasing with every decade, and certain Tibeto-Burman peculiarities have come into the language within the memory of men alive at the present day. 75 Attention will frequently be called to these Khasa traces in dealing with each language in the following pages. See especially the section devoted to Western Pahari. 76 For details, see the Introductions to each of the three Pahari Groupe.

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166 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [AUGUST, 1914 The question of the language spoken by the Gujurs of Swat is different and more difficult. Two opposing theories have been given in the preceding pages, and the present writer will now attempt to give his own views on the subject. It must, however, be observed that these views are founded on imperfect materials, and are only put forward as what seems to him to be the best explanation till further materials become available. We do not know what language was spoken by the Gurjaras of Sapadalaksha. It has been stated that it was not necessarily Indo-Aryan. This is true merely as a confession of ignorance. We simply do not know. All that we can say is that in some respects (such as the use of handi as a postposition of the genitive, the form chhau, for the verb substantive, and the use of la to form the future tense) its modern descendant, Rajasthani, shows points of agreement with the Pisacha languages of the north-west. These Sapadalaksha Gurjaras came into Eastern Rajputana, and their language there developed into Modern Rajasthani. But as has been shown in the part of the Survey dealing with Rajasthani, this is not a pure language. The Gurjaras settled among & people speaking an Indo-Aryan language of the Inner Group akin to Western Hindi. They adopted this language, retaining at the same time many forms of their own speech. The result was Rajasthani, a mixed language in which, as has been shown elsewhere, the influence of the Inner Group of Indo-Aryan languages weakens as we go westwards. In the north-east of Rajputana, in Alwar and Mewat, the influence of the Inner Group is strongest. Now the Gujurs of Swat speak this mixed Mewati Rajasthani, and not the language of the Sapadalaksha Gurjaras, whatever that was. Of this there can be no doubt. Swat Gujuri therefore must be a form of Mewati Rajasthani, and we cannot describe the latter as a form of Swat Gujuri, for we know that it originally came from Sapadalaksha, not from Swat. Mr. Smith has described how the Gajars of Rajputana can have entered the Panjab, and, whether the details of his theory are correct or not (and the present writer, for one, sees no reason for doubting them), we may take it, that the main point,-their entry from Rajputana-is proved. We are thus able to conceive the following course of events. The Mewat Gajars went up the Jamna Valley, and settled in the Panjab plains. There they amalgamated with the rest of the population and lost their distinotive language. Some of them settled in the submontane districts of Gujrat, Gujranwala, Kangra, and the neighbourhood. Here they partially retained their old language, and now speak a broken mixture of it, Panjabi, and Hindostani. The use of Hindostani forms in this mongrel submontane Gujari, far from the River Jamna, on the banks of which Hindostani has its proper home, is most suggestive. Finally, other Gaejars, more enterprising than their fellows, went on further into the mountains, beyond the submontane tract, and are now-a-days represented by the Gujurs of Swat, Kashmir, and the neighbourhood. These last wander free over the mountains of their new home, and have little intercourse with the other inhabitants of the locality. They have hence retained the original language which they brought with them from Mewat. But even here we shall see in the specimens sporadic waifs picked up on their journey-stray Hindostani and Panjabi forms, retained like solitary flies in amber, within the body of the Gujur speech.

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AUGUST, 1914.) THE DATE OF MAHAVIRA 167 THE DATE OF MAHAVIRA, BY JARL CHARPENTIER, PH.D., UPSALA. (Continued from page 183.) From this point the various chronological documents ought to be considered separately, and I shall begin here with the Brahmanical tradition as incorporated in the Vayu Purara. According to this text the above-mentioned, Dar aka (or Harsaka)e+ after a reign of 25 years was succeeded by Udaya (or Udaya va), who reigned 33 years; after him came Nandivardhana and Mahanandin, to whom a reign of altogether 85 years is assigned. Mahanandin was the last king of the Eaisunaga dynasty, and after him the nine Nandas, Mahapadma, etc., reigned during two generations altogether 100 years ; of the Mauryas, who followed the last Nanda, Candragupta reigned 24, Bindusara 25, and Asoka 36 years. If we now sum up the different reigns from Ajata atru down to the accession of Asoka, it makes altogether 317 years, and if we take for granted, that Buddha died eight years after the accession of Ajata atru, this would place Asoka just 309 years after the Nirvara, which is simply impossible, for even if we could use the Ceylonese era, according to which Buddha died 544 B. c. this would correspond to 234 B. C., and we know, that Aoka had been anointed more than 12 years before a date which fell between 260 and 258 B.C. And, if we take 477 B. c. as the year of the Nirvaya, the accession of Asoka would fall in 168 B.C., which is still more absurd. So there must be an error in the Pura ras, and I think it is rather easily detected. That there were two generations of Nandas, including a father and nine sons, the last of whom was called Mahapadma, is related not only in Brahmanical, but also in Jain and (to a certain extent) in Buddhist texts. Moreover, Hemacandra and other Jain authors assert expressly, that Udaya or Udayi was the last of the Saisunagas. Now, it is obvious that names like Mahanandin and Nandivardhana have nothing in common with the Saiunagas, but look suspiciously like Nanda, and Mahanandin may even be a sort of shortening for the fuller Maha padma Nandara ja,cs From this and from the great exaggeration in years I conclude, that the Purana has twice counted the reigns of the Nanda dynasty, which is quite possible, as there seems to have been a great confusion prevailing in matters concerning their history. Moreover, the number of years (100) seems very suspicious as allotted to a father and nine sons, for it would give just ten years to each. From these instances I venture to draw the conclusion, that Mahanandin and Nandivardhana originally represented the two generations of Nandas, reigning 85 years,60 and that the 100 years attributed to the Nandas is an interpolation based on oblivion and misunderstanding of the real facts. If then we eliminate the 100 years of the Nandas. the time between the death of Buddha and the accession of Asoka would be 209 years instead of 309. which would place his date in 268 B. C. according to the adjusted chronology. But now the Buddhists, who may have had after all, the best information concerning A oka, tellus. that he reigned 4 years before his coronation and 37 years after it, which is fairly near the 36 64 In the Visou-Purana his name is Darbhaka, Cf. Muller, Ancient Skl. Lit. p. 296. 65 Nandardja is mentioned twice in the inscription of Kharavels and in Kautillys p. 429. Nandrus is an evident emendation of (vide Gutschmid) for Alexandrus in Justin XV, 4. I am absolutely at A losy to understand what Xandramas or Agramines, which was the name of the last king of Maradha hofere Candragupta according to Diodora XVII, 93 and Curtins IX, 2, might be in Sanskrit. avanune seems to contain a Sanskrit candra or perhaps canda but nothing can be made out of this, as there is no such name amongst the Nandas. Two generations reigning for 85 years may seem to be a rather incredible event, but it is by no means impossible as Mr. Vincent A. Smith has supplied in his Early History of India, p. 40, examples from English history illustrating the length of reigns, I need only call attention to the fact that the reigns of children covered a period ot no less than 94 years (1609-1603), and that Henry VIII WAS born 112 years before the death of Elizabeth.

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168 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [AUGUST, 1914. years mentioned in the Purara. If so, we must increase the 36 by five years, which would bring his accession to the throne to 273 B. c., which is nearly coincident with the date calculated from the inscriptions, 276-274 B.C. So far concerning the Brahmanical tradition. The Jain records consist mainly in the versus memoriales treated of above, and the traditions incorporated in Hemacandra's Parisi laparvan, but these must be considered later on, and so I pass now to the statements of the Buddhists, as we find them related in the Ceylonese chronicles. Here we must begin with the Mahavamsa, as the statements there are at least clear, whilst the Diparanna gives several utterly confused traditions.47 According then to the Mahavamsa II, 25 sq. and IV, 1 sq., V. 14 sq., Bimbisara reigned 52 years, and was succeeded by his son and murderer Ajata-atru, who reigned 8 years before and 24 years after the death of Buddha, or altogether 32 years. The princes after Ajataiatru may have been rather faint supporters of the Buddhists religion, for the Mahavamsa IV, 1 s calls the following a pitughatakavamsa,' a 'lineage of parricides', and tells that one after another succeeded to the throne by slaying his father and predecessor. They were : Udayabhaddaka, reigning 16 years, Anuruddhaka and Munda together 8 years68 and Nagadasaka 24 years. After these monsters, of whom the last was slain by the infuriated people, a righteous minister, Susunaga, reigned 18 years, and was succeeded by his son, Kalasoka, whose reign lasted 28 years. In the eleventh year (atite dasame vasse, IV, 8) of his reign the second council was convoked at Vesali, 100 years after the Nirvana of Buddha. Kalasoka was succeeded by his ten sons, who reigned 22 years, and these by the nine Nandas, reigning another 22 years 69 After the dethronement of the last Nanda by Capakya, Candragupta reigned 24 years. His son Bindusara reigned 28 years, and was succeeded by Asoka, who, after having murdered his 99 brothers, was anointed king 218 years after the Nirvana. All these dates fit fairly well to each other, but the 'error' in the Samantapasadika mentioned above shows undoubtedly that the tradition is not on all points to be trusted, and we may perhaps, after all, not attach too much weight to the report that Asoka was anointed just 218 years after the death of Buddha. However, there is one date, which may have been at least approximately known by the Buddhists, and that is the year of the second Council. That it took place 100 years A. B. is asserted by the C.V. XII, 1, 1, and it does not matter here if that is not the quite correct date, or even if the Council never 67 I cannot consider here the Divyavadana, which states that Aloka reigned 100 years after Buddha (pp. 368, 379 etc.) and gives on pp. 369, 430 an utterly increible list of kings, which is in contradiction with all other records. According to this list the rulers of Magadha were the following: BimbisAra, Ajategatru. Udayin (Udayibhadra), Munda, Kakavarnin, Sahali, Tulakuci, Mah&mapdala, Prasenajit, Nanda, Vindusara, A oka, Sampadi (son of Kundla and grandson of Asoka), Vphaspati, Vihasena (!), Pusyadharman and Pusyaratha. I only point to the fact, that in this list, Candragupta is forgotten, from which its value may be judged. 63 In the Samantapdedika 3213 ff. Buddhaghosa assigns to these rulers 18 years instead of 8: a very remarkable tradition as it is in contradiction with the total sum of years between Buddha and Asoka. This seems to point to a grave uncertainty in the Coylonese tradition. 9 It has not been observed before, as far as I know, that the Jain tradition has preserved a faint recollection of K Aldaoka and his successors. In Upanga 8 and 9 (niraye valt) it is spoken of prince Kala and his brothers, whom the tradition makes out to be step-brothers of Ajatasatru, and later on of his 10 sons. two of whom bear the names Mahapadma and Nandana. This shows a certain coincidence with other relations of the Nandas, albeit in an utterly confused form.

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AUGUST, 1914.] THE DATE OF MAHAVIRA 169 took place, 10 for the main question is that the date was an important starting point in the Ceylonese chronology, and I am firmly convinced that the monks in Ceylon also knew from old traditions, that this centenary fell just after the tenth year of Kalasoka's reign. I only emphasize once more the deviating statement of Buddhaghosa which must perhaps induce us to alter in some way the list of rulers before Kalasoka. But the events previous to his time do not, of course, affect the date of the great Asoka,as there was, no doubt, a clear tradition that his abhiseka took place 118 years after the second Council and A. B. 218. Counting according to the adjusted chronology, this would fix the date of the abhiseka in 260-59 B. c., which is impossible to judge from the inscriptions. It is true, that Asoka always does count from the year of his abhiseka, as is clearly seen from all the dated inscriptions7i; but we have calculated above, that his coronation must have taken place between 272-270 B.C. This would, no doubt, imply that the death of Buddha happened between 490-488 B. C., a date which does not coincide with the calculations of General Cunningham and Professor Max Muller. But here the following point of view ought to be considered. Asoka was, according to the Buddhist reports, an unbeliever during the first part of his * reign, and he was converted three years after his coronation.72 Now this is of great interest, as it will probably be in agreement with the statements of Asoka himself. The well-known introduction to the Rock-Ed. XIII tells us that 'a[stava]sa abhisita[sa de Juana priasa Priadrasisa rano ka[liga vijita]'73; so the conquest of Kaliuga must have taken place between 264-262 B.C., and immediately afterwards the king began to repent the slaughter and bloodshed that had taken place and became to a certain degree a convert. Now he further tells us, in the Sahasram etc., edicts, that he was during more than 2 years a rather luke-warm lay-follower, but had since that time during more than a year been an energetic member of the community (adhikun[i] adhatiyani vasani ya hakam (upasake) no tu kho badham pakamte husam ekam sa(0) vacharam satireke tu kho sa(m)vachar[a]m yam maya samghe upayite badham ca me pakamte). This implies, that more than 10, say about 11, years had elapsed since the coronation, and consequently about 15 years since the accession, before he became a really faithful convert to Buddhism. And in the Rock-Ed. VIII he tells us that in his eleventh year he set out for the sambodhi' (ayaya sambodhim), which fairly corresponds to the statement of the Sahasram edict.74 If now we compare the three years after the coronation spoken of by the Dipavamsa and the more than 21 years' of the Sahasram edict, it cannot be denied that they present a striking resemblance, and I do not hesitate to conclude that in reality they point to the same event 75 But this leads us further 70 This is, of course, not my opinion, as I feel by no means convinced by the various theories adduced principally by R. O. Franke to invalidate the Buddhist tradition on this point. Ti Datos from the year 8 (conquest of Kalinga) in Rock-Ed. XIII to the year 26 (Pillar. Ed. I, IV and V) and 27 (Pillar-Ed. VII). 12 Dipav. VI, 18; also the corrupt verse VI, 24 speaks of the conversion three years after the abhiseka. 73 Shahbazgarhi : Ep. Ind. II, 462. 74 I have here fully made use of the very clear and convincing statements by Dr. F. W. Thomas, J.A. 1910, p. 507 sq. 75 There are further proofs of coincidence between the Buddhist scriptures and tho odicts which seem to be quite undeniable. Tho Divydvadana, e. g. knows of the existence of religious edicts, and makes their number be 84,000, a phantastical exaggeration; but it speaks in connexion with them (pp. 419, 429 etc.) of the institution of the Pancar drika, which must be the same thing as the dharmaydtrd, taking place every fifth year according to Rock-Ed. III and IV. Moreover, Divyavad, p. 407 tells us that Ku Ala was sent by his father to TakailA as governor (Hem. Parisistap, IX, 14 89. says to Ujjayint), which certainly reminds me of the expression in the Ed. I of Dhauli and Jaugada : Ujeni(te) kumdlo and khasilate (Kumale). The coincidence between Divyduad, p. 390 and the Rumminde inscription suggested by Barth. Journal des Savants, 1897, p. 73 and Buhler, Ep. Ind. V., p. 6, is denied by Pischel S. B. Pr. A. W. 1903, p. 731, and is rather uncertain. But it is a matter of fact that the Divydvadana tells us of Aloka's pilgri. mage to the holy places.

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170 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [AUGUST, 1914 to the conclusion, that the Ceylonese chronicles or rather their source the old Atthakathawere under a certain misunderstanding, when they spoke of 218 years between the Nirvana and the abhiseka of Asoka. The 218 years did not refer originally to the abhiseka, but to the completion of the conquest of Kaliiga or to the first conversion, or to both these events. And it must be conceded, that for the Buddhists the conversion was of infinitely more importance than the abhiseka, and that this may have been originally the point in the life of Asoka, from which they started their chronological and historical records concerning him. As for the conquest of Kalinga it was probably of no importance in chronological calculations, but merely in connection with the conversion, and there is in my opinion no single trace of an era founded upon the incorporation of Kaliiga in the realm of Asoka, either in Kalinga itself or anywhere else."70 If, then, 218 years of the Ceylonese chronicles did originally refer to the conversion, and not to the coronation of Asoka, this event would have taken place in 259 B. C., and the final conversion about three years later, or 256 B. C., i. e., if we accept the year 477 B. C. for the death of Buddha. But this seems to be some years too late, as the conquest of Kalinga must have been completed at latest in 262 B. c. However, we must notice two facts, which possibly might bring the dates into full agreement with each other: (1) as stated above there is a disagreement between Buddhaghosa and the chronicles which may be of certain importance, and (2) the Mahavamsa attributes to Bindusara a reign of 28 years, whilst the Brahmanical sources, which may be more correct here, give him only 25, or three years less. These slight differences taken together may involve the conclusion, that the 218 years are in reality a little exaggerated, and so I find in this no objection, but rather a confirmation, of the correctness of the adjusted date 477 B. C. The relations of the Mahavamsa, albeit in some points a little incredible, seem to be very clear, when we turn to the Dipavamsa, which gives us a most confused description of the different kings and their reigns. As far as I have been able to find a way through these entangled statements, there seem to be two main traditions concerning the kings of Magadha, of which the first is desperately confused, and the second is muddled up in a strange way with the calculations of the reigns of Ceylonese kings. To commence: two cardinal points stand out in the Dipavamsa, as well as in the Mahavamsa, viz., that the second Council was held 100 years after Buddha, when ten years and 15 days had elapsed of the reign of Asoka, son of Susunaga,77 and that the second Asoka was anointed 218 years after Buddha.78 What the Dipavamsa supplies, in scattered notices from III, 56 ff. onwards as far as VI, 1 ff., where the reign of Asoka begins, is that Bimbisara reigned 52 years, Ajatasatru 8 years before and 24 years after the Nirvana-32 years and Udaya (-bhadda) 16 years 9: but Anuruddhaka Dipav. IV, 44; V, 25. 79 Dipav. IV, 38; V, 97. 76 I agree with Dr. Fleet J.R.A.S. 1910, pp. 242 ff.824 ff, that the inscription of Kharavela does not give us any right to presume the existence of a Maurya era, although I find his interpretation of line 16 in that inscription absolutely inacceptable. Dr. Fleet translates: he produces, causes to come forth (ie., revives), the sixty-fourth chapter (or other division) of the collection of seven Augas. What does this mean? The seven first angas have never, as far as I know, been taken as forming a unity in the canon, and could not well do it, as Uvasagadasdo is in composition far more similar to VIII and IX than to VI; and presuming that the canon existed in its present shape at that time which is most incredible the 64th Chapter would correspond to Bhagavati, saya 5, which Kharavela would have revived. This is absurd. Moreover, angas 9-11 do not contain 75 adhyayana's, for 33+10+20 make 63. But I shall deal with this subject in another connexion, That Candragupta did not found any Maurya era seems clear, as Asoka never makes use of it; and moreover the statement of Megasthenes in Pliny VI, 17 (21), that at his time the Hindus reckoned 153 kings from father. Bacchus' down to Alexander during a time of 6451 years, seems to be a distorted record of the reckoning of the Kaliyuga, or the use of some Laukika era., Cf. also Arrian, Ind. ch. 8. 78 Dipav. VI, 1 ff.

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AUGUST, 1914.] THE DATE OF MAHAVIRA 171 and Munda, who reigned together 8 years according to the Mahavamsa, are totally omitted by the Dipavamsa, and from V, 78 it seems absolutely necessary to conclude, that Dipavamsa makes Nagadasa the immediate successor of Udayu; as for Nagadisa, he reigned at least 21 years, 80 as is seen from XI, 10. Susugaga reigned ten years, 81 and was succeeded by Kalisoka ; but I am not aware of any statement in the Dipavamsa concerning the length of his reign. Kalisoka must have been confounded with his father Susunaga in V, 99, when it is said that: Susunagass' accayena honti te dasa bhataro Sabbe bavisati vaseam rajjam karesu vamsato II for clearly by this are indicated the ten sons of Kalasoka, reigning 22 years according to the Mahavamsa. The Nandas are totally lacking, Candragupta reigned 24 years, and Bindusara is only mentioned, in V, 101 ; VI, 15, as the father of Aboka without any further notice of the length of his reign$2. As for Asoka himself, he reigned 37 years (V, 101), was anointed 218 years after Buddha, and converted three years after his coronation, etc.: all well-known statements. But, beside the clearly corrupt verse VI, 24: paripurnavisavassamhi Piyadassibhisi ricayum pasandam pariganhanto tiri vassam alikkami II where the 20 years refer to an unknown event, there is another manifestly confused statement regarding the time of Asoka. For in V, 102, it is said, that Tissa died in Asoka's 26th year, but in VII, 32, in his 8th year. I am not able to make out how these contradicting statements may have originated. In XI, 1 ff., we find the kings of Ceylon, who were in old times as remarkable for their long reigns as afterwards for the speed with which they succeeded each other. V. XI, 8 ff. states that Vijaya began his reign in the 8th year of Ajata atru,83 and died after having been king 38 years in Udaya's 14th year. After an interregnum of about one year Payduvasa was anointed in Udaya's 16th year, and died after a reign of 30 in the 21st year of Nagad sa. After him Abhaya became king, and reigned for 20 years, and after him there was an interregnum of 17 years, during which Pakugdaka or Pandukabhaya lived as a robber' (coro asi, XI, 2); having put seven of his maternal uncles to death (XI, 3), and having been anointed at Anuradhapura he reigned 70 years, and died in the fourteenth year of Candragupta, leaving the crown to his son Mutasiva, who reigned 60 years, and died 17 years after the coronation of Asokast. These accounts would place Candragupta in about 315/314 B. C., and the corunation of Asoka in 257 B. C., but both dates are too late. Now, it is nearly impossible, that Pakundaka who was 37, when he was crowned, should have reigned 70 years, and have had a son reigning after him for 60 years.$5 But where the error lies is not easily ascertained. However, the miscalculation is rather small, and after all the Ceylonese Chronicles do not form an obstacle to retaining the adjusted date, 477 B. C. If we now sum up the results of this short investigation, we have found that Asoka's coronation must have taken place between the years 272-270 B.C., and his real accession to the Bu If Nagadasa was really the successor of Udaya, he must have reigned 40 years; for Kalasoka had reigned 10 years and 15 days at the centenary of the Nirvapa. 81 Dipav. V, 97. 89 But this may be calculated from XI, 12-13 (v. below), and seems to have been about 29 years. 8 He came to Ceylon in the last year of Buddha, Dipav., IX, 40, on the very night of Buddhas' death, according to Mahdv. VII, 1 ff. B4 From this statement the date of Bindueira can be calculated; he seems to have reigned 29 years. 85 It is, however, remerkable that more than one classical author speaks about the high age reached by the inhabitants of Taprobane: Of., 6.9., Pliny, VI, 22 (24)

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172 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (August, 1914. throne about four years earlier, or 276-274 B.C. If, to obtain a more fixed date, we take the last of these years, and suppose that Aboka became king in 274 B.O., and reigned after that time 41 (4+37) years, he must have died 233 B.C. I further think, that the Brahmanical statement concerning Bindusara is more correct than the Buddhist, and that the absolutely longest duration of his reign that we can assume is 25 years; this would fix his time between 299274 B.C., and I should rather prefer to think that he began to reign some years later. Candragupta would have reigned between 323-299 B.C., and this seems to me to be very probable; for from Justin XV, 4, I fail to draw any other conclusion than that Candragupta became king of Magadha a certain time ere he conquered the western provincesA6, even if he really did see Alexander before that time.87 If Megasthenes, as seems sure, came in 303-302 B.C. to the court at Pataliputra88 and lived there some years, the earliest date for Candragupta's death may be 299 B.C., for Megasthenes certainly speaks of him as being alive. The space of 164 years between 477 and 323 B.C. would then be filled up by Ajatalatru and his lineage and the Nanda Kings. Ajatasatru is said to have reigned 24 years after Buddha, and so we may probably fix his death at about 453 B.C. ;89 Udaya or Udayi, however, who was, in my opinion, certainly the last of the Saisunagas, is said by the Purina to have reigned 33, by the Ceylonese chronicles only 16 years. But here also we must consider, the testimony of the Jains, with which I shall deal below, and it seems rather to confirm the Puranic view. It is certain from the Digha Nikaya, that Udayi was thought to have been born and to have already attained some age when Ajata'atru visited Buddha ; but notwithstanding this he may have reigned about 30 years. This would bring us down to roughly 425 or 420 B.c., or 100 years before Candragupta. And this time may have been filled up principally by the Nandas, who reigned according to Hemacandra 95 years (see below), and according to what I have tried above to make out from the Purana about 85 years. As concerns Susunaga the name is very suspicious, for Sisunaga was founder of the dynasty to which Bimbisara, etc., belonged ; if Kalasoka really existed, he may have been a Nanda. As the dynasty of the Eais un gas may thus have ceased about 420 B.C., and this is not very much at variance with the statement of Hemacandra regarding the time of Nanda's accession, I think that date may as an approximation be approved. And I find no objection whatever to accepting the vear 477 B.C. as the most probable date for the Nirvana of Buddha.90 86 The opinion of Mr. Vincent A. Smith, Early History, p. 115 sq. is the opposite one, but I cannot approve it. 7 Plutarch, Alex. ch. 72. * Smith, L. c. p. 118 sq. 89 Theso 24 years show a remarkable coincidence with the statement of the Puranas that Ajata atru reigned for 25 years. Does this really imply the use of a reckoning from the Nirvana of Buddha, existing in the time in which the Puranio list of kings originated? There is, of course, another coincidence in the 36 years of Asoka in the Purana and the 37 years after his coronation by the Buddhists. 80 As for the renouns adduced by Mr. Vincent A. Smith, Early History, p. 42 f., for dating the Nirvana at 487/86 B, C., they do not seem to be convincing at all. Concerning Varsaganya and Vindhyavana, they were contemporaries of Vasubandhu, and are said in Chinese sources to have lived. 900 years after the Nirvana : but M. X. Perl, BNF EO. XI, 339 ff., has showed with sufficient evidence, that the Chinese Authors placed the Nirvans at the beginning of the sixth century B, C., and that Vesubandhu really lived before 350 AD. As for the dotted record at Canton, finished in 489 A.D., and indicating the vear 486 . O. As the Nirvana, it seems at first rather important; but when we consider, that the Buddhists of different schools have all gone astray about the date, and that no one of them, as far as I know, has ever counted with the year 486 3. c., it seems very strange if just this singlo record should have kept the right date. PararnArtha, for instance, who lived 499-560, tells us that one of his works we completed 1265 years A.D. (Peri I. o.. p. 361). As for the tradition that Aboka lived 250 years after the NirvAUA. And was & contemporary of She-hwang-ti (246-210 B. o.), this would bring the date back to 496 B. C. (246 +250). As for the remons of Mr. V. Gopala Alyyor, Ind. Ant. XXXVII, 341 ff., they are based on the wrong interpretation of 256 in the Sahasram. Ed., and on too uncritical acceptance of the dates given in the Ceylonese Chronicles.

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AUGUST, 1914.] THE DATE OF MAHAVIRA 173 If then 477 B.C., is the most credible date for the death of Buddha that seems to be available, he must have been born about 557 B.C., as he was 80 years old when he died. And as the Pali texts our only source on this subject--inform us that he was 29 years old at the time of his renunciation, and 36 when he attained Buddhahood, this last event must have happened about 520 B.C. From these calculations, which cannot be very wrong, it is quite clear that if Mahavira had died 527 3.c., as one tradition asserts, he and his great rival would absolutely never have come into contact with each other, and all the statements of the Pali texts concerning Nataputta and his followers would be only fancy and invention from the beginning to the end, which seems a quite unjustifiable supposition. Thus we have seen that if Buddha died 477 B.C., as he may really have done, there is no possibilliy of 527 B.., being the right date for Mahavira; and we have seen above that this date, based on the calculation that Mahavira died 470 years before the commencement of the Vikrama era, rests on no solid ground. So there is no doubt that we must reject this date and try to obtain another, which fits better with the chronological calculations. As such a date has already long ago been suggested by Professor Jacobi,91 I have here merely to lay stress upon his arguments and try to confirm them by some new reasons. III. The Jain tradition according to Hemaeandra and the real date of Mahavira. Hemacandra (A.D. 1088-1170), the greatest of all Jain writers, in his Sthaviravalicarita, usually called Parisi taparvan, has given a sort of history of the time between Bimbisara and Samprati, the granjson and successor of Acoka. This often very fanciful and legendary historical record is given as a sort of appendix to what is the real object of the poem, the history of the old Jain patriarchs or pontiffs. But I am rather convinced that, confused and legendary as the record may be, it contains here and there some hints of real historical value, which may be used for the calculation of Mahavira's date. Srevika (=Bimbisara) and his son Kunika (-Ajatalatru) are well-known to the Jains, but the dates of their reigns are, as far as I know, never given. In VI, 21 ff., Hemacandra tells us how Kuoika died in Campa, and was succeeded by his son Udayin, who founded the new capital, Pataliputra. This king was a stout Jaina, and became very powerful, but he met with a sad fate, for the son of a king, whom he had deposed, managed to get into his palace disguised as a Jain monk, and murdered him. Udayin had no heirs and consequently the five royal appurtenances were sent out to find a successor to him. The choice was rather strange, for it fell upon a certain Nanda, the son of a courtesan by a barber (VI, 231 ff.), and he was consequently anointed king. This took place 60 years after the death of Mahavira, according to VI, 243: anantaram Vardhamanasvaminirvar avasarati gatayam sastivatsaryam esa Nando' bhavan nrpah II This first Nanda seems not to be very unfavourably judged by Hernacandra, and this may lead us to believe that he was thought to have been to some degree a protector of the Jain faith. Such a suggestion seems really to be confirmed by a document of great value, the inscription of Kharavela at Udayagiri. For there he speaks twice of a Na(m)daraja, who must, of course, have been a member of the Nanda dynasty; and although the first passage is by no means clear, and the second one badly mutilated, the latter seems to tell us that Kharavels made the king of Magadha bow down at the feet of the highest (or first Jina), brought away (5) by Nandaraja' (pade va(m)dapayati Namdarajanitasa agajinasa); the agrajina may be Mahavira or Rsabha, it does not matter which, but so much seems clear, that a Nanda king had taken away an idol of a Jinao2 during a raid into Kalinga. And why should he have chosen so strange an object, if he had not been a believer in the Jina? Moreover, 91 Kalpas. p. 8 ff. 92 A curiously similar instance is told about Pradyota and Udayana in Jacobi's Ausgewahlte Erzahlungen, p. 31 sq.

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174 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY Udayin, the predecessor of Nanda, was a faithful Jaina, and Ajatasatru may have been something of the same.93 No wonder then that the Buddhists style them a lineage of parricides', which elsewhere is only known to suit Ajatasatru. [AUGUST, 1914 Thus sixty years elapsed between the Nirvana of Mahavira and the accession of Nanda. This period was evidently, according to the Jains, filled up by part of the reign of Kunika (Ajatasatru) and the whole reign of Udayin, and I have tried above to prove, that Udayin was most probably the last of his dynasty. Now if Buddha died, as I think proved, in 477 B.C., Ajatasatru must have become king 485 B.C., i.e., eight years before the Nirvana. The first enterprise of the new ruler was a war with the old king of Kosala, the brother of his father's second wife. Now the Bhagavati, Saya XV,94 states that the heresiarch Gosala, the bitter rival of Mahavira, died at Sravasti, just after that war,95 and that Mahavira survived him for 16 years. That this statement coincides with the other dates given concerning Gosala is seen from the fact that he claimed to have attained Jinahood two years before Mahavira, when the latter was 40 years old, and that after that time they did not see each other for 16 years. Their next and last meeting did not occur before the year of Gosala's death. So Mahavira must have been 56 years old, when Gosala died, and as he attained the age of 72, he consequently did survive him for 16 years. 9c These 16 years bring us down to a time shortly after 470 B.C., say about 468-67, and this coincides quite with the date proposed by Professor Jacobi for the death of Mahavira on the authority of Hemacandra. There is no exact statement, as far as I know, that Mahavira died during the reign of Kunika-Ajatasatru, but there is also nothing said concerning an interview between him and Udayi; and I think we must rather conclude that the reign of Ajatasatru is correctly stated in the Buddhist chronicles to have lasted for about 30 years, but that the reign of Udayi must have lasted for more than 16, or even more than 33 years, if really there was no one between Ajatasatru and him."7 The Nandas, served by very clever ministers, descendants of Kalpaka, the minister of the first Nanda, were nine in number. The minister of the last of them was the famous Sakatala, here said to have been the father of Sthulabhadra, the seventh (or ninth) pontiff of the Jain church, who died 215 (or 219) after Mahavira. The stories of Nanda, Sakatala and Vararuci, and of the youth of Candragupta and his connection with Canakya seem all to be merely fairy. tales: albeit it is remarkable, that they are found already in the commentaries on the Avaiyaka Niryukti, and agree partly with the tales in Kathasaritsagara, etc., and to a stiil greater extent with the stories told in the Mahavamsa tika 119, 8 ff.; 121, 22 ff.99 But this cannot be of any value to us here, and only proves furthermore, that some centuries after the beginning of our era popular stories about the epoch of the Nandas and the Mauryas were current in India' (Jacobi, Parsii tap. p. 50 n. 2). After all the only useful passage is here the verse VIII, 339: evam ca srimahaviramukte varsajate gate | pancapaica adadhike Candragupto' bhavan nrpah || Which Jacobi99 has already emphasised as giving another and better tradition concerning the death of Mahavira. The similarity in construction between the expression: 93 Jacobi, Kalpas, p. 5. 91 Concerning the following Cf. Dr. Hoernle's Uvds App. I and Hasting's Encyl. p. 260 sq. 95 That it occurred after the war seems clear from the statement of the Bhug. p. 1254 sq. that an allusion to the war is included in the doctrine of the eight finalities' of Gosala. Cf. Hoernle . c. p. 263. 96 Cf. Hoernle Uvas. II, p. 110. If Ajatasatru survived Buddha for 24, he must have survived Mahavira for 14 years, if we accept the year 467 B.C. for the latter, and then Udayi would have reigned for 46 years according to the statement of Hemacandra concerning 60 years between the death of Mahavira and Nanda's accession. This seems to be a very long time, for he is spoken of as a boy already at his father's interview with Buddha, some 30 years before his own accession to the throne (D. N. I, 50). Cf. Turnour Mahavamsa I, p. XXXIX ff. and Geiger, Dipav. and Mahav. p. 42 ff. The agreement between this text and the Parisistaparvan extends to the most trifle details. The Mahavamsatika seems to be late (Geiger l. c. p. 37), but it contains old material. 99 Kalpas. p. 8 ff.

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August, 1914.] THE DATE OF MAHAVIRA 175 Candragupto' bhavan nipah. and the end of verse VI, 243 : esa Nando' bhavan nrpah is scarcely fortuitous, and seems to infer the conclusion, that Hemacandra borrowed such verses verbatim from an older source, or perhaps translated them from old chronological gathas in Prakrit. As Hemacandra only tells us that Candragupta was succeeded by his son Bindusara (VIII, 445), and the latter again by his son Alokasri (IX, 14 ff.), who in his turn left the throne to his grandson Samprati100, the son of Kuala (IX,35 ff.), and a faithful Jaina, without giving their dates or any further references to chronology, we may assume with Jacobi that he took as correct the tradition of 255 years elapsing between the accession of Candragupta and the Vikrama era. This would then make up the time between the death of Mahavira and the accession of Vikrama till 255+155--410 years, and involve the conclusion that Ma ha vira died 467 B.C., which in my opinion is the date best fitted for all circumstances connected with it, and may be deemed the right one. This gives, in conformity with the tradition reported by Merutunga, 312 B.C. as the year of Candragupta's accession : a rather puzzling date. For I do not believe in the suggestion that the Maurya era was made to begin in 312 B.C., to make it to coincide with the Seleucidan era ; for if Candragupta, as we know, expelled Seleucus from India, and even took from him a part of his Bactrian Dominions, there is no reason whatsoever why he should have adjusted his era after that of a conquered enemy. Moreover, Candragupta probably never founded a new era (cf. above p. 170). But as Candragupta now is said to have been anointed king in 155 after Vira, this may stand in connexion with some event of great importance to the Jains, and I think it does so too. The time of Candragupta was undoubtedly a period of affliction and distress for the Jain church. Not only is it very probable that the royal protection of the sect ceased, for, although the Jains themselves claim Candragupta to have been a believer and even a monk during his last years, there is little doubt that the policy of Camakya was by no means favourable to the heretical sects,1 and in fact the connexion of the Jains with Eastern India, which ceases completely after Asoka (with the single exception for the reign of Kharavela, whose tine is uncertain), seems even earlier to become rather faint. But also under the reign of Candragupta happened the dreadful famine of 12 years, which is represented as having caused the schismatic movement, that marks, no doubt, the commencement of the Svetambara and Digambara sects. At the time when Candragupta became king, the Jain church was for one of the few times in its long history governed by two pontiffs, Sambhutavijaya and Bhaclrabahu ; but the former died exactly in the year after Candragupta's accession, or 156 after Vira, which may, after all, perhaps be the very same year as Hemacandra, Pariiistap. viii, 339, says that the one hundred and fifty-fifth year had passed (gata); and so I have no doubt that it is this very event, which has made Hemacandra place the commencement of Candragupta's reign in the very year corresponding to 312 (or 311) B. C., instead of ten or eleven years earlier. For Sambhutavijaya's death marks the end of a period in the history of Jainism. It is true that Bhadrabahu, who died fifteen years later, and Sthalabhadra, who became his successor, knew both the 14 purvas, the latter, 100 The mention of Sampadl as successor of Asoka in Divyavad. p. 430 receives a certain importance from this, As was known from the Nagarjuni inscriptions, that Asoka was succeeded in Magadha by Dasaratha, of whom the Jains know nothing, the suggestion of Mr. Vincent A. Smith, Early History p. 181, that the empiro was divided at the death of Asoka into an Eastern and a Western part, seems to me therefore probable. The constant connexion of Kupala, the father of Samprati, with Ujjayini and Taksbila points to the same fact; and this perhaps accounts for the 108 years, which the Jains attribute to the Mauryas, for the dynasty may have coased to rulo earlier in the Western parts than in Magadha, where it was overihrown by Pusyamitra about 185 B, C. However, it is remarkable that P Asamitta (Pusyamitra) is mentioned in the chronological verse by Merutunga as having reigned 30 years, and at a period which must coincide with 204-174 B. O, I cannot account for this statement, which seems to be contradictory to the chronology afforded by the Mahabhasya and the date of Menander. 1 of. E. Thomas, Records of the Gupta dynasty p. 17 89.; Jacobi, Kalpas. p. 8 n. 1; Vincent A. Smith, Harly History pp. 38 n. 1; 40. n. 1; 187 n. 2 and Fleet, J.R.A.S. 1910, p. 825 n. 2.

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176 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [AUGUST, 1914. however, with the restriction not to teaching the last four of them to others. So the Digambaras consider Bhadrabahu as the last frutakevalin, while the Svetambaras consider Sthulabhadra as such. It seems from this that Bhadrabahu was a more important person than Sambhatavijaya, and no doubt he was ; but after all Bhadrabahu was, albeit the pontiff of the whole church, something of a sectarian, for he left behind a party of his followers in Magadha, when he himself went to the south. And that party, which withdrew with him, did not afterwards approve of either the conduct of the monks who remained at home, or their canon. And as Bhadrabahu afterwards went away to Nepal, and was not very willing to help the council in gathering the sacred texts, he seems not to have been in full agreement with their task, or to have fully approved of it. And so, after all, Sambhatavijaya is in fact the last pontiff of the original old, undivided church, unaltered since the days of Mahavira himself, whilst his far more famous colleague Bhadrabahu came, through the influence of the disturbed period, into a somewhat different position. So I think we might safely conclude that Candragupta was placed in the years of Sambhatavijaya's death, just in the same way as we have heard Palaka become king on the night of Mahavira's Nirvana. Other circumstances in favour of 467 B.C. as the year of Mahavira's death have been discussed by Professor Jacobi in his introduction to the Kalpasutra, and I shall here only dwell shortly on two points, which seem to be of importance for this question. All Jain tradition from Hemacandra5 downwards gives 170 after Vira as the year of Bhadrabahu's death. This would be 357 B.C., if we accepted the traditional date, but 297 B.C., if we accept the date of Professor Jacobi; and the latter is the only possible one, for all Jain tradition also brings Bhadrabahu into the closest connexion with Candragupta,and this excludes totally the year 357 B. C. $148 of the Jinacaritra of the Kalpasutra tells us that the work was finished 980 years after Mahavira, but makes the significant addition that in another recension (vayananlare) the number is 993. The commentaries, all going back to the old curni;e refer this date to different events 7 (1) The Council of Valabhi under Devarddhigaoin, where the Siddhanta was written in books; (2) The Council of Mathura under Skandila, who probably revised the Siddhanta ; (3) The public recitation of the Kalpasutra before king Dhruvasena of Anandapura, to. console him for the death of his son, and (4) The removal of the Pajjusan by Kalakacarya. As for the council of Skandila at Mathura, it has here been confused with the far more important and famous one at Valabhi, where the Siddhanta was undoubtedly settled in its present shape ; but if it ever took place, it was certainly of a far earlier date, and cannot be considered here. But the statements concerning the Council at Valabhi and the public recitation of the Kalpasutra before king Dhruvasena of Anandapura are of great interest. Unfortunately, we have no statement concerning Anandapura, except that the commentaries identify it with Mahasthana, but this does not help us much. However, we must take in consideration the following facts : 2 The Arthasastra, which I prefer to hold for the real work of Canakya till it can be fully proved that it is not, contains absolutely nothing of sectarian, or Jain influence, except perhaps the passage p. 55 etc., where Aparajita, Jayanta and Vaijayants are spoken of amongst other gods. However, this is in my opinion of no great importance. The tirthakara mentioned on p. 199 etc., may denote a Jain saint, but we anyatirthska is a title given to ascetics of various schools in the Pali canon. 3 But there seem to be proofs for the fact, that even the Svetambaras sometimes considered Bhadrabahu as the last one, Cf. Jacob Kalpas. p. 11: ZDMG, 38, 14 sq. For all details on this subject see the paper of Professor Jacobl on the origin of the Svetambara and Digambara sects' in ZDMG. 38, 1 ff. 5 Of. above p. Parisistap. ix, 112. Josobl Kalpas. p. 25. 8 Jacobi, SBE. XXII, 270 n. 9 This Kalakacarya is the third in the list of the Jains and, of course, not is the same as the enemy of Gardabhilla, who flourished 470 after Vira; Of. Jacobi, ZDMG. 34, 247 ff.

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AUGUST, 1914 ) THE DATE OF MAHAVIRA 177 (1) Dhruvasena is by no means a very common name. It belongs to a certain dynasty at Valabhi, and we know, that Dhruvasena I came to the throne in A.D.526 ; (2) This Dhruvasena had apparently no son, for he was succeeded in A. D. 540, by hi brother Guhasena 10 ; and (3) If we take 467 B. C., as the year of Mahavira's decease, and count with one redaction of the Kalpasutra-that this version was a really old and valuable one is shown by the fact that it is mentioned in the ultimate redaction of the canon--993 years from that event, we will find a most remarkable coincidence, for 993-467 is-=526, or just the year of Dhruvasena's accession to the throne of Valabhi. From these facts I do not hesitate to draw the conclusion, that the great council at Valabhi was held just in the year of Dhruvasena's accession, and that consequently the present text of the life of Mahavira in the Kalpasutra, which had been finally settled there, was publicly recited before Dhruvasena. And this forms in my opinion a very valuable confirmation of the suggestion that the real year of Mahaviras death was 467 B.C. There is only one more question to be dealt with here. It will be immediately pointed out by scholars, who do not find this suggestion acceptable, that it is expressly contradicted by the statement in the Pali canon concerning Nataputta's death at Pava while Buddha was staying at Samagama in the Sakya-land, consequently before the decease of Buddha himself. I fully admit this, but I believe that a somewhat careful consideration of the question will show that this statement is of no great value. Evidence--and rather, strong evidence has been brought forward by Professor Jacobi and in this treatise for rejecting the year 527 B. C., and accepting instead, on the authority of Hemacandra, the year 467 B.C. And I must add that I consider this evidence too strong to be thrown over on account of this passage in the Pali canon. The passage is found in Digha Nik III, 117 sq.; 209 sq. and Majjh. Nik., II., 243 sq.11 and tells us that while Buddha stayed at Samagama, the report was brought to him that his rival had died at Pava, and that the nirgranthas were divided by serious schisms and almost on the point of breaking up the whole community. The statement concerning Pava is partly correct, for Mahavira died, acording to the Jain tradition also, at Pava, and partly wrong, for as I have shown above12 the Buddhists do not mean the Pava near Rajag, ha, which is still a place of Trilgrimage to the Jains, but the little town near Kusinara, where Buddha took his last meal in the house of Cunda. Even this circumstance arouses suspicion. Moreover, I have pointed out above that the meeting with Upali, which is said later to have been the real cause of Mahavira's death, implies nothing of that sort in the oldest texts. And finally the story concerning the schism makes the report still more suspicious, for the Jain texts know absolutely nothing about this, but seem to represent the state of the community at this event as an entirely peaceful one; and they generally conceal nothing concerning the schisms. But instead of this, they tell us of two minor schisms occurring as early as during the lifetime of the Prophet, 13 not to mention the everlasting trouble with Gosala and his followers, finished only by the death of this heresiarch. Accordingly I think, that some faint reports of these schisms reached the authors of the Nikayas, and were confused by them by the similarly .somewhat dim knowledge of the death of Nataputta at Pava--for which they mistook the place of the same name more familiar to them-with the story told in the canon. After all, I cannot find in this legend an obstacle to the result of the investigation as expounded above, and I wish to note two other circumstances, which fit in very well with the opinion as to Mahavira being somewhat later than Buddha. 10. If Skandila, the president of the Council, is the same person as tho ono mentioned in a Pugavalt published by Klatt, Testgruss an Bohtlingk p. 54 ff., he is sai to have died 414 afur Vira,v.e., 113 B.C. 11 That the succession of brothers was no rule in this dynasty is seen from the fact that Guhonen nin w Rucceeded by his son Guhasena II in A.D. 659. 19 Quoted and translated by Chalmers, JRAS. 1805, p. 665 sq. 13 Seep

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178 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [AUGUST, 1914. The Jain creed is called in D. N. II., 57 sq.; M. N. I., 377; S. N. I, 66, etc., caturyama consisting in four restrictions.'14 But this is not the creed of Mahavira, who enforced five great vows upon his followers, but of his predecessor Par va the last tirthakara but one. And there seems in fact to be amongst the Jains themselves some confusion concerning the number of the great vows.'15 This is evidently no mistake on the part of the Samanna phalasuta and other Buddhist texts, but rather depicts the state of things such as it was, when Buddha and Maha vira came into closer contact with each other; and from this we may perhaps conclude that Mahavira did not finally fix his doctrine of the five vows before a somewhat later date, when Buddha was already out of any connection with him. Moreover, Bimbisara is the main ruler in the Buddhist canonical texts, and Ajata atru does not appear so very much there, which strengthens the statement that Buddha's life was already in the beginning of his reign coming to its end. But in the canon of the Jains Kupika plays a far more important role in the life of Mahavira, and is certainly taken as much notice of as his father, if not more; and while the Buddhists represent their master as visiting and being visited by these kings in Rajagrha, the old capital of Magadha, amongst the Jains Campa, the new capital of Kurika, is almost as often mentioned as the scene of the interviews between the king and the prophet. This, too, undoubtedly points to a later period of Ajata'atru's reign. I have now reached the end of this investigation. It may be said with justice that most of what it contains has been said in one form or another before; but this is an inevitable evil, common to all such researches of a more general kind. Moreover, I do not regret it, because I have found it most convenient to lay once more before the reader the whole mass of facts, which enables them far better to form a proper opinion, whether it agrees with that suggested above or not. And I think, that the question concerning the date of Mahavira is a very important one, and deserves to be discussed with the aid of as much material as may be available. If I cannot expect that all scholars will agree with my conclusion--which is in fact only that long ago suggested by Professor Jacobi, which I have tried to confirm by some new argumentsI may at least hope that the preceding discussion may be of some use in drawing the attention of scholars to a problem, which seems for a long time to have been somewhat neglected. New material, not available to me, will perhaps be supplied, and may furnish another solution of the question ; for the present I see no possibility of arriving at any solution, harmonising better with the various facts connected with and depending upon the date under consideratio:.. Note.--It has perhaps occurred to the reader of this paper that I have nowhere quoted the introduction by Professor Geiger to his translation of the Mahava 8a (London 1912). In fact, I did not read this treatise before I had finished my paper, and consequently some of the conclusions drawn by me are simply repetitions of what has already been proved by Professor Geiger. But, notwithstanding the unsurpassed knowledge of this eminent scholar on matters connected with the Ceylonese tradition, I cannot agree with the main result of his chronological investigations. As for my reasons for believing the date of Buddha's death to be 477 B. c. they have been set forth above; and I am not convinced of their incorrectness by the possible existence of a Ceylonese era counting from 483 B. C., traces of which cannot be discovered before the eleventh century A. D., or about 1500 years after Buddhu's death. And when Professor Geiger fixes the date of Aoka's Coronation to 264 B. C., he has neglected the epigraphical evidence, according to which the 13th year after that event fell between 260 and 258 B. C. And ia comparison with the contemporaneous inscriptions the evidence of the Ceylonese chronicles is, of course, valueless. In concluding this paper I wish to express my most sincere thanks to Dr. F. W. Thomas, who has had the great amiability to go through my manuscript in order to correct the numerous passages inconsistent with the usage of the English lauguage. 14 Cf. Leumann, Ind. Stud. XVII, 98 fl. 15 Cf, Odujjamo dhammo in Uttar. XXIII, 12. 16 Cf. Dr. Hoernle in Hastings' Encyclopaedia I, 264.

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AUGUST, 1914.] MISCELLANEA 179 MISCELLANEA, COBRA MANILLA. to eat earth and to have two heads, one in front IN Hobson-Jobson the name of this snake is and one behind, which it uses alternately for six derived from Mahrathi mater, which is said to be months! The Anglo-Indian form Cobra Manilla' conrected with Sanskrit mani, & jewel'. But was taken over from Portuguese, where cobra means * Manilla' seems rather to go back to manauli, * snake' and manilha '& bangle." As shown which, according to the Dictionnaire Tumoul. above, the second part of the name is due to a popular etymology of the Tamil mahuli. Fran, ais, is a corruption of mannuni, earth-eater, E. HULTZSCH, from mai, earth, and un, 'to eat.' In the (This makes the cobra manilla to be the well Madras Presidency this snake is popularly believed ) known Indian water anakothe domunah. -ED.) BOOK-NOTICE: The Bower Manuscript. Facsimile leaves, Nagari! The chief contents of the Bower inanuscript are transcript, Romanised transliteration and English medical, and of considerable interest for the history translation, with notes, edited by A. F. RUDOLF of Indian modicine That is a consequence of the HOERNLE, C.I.E., M.A., PH.D., Caloutta. Superin fact that it seems possible to settle the question tendent, Government Printing, India, 1893-1912, about the date of the manuscript with some confi. Archaeological Survey of India. New Imperial dence. Tha result of a careful study of Indian Series. Vol. XXII, Fol. xcviii. 401 pp. This monumental edition of the Bower manu. paleography and the alphabet of the Bower script is the result of long and laborious work manuscript has led Dr. Hoernle to the conclusion extending over more than twenty years. It that the time of writing was the second half of the commenced in the summer of 1891, and the fourth century A. D. The learned editor has introductory remarks were written in April 1912. were written in April 1912. succeeded in adducing very valid reasons for this The learned editor has had to contend with very dating. He also tries to show that the writers were great difficulties, but then his patient and careful natives of India who had migrated to Kuenar work has resulted in adding considerably to our One of them is supposed to hail from the northern, knowledge of ancient Indian medicine and Indian and the two other ones from the southern part of civilisation generally. the northern area of the Indian Gupta script. Though the discoveries of the first decennium of "But the fact that they use birch bark as their our century have brought to light fragments which writing material shows that the country, from are considerably older than the Bower manuscript, which more immodiately they migrated to Kuchar, this latter one occupies a unique position, in so far must have been Kashmir or Udyana ; and the As its discovery and publication in Calcutta, to use the words of the editor, started the whole modern quality of the birch-bark which they use, suggests movement of the archeological exploration of that they wrote their respective parts of the Eastern Turkestan.' . It is not necessary in this Bower Manuscript after their settlement in Kuchar. short notice to follow the different stages in this when their store of birchbark had run short." development. Suffice it- to remind of the fact that It is of course impossible to prove these theses these explorations have in a remarkable degree with absolute certainty. We know that the Indian widened the scope of Indian philology and research. Brahmi alphabet was introduced into Eastorn We are now able to see, much more clearly than Turkestan in the Kushar a period, and we also was formerly the case, what a predominent role know that its Turkestan varieties did not change Indian civilisation played in Asia at a very early much in the course of the centuries. It is therefore period, and to trace the various elements that just possible that the date of the Bower manuscript contributed to the history of Central and Eastern is a little later than assumed by Dr. Hoernle, and Asia during long centuries. And from the finds in that the scribes were not themselves immigrants Turkestan unexpected light has already been from India! However, Dr. Hoernle's theory is, I thrown on many questions concerning Indian think the most likely one. Only I should not attack archaeology itself, Indian art, indian literature, and much importance to such features where the Indian history. Every student of Indian history alphabet of the Bower manuscript agrees with and archaeology will consequently view the Bower Arada That latter alphabet soems to have been manuscript with piety, and greet A careful edition used over & comparatively wido area, and, moreof it, such as the one we owe to the zeal of over, it does not occur in epigraphical records Dr. Hoernle, with gratitude. before 'a much later time. 1 Compare f. i. forms such as parimakshayet with the common Khotan change of Ito a.

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180 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (AUGUST, 1914. At all events, however, the Bower manuscript is Indians and in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic much older than anything of the same kind so far Society. The most important contribution, howfound in India. It has already been remarked ever, is the edition of the Bower manuscript itself. The excellent facsimile plates will be of that it has been written by more than one hand. the utmost use to the palaeographist in settling There seem to have been altogether three scribes, various questions connected with the Brahmf and the last one seems to have been a man alphabet and its history in India and Central Asia. Yasamitra, i.e., Yafomitra, by name. Dr. Hoernle The text itself, with the careful translation and thinks he may have been a Buddhist monk and with the copious indexes, will prove extremely probably a man of repute. This ho infers from the useful to the student. It is a consequence of the fact that the manuscripts were found in the relic long duration of the whole work that many points, cham er of a stapa, which he thinks shows that which from the beginning seemed too difficult, they must have been the property of tho person in have, in the course of time presented a different whose honour the stupa was erected; and to be aspect, and it is only natural that the editor has, in many cases, arrived at new and better results in acoorded such an honour that person must have the course of his work. In order to bring the been a monk of acknowledged erinence.' I am whole edition up to date, he has thus reprinted not afraid that this conclusion is a little rash. The a few pages, so that the binder may, sometimes, manuscript was evidently deposited as a votive experience some difficulty. Before taking up the offering, but nothing authorises us to believe that it study of the work it will also be advisable to had belonged to the person in whose honour the consult the list of emendations and misprinta in slapa was erected. order to avoid unnecessary work and trouble. The manuscript consists of seven different parts, Everybody who goes to this study and is able to which were put together in the shape of an Indian form an opinion of the difficulties that had to be potht. A similar book from Turkestan has been Overoome in editing and translating texts dealing illustrated in fig. 6 and 7, of which the latter has with subjects so unsatisfactorily known as Indian medicine and written in an alphabet which was, been placed upside down. Parts I-III are purely somo twenty years ago, so little known that it medical : Part I is of a somewhat miscellaneous baffled the efforts of experienced Indian scholars, description, Part II contains a handbook of will feel sincerely thankful to the editor for the prescriptions covering the whole field of internal zealous and unremitting work he has devoted to his medicine and called Navanitaka ; Part III is a taek. Ho is himself to be congratulated on the fragment of a similar work; Parts IV and V excellent way in which he has acquitted himself of contain two short manuals of cubomancy, and Parts it, and the splendid edition which is now presented VI and VII contain two different portions of a pro- to the public is a fine monument of his critical tective charm against snake bites and other evils. scholarship. Our thanks are also due to the Indian The most important is Part II, the Navanitaka. Government, under whose auspices the Bower This anonymous tract can hardly be younger than manuscript has been published. The edition itself about 300 A.D. On the other hand, it quotes bears testimony to the fine spirit prevailing amongst its officers. For everybody knows that much copious extracts from works like the Charaka unselfish devotion is needed in order to take up a Sanishita and the Sueruta Sannhild, of which the work of this kind, which must necessarily be slow former is ascribed to a contemporary of Kanishka, and which will inevitably prevent the scholar who It is evident that the existence of a record like the undertakes it from devoting his spare time to Bower manuscript thus becomes important for the studies that bring more immediate results. chronology of Indian medicine. From the fact, on 1 It would not be proper in this place to enter the other hand, that Kapishka's contemporary upon a minuto discussion of details and to point Charaka was recognised as a great authority by | out such cases where it is now possible to amend the author of the Navanitaka, it is not possible Dr. Hoernle's results. He has himself laid before to draw any other inference as to the date of us all the materials upon which such a criticism can Kanishka than that he must have ruled before be based. For the present the critic must be A. D. 300, supposing that Dr. Hoernle's dating content to give expression to a feeling of sincere gratitude and admiration. The incessant zeal and is correct. the unselfish devotion which have always characThe history and chronology of Indian medicine terised Dr. Hoernle's work, is preeminently evident is still far from being settled. Dr. Hoernle's work in this edition, and is sure to win the highest as editor of the Bower manuscript has naturally led recognition from scholars and from the Government to his taking up the study of these questions on a in whore services it has been completed. bronder basis in his Osteology of the Ancient STEN KONOW.

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SEPTEMBER, 1914) NOTES ON GRAMMAR OF THE OLD WESTERN RAJASTHANI 181 NOTES ON THE GRAMMAR OF THE OLD WESTERN RAJASTHANI WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO APABHRAMCA AND TO GUJARATI AND MARWARI. BY. DR L. P. TESSITORI, UDINE, ITALY. (Continued from p. 92.) CHAPTER III. Declension of Nouns. $ 53. Old Western Rajasthani possesses all the three gonders of Sanskrit and Apabhrama, and so do Modern Gujarati and Marwati. As a rule the Sanskrit gender is retained both in tatsamas and tadbhavas ; exceptions, however, are not wanting, as is to be observed in cognate vernaculars. In many of these exceptions, indeed, the change of gender had already been effected in the Prakrit ; in the others it took place subsequently and was brought about either by the influence of a synonym of a different gender or, in the case of a few masculine nouns habitually used in the locative or instrumental, by mistaking for feminine the terminal oi, (Page #186
182 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (SEPTEMBER, 1914 $56. The Inflectional declension is limited to the cases following: nominative, accusative, instrumental, ablative, genitive, locative and vocative. Of these the nominative and accusative have the same termination and so have on the whole the instrumental and locative, the confusion having already taken place in the Apabhramca. Further, the ablative has lost its original case meaning and has passed into that of the locative, a change of which there are also traces in the Apabhramca. In the usual grammars of Modern Indo-Aryan Vernaculars, the instrumental and genitive cases are now termed as agentive and oblique, but I prefer to hold to the older terms, as being more correct from the point of view of historical grammar. Nouns are not all subject to inflection in the same degree. As a rule inflection is common to all nouns in the instrumental, ablative, locative and vocative cases only; in the other cases only vocal bases are inflected and consonantal remain unchanged. There are, however, some exceptions, chiefly formed by consonantal adjectives which may be inflected in all cases, consonantal nouns which are sometimes inflected in the nominativeaccusative singular, and vocal nouns in oi, ou, which are not inflected in the nominativeaccusative and genitive. In the latter three cases, bases in oi, ou may also optionally remain uninflected and bases in a are uninflected as a rule. Feminine bases in oa, o are subject to inflection only in the instrumental and locative, and feminine adjectives in oi remain generally unchanged in all cases alike. Let us now proceed to deal with each case particularly. $57. Nominative-accusative singular.-(1) Masculine vocal bases take the termination -u, from Apabhramca - Page #187
SEPTEMBER, 1914) NOTES ON GRAMMAR OF THE OLD WESTERN RAJASTHANI 183 Modern Gujarat?, thus: sapera, tana, ko!a, seja, vakhara. The same has been the case with other vernaculars, as for instance with Hindi, as shown by the Old Baiswati, in which feminine nouns that in Modern Hindi end in a still retain their terminaloi. (3) Neuters are inflected exactly like the masculines, except that they are nasalized. Thus their termination is -u. Apabhramca employed -u or -am after consonantal bases, and -u after vocal bases in Raa. Old Western Rajasthani examples are : aukhu Dac. viii, 34, aroga pana i Cil. 3, mathai Cra., karandiu Indr. 51, yukta Indr. 11, According to $ 11, (3), au is liable to be contracted into o8. Ex.: pahilu Dac. iv, taharu Kal. 7, kula Dac. iv. In some texts traces are still surviving of the old neuter termination - Page #188
184 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [SEPTEMBER, 1914. (6) in -ii: analii Kal. 11, mithyatvii Adi, 1, mohii Bh. 98, kamii Indr. 73, samyamii Dac. iii, 13, hathis Dac. iv, pagii Dac. iv, heti F 583. (c) in -al: dehai Bh. 94. cokat Adi. 69. maranai Indr. 24, vastral Dac. iv, punyai F 659, 3, 4, tapasal P. 664, rajaai Adic., mantriyai Dd 2. Bases in a, whether masculine tatsamas or feminines, may optionally contract the -i termination with the ultimate a into "a, according to $ 14. Examples thereof are very frequent in Up.: mahatma Up. 100, raja Up. 113, nagaranayaka Up. 164, Sujyesta, ibid. The old termination -ihi has been preserved in the MS. Vi. (samvat 1485) in the two passages following and in another one, which, it being used in the original plural meaning, will be quoted under the next head: rupihi Rambha samani" Similar to Rambha in beauty" (Vi. 16), daivihi kidha chai je kama "The things which have been done by Fate" (Vi. 93). Observe that in both cases the ihi termination is added to consonantal nouns. Nine forms in -ihi occur also in the Vasantavilasa(see H. H. Dhruva's The Gujerati Language of the Fourteenth-Fifteenth Century, pp. 326-327). Occasionally -al is assimilated to -ji (see $ 10, (2)) thereby giving a termination practically identical with the original -7. For the contraction of -al into -i see $. 10, (3), 53, 131. Old Western Rajasthani Rai, which is the regular ending of 'aa bases in the instrumental singular, is turned into a in Modern Gujarati and into ai in Marwati. In the former language -e is employed as a general termination after all bases alike (Cf. the Old Western Rajasthani forms rajaai and mantriyal quoted above). $ 60. Instrumental plural. This case is generally formed from all bases alike by the addition of -e, a termination, which is derived from Apabhramca -ahi, by dropping intervocalic h (see $ 37, (1)) and contracting the two vowels (see $ 10, (4)). Apabhrar ca had both -ihi and -ahi, in Old Western Rajasthani the former gave - vi and the latter -e. We have seen that in Old Western Rajasthani the former came to be used as a singular termination. Instances of plural instrumentals with -ahi contracted to e are already met with in Pingala. Thus Pingala i, 93 we find putte for puttahi (Skt. putrais). To the same contraction were liable vocalic stems in a, after the latter vowel had been shortened to "a. Thus matte for mattahi (Skt. matrabhis) (Pingala i, 196). From the termination -hi (Skt. -bhis), which Apabhram ca employed after vocal bases, Old Western Rajasthani derived -i, a termination apparently identical with that of the singular. We thus have in Old Western Rajasthani two terminations for the instrumental plural, viz. -e and -1. The former is by far the commoner and it has superseded the latter even after vocal bases in oi, oi, o, ou, which, to be regular, ought to have -i. It is clear that in Old Western Rajasthani e has become a general termination. The few remnants that are still occurring of -i are naturally confined to bases in oi, oi, ou, ou. Vocal bases in aa before -e lose their penultimate vowel according to $ 12. Examples are : (a) in -e: Masculines and neuters : hathe P. 318, dise P. 685, nayane F 783, 71, vidvase Yog. i, 16, Kal. 17, deve Sast. 139, hathiare Adi C., Irise muhurte Cra., bele Dac. X, panie Indr, 9, Bh. 82, mahatmae Up. 40, gure Up. 66, bhaie, Up. 25, vayue Up. 182. Feminines : jvalat Adi. 38, narie Indr, 68, astrie Indr. 24. In poetry -e is optionally shortened into -e, -. Thus: thode dini P. 166, 264.

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SEPTEMBER, 1914.] NOTES ON GRAMMAR OF THE OLD WESTERN RAJASTHANI (b) in Masculines and neuters: vyadhii Bh. 86, vivekii Yog. iii, 94, panii Indr. 62, sadhui F 663, 41, hetui F 585, 1. Feminines: dorii Indr. 2, cakini Indr, 41, strii Indr. 24. Of the old -ihi termination I have noticed the two instances following: 185 gunihi kari-nai eha samani" Equal to him in virtues" (Vi. 70), ghara-ni riddhiihi na vahiya" (He) was not seduced by (his) domestic wealth" (Up. 153). Occasionally, though rather rarely, consonantal bases take al as in the singular. Ex.: kastal Indr. 22, athilal Bh. 78, kamalai Rs. 58. In Adi C, one instance occurs of -al added to a vocal base, to wit: asuai. It is to -ai that the -e of Modern Gujarati is to be traced. Observe that, in the case of vocal bases in 'aa, Modern Gujarati has a before the -e termination. In Old Western Rajasthani the instrumental being more frequently employed to give the meaning of the agentive, than of the instrumental proper, it is natural that a necessity was felt, for establishing a difference between the two functions. This was obtained by adding to the instrumental proper the pleonastic postposition kari, which is the instrumental locative form of the past-participle kariu "Done" and is identical both in form and in origin with the so-called conjunctive participle of karava "To do". Examples will he found SS 70, (1). Occasionally to kari the postposition nai was also added pleonastically, as in the example from Vi. 70, quoted above. The same in Modern Gujarati. SS 61. Ablative. For this case two terminations seem to be used in Old Western Rajasthani, viz. - and -o. The former is very rarely met with, except in the pronominal declension, where it is added to pronominal bases to form adverbs of place, as in: tiha, ta, jiha, ja, etc. (See SSSS 89-91). When so suffixed to pronouns, - is no doubt from Apabhramca -ha Page #190
186 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [SEPTEMBER, 1914. bhagavanta -kanha diksi divaravi "He caused the Venerable one to give him the diksa " (Adi C'), sukha -ke la dukha avai," After pleasure cometh pain" (Up. 30). Observe that the two last quotations above are from those very MSS., which exhibit a form of Old Western Rajasthani, that is more closely connected with Marwari than with Gujarati. The other ablative termination, i.e., -o, is evidently from Apabhramca -ahu. The only traces of its use, that seem to have survived in Old Western Rajasthani, are possibly in some adverbial compounds, made up by a substantive, apparently in the ablative, followed by the same substantive, apparently in the locative. Example: hatho hathai (F 783, 64) Page #191
SEPTEMBER, 1914] THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA. THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA. By V. RANGACHARI, M.A., L.T., MADRAS. CHAPTER II. (Continued from p. 158). THE FOUNDATION OF THE NAIK DYNASTY OF MADURA SECTION I. The Emperor Achyuta Raya 1530-1542. The Common Version of Achyuta Raya's Character and Administration. 187 On the death of the great Krishna Deva Raya25 in 1530, the imperial throne of Vijayanagar was ascended by his half brother Achyuta Raya, a person about whose character and capacity a very widespread divergency of opinion exists. According to Nuniz, 26 a celebrated traveller who visited Vijayanagar at this time, and Mr. Sewell who bases his history on the account of that traveller, no worse man than Achyuta could have been chosen for the throne, and no worse misfortune to the empire was possible than his accession. Achyuta, we are told, could neither endure the fatigues of war, nor was fit to perform the duties of peaceful rule. He was endowed with a character which could hardly endear him to his people. His tyranny alienated the nobles around him, and his weakness invited the dominance of the despised Sultan of Bijapur. Ismail Adil Shah had received humiliating treatment at the hands of Krishna Deva, and felt it so much that he had vowed to refrain from wine till he avenged the disgrace and removed the stain of subordination. A fit opportunity presented itself, we are informed, with the accession of the weak Achyuta Raya. The keen Musalman promptly invaded the Raichur Duab, captured the coveted towns of Mudkal and Raichur-never again to come into the hands of the Hindus-and even marched as far as Hospet, 27 which he razed to the ground. This disgrace, together with the general weakness of Achyuta Raya's internal administration, we are further informed, lost for him the esteem, the obedience, and the loyalty of the people. In their hatred, the nobles set up the standard of rebellion. A liberal policy of tact and conciliation would have killed disaffection and restored order; but Achyuta Raya had more pride than wisdom, more passion than tact. Unable to rise to that statesmanship and forgiveness which could forget injury and disarm treason. he brought an eternal ignominy on his name by calling for help, at the cost of the independence of Vijayanagar, his deadliest enemy, Ibrahim Adil Shah28 (1533-1557). The latter was of course too glad to obtain an opportunity of triumph which none of his predecessors had had either by arms or by diplomacy. To be within the city of Vijayanagar, to have the mastery of its internal politics and the emperor for his tool, was a circumstance which the most ambitious of his forefathers had not dreamt. Such a circumstance was practically equal to the subordination of Vijayanagar to Bijapur. Ibrahim found himself therefore in 1536 as the guest of Achyuta Raya20 at Vijayanagar. It is true his satisfaction at this achievement received a rude and premature check; for the Hindu nobility suddenly awakened to the seriousness of the situation and, by a timely obedience to their debased sovereign, persuaded him to cancel an engagement, so derogatory to the prestige, and so 25 Krishna Deva had a son named Tirumalayya, but he died during his father's life-time. See Nuniz Chron; Arch. Surv. Ind. 1908-09, p. 186; and Ep. Rep. 1912, p 80-81. 28 See Forg. Empe, 366 ff. (Chap. 20-23). 27 Arch. Surv. Ind. 1908-09, p. 187. Nuniz points out that Achyuta had 200 chiefs and 600,000 soldiers under him, and yet suffered defeat. 28 See Brigg's Ferishta, Vol I, pp. 78-112; and Scott's Dekkan, Vol I, pp. 261-85 for the details of his reign. Ibrahim came to the throne in Sep. 1534. Note the fact that Ferishta does not mention Achyuta but "Bhoj Trimul Ray" in his place. 29 See Briggs III p. 83-4 and Scott 1 262-265 for a most confused account of the alleged domestic plots, civil wars and disputed successions that are said to have taken place in Vijayanagar. A discussion of this is out of place here. For an attempt at the unravelling of the whole, see Forg. Empe, 182 ; Ind, Antq. XXVII, p. 300-1

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188 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [SEPTEMBER, 1914 harmful to the safety, of the empire. But it was easier to invite the Sultan than to expel him. The proud Musalman had seen with bis own eyes the splendour and glory of Vijayanagar, its noble streets, its magnificent palaces, its grand temples, its untold wealth, its busy trade, and the sight was not calculated to smother ambition or encourage sacrifice on his part. Ibrahim Adil Shah, however, was a wise opportunist. He had come to help the emperor against his subjects, and he now had no plausible reason for the continuance of his stay. He felt, moreover, that a permanent occupation of the Hindu capital was impossible. He therefore yielded to exigencies, but only after the receipt of about two million pounds (50 lakhs of huns) from the imperial treasury to compensate him for his troubles and expenses. The different Epigraphical Version. Such is the commonly accepted version of Achyuta Raya's administration; but Mr. Krish na Sastri, the epigraphist of Madras, gives a different picture of the emperor. He points out from the incontrovertible evidences of epigraphy-and these evidences are singularly numerous in the case of Achyuta Raya, -and of contemporary literature, that, whether Achyuta Raya was a tyrant or not, he can, under no circumstances, be called a craven. He might have been wanting in the virtues of a statesman, but he was certainly not wanting in the talents of a soldier. In fact Mr. Krishna Sastri speaks of Achyuta Riya as not only an equal of his illustrious predecessor in prowess but also in popularity30. "The way in which people still speak of the happy days of Achyuta Raya Krishia Raya sufficiently suggests the popularity and the greatness of that sovereign." Far from being the tool of Adil Shah, the inscriptions speak of him during the very first year of his succession, as "the terror to the Tuluk kars,"31 and "the conqueror of the Oddiya forces" and later records call him a universal conqueror and the conqueror of Ceylon. Mr. Krishna Sastii believes that these titles were not idle panegyrics, that the early inscriptions really record an important victory which Achyuta Raya achieved over Bijapur and Warangal which had perhaps taken advantage of Krishna Deva's death to make a joint attack on Vijayanagar. It is in the strong hold which Achyuta Raya had over the numerous feudatories in his empire, however, that his martial valour is conspicuous. He made his sovereignty a potent factor throughout South India. His magnificent donations to temples and Brahmans reminded men of the palmy days of his predecessor. 200 feudatory32 chiefs who maintained an aggregate army of 600,000 men saluted his standard and acknowledged his supremacy. SECTION II, THE TINNEVELLY CAMPAIGN 1532. Achyuta Rayas expedition to Tinnevelly. A remarkable campaign 38 which Achyuta Raya led to the basin of the Tambraparoi during the very second year of his accession serves to illustrate his martial capacity and his determination to retain at all costs his hold on the South. This campaign of Achyuta Raya deserves close scrutiny; for it had momentous effects on the history of South India and indirectly led to the establishment of the Naik dynasty in Madura. Historians or rather epigraphists have been puzzled to account satisfactorily for the expedition; but a careful 50 Madr. Ep. Rep. 1911 p. 85. 31 This is proved by an inscription at Tiruppanangadu dated 8. 1453. The emperor boasts of his victories over the Muhammadans and his erection of a pillar of victory in Orissa. See Madr. Ep. Rep. 1907 P. 85: Ibid, 1911(inso. 260 of 1910); and Ibid 1913, p. 123. 92 Nuniz: Chronicle. $3 The authorities for this are both literary and epigraphical. The chief literary work is Achyuta Rayabhyudaya. The inscriptions are at Conjeeveram, Tiruppaneigedu, eto. All these have been summa. rised and commented on in Madr. Ep. Rep. 1899-1900; 1907; 1908; 1909; 1910; eto; Arch. Suru. Ind. 1908-06; and Trav. Arch. series. See also Taylor's Rais catal. III, 331. Regarding this important cam. paign Sewell wrote: "two inscriptions at Conjoeveram, dated respectively in 1632 and 1033, implied that at that period king Achyuta reduced the country about Tindeveily: but apparently he was not present in person, and nothing farther is known regarding this expedition." (Vory. Empe, p. 167). It will be seen that much information has been brought to light after Sewell wrote.

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189 SEPTEMBER, 1914.] THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA grasp of the circumstances under which the campaign was organized leaves no problem as regards the causus belli. Students of epigraphy will easily remember how in the time of Krishna Diva Raya's administration, there ruled in the basin of the Kaveri and the Vaigai a great Saluva chieftain of the name of Chellappa34 Vira Narasimha Naikar, who had gained the first place among Krishna Deva's grandees and who had been only looking for a timely opportunity to declare himself independent. The death of Krishna Deva Raya and the difficulties in which Achyuta Raya was involved with the Sultan and the Gajapati, afforded him the long-wished-for opportunity. Saluva Naik would probably have been reconciled to subordination and allegiance, if he had been approached with tact and friendship by the new emperor: But immediately after Achyuta Raya's accession, an event happened which had exactly the contrary effect, which did not only increase the vassal's discontent, but drove him into actual rebellion. This was the rise of a formidable rival, Mahamandalesvara35 Tirumalaiya Maharaja, in the court and counsels of Achyuta Raya. The causes of the Tinnevelly Campaign. Tirumalaiya was the head of the Salaka chiefs, and had distinguished himself in the camp as well as the court. He was, moreover, closely allied by blood to the emperor, for the latter had married his sister. The Salaka chiefs again, had evidently long been the rivals of the Saluvas, and in the keen race for office and distinction had not unoften perhaps come into conflict. The result of all this was the growing discontent of Saluva Naik. He could not endure to see himself dethroned from the post of first minister by a rival. He could not follow the imperious lead of a man who obstructed his own views of ambition and chances of distinction, and who, thanks to his family, his tradition, his office, and his kinship with the emperor, was his deadly enemy. Either he or Tirumalaiya must go. They could not live side by side, and as the emperor was naturally partial to the Salaka chief, Saluva Naik felt that he had nothing more to gain by his loyalty to the Empire. From a long-standing feudatory he now changed into an irreconcileable foe, and prepared to gain allies. And they were not wanting. Between Madura and Tinnevelly, there was one of the most turbulent feudatory chiefs of the age-the celebrated Tumbichchi30 Naik. A restless and greedy soldier, he was evidently in dispute with his nominal suzerains, the Pandyan kings. In him Saluva Naik found a capable colleague and congenial ally. Shortly after, he found an even more capable ally. In the extreme south of the peninsula, the region between the Tambraparni and the sea, the greedy and aggressive king of Travancore, Udaya Martanda Varma "the greatest and the most illustrious of the early sovereigns of Venad," was waging a deadly war with the Pandyans. From very37 early times the kings of the Pandyan dynasty and the kings 3: The inscriptions speak of Chellappa, but the Achyutarayabhyulaya uses the word Cholappa. An example of Vira Narasimha's disobedience is his exaction of jodi from the village of Tiruppanangadu, though this tax had been excused in favour of the temple there. 35 See Arch. Surv. 1908-09, p. 188; Ep. Rep. 1911 p. 86. That there were curious disputes between Achyuta and Saluva about grants is clear from a curious insen (No 83) described in p. 336 of Rais catal III. Achyuta Raya, it will be seen, resumes certain grants as a result of Saluva's representations. See Madr. Ep. Rep. 1910, p. 115 for his genealogy, and Ibid 1912, p. 81 for some of his inscriptions. 36 See Madr. Ep. Rep. 1911, p. 86 and appendix VI-the Tinnevelly Palayams. According to a Mack, The MS. says wrongly MS. (M. 30, p. 85-88), the founder of the Palayam was a servant of Kishna Deva. that he was sent by the emperor with Visvanatha Naik to the south in S. 1331, K. 4510. The date of It is too early by a century. We may suppose Krishna Deva and Visvanatha as given here is wrong. that the first of the Tumbichchis came to the south, about 1409 A.D. Then, as a reference to the family memoir will shew, the Tumbichchi Naik referred to here must be Kumaralinga who ruled from 1502-1535 A.D. Tumbichchi's Palayam included Periyur, Tummana-Naikenpatti, Sirumalaipatti and three other villages. 3 See Nagam Aiya's Travancore Manual I, p. 267, ff. Mr. Nagam Aiya points out that throughout the The kings he attributes to the 15th century are Sri Vira-Rama15th century the dispute gave rise to war. varma, alias Champaka-Rama-varma, the senior Tiruvali of Tiruppapar (10 miles south of Trevandrum) who ruled about 1468 A.D.; Vira-Kodai Aditya-varma (1472-847) and Vira-Ravi-varma (1479-1512) in whose time Kayal was evidently part of Travancore state; Aditya-varma; and Bhutala-vira-UdayaMartandavarma (1494-1535), the conqueror of the Tambraparni region then reigned. According to Shungonny Menon, the rulers of Travancore in this period were: Venad Mootha Raja 1444-1458; Vira Martanda

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190 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [SEPTEMBER, 1914. of Travancore were engaged in this dispute. And now, Udaya Martanla was so much inspired by the desire to achieve a permanent conquest of the region that he seems to have employed all his resources against the Pandyan Ahava-Rama88 and had such a triumphant career that, by the year 1530, he had the villages of Brahmadeeam, Shermadevi, Ambasamudram, Kalakadu, etc., in his hands. The Pandyan, in alarm, appealed to the emperor for protection. Achyuta Raya commanded the Tiruvadi39a to disgorge his spoils and surren. der his conquests, but the imperial mandate had only the effect of confirming the rebel in his treason and extending the range of his activities. He did not only withhold the customary tribute due to the Empire, but entered into an active alliance with Saluva Naik and his ally Tumbichchi Naik. It is not improbable that the Chola princess whom he is said to have married was the daughter of Saluva39 Naik. There thus came into existence a powerful confederacy against the Empire in the south, a chain of enemies from the Kaveri to the end of the peninsula. Saluva Naik guarded the districts on the banks of the Kaveri, Tumbichchi those on the banks of the Vaigai, and Udaya Martanda assailed those on the Tambraparni. Nothing is known about the attitude of the Vanadato Rayars of Madura, and Bogaiyyadeva-Maharaja 11 of Trichinopoly in this crisis; but as they were the enemies respectively of Saluva Naik and Tum bichchi Naik, they possibly threw in their lot with the Pandyas and the Empire; but divided from one another by inimical territory and open to raids on every side, they could not make a successful resistance. Achyuta's Generals: Tirumalaiya and Nagama Naik. There was now no other alternative for Achyuta Raya than to prepare for a decisive blow against the enemies. The Pandya had to be saved from danger, perhaps from destruction. The prestige of imperial power had to be restored. Delay meant disaster, and Achyuta Reya hastily patched up peace with his adversaries in the north, and himself took the command of the gigantic army which was to chastise the spoliators of the imperial fabric. The ablest generals of the day commanded the different sections of the grand army. TiruVarma 1458-71; Eravi Varma 1478-1504; Martanda Varma 1504; Vira Eravi Varma 1504 1528; Martanda Varma 1528-1537 and Udaya Martanda Varma 1537-1560; Kerala Varma 1560-3 (See Sewell's Antiqui. ties, II p. 238 and Shungonny Menon's Hist of Travancore p. 95-6). There are thus two different accounts, the more reliable being Nagama Aiya's, but both agree in regard to a MArtande-Verma in the early years of the 16th century. By the year 1509 he got possession of Kalakadu, as an inson in the local siva temple shewe MArtands was a liberal donar to temples. Sewell mentions his grants of lands in 1511, 1513, 1521, 1531, etc., to the temples of Siva, Gomati, etc., in Cape Comorin, Nigerodil, (Inson. 63 of 1896), and other places. Kalakadu seems to have been Martanda Varma's seat of residence. Mr. Nagama Aiya bays that he got this place as a dowry of his queen, a Chola princess, by name Chakulavalli. "Bhutala Vira mado Kalakadu his capital and built in it & new palace." On account of this marriage, MartanaVarma is said to have called himself Puli-Marlanda- from the fact that the Chola dynasty had "the leopard" for its insignia. He is also said to have conquered Ceylon and exacted tribute. He maintained 300 female arohers. His enlightened religious policy is clear in his Edict of Toleration to the Parayas. See Trav. State Manu, I, p. 296. The latest epigraphical reports also contain inscns. concerning him. E. g. 463 and 473 of 1909. See also the Christ Col. Magaz., 1904-5 for an excellent article on the relations between Travancore and Vijiyanagar. 38 Mr. Gopinatha Rao says the king at this time was Srivallabha, Ahavarama's successor. But Sri. vallabhas came to the throne only in 1533. It is highly probable, however, that Srivallabha distinguished himself even in his predecessor's time, and so came to have the title of Irandakalamedutta and Panlya Rajyasthd pandcharya. 39 The writer in the Christ Col. Mag. (1904-5) makes a curious mistake in saying that Taylor and Nelson attribute Achyuta's invasion of 1532 to the struggle between Chandra Sekhara and Vira Bekhara. He thinks that the Chola queen referred to was the daughter of Vira Sekhara Chola. "a. For the origin of this word see Indian Antiquary XXIV, p. 267. Tiruvads means Holy Feet. As Sundaram Pillai says, the kings of Venad were always known to literature as Venattualigal, "the Holy feet of Vepad." Sri Vira-Kerala-Varma (c. 1140) was the first king to bear this title, and Sundaram Pillai sees in it the indication of the expansion of his dominions and the growth of his power. 40 There is evidence to show that about this time there was a war between the Vana king and Tumb. ichchi Naik. See the Hist. of the Palayam of the Tumbichchi Ndiks, Appendix VI. 41 Owing to the absence of epigraphical lore, Caldwell said that it was simply a struggle between the Pandya and the Chda. It was Mr. Venkayya that first suggested that the Chola referred to was probably Chann'aiya, evidently co-ruler with Bogayyadeva Maharaja, Mr. Krishna Sastri thinks that Bogayyadeva Maharaja was the successor of the deposed Vira-Narasimha-Nayaka. He does not trace any connection between Channayya and Bogayya. It seems to me that the latter was the contemporary, if not successor of the former and perhaps shared or inherited his dislike of Sauva Ndik. Arch. Suru. Ind. 1908-09, p. 188.

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SEPTEMBER, 1914.] THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA 191 malaiyadeva, the emperor's brother-in-law and the personal enemy of Saluva Naik, was the first of the leaders. Equally prominent, if not even more, was a celebrated man who was destined, more than anybody else, to reap rich harvest from this expedition. It was the renowned Nagama Naik, the kottiyam or store-keeper, according to some, the cattle-keeper according to others, and the finance-minister according to still others, of Krishna Deva Raya. No figure is more elusive and mysterious in Indian History than this Nagama Naik " of the Kasyapa-gotra." There is very meagre mention of him in epigraphy+2. It is from contemporary literature, the Polygar memoirs and the Madura chronicles that we understand that he was one of the most powerful, scheming and enterprising noblemen of the Empire. The History of the Karnataka Governors 3 tells us that Nagama became, by his pushfulness, skill and loyalty, one of the most influential grandees of the imperial court. Besides being the leader of 40,000 horse, a corps of 4000 elephants and 10,000 camels, which belonged to the Empire, he had his own army of retainers consisting of 6,000 horse and 20,000 foot, for the maintenance of which he was authorised to collect the peshkus from all the feudatory states of Vijayanagar from Arcot to Nanji-ja (Travancore). A man of soaring ambition and formidable valour, Nagappa was a powerful magnate both as a feudal chieftain and as a guardian of the Empire from its enemies, and he was therefore, as the Krishnapuram plates seem to inform us, a prominent commander of the Vijayanagar army during this expedition. (3) Visvana tha Naik. A third imperial general who loomed large in the eyes of his contemporaries and who evidently had a share in the grand enterprise was the son of Nagama, Visvanatha Naiks by name. Few among the many adventurers who have figured in Indian History as the found. ers of kingdoms and the architects of their renown, oin be compared with this remarkable man and hero, who was to stamp a permanent impression of his existence in history by the firm foundation of a powerful and magnificent line of kings. Though it is a notorious fact that, owing to the caprices of armies, the loose tie of allegiance between princes and vassals, and the weakness of the kings themselves, the dynasties of mediaeval India had, as a rule an extremely ephemeral and precarious existence, and though the establishment of a new dynasty may not be conceived to be noteworthy in an age when the rise and fall of dynasties was a commonplace occurrence, yet there is so much of singular interest in the exploits of Visvanatha, that they deserve the close attention, and excite the warm appreciation, of the critical historian. Many lesser men than Visvanatha have raised themselves by the strength of their personality or by the support of strong partisans, to the rank and dignity of kings; but few of them have left behind them such lasting monuments of their work, as the founder of the Madura Naik kingdom has done. His work as a statesman, as an organi. zer, as a friend of the people and the framer of an administrative system, will be narrated in its proper place; but here it may be noted for a correct understanding of his policy and movements, that he was not a mere soldier capable of gaining the blind devotion of his men, but a statesman endowed with a keen insight into character and a genius for organization. From the first, Visvanatha was a cynosure of his countrymen. An idol of his contemporaries, he became a theme for romance and tale even from his birth. The story goes that his 12 There is an inson, in his namo at Virinchipuram in 1482: the Krishnapuram plates call him by the title of Pandya Rajyaethapan oharya, a title wielded by Achyuta Raya and Sri Vallabha. 13 See appendix I for a full translation of this very important MS. 130 Soo I'rav. Arch. Series. Nagama had, in consequence of this, the title of Pandya-Rajya-Sthd pandchdrya, kike Achyuta Raya and Srivallabha. It is curious that Mr. Krishna Sastri totally ignores Nagama's part in this campaign. 4 The MS calls it Nanji Nadu. It is the tract lying between the Kerala and Pandyan kingdoms. For ita history soo Travancore State Manual, I. 260-3. Ep. Rep. 1909, p. 119; Arch. Surv. Ind, 1908-09, P. 191 &c. 45 Ep. Rep. 1909. p. 119; Arch. Surv, Ind. 1908-09, p. 191 etc.

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192 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [SEPTEMBER, 1914. father Nagama Naik had at first no son to inherit his vast estates and to perpetuate the memory of his family, in spite of the many propitiatory offerings and the practice of hard vows with which he implored the favour of the gods ; that he went on pilgrimage to Benares, where by the liberality of his donations, the magnificence of his charities, and the vigour of his penance, 4c he obtained, by the grace of the god Visvanatha, the blessing of a son, later on the founder of the Madura Naik dynasty, whom he christened after the god whose gift he was. The exact date of Visvanatha's birth is unknown; but it may be surmised that it was sometime about 1500. A child of penance and prayer, Visvanatha foreshadowed his coming greatness even in his youth. He underwent an excellent military and literary training under his father, and developed into a fine scholar and a finer athlete; and by the time he was sixteen," he was admired for the beauty of his person and his natural as well as acquired knowledge, and was in every respect accomplished." When about twenty years of age, he was introduced by his father to the imperial presence and into the imperial service. A romantic and picturesque story is narrated in the indigenous Chronicles in connection with his advent into the emperor's service. In accordance with the custom of those days, we are told, the emperor brought, as a result of the chase, a wild buffalo from the neighbouring woods, to be offered on the tenth day of the Navaratri festival.7, as & sacrifice to Durga. the guardian deity of Vijayanagar, the celebrated Bhuvanesvari of Vidyaragya's devotion and worship. It was widely believed that the efficacy and fruitfulness of the sacrifice depended on the head of the beast's being severed from the body at a single stroke. The superstition of the day held that if the victim had to be struck twice, a disaster was in store for the empire. Now it happened that the buffalo which was led to the sacrificial altar had such long, strong and irregular horns that it became a serious problem how to cut its head off at one stroke. The Emperor, courtiers and people were in despair, when young Visvanatha, we are told, came to the rescue. He was, we are further informed, induced by the goddess herself, in a vision, to offer himself as the executioner, provided he was given a particular sword in the king's armoury. When the youth made his appearance before the anxious Emperor and offered his service, he was not believed to be earnest, but the fervent solicitude of the young hero, his earnest offer to sacrifice his life in case of failure. made Krishna-Deva agree to try him. And the emperor had no reason to be sorry for his decision. To his unbounded joy and enthusiasm, the young soldier performed his task with remarkable success. As a reward for his service, Krishna Deva declared him a public benefactor, a saviour of the State from a catastrophe, and promised him before long, inasmuch as he deserved a crown and kingdom, the dignity of royalty. At the same time he distinguished the favourite's merit by appointing him to the command of a section of the army. As a general, Visvanatha's career was a brilliant one. He distinguished himself with such glory in the subjugation of certain enemies 18 of the empire in the north, that the emperor raised him to a high rank, and bestowed on him all honours and privileges as well as the ensigns and trophies which his valour had taken from the conquered chiefs. (To be continued) 46 The Hist. Carn. Governors gives details. It points out how Nagama and his wife bathed daily in the Ganges, ate everyday only three handfuls of rice, and waited on the god Visvanatha day and nicht in the temple. They did so for forty days, when the god appeared to them in a vision, expressed his satisfaction at their perance, promised to give them a sight of his person the next day in the Ganges, and declared that their object would be fulfilled. The next day the pious couple, whilo bathing in the Ganges. felt a piece of stone coming into contact with their knees. They went to another ghat, but here also the same thing happened, and once again in a third spot. They now found that it was an emerald linga. Realising at once that it was the god's fulfilment of his promise, Nagama returned to his country. About & year afterwards Visvanatha was born. The Mirt. M88. give a slightly different version. Soo also the various Polygar Memoirs, where there is ample reference to this story. 47 The Navaratri was the most important festival in the Vijayanagar Empire. Both the imperial and the provincial rulers celebrated it with great splendour. See Sewell's Forg. Empe,86, 175 and 376, and Madr. Manu III, 285. For stray accounts of the worship of Bhuvaneevari see Rais catal. II 427-55. It is not known who these wure. The Hist. Carn. Governors says they were feudal chieftains in the north, who withheld the tribute to be paid by them. One of the Mirtanjiya MSS says they were the kings of Anga, Vanga, Kaliiga, Kasmira, Nepala, eto This is of course absurd. Taylor suggests that they were the princes of Kondavidu, Warangal, Cuttack and the Bahmani Sultans. See O. H. MSS. II, 143 and appendix 1.

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SAPTEMBER, 1914.) HATHAL PLATES OF (PARAMARA) DHARAVARSHA 198 HATHAL PLATES OF (PARAMARA) DHARAVARSHA [VIKRAMA] SAMVAT 1237 (1180 A. D.). BY SAHITYACHARYA PANDIT VISHWESHWAR NATH SHASTRI, JODHPUR. This inscription was found in the Hathal village in the Sirohi State about 3 mies North-West of Mount Aba. It is engraved on two copper plates, each of which measures about 6" broad by 51" high and contains a ring hole but the ring has been lost. Each plate is engraved on one side only. One of these plates contains 10 lines and the other 11. But the 11th line seems to be a post script, for the letters in this line differ widely from the others. The characters are Nagari of the 12th century. The language is very incorrect Sanskrit. This may be due to the fault of the engraver. It is written in proge throughout except the three imprecatory verses (lines 15 to 20 of the second plate). In respect of orthography the letters b and v are both denoted by the sign for v. This inscription is dated Thursday, the 11th of the bright half of Kartika in the [Vikrama] year 1237, and refers to the reign of Dharavarsha, who, in this inscription, is styled the descendant of Dhumatajadeva, Raja of Abu who is described in the inscriptions of Abuand Girvar3 as the founder of the Paramara olan.. The minister, at that time, was Kovidasa. The day of the charter specified in the inscription is Devotthani Ekadasi ; and it says the following with regard to the doneo Bhattaraka Visala Ugradamaka, acharya of ivadharma : (1) That he be granted .... in Sahilvaa. (2) That he be permitted to graze his cattle on the pasture grounds free of charge. (3) That a pasture land be granted him in Kumbharanuli. (4) That he be granted an area of land which can be tilled with two ploughs in a day. (5) In the 11th line of the second plate, which is supposed to be a postscript it is mentioned that the pastures of Magavadi and Hathala di villages also be granted to him. Lines 5-10 of the second plate contain curses on those princes who would deprive him of these privileges. Of the localities mentioned here Hathaladi is obviously Hathal where the plates were found. In the 15th century inscriptions, this village bears the name of Brahmasthana. This The ink impressions of these plates were kindly given to me by Rai Bahadur Pandit Gauri Shankar H. Ojha, Superintendent, Rajputana Museum, Ajmer. tanAtha metrAvaruNasya juvhatazcaMDognikuMDAtpuruSaH purAbhavat / / matvA munIndraH paramAraNakSamaM sa dhyAharattaM paramArasaMjJayA / / 15 / / purA tasyAnvaye rAjA dhUmarAjAhayo bhavat || yena dhUmadhvajeneva dagdhA vaMzAHkSamAbhRtAm / / 12 // (Unpublished Insoription in the Achalesvara templo at Aba), jabana nikhilatI sevyamAnassamantAnmunisurasurapatnIsaMyutaira gaadriH| vilasadanalarAvadbhutaM zrIvaziSThaH kamapi subhaTamekaM sRSTavAn yatra mNtr||3|| bhAnItadhenve paranirjayena muniH svagotraM paramArajAtim | tasmai dadAvanabhUribhAgyaM taM dhaumarAjaM ca cakAra nAmA ||4|| (Patnarayap Inscription of Girvar) I shall edit this inscription also as soon as possible. * zrIdhUmarAjaH prathamaM babhUva bhUvAsavastatra narendravaMze / bhamIbhRto yaH kRtavAnabhijJAna pakSAcchedanavedanAsu / / (Ep. Ind., Vol. VIU, P: 210).

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194 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [SEPTEMBER, 1914 name must have been given to it either because it was granted to Brahmans by Paramara princes, or because there was a temple of Brahma near it which is now in ruins, Text. First Plate. 1 OM saMvat 1237 varSe kArtika zudi 11 gurau vaye 2hacAjJApalaMga || samastarAjAvalIsamalaMkU[ta] zrImavudA 3 dhipatizrIdhumarAja devakulakamaloSo (co) samamAtta [ ] Da 4 mA [.] DalikesurabhuzrIdhArAvarSadevakalyANavija 5 yarAjye tatpAdapanopajIvinamahaM11 zrIkAvide12 sa 6 mastamudrAcyApArAna ba (pa)rigaMyayatItyeva kAle pravartta7 mAne za[1]sanAkSarANi likhyte|| yathA| bhaya saMjA 8 ta devoSThanIekAdasyAM15 mahApadhvINa nalinIdala 9 gajalalavataralataraM jIvitavAsida vidhAya 1. paramapevAcAryabhaTTArakavIsalapadamake Second Plate. 11 svasAhilavADAmAme ... mukti [:] | sathA etadIvadha 12 le:21 gocare caraNIyA tathA kuMbhAranulipAme surabhima 13 ryAdAparyaMta bhUmI datta hala 2halaiyabhUmI zAsane 14 nokkapUrva [deg] pradattAH25 / / yUte'tramahaM26 zrIkovida seza 15 Di jAlhaNI / / mate / / zrIH // vahubhirvasadhA bhuktA rA 16jabhiH sagarAribhiH yasya yasya yadA bhUmI tasya tasya ta 17 vA phala [.] // 1 // svadatta paradattAM vA yo harevasaMdharAM30 / SaSThi 18 varSasahapANita valmAyA [-]32 jAyate kRmi [:] // 2 // mamavaMza 19 kSaye kSINe bhanyohanRpatirbhavet / tasyAhaM karala 20 mosi mama dattaM na lopayan // 3 // zubhaM bhavatU / / ch| 21 mAgavADImAmamAsabhUmI ittAhAtaDalImAmamAsabhUmI vasa[] * Expressed by a sign, * Read gurAvaye - Read cAjJApana * Road To * Road dhUmarA 10 Read kA sarabhu 1 Read jIvyahaM u Read kovidaH 1B Road degpArAnparipandhavAmItva 14 Road for at as Read devotthAnyekAdazyAM 16 Read of H Road jIvitaSyamidaM 1 Read fara 19 Read To #0 Read Thira n Road dhanavo e Road cAraNIyAH - Read paryantA amitA .. * Read yra oro SRead pradattA W Read dUsako'pAI - Read kovidaH * Read TARTET O Read svadattA 30 Read via Tema a Read paSTi varSa sahasrANi * Read erat - Read 'kSavejAte # Read HITER - Read lopabet WRoad bhavatu - Read bhUmirdattA * Road bhUmirdanA

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SEPTEMBER, 1914.] MISCELLANEA = MISCELLANEA. "SHANDY" AND "SHINDY" 1. MOFUSSIL residents in Madras know from experience the weekly market at which provisions are purchased for the next week, and which is termed sandai. At Ootacamund it lasts till night and winds up with the merry songs of the inebriated Bajagas who are returning to their distant haunts. The word sandai is the Tamil form of Sanskrit sandhd, while sandi and sandu are derived from sadhi. I have noted. the Anglo-Indian form shandy Tamil sandai in the following amusing extract from the "Madras Mail" of May 1890, which professes to be a reply to a query that had been inserted by the then Collector of Kurnool RABBITS AND GOVERNMENT. Sir."To keep rabbits on the plains, " send your boy to the local shandy for some string, adjust it in loops and pass them over the heads of the rabbits, draw up and fasten to the legs of a four poster bedstead. This is a most effectual way of keeping rabbits on the plains, and prevent them wandering to the hills. Can Mr. Kough kindly tell a fellow countryman the best means of keeping Government on the plains, especially in April And May. " Erin-Go-Bragh. 2. In the Slang Dictionary (1874) the word shindy is explained by a row, or noise. I have found the following instances of its use. (a) In chapter 36 of Thackeray's Pendennis (1845-50) the Major's valet Morgan remarks with reference to the French chef Mirobalant : THE PURANA TEXT OF THE DYNASTIES OF THE KALI AGE WITH INTRODUCTION AND NOTES edited by F. E. PARGITER. Humphrey Milford. Oxford University Press. 1913. XXIV, 97 pp. 5 sh. The genealogy of old dynasties is one of the traditional topics of the Purapes, and the lists of Encient rulers contained in them were at an early date considered as authentic by the Brahmanas. When the later dynasties started the practice of deriving their genealogies from the ancient kings of India, these lists were largely made use of, 195 At a ball at Baymouth, sir, bless his impudence, he challenged Mr. Harthur to fight a jewel, sir, which Mr. Harthur was very near knocking him down, and pitchin' him out a winder, and serve him right; but Chevalier Strong, sir, came up and stopped the shindy-I beg pardon, the holtercation, sir." (b) Flugel's Dictionary, 4th ed., (1891). "Did you and she have a shindy downstairs." "She hated me as much as I did her, we used to have fearful shindies." (c) Wright's English Dialect Dictionary (1905) "There did use to be some shandies [thus] a Plough Monday" (from Nottinghamshire). That part of the great Oxford Dictionary which will contain the article shindy' is not yet out. The Concise Oxford Dictionary (1911) says: BOOK NOTICE. "shindy, brawl, disturbance, row, noise; often to kick up a shindy;' perhaps from Scotch shinny or shinty, a kind of hockey." The derivation suggested here is extremely doubtful, I suspect that shindy was originally a British soldier's expression and goes back to its synonym sandai, a word which every master and mistress of Tamil servants cannot help being familiar with. I remember to have heard frequently the phrase sandai- ppodugiran, he is kicking up a row. Perhaps some of your correspondents will be able to trace the word shindy in Anglo-Indian literature. Both shandy and shindy are missing in HobsonJobson. E. HULTZSCH, and we can frequently trace their influence in inscriptions. No critical scholar would think of considering them as authenticated history. On the other hand, they are not merely poetical fictions, and critical scholars like Sir R. G. Bhandarkar have shown to what extent they can be utilised in reconstructing the ancient history of India. One great difficulty, in making use of these lists, has hitherto been that they have had to be consulted in so many different works, and that these latter ones are not available in critical editions,

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196 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [SEPTEMBER, 1914 Mr. Pargiter, who has long devoted much time to the study of the Puranas, hes now helped us out of this difficulty. In a handy volume he has brought together the accounts of the dynasties of the Kali Age contained in the Matsye, Vayu, Brahmanda, Vishyu, Bhagavata and Garuda Puranas. In addition to the printed editions of these works he has compared a great number of manuscripta, 80 that it is now easy to see at a glance. in every particular case, how the different sources read. It will be apparent even from a superficial perusal of Mr. Pergiter's book how much the various accounts agree, and we are forced to the conclusion that they are all derived from a common source. This source must, according to Mr. Pargiter, be the Bhavishya-purapa, for we are often told that kings will be enumerated as they have been handed down (kathita or pathita) in the Bhavishya. Now it is & curious fact that the account of the same dynasties actually occurring in the Bhavishya does not agree at all and is evidently very late. There are, as is well-known, two recensions of the Bhavishya-purana, one of which even contains the Biblical history of Adam and Eve. On the other hand, Bhavishyatpurapa is mentioned in the Apastambiyadharmasdtra, . e., from a period previous to these dynasties. We thus know that there existed an old Bhavishya-purana, which was added to and recast in the course of time. Mr. Pargiter has not taken up the question about the various recensions which are now available. On the whole, a critical study on the Puranas is a great desideratum, and will have to be taken in hand as Boon as we get a critical edition of the Mahabharata. I should think that Mr. Pargiter must have brought together much materials for such a study. It is to bo hoped that he will some day make them available to the student. Mr. Pargiter contends that the source of these accounts was written in Prakrit and probably in Kharoshthi characters. The question about the original language of the Indian epio has often been discussed, and the argumenta in favour of the Prakrit hypothesis have usually been the same, and never quite convincing. We cannot overlook the fact that the Indian epics have largely been handed down orally, and that their wording has not been safeguarded in the same way as in the case of the Vedas. Our manuscripts, which are all late, must therefore necessarily present many irregularities. In such circumstances we cannot wonder if we find soveral Prakritisms in the Purapas. The same is, as is well known, the CASO in Indian Sanskrit inscriptions, and it does not prove that there was once a Prakrit original. Tho instances of wrong rhythm in the verses are just A9 little signifioant, if we remember how lato our manuscripts are. We must also remember that the classical Prakrita are not very old forms of speech. If the Indian epics were not originally written in Sanskrit, they must have been written in some old vernacular and not in tho Prakrit described in Pischel's grammar. If Mr. Pargiter is right in assuming that ashtadasa is oocasionally misread instead of abdan daia, it should be remembered that abdan is Sanskrit and not Prakrit. Everything depends on what is understood under the terma, Sanskrit and Prakrit. If the word Sanskrit is used to denoto only the classical Sanskrit of the grammarians and if every thing else is called Prakrit, then Mr. Pargiter may be right. But if we include the Vedio dialects and the epic language of the Mahabharata in Sanskrit, then I do not think that we can agree. The Puranas are throughout Brahmanical, and the sacred language of Brahmanioalliterature was Sanskrit, in this wider sense of the word, The theory that the oldest Puranio account of the dynasties of the Kali Age was written in the Kha. roshthi alphabet, is based on a still unsafer found. ation. That we occasionally find y for i and I for & in lato manuscripte, does not prove anything whatever. If all the Puranio accounta, for instance, had Ayoka instead of Asoka, we should have to account for it. But occasional mistakes of this kind do not make it even probable that the account of the Kali Age dynasties was originally written in Kharoshthf. It is not the case that " Kharoshthi is the oldest Indian script that we know of," and if the accounts of the dynasties of the Kali Age were drawn up or at loast closed in the fourth century A. D., the Kharoshthf theory becomes very unlikely indeed. On the whole, I am inclined to disagree with Mr. Pargiter about several questions dealt with in the introduction and the notes. I also think that it would have added to the usefulness of the book if tables of the different dynasties had been added. As Mr. Pargiter's book is, however, it should be received with sincere gratitude. It bears testimony to prolonged and careful work, and the exhaustive critical notes added to the texts are an important feature of the book. A work of this kind has long been wanted, and we must be very thankful to Mr. Pargiter for making it as reliable and handy as he has done. STEN KONOW.

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OCTOBER, 1914.) THE TRUE AND EXACT DAY OF BUDDHA'S DEATH. 197 THE TRUE AND EXACT DAY OF BUDDHA'S DEATH. BY DIWAN BAHADUR L. D. SWAMIKANNU PILLAI, M.A., B.L. (MADRAS); LL.B. (LOND.). THE object of the subjoined chart is to show that the true date of Buddha's death (Tuesday, 1 April, 478 B. o.), is deducible from the eight week-day dates cited in Bishop Bigandet's Life of Gaudama (Trubner's Oriental Series). The demonstration is accomplished by selecting 5 out of the many dates which have from time to time been associated with Buddha (see a long list of such dates at p. 165 of Vol. II of Prinsep's Tables) and testing the week-days of the several occurrences with reference to each of these dates. The dates selected were :-- (1) 1027 B. C., which is the most frequently occurring among the dates collected by Prinsep; (2) 901 B. C., corresponding to 980 B. c. for the birth, and to 991 B. C., which is said to be quoted by Jacbrig from Pallas' Mongol Chronology (Prinsep, loc. cit.); (3) 846 B. C., corresponding to 835 B. C., which is said by Prinsep to be the era adopted at Lhassa and founded on an average of 9 dates : 846 B. c. appears to be the date of "Buddha's appearance" alluded to in a well-known Tamil Buddhistic poem of 8th cent. A. D. called "Masimekhalai; (4) 638 B, C., known as the Peguan date; and lastly, (5) 478 B. o., Cunningham's second date, which, at p. 22 of J. R. A. ., 1909, Dr. Fleet admits to be an alternative to his own date, 483 B. C., Karttika bukla 8. In selecting supposed dates for trial, I have endeavoured to limit myself to typical ones, i. e. to those which have at least some points in their favour. I made an exception in favour of 846 B. C., because, though wide of the mark, it is a curious date and seems to have been adopted by Tamil Buddhists of the 8th century A. D. [I have published & magazine article on this subject, a copy of which I shall be glad to send to any one genuinely interested in it). Other dates, which might have been selected, had to be rejected in limine, because the week-days were obviously unsuitable. This remark applies to 544 B. C., which would give a Sunday (instead of Tuesday) as the day of Buddha's death, as well as to 543 B. c., in which the tithi and nakshatra of Buddha's death concurred on a Friday. As N.B. -The following abbreviations are used in this chart. 1. su. for stakla, the bright fortnight of a lunar month. Bahula paksha is not referred to even once in the chart. 2. J. d. t. and f. d. n. These symbols indicate respectively that a tithi or a nakshatra ended on the following day after that cited as the day of the tithi or the day of the nakshatra. Ordinarily a tithi or nakshatra is cited as belonging to the day on which it comes to end but occasionally, it is cited as belonging to the day when it only commences." F. d. t." and ". d. n." mean accordingly "following day'a tithi" and "following day's nakshatra." 3. The ending moments of tithis and nakshatras are generally given correct to two decimal places of a day. The key to this system will be found in the author's Eye-table. Thus 20 means 12 ghatikda after sunrise. 4. When both tithi and nakshatra are cited, the ending moment of the tithi is given first, and then the ending moment of the nakshatra. 5. The English calendar years cited in pairs run from 1 March to 0 March, (i. e. the last day of February). Thms 1096-96 B. O, is the period from 1 March 1096 to 28 February 1095. At the epoch We are considering, this period coincided very nearly with an Indian solar sidereal year. 6. The expression" preceded by an adhiks month" draws attention to the circumstance that the lunar year under consideration was one of 13, not of 12, months.

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198 OCTOBER, 1914.) THE INDIAN Chart to show that the true and exact day of Buddha's death (1 April 478 B. C.; Tuesday) 8. Week-Day dates in Bigandet'e Life of Gaudama. Supposed central dato 1027 B.C. Supposed central date 901 B. C. 1. Kueda Era given up 1096-93 B. 0. Phalguga (preceded 1050-49 B, C.; Phalgupa (preceded on Saturday Ist of the moon by adhika month) Sukla 1 was Wed. by adhika month), Su 1 was Sat Feb. of Tabaong (=Phalg.). Jany. 30, 1095 B. C.: 39. 1. 1049. B. C. Tithi ended at 21 ! NB.-Abolition of last year of old N.B.-Abolition of last year of Reference : Vol. I.. 13. Kausda Era. Kauzda Era. Bat. was prob. Adi Chandrodaya. 2. Commencement of Eet. 1095-94 B, C. Chaitra Sukla 1049-48 B. c. ; Chaitra Nukle ZANA Era-Sunday, 1st of the Friday, Mar, 1..12, 1095 D.O. Sunday, 1 Mar. 1049 2. U.; 71. waxing. moon of Tagu (Chaitra). N.B-Eetzans Era, year 0. marked N.B.-Monday was prob. Adi Chan by PhAlguna Sukis 1 in 1098.95 B C droda ya. Vol. I, p. 13. 2 Eetzans Era, year O marked by I Vol. II, 133, foutnote. Phalguna Sukla 1 in 1049-48 B. C. Bipowder is in hiukserrur us to tu dute : see para. (6) explan tury hole. 3. Birth of Buddba your 1027-26 B. C. Friday, April 11; 1027 980-79 B. 0.; Friday, April 1,80 68: Vaisakha Purnima B. C. ; 34; 16. B, C.; 96;f, d. n. 45. Nakshatra + Visakha," N.B.-1. Nak. "Visakha " was curFriday. N.B.-Phulguna Sukla 1 in 1028-37 rent on Friday and ended on Sat, at VR. I, p. 28; Vol II, . 71. B. c. marked year 68, expired, of 45. Centerption Aucing taken place under Eetzana Era, (1096 less 1028). 2. Phalg Sukla 1 in 981-80 B. C. Nat. L'u. A dhu in Sri marked Eetzana 68 month and birth wider Vila," expired (1049 Vainukha ath. 15 w the implied dite less 981). of birth 4. Buddha leaves Kapila- 999-98, c. Tithi ended on Sunday 952-51 B. C.; Sunday, 19 Jui. vastu-year 96. Sunday, June 29, 999 Bc. at 31 and Nak. 932 B. C. ; 88; 80. AshAdha Full Moon-Nakahashatra had ended on Sat, at 40. This tre - Uttara Ashaha"; and was ravaya full-moon. N.B.-1. This was Ashal ha fullenters into solitude next! moon (preceded by adhika month). day, Monday. N.B.-1. Nakon Sund. was not 2. Phalg Sukla 1 in 953-52 B.C. Uttara Asha jha. marked Eetzana 96 expired (1049 less d. 1. p. 63-64 eur 97.) 2. Phalguna sukla 1 in 1000-999 953) and 97 current. Tel. 11. pl. 72 (yeur 16.) B. C. marked year 96, expired, of Eetzans Era (1096 less 1000) and 97 current. . 3. Attainment of perfect 992-91 . .; Wednesday, April 943-4+ 2.0. ; Wel. April 145 wiedom-year--103, Vaisukha 14-17, 992 B.C.Epurnima: but nak-B. C. ; 61; 91. full moon; Virakha Naksha shetra Vrakha had onded on Tuesday trn; Wedneaclay. at 77 of day. N.B.-Phalguna Suka 1 in 946-46 N.B.--1. Nakon Wed. was not B C marked Eetzana year 103 expired L'ell, p. 97 . little by the Virth 1 (1049 less 946) Lenku. 2. Pbilguya Sukla 1 in 993-92 * Vol. 11.}. 73. 3. C. marked year 103 expired of Eetsana Era (1096 less 993). u. Death of Buddha's 988-87 . C.; Friday, June 27-53, 941-10 B. 0.; Sunday, July 17-90. father Suddhodana, y ear 988 . C.; Sravana full-moon, 041 3. c.; full moon of rava (pr. 107; full moon of Wakaolig 1 ceded by adhika month.) (fravara); at sun rise CHI N.B.-Phalgupa Sukla 1 in 989-88 Saturday. B. C. marked Eetzana year 107 expired N.B.-Pbalguna Suka 1 in 942-41 (1096 less 989). B. C. marked Eetzana, 107 expired I'll.. 20. (1049 less 942). 7. Death of Buddha:-) ear 948-47 c Tuesday, 7 April,l 901-00 B. C. Weil. Mar. 29; 501 148 Vaisakha full moon 048 , 0. 84; 97. B. C. ; 21; 99. Nak - Visakho" Tuesday : a little before day break. N.B-Pbalguna Sukla 1 In 949-48i N.B.-1. Nak". Visakha " com B. C marked Eetsana 148 eurrent or menced at 04 on Wed, and was not Vol. II. p. 60,73 Eetzana 147 expired. current on Tuesday. 2. Phalg. Su. 1 in 902-01 B. C. marked Eetz. 148 current and 147 expired. b. The New religious er 949-48 W, U.; Phil. Su. Mon 002-01 B. c. Phalg. u. I was Suricommences in the year of clay, Jan, 26-64, 948 B. C. day, Jany. 16,901 2. C. 34; the Buddha's death 148 on Mon-1 me day WAS Adi Chandrodave. day, first of the moon of N.B. This was the Phalguna before N.B. This was the Phalguna before Tabaong nalguna). Buddha's death and marked new era. Buddha's death and markod year 0 1 vel u . 13. T weede d year O. Phalguna Sukla 1 in 948-47 the new religious Era. Phale Sukla Net sorelly Sunder which P TN B.C. marked year 1 expired of new 1 in 901-00 BC marked in another version recorded by Big religious era. expired of new religious era endet i cide footnote to P. 133, Tol. 17, and pro. (6) of epilogory Here

Page #203
ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1914, 199 is deducible from the week-day dates cited in Bishop Bigandet's LIFE OF GAUDAMA. Supposed central date 846 B. C. Supposed central date 638 B. C. 916-15 B. c. Phalguna Sukla 1 was Monday, 20 Jany. 915 B. C.; 71. N.B.-1. Sat. was not Phalgupa Suka 1 or 2. 2. Abolition of old Kauzda Era. 916-15 B. c.; Chaitra Su. 1Wed. Feb. 19 10, 915. B. C. N.B.--Sunday was not Adi Chandro 846-45 B. C.; Tuesday, April 20; 846 B. C.; 89; 21. N.B.-1 Solar and lunar year began at practically the same moment. The Tuesday was 14 Rishabha; Su. 14 ended on Tuesday at 08. (2). Phalguna Su. 1 in 847-46 B. C. marked Eetzana 68 (915 less 847). 818-17 B. C.; Wed. 9 June, 818 B. C.; 48; f. d. n. 23. daya. 2. Eetzana year 0 marked by Phil- 35. B. C. guna Sukla 1 in B. C. 915-14. N.B. This was Ashadha full moon but neither tithi nor nak. fell on Sunday. 2. Phalg. Su. 1. in 819-18 B. C. marked Eetzana 96 expired (915 less 819) and 97 eurrent. 811-10 B. C.; Sat. 25 Mar.; 811 B. .; 19; f. d. n. 32. NB-Week day was not Wednesday. 2. Phalg. Su. 1 in 812-11 B. C. marked Eetzana 103 expired (915 less 812). 807-06 B. c. Wed. 7 July 807 B. C.; 17. N.B Sravana full moon, but weekday was not Sat. 2. Phalg. Sa 1 in 808-07 B. C. Eetzana marked 107 expired (915 less 808). 767-66 s. c.; Sund. 17 Ap. 767 B. C.; 14 Nak, "Visakha" ended on Sat. at 74. N.B. Phalg. Su. 1 in 768-67 B. C. marked Eetzana 148 current and 147 expired (915 less 768). 768-67 B. C. Philg. (preceded by adhika month). Sukla I was Wed. 2 Feb; '90. 637-36 B. C.; Phalguna Sukla 2 ended on Sat. Jan. 26 90 636. B. C. N.B.--Abolition of old Kauz da Era. N.B.-Phalg. Su. 1 in 768-67 B. C. marked year O of new religious era and Philg. Su. 1 in 767-66 B. C. marked year 1 expired of new era. 637-36. D. C.; Chaitra Sukja 1 ended on Sunday Feb. 24 57, 636. B. C. N.B.-Eetzana Era, year began on Phalguna Su. 1 in 636 626-25. B. c. New moon at the beginning of Chaitra month, was Sat. March 4 99, 626. B. c. Sukla 1 ended on Monday, March 6 at 005 and this was first Chandroday 1. Sukla I was current throughout Sunday. 567-66 B. c.; Thursday, March 26, 567 B. O.; 36; Nak. ended on Sat. at 17. was not N.B.1 Friday Val-akha Su. 15. 2 Phalguna Su. 1 in 568-67 B. C. marked Eetzana year 68 expired (636 less 568). 539-38. B. c. Sravana fullmoon ended on Monday, 13 July 539 B. c. at 44 and Nak. "Uttara Ashadha" had ended at 58 on Sunday. Ashadha full moon was Sat. Jun. 13 97 Nak. "Uttara Ashadha" in that month was Monday, June 15 28. N.B.-Phalgupa Su. 1 in 54039 B. C. marked Eetzana year 96 expired (636 less 540). 532-31 B. c.; Tuesday, 29 March 532 B. c.; 66; f. d. n. 77. N.B.-Phalguna Su. 1 in 53332 B. C. marked Eetzana 103 expired, (636 less 538). 528-27 B. c. Saturday 11 July, 528 B. c.; 33. N.B.-Phalguna Su. 1 in 52928 B. C. marked Eetzana 107 expired (686 less 529). 498-87 B. O.; Wednesday, April 21, 97; 29. 12th day of Rishabha (Solar month). Note 1. Tuesday was not Vais. Su. 15. 2. Phalg. Su. 1 in 489-88 B.C. marked Eetzana 147 expired, 148 current (636 less 489). 489-88 . c. Phalgupa Sukla 1 (preceded by adhika month) ended on Monday Feb. 8, 488 B. c. at 73. Correct central date 478 B. C. 627-26 B. c.; Phalguna Su. 1, (preceded by adhika month) ended on Sat. Feb. 4. 626 B. c. at 39. N.B.-Abolition of Kauzda Era. N.B.-Phalguna Su. 1 in 626-25 B. C. marks Eetzana year 0 (abt. 25 Jany. 625. B. C.) 557-56 B. C. Friday, 4 Ap. 557 B. c. 69; f. d. n. 31. N.B.-Phalguna Su. 1 in 558-57 B. C. marks Eetzana year 68 expired (626 less 558). Note.-Phalguna Su. 1 in 489 B. C. marked year 0 of New Religious era. Year 1 expired was marked by Phalg. Su. 1 in 488-87. B.C. 529-28 B. c.; Nija Ashadha Full Moon and Nakshatra "Uttara Ashadha" ended at 59 and EUR2 respectively of Sunday 22 June, 529. B. C. N.B.-Phalguna Su. 1 in 530-29 B. C. marks Eetzana 96 expired (626 less 530) and 97 current. 522-521 B. C.; Wednesday, 8 April. 522 B. C.; 36; 74. N.B.-Phalguna Su. 1 in 523-22 B. C. marks Eetzana 103 expired. (626 less 523). 518-17 . c.; Full moon tithi of Sravana commenced on Sat. 201 July, 518 B. c. at 61 and ended on Sund. 21 July at 51 of day. Saturday, at sunrise of which Suddhodana died, was loosely called Full Moon, altho'this description was properly applicable to night between Sunday and Monday. N.B.-Phalg. Su. 1 in 519-18 B. C. marks Eetzana 107 expired (626 less 519). 478-77 B. O.; "Visakha" nakshatra commenced at 87 on Tuesday, 1 Ap. 478 B. c. and ended at .89 on Wed.; Sukla 15 was current. all Tuesday and ended on Wednesday about sunrise. N.B.-Phalguna Su. 1 in 479-78 B. C. marks Eetzana 147 expired, 148 current. 479-78. B. c. Phalguna Sukla 2 Monday Jany. 20 93, 478 B. C. Phalguns Sukla 1 ended on Sunday 19 Jany. 478 B c. at 89 of the day. era. N.B.-Phalguna Su. 1 in 479-78 B. C. marks year 0 of new religious Year 1 expired is therefore marked by Phalguna Su. 1 in 478-77 B. C. Eetzana 148 expired (626 less 478).

Page #204
200 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [OCTOBER, 1914. regards 483 B. c., I must say, with reference to Bigandet's week-days, that a more improbable year would be difficult to find, since in that year Vaisakha purnima ended on Saturday March 28-90, while Nak. "Visakha" commenced on Sunday, March 29-02 and came to end on Sunday, March 29-98 : in other days, parnima and " Visakha " Nak., did not concur in Vaisakha month of that year for even one second of time. The year, 484 B. c. is a more probable year, because both Vaisakha su. 15 and " Visakha" Nak. ended in that year on a Tuesday. An additional reason for selecting (2) 901 B. c., was that if any year was likely to yield week-days identical with those yielded by 478 B. C., it was 901 B. o., on account of a well-known principle in Indian Chronology that week-days, tithis and nakshatras generally repeat themselves on the same days of the Indian sidereal year once in 423 years. The vear 901 B. c. does yield week-days closely similar to those yielded by 478 B. C., except that it fails at the most important point and brings out the week-day of Buddha's death as Wednesday instead of Tuesday. It will be seen that the only year for Buddha's death which brings out all the week-days correctly is 478 B. C. The number of tests could be multiplied, but we may be fairly certain that the result would always go to confirm 478. B. c. This being so, it becomes an important question when these week-days were first recorded. Evidently, not during Buddha's life time or shortly after his death, because the week-day, as a detail for ordinary citation was not known in Europe till the 3rd century A. D. and probably was not known in India till at least the 5th century A. D. : indeed, week-day citations are not commonly met with in India till the 8th century A. D.-[See on the whole subject of the Indian week-day, Dr. Fleet's valuable articles in Oct. issue of J. R. A. S. for 1912 pp. 1039-1052.]. The Burmese chronicle, translated by Bishop Bigandet, is called Malla-linkara woutloo and was composed about A. D. 1773, but Prof. Rhys Davids testifies to the substantial, even verbal, identity of that chronicle with the Jataka commentary current in Ceylon in 5th century A. D. (Prof. Rhys Davids, cited by Mr. Harry C. Norman in J. R. 4. 8. 1908 p. 15). We may, therefore, assume that the week-days in Bigandet's Life of Gaudama were calculatedi retrospectively by some one between the 5th and the 8th century A. D.: but even so, we are led to infer that the true date of Buddha's death, though forgotten, as Dr. Fleet has shown, by 1,200 A. D. in Ceylon, had been preserved in the traditions of Buddhists for at least a thousand years after the death of Buddha. There are certain points worthy of note in the calendar system disclosed by an investigation of these week-days: (1) In this calendar there runs throughout an implied distinction between the commencement of an era, and the commencement of a year. The commencement of eras was shifted from time to time, it was sukla 1 of Chaitra of a particular year under the Eetzana Era, and under the New Religious Era, it was associated with the date of Buddha's death; but what is clear is, that the commencement of the year was always the 1 There is just a possibility (though it seems to ine highly improbable,) that the author of Mallalinkarawouttoo may have himself calculated the week-days in accordance with the modern Burmese Calendar, which has been in use in Burma since 1738 A. D. In Ind. Ant., Vol. xxxix (1910), Sir Alfred Irwin has given the elements of the Burmese calendar from A. D. 688 to A. D 1752, but adds : "It is not certain what calendars were actually observed in Burma before the year 1,100 Burmese Era=A. D. 1,738." I hope shortly to be able to verify and state in this Journal whether, according to the modern Burmese calendar, the week-days in Bigandet could be locaved anywhere else than in the years shown in the last column of my chart. Bigandet is certainly in error in supposing, in footnote to p. 133, Vol. II, and elsewhere, that they can be located with reference to 519 2. Ces the orntral date.

Page #205
OCTOBER, 1914.] THE TRUE AND EXACT DAY OF BUDDHA'S DEATH. 201 same, i. e., sukla 1 of Tabaong or Phalguna. As an analogous case, we may cite the era of the reformed English calendar which began on 14 Sep. A. D. 1752, though the commencement of the year was always the same as before, the 1st of January. (2) Secondly, it is apparent, except in the case of the last date on the chart, that the commencement of the lunar month under this ancient calendar, was sukla 1 or (prati pada), as in the present day Indian calendar, and not the first heliacal rising of the moon, as in the Jewish and the Muhummadan calendar. In the excepted case I suspect, as observed in paragraph (6) of this note, a wrong reading in Bigandet's English Translation (Vol. II p. 113) of Monday for Sunday. On the other hand, the phrase adi chandrodaya dine quoted by Dr. Fleet from Dipavarisa (J. R. A. S. 1909), seems to refer, not necessarily to sukla 1, as assumed by him, but to the first day when the crescent was actually visible, and in 242 B, C., as shown below, this was actually sukla 2. The ordinary rule is, that if sukla 1, ends before 42 of a day, (25 ghatikas after sunrise) the crescent will rise the same evening and that if sukla 1 ends later than 58 of a day, (35 ghatikas after sunrise), the crescent will only appear next day. Between these limits, the day of the first appearance of the crescent is a matter of calculation, . Among other indications going to show that the first of the moon" or "the first of the waxing moon" in Bishop Bigandet's translation is meant for sukla 1 is the following, which is also otherwise interesting. We are told at p. 107 of Vol. I that for 49 days from the attainment of perfect Buddhaship i. e. from Vaisakha purnima, Buddha did not taste food, and that on the 50th day which was the 5th of the moon of Watso he was hungry. [Bigandet's translation in this place " 5th after the full moon of Watso" is an obvious mistake, since (1) 49 days from Vaisakha purnima can only take us to sukla 5 (292 + 14 +5 49) in Watso or Asha lha, and (2) we know from p. 118 of Vol. I that some days after the conclusion of the 49 days fast, Buddha preached a sermon at exact full moon and exact sunset ; this we may identify as Asha tha purnima or Watso full moon - which tithi, in 522 B. c., ended on 6 June at 40 of the day or a little while before sunset.] The 50th day from Vaisakha purnima in 522 B. C. was Wednesday, 27 May = Ashadha (or watso) sukla 5, which tithi ended at 78 of the day. In this case, sukla 1 was first moon rise, but as sukla 1 ended on May 24 18, the 5th tithi, if it had been counted from first moon rise, would have been Thursday, May 28, the 51st day, not Wednesday the 50th day counted from Vaisakha purnima. It is clear, therefore, that tithis in the text translated by Bigandet wete calculated, as now, from new moon and not from the first moon-rise. (3) On the relative merits of 483 B. c. and 478 B. c. as years of Buddha's death, Dr. Fleet remarked, at p. 22 of J. R. A. S. 1909, : For the latter occurrence" (the anointment of Devanampiya Tissa), " the mention of the Asbadha nakshatra indicates 247 B. c. or 242 B. c. The choice thus lies between 247+236 B. C.-483 and 242+236 B. C.= 478 B. C. The earlier year is preferentially supported by a consideration of the circumstances which paved the way to the acquisition of sovereignty by Chandragupta," It will be seen from the author's "Eye-Table" that Nakshatra Parva Ashacha can coincide with Margasira gukla l or sukla 2 (on either of which days Devanampiya Tissa was anointed) only in a year in which some month previous to Margasira was adhika. This was the case with the years 247 B. c. and 242 B. C., and Dr. Fleet is, therefore, perfectly right in observing that the choice lies between these years. There is, however, this noteworthy difference between these two years. In 242 B. c., the year of anointment of Devanampiya Tissa, corresponding to 478 B. c. for Buddha's

Page #206
202 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY OCTOBER, 1914. death, Margasira sukla 2 ended on November 14, at 51 ghatikas (in Lanka time,) after mean sunrise, and as sukla 1 had ended at the corresponding part of the previous day, it is clear, from the rule cited above, that sukla 2, Nov. 14, was adi chandrodaya dina or first moon rise in the month. Nakshatra Purva Ashacha was current all through Nov. 14 and came to end at 21 ghatikas after mean sunrise next day. The case was very different in 247. B. C. Since, in that year, Margasira sukla 1 ended at 9 ghatikas after mean sunrise on 6 November, it is evident that that was adi chandrodaya dina or the day when the crescent first appeared. Nakshatra Purva Ashacha, however, commenced only at 50 ghatikas after sunrise on the same day, i. e. 2 hours after midnight and was current for only about 9 ghatikas at the very end of the day. The anointment could, of course, have been performed in what we should call the small hours of the morning of 7 November, 247 B. C. so as to bring the ceremony within the influence of Parva Ashacha, but generally speaking, such a day would not be called a day of Parva Ashacha, whereas 14 Nov. 242 B. C. was strictly a day when Purva Ashacha joined with the adi chardrodaya dina of Margafira, So far. the calculation of nakshatras appears to point to 242 B. C. rather than to 247 B. c. as the year of anointment of Devanampiya-Tista; and consequentially, to 478 B. C. rather than to 483 B. C., as the year of Buddha's death. Dr. Fleet promised to exhibit in a separate article, the process of determining the nakshatras, but to the best of my belief he has not done so yet. The determination is very easy by the tables and method of my Indian Chronology. (4) One of the reasons which led Dr. Fleet to adopt Karttika sukla 8 rather than the traditional Vai akha (ukla 15 as the day of Buddha's death, was that, on the latter assumption, it was not possible to place the two anointments of Devanampiya-Tissa 247 B. C. Margasira Su. 1, and 246 B. C., Vaisakha sukla 15, as well as the arrival of Mahindo in Ceylon (B. c. 247 Jyaishtha sukla 15) within the year designated by Dipavansa as "236 years after the death of Buddha," i. e. after 483 B. C., Vaisakha Sukla 15. He argued rightly that, if each "Vaisakha sukla 15" was the commencement of a new year, the arrival of Mahindo at any rate must belong to a year later than 236 expired of the Buddha era, which would be complete on Vaisakha Sukla 15, 247, B. C. Now, if as I have shown above, the ancient Buddhist year always took its departure from sukla 1 of Phalguna, then it follows (a) that year 236 expired of the religious era would be marked by Phalguna sukla 1 in (479 B. C. less 236-) 243 B. C., and (b) that the second and third events, referred to above would both fall within the space designated by a single year, 236 expired, (running from 243 B. c. Phalguna Sukla 1 to 242 B. c. Magha Amavasya). Such being the case, the necessity for adopting Karttika sukla 8 as the day of Buddha's death, in great measure, ceases. Dr. Fleet seems to think that both the anointments of Devanampiya-Tissa should be placed within the 237th year current after the death of Buddha. I do not know if the text of Dipavamsa requires this construction. The text, as quoted by him (J. R. A. S. 1909, p. 11) makes two statements, (1) that DevanampiyaTissa was anointed 236 years after the death of Buddha; (2) that he was twice anointed. It may be that the 1st anointment was in the 236th year current, towards its close, and the second in the 237th year current. (5) It follows from an examination of these week-day dates that Buddha's age at the time of his death was 79 compl te years, not 80 years, and that supposing he was born in the year 68 of the Eetzana Era, he could be said to have died in the year 148 of that era only in the sense that the year 148 was varttamana or current. See however, division (8) below of this note.

Page #207
OCTOBER, 1914.] THE TRUE AND EXACT DAY OF BUDDHA'S DEATH. 203 (6) Bishop Bigandet remarks in a footnote on p. 133 of Vol. II that the Kauzda Era was abolished on a certain Saturday which was the new moon of Tabaong (March) and that the Eetzana Era commenced next day Sunday the first after the same new moon. This of course is not correct, since the old era was abolished with effect from Phalguna (Tabaong) sukla 1 (See Vol. I p. 13), while the new era was brought into force with effect from sukla 1 of the next month Chaitra (=Tagu). On the other hand, while referring to the commencement of the New Religious Era (the era of Nirvana), Bigandet has made a mistake just the converse of the above. He says (foot note on the same p. 133 of Vol. II): "In the year 148, the first day of the month of Tagoo (April), which fell on a Sunday, was fixed as the beginning of the new computation, emphatically called the era of religion, 543 B. c." We need not concern ourselves with 543 B. c. (As a matter of fact, the first of the new moon of Chaitra or Tagoo in 543 B. C. was Wednesday, not Sunday.) But it will be seen from a comparison of this passage with those at p. 13 of Vol. I and p. 113 of Vol. II, (1) that where Bigandet affirms Phalguna Su. 1 to have been the beginning of the Kauzda Era, he should have said this of Chaitra su. 1; and (2) that where he affirms Chaitra su. 1 to have been the beginning of the New Religious Era, he should have said this of Phalguna su. 1. So far, there may have been, on his part, a mere mistake of transposition of months, but in saying (in foot note to p. 133, Vol. II,) that Sunday was the beginning of the new religious era (Era of Buddha's death), he is backed by the calculations exhibited in my chart against the 8th date; and contradicted by his own statement in the text (p. 113 of Vol. II), that the New Religious Era began on a Monday. Should my conjecture that Sunday was the proper week-day in this case prove justified by a reference to the Burmese Manuscript used by Bigandet or to any other original text, then it will follow that "first of the waxing moon" throughout the chronicle translated by Bigandet means Sukla pratipada," and not the first heliacal rising of the moon. 7) In one or two instances, details of dates, not explicitly affirmed by Bigandet, have had to be supplied from other circumstances stated by him. Thus, as regards the birth of Buddha, we are told, in the first place (Vol. I, p. 28), that he entered the womb of his mother Maya at a full moon under the Constellation Oottarathan" ("Uttara Ashadha"). Reference to the Eye-Tahle appended to my Indian Chronology" will show that this must have been the Full Moon of Sravana. As Buddha was born 9 months later under the constellation " Withaka (Visakha). (Vol. II, p. 71), the birth. as may be seen from the same table, must have taken place at the Vaisakha full moon. not 6 days after the same full moon, (as stated erroneously in the foot note to p 47 Vol. I), when Nakshatra "Vaisakha" would be an impossibility. ,, Similarly, when we are told (Vol. I. pp. 62-64) that Buddha, preparatory to embracing the life of an ascetic, left Kapilavastu "at the full moon of "July" under the constellation " Oottarathan," we may infer that it was the full moon of Ashadha month, because elsewhere Bigandet has rendered the Burmese "Watso" (-Ashadha month) by "July" (see, for instance, Vol. I, p. 200). July is no doubt the English equivalent of Ashadha at the present time; but it was not so in Buddha's time when the equivalent of Watso or Ashadha was May-June. The reader has to be reminded that English months, in 477 B. c. meant, in comparison with Indian months, a time of the sidereal year more than one month in advance of what they now mean. This result is due (1) to the forward movement of the Indian sidereal, as compared with the European tropical, year, and (2) to the dropping of 10 days in the Gregorian Calendar. In support of my statement that the departure from Kapilavastu took place on a Sunday. I may refer to Vol. II, p. 72 where the next day when he entered into solitude is given as Monday.

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204 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [OCTOBER, 1914 Lastly, the year when Buddha left his home to lead a hermit's life is given as "Eetzana 97" in Vol. I, p. 62, and as "Eetzana 96" in Vol. II, p. 72. This is not a discrepancy, because we may understand the former to be an expired, the latter a current, year. Similarly, the Eetzana year of Buddha's death, 148, has, I believe, to be understood only as a current year, the equivalent of expired year 147. (8) I have reserved for the last place the discussion of the important question, whether, admitting the correctness of the dates shown for Buddha's life, in the last column of the chart, the date of his death may not be 477 B. c., as conjectured, first by Cunningham, and more recently by Prof. Charpontier of Upsala in the July issue of this year's Indian Antiquary. I am bound to say that two sets of considerations are in favour of 477 B, C.: in the first place, this date would make him fully 80 years old when he died, which indeed is the commonly received age, attained by Buddha when he passed into Nirvana ; and in the second place, although the week day of Vaisakha su. 15 and Nak. "Visakha " in 477 B. c. was Monday (April 19; 90 ; .44), yet the next day was Tuesday, and as he is said to have died "on Tuesday, a little before day break," this may mean, though not strictly, "a little before the daybreak of Tuesday:" that is, in the early morning hours of what we should call Tuesday, (in the Indian Calendar, in the last hour or two of Monday). The real difficulty, however, about 477 B. c. is in harmonizing with this date the statement that the new religious era began on the 1st of the waxing moon of Tabaong (Phalguna) "in the year of Buddha's death," the week-day being either Sunday, as stated in Bigandet's note on p. 133 of Vol. II, or Monday, as stated at p. 113 of Vol. II of his text. The following are all the relevant Phalgunas :Phalguna kukla 1 of 479-78 B.C. fell on Sunday, 19 Jany. 478, B.C. ending at 88 of day. 478-77 fell on a Friday. >> 477-76 , Wednesday. , 476-75 , Sunday (ending at 78 of day). We cannot possibly adopt the Phalguna su. I of either 478-77 B. c. or 477-76 B.c. as the commencement of New Religious Era, because in neither case was the week-day Sunday or Monday. We are driven, therefore, to conclude that the 12 months beginning with Phalguna of 479-78 B. C. (19 January 478 B. o.) were the 12 months constituting the year on which Buddha died", i.e., that he died on Vaisakha su. 15 of 478 B.C., not on Vaisakha su. 15 of 477 B.C. (9) The Eetzana Era is no doubt, as observed by Dr. Fleet in J. R. A. S. 1912, p. 239, " late invention"; but it is, nevertheless, a true invention, (a) because the dates expressed in that era are, astronomically, true datesand (6) because they include, by implication, one historically true date, the year, 478 B. C., of the death of Buddha. The week-days, coupled with tithis and nakshatras, direct our attention, with almost absolute certainty, to one and only one series of years which, thanks to them, can be verified and identified with as much confidence as if they had been recorded in 478 B. C. Knowing, then, from other sources, the historical probability of the central year, 478 B. O., (that it is approximate, according to Dr. Fleet, within 5 years, does not detract much from its historical value), we need not be disturbed by the reflection that this and other surrounding dates must have been laboriously calculated, and for the first time fitted out with the full dress of vara, tithi and nakshatra, by some astronomer in the 5th, 6th, 7th or a later century A. D. The later the century, the more genuinely do the historian, the chronologist and the critic become interested in the discovery that, for a thousand years, if not more, after Buddha's death, the true year of its occurrence was, notwithstanding many contradictory traditions, faithfully preserved somewhere in Buddhistic sacred lore.

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OCTOBER, 1914.) JAINA SAKATAYANA, CONTEMPORARY WITH AMOGHAVARSHA I 205 JAINA SAKATAYANA, CONTEMPORARY WITH AMOGHAVARSHA I BY PROF. K. B. PATHAK, B, A.; POONA The Amoghavritli is the oldest commentary on the sittras of the Jaina grammarian Sakatayana. Prof. Kielhorn1 thought that the Amoghavritti was later than the Chintamani, a different and smaller commentary on the same stras by Yakshavarman. That this view not correct will be obvious to Sanskrit scholars who will carefully study the introductory praiastis in both, which I quote below. zrImapaMcagurubhyo namaH || zrIvIramamRtaM jyoti svAdi sarvavedasA / / zabdAnuzAsanasyeyamamoghA vRttirucyate // 1 // avinanaSTaprasidhya(bhyartha maMgalamArabhyate // namaH zrIvarddhamAnAba prabuddhAzeSavastave / yena sabrya saMbaMdhAH sArveNa sunirUpitAH / / zabdI vAcakaH bhoM vAcyaH tayoH saMbaMdho yogyatA athavA zabda AgamaH | arthaH prayojanaM / abhyudayo ni[] zamalavoH saMbaMdha(dhAH) upAyopeyabhAvaH(vAH) te yena sarvasattvahitena satA tatvataH prajJAvitA | tasmai paramAtvamahimA virAjamAnAya bhagavate varddhamAnAya SaDapi dravyANa azeSANi anaMtaparyAyarUpANi sAkalyena sAkSAtkarvate namaka svpskaarH| evaM kRtamaMgalarakSAvidhAnaH paripUrNamalpamaMthaM laghUpAyaM zabdAnuzAsanaM zAstramidaM mahAzramaNasaMpAdhipatibhaMgavAnAcAryaH zAkaTAyanaH prArabhate / zabdArthajJAnapUrvakaM ca sanmArgAnuSThAnaM / / ka bhii| .............................................hal // 13 iti varNasamAmrAyaH kramAnubaMdhopAdAnaH pratyAhArayana zAstrasya lAghavArthaH / / sAmAnyAzrayaNAhIplutAnunAsikAnAM mahaNaM / Amoghavritti. smiyH| zriyaM kiyAH sarvajJajJAnajyotiranazvarIM / vizva prakAzayaSitAmaNizcitArthasAdhanaH // 1 // namastamamprabhAvAbhibhUsabhUyosahetave / lokopakAriNi(me) zabdabraha(sa) hAvazAtmane // 2 // svastizrIsakalajJAnasAmrAjyapadamAptavAn / mahAzramaNasaMpAdipatiryaH zAkaTAyanaH // 3 // ekaH zabdAMbudhi buddhimaMdareNa pramadhya yH| sayazaHzrI(zri) samuha vizvavyAkaraNAmRtaM // 4 // svalpamaMthaM mukhopAyaM saMpUrNa ydupkrm| zabdAnuzAsanaM sArvamarhacchAsanama(va)sparaM // 5 // . iTiTA na vaktavyaM vaktavyaM sUtrataH pRthak / saMkhyAtaM nopasaMkhyAnaM yasya zabdAnuzAsane // 6 // tasyAtimahatI(sI) vRtti saMhatyevaM lpi(ghii)ysi(sii)| saMpUrNalakSaNA vRttirvakSyate yakSavarmaNA // 7 // maMthavistarabhIrUNAM sukumAradhiyAmayaM / zubhUSAdiguNAn zAne sNhrnnocmH||8|| zabdAnuzAsanasvAnvarthAvAdhisAmaNi()ridaM / vRttemaM(4)thapramANaM [-] padasahavaM nirUpitaM // 9 // iMdracaMdrAdibhizzAbdaivaduktaM zabdalakSaNaM / tadihAsti samastaM ca yohAsti na tatkacit / / 10 // gaNadhAnupAThayorgaNadhAsUna liMgAnuzAsane liMgagataM / bhopAdikAnuNAdI zeSaM niHzeSamatra vRttau vidayAt // 11 // bAlAbalAjanopyasyA vRtterbhyaasvRttitH| samastaM vAgmayaM vetti varSeNaikena nizcayAt / / 1 Ante, Vol. XVL p. 24. - Read vidyAt.

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206 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [OCTOBEIR, 1914. tatra sabasthAvAvarva maMgalazlokaH // namaH zrIvardhamAnAvetyAdi / zAyaMsaMbaMdhAH vAcakavAcyayogyatA / athavA bhAgamaprayojanopAvopevabhAvAH te bena sarvasattvahitena tasvataH prajJApitAH // tasmai zrImate mahAvIrAya sAkSAtkRtasakaladravyAya namaskaromi( mI tyabhyAhAraH / vinapazamanArthamahadevatAnamaskAraM paramamagalamArabhya bhagavAnAcAryaH zAkaTAyanaH zabdAnuzAsanaM zAstramidaM praarbhte| dharmArthakAmamokSeSu ttvaarthaavgtirvtH| zabdArthajJAnapUrveti vecaM vbAkara budhaiH|| bhAuNa|phakAe bhI ................................ hal iti vrnnsmaanaayH|| kramAnubaMdhopAdAnaH pratyAhArayan zAstrasya lApArthaH / sAmAnyapaNAdI(da)sAnunAsikamahaNaM / Chintamani. Yakshavarman, the author of the Chintamani, tells us, in verse 7 quoted above, that bis work is a smaller commentary (laghIyasI vRtti). He lays claim to no originality, but admits that his Chintamani is an abridgment of a very extensive commentary (atimahatI vRtti). This very extensive commentary is no other than the Amoghavritti itself, since the concluding passage of the twoprayastis given above, beginning with the words iti varSasamAmnAyaH is the same except that Yakshavarman substitutes sAmAnbamahaNAta for the sAmAnyAzrayaNAt of the Amoghavritti. Then again Yakshavarman gives only the pratika namaH zrIvardhamAnAvetyAdi of the maMgalanoka. which occurs entirely in the Amogharritti.. Moreover, he borrows the two alternate explanations of the second half of this i s almost in the very words of the Amoghavritti. These facts will suffice to convince Sanskrit scholars that the Chintamani is an abridgment of the Amoghavritti, and is, therefore, a later work. As I have remarked above, Yakshavarman lays no claim to originality, but copies the Amoghavritti with slight alterations, omitting the less important words thus - . nAma duH 1,1, 17 (Sakatayana-sitra) yannAmadheyaM saMvyavahArAya hAniyajyate devatAdi tahasaMzaM bhavati vA / devadattIyAH / devadattAH / SaNmayAnAhaH siddhseniiyaaH| saijusenaaH|| Amoghavritti. yannAmadheyaM saMvyavahArAya haThAniyujyate devarattAdita saMjhaM vA bhavati / devadattIyAH / devdttaaH|| Chintamani. Sometimes Yakshavarman entirely copies the Amoghavritti thus - khyAte dRzye Sakatayana sutra IV, 3, 207. bhatenayatane khyAte lokavijJAte dRzye prayoktaH zazyadarzane vartamAnAddhAdho la(lai )praha)pratyayo bhavati liDapavAdaH | aruNadevaH pA(pAM)Dyam / avahadamoghavarSA(oM)rAtIn / NyAta iti kim / cakAra kaTaM devdtH| dRzye iti kim / jaghAna kaMsa kila vAsudevaH / anayatana ini kim [1] udagAgAdisyaH [1] Amoghavritti. bhUtenayatane khyAte lokavijJAte dRzye prayoktaH zayadarzane vartamAnAza (khA) to (le) bhvti| liDapavAdaH / bharuNadevaH pApaM | aihara(da)o ghavaSArAtIn / yAta iti ki| cakAra kaTaM devdttH| tRzya iti kiM / jaghAna kaMsaM kila vaasudevH| anadyatana iti kiM / udagArAditvataH // Chintamani. In the preceding passage the only alteration which Yakshavarman makes is to use the word instead of the E a of the Amoghavritti. I have already proved by ample evidence that the Chintamani is later than the Amoghavritti. It is thus clear that the illustration mentioning Amoghavarsha, the great patron of Digambara Jaina literature, fixes the date of the Amoghavritti, which is obviously so named in honour of that king 3 Omit this mark of punctuation. + Road udagAdAdityaH.

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OCTOBER, 1914) JAINA SAKATAYANA, CONTEMPORARY WITH AMOGHAVARSHA I 207 It is interesting to note that the achievement attributed to Amoghavarsha I, namely, that he burnt his enemies t i rata, is actually mentioned in a Rashtrakata inscription, dated Saka 832 (Ep. Ind. Vol. I, p. 54) where the passage relating to Vallabha Amoghavarsha, is thus read by Prof. Hultzsch CRTA Ff frozes(f) . It is proposed to read the first two words as reta . And the passage means that Amoghavarsha I, surrounded the kings who had suddenly turned disaffected, and burnt them. In this inscription the form I, which is fasz, is correct, because the writer of it could not have witnessed the event which was Tp to the author of the Amoghavritti, who deliberately uses the form ok which is . But the constant warfare between Amoghavarsha I and his kinsmen of Gujarat is also alluded to in an earlier grant of the time of Amoghavarsha I himself, namely, the Bagumra grants of Saka 789, in which we are told that " Dhruva died on the battle field, covered with wounds, while routing the army of Vallabha-Amoghavarsha." It is thus manifest that the event alluded to in the illustration, which we have been discussing, must have occurred shortly before Saka 789. It may, therefore, be safely concluded that the Amoghavritti was composed between Saka 736 and 789. Yakshavarman is certainly entitled to our gratitude for preserving the text of the historical illustration, which he quotes from the Amoghavritti. He has conferred upon us yet another favour by communicating to posterity a very important fact about the authorship of these Sakalayana-sutras In verses 3, 4, 5, 6 and 7 of his opening prajasti quoted above, he says: Hail ! Saka yana, the eminent lord of the great community of Sramanas, who attained to glorious universal sovereignty over all knowledge. 3. Who, (like Vishnu) single-handed, lifted up all nectar-like grammar, together with fame resembling the goddess Lakshmi, by churning the Ocean of words, with his] intellect resembling Mount Mandara, 4. Whose original science of grammar, of limited extent, attainable by easy means, and withal very complete, is beneficial to all like the religion of Arhat. 5. In whose science of grammar, there is neither the nor are there words used, such as 7 th , nor crear laid down, apart from the sutras, (as in Patanjali's Mahabhashya]. 6 By abridging the very extensive commentary [called Amoghavritti] of him [Sakatayana just described] this smaller commentary [Chintamani] endowed with all good features will be composed by Yakshavarman. 7 I have offered a literal rendering of these verses. This is all the more necessary as the sense intended by Yakshavarman, as well as the historical illustration, has failed to arrest the notice of Dr. Burnell, Prof. Buhler and Prof. Kielhorn, who have published valuable contributions to the study of this Sakatayana grammar. The first four verses translated above contain adjective clauses descriptive of Sakatayana. They are introduced by the relatives : (in verses 3 & 4) 7 in 9 (verse 5), and Tee (verse 6). These relatives are correlative to the demonstrative tasya in tasya mahatIM varti where tasya is kartari SaSThI and is part of the principal sentence in verse 7. The construction is a Tagui a az mahatI vA saMhatya evaM laghIyasI vRttirvasthate yakSavarmaNA. This smaller commentary will be composed by Yakshavarma by abridging the very extensive commentary of him whose original production called Sabdanusasapu is beneficial to all. The conclusion to which we come is that the Jaina Sakata yana wrote both the text and the commentary in the Amoghavritti and lived between Saka 736-789. 5 Ante, Vol. XII, p. 181.

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208 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [OCTOBER, 1914. The identity of the author of the sitras with that of the Amoghavritti seems to have been widely known. Mr. Rice says: " Sakatayana not only wrote the grammar but also & gloes thereon called Amoghavsitti." In support of this statement Mr. Rice quotes the Munivanjabhyudaya, written in the reign of Chikkadeva Raja of Mysore (1672 to 1704), by Chidananda-kavi, who afterwards became the pontiff of Sravana Belgol under the usual title of Charukirti Pandita Deva. A muni nija-buddhi-Mandaradim srulada mahararddhiya mathisi Prema-yaio-Lakshmi rerasu ryakarana-mahamtitoddharau esegida 11 Vara-Sabdanuksanava rachisi y-adak uru-Sakalyana-resaraVoredan Amogha-rsitliya padinen!u-8avirada-grantha-sankhyeyolu II Loka-rikhydtan a Sakatayana-muni vydkaranada, sitravanu! Sakalya-vritti-samanrita rachisi y-aneka-punyaran arjjisidanu 1! Mandara-dhfran Aviddha-karnnada Padmanandi-siddhanti chakresa! and atma-padariya Sakaryana-muni-vsindarakanig ittan olidu 11 I adopt Mr. Rice's translation : ** That muni, churning the great ocean of the sruta (or revealed ruth) with the Mandara mountain of his own understanding, began to uplift (or restore therefrom), along with the loved Lakshmi of fame, the best nectar of grammar. Having composed the excellent Sabdan sasanum, to it (is) the name of the great Sakatayana, he declared the Amoghavsitti, 18,000 verses in extent. That world-famed Sakatayana-muni, having composed the sutras of the grammar, together with the complete vsitti, acquired a variety of merit. Then Aviddha-karna Padmanandi siddhanti-chakresa, firm as Mount Mandara, approving of him, gave his cwn rank (or office, as head of the gana) to Sakatayana, the revered among munis." Karnataka Sabdanusasana, Intro. p. 2 From the passages quoted above it is evident that in the opinion of Yakshavarman and Chidananda, the Slikatayana-sutras and the Amoghavritti were composed by one and the same author who calls himself Sakatayana. I have proved above that this Jaina author lived in the time of Amoghavareha I, that he wrote his work about Saka 789, and that the Amoghavritti was so named in honour of this illustrious Rashtrakata king. The fact that this Sakatayana wrote the Amoghaoritti as well as the stras was well-known even to. Brahman authors. Vardhamana, the author of the Gararatnamahodadhi, who composed his work only about 273 years later, frequently attributes statements which are found only in the Amoghavritti but not in the skitras to Sakatayana himself. sAkaTAyanastu karNe TirigiriH kareM curucururityAha. Ganaratnamahodadhi.? Benares ed. p. 82. Amoghavritti. II, 1, 57. zAkaTAyanastu / bhaya paJcamI | bhaya dvitIyetyAha. Ganaratnamahodadhi. Benares ed. p. 90. S Amoghavritti II, 1, 79. am Vardhamana also assures us that this Sakatayana was not a Digambara but & Svetambara writer zAlAturIyAkaTAjajacandragomi digvasvabhapreharivAmanabhojamukhyAH / Vardhamana tells us that he restricts the term forec Digambara to Devanandin the author of the Jainendra-vyakarana. From this we are to infer that the other Jaina grammarian T Sakatayana mentioned in the above verse was & Svetambara. Vardhamana's view that Sakatiyana was a Svetambara is amply borne out by numerous passages in the Amoghavritti. 71 HAPA read . bhayo kSamAzramaNa jJAna dIyate Amoghavritti. I, 2, 201. 1, 2, 202.

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OCTOBER, 1914) JAINA SAKATAYANA, CONTEMPORARY WITH AMOGHAVARSHA I 209 - etakamAvazyakamadhyApaya atho enaM badhAkarma suury| bamamAvazyakamadhyApaya | bhayo enaM yathAkarma suury| Amogh. 1, 2, 203, 204, bhavatA khalu chedasU voDhavyaM / niryaktIradhISva / niryuktiirdhiite| Amogh. IV, 4. 133, and 140. upa sarvaguptaM vyaashyaataarH| upa vizeSavAdinaM kvyH| Amogh. I, 3, 104. kAlikAsUtrasthAnadhyAyadezakAlAH paThitAH Amogh. III, 2, 74. The mention in the foregoing passages of Svetambara authors and works and the fact that the study of the Avasyaka and the Niryuki is enjoined upon the readers leaves no room for doubt that Sakatayana was a Svetambara, and not a Digambara Jaina. That he has been unjustly superseded among the Svetambara Jaina community by the later and more well-known Svetambara grammarian Hemachandra is evident from the following passages in which the latter makes no secret of his desire to copy kakatayana : na nRpUjArthadhvajacitre III, 3, 34 (Sakatayana). nari manuSye pUjApaje cioM citrakarmaNi cAmidheye kapatyayo na bhvti| tatra soyamityevAbhisaMbaMdhaH | saMjJApratikRtyoriti yathAsaMbhavaM praaptiH| nari| caMcAsatAH cNcaamnussyH| vadhikA | varakuTIdAsa(sI) pUjAyeM | aIn ziva | skaMdaH / pUjArthAH pratikRtayaH / jyA ba)je garuDaH / siMvhaH(6)sAlo pjHcitrkrmnni| duryodhnH| bhiimsenH| Amogh. III, 3, 34. Hemachandra says: na nRpUjArthadhvajacitre (Hemachandra). nari manuSye pUjAyeM dhvaje citre ca citrakarmaNi abhidheye kaH pratyayo na bhavati / saba soyamityevAbhisaMbaMdhaH / saMjJApratikRtyoriti yathAsaMbhavaM prApta pratiSedhoyam / nR, caccA tRNamayaH purussH| yA kSetrarakSaNAya kriyate / paJcAsulyapuruSaH caccA / evaM vatrikA / kharakuTI / pUjArthe bhaIn / zivaH | skandaH / pUjanAryAH pa(ti)kRsaya ucyante | dhvaja(je) garuDaH siMhaH tAlo dhvjH| citra(ve) duryodhanaH / bhiimsenH|| Hemachandra's Brihadvritli, VII, 1, 109. The sutra just quoted appears to be based on the remarks in the Kalikavritti on Panini (V,3,100). prabhavati III, 1,166 (Sakatayana), seriti vartate ham iti paMcamyaMtAtprabhavati [prathama] prakAzamAne yathAvihitaM pratyayA bhavati / prathamasa upala bhvamAnatA prabhavaH / bhanye prabhavati jAyamAne ityAhuH / jAta iti bhUte saptamyatAdayaM tu paMcamyatAbartamAne / Amoghavritti, III, 1, 166. prabhavati VI, 3, 157 (Hemachandra). tata iti vartate tata iti paJcamcantAtprabhavati prathama prakAzamAne'rthe yathAvihitaM pratyayA bhavanti / prathamamupalabhyamAnatA prabhavaH / anye prabhavati jAyamAne ityaahuH| jati (6-3-97) iti bhUte saptamyantApatyayaH ayaM tu paJcamyantAvartamAne iti vishessH| __Hemachandra, Brihaderitti, VI, 3, 157 vaiDUyaH III, 1, 168 (Sakalayana). vaiDUrya iti viDUrazabdAta seH prabhavati jyapratyayo nipAsyate / virAtprabhavati vaiDUryoM maNiH / viDure mAme hyayaM saMskriyamANo maNiH(Ni )tayA tataH prabhavati vAlavAyAnu parvatAtprabhavanamohama] maNiH kila tu (kiMtu) pASANaH Amogha. III, 1, 168. vaiDyaH VI, 3, 158 (Hemachandra). viDUra zabdAtpaJcamyantAtpabhavatvarthe myaH pratyayo nipAvate / virAtprabhavati vaiDryoM mnniH| viDUra pAme yayaM saMskriyamANo maNitayA tataH prathamaM prabhavati / vAlavAvAnu parvatAyabhavanaso na bhaNiH kiMtu paapaannH| Hemachandra, Brihadvritti, VI, 3, 158. These passages show that Hemachandra copies the Amoghavritli to such an extent that no claims to originality can be put forward on his behalf, though it is easy to admit that on this very ground femachandra's Brihaduritti will prove most helpful in bringing out a correct edition of Sakatayana's sutras and his Amoghavritti. On the other hand,

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210 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [OCTOBER, 1914. Saka ayana never copies the Kasikavritti in the way in which Hemachandra copies the Amoghavritli. The tittle Amoghavritti must have been selected, as I have already remarked, to commemorate the reigning sovereign Amoghavarsha I. But it must have been also suggested by a desire on the part of Sakatayana to show the superiority of his own work to the Kasikavritti. As might be naturally expected, Sakatayana frequently refers to the authors of the Kasika thus : vadituM jAnAtItyeke Amogh. I, 4, 50. Katika, I, 3, 47. sphItatAmanye tAyanamAhuH Amogh. I, 4, 23. Kafika. I, 3, 38. Sakatayana sometimes borrows his illustrations from the Mahabhashya, the Kasika and the Nyasa Tes: yafa ware : ertfa : 1 Amogh. IV, 4, 131. P. III, 3, 167 (Mahabhashya). saMzayya karNAdiSu tiSThate yaH (Bharavi III, 14.) Amogh. I, 4, 37. Kafika. 1, 3, 23.. kAMto harizcaMdra iva prajAnAM Amogh. I, 3, 167. Nyasa. II, 3, 87. It is very interesting to note that Sakatayana quotes the two following passages from the Arthasastra of Kautilya. af ATT a Piaf Amogh. I, 4, 12. Kautilya's Artha astra (Mysore ed.,) p. 12. vRddhastu vyAdhito vA rAjA mAtabandhuku(tu)lyaguDa(pa )vassa(sA)maMtAnAmanyatamana kSetre bAjamutpAdayet Amogh. III, 4, 107. Kautilya's Artha lastra (Mysore ed) p. 35. It may be incidentally remarked here that Kautilya's Arthailstral is also quoted by Vateyayana in his Nyayabhashya Chap. I. and in the Kamasutra, p. 24. Some of Sakaryana's sitras resemble those of the Jainendra-vyakarara. They must have been borrowed from Pujyapada, who can be easily proved to have lived prior to Sakatayana. The Jainendra sutra (II, 3, 36) talaga was known to the authors of the Katika, who remark: ucayasya pratiSedho vaktavyaH Kasika, III, 3, 40. This is not a varttika as Panini's sutra III, 3, 40 h Tra is not noticed in the Mahabhashya. It is, therefore, clear that Sakatayana sutra (IV, 4, 45) Per : is based on the Jainendra sutra quoted above. The following three Jainendra stras : T IV, I, 207. TASTAT , , 208. 7 ,209. are thus alluded to in the Kalika : kecitra namapIclanti tadadha yogavibhAgaH kartavyaHzilAyA Dhapratyayo bhavati / paleyam / tato daH zileyama / Kafika V, 3, 102. The Jainendra sittra (I, 1, 61) feq. corresponding to Sakatayana (1. 1. 52) is quoted by Akalankadeva, who was contemporary with Sahasatunga-Dantidurga, the Rashtrakata king. kacidanayave TidAdiriti Tar I, 5, 1 Benares ed. 37. Jinasena in the opening prasasti of his Harivarisa (Saka 705) mentions the Jainendravyakarana. Those facts suffice to prove the priority of Pajyapada to Sakatayana. Panini's sitra? (IV, 1, 102) is TO Y U T arzag while Jainendra sutra (III, 3,134) reads baratacchunakara nizarmakRSNaraNAt bhRguvatsApAyaNavRSagaNanANavasiSThe. The latter siltra is thus borrowed by Sakatayana II, 4, 36. TTTT (*) CITATE TITHE(TTTTergut. 5 Mysore ed. pp. 7 and 11 ; Nyayabh. Benares ed. p. 7. Chandra (II, 4, 38) copies Panini.

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OCTOBER, 1914) JAINA SAKATAYANA, CONTEMPORARY WITH AMOGHAVARSHA I 211 Amoghavritti explains - ___ AgnizarmAyaNo vArSagaNyaH / bhAgnizaniranyaH / This explanation about Varshaga ya being Agaisarmayana is copied by Hemachandra in his Brihadvritti (VI, 1,57). Now Varshaganya was the name of fivarakrishya, the author of the Saikhya-karikas, who is assigned by Dr. Takakusu to A, D. 450. Another Jainendra sutra (III, 2, 5) gurUcyAbhAyukto(ke) (ne) is borrowed by Sakatayana and Hemachandra. T5 Traget Sakatayana II, 4, 224. Taiti vartate guruhaspatirudito yasmin me nakSatre tArakAvizeSe tahAcinaH Ta rati hasIbAMtAya vadhA vihita pratyayo bhavati / yosau yuktorthaH sa ceda do varSa saMvastaraH syAt / puSyeNa bRhaspatyukyena yuktaM varSe pauSa / pauSaH sNvtsrH| phAlgunaM varSa / phAlgunaH saMvatsaraH / gurUdayAditi kiM / zanaizvarodayena puSyeNa zukra varSe / bhana na bhavati / bhAditi kiM / vRhaspatyuzyena pUrvarAtreNa yuktaM varSa / bhabda iti kiM / mAse divase yA na bhavati Amogha. II, 4, 224. Hemachandra reads the siltra as uditagurorbhAyuke'bda Brihadvritti VI, 2, 5. and copies the Amoghavritti in explaining it. It is needless to state that Yakshavarman has this sutra in his Chintamani. The authors who have this sutra are : Pajya pada in his Jainendra. Sakatayana. Yakshavarman. Hemachandra. This sitra is most important as it alludes to the twelve year Cycle of Jupiter according to the heliacal rising system. This system was in vogue in the time of the Early Kadamba kings and their contemporaries, the Early Gupta kings. Expressions like pauSasaMvatsara occur in the epigraphic records of that period. The late Mr. S. B. Dikshit thas contributed a very interesting paper on this subject to Dr. Floet's Gupta volume and has also independently dealt with it in his monumental Marathi work on the history of Indian Astronomy. The four Jaina authors, whom I have mentioned as alluding to this avatem are in addition to the eleven authorities quoted by Dikshit. The last two sutras which I have discussed above enable us to assign the Jainendra-vyakara na to the latter part of the fifth century A. D. But no inference as to the age of the other three authors can be drawn as they have copied these stras from Pujyapada. In the Amoghavritti on sutra III,4,50 we read: sapanAkarotItyapi maMgalAbhiprAyeNa vRkSasya niSpatrAkaraNamevAkhyAyate | yathA dIpo naMdatIti vidhvNsH| though this remark is copied by Hemachandra in his Brihaduritti (VII, 2, 138) I am tempted to think that Sakatayana was influenced in making this remark by his knowledge of the Kannada root nandu, to go out, to be extinguished (as a light). Under the siltra (II, 1,79) mayUravyaMsakAdayaH Sakarayana says : hi karmaNA bahulamAbhIkSNye kartAraM cAbhidhAti / jahijoDamiyabhIkSNamAha jahijoDaH / Under the corresponding Panini's shtra (II, 1, 72) the authors of the Kasika say : jahi karmaNA bahulamAbhIkSNye kartAraM cAbhidhAti / jhijoddH| The rule beginning with art instead of fx is also found in the Gayapitha of Panini and the Mahabhashya, Nirnaya ed. Vol. II, p. 46. But Vardhamana says. kAraM ca brUte hi karmanA balamAbhIkSNve / / 121 / / vantaM kriyApadaM karmaNA : yantasyaivApyena bahulaM samasyate bhAbhIkSNye gamyamAne / sa ca samAsaH kartAramAcaTe / jAhijoDaM devadatta yo vaktAbhIkSNaM sAtatvena pravIti sa vaktA jahijoDaH / Ganaratna. Benares ed. p. 90.

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212 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [OCTOBER, 1914. Let us now turn to Hemachandra, who in his Brihadanitti (III,1,116) says: "yantaM svakarmaNA bahalamAbhINye kartari smaasaabhidheye"| jahi joDamityabhIkSNaM va mAha sa ucyate jhijoddH| And the commentary called Laghunyasa on the Brihadvitti explains : juDaNa preraNe isthato'ci joddiidaasH| And remarks: hyantaM svakarmaNetyAdi pANinIyaM sUtrametat / It is thus clear that mesin is an irregular comfourd, applied as an epithet to a pereon who frequently says, " kill the slave, kill the slave." According to Vardha mina and the Jaina authorities quoted above, not only jahi, 2nd pers. sing. imper., of han, but forms of other verbs ending in it may be used in forming such compounds, as is evident from the following verse. zrImacAlukyacakrezvarajavakaTake vAgvadhUjanmabhUmI niSkANDaM DiNDimaH paryaTati paTuraTo vAdirAjasya jissnnoH| jAgavAvA jahihigamakatAgarvabhUmA jahAhi bbAhAreSyoM jahahisphuTamRdumadhurazraSyakAvyAvalepaH / / Sravala Belgol Inscription No. 54. Here the words beginning with jahi, jahihi, jahAhi, and jahIhi are compounds used as adjectives qualifying DiNDimaH The last three are the 2nd Fers. sing. imper. forms of the root hA to abandon. The verse may be translated thus:-" In-the victorious camp of the prosperous Chalukya-emperor, which is the birth-place of Sarasvati, there suddenly wanders forth in all directions the loud sounding drum of Vadiraja desirous of vanquishing [disputants], which frequently says " kill rising conceit in disputation, give up abundart pride in learning, lay aside envy in oratory, abandon vanity as regards poetry lucid, soft, sweet and pleasing to the ear." The considerations set forth above naturally lead to the conclusion that the correct reading not only in Sakatayana but also in Papini's Garapa!ha should be not jAhi karmaNA but hi karmaNA. The mention of Vadiraja and the Chalukya emperor, who, as we shall eee presently, was Jayasiri ha II, is most important as it enables us to fix the date of the Ri pasiddhi, a prakriya by Dayapala on Eakatayana's Sabdanusasana. A Kanarese inscription, dated Saka 999, refers to Dayapala thus - Sabdanusasanaleke Prakriy endu Rupasiddhiyam magida Dayapala In another inscription we read: shbdaanushaasnsyopsiddhirmhaatmnaa| kRtA bena sa bAbhAti dayApAlo munIndharaH // This author Dayapala was the pupil of Matisagara and a fellow-student of Vadiraja hitaiSiNI yasya nRNAmudAttavAcA nivaDA hitruupsiddhiH| vanyo dayApAlamuniH sa vAcA siddhaH satAM mUddhani yaH prbhaavaiH|| yasya zrImatisAgaro gururasI caJcayazazcandrasU zrImAnyasya sa vAdirAjagaNabhut sabrahmacArI vibhii| ekotIva kRtI sa eva hi zyApAlanatI yanmanasthAstAmanyaparigrahakathA sve vibhahe vimahaH / / Sravana Belgo! Inscr. 54. In the concluding prasasti of his Parsvanathacharita, 10 after telling is that he was a bee on the lotus-like feet of Matisagara, Vadiraja says > zAkAbde nagavAdhirandhragaNane saMvatsare krodhane mAse kArtikanAni buddhimAhite zuddha havIyAdine / siMhe pAti jayAdika vasumatI jainI kayevaM mayA niSpati gamitA satI bhavatu vaH klyaannnisspttye|| From this verse it may be safely concluded that Dayapala composed his Repasiddhi in the time of the Chalukyaking Jayasimha II, who was reigning in Saka 947. * Ep. Carn. Shimoga Vol. II, Nagar 35. 9Nagar 39. 10 Ms. of the Jaina Matha at Kolhapur.

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OCTOBER, 1914) NOTES ON GRAMMAR OF THE OLD WESTERN RAJASTHANI 213 NOTES ON THE GRAMMAR OF THE OLD WESTERN RAJASTHANI WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO APABHRAMCA AND TO GUJARATI AND MARWARI. BY DR. L. P. TESSITORI, UDINE, ITALY. (Continued from p. 186.) It will be observed that all the genitives above are from consonantal bases. That -ha should have gurvived only in the latter case is quite reasonable, inasmuch as, when suffixed to vocal bases, it could not so easily avoid contraction. Thus a form like "be!aha, from Apabhramca bittaaha, was soon contracted into beta. It is only after bases ini, that-ha bas left some traces. Masculine and neuter bases in oi, o4, which, as it has been shown $ 57, may optionally take -u in the nominative singular and thereby become practically equal to bases in oia, osa, make their genitive in "ia, iya (from *ia-ha) and olla (from *da-ha). Thus : udhiya nathiya-nt pari "Like a bound elephant" (Dac. x), sonai tala-nu rasa & pana-nu" Dries up his palate "(Indr. 34)25 Feminines in oi, o4, which seem to have likewise been taking -ha in the genitive, have completely lost the latter termination, except in poetry, where occasionally forms occur, that may be taken for old genitives. Examples are : devia paya" The Goddess's feet" (Rs. 1), rania-sathi" Together with the queen" (Ry. 26), vahua-nahita" Together with the bride" (Rs. 132), Migankalekha -satia caritra "The story of the virtuous Mrgaikalekha " (F 728, 1). For some of such genitives in oia, however, it is doubtful whether-a is from ha or is a mere euphonic appendage identioal with that that in poetry is very frequently added to terminal (see $2, (6)). Thus in the same R. quoted above, we have rakia for rani (nominative, 30), milia-nai for mili-nai (63), etc. 63. Genitive plural. The case of the genitive plural is very similar to that of the singular, the chief difference being in that the former is nasalized. Apabhramca had for the genitive plural the termination -ha, before which a terminal oa in the base could optionally be lengthened. Apabhramca bases in a had therefore two endings in the genitive plural, to wit : aha and Raha. Old Western Rajasthani generally drops ha after consonantal bases and contracts aha oraha into - after bases ending in a vowel. Examples of the latter case are: karahd-kanthi " On the neck of camels " (P. 582), vahid -na viyoga "Separations from dear ones" (Adi. 22), pagald - u pari "Upon his foot-stamps" (Adi C.), caritriyd-nd mana". The hearts of men of good conduct " (Indr. 42). Feminine bases remain unchanged. The only instanoe I have noted of a feminine inflectod in the genitive plural is naryd sahitapanal "In the company of women " (Adi. 47). In the MS. Vi. (45) two instances have perhaps survived of the old termination Raha of the Apabhramca, viz. gaydha and nayandha (see $ 49). Another instance would be sydha-nai arthi, which occurs in the MS. F 588, if the reading is correct. Vi. 93 we have kunaha, from the pronominal base luna- (See & 91). >> Cf. vatthud (=Sanskrit vastunas) occurring Pingala i, 114..

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214 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY SS 64. Locative Singular. There were two ways of forming this case in Apabhramca i. e., by suffixing -hi (-hi) Page #219
OCTOBER, 1914) NOTES ON GRAMMAR OF THE OLD WESTERN RAJASTHANI 215 Gujarati and Marwari and possibly also in Old Western Rajasthani. The consequence then is that, to account for the apparent identity of the vocative with the genitive singular, we ought to postulate that in later Apabhramca the vocative singular was made by the addition of the same suffix as the genitive. In standard Apabhramsa this was already the case with the suffix the of the feminines and with the suffix-ho, which was used for both the genitive singular and vocative plural of all nouns. In Old Western Rajasthani the genitive (oblique) being in most cases identical with the base- and nominative- form of nouns, the vocative too is practically identical with the latter. The chief exception is formed by bases in oaa, which have a nominative in oau, quite distinguishable from the vocative, which ends in 'a as the genitive. The identity of the two latter cases would be better shown by the evidence of bases inoi, degu, which optionally make their genitive in oza, 'ua and so ought to do in the vocative, but I have noted no instances of the latter case. In Braja, however, singular vocatives in oia from bases in "i, are common enough (see Kellogg's Hindi Grammar, $ 168).. Old Western Rajasthani examples for this case are: re Gorambha P. 253, mama P. 379, 380, 383, etc., bapada P. 390, karaha P. 576, re jiva pa pia Up. 194. $ 67. Vocative plural.-The termination for this case is -, which is derived by contract. ing the suffix-ho of the Apabhramca with the final vowel of bases in oa. The intermediate step was 'a-hu, whence "au > 'o. The suffix-hu has survived in the Old Baiswari, as in the example : disi-kunjarahu" O elephants of the quarters ! " (Ramacaritamanasa, i, 260). In the Old Western Rajasthani I have noted the instances following: loko P. 291, ahojivo Sast. 93, he sudho Dac. v. From the last example it is clear that Old Western Rajasthani, to form the vocative plural, inflected into all bases alike. In the following an exceptional instance occurs of a plural vocative ine : Sdbhalajyo nare nara" Hear, oh men and women !" (F 591, 8). $ 68. The Periphrastic declension is made up by combining the inflectional forms of the nouns with postpositions. These are either nouns in the locative, instrumental or ablative case, or adjectives and participles. They always go after the noun, with which they are construed and they require the latter to be inflected either in the genitive or more rarely, in the locative or instrumental case. Two of them only, viz. prati and siu, are indeclinables by origin. Postpositions are very numerous in Old Western Rajasthani. Some of thenf being employed for more than one case, and others having not a definite meaning and being capable of quite different constructions, it is not possible to divide them so as to assign each to one particular case. The following is an attempt to classify them according to cases : Accusative: nal, prati, rahal, Instrumental : kari, nal, pahi, sathi, siu, Dative : kanhal, nai, prati, bhani, matai, rahai, rap, Ablative : kanhal, tau, thai, thakau, thaki, thi, pasai, pahi, lagai, lagi, hutai, huli, Genitive : (kau), kerau, (cau), tanau, nau, rau, rahal, Locative : kanhai, tdi, pasai, majhari, majhi, md, mihi. It will be observed that the postpositions that are adjectives or participles are confined to the ablative and genitive cases. They are, of course, subject to inflection like all other adjectives (see $ 76).

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216 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [OCTOBER, 1914. = I shall now proceed to deal with each postposition separately. Whenever no special remark is made, it should be understood that the postposition in question governs the genitive (oblique) case. $ 60. The Postpositions of the accusative are but postpositions of the dative, that are employed simply to denote the direct object of the verb. The use of the same postpositions for both the dative and the accusative is common to most of the Neo-Indian vernaculars. In the Old Western Rajasthani the dative postpositions that may be used for the accusative are : nal, prati and rahal. I shall explain the origin of these when dealing with the postpositions of the dative. Here it will be sufficient to quote' a few examples, where they are employed to give the meaning of the accusative. (1) nal is the most common of the three in the accusative sense. Ex.: balaka-naf te lei calyau "He went taking the child with him " (F 783, 60), raja-nat marava-ni pratijja kidhi "He made the promise of murdering the king" (Dd. 2), lola-naf samsara-atavi-mahi padai "Causes men to fall into the forest of worldly existence" (Indr.93). . Modern Gujarati has ne and Marwari nai, nai. (2) prati is not very largely used, except in balavabodhas or commentaries, where it is often introduced to render the Sanskrit or Prakrit accusative. Ex.: parastri-pratal kima sevai" paradaran katham vrajet " (Yog.ii, 98), puhatu naraga-prati" prapa narakam" (Yog. ii. 99). (3) rahat is used in the accusative meaning in the following: pathika-jana-rahal prinai " Delights the travellers" (Kal. 7), murkha-rahal rakhai chau" Thou savest the ignorants " (Kal. 30), majha-rahal rakhi " Save me!" (Kal. 41), majha-rahal sikhaval" They instruct me" (Dac. ix), majha-rahal koi na janal "No one knows me "(Dac. v). It is to rahal that Modern Marwari rai is to be traced (see $ 71, (7), * In the following passage lci, the conjunctive Participle of levad "To take," is used as an accusative postposition : kotara-lei tenai trni bhariu "He filled the hollow [of the tree) up with grass " (P. 629). $70. Under the term of Postpositions of the instrumental, I includo not only postpositions denoting the instrument or the means proper, but also postpositions denoting agency and companionship. Be it remembered that in Sanskrit all prepositions having the general sense of companionship govern the instrumental case. Under the present head fall the four postpositions following: (1) kari. This is not a postposition properly, but a mere appendage, which is added to nouns in the instrumental, simply to give more force. It is itself an instrumental, it being contracted from *karii, the instrumental form of the past participle- kariu "Done." How it came to be pleonastically appended to nouns in the instrumental, is well illustrated by the following phrase from Dac. : kisaz karami kari majha-rahai e phala haya " Owing to which deed performed by me) > owing to which deed (of mine) did I reap this result ?" Other examples are : louha nii kart idgha anapharasatau " Without touching the legs with the elbows" (Cra.), adhara gune kart sahita "Endowed with the eighteen virtues" (F 644), tini kari rahita "Deprived of that " (Sazt. 46), mantra-prabhaval kari" By the power of the spell " (P. 138). (To be continued.)

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217 OCTOBER, 1914] THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA. THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA. By V. RANGACHARI, M.A., L.T., MADRAS. (Continued from p. 192). The Battle of the Tambraparni and its significance. Such were the imperial Generals who led the campaign of 1532. Achyuta Kaya combined, we are told, the activity of a soldier with the piety of a pilgrim. In the course of his expedition he visited the sacred shrines of Tirupati, Chidambaram, etc. and reached Sriraigam. There the sanctity of the place arrested his march and induced his stay, and made him despatch his brother-in-law to the south, whither Saluva Naik had fled. Martandavarma had in the meanwhile advanced to the Tambraparai banks. There the two forces met. The engagement was one of high political importance. On one side were ranged the resources of the empire and of its Pandyan vassal, and on the other the gallant Nayars of Travancore. The Nayars, in those days, were a "peculiarly military" race trained in the exercise of war from their earliest youth49. A writer of the first decade of the 17th century speaks of them in language of admiration and praise. "It is strange to see" he says, "how ready the souldiour of this country is. at his weapons. They are all gentile men and tearmed Naires. At seven years of age they are put to school to learn the use of their weapons, where to make them nimble and active, cheir sinnewes and joints are stretched by skilful fellows and annointed with the oyle sysamus; by this annointing they become so light and nimble that they will winde and turn their bodies as if they had no bones, casting them forward, backward, high and low even to the astonishment of the beholders. Their continual delight is in their weapon perswading themselves that no nation goeth beyond them in skill and dexterity50." With such men the imperialists had to fight, and on the result of that fighting lay the position of the Pandya and the integrity of the Empire. The skill of Tirumalaiya and of his colleagues, however, was more than a match for Nayar valour, and ultimately gained the day. The colours of Vijayanagar waved in triumph over the Tambraparni banks, and the vanquished king of Nanji hurried to come to terms. He took the victor to Trevandrum, presented a number of elephants and horses51, and accompanying him to Srirangam, made obeisance to the Emperor, and obtained pardon on promise of a faithful allegiance and regular tribute in future. At the same time he seems to have restored the territory of the Pandyan king, which he had unlawfully seized. The emperor gave a wise termination to the whole affair by cementing his alliance with the Pandyan and marrying his daughter. The fate of Saluva Naik is unknown. 49 Capt. Drury comparee "the effeminate disposition" and the incapacity "to bear transplantation from his native soil," which he attributes to the Nayars of early 19th century, with the Nayars of the, 16th and 17th centuries, and gives the palm of superiority to the latter. See Madr. Journ. III (1858),! 203-4. 50 Johnson's Relations of the most famous kingdom in the world, 1611, quoted by Capt. Drury. Ibid; see also Logan's Malabar Manual and Thurston and Rangachari's Castes and Tribes, V, p. 285-90 for other referendes to Nayar valour, by various writers in the 17th and 18th centuries. The term Nayar is held by some scholars to be derived from the same term as Naik. The glossary of Yule and Burnell, in fact, says that "the Nayars of Malabar are closely connected by origin with the Nayakans of Vijayanagar." P. L. Moore in his Malabar Law and Custom maintains the same view. His reasons are quoted in Castes, and Tribes V, p. 292. .Munro used the terms Naik and Nair interchangeably. It seems to me that there has been a general misapprehension among these writers and the confusion has been caused by a similarity of sound between the two words. 51 See Trav. Arch. Series, based on the achyutardyabhyudayam, p. 55.

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218 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [OCTOBER 1914. Achyuta's power felt throughout the Empire. The imperial power was thus safely asserted throughout the south; and if we are to believe the inscriptions, Achyuta Deva rounded off his conquest by the conquest of Ceylon also. From this time to his death in 1542 he maintained his power intact throughout the Empire. Ample epigraphical evidences prove this. In 1532, for instance, the very year of his Tinnevelly campaign, he was at Tanjore, and gave a local chief Thattappa Naik (son of Konappa Naik) a tract of land as recorded in the Thoppi! Pillayarba temple there. In 1533 he was at Conjeeveram, where, in the temple of Varadaraja, he weighed himself against pearls, performed the great gift of kanchana-meru, and otherwise celebrated his victory in the south. In 1535 he recorded a grant at Mahabalipuram 5 In 1538 he was recognized as emperor in the province of Dindigal, as is clear from the inscription in the shrine of that fort54. In 1539 an inscription of the Rajagopalasvami temple at Tanjore mentions that he was the founders of it. In 1542 he gave a grant to the Chidambaram pagoda.66 In 1533 his Viceroy Bala-Deva-Maharaja Udayar ruled at Coimbatore, and distinguished himself by his gifts and donations to temples. SECTION III, The Viceroys of the South during Achyuta's Rule. As to the viceroys of Vijayanagar, 58 during this decade, in the south, we learn from the Pandyan Chronicle that one Aiyakarai Vaiyappa was ruling in Madura at the time of Achyuta Raya's expedition. Vaiyappa, if we are to believe the chronicle, ruled for two years after Achyuta's return to Vijayanagar. In 1535, we are told, he was succeeded in his exalted office by one Visvanatha Naidu,59 who held it during a continuous space of nine years. Now the question is, who was this Visvanatha Naidu! Was he the son of Nagama Naik, whose early career and whose part in the recent campaign against Travancore we have already sketched? Is there again any epigraphical evidence to prove the identity! Both these questions have been answered by Mr. Krishna Sastri in the positive. Inscription 113 of 1908, he says, co" supplies the interesting fact that Visvanatha Nayaka, the son of Nagama Nayaka, was an officer of Achyuta in S. 1457, 1534-5 A. D." And how did Visvanatha come to occupy that position? Mr. Krishna Sastri surmises that Visvanatha followed Achyuta 61 in the latter's campaign against the king of Travancore, and taking an active part in the subjugation of the rebellious chiefs, Tumbichchi Nayakkan and Saluva Nayakkan of the Pandya country, found an opportunity to secure a footing there which he gradually strengthened." And in proof of this he cites another inscription, which says that " Visvanatha conquered in battle the Tiruvadi, the Pandya king Vanada Raya and other kings and annexed their dominions." (To be Continued.) 53 Inse. 39 of 1897. The deity is also called Alagesvara Pillayar. 5 Mad. Ep. Rep. 1890. 54 Inso. 1 of 1894. 55 Inse. 40 of 1897. Madr. Ep. Rep. 1888. ST Insca. 21 and 28 of 1900. In the Agastya temple at Kangyam and in the Lingesvara temple at Avinasi, Bala Deva's insce, are found. See also Taylor's Res. Mack. M88. III, 356-8 and 394. 58 For an account of the numerous feudatories of Achyuta Raya see Arch. Suru. Ind. 1908-9 pp. 191 f, where Mr. Krishna Sastri compares Nuniz and epigraphical evidences. The name Vaiyappa is fairly frequent, and it is not improbable that a chief of that name was at this time in Madura. See Madr. Ep. Rep. 1913, p. 123. 5 The Pand. Ohron. O See Ep. Rep. 1909, p. 18. The insc, is at Tiruppattar, and records the gift of the village of Vara. gunaputtar by Achyuta Raya for the merit of Visuandtha Ndik. 61 Ibid. p. 119. The version of the Koyilolugu that in S. 1420 Trichinopoly and Madura Were under Vilvanatha Naik seems to be untenable. See Ind. Ant. 1911, p. 143. It says that one Narasimha Derika, the son of Vadala Desika, presented several gold vessels and three lakhs of gold pieces, to the temple, with the help of the Naik, 62 Copper plate 14, Appendix A, Maar. Ep. Rep. 1905-6. It belongs to the reign of Muttu Krish nappa. The Vanad s-Raya, however, was not in reality conquered.

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OCTOBER, 1914.] THE POEMS OF PRINCE KAMRAN 219 THE POEMS OF PRINCE KAMRAN. BY MAULAVI ABDU'L WALI, M R.A.S. &c. &c. THE dynasty of Chaghtai Turks, commonly called Mughals, that was founded by Babar in Hindustan, after he had defeated the Lodi Monarch Ibrahim in the battle-field of Panipat on April 21, 1526, ushered in a gifted family to India, that has bequeathed to the world a literature that stands unique in the annals of any single dynasty, ancient or modern. The autobiography of the founder is a standing monument of the nobility and charm of his character, the perspicuity and directness of his language. The little work of his beloved daughter Gulbadan Begam (Lady Rosebud), recently published with translation and notes by Mrs. Annette S. Beveridge, is a book that blazes throughout with touches of feminine grace and charming simplicity, and stands unique in the annals of colloquial Persian. While we admire so much the style of several European female writers, we might have foregone the same delight but for the appearance of this charming monograph by an Eastern princess. It is very strange that till now the world has been unacquainted with the existence of another book composed by another member of the same illustrious family, Prince Kamran. A notice of it, so far as I can recollect, appeared first in a Hindustani periodical of Lucknow; but since then a detailed account of the Diwan-i-Kamran Mirza has been published in the catalogue of Persian Manuscripts of the Bankipore Public Library (Vol. II, prepared by M. 'Abdu'l-Muqtadir). This Diwan, like Gulbadan Begam's Humayunnima was once treasured in the Imperial Library of Delhi, and bears autographs of Emperors Jahangir and Shahjahan, and other eminent persons, who once owned or examined it. The Sepoy revolt of 1857 did not give the rebels what they wanted; but it has unfortunately robbed India of her literary treasures. Of the life and career of the Prince, I need say very little. The exact date of his birth cannot be determined. When he was a child, Babar left the ladies of his family in Kabul under the nominal command of Kamran. 'Askari, his younger full-brother was born in 922 H. (1516). Supposing Kamran was older by two years, he would be about 12 in 1525, when Babar had left him in Kabul and about 42 years old in 964 H ((?) 1556) when he died in Mecca. Dildar Begam was the mother of Prince Hindal and the Lady Gulbadan Begam. Maham Begam was the mother of Humayun. Gulrukh Begam was the mother of Princes Kamran and 'Askari. This collection of Kamran's poems consists of fragmentary pieces in Turki and Persian, as if the author had it copied in haste for presentation to, what appears to me, one Hazrat Khwaja, with a Turki epistle added at the end of the Diwan. The copyist Mahmud bin Ishaq of Herat writes that he copied the book in haste. The Diwan as it has come down to us clearly shows that Kamran composed the poems as an impulse to his poetic genius and not as a sustained effort to produce something for the general public. They are to my mind the work of an artist who is employed, for the time being, in doing some other duties not very congenial to his genius. His rebellions against his generous brother, and his military exploits and subterfuges to gain for himself the sole sovereignty of Hindustan must be dismissed as ill-planned and ill-executed and something beyond his ken. But the fine art, in the shape of short lyrics and ballads that Kamran has left behind, and for which he probably did not much care in his lifetime, was indeed the work of a gifted poet and the worthy son of a worthy father. The inimitable style which Babar

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220 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [0croBER, 1914 t employed in writing his Memoirs was fully maintained by his descendants down to our own time. The elegance, the grace and the directness of the sentences of Babar may clearly be traced to the writings of Jahaogir, Shahjahan, 'Alamgir, as well as the unfortunate Babadur-Shah Zafar, the last of the line, in his Urda poetry. Not being competent to pass an opinion on Turki poems, which are, however, longer and occupy a greater portion of the Diran, I give below & few Persian poems of the unfortunate Prince which, by the way, are nearly in jarab, or imitation, of well known pieces. It appears that Kamran Mirza was quite at home with Turki and Persian, using both indifferently as his mother speech. The Bankipur Codex consists of 34 folios, comprising 58 ghazals, 6 qat'as, 30 ruba'iyat, 18 mathnavis, of which 21, 3, 4, 4 respectively are in Persian. Of some 44 Distiches or fards, 23 are in Persian. I have before me, as I write, a copy of the Diroan made lately for the Bengal Asiatic Society and transcribed from the original copy now in the Bankipur Public Library. The following facts, extracted from Princess Gulbadan Begam's Aumdyin-ndma as translated by Mrs. Beveridge, will conclude this introduction. As soon as Kamran had fled from Salim Shah and gone as far as Bhira and Khushab. Adam Ghakkar, by plot and stratagem, captured him and brought him to Humeyin. "All Assembled Khans and Sultans, and high and low, and plebeian and noble, and soldiers and the rest, who all bore the mark of Mirza Kamr&n's hand, with one voice represented to His Majesty; 'Brotherly custom has nothing to do with ruling and reigning. If you wish to act as a brother, abandon the throne. If you wish to be king, put aside brotherly sentiment ...... It is well to lower the head of the breacher of a kingdom' His Majesty answered ; . Though my head inclines to your words, my heart does not. All cried out : what has been set before your Majesty is the really advisable course " . . . . . . . . . . Even His Majesty was compelled to agree, When he drew near to Rohtas, the Emperor gave an order to blind Mirza Kamran in both eyes," Gzlyt mnqwl z dywn khmrn mrz , khn dr pyrmGn w srm b`d zyn : chwn bmqSwd nshd hychkhs rhbrm br khzyn ps zkhrbt gshyd dr m : khrm chwn zdr bsth zhd ngshwd wy gr hdy'y lTft nshwd rhbr m : brkhy sst w shb tyrh r rhzn zkhmyn dm bdm drd w Gmy brdl Gm prwr m khw grftym bdrd w Gm `shqt bfrst gr z dlbr m rSly myrsd mzd r khh z shwq dlm my yd w mTrbm nwsd dhr khkhstr bkhrysh khh : khmrn swkhtm z nsh hjrn khsy .. : wh bd frkh w mymwn Tl`t khl chshm mn mHzwn bd jy w dyd mmnwn bd mh dr dr w frydn bd bd dyr@ byrwn r zyn bd hmywn dhr khsrw : : : Hsn tr dmbdm fzwn bd khh zr hth khyzd dr Gbry khyzd | khw z rh lyl~ khkh bndh Hlqh bgwsh tw chw mn mrkhh khrd nr jw prr ngsht jhnrst bq tkhh khmrn

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221 THE POEMS OF PRINCE KAMRAN wlh brqybn hmdm w hmrz dydm yr r .. rh chh bshd byqrnr dhd Sbr w qrr dr tkhlm l`l w zynsnkhh myryzd ghr Gyr jnn dr jhn chyzy bpndrd dgr khmrn nmh mr jz dwst chyzy dr nZr y khfr mykhwrh by bkh khd r z shkh chw symm dl tw nrm ngrdd drm Tm` gwshh chshmy znw y`ny shyryn psr l`l lbt ab Hy nst .. .. .. hwkhh khh jml tw mr dr nZr ayd bly tw chwn fDl myd st `jb nyst rkhsr nw mjmw`H m`nyst khh Hsnt wm .. wlm chshm dr rh tw drym w shd ymy chnd yrb asn khn bmn yn Hlt dshwr r ankhh my bkhshd khrm an srw khwsh rftr r chwn nghdrm z gryh chshm gwhr br r hrkhh brdrd zpysh yn prdh pndr r bkm khwysh dydm dwlt dydr r ankhh hrgz nfrmnd sry m pyGmy wqt an shd khh nhy jlb m mmy chnd rHmy bkhn yn swkhth by sr w p r symyn dhqn sng dl llh hdh r khwsh khn bnghy dl Gm prwr m r br tshnh lbn qTrh zn ab khd r t khsy myl dlm r brkht py nbrd chh shwd gr khndm shd bdshnmy chnd .. OCTOBER, 1914.] dwlt wSl tw khwhm w dlrmy chnd wlh qT`t rfth rqyb z drt khm shd ndrl mn Hmd bz zlykhy shb mwy syh r gshd zmy bzlf w rkht Sd hzr zybyy w shkhyb by tw khsy chwn khnd khh pysh lbt khdwnd r dhhb `n lkrn `bd ql@ jngh zjnm bdr ayd z qd tw gr nkhl mydm bbr ayd hr lkhTr bw` dgry dr nZr ayd znkhh bchh ftd ywsf gl pyrhn hzr shrq rlw dr dl mshly

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(0cron, 1914. THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY 222 bbd rfth hmh m bh shkhyby'y dlm zdst shh r zw khbr nmy ybm rbwdh nd mgr dlbrn bGmny bhr Trf gdhrm jlw nw my bynm bhr chh my ngrm dr nZr nw my ay'y y msn tr dr khml khwby dl st bGrby jmlt rkhsr tw llh zr Hsn tt shrmndh shdh gl z khjlt br tshnh lbn khrd bbkhshy dr ay'ynh nw rw nmwdh z khrbny khT w znyt khl chwn nqTh bzyr lb fndh br Hlt khmrn bgshy : : : : : : : : : nh nr dr `tdl khwby lf nw khh hst dl khwby chshm nw dr w Gzl khwby znr rst dr lf`l khwby y l`l lbt zll khwby an shhd by mthl khwby ddnd tr mthl khwby dr zyr lb tw Hl khwby y khsrw mlkh w ml khwby rb`yt y bd b'n br shmm brsn : r SbH rml w shm zlfsh bgdhr : dr khlwt wSl w pbmm brsn y`dy khh d`y SbH w shmm brsn yrb zkhrm dry brwym bgshy : zng Gyr z dl Hzydm bzdry pywnd mn z jmlh `lyq bgsl .. z hrdw jhn swy khwdm rhnmy . mthwy mfy nmh by sqy an my khh jn prwr st : khh jn mzyn mrdr khwrst bmn dh khh dwrn bkyn mnst : ply qSd jn Hzyn mnst by sqy an jm gyty nmy : khh mHnt zd lyst w`shrtnzy bmn dh khh gwym khrwshn w mst : khh byh `mr khwhd shkhst

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OCTOBER, 1914.] THE POEMS OF PRINCE KAMRAN 223 TRANSLATION. Ghazals. As no one guided us towards our destiny, let there be, hereafter, the dust of the Magi's door and our forehead. As our affairs did not open (prosper) from the locked door of the pious, perhaps hereafter our door may be unlocked from the grogshop. The steed is slow, the night dark, and the highwayman behind: oh, if the guide of your merey will not direct us the way. We are inured to pain and care of your love, 80 send every moment pain and care to our sorrow-nurtured mind. Oh, with longing my heart beats and I am full of anguish, perhaps the glad tidings of union are coming from the captor of our hearts, 0 Kamran, I have burnt myself by the fire of separation of a person, into whose lane never reaches a'particle of our ashes. May your beauty increase every moment, may your luck be happy and auspicious. The dust that rises from your path, may it be the surma of my eyes, who am distressed. The dust that rises from the way of Laila, may it rest on the eyes of Majnun. Like me, hundreds as Darius and Faridun be your slaves. He who did not move round you like a compass, ought to be out of this circle. Kamran so long as the world exists, may Humayun be the ruler of the universe. I saw the beloved in full sympathy with my rivals, O God, make easy to me this difficult situation. Would that He, who gives power of skipping to that gracefully walking Cypress, give the impatient patience. In conversation, his rubies (lips) as if showers pearls : how shall I suppress weeping from my pearl-raining eyes. He who lifts from his front the screen of egotism, will never think of another thing in this world except of the beloved. O Kamran as naught came to my sight except the Friend, so I did look to my heart's content the treasure of the sight. O Kafir, wine-bibbing, fearless, by God have mercy on this burnt-one, without head and foot. Your heart is never melted by my suvery tears, You silver-cheeked, stony-hearted and tulip-faced. I wish & corner of your eyes, that is to say, give consolation, with a look, to my sorrowful heart. Sweet boy, your ruby-like lips are the water of life, a drop of that water upon the thirsty-lipped, by God. I am having my eyes on your way, and so it has been since some time, it is time that you should put towards us a few steps. He who never sends towards us any message, would that he had pleased me with a little abuse. That no one may gauge my heart's longings towards your face, I want the treasure of your company and a few heart-comforts. Whenever my eyes look to your beauty, a hundred life-wasting lamentations come out of my soul. Since your body is the tree of hope, it is not strange that my tree of hope will bear fruit from your body.

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224 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY OCTOBER, 1914. Your face is full of meaning, hence it is that your beauty appears, every moment, in different forms. Qit'as. The rival has gone away from your threshold, my grief has decreased, God be thanked, who took away from us the sorrow. Once again the Zulaikha-like night loosened her tresses, because the rose-coated Joseph went down the well. How nice! Your looks and forehead show a hundred thousand beauties, a thousand wish of you in the mind of sightseers. How can any one have patience without you, tor before your lips the stock-in-trade of patience flies into wind. My heart has gone out of my hands, and I cannot trace it, perhaps the Beloveds of Yaghma have stolen it. Whither I repair, I see your splendour: whatever I see, you appear in my sight. Oh, your beauty is in its perfection, your body in its happiest symmetry. Your tresses are proof positive of your exuberant beauty, which are the dali of beauty.. Your face is the tulip-garden of beauty; Your eyes in it are the gazelle of excellence. The rose became ashamed of your beauty through modesty. Hence there is beauty in being ashamed. Do show mercy upon those who are thirsty of you: Oh, your ruby-lips are the fountain of excellence. In your mirror (face) is reflected that Beloved of unrivalled excellence Owing to the grace of your face and elegance of the mole, they have made you the beau-ideal of excellence. Like a dot2 under the lips (V) has fallen underneath your lips the mole of excellence, Have mercy on the condition of Kamran, O the ruler of realm, and treasure of excellence ! Rubb'iyat. O Zephyr, give my greeting to that Friend, Carry my message unto the seclusion of her union, Pass on upon her morning-of-union, and the evening-of-locks, O God, out of your mercy open a door upon me, remove from my sad heart the taint (i. e., thoughts) of others, loosen my connection from all concerns, show me the way towards you from both the worlds. Mathnavi (Saq 1-a m a). Come, O Saqi, give me that wine which may nourish my soul and which may be appropriate to my afflicted soul, as the world is in enmity with me, and is contemplating to take away my life. Come, O Saqi, give me that world-refleoting goblet, that removes the troubles and enhances the pleasures, so that I may say shouting and intoxicated that the measure-glass of life will break. 1 The letter > in its curviture resembles the tresses. * In Persian, the lottor ba has a dot below it and resembles the lower lip. 3 That is, convey to her my blessings of morning and evenings.

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NOVEMBER, 1914.] NOTES ON GRAMMAR OF THE OLD WESTERN RAJASTHANI 225 NOTES ON THE GRAMMAR OF THE OLD WESTERN RAJASTHANI WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO APABHRAMCA AND TO GUJARATI AND MARWARI. BY DR. L. P. TESSITORI, UDINE, ITALY. (Continued from p. 200.) BSERVE that kari is never appended to instrumentals, when these are used in the agentive meaning. (Cf. 8 60). Not unfrequently nai is pleonastically added to kari. Cf. the use of kara-ke (from kari-kai) in Hindi (Kellogg, Hindi Grammar, $ 173, a). Occasionally karata is employed in the same function as kari, as in the following from Cra. : e panca-paramenti-nai namaskara karata sarva papa-nai naga hui "By paying homage to these five paramestins, all sins are destroyed." The difference between kari and karata is simply in that the former is passive and the latter active. In fact karat: is but an adverbial present participle, or, as will be explained $ 124, a plural genitive absolute. (2) nai. This postposition is identical with that for the dative, for which see $71, (2). In Old Western Rajasthani it is only exceptionally employed for the instrumental to give the meaning of the agentive. I have noted only the two instances following: Adigvara-nai dikna lidhi jani "Having learned that Adicvara had taken the diksa" (Adi C.). devatae bhagavanta-naa kidhau te dekhi " The gods having seen what had been done by the Venerable One" (Adi C.). The use of nal as a postposition for the agentive seems to have been growing more and more frequent in the later form of the language. Nowadays it is common, not only to Gujarati. and to some dialects of Rajasthani such as Mewati and Malvi, but also to Western Hindi, Naipali, Panjabi and Maratbi. (3) pahi. This is properly a postposition of the ablative and is therefore explained under 872. In connection with causals it is occasionally used for the instrumental, to govern the person by whom is performed the action that is caused to be done. Ex.: anerd-pahi kuda bolavu nahl "I do not cause others to tell falsehood" (Dac. iv).. anerd-pahi himea drambhaval naht " He does not make others to commit offence" (ibid). Cf. the use of pahi, pahi, pai in Hindi, to indicate the agent of the potential passive, as in the following passage from Tulasi Dasa: kahi na jai mohi-pahl " It cannot be told by me" (Ramacaritamanasa, i, 233). Cf. also Kellogg, Hindi Grammar, $ 796. In the following passage from Dd., pasi is used instead of pahi : samasta-loka-pasi agna manavi" Caused all the people to obey his command " (Dd.5). (4) sathi (sathi, sathuf). This postposition may be explained either as a locative from Apabhramca satthe < Skt, sarthe. "In the company of....." or, more probably, as an instrumental from Apabhram ca satthe Page #230
226 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [NOV.GER, 1914, When so used in connection with pronouns, sathi may be optionally construed with the Possessive pronominal adjectives instead than with the genitive. Ex: maharai sathi "Along with me" (P. 650). maharai sathai "Ditto" (Kanh. 26). (5) si (syu, sau, si, su). This postposition is from Apabhrapca sahu (Ho., iv, 419, 5) Skt. sakam (Pischel, $ 206), with i for a according to $ 2, (1). It governs the genitive gonerally, but occasionally instances are still found of its being oonstrued with the instrumental as in Apabhramca and in Sanskrit. Ex:: mota-nai mota-si dosa / mujha-siu kisiu karai te dosao-'Who is great finde fault with the great ; how could he find fault with me?" (P. 216), tumha-siu mitrapana-nai kaji" In order to make friendship with you " (P. 675), cho lai hathe-siti badhand "Unties the bindings with his hands" (P. 318), kavi-sai na karau vada " I will not compete with poeta" (P. 6), kumara-su" Along with the princes" (P. 35), Kirata-su yuddha karai "Fights with the Kiratas" (Adi C). Modern Marwari has sl, 4 ( from". When used for the dative, kanhal mostly indicates motion towards and is connected with verbs meaning "To go," such as avavad, javai eto. Ex. : avya ra-kanhi " They went to the king " (Cal. 120), avai tiha-kani" Goes there" (Rs. 158), Himavanta-kanhai jai "Having gone to the Himalaya" (Adi C.), stri putradika-kanhai jai "Having resorted to wives, sons, etc." (Sast. 22). It will be observed that in all the examples above kanhal is used in the function of an accusative of direction, rather than of a dative. In fact periphrastio dative and accusative have merged together in most of the Neo-Indian vernaculars and have practically become & unique case. In spite of this I have thought it convenient to make a distinotion between postpositions of the accusative (direct object) and of the dative (indirect object), and accordingly I have included in the latter the postposition kanhal, which is never used for the direct object. This postposition is found largely spread amongst the Indo-Aryan vernaculars and it is everywhere used in the general meaning of the acousative-dative. From Old Western Rajasthani kanhal are derived Gujarati lane and Marwari kanai, and from its equivalents banai, kani are derived Gujarati lane,-kana, which ooour only as an appendage to adverbs, as in: ahf-kane, -kana (see Belsare's Gujarati Dictionary, p. 86), and Kumaoni kans, which still finds a large employment as a postposition of the acousative-dative. (2) na (nai, ni, ni) is but a curtailment from kanhal, brought about by the dropping of the initial syllable. It has, therefore, nothing to do with the locative of the geni'70 post

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NOVEMBER, 1914.) NOTES ON GRAMMAR OF THE OLD WESTERN RAJASTHANI 227 position nau and, though being probably cognate to the latter postposition, it has not derived from it. In my article on the Origin of the Dative and Genitive Postpositions in Gujarati and Marwari (J. R. A. S., 1913, pp. 553-567), I have collected many arguments in favour of the abovementioned derivation of nal and I believe I have shown that nal and kanhal are practically identical also in most of their meanings and constructions.26 Examples of the use of nal are: jima ra!a bhula -nai koi eka vata dekhadai "As if one showed the way to him, who has lost his way" (Cra.), Svayambudha mantri teha-nai "He had a minister [by name] Svayambudha" (Rs. 7), Damanaka Pingala-nai kahai "Damanaka says to Piigala" (P. 260), te savihu -nai karau para nama " I bow to all them" (F 728, 406). From nal are regularly derived Modern Gujarati ne and Marwari nai, nai. (3) prati (prati, pratai, pratu) is a tatsama identical with the preposition prati, which in Sanskrit is also used in the manner of a postposition, i. e., after the noun it governs. In the Old Western Rajasthani prati is chiefly employed in connection with verbs involving the general idea of "Speaking to " and "Saluting, bowing to ", to indicate the indirect object. These verbs are construed with the dative or with the accusative with prali in Sanskrit also. Old Western Rajasthani examples are : raya rani-prati kahai " The king says to the queen" (P. 353) mujha-prali te kahai chai isiu "He says to me this" (P. 226), raya-pratal te nara vinavai "Those men relate the fact] to the king" (P. 348), acarya-pratal maharu namaskara hu "I bow to the acaryas" (Cra.), sarva sadhu-pratai valdi-nai " After having saluted all sadhus" (F 644). In the following, prati is used to form adverbs : bhava-prati "pratibhavam " (Kal. 33), dina-pralaf "Every day" (Yog. ii, 98). (4) bhani is the contracted form of the locative singular from bhaytu "Said " and it is therefore identical in origin with the so-called conjunctive participle (See $131). The unoontracted form bhani has been preserved P. 23. Formerly it was employed as a real past participle, in agreement with a preceding noun in the locative, in the absolute construction, but afterwards it was understood as a postposition and became capable of governing the genitive of the nouns with which it was connected. Instances of bhani oonstrued with the original locative are still occasionally met with in Old Western Rajasthani texts. The general meaning of this postposition is " With a view, or with regard to, for", but in particular it may assume many shades of meaning as will be shown by the examples following: teha - bhani' " Therefore" (Yog., Indr., Cra., Adi C. etc.), sya-bhani" Wherefore ?" (P. 535, Adi C.), Devadatta-nai milava-bhani " In order to meet Devadatta " (P. 298), raja-na pratibodha-na-bhazi muhatal gatha kahi " In order to instruct the king, the minister recited a couplet " (Adi C.), i castra-samudra tarava-bhani niti-buddhi chai nava "Political wisdom is the boat for crossing over the sea of science" (P. 5.), caliu vana-bhani " He started for the forest" (P. 134), aviu simha-bhari "Went to the lion " (P. 97), >> of the intermediate form nhal we have a gurvival in the following: seha-nhai ohdi - Her brother" (Up. 33).

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228 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (NOVEMBER, 1914. te tedi avai tujha-bhani "Having called her, I will return to you" (P. 638), cauda vidya-bhani vidvaga huu"He became learned in the fourteen sciences" (Dd. 2). Examples of bhani construed with the locative are : tini bhani " Therefore" (Adi C.), Mathura nayari bhani sdcarya " They started for the city of Mathura " (P. 52), desauri bhani .... caliu " He went abroad " (P. 142), bhaviana-jana-nai hita bhani " For the benefit of the righteous" (F 616, 1). (5) matai (madai, mati), if I am right, is from nimatlal *oral (See $ 147). Its original meaning is "Near," whence "To". In some Old Western Rajasthani texts this postposition has a very large employment and it is used not only for the dative and accusative, but even for the genitive. Most frequently, however, rahal is used for the dative, whereof take the following illustrations : teha-rahal anumati na diu "I wilt not give my assent to them" (Dac. iv), kaha-rahi " Wherefore ?" (Fra.), namaskara te subha!a-rahi hu "Let homage be paid to those heroes" (Cil. 36), apakirati-raht "For the sake of infamy" (Kanh. 17), majha-rahal e phala huya "I have reaped this result" (Daq. v). (7) ral (hral) is identical with the foregoing postposition, from which it has derived by h being first thrown back to the beginning of the word, according to $ 61, and then dropped. The intermediate form hrct has survived in the MSS. Cra., Up., Sas!., Fdeg 580. Ex.: jima adhala purusa -hral koi akhi dit " As if one gave an eye to a blind man " (Cra.), te-ha mujha-hral na gamai "Even him I do not like" (Up. 63), te dhanya ieha-ral sudhai guru milai "Those are fortunate, to whom a blameless preceptor falls in sort " (Sat. 136). This postposition has gone lost in Gujarati, but has survived in Marwart under the form rai. $ 72. The Postpositions of the ablative are partly nouns in the locative and partly participles. The latter are either inflected in agreement with the subjeot in the sentence, or used absolutely in the neuter, or in the locative singular. ( To be continued.)

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NOVEMBER, 1914.) THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA 229 THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA. BY V. RANGACHARI, M.A., LT., MADRAS. (Continued from p. 202.) The Contemporary Indigenous Kings. Both inscriptions and chronicles thus agree in saying that Visvanatha Naik was at Madura in 1535. Was there any indigenous ruler in Madura then? According to the chronicles there was one Chandra-Sekhara, the 16th in descent from Soma-Sekhara, the object of Kampana Udayar's solicitude. But there are grave doubts, as I have already pointed out in the first chapter, in regard to the existence of this dynasty. It was the Vanadarayas who were in possession of Madura in this age. The relation of Chandrasekhara to these Vanadarayas is very obscure. Was he after all a relation, an unfriendly relation, or member of the Vanadaraya line? However it was, there were, farther off, in Tinnevelly, the Pand. yans of Tenkasi and their feudatories who continued, as of old, to be in power. As has been already pointed out, Ahava-Rama was succeeded by Srivallabha in 1523, and acquitted himself with romarkable distinction for a space of ten years. SECTION IV. SADASIVA-RAYA 1542-65. The Rise of the Aravidu House. It was under such circumstances that Achyuta Raya died in 1542. On his death, the care and sceptre of the Empire devolved eventually on his nephew Sadasiva Rayacs, a man whose mild character and humility of temper unfitted him to meet the stress and storm which was soon to surround the state. The weak and yielding nature of the new sovereign made him the tool of ambitious nobles and intriguing ministers. All power was seized by the three brothers Rama-Raja, Tirumala and Venka adri of the powerful house of Aravidua house which, like those of the Saluvas and the Salakas, had distinguished itself largely in the imperial service. The earliest of the race was one Tata Pinnama, whose son Somideva, it is said, was such a fine soldier that he took seven forts in a single day from an unknown enemy. His son Raghu Deva and grandson Pinnama II, lord of the city of Aravidu, were comparatively obscure figures. But Pinnama's son Bukka was a devoted servant of Saluva Narasimha, and no doubt helped him in his usurpation. There can be no doubt that Bukka's son Rama I. and grand-son Ranga I. played some part in the Tuluva usurpation and administration that followed. The Aravidu chiefs seem to have been a line of capable men and, what was more, experts in diplomacy. At first the servants of the Saluvas, they evidently changed sides when the Tuluvas came, and served Narasa Naik, Vira Narasimha, Krishna Deva and Achyuta Raya. So powerful and influential did they become that Ranga's sons, Rama Raya 66 (who married the daughter of Krishya Deva Raya), Tirumala, 63 For a detailed account of the disputed succession after Achyuta's death, see Briggs' Ferishta III 80-84 ; and Forgotten Empire. 181-183 ; Arch, Surv. Ind. 1908-9, p. 194-195; Ep. Rep. 1906 paras 48 and 49. The whole is a very interesting question, but not germane to our purpose. Sadasiva is, it is curious, wholly ignored by the chronicles. See Arch. Surv. Ind. 1908-9 for a genealogy of this line and of its connection with the other contemporary feudatory chiefs. See also Ep. Ind. III (Kuniyur plates of Venkata II). * Mr. Krishna Sastri points out how, after Achyuta's death, the Salaka chief Tirumalaiyathe emperor's brother-in-law and the chief coinmander in the Tinnevelly campaign-tried to place Achyuta's son, a young boy, on the throne. He succeeded, but the boy died in a fow years. Tirumalaiya thon tried to usurp the crown but a new claimant arose in Sad Aiva Raya, the son of Ranga Raya, & uterine brother of Achyuta. Sadabiva's strongest-supporters, Rama Raja and Tirumala, then killed Salaks Timma, and placed Sadasiva on the throne. See Arch. Suru. Ind. 1908-9, p. 194-5. Here Mr. Krishna Sastri summarises all literature-Correa, Ferishta, etc.-about this question. The same is confirmed by the British Museum plates of Sadasiva Raya, Ep. Ind. IV, 1.22.

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230 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (NOVEMBER, 1914. and Venkatadri, a man of exceptional martial valour,' became the most powerful and influential men in the Empire in the time of Sadasiva Raya. Powerful as those men were, they neither abused their power nor behaved like cowards. On the other hand, Rama Reya was one of the most aggressive statesmen of the age, one in whom the love of domination was the quintessence of life. His soaring ambition not only longed wipe off the disgrace which Vijayanagar had sustained in the previous reign, but to extend its borders, at the expense of the Decoan Sultans, to the Vindyas. As great in action as he way bold in design, Rama Reya proceeded to achieve his object with wisdom. A born diplomatist, he adopted the Machiavellian66 scheme of playing off the Musalman States against one another. The very next year after Sadasiva's accession, he joined the Nizam Shah of Ahmadnagar in an invasion of Bijapur. In 1551, he again co-operated with Ahmadnagar against Bijapur, and in the campaign which followed, recovered the whole of the Raichur Daab. Four years later, he assisted Bijapur, the very State whose humiliation he had so recently effected, in its endeavour to quell & rebel vassal and to check the Portuguese. With the aid of his new ally he then made war with his old ally Ahmadnagar, and in a series of campaigns, spread terror and devastation through that kingdom. The result of these skilful alliances and counter-alliances was that Vijayanagar was able to assume a sort of supremacy over the Bahmani States. The Hindu Emperor beheld with pleasure the discord of the Musalmans, and boldly despatched a Vijayanagar army to the Vindyan barriers, which he considered thereafter to be the northern confines of his Empire. The Revival of the Travancore Aggressions in the South. Never was the power of Vijayanagar so much felt, and never did fortune so invariably follow its standard. The Sultans were so completely eclipsed by the Hindu Emperor that they had to implore his protection and acknowledge his dominion in practice, if not in theory. While the foreign policy of Rama Raya was such a glorious success, his internal policy was not less glorious. A number87 of inscriptions prove that the exercise of imperial authority in the south was a living and potent fact. An incident which took place in the extreme south of the peninsula similar to that of the year 1532 illustrates this. In the year 1543 the great Sri-Vallabha Paudya-Rajya-Sthapanacharya died, and was succeeded by his cousin Abhirama Parakrama, who ruled for the next decade, till 1552.09 The new king was apparently a feeble and incompetent man. At any rate, he seems to have been 66 For details of his campaigns seo Ferishta, Vol. III. They have been reproduced and compared with Portuguese authorities by Sewell in his Forg. Emp., 188-195. For a Ms. account of Ramaraja's contests with the Muhammadans till the battle of Talikotta, see the Canara Kyfeats, Vol. IV of Col. Mackenzie. A very short and moagre review of it is in Taylor's Rais. Catal. III, p. 640. The most conspicuous Telugu literary work, Narapativijayamu, also celebrates the glory of Ramardya. The Vasucharitra is another important work throwing light on this period of Vijayanagar history, 67 More than 16 ingo, exist, shewing Sadasiva's rule in the south. Inso. 129 of 1905 says that he was the conqueror of all countries and Ceylon, and that his viceroy was Vithala, who had an agent named Ramappa Naik at Kalakadu. Inso, 5 and 27 of 1906 recognize his power in the Kongu Country, 476 of 1905 mentions him at Tiruvalangadu, 256 of 1894 says that his brother Venkatadri was at Tiruvayir in 1559, Inec. 318 of 1905 says that Rama Raya remitted the tax on barbers in the Carnata country in 1547. His subordinate in Gingee was Achyutappa Naik Examples may be multiplied, but are unnecessary. 68 Trav. Arch. Series; Ep. Rep. 1910-11, etc. 69 Ibid p. 61 Mr. Gopinatha Rao's version seems, in this case, to be preferable to Mr. Krishna Sa-tri's. (See Trav. Arch. Series p. 103). The whole question, however, is still unsettled.

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NOVEMBER, 1914.) THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA - 231 far inferior in capacity to his brilliant predecessor. The reigning king of Travancore, Ramavarma -he was the successor or, more probably, the co-regent of Ravivarmalo who had succeeded Udaya-Martanda, the adversary of Achyuta Raya-took advantage of this and embraced the resolution, in consistency with the policy of his ancestors, of committing inroads into Paniyan lands. So keen and aggressive was he that, by 1546, he was, as an inscription of the Nelliapp971 temple shews, at Tinnevelly itself. We do not exactly know what the Pandyan did at this crisis ; but we may be certain that he appealed against his greedy neighbour, as of old, to the Emperor. Sadasiva, or rather Rama Raya, was hardly likely to ignore such an unscrupulous ambition in a feudatory vassal. The invasion of Travancore by Vitthala and his Viceroyalty. He therefore ordered his cousin Mahamaodalesvara72 Vitthaladeva Maha-Raya to pro.ceed to the south and restore the balance of power there. We do not know why Visvanatha Naik who, au wa have already seen, was Viceroy in 1544, was not asked to settle the question. It is not improbable that he was asked to serve as a subordinate officer under Vitthala Dava. It seems that Vitthala was a relation of his,-a cousin. For an inscription of S. 1554 saysis that Nagarasu of the solar race and Kayapa G tra, (i. e., the father of Visvanitha Naik) was the nephew of Ramaraja Tirumalaiya-Diva-Maharaja of the lunar race and Atreya Gotra, and this Tirumalaiya was Vitthala's father. So Visvanatha was a cousin of the new Viceroy, and no doubt accompanied him in his southward march, in 1544. The campaign of Vitshala was in reality a rapetition of the campaign of Achyuta Raya-a second conquest of the south by "the Bidugas." The Badugas were, as may be imagined, victo rious everywhere,74 They recovered the Tinnevelly province and were soon within the Tiruvadi's dominions. Two miles off Kotar75, we are told, the two forces met. The exact date is unknown, but it is almost certain that it took place in July or August 1544. The king of Travancore, according to Xavier, did not yield; but inscriptions prove that he did. We who was reignington 1537 A. D. It was the Varma's succoshor Waco regent, Mr. S. Patan was succeed - TO For an insoription of his, date 1 1538, at Kilisan Iths shring at Such?n:Iram, soe No. 79 of 1896. The Travanore State Manual says that Udayam lrtada, the contemporary of Achyuta Riya. W suoceeded by BhAtalavira.Vira-Udaya-Ravivarms and Rimsvarma was his co-regent, Mr. S. Paramvara Aivar in the Christ. Ool. Mag. (1901) saya Mletanda Varma's successor was "Srivira Ramavarra," one of whose inscriptions is dated 1537 A.D." It was the successor of this prince, Bhatala Vira Sri Vire Kerala Varme who was reigning in Travancore, at the period of the invasion of Vittala, Xavier calls him Iniquitribrium, which considering the monstrous perversions of Indian namn generally made by European authors, is not an altogether unfaithful reproduotion of the name Uani Kerala Varma." (p. 188). He was a great friend of the Portuguese. Kerala Varma "must have died soon after the Bluga invasion; for an inso, of Rama Varma is found at Suohindram in 1546-7. T1 Inscription 120 of 1894. To See Arch. Surv. Ind. 1908-9, p. 195. The order seems to have been p19:1 in 1544-5. Ingo. 273 of 1901 at Khilali says that Vitthala was "granted the whole country by Salisiva Rly. Just before his arrival in the south he was at Penukonda, whoro, es inso. 340 of 1901 shewa, he remitted certain taxes to barbers. Inso. 140 of 1895 records a gift by Vitthala at Tiruvidaimarud or (Tanjore Dist.) Vitthala's relation to Rims Riya was long uncertain. He was considered by Nelson to be the same as Rama Riya and by Mr. Venkayyah to be his son. In reality he was his cousin. (Ep. Rep. 1911, p. 86); Ibid, 1912, P. 82 At. See also Balabhagavalamu of Dosari Konerukavi, Lives of Telugu Poots, p. 241, for references to Vitthala. (See also Christ. Ool. Mag. 1904-8, p. 187.) 13 Inscription 161 of 1906, found in the Markapar temple, datod 8. 1554 (Ananda). 74 Vitthala's success ranged, says an inscription, from Anantajayanam (Trevandram) in the south to Mudkal in the north. Soo Ep. Bep. 1900, pars 80. Vitthals as a soldier throughout those wars, and was in consequence rewarded with two villages. For & detailed consideration of this campaign, 100 Trau. Manu. I, p. 297-9 and Christ. Col. Mag., 1904-5, 187-90. 15 Soe ante. Vol. XXVI. p. 144 for a history of this place. T8 For Xavier's career se Chap. III. Mr. Nagam Aiya says that Ravivarms and Vitthala arrived at a compromise by which the extreme south of the peninsula was to be part of Travancore dominion, and that Tiruvadi in return was to desist from future aggression. In Ravivarma's Suohindram grant, Mr. Nagam Alya 10 & proof of this compromise. Soo Trav. Man., 290--300.

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232 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [NOVEMBER, 1914. are informed, for instanceii, that in 1546 he gave a piece of land to the Sthanesvara Temple at 'Euchirdiam for the merit of Vitthalesvara Maha Raya on his birth-day,-a thing which he would hardly do if he was independent. From this time onward to the year 1557, i. e., for a space of eleven years, Rama Raya Vitthala was the imperial viceroy of the south7s. The indigenous chronicles of Madura are reticent about him; but the inscriptions are unanimous in describing him as a stateeman enjoying the most honourable rank and the most affluent fortune in his day. The Rise of a new trouble in the South: Chola Aggressions against the Pandya. Such is the history of Madura ard the southern end of the peninsula till the year 1557, when certain important events happered, which directly led to the establishment of the Naik dynasty. Unfortunately a most mystericus obscurity prevails in connection with the immediate circumstances which brought it about. According to the Pard. Chron. there were three Naik chieftains, Dimmappa, Sevappa ard Paukottai Ravappa, during the three years which followed the end of Vitthala's administration. Then in Raudri Margali (1559), it continues, in consequence of the Rayer's orders, Kottiyam Nagama Naik came to Madura, and ruled till Dundumi, for a pericd of two years and four months. In other words, according to the Pard. Chron. there was an interval of three years between Vitthala and Visvanatha; and Visvanatha ruled for the space of two years. It is curious that it does not give the circumstances under which Visvanatha assumed the crown of Madura. This defect is supplied by the other chronicles. They indeed are hopelessly wrong in regard to the dates of the events which they describe (for they attribute Visvanatha to the third decade of the 15th century), but the facts they give are evidently true. They say that there ruled in Madura a very feeble and irresolute ruler, Chandra-Sekhara Pandya, the last of the Soma-Sekhara line, that he was deprived of his crown and kingdom by an aggressive Chola ruler of the day, Vira-Sekhara by name. Nothing substantial is known about these kings and rivals. Chandra-Eekhara was, as I have already pointed out, probably a chief distantly related to either the old Pandyan or the Vanadaraya line. Vira-Sekhara is described as the Chola king of Tanjore, but the Cholas had ceased to rule at Tanjore by the beginning of the 15th century. Even supposing that some ecions of the old Chola dynasty continued to live in Tanjore, we are practically certain that they could not have exercised any power; for the dynasty of Sevappaio Naik was by the year 1550 firmly seated there, and the exercise of authority by a prince of the indigenous dynasty would have been impossible. But if Vira-Sekbara did not rule at Tanjore, he might have lived and reigned at Trichinopoly, which wag as much a Chola capital as Tanjore. Indeed, one of the Polygar memoirs 80 distinctly says that his seat of government was Trichinopoly. It is not improbable that he was a relation ard successor of the Cholas, Channayya and Bogayya, who, as we have already seen, ruled about 1530 at Turaiyur, and who acknowledged Krishna Deva Raya as their suzerain. (To be continued.) IT Inscription 64 of 1806. This king is also called Venru-man-Konda-Bhitalavira-Iramayanmar of Jetungandu. & His headquarters seem to be Trichinopoly. (See Inso. 273 of 1901). Inso. 567, 658 and 659 of 1911 record grants to Kadal Alagar temple at Madura by Timmappa Naik, son of Basavana Naik, for the merit of Vitthals, whose subordinate officer he was. It is plain from all these that about 1661 A. D. there was a Governor at Madurs named Timmapa Naik who was subordinate to Vitthala. 19 The exact date of Eevappa's accession to the Tanjore throne is unknown. In 1544 Tanjore was under Vitthala. By 1549 it was under Bovappa, for an inso. of Shumser Ali's tomb mentions him. though not a king. According to one account Bevappa took Tanjore" by his valour. According to another, he got it as a dowry of his wife Morti AmmAls sister of Achyuta Raya's queen (Tirumalamba). The question is an interesting one for investigation, but is not possible here. Here it is enough that it be understood that by 1550 the Tanjore Naik dynasty was firmly established. See T. 8. Kuppusami Santri's Short History of the Tanjore Ndik Princes; Tanj. Garr., 38-40, and the MS. history Tanyjarur Varicharitra, the summary of which is in Tanj. Manual and Rais Catal. III, 176 ff. B0 Genealogy of Kadirmalai Muttu Madax, Naik of Dammapatti Palayam. Appendix VII.

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NOVEMBER, 1914) SKETCH OF THE HISTORY OF THE MADHVA ACHARYAS 233 A SKETCH OF THE HISTORY OF THE MADHVA ACHARYAS. BY G. VENKOBA RAO, OOTACAMUND. The fourteenth century A. D. was & remarkable period in the history of Southern India. It was marked with the extinction of some of the most ancient and powerful kingdoms; it saw new dynasties, equally powerful, rising in the seats of old ones; it also witnessed the peace and happiness of the people overtaken by grief and consternation by a cruel foreign invasion. Just before the dawn of this century the political dominancy of the ancient race of the Cholas came to an end and their kingdom passed into the hands of the rising Paqdyas of Madura. In the early part of the century another ancient family of kings, the Hoysalas of Dvarasamudra, was subverted by Malik Kafur, the avaricious general of 'Alau'd-din Khilji.2 The virgin south suffered that molestation, which the unhappy north had long buen accustomed to, from the vandalistic hands of the Musalmans, headed by that low caste convert, Malik Kafur. Harrowing tales of woe suffered by Hindu temples during this period are found recorded in the inscriptions on their walls, This Muhammadan torrent left here and there puddles of Musalmans, who snatched for themselves small tracts of country and began to rule over them. One such colony was established at Madura and swayed the destiny of the country round it for nearly half a century;the island of Sriraigam is said to have been occupied by another band of these men for an equally long period.5 The last remnants of the power of the Yadavas of Devagiri became extinct with Ramachandra and his son-in-law Harapala, who was flayed alive by Mubarik, the ruthless son of Alaud-din. The mighty empire of Vijayanagara, which was going to play such an important part in protecting the south from further Muhammadan havoc, rose at the bidding of that sage, cyclopaediac scholar and statesman, Vidyaranya, from the ashes of the Hoysala kingdom. With this intellectual giant at the helm of the State, the early sovereigns of Vijayanagara were able to conquer the whole of what is now known as the Madras Presidency, drive off all the Turushka hoards, and establish order and peace where there was rapine and slaughter. The intellectual and philosophical activities were also in full swing; the Visishtha. dvaita philosophy propounded by Ramanujacharya had already taken deep rootThe new school of the Dvaita philosophy started by Madhvacharya found many converts to his faith in the beginning of this same century. The Advaita school wag represented by Vidyaraqya, who was then head of the Sriigeri Matha. The schism in the Vi-ishthadvaita school was brought in by the teachings of Veikatanatharya, better known by the name of Vedantadesika. It is the purpose of this paper to trace as far as possible the history of the Madhva Acharyas, paying particular attention to the chronological side of it and leaving the philosophical part to abler hands than mine. For achieving this purpose, I have, for obvious reasons, chosen to take my stand upon epigraphical records, and to admit tradition wherever it does not militate against epigraphical facts. 1 Annual Report of the Government Epigraphist, Madras, for 1900, para. 29. 2 Fleet's Kanarese Dynasties, p. 509. 3 Inscriptions recording the Musalman invasion are found in Tiruputkuli, Tiruvam Attar, Tirupputur (Madura), Tiruvoriyur, Srirangam, &o. * Seo Sowell's List of Antiquitica, Vol. II. Pp. 222-23. * Epigraphia Indica, Vol. VI, p. 330.

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234 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [NOVEMBER, 1914. There have been several attempts at the construction of a scientifically accurate history of the life of Madhvacharya in the past three or four years. Mr. C. N. Krishnasami Ayyar, M.A., of the Coimbatore College was the first, as far as we know, to attempt the solution of the question of the age of Madhvacharya in his dissertation for the Master of Arts Degree examination. The same gentleman brought out quite recently a revised edition of his booklet, in which a certain amount of anxiety to deal with the subject in a most scientific manner is exhibited by him. However, we are sorry to remark he has not made use of all the available sources of information for the elucidation of the period under consideration, and it is no wonder that he has arrived at conclusions which, we fear, are not reconcilable with unshakably sure facts; we mean those that are given in inscriptions, both on stone and on copper. If he had only taken the trouble first to have gathered all available facts for the construction of the history of the period chosen by him for study, we have no doubt, he would have arrived at true results. His summary way of disposing of the conclusions arrived at by Mr. H. Krishna Sastri is, we consider, rather hasty. In fact there are several points in his essay which we feel are not acceptable to us. The next serious attempt at fixing the age of the greai Dvaita Acharya was made by Mr. H. Krishna Sastri, B.A., of the Archaeological Department. His paper was based upon an inscription discovered in the Srikurmam temple, belonging to the time of Narahari Tirtha, one of the direct disciples of Madhvacharya, and dated in the Saka year 1203 One thing came out of this paper. The Madhva community was bestirred to reconsider the date of their Acharya, as also the chronology of their heirarchy in general, and to adjust the dates to suit irrefutable facts of Epigraphy. At the Madhva-Siddhanta-Unnahini Sabha, which is annually held at Tiruchchanur, near Tirupati, during the Christmas holidays, the question of the exact date of the birth of Madhvacharya was taken up for discussion and, as might be expected from such an orthodox body as the Sabha, a condemnation of the methods and results of Mr. Sastri was expres ed. The orthodox denunciation started at the meeting of the Sabha reached its climax in the writings of Mr. Subba Rao, M.A., of the Salem College. This gentleman in the introduction to his translation of the Gita-Bhashya of Madhvacharya,8 empties the vial of his wrath first on the epigraphical information gathered by the archaeologist, which he brands as "of impossible and inadmissible character "9 and later on by saying "supposing the above information is obtained on correct interpretation of the inscriptions "10 he insinuates that the people in the Archaeological Department cannot interpret inscriptions properly, Then again he inweighs against the impudence of the very inscriptions themselves in recording dates and facts which are contradictory to the lists maintained in the mathas. Truly, the piety of this Madhva in believing that the matha lists are infallible surpasses that of the orthodox Roman Catholic who holds firmly in the infallibility of the Pope. Regarding the inscriptions he writes: "It is not our business at present to investigate still further the erroneousness or correctness of the inscriptions themselves "11 as though he could prove that a public stone record is likely to be more erroneous than a private list recorded on a palm-leaf or paper and preserved in the matha. In making statements such 6. Madhudcharya'- A Short Historical Sketch. * Epigraphis Indioa, Vol. VI, pp. 260.68 8 The Bhagavad-Gud, printed at the Minerva Press, Madras * Ibid. p.xi of the introduction. 10 Ibid. p. xii of the introduction 11 Ibid. p. xvii of the introduction,

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NOVEMBER, 1914) SKETCH OF THE HISTORY OF THE MADHVA ACLARYAS 233 as those, our irate friend is guided only by a few extrasts from the papar of Mc. Krishna Sastri, which he has raad in the Sabha Rzport. Ho has certainly not soon or read the whole of Mr. Sastri's papar before passing his strong strictures on epigraphy and its methods. Of quite & different stamp from Mr. Subba Rao, is Mr. C. M. Padmanabhacharya, B.A., B.L., of the Coimbatore Bar.12 With the fesling of a true Madhva, he records first of all faithfully the events of the life of the greatest of the teachers of the Dvaita school of philosophy as obtained from tradition, and tries his best to reconcile them with the solid information derived from epigraphical sources. If some of his conclusions do not appeal to us it is not because his method is incorrect, but that the materials are not sufficiently numerous for him to work upon. The method of rasearch adopted by him being excellent in every detail, we are sure he must have arrived at the same conclusions at which we would ourselves have arrived, had he only bsan in full po39039ion of all the facts available from the epigraphical sources. A point which obviously strikes the reader throughout Mr. Padmanabhacharya's book is his suntimentality, which exhibits itself rather markedly. But it is excusable in a devotee. In our own humble way we shall try to contribute our mite to his literature with the same scientifio spirit which actuated soms of our predecessors. No one is more conscious than ourselves of the fact that many small errors might creap into our results and our only plea to appear in print is to induce batter minds than ours to takle the question with greater energy and resources than we are in possession of at present. In the village of Pajaka near Udipi in the South Canara District, there lived a Brahmana named Madhyageha (Tulu, Naudvantillaya, the middle-house man).13 A not very opulent person, moderately oulturad, Madhyageha was leading a quiet householder's life. Two male children were born to him, but they both died young. He had only a young daughter left. To a Hindu householder nothing is more painful than being sonless, and Madhyageha was feeling intensely for a son. Happily his prayers were heard and he was blessed with a son, whom the father named Vasudeva. The regular Brahmanical ceremonies, such as chaula, upanayana, oto, ware celebrated in due course of time and the boy entered under the tuition of Achyutaprekshacharya, also known as Parushottama Tirtha. The boy Vasudeva was strongly inclined to assume sany is drami, but was often prevented by his father from giving way to his desire. At last the father and son came to an agreement that as soon as another son was born to the former, Vasudeva must be allowed to fulfil his wish of becoming a Sanyasin, for the father was loth to lose his only son. After some time another boy was born to Madhyageha, and young Vasudeva was permitted by the father to assume the robes of & Sanyasin. The holy orders wore given to him by his guru Achyutaprekshacharya under the name of Pargaprajna. Some years were spent by Par aprajna under his religious teacher in mastering the systems of philosophy then current, and in having a firm foundation in the Vedanta. He began to refleot thereupon on the various interpretations given by the various commentators on the Bddardyana Sutras. From the beginning Parnaprajnn's mind revolted against the tenets of the Advaita school; therefore he began to elaborate his own Dvaita explanation of the Badarayana Satras. 1 The Life of Madhoich trys, printed at the Progressive Press, Madras. 13 For detailed life of Brf Madhylohirya, wa rofor the res lors to Mr. Padmanabhacharya the oxbollent book of

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236 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [NOVEMBER, 1914. Achyutapreksha was growing old, he therefore resolved upon making Purraprajia his successor in the seat occupied by him. On the day appointed for installing his disciple in his own place, Achyuta preksha performed all the ceremonies and anointed Purnaprajia under the name of Ananda Tirtha. Thereafter Ananda Tirtha was brought into conflict now and then with leaders of different schools of thought, and in all these dialectic disputations he is represented to have come out victorious. By this time Ananda Tirtha had already built up his system completely, and desired to start out on an extensive tour of pilgrimage to the south. With a number of disciples and admirers he visited Trivandram, Ramesvaram, Srirai gam, Srimushoam, etc. In the first of these places he had an encounter with the then head of the Sriigeri-matha, Vidyasankara who lived about A.D. 1228. The Madhva chronicles state that Ananda Tirtha vanquished Vidyasarkara.14 At the end of his pilgrimage he returned to Udipi and spent some time there before he thought of undertaking a journey to the Badarikasrama on the Himalayas, reputed to be the residence of the immortal Rishi Vyasa the author of the Vedanta Sutras. Taking permission from his master and accompanied by his co-disciple, Satya Tirtha, he left Udipi and after several months' journey reached the foot of the Himalayas. Finding Satya Tirtha a drag on his progress, Parnaprajna ordered the former to stop behind and continued his journey up singly. He soon reached the hermitage of Vyasa in Badart and placed himself directly under his tuition, and learned from his lips the meaning he had designed in his mind of the Sutras when he wrote them. Thereupon, he began his commentaries on the Brahma Sutras and several other works. He then took leave of the hoary sage Veda-Vyasa and reached the foot of the mountain, where he was rejoined by Satya Tirtha. Both of them took an easterly direction and journeyed through the Vanga and Kalinga countries. In the Telugu country Ananda Tirtha entered into a hot discussion with a powerful Advaitin, named Sobhana Bhatta. After a good deal of wrangling on both sides, Sobhana Bhatta admitted his defeat and expressed his willingness to become the disciple of his vanquisher. Ananda Tirtha converted him to his faith, made him a sanyasin and conferred upon him the name of Padmanabha Tirtha. The defeat and conversion of Sobhana Bhatta induced another great man to vindicate the faith of his forefathers in a fresh discussion with the teacher of this new school of philosophy. Sama Sastrin was the name of this disputant. He occupied the great social dignity of the prime minister of the king of the Kalinga country and was a very learned man. His erudition had to give way before the extraordinary capabilities of Ananda Tirtha and Sama Sastrin, like Sobhana Bhatta, urged upon his vanquisher to take him as his disciple and make him a sanyasin. He preferred to give up his exalted social position, home and wealth to follow his Acharya wherever he went. Pornaprajna ordained him a sanyasin and gave him the name of Narahari Tirtha. Soon after the events detailed in the previous paragraph had taken place Ananda Tirtha returned to Udipi with his new disciples. One day, while he was sitting in samadhi on the sandy beach, he heard the distressed cry of the crew of a ship which was being tossed on a rough sea and was about to be drowned. With his unbounded grace, Ananda Tirtha bado the ship reach the shore safely and it did so. The crew in gratitude offered the whole cargo of the ship to their deliverer, but he would have none of it. When he found 14 In Ep. Carn., Vol. VI. intro. p. 29, Mr. Rice refers to the temple of Vidydkanker at Sringeri and states that it must have been built during the Vijayanagara period.

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NOVEMBER, 1914.) SKETCH OF THE HISTORY OF THE MADHVA ACHARYAS 237 he was pressed hard to accept a trifle at least from them. He asked for a clod of earth used in ballasting the ship, for, he knew it contained the image of Ktishna. As soon as it was brought, the clod was broke open and was found to contain the image of Ktishna. Ananda Tirtha built a temple for it in Ucipi, consecrated it with great pomp and festivity, and ordained eight boy-sanyasins to do pija to this image by rotation. These were the originators of the eight monasteries at Udipi. Somewhere about this time the king of Kalii ga died, leaving behind an infant son. There was no capable and trustworthy officer in the State to act as the regent during the minority of the child. Naturally the minds of the subjects ran to their old minister, Sama Sastrin, now a Sanyasin with Ananda Tirtha, but did not care for worldly honours and would not accept the offer to administer the State. Ananda Tirtha, however, insisted upon his taking up the office of the regent in the Kaliiga country, if not for any material gain, at least to help an infant king, and at the end of the tenure of his office to procure for him (Ananda Tirtha)much coveted images of Rama and Sita, which were secured in the royal treasury. Reluctantly Narahari Tirtha (Sama Sastrin) assumed charge of the regency and conducted the affairs of the State satisfactorily for a period of twelve years at the end of which he managed to get from the young prince the images required by his preceptor, and which he loved so much to worship. In the meanwhile Ananda Tirtha had paid another visit to Badari in company with Satya Tirtha and Upendra Tirtha. On his return journey he visited Kabi, Htishiketa, etc., and passed Goa and reached Ucipi. After his return from Badari he was obliged to enter into a religious dispute with Padma Tirtha of the Advaita perguasion. While preparing himself to meet his adversary, Ananda Tirtha was told that Padma Tirtha had run away in fear. But goaded and taunted by his followers, Padma Tirtha once again appeared at Udipi and entered the ring of combat with Ananda Tirtha. Very hot discussions took place and before sunset the Advaitin was completely defeated. The next morning Padma Tirtha and his followers were found to have run away. Before their flight they managed however to carry away the valuable library of Ananda Tirtha. The run-aways were chased and overtaken, but Jayasimha the chief of the country interceded on behalf of both the parties and got back the library to its rightful owner. The place where this happened is known as Vishnumaigala. At Vishoumangala, Ananda Tirtha was met by an Advaitin, named Trivikrama Pandita, who desired to discuss religious matters with the former. His wish was agreed to, and in the course of his conversation, Trivikrama found the method of the Dvaita Acharya very logical and his arguments convincing. He immediately joined the camp of Ananda Tirtha by embracing Madhvaism. Just about this time news reached Ananda Tirtha of the demise of his parents in the village of Pajaka, the bearer of the tidings being his own brother. He implored Ananda Tirtha to admit him in the fold of sanyasins under him. Ananda Tirtha conferred upon him the robes of holy order and named him Vishru Tirtha. On this occasion seven others also took the sanyasairama. Eghty days after the return of Narahari Tirtha from the Kalinga country, with the images of Rima and Sita, the Acharya is said to have finally retired from the world to Badari, to take his abode with Vyasa eternally. This event is said to have taken place on the ninth tithi of the bright fortnight of the month of Magha in the year Pingala which corresponded with the eightieth year of the age of Ananda Tirtha. Thus is the traditional account of the life of Ananda Tirtha, better known in later days by the name of Madhvacharya. We do not get any idea of the chronology of the life of Madhvacharya from the account narrated above, but epigraphy and other sources supply us with information onough to fix the age of Ananda Tirtha. (To be continued.)

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238 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [NOVEMBER, 1914 MISCELLANEA. THE DATE OF BANKARACHARYA. the name of the king and not merely a component Sir R. G. Bhand Arkar identifies . Aditya of the part which is the common factor of various comrace of Manu,' mentioned by Sarvajnktman in his pound nams. Lastly, there ara traditions which Samkahepa-Sariraka with the Chalu k ye king suggest to us that we should look in this direction VimalAditya. With due deference to his high for the patron of Sarvajnis. Tae Sankarichirya authority ono may be excused for calling this of Conjesveram (the Kim Kiti pitha ) olaim; identification in question on the following grounds: apostolic descant from Sarvajna. and I am told (1) Aditya is not in this case & nams or surnam that the seat of the Acharya in that madh is style: of the king, byt only & component part of his ats in the Sankara-vijayas, It seems soarosly compound name. There ara many such compound likely that the Yaths of modern tims are of so namse to choose from in the dynsstio lists of the early origin! But if it be accepted that Sarvaja Chilukyas and the Cholas, and both these dynasties had some sort of connection with Conjeeveram claimed descent from Manu. One msy mention it would appaar naturals that he should extol Vijayaditya and Vikram iditys of the ChAlukya the exploits of the Chh!a king (probably his patline and Rajaditya and Gapdaraditya of the Chola ron), who had conquered at lost the southern dynasty. (2) The passage in question implies that and western portions of the Pallava dominions. tho Aditya referred to was very powerful king: (The northern provinces were conquered by aft Tara! The Parantaka only. See Madras Epigraphist's Report Chalukya power was oclipsed by that of the tor 1912-13. pago 94). RAshtrakatas and the Cholas before the 10th | The initial year of Parantaka is 907 A. D. So century. It would therefore be a piece of fulsome Aditya, who ruled for 27 years, must have ruled flattery to speak of the Chilukya king as ruling between 890 and 907. If Sarvaja balonge I to the earth' and as having his commands never this pario 1, Sankarichirya who was his Guru's disobeyed." (3) There is no evidence, nor is there Guru must have lived in the earllor hall of the 9th any tradition, that Sarvajna visited tho Chalukya century A. D. country or was patroniged by its king'. Traditions of the Kerala country point to th> Now, the Cholas also claim ad descent from Manu, same conclusion. Sankarloh lrya is bolioved to and in an even more positive way than the have introduced som) pasuliar customs among the Chalukyas. Whoross the latter claim to be of the Nambutiri Brahmans. The date of their introduo. Minavya-gotra, the former have Manu Chola as tion is raprasentoi by the Kali rookoning of one of thole (mythleal) ancestors. There is moro STT TT TT . This works up to 1434169 days than one Aditya in Chola history, but the earliest after the beginning of the Kaliyuga, ...., 885 A. D. of them is Rajakesarivarman Aditya I, the father One school of Kerala tradition holds that the of Parantaka, who most probably ruled from 880 Kollam era commemorates the introduction of to 907 A.D. The Tiruvelangadu plates refer these customs into Malabar. According to arother to his conquest of Tordai Mapdalam (the Pallave school, the ora commemorates the departure to country) in these terms: "Having conquered Mecca of Cheraman Perumal, the last of the in battle tho Pallava with his brilliant army sovereigns of United Kerala, who, we are told by though (he was) Aparajita (which means literally Mr. Logan, (Malabar Vol, L page 256), " died at the unconquered 'J he took possession of his queen Zephir (in Arabis) where his tomb is still to be the earth and accomplished his object in this seen." According to the Keralolpatti this ruler direction algo." (Verse 49. See Annual Report of was a contemporary of Sankaracharya the Madras Epigraphist for 1906. Part II Page 66). S. V. VENKATESVARAN. The opithet traft would therefore be appro Kumbakonam priato il applied to this king. Further, Aditya' is College, 16th Dec. 1 The earliest epigraph which mentions the Matha of Sankar ohirya at Conjeoveram is probably the copper-plate of Vijayagapagpala, whioh I have sent for publioation in the Epigraphia Indioa. 10 belongs to 1291 A. D. Tho stone inscriptions of Tiruvanaikaval copied by the Archaeological Survey in 1908 Aro useless for our purpose, as their datorare unoertain. ? Conjeovoram was already under the Choles in the reign of Vijay Alaya, the father of Aditya L His inscriptions bave been discovered there. (See Madras Epigraphist's Report for 1909. Seo. 35). 3 If the Konguddaa Rajakkal be believed, he was the conqueror of the Kongus as well, in which ongo the conquest must have been completed by Parintaka, who is known to have subdued the Kongus. The Chera king was his friend and ally (Ep. Rep 1912, p. 61) if not a dependent ally (Ep. Rep 1911 p. 50). Aditya was the most powerful king of his time, as the Pandya power had boon already crushed by the Pallava Aparajita at a battle near Kumbakonam. (803 Hultzach: South Indian Inscriptions Vol. II, p. 384).

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NOVEMBER, 1914.] NOTES AND QUERIES NOTES AND QUERIES. SOME HOBSON-JOBSONS. ACH-TACON-SHIACTEMES-ALYMBEIUS ALVANTE."As an instance of the absurd translations current in France as in England [in the seventeenth Century], the word ach-tacon may be mentioned. It is explained in [Sir John] Chardin's [traveller, 1643-1713] text to mean les hopitaux a Tauris : c'est a-dire lieux ou l'on fait profusion de vivres, " [the hospitals at Tabriz (in Persia): that is to say, places where they make lots of victuals]. Chardin's Editor remarks: "La derniere partie de ce mot est inconnaisable, et je ne puis deviner quel mot Persan signifiant profusion a pu donne naissance a la corruption qu' on voit ici." [the last part of this word is beyond recognition, and I cannot guess what Persian word meaning 'profusion' have given birth to the corruption which one sees here]. In other words the first syllable ach (Anglice ash) was understood in its common acceptance for food' or victuals, but tacon was naturally a puzzle. The solution of the whole difficulty is however, to be found in the Turco-Persian can 4 khastah khanah, pronounced by Turks hasta hona, or more vulgarly asta-khon, and even to a French ear ash-tacon, a hospital, literally a sick house. This word is undoubtedly current at Tabriz and throughout Northern Persia." Sir Frederick Goldsmid in Encyc. Brit. (XI Ed.) Vol. XXI, p. 230 footnote 6. This note was drawn from the author by the corruption Shlacthames by the Venetian traveller Angiolello (16th Cent.) for Shah Tahmasp, the JOANNES DE LAET ON INDIA AND SHAHJAHAN. DE LAET-De Imperio Magni Mogolis, sive India Vera; Commentarius e variis auctoribus congestus. Oum privileglo. Lugduni Batavorum. Ex officina Elzeviriana. Anno CIC IO CXXXI The valuable ittle book published at Leyden in 1681 under the above title was brought prominently to the notice of students of Indian history and geography for the first time by the late E. Lethbridge. That gentleman published a disquisition, entitled Topography of the Mogul Empire' (Calc. Rev., October 1870; Jan. 1871), which, as Mr. E. Thomas observed, traces with equal patience and ability the geographical details fur 239 well-known second ruler of the Satavi Dynasty who reigned 52 years (1524-1576) and was the 'Great Sophie (Safi-Safavi, through Angiolello's. Sophl) to whom Queen Elizabeth sent Anthony Jenkins as ambasador in 1651. that the identity of a remarkable man of those days, Sir Frederick Goldsmid also points out (p. 228) the Ak-kuyunlu, or White Sheep Standard, Turkish ruler of Persia (1468-1478) Uzun Hasan (Long Hasan, was so lost by the corruptions, which his not very difficult name assumed in traveller's reports, that he has never received adequate justice at the hands of historians, Knolles Purchas (1575-1626) Caterino Zeno (late 15th Cent.), Sir Frederick says, called him so differently as Alymbelus, Asembelus, Asembee, Assimbeo, and Ussan Cassano.. We can get at the corruptions, however, reading. Alymbeius as a mistranscription for Asymbeius. The termination beo, beius similarly arise out of misreadings for bec-beg. So that all these words represent Hasan Beg. Ussan Cassano offers no difficulties as an Italianization of Uzun Hasan. BOOK NOTICE. Sir Frederick (loc. cit.), in describing the confused times between the death of Uzun Hasan and the rise of Isma'il Safavi (1478-1499), says that Zeno's account is, he was succeeded by his son Ya'qib (1478-1485), and Ya'qub by a son Allamur, known also as Alamot, Alvante, El-wand and Alwung Beg. Allamur and Alamut (a name made famous through the Assassins (Hashishin) of Alamut, are obviously the same word, and as obviously Alwung Beg is the original form of Alvante and El-wand. R. C. TEMPLE.. nished by the opening chapter' of De Last's book Mr. Lethbridge (in Calc. Rev. 1873) followed up that disquisition by a translation of another section of the book, namely, the Fragmentum Historic Indica, as far as it relates to the reigns of Humayan and Akbar, promising to complete the version. But, for some reason or other, the task was never completed. Since 1873, other writers have referred occa. sionally to De Last's testimony, without making full use of his small volume. My studies having lately led me to examine it closely, I hope to find opportunities for publishing the results of my investigations, so far as they concern the reign of Akbar. At present I desire, in the first place, to draw attention to a discovery made by mo, namely.

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240 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (NOVEMBER, 1914. that the book exists in two issues, Impressions, or editions, both bearing the same date, 1881. The discovery was made accidentally while comparing A copy bought from & bookseller, with one bor rowed from the India Office Library, and finding that the volumes differed. In future, whenever De. Laet's book is quoted, it will be necessary to specify which of the two issues is referred to, because the pagination differs. The India Office Library possesses a copy of each, but the Bodleian has the second issue only. I have now before me (I) The India Office copy (shelf-mark, 45 a, 18 ) of issue 1, and my own copy (II) of issue 2. Both issues have the same engraved title-page and generally agree, but exhibit the following differences. I has 299 pages, excluding the index, while II has only 285 pages of text. The saving of space in the later impression was obtained by better printing, not by omission of matter. For instance, the table of contents, which occupies more than two pages in I, is printed much more neatly on a single page in II. The Fragmentum Historiae Indice in I extends from p. 172 to p. 291, ending with the words :Haec gesta fuere usque ad finem anni 010 100 XXVIII, that is to say: These events happened up to the end of the year 1628.' In II, the Fragmentum extends from P, 165 to 278, and after the words cited, two now sentences are inserted as follows: Voluit hic monarcha post illa appellari SultanScha-Bedin Mahumet. Et tot suorum caedibus addidit et incestum : nam dilectissima conjuge ipso coronationis mude die de functa, sumait sibi conjugem filiam suam d defuncia illa ;' or in English After those events this monarch wished to be known as Sultan Shihab-ud-din Muhammad. And to so many murders of his relatives he added incest also; for, when his beloved wife had died on the very day of his coronation, he took to himself as wife his own daughter by that dead woman.' The beloved wife of Shahjahan, named Arjumand Band Begam, and entitled Mumtaz Malal, or in current speech, Taj Mahal or Taj Bibt, died on July 7, A. D. 1631, old style, equivalent to Zil-bijja, 17, 4. 1. 1040. Her death cannot have been known in Europe earlier than the end of 1631, and the second issue of De Laet's book, consequently, cannot have been printed before 1632, although, like the first issue, it bears the date of 1631. Probably the first issue had sold out quickly, and the publishers, having resolved to reprint the book in an improved style, added the story about the alleged incest as soon as they received it from India There can be hardly any doubt that the second impression containing that addition must have been printed in 1832 or 1633, and not later. If its printing had been delayed longer, the date on the title-page presumably would have been altered, and other editorial insertions would have been made. Both impressions as they stand carry the narrative professedly only to the end of 1628, although the second impression, without giving a new date, inserts the scandalous statement implying a knowledge of the happening of 1631. Joannes, or John De Laet, a learned and copious author, died in 1649. Several of his books on various subjects are in the Bodleian Library. In his preface to the Description of India' he informs his readers that he has taken scrupulous pains (mihi religio fuit) to follow only the best and most trustworthy authorities, English and Dutch. Among the English authorities he names specially Sir Thomas Roe and Purchas. He also used the work of Peter Texeira, the Portuguese. The Fragment of Indian History' was kindly contributed by a gentleman of distinction, Peter van den Broecke, who resided for several years at Sarat and faithfully administered the business of the Dutch East Mdia Company. He was at Sorat. in 1620, and later. The book, although scarce, and rather difficult to procure, is not all so rare es Lethbridge supposed it to be. The India Office Library, as already observed, possesses both issues; the Bodleian Li. brary and I have each & copy of the second issue, and the late Mr. Sidney J. Owen had a copy, but I did not note the issue to which it belonged when I examined his library after his death. Lethbridge mentions the existence of a copy in Calcutta, and, no doubt, the work is to be found in the British Museum and various other libraries. It appears occasionally in the catalogues of second-hand book. sellers, priced ten shillings. I got my copy for half that sinu. So far the paragraph inserted in the second impression of De. Laet's book has been dealt with I cannot explain the origin of the statement ipeo coronationis suae die Jahangir died Ootober, 28, 1627, and his son Shahjahan ascended the throne at Agra on February 6, 1028; whereas Mumtaz Mahal died on July 7, 1631 (Badshah-Nama, in E. & D., VII, 6, 6, 27).

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NOVEMBER, 1914.) BOOK-NOTICE 241 from a bibliographical point of view. The substance of the inserted passage also deserves con sideration because it raises the question as to the truth of the allegation that Shahjahan was guilty of Incest with his daughter. De Laet's statement, which is of the most positive kind, intensifies the berror of the story as current in later times. by asserting that the criminal relations between the pair began immediately after the death of Mumtaz Malal, the mother of the princess. Inasmuch as Mumtaz Mal al died in July, 1631, and the second inipression of De Laet's book probably was published in 1632, the crime, if real, must have been committed immediately after the queen's death. Moreover, the alleged fact was so notorious that it became known at once in distant Surat and was thence reported to Europe as ascertained truth. The Dutch author must have obtained his new iniormation as he obtained the earlier history, from correspondents in the Dutch Factory at Surat. De Lait's testimony is the earliest mention of the alleged incest and possesses special importance on account of its early date. Although the subject is an unpleasant one, the evidence deserves critical examination in the interests of historical truth. The Statement of the case by Mr. Talboys Wheeler will serve as a basis for the discussion. He wrote in his text :- Shah Jahan had a daughter by Taj Mahal; she was known as Begum Sahib ; he made the Begum Sahib his mistress. The appended note runs: The relations between Shah Jahan and the Begum Sahib are too notorious to be denied; they are mentioned by all contemporary writers; the fact is broadly stated by Herbert Bernier, Tavernier, and the author of the Siyar. ul-Vutakherin. Manouchi tries to discredit it, probably on the authority of the Moghul chronicle which would take some pains to contradict the charge. The fact, however, is too apparent. It not only finds expression in the history: it is the key to the history'. The context indicates that Wheeler considered the enormous value of the gifts bestowed on Begam Sahib by her father, and the excessive influence enjoyed by her to be evidence of the unlawful relation. Ho attributed the undoubted corruption of the administration in Shahjahan's reign to the foul conditions' under which it existed, one of those conditions being the criminal intercourse between father and daughter. If we are to believe De Laet whose testimony has been quoted, the unlaw. ful relation with its evil consequences, had existed from 1631 or 1832. Shahjahan was not deposed until June 1658, when Begam Sahib was forty-four years of age. By that time it may be presumed that the guilty connection, if real, had come to an end. The evidence as far as I can ascertain, is wholly that of European writers, unless the note to the Siyar-ul-Mwakharin be considered an exception. De Lact, about 1632, 18 the earliest witness. After him comes Sir Thomas Herbert, whose travels lasted from 1626 to 1629. He was at Surat when, as he writes in the first edition (p 29),' wee had certaine report of Sultan Curroone's scil. Khurram's) coronation at Agra, 1627. In joy of which, the English Merchant Ships, then in Swally rode, shot off two hundred peeces of greet Ordnance. Herbert never travelled in the interior of India. He spent all the time he was in the country either at Surat or in the vicinity. His interesting book passed through four editions in his life-time, the last and best, of which I possess a copy, being issued in 1877. I have examined the first and second editions in the Bodleian Library, but have not seen the third, The omission is immaterial so far as my present purpose is concerned. Herbert returned to England in 1629, being then A young man 23 years of age, and set himself to work at the preparation of an account of his travels. The first edition, published in 1634, has two title-pages. The first, with engraved figures of A Coozel-bash (Kizil-bash), etc., gives the name of the book as A description of the Persian Monarchy now being the Orientall Indies Iles, and other parts of the Grcater Asia and 4/rick. The second title-page designates the volume As A Relation of some Yeares Traraile, begunn: Anno 1626 into Afrique and the greater Asia, eto, etc. The History of India, Vol. IV, Part I (1876), D. 264. The clocorous allusion to the scandal attributed by Wheeler to the author of the Siyar-ul-Mutakherin' will be found on p. 310 of Vol. III of the rare quarto translation (1789). The text states:- In vain did his beloved daughter implore at his death-bou his forgiveness for her brother Aorang-zib.' The appended note 15 runs thus: The Princess (Roshen-ara Begum, idest, Princess Roxana,"luminous" or "beautiful")... chose to shut berself up with her father upon whose heart it is universally reported and believed her person had made the deepest impression. The note, which probably is from the pen of the translator; confounds Roshandra (or more correctly, Roshan Rae, Begam, the ally of Aurangzeb, with her elder sister JahAnArd, entitled Begam sahib or PadahAh Begam, who supported Dark Shukoh, and remained with her father. Wheeler exaggerates when he says that the scandal is mentioned by all contemporary writers.' The authorities in the Persian language seem to ignore it. handra (or more corrhib or Padshah Begah at the scandal is

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242 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY The series of atrocious crimes by which Shahjahan (Khurram) had cleared his way to the throne is narrated on pp. 30-35, and summed up as the murther of Father, three Brothers, three Nephewes, and two Cozen Germans. Since which, his Queene (Assaph Chawn's. Daughter) died, and he hath taken his own daughter to be his wife. These crying sinnes have apparently drawne down God's heavy judgments upon those Countries; by those immediate and late Plagues of Pestilence and Famine, never heard of the like in those parts before, the Sworde will doubtless follow in God's appointed time. For he will have glory by punishing those from whom he cannot have glory. And Curroon (or Shaw Iehan) is not yet sensible of those castiga. tions.' Herbert, like De Laet, evidently kept up communication with India, most probably with Surat, and continued to be informed of events which had happened since he came home. There is nothing in the wording of the passage cited from the 1st edition to suggest indebtedness to De Laet's .book. The second edition, entitled Some Yeares Travels into Divers Parts of Asia and Afrique, etc., etc., revised and enlarged by the Author, appeared in 1638, with an expanded version of the Mughal history. On p. 105 we are told of the death of Jahangir, (suspected of poison) the twelfth of October or Ardabehish, in the yeare of our accompt 1627 and of the Hegira 1007.'3 " Page 107 gives details of the murder of sight princes, relatives of Shahjahan, all of whom were without any respect buried in a garden in Lahore, near the entrayls of Jangheer; but their heads (as an assurance of their death) sent to Curroon, to glut his eyes (by so horrid a Spectacle) with infernall ambition.' [NOVEMBER, 1914 nature that that yeare [1634 in margin] his whole empire was so wounded with. God's arrowes of plague, pestilence and famine, this thousand yeares before never so terrible: The sword also seems to threaten him,' etc. On the same page the author proceeds :-' Thus has Curroon (through a sea of blood) attayned the highest post and dignity of the eastern world ... but these sinnes he makes nothing of, have apparently in these our times drawn down the heavy Judgments of God Almighty, both, in taking his beloved wife away the week of his inauguration, since when he has made his daughter (by that dead Lady) his wife: incest of so high a This passage clearly shows that the author had perused De Laet's second impression, which, consequently, cannot be dated later than 1634. The words by that dead Lady, in particular, are obviously a translation of De Last's e defuncta ills." The whole passage, with some slight verbal changes, is repeated in the fourth edition of 1677, p. 99. I conclude, therefore, that in 1633 or 1634 Herbert heard of the scandal independently of De Laet's book, although in all probability he obtained his information from Sirat, as the Dutch author did. Between 1634 and 1638 Herbert evidently saw the second impression of De Laet's book, and borrowed its language, which he continued to use in later editions. He never quotes his authorities, but there are other indications that he was familiar with De Laat's work, which in 1638 was the best available book on the subject of the Mughal history. The scandal is referred to by Bernier, who was in India from 1659 to 1667, by Tavernier, whose Indian travels extended from 1640 to 1667, by the Dutch author, Valentyn, whose book was published in 1726, and by Manucci (1653-1708). The author. last named discredits the accusation. Bernier writes: Begum-Saheb, the elder daughter of Chah-Jehan, was very handsome, of lively parts, and passionately beloved by her father. Rumour has it that his attachment reached a point which it is difficult to believe, the justification of which he rested on the decision of the Mullahs, or doctors of their law. According to them, it would have been unjust to deny the King the privilege of gathering fruit from the tree he had himself planted. Mr. Constable appends the note:-'This statement is repeated by Valentyn, in his Beschryving... van de Levens der Groote Moguls, Dordrecht and Amsterdam, 1726, in these words:"Begum Saheb, die om haare schonheit van haaren Vader zer, ja te veel, bemind wierd;" that is to say:Begam Sahib, who, on account of her beauty was 3 The Hijra year was 1037, for which 1007 is a misprint. According to the Badshah-Nama (E. 2 D., VII, 5), the date was Safar 28-Oct. 28. Such differences in dating are met with constantly in the authorities.

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NOVEMBER, 1914.) BOOK-NOTICE. 243 greatly, may, too well beloved by her father.is was crowned. With this end in view, she employed That vogue statement, probably, is merely an echo all her cleverness and energy to satisfy her father, of Bernier, without independent value. she served him with the greatest love and diligence The evidence of Tavernier, such as it is, appears in order that Shahjahan should accede to her to be based upon rumours beard by him, personally, petitions. It was from this cause that the common and not derived from Bernier. After relating the people hinted that she had intercourse with her death of Shahjahan in 1666, Tavernier proceeds: father, and this has given occasion to Monsieur As soon as Aurangzeb had news of it he came to Bernier to write many things about this princess, Agra and seized all the jewels of the late king his founded entirely on the talk of low people. Therefather, which he had not touched during his life. fore, it is incumbent on me, begging his pardon, to Begum Sahib also had a quantity of precious say that what he writes is untrue'.? stones, which he had not taken from her when The foregoing extracts give, so far as I can he placed her in the fortress, being at that time ascertain, the whole of the evidence concerning satisfied with securing the gold and silver with the disgraceful charge against Shahjahan and his which her chests were full. These jewels afforded daughter. Little weight need 'be attached to the certain evidence to Aurangzeb's sense of propriety, rumours repeated by Bernier, Tavernier, and Va. 8 for other reasons the Princess, his sister, had lentyn. As against them, if they stood alone, the already been suspected of having had improper contradiction by Manusci might perhaps be accepted relations with Shahjahan, and he found means to as a sufficient counterpoise. But the extremely obtain them which appeared honest and far from positive assertion of De Laet stands on a different criminal, by treating the Begum Sahib with much footing. It was published, as has been shown, most honour and attention; but he removed her to probably in 1632, and certainly not later than 1634, Jahanabad scil. Delhi], and I saw the elephant during the lifetime of Shahjahan, who did not die pass upon which she was mounted when she left until 1666. The accusation as set forth in De Agra with the court, as I was entering it on my Lost's pages is peculiarly horrible, because it rereturn from Bengal. In a short time after, news presents Shanjahanas forming the incestuous was spread of the death of this Princess, and all connexion with his daughter immediately after the world believed that it had been hastened by the death of her mother, who had borne him poison's thirteen other children and beyond doubt was As a matter of fact. Begam Sahib did not die ardently loved by him, as her unique monument until Sept. 16. 1681 (Ramzan 3, A. H. 1092), 18 testifies to this day. Although it is undeniable stated by Irvine., Storia do Mogor, II, 256 n., that Shahjahan was excessively devoted to sensual quoting the Tarikh-i-Muhammadi. She was then pleasures, and there is reason to believe that his an old woman of 67, and the story about her being daughter engaged in various illicit amours, it seems poisoned is ridiculous. almost incredible at first sight that both father and daughter could have been so utterly depraved as Manucol states that the first daughter whom they are alleged to have bee . Yet similar prac. Shahjahan haut was * Begom Saeb (Begam Sahib), tices prevail, or prevailed a few years ago, among the eldest of all, whom her father loved to an the puritan Boers of South Africa, who are said to extraordinary degree, as most lovely, discreet, have adduced scriptural warrant for their conduct, loving, generous, open-minded, and charitable. just as Shahjaha, according to Bernier, found She was loved by all, and lived in state and mag. Mullahs complaisant enough to provide an excuse nificence ..... She exerted herself a great for him. deal to secure the throne to her brother Dark; this was due to her eagerness to marry, Dard My conelusion is that the unpleasant accusation having promised to give his consent as soon as he against Shahjahan and his daughter, even if it be Bernier's Travels, ed. Constable (1891), p. 11. Bernier goes on to relate two stories of amours of the prino88, both ending in tragedy. Manuoci. while expressing disbelief in Bernier's stories, gives others of his own, equally scandaloue. 5 Tavernier, Travels in India, transl. V. Ball (1891) I. p. 344. 6 Do Thevenot has the same story that Begam Sahib's death was hastened by poison (English transl., 1686, Part III, p. 36). Although he censures the crimes by which shahjahan cloared his way to the throne this author does not mention the accusation of incest. 7 Irvine, Storia do Mogor, I, 216.

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244 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (NOVEMBER, 1914. not conclusively proved, certainly is not disproved. much nearer the truth than that made current by Although it may be reasonably regarded as impro- the authority of Elphinstone. It is not unreasonable bable, it cannot be dismissed summarily as incredible to hold that Tavernier's exceptionably favourable I should like to treat the scandal as a product opinion may have been biassed by the fact that of the prurient imagination of a corrupt court and Shahjahan was a good customer for his jewels. credulous populace. All officials of long experience The more I study Shahjahan the less estimable know that the people of India, even to this day, he appears, and I regret that it is impossible to feel are prepared to believe the most fantastic stories assured that he was incapable of the disgusting concerning their rulers' imaginary crimes. De. offence charged against him by De Lait, Herbert, cent Christian, British gentlemen are often credited and later writers. In such a case conclusive with atrocious iniquities, such as kidnapping evidence is not to be had, and different people may and murdering victims in order to place their legitimately form divergent opinions concerning bodies under the foundations of bridges. In an the value of the existing testimony as fully set atmosphere of that kind the exceptionally affec. forth in this article. tionate relations between Shahjahan and his Although that evidence must have been known daughter, which certainly existed, would readily more or less completely to Mr. Beale, and his Afford occasion for the most malignant possible editor Mr. Keene, the second edition of the Oriontal interpretation. The informants of De Lait, who. Biographical Dictionary (1894) treats Jaha para ever they may have been, no doubt believed the Begam (Begam Sahib) as a saint. We are told scandal current in India, and it is evident that that the name of Jahen Ara will ever adorn the their report was accepted by both De Laet and pages of history as a bright example of filial attachHerbert in good faith and with conviction. The ment and heroic self-devotion to the dictates of strangeet part of the business is that the scandal duty, more especially when we view it in contrast should have become current so soon after the with the behaviour of her sister Roshan Ara, who, death of Mumtaz Malal, and should have reached by aiding the ambitious designs of Aurangzeb, BO quickly the ears of the Dutch merchants at enabled him to dethrone Shahinhan. The Amiahla Surat, who personally transmitted the story to and accomplished Jahan Ara not only supported Europe. That wide and early diffusion of the story her aged father in his adversity, but voluntarily undoubtedly supports the view of those, who like resigned her liberty and resided with him during Wheeler, are convinced of the truth of the accusa- his imprisonment in the fort of Agra. Her tomb tion. Shahjahan had a very evil nature, and was is of white marble, open at the top, and at the utterly devoid of scruple. He has received from head is a tablet with a Persian inscription inlaid modern historians, except Wheeler, treatment much in black marble letters, to the following effect :more lenient than he merited. Tavernier's ill. "Let no one scatter over my grave anything but deserved certificate that he was as father of his verdure, for such best becomes the sepulchre of people' was thoughtlessly adopted by Elphinstone, one who had a humble mind." On the margin and so has passed into an article of faith. In is written :-"The perishable faqir Jahan Ara reality, I believe, Shahjahan was in character far Begam, daughter of Shah Jahan, and the disciple inferior to his son Aurangzeb, and was guilty of of the saints of Chisht, died in the year of the atrocities not less than his to gain the throne. He | Hijra, A. X. 1092." equalled his father Jahangir in cruelty and excelled Whoever will, may believe that charming version him in beastly sensuality, nor did he succeed in of the relations between Shahjahan and his favourite securing good government by the capricious daughter. ferocity which his flatterers extol as his justice [I have used de Laet's book (India Office copy) The beauty and magnificence of the Taj and other and Lethbridge's Ed. extensively in editing architectural works on which he lavished the countlese Vol. II, of Peter Mundy's Travels for the Hukluyt riches wrung from the suffering people have blinded Society, issued for 1914. Mundy was in Agra in the critical judgment of recent historians. 1630-1633, and tells the story of Shah Jahan's The alleged incest, but attributes it to his third daughter, European authors of the seventeenth century - Chimini Beagum," who died in 1616.-R. C. who unsparingly denounced the many crimes o TEMPLE). Shahjahan formed a judgment of his character VINCENT A, SMITH. 8. This great monarch reigned roore than forty years, less as a king over his subjects than as a father of his family over his house and children (Tavernier, Travels, transl. Ball. I, 325).

Page #249
DECEMBER, 1914.] NOTES ON GRAMMAR OF THE OLD WESTERN RAJASTHANI NOTES ON THE GRAMMAR OF THE OLD WESTERN RAJASTHANI WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO APABHRAMCA AND TO GUJARATI AND MARWARI. BY DR. L. P. TESSITORI, UDINE, ITALY. (Continued from p. 216.) 245 (1) kanhal is identical with the postposition of the dative, the origin of which has been given SS 71, (1). The ablative meaning of this postposition, however, is not to be explained as having derived from the dative, but it has a separate origin, it having derived directly from the locative, which was the original meaning of kanhal. The passing of the locative meaning into the ablative is quite natural, and it is well illustrated by the example of the cognate locative apikarne, which occurs in the Rigveda both in the original sense of "Behind" and in that of "From behind." In the Old Western Rajasthani kanhal is used to give the idea of the ablative, in connection with verbs of asking, begging, hearing and obtaining. Examples are: 66 Caturaka-kanhi puchai vana-dhani "The king of the forest asks Caturaka" (P. 585), Indra magai Jina-kanhai daksina e Indra begs this gift from the Jina "(R. 131), mai cri-Mahavira-kanhal sabhaliu "I heard from the reverend Mahavira" (Dac. iv), Vajrasena-tirthankara-kanhai sagale diksa lidhi "All received the diksa at the hands of the tirthankara Vajrasena" (Adi C.). In the last mentioned MS. one instance also occurs of kanha, an ablative from the same base, of which kanhal is the locative: bhagavanta-kanha diksa divaravi "He caused the Venerable one to give him the diksa." Many other instances of kanha occur in the Old Jaipuri of the MS. F 760. It is to kanha that I trace the accusative-dative postposition na (possibly for na), which Kellogg ascribes to the Western Hindi (Hindi Grammar, SS 173), and which is very frequent in the Marwari of the Nasaketa-ri katha. (2) tai (tu), in my opinion, is a curtailment from halau, the equivalent form of hatai< Ap. hontau was " (See SS 113). It is therefore the present participle of the substantive verb, that is used absolutely in the masculine singular as a postposition of the ablative. The employment of the present participle honta to form the ablative was frequent enough in Apabhran ca, as is born out by the following two quotations by Hemacandra : jaha hontao agado "Whence [he is] come" (Siddh., iv, 355), tumhaha hontau agado "[He is] come from you" (Siddh., iv, 373). Whether the Prakrit ablative termination-hinto stays also for honto, as suggested by Dr. Hoernle (Comparative Grammar, SS 376), it is difficult to decide. Anyhow it is certain that the Old Western Rajasthani inherited from the Apabhramca the practice of employing the present participle of the substantive verb to make the ablative, and made a large use of it, both under the original form hata and under its derivates thai and tau. Examples of ablatives with tau are the following: devala -tu pachau valiu hutu "Being returned from the temple" (Yog. iii, 127), teha karana -tau "From that cause" (Kal. 6),

Page #250
246 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ DECEMBER, 1914. pakhiya dici digi-tai avya " Birds (that are] come from every quarter" (Adi. 12), marga-tu bahiri nikalal" Steps out of the way" (Dac. i, 10), samsara-taii a panau jiva mukaviu chai " [By them] their own soul has been liberated from the samsara" (Dac. iii, 1), teha-tau jiva tivra dukkha pamal" Therefrom the individuals reap sharp pain" (Sagt. 10). Of tau inflected in the locative, as is the case with hutai and thai, no instances occur in Old Western Rajasthani. But they occur in some of the cognate vernaculars and chiefly in Western Hindi, where we have for the ablative the postposition te, te, from *tahi < Ap. *honthi. (3) thau may be also explained as a curtailment of hatau, the present participle of the substantive verb. That initial h was capable of being thrown after the following consonant, when a dissyllable word was curtailed into a monosyllable one, is evidenced by Marwari vhaishuvai. An other explanation of thau had formerly occurred to my mind, and it is that it might be a curtailment from thayau, the past participle of the verb thavau "To be or become." In favour of the latter derivation there would be the analogy of the ablative postposition thi, which likewise might be explained as a contraction of thai, the conjunctive participle from thavai, and all the more so as Rs. 51 one instance occurs of thai for thi. But the former derivation is supported by the analogy of the imperfect tense of the substantive verb, which in the Old Western Rajasthani has the same origin as some of the so-called postpositions of the ablative, both being formed from the present participle. Now, P. 70 one Instance occurs of thau being used for the imperfect of the substantive verb, in the place of the regular form hatai, and at the present day the form tho (for hato) is found in many dialects of the Rajasthani and in Kanauji, where it is used by the side of hato (Cf. $ 113). Ablatives with thau are rare rather in Old Western Rajasthani, much in the same way as are rare periphrastic imperfects with thau. I have noted the two following: te kiha -thau aviu "Whence has he come?" (P. 409), ha thai jau "Go away from here!" (P. 427). . Notice that in both the examples alove thau is used after pronominal ablatives, thereby perfectly coinciding with the employment of hontai in all the three Apabhramca quotations by Hemacandra, sutra iv, 355 of his Prakrit Grammar. Another testimony to the thai being a participial form is in the following passage from the MS. Up., where thau is inflected in the nominative plural : tiha -thya cyavi Vajranabha guru-na jiva cri-Adinatha hua "Therefrom having fallen. the soul of the guru Vajranabha was re-born as the Reverend Adinatha" (Up. 68). (4) thakau, (thaku, thakau, thikai thiku) is from thakiu, thakiu, the past participle of thakai, thakais Ap. * thakkai, thakkei (Hc., iv, 16, 370, 3) < Skt. *sthakyati (Pischel, $ 488). The form thikau is to be regarded as the intermediate between thakin and thakai, and it has derived from the former through metathesis of i (See $ 50). No doubt--as it may be also gathered from the analogy of Sanskrit sthitah-the common meaning of Apabhramca thakkiu, when used attributively, was practically that of a present participle ("Staying"),and so there is nothing irregular in its being employed in Old Western Rajasthani as an equivalent of hitau, to form the ablative. That Old Western Rajasthani thakau is equivalent with the latter is also born out by the fact that both of them may be optionally added after participles used adjec. tively(See 88. 122, 129). In the examples I have seen, thakau occurs either in the masculine or

Page #251
DECEMBER, 1914.) NOTES ON GRAMMAR OF THE OLD WESTERN RAJASTHAN 247 in the neuter singular form, and the noun governed by it is not unfrequently put in the locative case. Ex.: pachali thakau "From behind" (Fra.), bara varasa-thakau " For twelve years" (Up. 31), na visarai te mujha mani thikau " She does not slip from my mind" (P. 338), ki sahi yuddha karal bala-thikau "I will certainly fight with strength" (P. 501). ja aha-thikau "Go away from here ! " (P. 641). (5) thaki is but the contracted form of * thakii, the locative (absolute) from thakiu (thakuu), and is therefore practically identical with the conjunctive participle of thakavau (See $ 131). It is employed in the same way as thakau, namely both after the locative and after the genitive, only it is more common than the latter postposition and its use becomes larger and larger by the subsequent development of the language. Ex.: nabha-thaki nicai utaryaii" He came down from the sky" (F 783,52), te nagara-md thaki .... aviu " He came from that city" (P. 293), e dukha -thaki mujha marana avai"From this distress death comes to me" (Rs. 192). For examples of thaki being employed to form comparatives see $ 79. (6) thi bears to thau the same relation as thaki to thakau, i.e., it is a contraction from *hatii ( < hatai) the locative absolute of the present participle of the substantive verb. An evidence in favour of the above derivation is afforded by the MS. F778, where, a few Lines before the end, an instance occars of thai (Page #252
248 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [DECEMBER, 1914. Rukamani rani angaja magal | apana priya-nal pasal re|The queen Rukmini demands [her] son from her beloved " (F 783, 64), puchi eka-pasi" They ask someone" (Cal. 87). (8) pahi (pahi) has long been recognized as a locative from Apabhramca pakkhe or pakkhi Skt. pakse. In Old Western Rajasthani it takes the meaning of the ablative, when used in the formation of the comparative. In the MS. Sast, two instances occur of pahanti, which is possibly from Apabhramca pakkhante < Skt. paksante, and is equivalent with pahi both in meaning and employment. An example of the use of pahi as an ablative postposition is : indrajala-pahi capala" Unsteadier than magical illusion" (Indr. 86). For other examples see SS 79. (9) lagai and lagi are both from the Apabhramca participial locative laggahi < Skt. *lagnasmin (=lagne), the former having remained uncontracted and the latter having firstly changed ai to ii and then todeg (See SS 10, (3)). For the shortening of the vowel in the initial syllable accounts SS 43. When not used in the function of a postposition, the past participle lagai retains its long vowel, as shown by the example quoted SS 126, (4). These two post positions are used to denote: (a) " Up to ", (b) "From", (c) " In consequence of ". In the two former cases they often require the noun, wherewith they are connected, to be in the locative. Ex.: eka joana-lagai cali rahyau "After having gone as far as a yojana, he stopped" (Adi. C.) eka-[sahaza] varasa-lagai " Up to [the end of] one thousand years" (Ibid.), dhuri lugai "From the beginning" (Vi. 132). tahi lagai vigraha - arambha " Hence the beginning of the war " (Kanh. 13), te papa-lagi Jina-dharma gadhal dukkara hui" In consequence of that sin, the religion of the Jina becomes very difficult [to be attained]" (Sast. 11). karma-ksaya-lagi moksa hui "In consequence of the destruction of the actions, final emancipation is produced " (Yog. iv, 113). (10) hata (hutau) needs no further explanation, after what has been remarked with reference to its derivatives tai and thai above. It is plain that it is identical with the present participle hontau, which already in Apabhramca. was employed to form ablatives, as evidenced by the instances found Hc., iv, 355, 373. Examples of the use of hatau have been preserved only in the MS. Sast.: marana-hitai rakhiu "Saved from death" (Sat. 4), dharma-hita na valai "They do not turn away from religion" (Sast. 30), je samsara-hita bihata nathi " [Those] who are not afraid of wordly existence" (Sast. 60). (11) hiti (huti) is contracted from hitai ( > hutii), the locative form of hita. It is commoner than the latter, as indeed all locative absolute forms of the ablative postpositions are commoner than the forms in the direct. In Modern Gujarati and Marwari it is only the locative forms that have survived. Examples of hati are: karma-ksaya atma-jnana-huti hui "Destruction of karman is produced from the knowledge of the atman" (Yog. iv., 113), dosa-huli viramai "Desists from vice" (Indr. 97), amha-hi-hati bhukki" Even hungrier than we " (Adi C.) SS 73. The Postpositions of the genitive are generally old adjectives and agree in number and gender with the noun, on which they are depending.

Page #253
DECEMBER, 1914.] NOTES ON GRAMMAR OF THE OLD WESTERN RAJASTHANI 249 (1) kau (ku) is very rarely met with in Old Western Rajasthani, where, it being mostly confined to poetry, it may be possibly explained as having been borrowed from the Old Braja of the East. It is from Apabhramca kauPage #254
250 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ DECEMBER, 1914. with pp and with It occur already in Prakrit (See Pischel, $ 401). The meaning Hemacandra ascribes to tanai is that of sambandhin "Belonging or related to " (Siddh., iv, 422, 20), und such a meaning is quite in accordance with appa au, which Hemacandra explains as an adeca of atmiya (Siddh., iv, 422,4). In the two examples of the use of tarau, which are evidenced by Hemacandra, viz. : imu kulu tuha-lanau" This family [is] belonging to thee" (Siddh., iv, 361), and : bhagga amhaha ta a "Ours are defeated " (Siddh., iv, 381, 2), it is plain that tanau has the sense of " One's own," and, if we were to translate the two examples above into Sanskrit, we ought to render tanau by * almanaka or atmiya. Observe that in the latter example land is used substantively, a construction which is likewise common to Sanskrit atmiya and to its equivalents eva, svaka, etc. The postposition tanai is largely used in poetry and in a few old texts in prose also. Ex: caritra sunya tasu-tana "His deeds have been heard of "(P. 364), deva-tani kusuma-tani vrsti" The raining of flowers of the gods" (Kal. 20), ghuya la-tanau cicu" The young of the owl" (Kal. 3), mai-tanai mani" In the mind of the mother" (Ratn. 109), ghcda-tania phoja" A troup of horses "(kanh. 46), deva-tanai prasadi" In the temple of the god " (Kanh. 87), hi eha-tanau nahi "I [am] not belonging to her" (Dac. i, 10). (5) nai (nu) cannot be explained as a curtailment of tanau, for medial of Apabhramca never changes to n in Old Western Rajasthani, but it is congener of the postposition nal of the dative, which has been shown above to be a curtailment of kanhal. Whether there ever existed a genitive postposition * kanhai, whereof nau would be the regular curtailment, or nau was directly formed from nai it cannot be ascertained to-day, but I am strongly inclined in favour of the latter alternative, which is supported by the considerations following: (a) It is not very likely that, whilst kanhal survived long after nal had become of general use, *kanhau should have died out so early as not to leave the least trace of itself in the Old Western Rajasthani materials that have been preserved to us; (6) The absence of the genitive postposition nau in Marwa!f, where both kanhai and nat have survived up to the present day, is perhaps a sign that the use of the former postposition is not so old as that of the two latter, and therefore nai has derived from nat; (c) In the MS. Adi C. occasional instances occur of nal used in the sense of nau as an uninflected postposition of the genitive, as : e bhagavanta-nal teramau bhava "This [is] the thirteenth existence of the Venerable one." Now, it is very likely that such an employment of nal is a survival of an old practice of forming the genitive by means of a postposition of the dative (of. the use of rahal as a postposition of the genitive), and if so it is plain that nau has been formed from nal simply by making the latter capable of agreeing with the noun, on which it was depending. In most of the Old Western Rajasthani texts I have seen, nai is by far the commonest postposition of the genitive. In poetry, however, tanau is likewise frequent and it is freely used by the side of nai, generally undiscriminately, though in many cases it seems that tanau still retains its original meaning of "Related or belonging to," and so nau its own meaning of " Situated near to, or proceeding from". The only prose texts, in which tarai and nau are

Page #255
DECEMBER, 1914.) NOTES ON GRAMMAR OF THE OLD WESTERN RAJASTHANI 251 used side by side are Day. and Up. In the latter, however, tanau is very rare. The MS. Kal. has no traces of nau, but employs tanau throughout. Ex.: unhala-nau cauthau masavadu " The fourth month of the summer" (Adi C.), teha-ni putri" His daughter" (Dd. 6), Ujeni-nau mariya raja "After having murdered the king of Oojein " (Vi. 8), vada-na kotara-mahi" In the hollow of a fig-tree" (P. 633), dihada-nai visai" By day"(Yog. ii, 70), mleccha-na lakha "Hundreds of thousands of barbarians " (Kenh. 43). (6) rai is a curtailment from kerau, as it has since long been recognized by students of Noo-Indian Vernaculars. This postposition having grown to be peculiar of Modern Marwari, it is only exceptionally met with in Old Western Rajasthani, except in the MS. Adic., which exhibits many points of agreement with the former language. A few examples are : sona-ri vrsti"Raining of gold" (Adi C.), pratijn-rau vicesa ko nahi " The promise is of no account whatever " (Ibid.), Takkhacila-puri-rai parisarai "In the surroundings of the city of Taksacila " (Ibid.) (7) rahai is used as a postposition of the genitive in the following examples, chiefly from the MSS. Kal. and Dac. : duh kha-rahal patra "Receptacle of sorrow" (Kal. 38), mangalika-rahal ghara" Abode of bliss" (Kal. 1), duhkcha-raha tkarana "Cause of sorrow" (Kal. 33), vrata-raha i pida" vratanam pida" (Dac. v, 9), pu ja-hral yogya chal" Are worthy of reverence" (F 580). The use of rahaf as an uninflected postposition of the genitive has not gone lost in Modern Marwari, where rai is still employed instead of the regular oblique ra, especially when the genitive denotes possession or relationship. $74. The postposition of the locative are the following: (1) kanhas. The origin of this postposition has been already discussed above, when dealing with the postpositions of the dative and ablative cases. It is used in the original locative meaning in the examples following: na janu kiha-kani achau "I do not know where he is " (Rs. 192), mithyadista-loka-kanhai cravaki vasivai nahi " A gravaka should not live near to heretics" ($azt. 49). P.286 an instance occurs of nai (which is a curtailment from kanhal, as shown above) used as a postposition of the locative after a noun also in the locative : va tai nai eka niramala nira" Close by the road (there was a lake of] limpid water." (2) tai. This postposition, which has not yet been satisfactorily explained, is from Apabhramca tamahi or *tadahi, a locative form corresponding to Sanskrit lavati. The intermediate stops are probably tavahi > *taal > > *tai. For the metathesis of the nasal see & 49. In Old Western Rajasthani this postposition means "Up to, till, as far as ", exactly as its Apabhramca and Sanskrit originals. Ex.: aja-tai" Up to to-day" (Adi C.), sahasa varasa-ti "Up to the completion of one thousand years " (Ibid.)

Page #256
252 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEMBER, 1914. Observe that in Modern Marwasi and Hindi tai has become capable of the dative-accu. sative meaning too, when in construction with pronominal genitives. Cf. Kellogg, Hindi Grammar, $ 320. (3) pasai (pasaz, pasi). This is from Apabhramca pasahi < Skt. *parcvasmin ( - parcve). Examples of its use are : Vakkhara giri-pasai " At the side of the mountain V." (R$.6), Turaka -pasi daiva ma pagasi "Do not make us fall, O Fate !, into the hands of the Turks!" (Kanh. 73), rahiu raya-pasi " He remained beside the king" (P. 128), tl ja vegi te-pasi "Go thou speedily to him " (P. 217). (4) majhari. This postposition is from Apabhramca * bajjhaare < Skt. *madhyakarye, an adjective formed from madhya by the same affix karya, which is used to form pronominal possessives. Deginamamala, vi, 121, Hemacandra gives majjhaara as an equivalent of majjha ( < Skt. madhya). It being an adjective in origin, Old Western Rajasthani majhari is capable of being construed both adjectively and substantively, i.e., both with a preceding locative or (more commonly) with a preceding genitive. Ex.: pe i majhari " In the stomach " (Cal. 33), Anahala-pura-majhari" In the city of A." (Kanh. 67), vanaha-majhari" In the forest" (P. 55, 267,411, 533). (5) maihi. This is from Apabhran ca majjhe mha. Both the last forms have been preserved in the MS. F 722. Ex.: teha-md nahi sa.deha " In this there is no doubt" (F 636, 5), akhi bihu-ma antara kisau Which is the difference between the two eyes?" (F 783, 31), Andra va lo sura-mha" Indra is the greatest amongst the gods" (F 722, 13), mujha-ma mati isi" In my mind I have ) this intention" (P. 82). (7) mahi (mahi, mahai, mahe, mahit). This postposition is derived from majhi (Ap.. majjhe) by jh passing into h. In Old Western Rajasthani this is the commopest locative postposition. Ex.: harasiu haia-mahai "He rejoiced in [his] heart "(P. 212), pela-mahi " In the stomach "(Indr. 15), bhava-samudra-mahi" In the Ocean of wordly existence" (Adi. 80), dina thodila-mahi" In a few days" (Rs.) vanaha-mahi" In the forest " (F 728), vana-mahe "Ditto." (Adi C.), gadha-mahii" In a fortress" (P. 410). (To be continued.)

Page #257
DECEMBER, 1914.) THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA 253 THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA. BY V. RANGACHARI, M.A., L. T., MADRAS. (Continued from p. 202.) Nagama's Expedition and Defection. Evidently & man of energy and ambition, Vira-Sekhara desired to extend his kingdom at the expense of the Pandyan. The weakness and incompetence of ChandraSekhara stimulated his ambition and inspired his confidence. The result was, Chandra Sekhara was soon deprived of his crown and kingdom.81 Overcome by this misfortune, he proceeded, with his son, to the imperial court, and appealed to the emperor. Sadasiva Raya was highly indignant. He despatched, we are informed, Nagama Naik, "in whose charge was the southern part of the Empire," to chastise the ambition of the Chola and restore the dignity of his victim. Nagama accordingly invaded the dominions of the aggressor, traced a line of devastations therein, vanquished him in battle, and compelled him to abandon the lands which he had so unlawfully seized. The object of the expedition was thus accomplished and the formal restoration of Chandra-Sekhara remained. But at this crisis, the sight of the weak and renowned city of Madura, the tempting prospect of an easy acqnisition of spoils, and the distance of the scene of war from Vijayanagar, apparently had the effect of turning the victor into a traitor. Taking advantage of the large army which was under his command, of his probable hold on its affections, and of the difficulties which the emperor had with his turbulent noblemen at home. Nagama renounced his allegiance to his suzerain, seized the crown of Madura. threw the helpless Pandyan king into captivity, garrisoned the different parts of the realm with his men,82 and awaited with calm resolution the attack of the emperor's punitive legions. Visvanatha's Punitive Expedition. When Sadasiva was informed of the success, the treason and revolt of his aspiring general, he was affected by a deep sense of injury as well as insult at the ingratitude with which Nagama repaid the favours he had enjoyed at his hands. He wrote a letter of threat and remonstrance to the unruly commander, but could not make him renounce his acquisitions or designs. Anxious that such a dangerous example should not be imitated by similarly inflamed minds, he summoned hastily an assembly of his ministers, feudatories and generals, expatiated upon the danger which threatened the peace and perhaps the existence of the Empire, and asked in words of fire who, among the many that had assembled there, would undertake to punish the rebel's insolence and bring his head in triumph to the imperial court. The response of the assembly to the emperor's appeal was feeble, as it was well-known that the ability and resources of Nagama Naik were great enough to offer a valiant and protracted resistance to the forces of the State. #1 The account of Ramabadra Ndik, the Polygar of Periakulam (800 Appendix IV) says that Chandra Bekhara was actually restored by Nagama Ndik; but as the former was unable to maintain his power against the Five Pandyas" of Kayattar and its neighbourhood, he voluntarily renounced his crown and kingdom in favour of Nagama, on condition that he was to be given pension for maintenance. NAgama accordingly took possession of the country. But Chandra Sekhara repented, and resorting to treachery, went to the Rays and complained that Nagama had usurped his throne. This version is unique and not supported by any other M8. It is, as Mr. Taylor says, an ex parte statement. See Rais. Oatal. III, 377 and Appendix IV. 92 The chronicles do not mention the R&ya's name, but are almost unanimous in this adoount.

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254 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [DECEMBER, 1914. At length, however, there arose, from amidst the assembly, a solitary figure, a man with a majestic manly grace, just in the prime of manhood, with a fine physique and soldierly bearing, an object of admiration to one and all. To the astonishment of the whole audience, Visvanatha-for it was he-spoke with grave, though justifiable, censure of the perfidy of his parent, assured his sovereign of his own loyalty and gratitude, and prayed with earnestness that he should be honoured with the command against him. The emperor at first hesitated with a natural suspicion and scepticism ; but the bold and honest behaviour of the young hero, the eloquence of his pressing solicitation and the strength of his past reputation convinced Sadasiva that his favourite was a fit object of his confidence, and that, in case he was chosen, his sense of loyalty would prevail over his filial affection. The Restoration of Chandra-Sekhara. It thus happened that, by a strange irony of fate, the man who was most instrumental in thwarting Nagama's designs was his own son and heir-that son for whose birth he had, years back, devoted himself to much rigorous penance and extravagant self-infliction ; that heir for whose sake he had, at the evening of an honest and unblemished life, sacrificed his honesty, banished his conscience, and blackened his fair name. With unexpected celerity Visvanatha marched at the head of the imperial forces. He promptly entered the confines of Madura, and after a fruitless correspondence with his father, engaged him in battle. The chronicles do not enlighten us as to the site of this remarkable engagement; but they describe how Visvanatha, partly because of the justice of his cause and the excellence of his leadership, but mainly because it is said) of his divine birth, emerged successfully out of the contest. Nagama himself was taken captive, and his forces either vanished or went over to his son. Chandra-Sekhara, whose weakness was the sole cause of these events, was then restored to the throne and crowned by his deliverer with pomp and ceremony. The Pardon of Nagama Naik. It seems that, immediately after the restoration of Chandra-Sekhara. Visvanatha returned to Vijayanagar,-leaving a capable friend and lieutenant of his, Aryanatha Mudali s3 by name, to stay in the Madura court and represents+, in his name, the imperial interests. No sooner did the gallant soldier return to the Court than, we are informed, he shewed to an admiring world that his loyalty to his sovereign was not at the expense of his love for his parent. His sole desire now was to save his life and, as might be expected, he did not fail to avail himself of the good impression he had produced, by his unrivalled political sincerity, in the mind of Sadasiva Raya. He pleaded that the fidelity of the son should atone for the guilt of the father. He expatiated, we may be sure, on the past history and services of Nagama, and pointed out how his disgrace would necessarily cast a stain on his own name, and how posterity, while praising his loyalty, would in the same breath condemn him as a parricide. The emperor, we are told, too prudent to pursue a vin dictive policy, perceived that his clemency would have a healthier effect than his zeal for justice. He therefore pardonod Nagama, and restored him to his old position. One of the manuscript chronicles86 gives a different picture of Visvanatha's conduct after his return from the south. It says that Nagama Naik was brought in chains before the indignant emperor, and ordered to be decapitated ; that 83 For the early part of his career see Chap. III. 51 c. f. thy Mirtanjiya MSS. Appendix I. $5 See Appendix IV.

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DECEMBER, 1914.) THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA 255 Visvanatha himself promptly unsheathed his sword, and was about to shed, for the sake of his suzerain, the blood of his father, when Sadasiva, surprised at such an extraordinary devotion and sense of duty, stopped the tragedy, and pardoned the father for the sake of the son. The memoir of the Sukkampattis Polygars gives a slightly different version. It says that their ancestor_Balamukunda-Muttiah-Naik, once the leader of the vanguard of Nagama's army, and then a lieutenant of Visvanatha Naik, offered to sacrifice himself in the place of his old benefactor, and that the Raya, impressed with the loyalty of the son and the fidelity of the servant, pardoned Nagama Naik for their sake. As for the man who was the cause of these scenes in the imperial court, he was not destined to enjoy his restored fortunes for long. A few months--according to one MS. three years-after his recovering the throne, Chandra-Sekhara joined his fathers, closing thereby a chequered career of momentous significance in South Indian History. The Death of Chandra-Sekhara. His death was instantaneously followed by important events. One set of chronicles describe him as the last of the Pandyans, and aver that, immediately after his restoration, he adopted his deliverer and benefactor as his son and heir, and that as a result of this, the responsibilities of the royal office devolved on his death on Visvanatha. Another set of chronicles, on the other hand, maintain that Chandra-Sekhara was not the last of his dynasty; that he was really succeeded on the throne by his son Vira-Paudya ; but that Vira-Pandya soon followed his father to the grave,-leaving none to continue the Pamilyan line and thereby giving rise to the grave question as to who was to be his successor. The power of decision, these chronicles continue, lay in the first instance with the emperor. The absolute master of the Empire, he had the power of making and unmaking kings, of creating and abolishing royalties; and he promptly exercised this privilege in favour of Visvanatha. In appointing Visvanatha, moreover, he was only fulfilling the promise which his predecessors had made on the occasion of Visvanatha's service during the Navaratri festival. Again Visvanatha had been the Viceroy, the de facto king, of the Madura country for years. He had moreover been adopted into the Pandyan line, and so was from the view-point of law, not a foreigner. Above all, he had distinguished himself as a staunch and faithful servant of the Empire, as a fine soldier, as a loyal vassal, as an ideal servant. If he had willed, he might have joined his father and secured the southern part of the Empire months back for himself, but he had voluntarily preferred honour to ambition, and sovereign to parent. Considering all these, the claims and qualifications, the services and attributes, of his favourite, the emperor felt that, by raising him to the vacant throne, he would not only give virtue its reward and possess a vassal according to his own heart, but fulfil the promise of his predecessors and at the same time respect the principle of hereditary right.87 Visvanatha's Elevation to the Throne. The elevation of Nagama's son seems, however, to be due as much to popular desire as to imperial initiative. If verbal tradition is to be believed--and there is nothing incredible or improbablo about it-the people of Madura, Brahmans and Sadras, soldiers and citizens, priests and merchants, were united in their solicitation to the Emperor to have Visvanatha for their sovereign. They had already had a taste of Visvanatha's capacity to rule and protect them. Both during his viceruyalty (1535-44) and after Chandra-Sekhara's restoration, Visvanatha bad been the real ruler of Madura. Chandra 86 See Appendix IV 57 The Pand. Chron. The Supple. MS. represents the majority of the chronicies when it attributes the event to 8 1354; Paritapi. Kali Kavi Raya's account says that it took place in 8. 1350. One of the Mirtanjiya MSS. says that it took place in Margali 11, of Raudri 8. 1499. There is thug a sligh. difference between the Pand. Chron. and this MS.

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256 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [DECEMBER, 1914. Sekhara had lost the respect and forfeited the affections of his people. He had been too incompetent to protect them from external enemies or internal commotions. Visvanatha on the other hand had displayed many useful and benevolent virtues which shone with greater effect in comparison with the glaring frailities of the Pandyan monarch. His keen efforts to secure the welfare of the country had gained for him the esteem of the wise and the love of the multitude. His guiding hand had been seen in every act of administration, and the country enjoyed the full fruits of peace and good government. His magnetic personality, in short, had asserted itself over his mild ward. The deliverer and benefactor had become unconsciously the master and dictator. It is not surprising that, on the death of the Pandyan, the people clamoured for Visvanatha's elevation. His Coronation at Vijayanagar. The consequence was, on an auspicious Friday, the 15th of Margali; year Raudri, S. 1481, corresponding to January 1559, amidst the chant of Vedas, the blessings of the pious, the cheers of the soldiers, the noise of festivities, and the acclamation of the crowds, the fortunate son of Nagama was crowned with splendid and gorgeous pomp by holy men at Vijayanagar, after the purification of his body with water brought from the distant Ganges and in the presence of the tutelary goddess Durga. Wheeler gives a glowing acoonnt of the ceremony. The golden diadem was placed on the hero's head. "His earg$$ were adorned with emeralds and pearls, his neck with costly carcanets, his breast with gems set in different figures, his fingers with amulets, his waist with bracelets, his arms with amulets of carbuncles. He was arrayed in royal vestments of cloth and gold, and was placed on an elephant richly caparisoned. An umbrella of silver brocade was held over his head, and the chowries were waved about him on either side. He was also honoured with the royal insignia of Krishna Rai. A crimson shield was carried before him, together with the standards bearing the bird Garuda and the monkey Hanuman. He was conducted in procession through the streets of Vijayanagar, escorted by troops, charioteers and footmen, all clothed in rich apparel. After the procession he was entertained by Krishna Rai in the banqueting house and feasted on milky food." A number of presents were then showered on the hero, and he was then sent to Madura. The singular favour which Vievanatha enjoyed at the hands of the Raya can be realised from the fact that even his request to have possession of Durga, the guardians of the Empire and the life of its glory, was, in spite of the solemn warnings of his advisers, readily granted. With the Page #261
DECEMBER, 1914.] THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA 257 residence and received his blessing after laying gold and silver flowers at his feet. The coronation ceremony was then once again gone through in the temple. A diadem of virgin gold beset with jewels, and a sceptre of gold, first worn by the goddess, were now presented by the priest to Visvanatha; and he, after the worship of the deity and prostration before his father, assumed the sceptre and the diadem. Eighteen bands of music then filled the air with harmony. From the temple Visvanatha proceeded to the court of Lakshmi and there, amidst the panegyrics of heralds, took his seat on the throne of the Pandyas, gave presents to Brahmans and invested Aryanatha with the two rings of the Dalavai and Pradhani. Wheeler's Version of the Naik Advent. Such is the account, usually given, of the origin of the Naik dynasty of Madura. There are also some versions not so authoritative or true. Wheeler, for instance, a historian with more imagination than capacity, gives, on the basis of doubtful authorities, a version quite different from that which we have just seen. He attributes the foundation of the dynasty to the reign of Krishna Rai.'91 The latter, he says, lightened the burdens of the imperial office by dividing his empire into various administrative divisions each of which he entrusted to a favourite servant. To his chief favourite he gave Mysore, to his betel-bearer Tanjore, and to the overseer of his cattle, Nagama Naik, the kingdom of Madura. On the death of Krishna Deva, his son and successor Rama Raja (Wheeler is of course wrong) could not, in consequence of his troubles with the Muhammadans attend to his dominions in the South. They, therefore, thanks to the ambition of the provincial chiefs, became practically independent or subject to disorder. The affairs of Madura drifted into chaos. "The twelve kings of Malabar " ceased to pay tribute. A vassal, Tumbichchi Naik, set up the standard of rebellion. Oppressed by these revolts, the Pandyan felt himself unable to remit the tribute he owed to the emperor.. Nagama Najk communicated this state of things to the emperor (whom Wheeler inconsistently calls here Krishna Rai and not Rama Raja). The latter promptly despatched Visvanatha the son of Nagama Naik, together with the gallant and faithful Aryanatha Mudali, to restore order in Madura. Khoa Pandya,92 the then Pandya king (!) received the imperial leacler with joy. The latter easily defeated the kings of Malabar and compelled them to pay tribute to the Pandyan. He vanquished the troops of Tumbichchi Njik at Paramakudi, and beheaded that chief in the Pandyan's presence. Visvanatha's services were thus valuable and disinterested. But success turned his head and inspired schemes of ambition in his mind. The saviour became the spoiler. Forgetful of loyalty and justice, ho turned against the very person whom he had come to save, and seized the crown. With a wise promptness he then took precautions to secure his usurpation. He distributed his army throughout the kingdom, put the forts in defence, and killed such of the king's troops 9. Wheeler has evidently taken this version from one of the histories which Wilson refers to in his article on the Pandyan kingdom in J. R. A. S. III. Wilson also attributes the whole to the reign of Krishna Deva Raya. It is unfortunate that the original MSS. on which Wilson dopended are not Available. If available, we can find out how far Wheeler is true to them. Wilson' based his article on Muttiah's Hist. of the Kings of Madura; Hist. of Telugu Rulers of Madura, translated by Wheatley; eto The Madu. Manu. gives & very good eummary of the circumstances under which the Naik Raj was established and the correct dato 1659; but it wrongly says that it took place in the time of Krishna Diva See also for very short but modern account Madr. Gazr., chapter on Political History. 9 This is absurd, 19 In reality tho Paramakudi affair took place in the time of Visvanatha's son and succedeor Kumara Krishnappa. See Chapter IV.

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258 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [DECENBER, 1914. as bad resisted. He then, it is said, placed Kuna Pandya in prison, massacred his women and children so as not to leave even a single member of the family, and then, placing the conquered region in his father's charge, set out for Vijayanagar with a view to pacify the indignant emperor. The golden head which he placed at the Raja's feet and the heap of money and spoils which he brought, were sufficient atonement for his conduct, and "Krishna Rai" did not only embrace him with affection and honour him with an equal seat and the title of partner in the government of the empire, but crowned him, on the first day of January 1560, King of Madura at Vijayanagar. Wheeler then describes the coronation ceremony both at Vijayanagar and in Madura, and concludes by showing how with the confirmation of his crown in Minakshi's presence, with his father's joyous blessing, and with the fidelity of Aryanatha, Visvanatha firmly established his dynasty on the old Pandyan throne. Discussion of the Date of the Naik Advent. The version of Wheeler is so full of inaccuracies and so directly contrary to the chronicles in regard to the character and conduct of Visvanatha, that we can dismiss it altogether as false. With regard to the other versions, however, we are not without difficulties. First of all, there is the inconsistency in regard to dates. A large number of the Polygar memoirs ascribe Nagama, Chandra-Sekhara and Visvanatha to the first half of the 15th century. The Hist. Carn. Governors and scores of other chronicles take this view. The Pand. Chron. and some other MSS. on the other hand, clearly say that Visvanatha's coronation took place in 1559. Where such a conflict of opinion exists, inscriptions should decide ; and inscriptions: unmistakably prove that it was 1559. Taking then that Visvanatha founded his dynasty in 1559, two questions remain to be answered. Was the conquest sudden or was it a prolonged process of years? If it was an achievement of years, how many years elapsed between the beginning of it and the actual coronation of Visvanatha in 1559 ? Secondly, what were the exact circumstances under which Visvanatha assumed his crown? Taking the first question, we find that opinions vary among historians, Mr. Taylor, for instance, believed that not less than a generation must have passed between the punitive expedition of Nagama Naik and the invasion of his son. "Between the first conquest of Nagama Naicker," he says "his usurping the kingdom, being deposed, the death of Chandra Sekhara, and the final election of Visvanatha Naicker, an interval of some few years must have occurred. Hence to fix the conquest by Nagama Naicker at about SS. 1460 and the instalment of his son Vievanatha at about SS. 1480, seem to us best to accord with the true state of the question ; supposing that ihe interval of twenty years may be tolerably well accounted for, and not pretending to exact 24 The absurdity of Wheeler is clear from this. Krishna Raya died in 1630. of Wilson was for an intermediate date, viz. 1520. He rejected Muttiah's date 1560 and also Wik's date of 1830. "Muttiah's history enumerates," he says, "between 1660 and 1742 or 182 years; "the other As. 1 princes in 307 years, -former giving about 17 and the latter 22 years to a reign. But this proportion is too improbable as three of the 14 princes are brothers who reigned consecutively and the average of whose reign could not have exceeded half this number. We shall have a more probable reeult if we suppose the number of princes to be including Nagama 15, and the number of years 272; from 1620 to 1742, which will give us something less than 15 years to each reign." See J. R. A. S. III. Wilks SAYS: <Page #263
DECEMBER, 1914.] THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA 259 and definite certainty.90" Later on, Mr. Taylor revised his calculation in the light of the theory of Wilson that it was Krishna Deva Raya that sent Nagama Naik against the Chola, and the theory of Wilks that it was Achyuta Raya that did so in 1532; and concluded that the latter might be "the exact truth;" for "it is some confirmation that it accords with the date assigned to Visvanatha Naiker in the Pandyan chronicle, which is SS. 1481, or 1559 A. D. allowing 27 years for intermediate events. ........ Nagama Naiker, at all events, must have been general to Krishna Rayer, having the southernmost portion of that king's extensive conquests assigned to him as his military government. It is also probable that the complaint of Chandra Sekhara Pand yan was preferred to Krishna Rayer towards the close of his reign; and that the orders to repel the Soren (Chola) and replace the Pandyan king were given by him. During the accomplishment, Krishna Rayer in all probability died; and the circumstance immediately following his decease would no doubt .encourage Nagama Naicker to set up for himself in the newly conquered kingdom. For Krishna Rayer had no legitimate male children; and Achyuta Rayer, the nearest heir, variously termed brother, cousin and nephew, was absent97; and the late Rayer's minister, ostensibly according to the deceased king's order, set up Sada Siva, a pageant prince under his own tutelage, until the return of Achyuta Raya, and his assumption of the sovereignty. Here are circumstances very favourable to Nagama Naicker's rebellion; and even without expressed treachery to his former master. If such were the state of circumstances, we must presume that, though Visvanatha Naicker rose into notice and employ under Krishna Rayer, yet it was by one of the latter's successors, that the founder of the Carnataca dynasty was formally designated to the viceroyalty of Malura."98 One more quotation from Taylor illustrates his position clearly. "From Mr. Campbell's list of the Rayer dynasty," he says, "it appears that Krishna Rayer ruled 21 years, from SS. 1430 to 1452 (1509-1530 A. D.); Achyuta Raya 12 years, from SS. 1452 to 1464 (1530-1542). There then succeeds an interval of usurped powers on the part of Timma Raja and Rama Raja, though Sada Siva is nominally king for 22 years, from S. 1464 to S. 1486 (1542-1564). ................. Now from the foregoing dates, it will appear probable (as before inferred) that Nagama Naiker received his orders to support Chandra Sekhara Pan, yan from Krishna Rayer; that he had effected the conquest in two or three years after ; but that, availing himself of the unsettled state of things at Vijayanagaram during the earlier years ascribed to Achyuta Raya, when Timma Raja's influence as minister was predominant, he took measures to confirm himself in the independent suvereignty of Madura ; that Achyuta Deva himself, having taken the reigns in band, despatched Visvanatha on the expedition against his father; that Chandrasekhara Paudyan ruled as a tributary for some little time, supported by the northern army with Aryanatha Mudaliar at their head; that, his death, occurring, Visvanatha Naicker was installed by Sada Siva by virtue of the Pandyan's asserted adoption, and the promised protection of the two former Rayers; that he actually entered on his gevernment about six years previous to the battle of Tellicotta." 9) The conclusions of Mr. Taylor, however, do not seem to be incontrovertible. In the first place, they were made at a time when the evidences of epigraphy were very meagre. Secondly, they were not the results of a many-sided consideration of all the manuscripts and chronicles available. A study of these shews plainly at least one thing--that the 0. H. MSS. U, 88. 97 It is difficult to say whence Taylor derived this information. 58 O. H. MSS. II, 95. 99 O. H. MSS. II, 123.

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260 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [DECEMBER, 1914. establishment of Visvanatha on the Madura throne was a short, sharp, decisive affair. No doubt, as we have already seen, he was viceroy for years before his elevation to the royal dignity; but his actual elevation to the Pandyan's throne was posterior to his earlier viceroyalty and the immediate outcome of his father's revolt and the Pandyan's weakness. Almost every chronicle seems to imply that Nagama Naik's expedition to the south was promptly followed by his revolt and then his subjugation by his son. They seem to imply that the various stages of these events followed one another in rapid succession. They do not seem to say that they covered the long period of a generation. The evidences of inscriptions moreover give a passive proof of this fact. They clearly point out that Achyuta Raya led an expedition to the south in 1532, that he wielded a real power throughout his reign, that his successor Sada iva Raya was an equally powerful sovereign. They also point out how from 1535 to 1557 Visvanatha Naik and Vixhala were the imperial viceroys. If Nagama Naik's revolt had taken place during the administration of these viceroys, it would certainly have been recorded in some at least of the inscriptions of the day. In fact we have positive reasons to show that he could not have rebelled in this period; for the first of the two viceroys was his son, the other his relative. If he had attempted independence, it must have been before 1535 ; but we have already seen how in 1532-33 Achyuta Raya had Nagama as a loyal lieutenant of his and how his power was not menaced after his victorious campaign. All these facts go to prove that Nagama's defection must have taken place in 1557 or 1558 and that his defeat and his son's elevation must have been accomplished in 1559. The Nature of the Naik Accession. The date having been thus disposed of, the circumstances under which Visvanatha's elevation took place remain for consideration. It is to be feared that no solution can be reached in regard to this question. We have already seen how variant are the accounts of his relations with the Pariyas. We have seen how some say that Chandra-Sekhara was the last of the line and that the crown naturally devolvad on Visvanatha as he was adopted by him; and how others say that Chandra-Sekhara was succeeded by his son Vira-Pandya who, however, died childless, bequeathing his crown to Visvanatha ; and bow still others maintain that Visvanatha destroyed the Pandyan family and usurped the crown. All agree that the Raya supported Visvanatha and recognized him to be the ruler in place of the ancient Pandyan dynasty. Was Visvanatha a usurper or legitimate claimant ? Was he in reality a destroyer of the old Pandyan line or an adopted and therefore legitimate heir ? The question will perhaps be never solved. The chronicles unanimously give a favourable view of Visvanatha's conduct; but Wheeler gives, as we have already seen, a diametrically opposite version. The late Mr. Nelson also points out that, even after his full attainment of power, Visvanatha had under his control two Paydyan princes. The Characteristics of Naik Rule. However it was, there can be no question that the establishment of the Naik dynasty was of immense significance in South Indian History. For the next two centuries the country from the Kaveri to the Cape and from the western mountains to Ceylon, was under the Sway of Visvanatha's descendants. They were not great men, as a rule, in the ordinary sense of the word. High statesmanship was comparatively rare among them, but they left, throughout the land which acknowledged their rule, & series of monuments which will never die, and which will ever keep their memory fresh in the annals of India and of art.

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DECEMBER, 1914.] THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA 261 Temples and choultries, tanke and villages, without number, owed their existence to their benevolence or liberality, and a chain of forts of skilful design and patient labour even now testify to their martial spirit. Thousands of Brahman villages of the south remind us of the enlightened interest of some Naik king and the great veneration he had for the Brahmans, and almost every temple or house of charity traces its history to the piety or generosity of a Naik, No greater example have we in history of a line of a kings so uniformly industrious in the promotion of religious architecture and military fortification, and no line which so heartily co-operated with the intellectual aristocracy of the land. It may not be quite possible to endorse the statement of an able English writer that the Naik dynasty "raised the country probably to the highest level of civilization attainable by it under a native government."100 For, as we shall see later on, the Naiks sometimes displayed their enthusiasm for building at the expense of good government, and their munificence at the expense of popular welfare. Under their exorbitant sway the burden of taxation was, as a rule, very great, and the security of people precarious. Not even for a decade, during their rule of two centuries, did they cease from the horrors of war and the hardships of military exercises. Entirely oblivious of their subject's needs, they very often readily courted military engagements with an easy mind and a culpable recklessness which 4 made settled government a mockery. Nevertheless there is much of truth in what Mr. Nelson says. Misrule was not continuous. It had welcome breaks, while statesmen of the stamp of Visvanatha are not entirely wanting. Above all, the service they rendered to Hindu religion and civilization is incalculable. Guided at every step by Brahmans, the Naiks seemed to be more the servants of the Church than the masters of their kingdom, and as the establishment of villages, the construction of canals, the excavation of tanks, and similar tasks of utility and benefit were, in the eyes of their adviser, at once acts of policy and religion, it is not difficult to see how Brahmanical influence was calculated to benefit the masses and the cause of civilization. NOTE Manucci's Theory of the Origin of the Nalk Kingdom. The Venetian traveller Manucci gives an even wider account of the origin of the southern kingdom than Wheeler. "More than 200 years ago," he says, "there reigned an emperor called Rama Raja who was so generous that it is remarked in the chronicles that he never refused any favour asked." (Storia do Mogor, III, p. 98). His liberality gained him a 'high renown and a host of servants from alien countries. His empire extended from the Narbada and Jagannath to the Cape and included the Coromandel, Travancore and Konkan coasts. His empire was highly prosperous and abounded in pearls and diamonds, in food-stuffs and grains, in cities, forts and harbours, and was consequently the resort of adventurers of all nations, especially those of China and Achin. The emperor, continues Manucci, gave with characteristio generosity the government of the different provinces to his servants and slaves. Bijapur, for instance, he bestowed on a Georgian Yusuf Ali, the carver at his table; Gulbarga, to his huntsman Abraham Maly (Ibrahim Malik); Daulatabid to his Abyssinian slave and chamber-servant, Nizam Shah ; Goloondah, to another of his slaves who had charge of the hawks, faloons, etc., and of the royal hunting establishments, and was known as Baram (falcon) Kutb Shah ; Burhanpur, to his carpet-spreador; and so on. "The remaining lands of the Carnatic were divided among his Hindu pages, while he retained some territory and a few fortresses scattered here and 100 Nelson ; Madu. Manu. 86.

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262 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [DECEMBER, 1914 there in the middle of the said Carnatic. This splitting up of his realm and giving it away, was the cause of this emperor's ruin, for not many years passed before the princes, called Naiks, rebelled. One of these took possession of Madurey (Madura) and another of Taniaur (Tanjore), another of Maxur (Mysore), another of Cholomangalao (Choromandal). They ceased to send in their tribute, giving him nothing but a small sum just sufficient for his support. Upon his death, they crowned themselves and announced themselves princes of the countries they held. All of them were rich and powerful, taking no notice of, nor acknowledging, the descendants of the Emperor Rama Raja, their former suzerain." (III, p. 235). After Rama Raja's death, Manucci continues, his descendants lost the allegiance of the governors, and remained in the Carnatic territory in poverty, subsisting on the charity which the rebel governors gave. "There still survive some of them," he concludes (i. e., in 1700), but they keep in obscurity not to be recognized, otherwise Aurangazeb and his governors would most certainly take their lives. They subsist by begging for alms. One of them discovered himself to the Rev. Father Paul, Carmelite, and held several conversations with him. In one talk he requested him to prevail on one of the kings of Europe to send an army to his assistance. He promised that if such help were afforded, he would give a great reward, with much land and many privileges. The said father, I well know, made proposals to several European nations, but his efforts had no results." (Storia do Mogor. III, p. 235-6). Manucci's theory in regard to the Muhammadan kingdoms of the Deccan is absurd, but it is noteworthy that it corroborates Ferishta's statement that Rama Raja treated the Sultans as more or less servants of himself. It is also curious that something similar to Manucci's version is given by Dr. Fryer who travelled in India about 1680. (See edition 1879 p. 399). (To be continued.) SKETCH OF THE HISTORY OF THE MADHVA ACHARYAS. BY G. VENCOBA RAO, OOTACAMUND. . Continued from p. 244.37 For fixing the exact dates of birth and death of Madhvacharya, we must first enter into the details of the life of Narahari Tirtha, for whom we have several dates given in inscriptions, discovered in the Telugu districts. If we fix the land-marks in the life of Narahari, it would become easy to arrive at the dates for the various events in the life of Madhvacharya. In a short poem entitled Narahariyati-stotram, written by one Krishna, a disciple of Appayyacharya of Vyaghrapuri, 15 it is stated that the name of Narahari Tirtha before he assumed the savinyasa rama was Sima Sastrin, and that he having met Ananda Tirtha, implored the latter to make him his disciple and a saunyasin. Ananda Tirtha gave him the kashaya and named him Narahari. Leaving his guru he went by his command to the Kalinga Country to act as the regent during the minority of the prince of that country, and at the end of his tenure secured for his master the images of Rama and Sita.16 His Regency extended to twelve years. Ananda Tirtha is said to have worshipped the images for a period of eighty days and finally made them over to Padmanabha Tirtha, and went eventually to 15 Published in the Collection of Stotras, called Stulra-mah dadhi, at Belgaum. "parva yA zAmajhAmI sakala muninutaM zrImadAnandatIrtha natvA povAca bhajyA dizatu mama bhavAn prItipUrva yatitvaM / zrIpUrNaprajJanAmA naraharimunirityAhayaM prApya cokaH sAdho tvaM gaccha zIghraM gajapatinagaraM tatra rAjA bhavati // 3 //

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DECEMBER, 1914.] SKETCH OF THE HISTORY OF THE MADHVA ACHARYAS 263 Badarikasrama, 17 Padmanabha Tirtha ruled as the pontiff of the Madhvas for six years, nine months and twenty days.18 He was succeeded by Narahari Tyrtha, whose pontificate extended to nine years, one month and twenty-three days, beginning from the 14th tithi of the month of Karttika of the year Raktakshin. During this period, he set up in a temple the image of Narayana found in a lake, and renamed the village Narayapadevarakere (in the Bellary District). He died on the 7th tithi of the bright fortnight of the tenth month in the year Srimukha 10 As already stated, there are a number of inscriptions in the Telugu districts mentioning Narahari Tirtha. The records range from S. 1186 to S. 1215, i.e. for nearly a period of 30 years. The earliest of these mentions that Narahari Tirtha made a gift of some gold to the temple of Kurmesvara.20 Two others dated S. 1205 mention a certain Narasimha Mahabhattopadhyaya, who is described as a contemporary of Anaugabhima.21 This Narasimha Mahabhattopadhyaya is said to have constructed an enclosure of black stone for the temple of Kurmesvara. Another inscription informs us that Anai gabhima belonged to the family of the Gaigas of Kalinga.22 No. 290 of the Government Epigraphist's Collection for the year 1896 describes Narahari Tirtha as the disciple of Ananda Tirtha, who was a disciple of Purushottama Tirtha. Narahari is therein represented "as a (dutiful) son following the profession of (his) father, practising high politics in a righteous manner (and) himself facing the frightened garrisons () of the fortresses of crowds of hostile kings; and being devoted exclusively to the great services of the Lord of Sikamatha, holds, in order to prevent the ruin of this (temple), an excellent sword (which is) a thunderbolt to the mountains-the Sabaras, -(but) the proper action of which was totally imperceptible because no victim was left, the enemy having lost his life through its mere flash."23 This inscription is dated Saka 1203. One other inscription states that 'the S. 1215 corresponded to the 18th year of the reign of Pratapa Vira-Narasimhadera24 ; that is, the last known dated record which mentions Narahari Tirtha belongs to the 18th year of the reign of Narasim hadeva. Hence, the first year of his reign or the year of coronation of this prince must have taken place in S. 1197. With these facts gathered from epigraphical sources let us scrutinise the life of Narahari Tirtha as given in the stotra. That Narahariyati followed the footsteps of his father in protecting the Kaliiga country enables us, as was rightly observed by Mr. Krishna Sastri, to infer that his father was also like himself the prime minister of the kings of Kaliuga. The country appears to have been always subjected to attacks from the wild mountain race, the Sabaras, and Narahari's attention was constantly bestowed upon his troublesome neighbours. From the statement that one Narasimha Mahabhattopadhyaya was a contemporary of Anaugabhime We are inclined to take that Narahari is meant thereby. If this 17 bhAnItaM naraharibhikSuNA sItaM zrIgarma khagaja(80)dinAni pUjayinvA / hRSTassan vipulahadAnAmatIrtha tvaM pUjAkuru mahatImiti tyavAdIt // 6 // zrImAnaMbujanAbhatIrthayatirAra saMpUjya batsarAn zrIrAma naharabatIdhara kare dattvA yayau svaM padam / ekAkSIzAradazaturdazatidhAbajAyamAse site pakSe zrInaharibatI samabhajamaNDalAcAryatAm // 8 // " saMcArakAle purumApya kiMcitsvame taTAkasthahari samIkSya / saMsthApya nArAyaNadevapAkarAbhidhAna nagara cakAra // 10 // evaM zrIyatirAgamahAmahimayuka zrIrAmadevaM tato dattvA mAdhavatIrthahastakamale saMprApya tuMgAtaTam / varSe zrImukhamAdhi mAsi dadhama pakSe site saptame ghane dehamimaM tyajan padamagAcchrIviSNunAvaH zubham // 15 // * No. 369 of the Government Epigraphist's Collection for 1896. 2 Noe. 298 and 298 of the same. 22 No. 307 of the same. The translation of Mr. Krishna Sastri is quoted here. Ep. Ind. Vol. VI. p. 380. # No. 363 of the Government Epigraphist's Collection for 1896.

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264 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (DECEMBER, 1914. surmise is correct, we can assert that Narahari served Anaugabbima as his minister and later on as regent to his son. The prince Pratapa Vira-Narasimbadeva, whom we know and the son of Anangabhima, assumed sovereignty in the year S. 1197, and hence the regency of Narahari must necessarily have come to a close that very year. The same year Narahari returned to Udipi with the images of Rama and Sita and made them over for puja to his master, Ananda Tirtha, who, as we have already seen, worshipped them for a period of eighty days and finally retired to Badari (i. e. died).25 It means that Ananda Tirtha died in the year S. 1197. Now, the year 8. 1197 must according to the Narahari-yati-stotra must be the twelfth year of the regency of Narahari; the regency therefore must have begun in the year S. 1105. As a matter of fact we find records mentioning Narahari only from the year S. 1186 and not earlier. We consider this evidence corroborates well the statement of the stotra that he reigr. over Kalioga a regent for twelve years. After the demise of the great Dvaita leader in S. 1197, Padmanabha Tirtha ruled as the pontiff of the Madhvas, according to the matha lists, for 6 years, 9 months and 20 days. The same list gives 9 years, 1 month and The followers of Ananda Tirtha believe that their great teacher still lives in the jungles of Badari on the Himalayas. He is considered to be an am sa of V&yu in the latter's third incarnation (avatar), the three avatars of V4yu being Hanuman, Bhima and Ananda Tirtha. It appears that something like the following is the probable explanation of the phrase that a man is the artsa of a particular deity: e.g., Kumarila Bhatta is considered to be the incarnation of Kumara (Subrahmanya), who heralded the advent of his father Sankara (Siva) on this earth as ankaracharya; Bankaracharya is similarly believed to be the atij ta of Sivs or Seokara. People seem to have wondered at the prodigious intellect of this remarkable man and in their admiration they began to attribute such extraordinary powers to something supernatural. The name indicates of whom he might be an arisa: "Verily he must be another Sankara (Niva) that has come down upon the earth for the purpose of reclaiming humanity." The feeling that Sankara might be Siva grows stronger as the mist of ages thicken round such a faith, till in the long run the analogy is forgotten and identity is established between the object of oomparison and the object compared to it. The great Vaishnava reformer Ramanuja, is asserted to be an avatar of Adisesha. Ramanuja was called Lakshmana (Ilaiyalvar) by his father. When he took the sanyasasrama he came to be known by the name of Ramanuja (the brother of Rama, i.e. Lakshmana). When Vishnu desired to be born on the earth as Rama, he made Lakshmi, Adibenha, the sankha, the chakra, etc. be born also as Sita, Lakshmana, etc. A disesha was represented by Lakshmana. Hence R&manuja of vast learning must be as wise as Adilsha (Lakshmana, i. e., Rama's anuja in this case). An exactly similar reasoning has been applied by the Madhvas in identifying Ananda Tirtha with Bhimasena and Hanuman. Like the former, he has also performed ceveral gastronomic feats (see pp. 176, 177. and 36 of Mr. C. M. Padmanabhacharya's book), He lifted a huge boulder like Hanuman and throw it in the river Tungabhadra ( Kp. Carn. Vol. VI, Mg. No. 89). That the Acharya possessed an uncommonly strong digestive faculty and consequently a very healthy frame of body has to be inferred from these facts. He was not like many intellectual giants weak in health. Having posited that Madhvacharya was & strong man and resembled Hanuman and Bhima, in course of time he passed to be avaianas of these Pauranic heroes. This supposition being granted, it follows as a logical consequence that Madhvacharya must also be as immortal as these heroes. Hence he could not or did not die. He lives like the othery in a manner we ordinary mortals cannot see or know. It is extremely repulsive to the mind of the Madhva to be told that his AchArya died. He is said to have gone to Badari, whereas all other Acharyas are distinctly mentioned as dead. If their Acharya also had actually died, aurely his biographers would have also written "died " instead of 'gone to Badari.' In this connection we should refer our readers to the euphimistic way in which the death of a person is referred to among the Srivaishnavas, which is "Sodmi tiru-ndt/ uklou elundarulinar," meaning that he went away to Svarga (lit. to the sacred land).

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DECEMBER, 1914.) SKETCH OF THE HISTORY OF THE MADHVA ACHARYAS 265 23 days as the length of the pontificate of Narahari Tirtha. That is, the last year of Narahari must be the last year of Madhvacharya's life plus the periods of the pontificates of Padmanabha Tirtha and Narahari Tirtha, which comes to nearly the Saka year 1214-5. If fact, the latest date we got from the inscriptions for Narahari was S. 1215. The records engraved between Saka 1186 to 1197 might have been written at his own command, whereas those found after S. 1197 and till s. 1215 must have been caused to be written by the command of the prince Narasimha, for the merit of his late regent. The striking coincidence of the dates with the facts given in the stara make it more than probable that s. 1197 might be the last year of Madhvacharya. This Saka year corresponds to the cycle year Yuva. According to the traditional lists Madhvacharya was born in the Cyclic year Pingala and lived for 80 years (until Yuva), the year of birth of Madhvacharya, must therefore correspond with the Saka year 1117 or 1118. We find from the tables that 1118 is Pingala. Hence the date of birth of Madhvacharya must be 8. 1118. The year arrived at by this process of reasoning is in close agreement with the dates given in the Bharata-tatparya-nirnaya and Chhalari-smriti. The first gives Kali 4300 (S. 1120) as the date of birth of the Acharya, 20 where as the second states that Madhvaguru was born in S. 1128.37 The first is almost the date that we have arrived at from a study of the epigraphical records. The second perhaps refers to the date of assumption of sa inyasa by Vasudeva,---for, tradition says that he became a sa inyasin in his eighth year, hence both might be correct, referring each to an incident in the life of the teacher. When a person takes the salinyasasrama he is believed to have entered a new life and the rebirth of Vasudeva as Ananda Tirtha might therefore have been recorded by Chhalari. The words-vipra-tanu and Madhva-guru-used to denote the individual are very suggestive. The former signifies physical birth and the latter the spiritual birth. It now remains to explain how the date of the Acharya came to be recorded as the year S. 1040, corresponding to the cyclic year Vilambin, in the malha lists. The date of the death of each acharya is observed as a holy day among the Madhvas and these days are known as punya-divasas. But in the case of Madhvacharya, who is believed to have never died at all, there cannot be & punya-divasa and consequently perhaps his day of birth was taken as the punya-divasa. In later times, when the lists of the mathas were written, the punya-divasa of Madhvacharya must have been taken, as in all other cases, as the date of death of the Acharya (i e., his departure to Badari) and knowing from tradition 20 canussahane trizatottare gate saMvatsarANAM tu kalau prathimyAm / jAtaHpunarvipratanussa bhImo daityainigUr3ha hrittvmaahuH|| It appears improbable that the verse belongs to the original work, and is more likely to be an interpolation. For, it is quite unlikely that the Acharya would boast of himself as the incarnation of Bhima, taken to destroy the daityas. Besides there is no need, in the present instance, for him to give the date of his birth. It must be that the interpolation was made by some pious hand with a desire of recording the date of the birth of the Guru, in his work itself. ar kalo pravate bIjAdimataM rAmAnuja sthaa| zAke konpNcaadhikaabdshsrke| nirAkartuM mukhyavAyu sanmatasthApanAba ca / ekAdazazate zAke vizasvaSTayuge gate // TO TUTTE E AUTTT 11 (There is s other dato Baka 1049 mentioned herein the relevenny of which is not clear. Can it be that it refers to the advent of Ramanuja 1)

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266 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [DECEMBER, 1914. that he lived for eighty years, they must have deducted this number from S. 1120 (the date given in the (Bharata-tatparya-nirnaya) and arrived at S. 1040 for the date of birth of Madhvacharya. If, according to the matha list, we take the date of demise of Madhvacharya to be S. 1120, the date of the end of Padmanabha Tirtha's pontificate would become S. 1126-7, and of Narahari, S. 1135-6. Then Narahari could not be represented as making or causing others to make gifts to temples in the years between S. 1186-1215, that is, fifty years after his death in S. 1135-6. In a foot-note in his paper on the Srikurman inscription of Narahari Tirtha, Mr. Krishna Sastri writes that the Svami of the Phalmaru matha told him that his matha list gives Pingala and Isvara as the dates of birth and death of Madhvacharya2s and this is very near the dates arrived by us. The Madhva-vijaya mentions that a certain king named fsvara was ruling over the Maharashtra country when Madhvacharya passed through it. This king is identified by Mr. Krishnasami Ayyar with Mahideva of Devagiri who ruled from A. D. 1260-1270 (S. 1182-1192), his reason being that both of them possess a name which refers to Siva, and poet Narayana Panditacharya, the author of Madhva-vijaya, might have, for exigencies of metre, rendered the real name Mahadeva into its equivalent, Isvara. We do not know how far this identification is tenable. In case the identification is assumed to be correct the meeting of Madhvacharya and Mahadeva must have taken place in the last part of the life of the former, which is not what the Madhva-vijaya has. Therein the event is said to have taken place in the middle of the life of the Acharya, that is, when he undertook his second journey to Badari. A second prince is also mentioned in the Madhva-vijaya; viz., Jayasimha of Kumbla. We confess we are at present unable to identify this king with any hitherto known to history. The facts noticed in the previous paragraphs may be tabulated as follows: Birth of Madhvacharya ... Assumption of holy orders.. Tour to the south. Second tour to Badari Narahari's regency begins... Do. do. ends Pilgrimage to Badari. Conversion of Sobhana Bhatta, Sama Sastrin, and Govinda Bhatta. Death of Madhvacharya and the accession of Padmanabha Death of Padmanabha Tirtha Narahari's pontificate (To be continued.) ... S. 1118 (or 1120) S. 1128. 28 Ep. Ind. Vol. VI, p. 263, footnote 1. ... ... ... ... S. 1186 S. 1197 S. 1197 S. 1204 S. 1204-1215

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DECEMBER, 1914.] ANGLO-INDIAN WORTHIES OF THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY 267 SOME ANGLO-INDIAN WORTHIES OF THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. BY LAVINIA MARY ANSTEY. (Continued from Vol. XXXIV. p. 176.) No. IV. JOHN SMITH. JOHN SMITH, the fourth of our "Worthies," resembles William Jearsey, the fiery chief of Masulipatam1 rather than either Walter Clavell or Ambrose Salisbury, his contemporaries in Bengal. Like Jearsey, Smith, as head of a subordinate factory, openly defied his superiors, was dismissed the service, refused to return to England, and turned interloper.' Here, however, the resemblance ends, for Smith had no powerful supporters among those in office, and his attempt at independent trading ended prematurely and disastrously. The first mention of John Smith in the Records of the East India Company is on the 18th October, 1667, when he was elected by a Court of Committees to serve as a factor in the Bay of Bengal at a salary of PS20 per annum. In this capacity he was obliged to give security for PS1000. His sponsors were "James Smith of Withington in Salop, Clerk," and Matthew Shepherd.2 The former, who was incumbent of St. John the Baptist, Withington, from 1654 to 1684 was probably a relative," John Smith sailed to India in one of the five ships sent to Madras in 1668, probably in the Blackamore, with Richard Edwards, another newly elected factor. Fort St. George was, at this time, in a state of turmoil owing to the actions of Sir Edward Winter, the late Agent, who, for over two years had defied the Company, had ignored their orders for his return to England, and had imprisoned his successor, Sir George Foxcroft. While the "Commissioners" empowered to reduce the mutinous Sir Edward to obedience were carrying out their instructions, the ships, with the Company's junior servants destined for Bengal, sailed to Masulipatam. Here they were detained by bad weather, and were unable to land their passengers at Balasor until early in 1669. Smith appears to have been immediately ordered to Hugli, where he arrived on the 5th March, leaving Edwards at Balasor. The two had apparently struck up a friendship during the voyage from England and had already arranged to assist each other in private trade. Smith lost no time in buying and selling on his own and Edwards' account at Hugli, where he had temporary charge of the Company's factory, with a "diet allowance" of Rs. 30 per month. He began with some sword blades, but considered that the price offered by the local governor was too low." In April, 1669, Edwards was sent to Kasimbazar to join Thomas Joness, another of the Company's newly-arrived servants, while Smith accompanied John March on a special mission to Dacca. March was selected by Shem Bridges, head of affairs in Bengal, to plead the cause of the English to the Nawab Shaista Khan and to endeavour to obtain 1 Court Minutes, vol. 26, fols, 48, 68, 74. 1 See ante., vol. xxxiv. pp. 163, 286 ff. 3 The Shropshire Parish Registers mention James, Joseph, Mary and Rachel as children of the Rev. James Smith, but there is no record of any child of the name of John. 50. O. No. 3255. 4 Letter Book, vol. 4. 60. O. No. 3282. 80. O..No. 3264. 10. O. No. 3255. 0.0. Nos. 3265, 3272.

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268 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [DECEMBER, 1914. redress from the grievances imposed on the Company's servants by Malik Kasim, the native governor at Hagli. A halt was made at Kasimbazar, and Dacca was reached about the end of May.10 Six weeks later March wrote to Edwards that "Business goes on soe slowly in this cursed Durbar," that it would be another month before he could accomplish his mission and be ready to "return for Cassam bazar," when he should leave John Smith in charge of the Company's investments at Dacca.11 At the same time Smith himself wrote to Edwards, posing as a champion of the Company's rights. He regretted that Roger Broadnax was under suspicion of "Treichery" and feared the Company would be sufferers by the "unworthy Dealings" of William Blake, the late Agent in Bengal. During the remainder of the year 1669 he was presumably in sole charge at Daoon. Two letters addressed to him by Edwards at Kasimbazar are extant, the one12 acknowledging the receipt of money which arrived too late for the investment of 1669, and the other13 expressing sympathy that "the Mogall who made a bargain with Mr. March... Should t and of coff)." In the following year, 1670, there is no record of Smith, except in a private capacity, nor any indication to show whether he was as busily employed in the Company's affairs as he was in carrying out his own and his friend's investments. In March he wrote to Edwardsit that he had procured his "Tangeebs" (tanz be) and would shortly forward the "Jelolsies"'15 desired. In reply, he received a letter from Edwards, sent per Thomas Jones, "who is to reside with you,"10 giving directions about the "Jellolsyes" and arranging for the payment of them. Jones fell ill immediately on his arrival, which,"discouraged him soe much" that he returned to Kasimbazar. He was, however, sent back a month later, when he was again the bearer of a letter from Edwards to Smith with directions about various "adventures" and "2 ps. braid."17 Edwards had apparently offered to act as matrimonial agent for his friend, for on the 23rd August 1670, Smith wrote, 18 "I humbly thank you for your news and for your kind offer of an English Lady. My confidence in you is great, yet not soe as I can trust you to choose a wife for mee when you are unprovided your Selfe, which want pray first supply, and if there's none left for mee, I'm content to stay till an other Spring." Beyond a short letter from Edwards, on the 31st January 1671, regretting the failure to dispose of his swords at Dacoa, 19 there is no further reference to Smithuntil December of that year, when he officially informed Walter Clavell, who had succeeded Shem Bridges as "Chief" in "the Bay," that he could find a market for the Company's lead or tin. 20 Smith had apparently realized that the new chief was not favourably disposed towards him, for in January 1672, he wrote to Edwards at Kasimbazar, 21 "I writ severall times to Mr. Clavell for the Bale Silk Mr. Elwaien provided for mee but hee did not deliver it, by At "Hutohora Hattoo" (Hajrabati) Smith missed his little carpet" which had been left at Klsimbazar through the "Rougrie" of Edwards' "man." (0.0. No. 3277). 110. O. No. 3306. 12 0. O. No. 3339 13 0. O. No. 3370. 140. O. No. 3411. 15 Fine piece goods, probably jalalshah. Seo Sir Richard Temple's note on this word, Diaries of Stroyneham Master, L. 430n. 18 0. O. No. 3419. 10. O. No. 3436. 10. O. No. 3463. 90. O. No. 3533. Pactory Rooords, Miscellancow, vol. 3, p. 122. 210. 0. No. 3622.

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DECEMBER, 1914.) ANGLO-INDIAN WORTHIES OF TE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY 269 which I am greatly disappointed. I heare hee hath two of my Europe Letters in his custody, which hee sends not, nor have I received any answer to any Generall or perticular sent him this five months; I understand not the meaning of it." The remainder of the letter refers to Edward's own affairs and to their mutual trade-"I am sorry you are like to come to a losse for your trouble in packing the Company's goods, but glad to heare of your advance in Sallary and place, in which wish you much happinesse and prosperity... I have at laste sold our Pepper at 19 rupees, a poore prioe, feare there will bee Little or noe proffet. As soone as I have opportunity, shall remitt your mony with your lace eto, here, which I intended to have carried with mee if had gone last Shipping. Your Successe as well as mine is bad in tradeing here; the swords believe will ly as long as the Pepper, here being many arrived." From the above it seems that Smith had intended to leave Dacca in 1671. but there is no record of any request to that effect. On the 31st March, 1672, he again wrote officially to his chief about investments that could be made at Dacca, adding, "This is the only place for Cossaes (khassa), Adathees (adhotar, dhoti) and Hummums (hammam)."22 Meanwhile, Clavell's enquiries had convinced him that Smith was mismanaging affairs with the officials at the darbar, and he consequently dispatched James Price, who had had previous experience, to act as the Company's vakil at Dacca. Edwards sent a timely warning to his friend, and Smith, who either would not, or dared not, brook investigation into his methods at Court, refused to allow the vakil to carry out his orders, alleging that most of the "troubles" were ended before his arrival. The following extract of Smith's reply to Edwards shows that the charge, made later, of his high-handed treatment of Price was not unfounded .Dacca 20 June 1672.23 "By James Price received a letter from you and thank you very kindly for your advice concerning him; wee have used him accordingly and never imployed him in a Cowryworth of service; wee doe this day dispeed him with a Letter .. and your Brother [?brother-in-law] J. V. (John Vickers) hath been honourd with another. Thank God wee have now ended most of our troubles and got two Phirwannas (parwana), which will send in a few days; hope shall now please them all. If you hear of James, as 'tis like he will, that he ended this business, doe mee the favour to tell him from mee that hees a lying Rogue and never was imployed." On the 24th June, 1672. Smith reported his success in his negotiations with the Court officials, and stated that "Malik Consum" (Malik Kasim) had promised to pay what he forced from the English.'24 This letter did not modify Clavell's opinion of Smith's incapacity, but still no steps were taken against him until the following year. He continued to trade on his own account, and in November, he sent a consignment of cloth to his friend Edwards.25 However, on the 17th January 1673, Robert Elwes, then at Patna, was ordered forthwith to repair to Daoca, "Sundry causes having moved us to dismiss Mr. John Smith from his Imployment and to constitute you in his place."28 Writing to the Agent at Fort St.George on the 16th March, the Council at "the Bay" detail these "sundry causes" as follows:27 "Having many just reasons to complain of the slackness of Mr. John Smith in 22 Factory Records, Miscellaneous, vol. 3. p. 125. 20. O. No. 3652. 54 Factory Records, Miscellaneous, vol. 3, p. 126. 25 0. C. No. 3701. 16 Factory Records, Hugli, vol. 4. ?Factory Records, Hugli, vol. 4.

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270 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [DECEMBER, 1914. Dacca, as well in giving us advices, as in dispatching away the Company's goods provided by him and giving us his acompts, wee recalled him from thence and ordered Mr. Elwes' to leave Pattana and proceed to Dacca there to receive the Companys remaines and dispose of their goods ... and have confidence that from him and Mr. Hervy wee shall bave a more strict correspondence and complyance with our orders then hitherto wee have had from those who reside there."28 Elwes duly notified his arrival at Dacca and the delivery of the Council's order to "John Smith for his surrender of the Companys remaines and repaire" to Balasor within ten days, and Smith's representation thereon.29 In reply, Clavell remarked that the allotted days were ample for preparation, since Smith was apprised of his recall in January and therefore had had plenty of time to arrange his business. His presence was required at Balasor to perfect his accompts, which for want of a good correspondence with him lye in no good plight, and its high time they were better methodized." Clavell also imputed to Smith's mismangement the fact that so large a peshkash, or forced offering, had been demanded of the English by the Nawab--"The Company have so much the more to thanke Mr. Smith for that by his negligence and had correspondence hath drawne upon them such a charge." Smith, however, ignored the summons to return to Balasor. On the 3d April 1673, Clavell again wrote to Elwes that they know not what there might bee remaining of Mr. Smith's Cat Dacca), having scarce received any advice from him what hee had done;"30 and with regard to alleged outstanding debts to Tilok Chand and others, he added, "The business of the brokers wee can say nothing to till wee heare further from you, but admire that there should bee such large remaines as you intimate, which concerne Mr. Smith to looke unto, hee having had now almost a yeares warning to get them in, but of this wee shall not write much, expecting Mr. Smith suddainely here, and then wee shall understand the state of his accompts, for wee expect he make no delay or frivolous pretences for bis stay." In spite of these peremptory orders Smith did not hurry away from Dacca. In a letter from Samuel Hervy, of the 29th April 1673, to that popular correspondent, Richard Edwards, there is the remark, "Mr. Smith departs hence within three or four dayes and takes Cassim bazar in his way."31 However, a month later, on the 29th May, Smith was still at Dacca, and Hervy stated that he "departs hence I think tomorrow," leaving "musters of his silke" in Hervy's charge. 32 In the end, it was the 9th June 1673, before Smith started for Kasimbazar en route for Balasor,33 During his leisurely journey, he wrote to Edwards from "Hudgora Hattee [Hajrahati], Friday June 20 [1673] if mistake not-Esteemed friend I am now arrived at Hudgora Hattee and expect this day to reach Merdadpore [Mirdaudpur) to which place would intreate the favour from you to provide and send me a Pallakee (palanquin) and a set of Cahars [kahar, porter) that I may, haveing this oppertunity (which is my great desire) see you [in] health and prosperrity; therefore hope you will not fayle mee in sending Cahars and Pallakee, which I desire might bee on my accompt. I shall stay at Merdadpore about 24 hours and >> At the time of his dismissal, Smith wes in receipt of a salary of PS25 per annum and ranked as <<9th in the Bay." Factory Records, Hugli, vol. 4. >> Factory Records, Hugli, vol. 4. 31 0. C. No. 3783. 32 0. C. No. 3791. >> 0. C. No. 3798.

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DECEMBER, 1914.] ANGLO-INDIAN WORTHIES OF THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY then if they arrive not shall put forward for Hugly. If you think I may meet with any afraunt, pray advise me, and how to avoid it."34 The last sentence is written in a simplecypher, which, from this time, Smith frequently employed in his correspondence with Edwards. The reply to the above letter does not exist, but it seems probable that Smith was advised not to break his journey nor to come in contact with Matthias Vincent, the Chief at Kasimbazar, for, on the 28th June 1673, Clavell wrote to Dacca that Mr. Smith had lately arrived" at Balasor, and that they should "now suddainely" examine his accounts. He had been told of the "difference in broad cloth," but attributed the mistake to Elwes.35 271 For three months there is no mention of Smith and his affairs. On the 27th September he was still at Balasor, writing in cypher to Edwards, 36 "I am sorry you are out, and E. L. [Edward Littleton] made third; we have had noe words of my going to Decca; when goe about that must go through quick." This seems to imply either that he expected reinstatement, or was hoping to return to Dacca to settle his own concerns. Finding himself mistaken and in ill odour with the authorities in the Bay," Smith decided to appeal to headquar ters, and on the 12th October 1673, he voiced his grievances in a letter to Nathaniel Herne, then Governor of the East India Company. He wrote,37 that he "had served the Company in Dacca nearly five years and eight months," and that Vincent had sought his ruin because he was unsuccessful in a private matter he undertook for him. Further, he stated that Vincent had been heard to declare he would not rest till he had ruined him "tho' it cost him half his fortune," and to Vincent's influence with Clavell be attributed his recall from. Dacca. He complained that the time limited was insufficient for him to settle his affairs and that, consequently, he was practically ruined, but he left the Company in ignorance of the fact that he had taken three months instead of the allotted ten days in which to arrange for his departure. He objected to the appointment of Hervy at Dacca on the ground that he was his avowed enemy and a "known atheist." With regard to the large peshkash given to the Nabob in 1672, for which he was blamed by Clavell, Smith pretended that no such bribe would have been necessary had not Clavell most injudiciously neglected to pay a ceremonial visit to the Governor of Hugli before he started for Dacca. Finally, Smith accused Vincent of forcing money unjustly from some of the native servants at Kasimbazar and of being answerable for the death of Raghu the poddur, an affair which cost the Company Rs. 13,000. He concluded by assuring the Court of Committees of his faithful service and by begging to be restored to his chiefship at Dacca in order to secure the Company's estate, and, as a secondary consideration, his own, for Clavell was detaining some of his goods at Balasor as security for debts which he repudiated. This letter does not appear to have been sent to England until late in the following year, for, on the 20th August 1674, the Council at Fort St. George wrote to the Company, enclosing "papers from Mr. John Smith late chief of Decca, who complaines, of much injustice done him; we have sent Coppies thereof to the Chief and Factors there, desiring them to cause things to be duly examined, which is all that we can do at present untill we can send some person to enquire into these matters. In the mean time your honours great prudence will be pleased to give us your sense and directions upon the premisses."38 (To be continued). 34 O. C. No. 3803. 36 O. O. No. 3860. 35 Factory Records, Hugli, vol. 4. 37 Factory Records, Miscellaneous, vol. 3, p. 153. 380. O. No. 3992.

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272 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [DECEMBER, 1914. MISCELLANEA. THE DATE OF SARVAJNATMA. should have himself fallen into a good deal of LAST YEAR if I remember aright there was a inaccuracy in defending the accuracy of the statediscussion on the date of the abovenamed person ment in the list about SurogvarAchArya, who in the pages of this Journal by Mr. D. R according to it sat for a trifle of 800 years Bhandarkar. The dato be arrives at is also borne the 'pontifical throne'.! We might safely mocept out by the succession list of the Sringeri Acharyas A. D. 773 as the date of SuresvarAcharya's death, printed by Mr. B. Suryanarain Row in his His. but there seems to have been an interregaum of tory of Vijayanagar, which list he says he got three years unaccounted for in the list. Sarvajratma from the then Jagadguru. Except for the date of succeeding only in A. D. 768 and ruling for 90 Buro varicharya, the list seems to be quito reliable, years. but it is very surprising that Mr. Suryanarain Row G. D. NOTES AND QUERIES. BENEFIT OF CLERGY, The Judge reports that [at] a Generall Sensions Tax following noto from the records of Port St. held on the 10th and 11th Instanta Richard Caswell George, dated 14 June 1697, is of interest as to an Englishman and Adrian van Reed a Dutchman changes in manners. were found guilty of felony, for being concerned Att a Counsultation Present :' The Hon. Nath. in the running away with the Rt. con. Company's Higginson Esqr.. Lieut. Genl. of India, Mr. John Ketch Josia out of this road and Brigantine Gingerles Styleman, Mr. Wm. Fraser, Mr. Roger Bradyll, from Anjengo. But claiming the benefitt of their Mr. Chas. Barwell, Mr. Thos. Wright, Mr. Clergy did both read, and were burnt in the hand Matthew Empeon. and returned to the custody of the Marshall R. C. TEMPLE BOOK NOTICE. QUELLEN DER RELIGIONS GESCHICHTE. (Bources of tradition, and will be oorreoted and brought the History of Religion). 5 Vols. issued; 2 date, by the experience of men actually working ready: 30 projected. Vandenhoeck and Ruprecht, in various parts of the world. There will be twelve Gottingen: T. C. HINDICHS, LEIPZIG. groups, of religious investigation. TX Royal Society of Philosophy at Gottingen 1. Religions of the Indo-GermapRaces in Europe. has issued a very interesting prospectus of a Com 2. Egyptian and ancient Semitic. mission, which has been appointed to investigate 3. Judaigm. the developments and history of the various World 4. Islam. Religions. The Members of this Commission are 5. Religions of the Ural-Altaio and Arctio Racee. all well known scholars, who have made & life 6. Iranian, Armenian, Asia-Minor, Caucasian study of this most fascinating of all human Religions, problems, and Herr Oldenburg will be the President 7. Indian Religions (Buddhism excepted). of the whole undertaking. The first beginning of a 8. Buddhism. scheme of this kind was due to Julius Boehmer, 9. Eastern Asiatic Religions, under the title of Religions. Urkunden der Volker, 10. African Religions. and this will be associated with the new enterprise 11. American Religions, which is to be called the Quellen der Religions 12. Primitive Religions of Southern Asia and Geschichte," the sources of the History of Re- Oceania. ligion. The task of the Commission will be, to! We wish all success to the gigantio work, proexamine all the religious books of the East, the jooted and begun by this Commission, and we are traditions and dovelopments of the early creeds of sure that our readers will watch the further Oceania, South America and Afrion, to publish and Africa to publish developments with interest and sympathy. Five critical texts of all available documents; in fact to volumes have already appeared, and another two produoe world-embraoing study and history of are in the Proes, and thirty more volumes have this mont important branch of the slow education been assigned to distinguished scholars, and will of the human race. The scheme will ombrace the appear in due course. entire religious history of the world, illustrated T. HART DAVIES. by contemporaneous literature, folk-lore, and 1 Benefit of Clergy arose in the 19th century. Psalm LI., Vol. I, was the usual test of literacy and was known as the "neck-verso." Felons who passed the test were only burnt in the hand instead of being hanged. The privilege was abolished by statute of 1827. * Factory Records, Fort St. George, vol. 9, pp. 152-3.

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INDEX Sup. stands for the first Supplement, the Bower MS. F. K. stands for the second Supplement, Folklore of The Konkan. Abhaya, prince, and Buddha .. .. .. 128 Ajar, tribe allied to the Gujurs eto. .. 160--162 Abhaya Kalpa, or Haritakd Kalpa .. Bup. 62 Ajataiatru, k., 122, and the beretical teachers Abhirama ParAkrama, and Parakrama Pandys 126 and n.; or Kuniya, Koniya, and Msha 47 and n ; 230 vira 127 and n., 131, 133, 167, f, 170-174, Abhiras, outoaste tribe .. .. .. .. 146 178, .. .. .. .. .. Sup. 58 abhineka, of Aboks .. .. .. 169, 1. Ajita Kesakambala, heretical teacher. . 126, 130 n. Abo, Mt., and fire born clans 162, 163 n. ajfvika .. .. .. .. .. 130 , 131 temple at .. .. .. .. 193 n. Akalankadeva, author .. Akalankadeyn. .. .. .. 210 ach-tacon, expression in Hobson-Jobson .. 239 Akbar, emp... .. .. .. .. .. 239 Achyuta Reya, 48; Emperor, common ver- akshya tritiya day.. .. .. .. F. K. 6 sion of his character and administration oldcha, ilacha, alchal, silk cloth, trade in. 71, 73, 77 187 and n; epigraphic version, his expedi- Alagan Perumal Kulasekhara, Parikrama k., tion to Tinnevelly 188 and n, 189 and n, date 36; in Tinnevelly .. . 47 260; his generals 190 and n, 191 n.; and Alamganj, Allumgange, and R, Hughes .. 100 the battle of Tambraparni 217; his influ- * Alau'd-din Khilji in 8. India .. .. .. 233 once 218 and n; 231 and n., death of 229 Alexander, Alikaaudara, in India 132, 172 and n., 232 n.; Deva Rayeel 268 n, 209, f. Alexandrus And Nandrus.. Alexandrus And Nandru .. . 167 n. Achyutaprekshacharya, Purushdttama Tirtha, AllahAbad, Helabaze .. .. .. guru to V Asudeva .. . .. 235, 1. Allamur called Alamut, and Alvante, SUOCESSOR Addin Ghakkar, captor of Prince Kamran .. 220 to Uzun Hasan .. .. .. .. .. 239 adhotar, dhot, adathees, trade in .. .. 269 alloes, Lignum 78, or samaleh .. .. 81, 83 Adi-NArayan, temple, in Parule . F. K. 2 All-Victorious Turner-aside of Evil .. 928, 96 Adibesha, and Ramanuja .. .. 264 n. Alvar Tirunagari, and Sri Saila.. Aditya, of the Manu race, identified with Alymboius, for Uzun Hasen .. .. .. 239 VimalAditya .. .. .. ..238 and n. Alwung Bog, for Allamur .. .. .. 239 Adi Van Satagopa Swami of Abobilam, Vaish. 'Amal, umell, authority.. nava teacher .. .. .. .. 156 and n. amalaka fruit, Myrobalan emblios .. .. 52 Advaita School and Vidyaranya .. .. 233 Amavasya day .. .. .. .. F. K. 8 Agastya .. .. .. .. .. Sup. 58 Ambash thas, Panjab tribe, probably the Agastya, sage .. .. .. .. F. K. 10 Ambastai of Ptolemy .. .. .. 145, 146 n. Aghora Sivacharya, saiva Siddhantist teacher 157 amber beads, trade in .. .. 72, 77, 100, 105 Agni, Bhava .. .. .. .. 148 n. amberty, amrit, calico, trade in 70 and n, agrimukhacharna, plumbago root powder Sup. 59 71, 73-75, 77--83, 98-100, 102, 104, 107, 110 Agnivea, medical writer .. .. Sup. 54, 56, 61 Agnivea Tantra .. .. .. .. Sup. 63 Amir Khuard, writer, .. ... 2 and n., 3 and n. Agra, c.; and R. Hughes 69--79, 81-83; amk, numbers thrown by dice . . Sup. 86 Factory, letters to, eto. .. .. 97-111 Amoghavajra, translator .. .. .. Sup. 88 Agra and Delhi, Painting and engraving at .. 124 Amoghavarsha I., contemporary of Sakatayana Agrammes, Xandramas .. .. .. 167 n. 205, f., burnt his enemies .. .. .. 207 Ahava Rama, k., .. .. .. .. 47 n; 229 Amoghavrithi, commentary, quoted .. 205-211 Abmadavad, tn., and R. Younge .. .. 82 Apptikina, k., Antigonos Gonatas .. .. .. 182 Ahmadnagar, and Krishna Raya 14: and Amtiyoka, Antiochos II, Theoe, Yona k... 132 Rama Raya .. .. .. .. .. 230 Amiktamdlydda, poem by Krishna Deva. 43 n., 44n. Abobilam, tn., Matt ostablished at ... 166 and n. Amwakantha, near Benares, and J. Parker .. 77 .. 153

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274 INDEX Ananda, Tirtha, and spells 49; in Vesali 127; or VAsudeva 236 ; 265 and Narabari Tirtha 262, f.; ama of V&yu, identified with Bhimasena, etc... .. .. .. 264 n. Anandapura, identified with Mahasthana .. 176 Anangabhima, father of Narasimhadeva. 263, f. ancestor-worship, among the Tottiyans .. 140 andhi, dust storm .. .. .. .. .. 100 Anegundi, destroyed by Muhammadang .. 6 Anglo-Indian Worthies of the seventeenth century, Some, contd. from Vol. XXXIV p. 176, No. IV. John Smith .. 267-271 Anjatha Perumal, Pandya chief .. .. 10, 11, 81 ant-gold, pipilika .. .. .. .. .. 144 Antigonos Gonatas of Macedonia, k. Anti kina .. .. .. .. .. .. 1 Antiochos II., Theos, Amtiyoka.. .. 132, f. anundsika, see anusudra 62, 1. Anuppans, Canarese caste .. .. 139, f. Anuruddhaka, k... .. .. .. 168: 170 anuevana and anundsika, in old W. Raja. sthani .. .. .. . .. 62, f. Aoreng-zib, Aurangzeb .. .. .. 241 n. Apabhramca, (Caurasena) and the old Western Rajasthani 21-26; 5563 ; 84-91 ; 181 186 ; 213--216 ; 225--228; 245-252 App&ji, s&luva Timms .. .. Appayyacharya of Vyaghrapuri.. .. .. 262 apsaras, water nymphs .. .. .. F.K. 14 Arabe, victorious at Kadisya .. .. .. 152 Aratae, the, and Kautilya 124 and n, 145 and a. Aravidu House, rise of .. . . . . .229 Arcot 13; N., modern, a Bana possession 32 arghya, oblations of water .. ..F. K. 2, 3 arhat, Jain title .. .. ... 130 and a Arikesari Parakrama Pandya Deva, date, 35 and n., perhaps Manabharana .. .. 36 Arjumand Band Begam; Muntaz Mal al or Taj Mahal, death of ... .. .. .. .. 240 Arjuna, Arundva, usurper .. .. .. 96 artas, subject treated in the Charaka Samhita Sup. 64 Artha sastra, the, and Chapakya ... 176 n. Arthasdetra of Kautilya .. . .. .. 210 Aryan, lang, of Nepal, Kumauni or Central Pahat, etc., 142; 143 and n. 144 n, 164; origin, of kha?8 tribe .. .. .. 150, f. Aryanatha Mudali, lieut. under Visvanatha 264, 267, 269 asara, nymphs .. .. .. .. F. K. 13 dechyotana, eye lotion .. .. . Sup. 81 Asembeius, Asembec, etc., forms of Uzun asan .. .. .. .. 239 Ashtanga Hridaya, medical work .. Sup. 62 Asia, C., and the Khasas 150; 164; and Indian civilization etc... .. .. .. 179, f. Asoka, his inscrips, etc., 132, and k. Magas 133; dates etc. 167-173; Abokasri 175 and n, 178 Aspandiarji. Dastur, author of the Kadim Tarikh, Parsioni.. .. .. .. .. 151 Assam, history of, and the copper-plates of Bhaskaravarman .. .. .. .. 96 Astragalus, talus .. .. .. .. Sup. 86 Aivaghosha fragments, oldest known Indian plays . . . . . . . . . . . . 65 Asving, mythical writers .. . Sup. 59-62 Livint Sanhita, two works of the name.. Sup. 62 Atash Beheram .. .. .. .. .. 152 athabhagiye, word in the Rummindei Inscrip. 17, 20 dbiodra, subject treated in the Charaka Samhita Sup. 64 Ati Vira Rama, alias of Vallabha Deva. 34, and n. Atreya, Punarvasu, early medical writer . . Sup. 54 -57; 59 and n-62, 79 Atroya, or Airita-Sarhitd .. .. .. Sup. 62 Atri, father of Atreya .. .. .. Sup. 64 Atticori (Uttarakurus) tribe mentioned by Pliny 144 Aurangzeb and Aorengzib.. 241 n., 243, f.; 262 Avalokiste vara, Arya, or Mahasattva Mahd karuna .. .. .. .. 98 and n., 93 Avantiverman, Maukhari k. .. .. . 67 Aveeta, lang. of, and the Kamb&jas.. 144 n.. 150 Ayurveda Sastra or the Susruta Samhita Sup. 55-57 Babar, emp. and gardening .. ..48; 219, f.. Babruvdhana, and the Polygars of Sivagiri 117 Badarikkbrama, tn. and Ananda Tirtha 236, f., 263-266 Badugas, immigration of 112, or Badagas 113 and n.; conquer the South .. .. 131 baftas, silk, trade in, 73, bafta, baftaes 98, of Barroch .. .. .. .. .. .. 105 Bagumra grant, and Amoghavarsha .. .. 207 Babikas, tribe .. .. .. 145 and n., 146 n. Bahmani Sultans and Narasimgha the Saluva.. 16 BahrAm Gor, k. of Persia, and Vikramaditya.. 123 Baikunthpur, tn., Bicuntpore .. .. .. 77 Baigaj-ya Guru, epithet of Buddha .. 50 Bala-Deva-Maharaja Udayar, Vijayanagara viceroy .. .. .. .. .. 218 and n. Balamitra, k. .. .. .. .. 120, 122, f. Balamukunda-Muttiah Naik, and Nagama Naik .. . . . . . . . . 252 Balasore, and R. Edwards... .. 267, 270, f. bali, taxes for religious purposes . .. 20 Banas, established in Madura 31, previous his. tory of, eto., 32 and n., Chiefs from. 1400-1500 33

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INDEX 275 Bandarkar, Mr. R. G., on the Rummindei inscrip. .. .. .. .. .. band-i-mudel, term for settlement .. .. 99 Bandhuka, medical writer .. .. Sup. 66 Banggam, J., mentioned by R. Hughes 72, 74, 76, 83 Bansdah, tn., and the Fire-Templo .. .. 101 barat, berate, order for payment .. .. 79 Bapdev, 8. .. .. .. .. .. F.K 23 barbast, barbust, custom, sight.. ..101, 1, 109 bark, of birch, etc., as writing material for spells, etc., 54 and n. ; 179; Sup. 45 and n. 46, 88 barreness and eclipses .. .. .. F. K. 9 Bartus MS... .. .. .. Sup. 45 and n. Basava Deva Maha Raja, name in Pandya Chronicle .. . . .. 29 and n. beads, ember, trade in .. .. 72, 77, 100, 105 Beaks, the: Black Iron, 49; Iron Thunderbolt, . 38f: Red copper, 39 f, 93, 95; Thunderbolt, 41, 81 Beal, and the Rummindei inscrips. 19 n.; and Jain dates .. .. .. .. .. 128 Beale, Mr., on Jahanara Begum .. .. 244 Benares, Bannarse .. .. .. .. 77 Benefit of Clergy .. .. .. .. .. 272 Bengal, Bengalla, trade with 71, 73, 77, 81, , 98, 106-108 Bernier on Shah Jahan .. .. 241-243 and n. bezoar, Manucci's "cordial stone " .. .. 36 Bhadrabahu, Jain Pontiff 175 and n., 176 Bhadrasala, Bhaddasala, Nanda general. 124 and n. Bhadrawah, northern limit of Pahari lange... 142 bhaga, taxes in kind .. .. .. 20 Bhanumitra, k. . .. .. .. 120, 122, f. Bharoch, Gurjara tn. .. . . . . 159, f. Bharata and the Mudrdrakshasa ... 64, f. Bharata, k., and the Mechchhas .. ... 146 Bhuskaravarman, his copperplate grant 68; of Kamarupa, newly discovered grants 95, f. Bhasa, poet 65, possible date .. . 66,.f. bhau-bij day .. .. . F. K. 6 Bhava, or Agni .. .. .. .. 148 n. Bhavishya-purana the .. . .. .. 196 Bheda and the Bheda Saihita Sup. 54-57; and the Yavdga Kalpa.. .. .. .. 62 Bheda-Samhold, quoted in the Navanitaka Sup. 63--57, 59, 62, 64 Bhinmal, Gurjarat kingdom 159 and n., 160; 162 bhitti, 'wall,' and sildvigada bhica Bhutalavira-Vira-Udaya-Ravivarma, or Ravi varma .. .. .. .. .. 231 n. bhutas, evil spirits .. .. F. K. 5 Bhuvanekavira Samarakolahala, Pandya Chief, revolted .. .. .. .. 13 and n. Bhuvanevari, &... .. * .. .. 192 and n. Biddulph, Mr. E. I., Co's servant. 202, f, 105, 108 -111 Bigandet, Bishop, and the Jains 128 and n.; his Life of Gaudama .. .. .. 197--204 Bihar, Beyhare, tn., trade with.. . 71; 82 Behart lang. .. .. .. .. 142 Bijapur, and Krishna Deva 44; and Achyuta Raya 187, f.; and Rama Raya .. 230; 261 Bimbishra, k., contemporary of MahAvira 126 ; 133; 168 and n., 170; 172; Srenika 173; 178 Binduskra, k., 133; 167, f., 170, 171 and n., 172, 175 birch bark, as writing material 64 and n., 179; Sup. 45 and 1., 46, 88 Biron, French surgeon and the 'bezoar-stone.' 36 bitumen .. .. .. .. . . . Sup. 82, 82 .. Blackamore, E. I. Co.'s ship .. .. 267 Blake, Wm., E. L Co.'s agent .. .. .. 268 bodan ceremony, .. .. .. .. F. K. 23 Boehmer, Julius, and the Sources of the History of Religion .. .. .. .. 272 Bogayya, Chola chief of Turaiyur .. ..232 Bommakke, g. of the Tottiyans .. 136, f. bottles, bottels, trade in .. .. .. .. 72 Bower MS. booknotice of .. .. 179, 1 Bower MS. Chs. V-VIII. .. .. Sup. 45-88 bowls, used by monkos .. .. .. 131 and n. Brihaspati, Jupiter .. ..F. K. 4,5 Brahma and Vishnu .. .. .. F. K. 9, f. Brahmins, Brahmans, in Madura 112, f.; and Saurashtras 140-142; 146 ; and Gurjaras, etc., 159; 161; and Visvanatha 256; 261; and local deities etc. F. K. 1-4; 9; 11; 13; 16; 22-24 Brahmanical, supremacy, and Baiva Siddh. Antism 157; tradition, and the Nandas 167, f.; 170; dates .. .. .. .. .. 172 BrahmasthAna, vil., Hathaladi .. .. 193 Brahmi alphabet in E. Turkestan .. 179, f. Brihaspati, Vihaspati .. .. .. Sup. 58 Brihatkatha of Gunadhya and the Rudrarake. shaa eto. .. .. .. 6466 no Broach, Baroche, silk from .. .. Broadnax, Roger, E. L Co's servant .. .. 268 Broecke, Peter van den, author of the Frag. ment of Indian History .. .. Buddha's Death, The True and Exact Day . . 197-204 Buddha and Lummini 18, 20; and the use of spells 37-40 and n., 42, 50 and n., 53, f., 92, 93 n., 95; in the Mudranakahasa 67; and Mahavird, dates 119, relations concerning them, death of, 126-133, 167-174 and n.; 200; at Samagama 177, f.; Sup. 54, 58 and the MahAmayurf oharm .. .. .. 88 .. 73 .. 240

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276 .. Buddhaghosha, and dates 168 n-170 Buddhism, and Garuda 38; and Asoka 169; and Sanskrit Sup. 65 Buddhist, Indian, Protective Spells "Dharani" 37-42, 49-54; 92-95 q. v. Buddhists and Jains, etc. 127-131; their literature and the Yakahas etc. 144; and Asoka 133; 167 and n.-170, 172 and n., and the Nandas, etc. 174; and the date of Buddha's death 200; and the Bower MS. 180 Sup. 45 Buhler, Dr., on the Rummindei inscrip. 17, 19 n.; 119, 120 and n., 122; and the Jains 126; .. INDEX burbust, barbast Burhanpur under Rama Raja Busbal Rao, Vira Narasimha Bukka, k. 6; I. 7; servant to galuva Narasimha cerseyes, trade in.. Ceylon, and Virupaksha, etc. 9, 10 and n.; and Lakkana the Naik 11; and Immudi Narasimha 17; and Krishna Deva 45; and Achyuta Raya 188; reputed Conquest of 190 n. and Mahindo 202; and Achyuta Naik 218;. and Sadasiva 230 n. Ceylonese, era 167; Chronicles and dates 168 and n.-172 and n. 74 ... 219 ..Sup. 59, 64 127n., 177n. F. K. 7 65, 67; 23 28 chabutra, choutrye, office Chagtai Turks, Mughals.. Chakrapanidatta, medical author Chalmers, and Jain dates. champa shashti, ceremony Chanakya, and the Mudrarakshasa Canakya 168, 174, f.; 176. n. Chanda, poet, and Old W. Hindi Chanda Kumara, Pandyan k. Chandragupta, in the Mudrarakshasa 65-67; and the Arattas 124 and n.; date 132; Vikramaditya 138; 174; Candragupta 167 and n., 168 and n., 170 n, 171, f., 175, f. Chandrayana Vrita Channayya, Chola chief Chapas., Gurjara Sub-division .. Charaka, physician of Kashmir, and the Charaka Samhita ..Sup. 54 and n. 56, f., 60 Charaka Samhita, quoted in the Bower MS. 180; Sup. ..53-57, 59, 61, 63, 64, 77 n Chandra Sekhara, Pandya k. 27-30; and Madura 229, 232; and Vira Sekhara 253 and n; restoration of 254, 259; death of 255, date etc... 258-260134, 140 n. Charles, the ship charms, against snake-bites, in the Bower MS. 180; Sup. 80, 87, 88 Charpentier, Prof., and the word Lummini 18n.; and the date of Buddha's death chart, of the true and exact day of Buddha's death F. K. 8 232 162 198, f. chaturdashi and chaturthi, tithis F. K. 8 Chauhan, sept of Gajars, of Swat 160; Chahamanas 162-164 70 n. 101 Sup. 82 134 chautah, etc., cotton cloths chhappar, choperes, thatched roof chebulic myrobalan, monograph on Chera kgs., and the Kavundan chiefs.. Cheraman Perumal, ancestor of the Kavundans 134 141 208 ..Sup. 56, 82 Chimini Beagum, daughter of Shah Jahan 244 Chinaware, trade in 71, 83 Chettis, the Saurashtras Chidananda, kavi, author children, diseases of 132 Candragupta, Chandragupta, dates etc. 167 and n., 168 and n., 170 n., 171, f. and Seleucus 229 109 261 43 Caldwell, Bishop and the Pandyas etc... 33-35 n. calico, callicoes, 82; amberty ... 97, f., 105, 107, 1. Campa, home of Kapiya 127 n.; scene of Ajatasatru's death .. 173 Camundye, Camunda and Sitatapatra or Tara 53 and n. Capakya, Chanakya, and the last Nanda 168; and Candragupta, etc. 174, f; and the Arthaiastra Canarese, and the Pandyas 27 n.-29; 31; influx into Tamil lands 112; or Baduga immigration 113, 139, f.; into Kongu lands 176 n. .. 175, f. cannibals, the Yakshas and Khasas 144 and n. 145; the Casiri tribe 149, f. 161, f. Carnatic, subdued 3; and Rama Raja.. carpets, trade in 83 106 and n. carral, coral case, in Old W. Rajasthan! 182-185; 213216; 225-228; 245-251; in popular Sanskrit Sup. 70-72; 74, f. 77 Casiri, of Pliny, the Khasiras 144, cannibals.. 149 Castes, and Creeds of immigrants into the Kongu Co. 135, jealousies 140 and n.; of Telugu immigrants 135; 139; 140-142; low, and minor local deities caturyama consisting in four restrictions, applied to Jain creed.. Caves, of the Thousand Buddhas, Sup. 64; in Kolabe district.. .. F. K. 1, 2 178 pothis from .. F. K. 17 .. .. 99 .. 82 204

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INDEX 277 CO888 , kha and .. .. .. .. 71, 20% cough mixtures un mixtures . . . . . . . . Sup. 81 Councils, Buddhist .. .. 168 171, 176, 1. creeds and castes of immigrants into the Kon gu, co., eto. .. .. .. . .. 135 cubomanoy, in the Bower MS., 180; P4faba kdvali .. . .. .. Sup. 84, 86, f. Cunda, friend of Buddha .. .. 128; 177 Cunningham, Gen., on Buddha .. 131, f. ; 197, 204 Cycle of Jupiter .. .. .. .. . Chinidmani, the, commentary, and the Amoghaoritta, eto.. .. .. 205--208; 211 Chiranjivis, immortals .. .. .. F. K. 22 Chitraka kalpa, the, on plumbago root,.. Sup. 62 Chblappa, Vira Narasimha Naikar, Chel. lappa .. .. .. .. .. 189 n. Chdas, conquerred 2. 3: and Vijayanagar etc., 7, 13 and n., and Papdyas 27, 30, 31; 134; 232; 252; 250 ; and Canarese 112 and n; and the Kavusdan chiefs 134 ; 139; in 8. India, etc. .. .. 232, f. ; 238 and n. cholera .. .. .. F. K. 24 Choromandel, Cholamangalao, and the Naiks .. 262 Chronology. Jain, its foundation 119-123; 125; 126; Indian .. .. .. .. 132 chura, powders .. .. .. .. Sup. 82 civilisation, Indian, .. .. 179 Clavell, Walter, E. I. Co's servant .. 267-271 Claw, the Thunderbolt .. .. .. . 49 Clergy, benefit of .. .. .: 272 cloth, as writing material in spells 54 and n.; trade in 70, 72, 73, (brocade,) 79; 83, 89, f., Cobra Manilla, (derivation of), the Indian water sako domunal .. .. .. .. 178 0000anut day .. .. .. .. K. F. 4; 6 Cochin, trade with .. .. .. .. .. 83 Coimbatore, and the Badugas 113 n.; and Salem - 133; home of the Reddis 138; Canarese immigrante to . . .. . 139, f. coin, copper, attributed to Lakkana (Danda nayaka) .. .. .. .. .. 11 and n. colonies, Telugu, in Tamil lands .. .. .. 113 comets .. .. .. .. .. F.K. 20 Commercial Mission to India, the first English, documents relating to .. ..69.-83: 97-111 commodities vendable in India in 1620, list of.. 72 Comorin, C., raided.. .. .. .. .. 34 conception, influenced by the sun and the moon.. .. .. .. .. F, K. 3. 6 Conjeevaram, and the Pandyas 33 and n., 36; and the Kappiliyans 139, f. ; and Achyuta Naik 218; and Sankaricharya etc...238 and n. consonants, in Old W. Rajasthani, single 84, ff.; compound 87, A.; metathesis of 9), f. ; in the Bowor MS. .. .. .. .. Sup. 69, f. consonantal bases, in Old W. R&jasthani 181 f ;213 oopporplato grant of Bhaskaravarman of Kamardp, newly discovered 68; 05, f.; others . .. .. .. 238 and n. ooral, ourall, trade in .. .. .. 72, 106 Cordier, Dr. P., Rioontes Dfoowwertes Sup. 68 2., 54 n., 69 n., 61, 69 Coromandel Const.. .. .. .. .. 241 Dacca and J. Smith, etc. .. .. 267-271 dahyak, discount .. .. .. .. .. 101 dalini, fairies .. .. .. .. .. 52 Damalipta and Tumralipti .. .. .. 14 Danapala, Sh'hu? translator Sup. .. .. 88 Dera Shukoh, son of Shihjahan.. .. 241 n., 243 Dar aka or Hariaka 133; and Darbhaka 167 and n. dastari, commission . . .. 70, 71, 80 Dasyus, outoaste tribes .. .. .. .. 147 date of the Mahavira 118-123; 125-133; 167-178 date of Sankaracharya .. .. .. .. 238 dates, traditional, of Parsi history .. 151, f. Dattatraya, g. .. .. .. .. F.K. 13 DaulatAbad, under Rama Raja .. .. .. 261 day of Buddha's death .. .. .. 197, ff. Dayapala, author .. .. .. .. .. 212 days of religious importance .. ..F. K. 6,7 dead, treatment of, among the Tottiyang .. 140 death of Buddha .. .. .. 126; 197, ff. Deocan, Mussulman conquest of 1; Decan, Dakhan 107 and n.; and Vijayanagar .. 230 deities, of the Tottiyans 137; minor, local F. K. 1; and seasons, etc. .. .. 21-23 Delhi, C., and Parakrama Papdya 3; and Malik Kafar etc., 4, 5 and n. ; the New C., 48; and Agra, painting and engraving at 124, Jahanabad .. .. .. .. .. 243 demons .. .. . .. . ..F, K. 3 n. Devadatta, apostate .. .. .. .. 128 Davagiri, and the Saurashtras .. .. 138; 141 Devanampiya Tissa, anointment of .. 201, f. Devanandin, Digambara writer.. .. 208, f. Deva Raya .. .. .. .. .. .. 158 Dovarddhiganin, and the council of Valabhf. 176 dhana-frayodashi day .. .. .. F. K. 7 dhanurmde vow .. .. .. .. F.K. 2 Dhanvantari Sup. 58, and the Onitra Kalpa 62, and surgical science 63, the divine eur geon Divdasa .. .. .. .. .. 81 Dharkmangalam, a Kongu Palayam .. 134, f.

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278 INDEX Durvinas, mage, and the Saurashtras .. Dvaita philosophy of Madhvacharya.. doirashtas and Virashtrabhih .. .. Dwarasamudra, Hoysa la cap...... Dyamond, the Ship .. .. .. .. 124 2, 6 n. .. 8 .. 193 Dharani, or Indian Buddhist Protective Spelle 37-1. The Iron Thunderbolt-Bonk 38, IL The Red-oopper Beak 39, 8, 93, text of 94, 1.; III. T'he Thunderbolt Beak 41, f; IV. The Black Iron-Book, V. The Thunderbolt-Claw, VI The White Umbrella-one of Buddha's Diadem 49--54; VII. The Flaming Diadem, VIII. The All-Victorious Turner-aside (of Evil) 92, f. Dharavarsha, Paramara k., his Hathal plate inscrips. .. .. .. .. .. 193, f. Dholpur inscrip. contains the first mention of the Vikrama Sarhat .. .. .. .. 121 Dhondiljagya, rain rito .. .. .. F. K. 18 Dhumardjadova, Raja of Aba, called founder of the Paramara Clan .. Dhundart, Jaipuri dialect, and the Old E. Rajasthanf .. .. .. .. .. 23 Dhurva, the late Mr. H. H., first drew attention to Old. W. Rajasthani .. .. 21, 24 n. Dhurva, k., death of .. .. .. .. 207 Dhurvasons of Anandapura and the Kal. pdoutra .. .. .. .. . 176, f. Diadems, the; Flaming, 92; white Umbrella of Buddha's, 49, 64, 95, die, used in oubomancy .. .. Sup. 86-87 Digambara Jains 119; rise of 175, 176 ; and n; and Svetambara writers .. .. 208, f. digestion .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Sup. 81 Digha Nikdya, the, and k. Udayi .. .. 172 Dimmappa, Naik Chief .. .. .. . 232 Dindigal, P Alayams of 116 and n.; fort, and Achyuta Raya .. .. .. .. .. 218 Dipamsa, the, and dates .. .. 168171 Dionysios, ambassador to Bindasira .. .. 132 diseases, of children, Kumara-bedratsup. 56. 82; various cures for .. .. .. F. K. 14 Diu, and the Zoroastrians .. .. .. 152 divination .. .. .. .. Sup. 65, 80, 86, f. Divodasa, sago, known as the divine surgeon, Dhanvantari .. .. .. .. Sup. 81 divorce, among the Tottiyans .. .. .. 137 Divyda udana, the, and Aboka .. 168 n., 169 n. Diwan-s-Kamran Mirzd, collection of poems by Prince KAmran .. .. .. 219 ff. documents, relating to the first English Com mercial Mission to Patna, 1620-21 89-83;97--111 domunha, the Cobra Manilla .. .. .. 179 dopatta, doupattas, made in India ... .. 71 Dridhabala, Kashmir physician, and the Charaka Samhiti .. .. Sup. 04 n., 63, f. Dronagiri, mythical mt. .. .. F. K. 16, 17 drought .. .. .. .. F. K. 17, 18 Dretirada, lost Jain work .. .. 189 and n. Durga, goddess, in speils, .. 50 n., 53 n.; 266 earth worship .. .. .. F. K. 11, f. earthquakes .. .. .. .. F. K. 12 East India Company, and Peter Mundy 69; and S. India .. . .. .. lle eclipees, .. .. .. F.K. 8,9 Edict, of Kharavela 130; of Toleration to the Paravas .. .. . 190 n. Eetzana Era .. .. 198-200: 202--204 ekadashi day, .. .. .. .. .F. K. 7 elephanta, teeth of, trade in 72; and rain. F. K. 12 Elwaics, Elwes, Mr. and J. Smith .. 268-271 El-wand, Allamur .. .. .. .. 239 embroidery, embrodares, trade in .. .. 70 emigration, Pandyan, to Tinnerelly .. . 31 erramel, amell .. .. .. .. 101 English Commercial Mission to Patna, The First, Documents relating to .. 69-83, 97-111 English Factories in India, by Foster. 69 n., 108 n. engraving and painting at Agra and Delhi .. 124 Eranian Avesta, and the language of the Khaia tribe Khaia tribe .. .. .. .. .. 144 n., 150 Eras, Ceylonese 167; Kauzda, Eetzana 198 200, 202-204; Now Religion, 200 ; Burmese 200 n.; Buddha 202; Kollam.. n.. .. .. .. 238 Erkollar, Telugu Eragolla, Tottiyan subdivi. s ion sion .. .. .. .. .. .. 135, 4, excommunication, among the Parivaramo 137 n. eye-sight, and the moon .. .. F.K. 6 farman, firmaen .. .. .. .. .. 111 farmers, their superstitions .. .. F. K. 11 fasting, fasts . . . . F. K. 8, 19, 21 feathers, fethers, trade in ... .. 70, 83 Feng, Chinese, Phoenix, Garuda . .. 38 Forishta, historian, on Malik Karar ato. 2 and n., 3 n., 4.; 229 and 1., 230 and n.; 262 Fettiplace, Mr., mentioned by R. Hughes 75-77, 97, 99, 102, death of .. .. .. 103 Fire Temple, removed to Navsari . 151, f. Firmious Maternus, first mentioned the doctrine of hidra .. .. .. .. ... Sup. 87 Fleet, Dr. and the Rummindoi inscrip. 17, 19, 20; and Buddha's death, eto., 132 n. ; 197, 200.-202, 204 ; and the Maurya era 170 n.; and the Jains .. .. .. 175 n. Florence, has Old W. Rajasthant M88. 21, 23, 25, 26

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INDEX 279 Forcari, posibly Tukhara .. .. 144 and n. l gondhal dance .. . .. .. F. K. 23 Fort St. George, and Sir Ed. Winter 207, Gondopheres, Gudaphara .. 269, 271 Gopal Aiyyer, Mr V., and Buddha dates .. 132 Foxcroft, Sir G., E. I. Co's servant .. .. 267 Gopannarya, Brahman, lieut. to Kampana Fryer, Dr., traveller .. 262 Udayar II. 7, 12; Goppanarys, rostored Hinduism in Srirangam .. .. .. 154 Gopa Timma Nripati, SAluva Tirumalaiya Deva Maha Raja, first Saluva governor of gaccha, ancient gana .. 130 S. India .. .. .. .. .. .. 13 Gaddabhilla-rajjan .. .. 120 Gorkhas, speak E. Pahiri .. .. .. 142 Gajapati, .. .. ... .. 43, 44 Gosals, Makkhali Gosala 126, 127 and n. galiyassa, 19, an unbroken, idle horse, and Mamkhalihutta .. .. 129--131 ; 177 and n. vigala .. .. .. .. .. 20 and n. Goaringa, hill near Khotan, where the Du. gana, raodern, gaccha, probably meant sections treuil de Rhins MS. was found Sup. 45 of the Jains .. .. .. .. .. 130 Govinda Bhatta, conversion of .. .. .. 266 Gandharvaa, waters of human offerings. . 63, f. gramadevatda, village deities .. ..F. K. 21 ganesh chaturthi day .. .. .. F. K. 6 Grammar of the Old Western Rajasthan with ganga, hot spring .. .. .. .. F. K. 14 special reference to Apabhramga and to Gangadhar, and the Charaka Sanhhita.. Sup. 63 Gujarati and Marwari, Notes on, 21-26; Ganges, riv., Dudha Ganga .. .. F. K. 55-63; 8491 ; 181-186 ; 213--216 ; 225 9-11; 14 -228; 245252 . . . . .F. K. 5, 15 . Great Sophie' for Shah Tahmasp . .. 239 Gardabhilla (Gaddabhilla-rajjan 1) 120 k., 121 Greek drama, and the Indian .. .. 65, f. -123, 125, 176 n. Grierson, Sir G., and Rajasthani eto. 21 and n., 22 Gardens of the Great Mughals, book notice .. 48 gruels .. .. .. .. .. Sup. 62 Garhwali, C. Paham lang... ... .. .. 142 Grypa, Greek, Garuda .. .. .. .. 38 garlic, lasuna, tract on it .. .. Sup. 63, 81 Gudaphara, Gondopheres, and Vikramaditya.. 123 Garuda, bird, pre-Vedio .. .. 37, 38, 52, 95 gudhi-podva, first day of the year . F. K. 6 Gasper Antonio, or Goa stone .. .. .. 36 Guerinot, and Jainism .. .. .. .. 119 Gandharas, classical Gendari .. .. .. 146 Guhagens I, II, kinge .. .. .. 177 and a. Gayasur, demon, .. .. ..F. K. 12 Gujarat, and the Gurjaras 22-24; 159, f. ; Gayatri, wife of Brahma .. ..F. K. 14 Saurashtra 138; and Amoghavarsha .. 207 Gayatri Mantra, .. .. .. F. K. 2, 3, 8 | Gujarati, connected with Old Western Greiger, Prof. and the Dipavamsa 174 n.; and Rajasthani, see Grammar of 21-26; 55the Mahivarad .. .. . .. .. . .. 178 63 ; 84-91; 181-186; 213--216 ; 225-228; gender, in Old W. Rajasthanf 181-186, 213, 245-262 Sup. 86 246; in Popular Sanskrit .. Sup. 73, 74, 76 Gajars, Gujars, the Gurjaras 159 and n.; or ghuri, greese, a native hour .. .100 and n. Gujjars etc., 160, 162, or Ja's, Ja te 161; ghee, ghita, .. .. .. .. .. Sup. 82 and Rajpats ..163 and n., 164 and n., 165; f. Ghetti Mudaliar of Dharamangalam, famous Gujranwala, and the Gurjaras 159, and Gojars.. 166 Coimbatore chief .. .. .. .. 134 Gujrat, two districts of the name . 159, 166 Ghulam Raza, Indian painter .. .. .. 124 Gujurs .. .. .. .. .. 143, 160 Gingerlee, E. L Co's ship .. .. .. .. 272 Gulbadan Begam, princess and poetess, poems Girha, g., and solipses .. .. F. K. 8. 9; 14 by .. .. ** . . . . . 219, f. girih, giery, a measure .. .. .. .. 81 Gulbarga, and Rama Raja . .. .. 261 Girvar, insorip. ..' .. .. ..193 and n. gulma, dinosso .. .. .. .. Sup. 57 Gon, Gaspar Antonio and the Stone .. .. 36 gumlaoke, trade in .. .. 106, 4, 108, 110 godlings, heroio i. . . K. 91-94 | Gunta kiner of Macedha and the Manleharis gods, Brahmanioal eto., 37; of Madura . 153 67; curly, and the cycle of Jupiter 211; gokul-ashtami day F. . 7 eript and the Bower MS. 179; or characGolcondah, and Rama Blje .. .. .. 261 tors Sup. 46 n., and the letter y .. 47, 48, 5% gold dust, of Tibet . . 180 Gajares, of Banokrit literature 143, in India, Gollye, Hogli .. . 83 date oto... . 159 and n., 160-- 164, 166 gomashta, agent.. .. Glasret .. . .. .. .. .. 159 101

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280 INDEX Haidar Ali, and the Saurashtra . 139 n. | Hindus, and sun worship F. K. 2; and the Hajrahati, Hutchora Hattee, tn., and J. Smith noastika 3; and the moon ato. 4, 7: their 268 n., 270 gods .. ..8 11; 13, 16, 20-22 and n. hormim, towelling, trade in 70, or hammomes Hindustan, and Shahabuddin Ghorf ... .. 1 77, 81, 100, 107, 269 Hindstanf, and Gujarf .. .. .. .. 166 hanamas, ceremony, F. K. 19; g. 21, 22. and n. History of the Madhva Acharya, A sketch Harapile, of Devagiri,.. .. . .. 233 of .. .. .. .. 233--237, 262-266 Harihara, Emp. 6; II... .. 9 and n. 10 History, Parsi, The Traditional dates of 151, f. Harita, papil of Atreya .. .. Sup. 54, 56 History, The, of The Naik Kingdom of Haritaki Kalpa or Abhaya Kalpa .. Sup. 62 Madura 1-17; 27-36; 111-118; 133-- Harita Sa hind, mediaeval apocryphal work 142; 163-158; 187-192; 217, f. ; 229 Sup. 56, or Atriya .. .. .. .. 62 232; 253--262 Haraka, Darinka k. 133; or Darbhaka...167 and n. | Hiuan Tsang, and the Rummindei insorip. Harshacharita, a work by Bana, and k. Bhas- 19; and the Gurjara kingdom .. .. 163 karavarman .. .. .. .. 95, f. Hobson-Jobsons, Some .. .. .. .. 239 Hastings, his Encyclopaedia 128 n., 174, 178 n.; Hoernle, and Jainism 119; 127 n., 129 n., 130 n., and dates .. .. .. 130 n., 131 n. 131 n., 174 n., 178 n., and the Bower Hastipalaka, k., Hatthipala, and Mahavira MS. .. .. .. .. .. 179, f. 122 and n. 128 holi-paurnima day .. .. .. F.K. 7 Hathal Plates of (Paramara) Dharavarsha hord-jana, knowledge of doctrine of lunar (Vikrama) Samvat 1237 (1180 A, D.). 193, f. mansions .. ... .. .. .. Sup. 87 Hathaladi, HAthal, village, ancient Brahma Hormuz, Old, and The Zoroastrians .. .. 162 sthana .. .. .. .. .. 193 Hospet, tn., destroyed by Igma'il Adil Shah .. 187 Hawkridge, Thos., and J. Parker .. .. 109 Hoysalas of Dwarasamudra 2 and n.; over. Hazara, dist., ancient Urasa .. .. .. 144 thrown 6; and the first Vijayanagara dyn. Helabaze, Allahabad ... .. .. .. 100 8 n.; and Malik Kafar . . . . . 233 Hemachandra, and the Caurasena Apabhramga Hughes Robert, in Patna, etc., 69 and n.; 72, etc., 22; 58, 59, 63, 64, 246 ; and the date 75--78, 82, f.; and J. Parker 97-99, of Mahavira 119, 173, 174 and n-177; and 102. f., 106, f., recalled from Patna.. 108-112 the Saisundgas 167, f. ; and the Nandas 172; and the Amoghavridi .. .. 209-212 Hugli, Gollye, Portuguese port 83; J. Smith Herbert, Sir Thos, traveller .. ..241, f., 244 at .. .. .. .. ... 267, f., 271 Herne, Nat., E. I. Co's servant .. .. 271 Hdmayon, emp., and prince Kamran. 220, f; 239 Herodotus, mentions ant-gold .. .. .. 144 Hamdyan-nama, poems by Gulbadan Begam . heroes, immortal .. .. .. ..F. K. 22 n. 219, f. Hervy, Mr., E. I. Co's servant.. .. .. 270 Hanas, and Mlechchhas 67; and India 169 hides, hydes, trade in .. .. 70, 72, 77, 100 hills, sacred.. .. .. .. F. K. 15-17 161, or Huns, coins of etc. .. 162, 163 n. Himalayan languages, Pahari etc.; 22 ; Tibeto hundi, bill of exchange .. .. .. 99, 101 Burman ote., .. .. .. 142; 143 ; 164 n. Himalayas, barbarians of 146 ;,and Khasas 150 ; and Gurjara settlements . . 163-165 Hindi, Old W., used by Chands 23; and Ibbetson, the late Sir D, and the Rajpata and E. 142 ; and the Gujars etc. .. .. .. 160 Gdjars.. . 159 n., 161 and n., 163 n. Hindu, kingdoms, in S. India, conquered 1, 2; Ibrahim, Lodi k., .. .. .. .. 219 Chronicles and the Musalman invasion of 8. India 3, 4; worship, etc., under Kampana Ibrahim Adil Shah and Achyuta Raya. .187 and n. Udayar 27-29; 31; method of reckoning idol-worship, and Saiva Siddh Antism .. .. 167 170 n.; and Musalman in 8. India 230, 233; Iluppar, pdlayam, date of .. 114 and n-116 religion and the Naike .. .. .. 261 immigrants, Telugu 135; Canarese.. .. 139 Hinduigm, in Madura 7, during Muhammadan immigration, of the Badugas .. .. 112, 116 power 153, 155, 158; and foreign tribes.. 162 Hindu Kush dist. and ancient cannabaliam immorality, among the Parivarams .. 137 n. 144; home of the Kambojas etc. 145 and Immudi Narasingha, Saluva chief 16, in oripe. n; and the Kasia mte. .. .. .. 180 of 17 and n.; or Immandi Narasithgha .. 46

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INDEX 281 India, pre-Aryan religion of 37; dramatic Invara, k., identified with Mahadeva of Devaliterature of, oto. 64-67; Travels of Peter giri .. .. .. .. .. .. 266 Mundy in 69 ; visited by Jean de Thevenot Isvaraksishna, Varshaganya, author.. ..211 124; Scythian power in 122 n. ; (British) It-sing, translator .. .. .. .. Sup. 58 and the G. Paharf lang. 142, f. ; various tribes of 143-147 n.; 159, f.; immigrations into 162, 164; 175; and the scribes of the Jacobi, Prof., and the date of Visakhadatta Bower MS. 179, f., and the Mughals 219; 67; and Jain dates 118-123 and n., 125- N., rise of Tongalaism in 155 n.; and the 131; 173 and n-178 Gurjaras etc. 162, 164 ; S. and the Muham- Jahandbad, Delhi .. .. .. .. 243, f. madans 1-3, 6; and Vijayanagar rule 8, | Jahanard Begam, daughter of Shahjahan 141 n., 111, f., 114, 153 and n.; and the SAluvas * 144 14; and Krishna Deva 44, 46, 48; tribal Jahangir, emp., and Malik 'Ambar 107 n., migrations into 138 ; 188; in the 14th cen. 242, 244 233 ; under Naik rule 260; E., and the Jains Jainendra-vyakarana, and Sakatayana's aatras 121, 122 and n. N. W., conquered by 210, f. Ooema Kadphises etc. 125 and n. ; tribes of Jains, 118; chronology of, its foundation, sto. 165; and the Bower MS. etc. Sup. 45 and 119-123, 125, and Mahavira, Buddhistic n., 46; 48; 52; medical literature of 62, relations concerning them 126--131, 133, 173; 64; and popular Sanskrit etc. 65; and and Vaishnava faiths 158 ; tradition, and the cubomancy . . . .. .. . 87 Nandas 167, 1.; 175 and n.; 172; 176 and n.; Indian, Buddhist protective spells, see Dha Crood, called caturyana 178; and Sanskrit rani 37-42; 49-54; 92-95 ; Parsis 151 ; Sup. 65 medicine and civilisation etc. in the Bower Jakkamma, g. of the Tottiyans.. .. 136, f. MS. 179, f. ; History, fragment of .. .. 240 jalalshahi, fine piece goods, perhape jelosies Indo-Mughal art .. .. .. .. .. 124 268 n. Indra, g., and the Saurashtras 141 ; and Jartikas, and Jagts . .. .. 145 n. thunder .. .. .. ..F. K. 12 Jatavarman Parakrama Pand ya .. .. 30, 34 n. ndra dhanushya, rainbow .. .. .. F. K. 9, 1. .. F. K. 9, 1. Jatavarman Sundara Pandya I. Jatavarmar .. 33 n. inflection, .. .. .. .. Sup. 67, 70, 1. ! Jatilavarman, Srivallabha .. . 47 and n. Inscription, Padaruja or Rummindei, note Jatta, Jats, and the Gujars 161; and Raj. on it .. .. .. .. .. 17-20 puts . .. .. .. .. .. 162 inscriptions, at Tirupatur 3; and the Ballalas Jatukarna, pupil of Atreya .. Sup. 54 and n., 56 etc. 6 n., 7 n., 8 and n. 9 and n.; of the Jaunpur, Junapoore, carpets from .. .. 71 Naiks etc. 10 and n., 1l and n. Saluva 13 Jayasimha II., Chalukya emp. .. .. .. 212 and n., 14; 16 n.; 17 n. Tuluva 15 n., 43 Jayasimha of Kumbla, unidentified .. .. 266 and n.-46 and n.; Bans 32 and n.; Pan. Jearsey, Wm. E. I. Co's. servant .. 267 dyan etc. 33 and n-36; of Bhaskaravarman Jehanger coved, a measure .. .. 98, f. 68, 95, f. ; at Dholpur 121 ; of Aboks 132, jelolsies, probably jalalshahi .. .. .. 268 172 n. ; 212; Sanskrit and the Gurjaras 161, Jetavana, tn., and Buddha .. .. .. 131 163 ; of Kharavela etc. 167 n, 170 n.; 173 ; Jinji, tn., under Krishoa Deva .. ..... 46 Nagarjuni 175 n., 178; Mt. Abu etc. 193 and Jivadhani, goddess and smallpox . F.K. 15 n.; Rashtrakuta 207; relating to Achyuta Jivaka, medioal writer Sup. 56, 58, reputed Raya eto. 188 and n., 189 n., 190, 191 and friend of Buddha .. .. .. .. 80 n., 218 and n; to Visvanatha Naik etc. Jivananda Vidyasagara, and the Charaka 229-234; 238 n.; 258, 260; to Narahari Samhild .. .. .. .. .. Sup. 63 Tirtha oto. 263, 265, f.; illustrating develop. Joannes De Laet on India and Shahjahan, ment of the character y 'Sup. 47 and n. book notice . .. ... .. 239244 52; at Isapur .. .. .. .. .. 15 Jones, Thos., E.I. Co's. servant . 267, f. irale, protection against rain .. .. F.K. 18 Josia, the ship .. .. .. .. .. 272 Isdpur, near Mathura, Brahmanic inscrip. Julien, and the Rummindei inscrip... 19 n. at .. .. .. .. .. .. Sup. 65 6. Junapoore, Jaunpur .. .. .. .. 71 ishtadevalds, chosen deities .. ..F.K 21 Jupiter, Cycle of 211; Brahaspati F. K. 4; Isma'll Adil Shah, and Krishna Deva .. .. 187 .. .. 10

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282 INDEX .. .. 49 Kadamba, kings, early, and the Cycle of Jupiter .. .. .. ... .. 211 Kadim Tarikh Parsioni, the, and Parsi dates.. 151 Kadisiya, Arab victory at .. Kadphises II., and India kd fila, caffalo .. .. .. 107-109 Ka-gyur, the Mah&y&na Canon 37; Ka-gyur Gyud .. .. .. . lahar, caharr, porter .. .. .. 111, 270 kdim-khanf, caymooonyes, kind of cloth .. 71, 82 Kalakachrya, story of 122 n, KAlaka, enemy of Gardabhilla .. 123 ; 125 and n.; 176 n. Kalakacarye, removed the Pajjusan .. 176 and n. Kalakacaryalathanaka, and Saka .. .. 125 Kalakadu, tn., and Martanda-Varma. 190 n. Kalasoka, k. 168 and n., 169, 171 and n.; per haps & Nanda .. .. .. .. .. 172 Kalayar Koil, home of Mavilivana 10, 31; inscripe. .. .. .. .. 33, 35 n. KAlayar Somanar, Pandya chief. 10, 11, 31, 33 Kalbarga, fort and Krishna Deva .. .. 44 Kalbhairav, g. .. .. .. .. F. K. 19 Kalhana, and the Piskchas 144 ; and the Khabas .. .. .. .. .. . 148 Kali Age ... .. . Kalinga, co, and Krishna Deva 44, conquest of 169 and n., 170; raided 173 ; and sama Sastrin .. .. .. . .. 262264 Kalpaka, minister of the first Nanda .. .. 174 kealpas, small monographs. Sup. 54, 57, 62, 81 Kalpasitra, the 119, 121 n., 122 and n., ! 23 n.; 127 n., 128; and Dhruvasena .. 176, f. Kalyana-kdraka, medical treatise. Sup. 58 and n. Kamanan, Kampana Udayar .. .. 28 and n. kamarband, girdle.. .. .. . * Kamarupa, kingdom .. .. .. .. 96 Kembalams, Tottiyan septs .. .. .. 136 Kambalattars, Tolugu colonists of Kongu .. 135 Kamboja, .. .. 144 and n. 145 and n. ; 147 Kampana, k., 4 n., Udayar 5--9; and the Saluvas 12; Vijayanagar general 27; or Kamanan 28 and n.; a Canarese 29; 30, f.; reduces the South 34; 153, f.; II. and the Chola and Pandyan kingdoms.. ..7 and n. 8 Kamran, son of Babar, poems by him.. 218-224 kam-aikha, unfinished cloth .. . 78, 80 Kanarose chiefs and Vira Narasitisha .. .. 43 Kanauj, and Nagabhata II. 162; Gujara. Rajpat cap. .. .. .. .. 163 and n. Kanete, and Kaunindas 148 n.; or Khaas 150 and n. Kangra and the Gujars .. .. .. .. 166 Kanishka, date of 65, 66, patron of Charaka 180; . Sup. 56, 57 and n. Kankaa, unidentified tribe of N. W. India 146 and n. Kankayana, medical writer .. .. Sup. 68 Kannanar, vil, and fort .. 164 and n. Kannivadi chiefs .. .. .. .. .. 116 Kapilavastu, tn., and Buddha .. .. 198 : 203 Kapisa, and Kapiga .. .. .. . Kappiliyans, Canarese caste .. . 139, f. karari, carraryerfast, ingrain .. .. .. 78 kurkhana, corconna, workshop .. .. Karnasuvarna, dist., and K. BH skaravarman 95, f. Karnata, kingdom, and Narasingha the SAluva 14 Karnataka, and Krishna Deva .. .. .. 46 kasar, kessure, discount.. .. .. .. 70 Kasher, Khaibal, and Khabalaya .. .. 148 Kashgar, and the Khabas .. 150 Kashmir, under the Khabas 149, 1.: and birch bark 179 :.. .. .. .. .. Sup. 45 Kashmiri, and the Ajars.. .. .. .. 160 Kasia mts., the Hindu Kush or Kashgar mte... 150 kasid, coasid, messenger .. .. .. 97, 101 Kasikavritti, work by Panini .. .. 209, f. Kasimbazar, and Robt. Edwards 267, 268 and n., 270 Kast-raja, probably Divodass ... Sup. 81 Kayapa, legendary saint, and Kashmir.. 144, 149 KAayapa, medical writer Sup. 68, two of the name .. .. .. .. .. .. 60 Katkale-tirtha, sacred pond near Nasik F. K. 15 katil ghalne, ceremony .. .. .. F. K. 24 Kaunindas, 147 n., identified with the Kaneta 148 n Kautillya .. .. .. .. .. 167 n. Kautilya, and the Arattas .. 124 and n; 210 Kaveri val., and the Vijayanagars .. 153, C. Kavunda chiefs, and Visvanatha, Kavundans, and Kongu Polygars .. .. 134, f. ; 140 kedya, the body, and 8k. kayagate 64 n. kaya-chilcited, internal medicine. . . Sup. 56 Kayastha, writer-casto, and Kayathan .. 20 Keeno, Mr., and JAhanAra Begam .. .. 244 Keralas .. .. .. .. .. .. 31 Kerridge, Mr. and R. Hughes ..69, 72, 79, 106 kersyes, trade in .. .. .. .. .. 77 kesa-ranjana, hair-dyes .. .. .. Sup. 82 Ketu, g., and eclipses .. .. .. F. K. 8, 9 Khadalik, N. E. of Domoko, scene of the find of the Stein MS. .. .. .. Sup. 45 Khakha, tribe, and the Khabas 140, of the Jehlam Valley .. .. .. .. .. 160 Khanderai, g. .. .. .. ..F.K. 22 Khandoba, g. .. .. .. .. F. K. 23

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INDEX 283 Kharavela, his edict, etc. 150, 107 n., 170 n., Krishna, Deva RAya, and Nagama Naik 30; 173, 175 35; from 1509-1530, called the 2nd or Kharoshthi, dialect and the Puraias ..' .. 196 Andhra Bhdja 43 and n.,-47, death of 48; Khas, E. Himalayan Aryan-speaking caste 115; 187 and n-189 and n.; 191 ; and 143 and n. Visvanatha Ndik 192, 258 and n.; 229, 232; Khasa, wife of Kalyapa, ancestress of the 257 and n. : 259 Yakshas and RAkahasa .. .. 144, 146 Krishnapuram plates, and Nagama Naik 191 Khabalaya, Valley of Khaibal, or Kasher had and n. Khasa Settlements ... .. . . .. 148 Krishna Sastri, Mr., on Achyuta Raya.. .. 188 Khadas, tribe, mentioned in Sanskrit Krishnatreya, medical author.. . Sup. 61 literature, or Khasira, etc. 143 and n., Casiri of Krodhavaba, wife of Kasyapa, and ancestress Pliny 144, 145-151, 159 ; earliest historical of the PisitAsls .. .. .. .. .. 144 immigrants 164, and the Pikachas ..165 and n. Ksharapani, people of Atreya ... Sup. 54, 56 Khaskura, Naipall or E. Pahari lang... .. 142 kahatakshina, subject treated in the Navanitaka khdonama, cumana, letter of introdaotion Sup. 64 76, 101, f. Kshatriyas, and the Khaias 150; and Rajputs khassa, Casgaes, trade in.. .. .. 71, 269 etc. 159, 161 and n.; and the Gujaras. . 164, f. khichadi, food offering .. .. F. K 3 kshetras, punya sthanas, sacred places.. F. K. 22 Khilji, dyn, .. .. .. .. 1 Kuchar and the Bower MS. .. .. .. 179 Khotanese lang. .. .. .. .. Sup. 64 | Kuchean, unknown lang. of Kuchar, used in Khurram, Shahjahan .. .. .. 241, f. & pochi .. .. .. .. .. Sup. 64 Khusru Parviz .. .. .. .. 152 Kudumiamalai, in Pudukottah State, (and Kielhorn, Prof., and the Pandyas, 34 and n.; other places) has Bana inscrips. .. .. 32 the Vikrama era eto, .. .. 121 ; 206, 207 Kuei-shuang, King of, Shaonano Shao Koshana, Kissah-i-Sanjan, and Parsi datos .. .. 152 Yue chi title . . . . . . . . . . 66 Klatt, and Jaina history .. .. 177 n. Kuhn, Dr, and the name Lummini .. i 18 Kohistan, and the Zoroastrians.. .. .. 152 kuladevatas, family deities . F. K, 21, 23 KolAba, dist., ceremonies in F. K. 6; and kuladharmas, days of worship ..... F. K. 23 sages etc. 10; 12; sacred pond eto. 15- Kulasekhara, Kales Dewar, or Maravarman, 17; and rain .. .. .. .. 18; 23 Pandyan k., murdered 2 and n. ; 33 n.; Kolamba, c., Quilon .. .. .. .. 3 n. dates . . . . ... .. .. 34-36 n. Kolhapur, State, and moon worship F. K. 5; Kulattur, palayam, date of .. 114 and n., 115 sacred waters in 13, ceremonies .. .. 22 Kula Vardhana, Pandye, conquered .. 28, f. Kollam era, in Kerala co. .. .. .. 238 .. .. .. 145 and n. Kollar, Telugu, Golla, Tottiyan subdivision.. 135 Kulatas, people of Kulu.. .. 147 and n. kolu, Tamil, darbar, .. Kumara, Subrahmapya, and Kumarila Bhata Kondavidu, fort, .. .. .. .. 264 n. Kongu, co., (Salem and Coimbatore), the Kumara, ancestor of Ghetti of Mudaliar .. 134 Palayams of 133, f.; and the Saurashtras kumara-badha, children's diseases ... Sup. 56 139; and Canarese tribe 140 n.; and SadA. Kumara Gupta, omp. and the Saurashtras .. 138 siva 230 n: peoplo, conquered .. 238 n. Kumarajtva, translator .. .. .. Sup. 88 Koniya, Kaniya .. .. .. 127, 133 | Kumara Krishnappa, son of Vishvanatha Kosala, k., and Aj4tabatru 174 257 n. Kottar, battle field .. Kumarila Bhatta, an incarnation of Kumara Kottiyam, Nagama NAik.. (Subrahmanya) .. .. .. .. kotdl, cottewalle, Nawab's agent .. kumbhakari, potter-woman, etc. .. Sup. 86 Koyilolugu, Tamil work, on conquest of Tri. kumbhakari-mata ngayukta, applied to dice chinopoly 3 n., 4 n., 5 n., 7 n., 8 n.; on Virupanna' etc., 9 n; 10 n, and the Saluvas Sup. 86 etc. 13 n., 14 n., 16 n.; and Pandya history Kuna, Pandya k... .. .. .. 257, f. 29. n.; and the Muhammadans in 8. India Kupale, k., and Ujjayin .. .. .. 176 and n. 153 and n., 154 n., 168 n.; and Trichinopoly Kunatas, and Kanets .. .. .. 148 n. 218 n. Krishoa, g., and the Tottiyans 138; and the Kunbis, and sun-worship sto... F. K. 3, 7, 8 Greeka 146: imago, given to Ananda Tirtha.. 237 kundas, ponda .. .. ..F. K. 13-18, 18 .. .. 114

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284 Kuniya, Koniya, k. Ajatasatru, and 127 and n., 133; or Kupika.. Kuniyur plates, of Venkata II... Kushans, and Sakas Kusinara, visited by Buddha Lakshmidhara, Prakrit grammarian Lassen, M. and Rock-Edict 13.. lasuna, garlic Laluna-kalpa, treatise on garlic.. Laws of Manu, and the Khasas.. lead, trade in Left and Right Hand Castes leha, linctus INDEX .. Mahavira .173, f., 178 229 n. 125 128 lace, bobbin lace, trade in 79 and n., 97, lack, dye 78, gumlacke,.. laghu-rudra, rain-rite 100, f., 269 105, 110 F. K. 18 253-262 Lakhawar, Lackhoure, market town near Patna 70, 73-75, 78-82, 98-100, 104-107, 109, f. Magadha, kingdom, and the Jains 121, f.; Lakkana Danda Nayaka, first Naik Viceroy and Mahavira, etc., 126; list of kings 168 n., 170; and the Mauryas 172, 175 n.; and 10 and n.-13; and the Pandya succession in Madura Lakshmi, goddess, and the Saurashtras 141; .. 31 Jains F. K. 5, 6 147 n. 132 Sup. 63 Sup. 81 147 65, 66, 80 Mahab Alipur, Mohubalpoor, Mobalepoore 109 n. 72, 268 Mahabalipuram, and Mavalivaram.. 31, 32 and n. 140 Mahabharata, the, mentions the Khasas and Sup. 82 other tribes 144-146, 151, 159, 161 n. Lethbridge, E., author of Topography of The Mahabhashya, the, and Sakatayana Mogul Empire 239, 244 Mahadeva, k. of Devagiri, and fevara.. Leumann, M., and Jain dates 129 n., 178 n. Mahamandaleevara Tirumalaiya Maharaja, Lhasa Expedition of 1904, and Tibetan Mss. Salaka chief, under Achyuta Raya.. 189, f. Mahamandales vara Vittaladeva Maha-Raya, Vitthala q. v. Mahamayari Vidyarajni, Sutra or Dharani, Sup. 87, f. 127 Mahanaman, Sakya prince, and Buddha Mahanandin, k., and Mahapadma Nandaraja.. 167 Maharashtra, co. conquered 2 68 Maharashtri dial. maharshis, medical authorities Sup. 54, 57 maha-rudra, rain-rite .. F. K. 18 Mahisattva Mahakurana, epithet, applied to Avalokita.. 92, f. Mahashthana, identified with Anandepura 176 Mahavanea, the, and dates 168, 170, f.; stories in 174 and n.; treatises on.. Mahavira, The Date of..118-123; 126-133; 173-178 178 .. 163 .. 202 69, 78 .. 127 .. 132 Makkhali Gosala, heritical teacher and k. Ajatasatru 126, f.; Mamkhaliputta.. 37 and D. Lhassa, era, and the date of Buddha's death.. 197 lightning F. K. 12 lignum, lignome Alloes, trade in 78, (or samaleh) linctus, heha linen, lynen, trade in liniments ..81, 83, 105 Sup. 82 105 Sup. 82 Sup. 64; 81 Literature, Indian Medical Littlejohn, Ed., E. I. Co.'s servant looking-glass, trade in 271 100 F. K. 9 18 and n. lumbi, a creeper, etc., and Lumbini Lumbini, birthplace of Buddha, and Lummini luck, and the planets Madhvacharya, and the Dvaita philosophy 233, 234 and n.; 235 n.; 262, 264-266 Madhva Acharyas, a sketch of the history of 233-237, 262-266 madhvasava, medicated mead .. Sup. 82 Madhyageha, (Napdvantillaya) father of Vasu deva Madras, Pres., and the Vijayanagaras.. Madura, Naik Kingdom, History of 1-17; 27-36; 43-48; 111-118; 133-142; 153 -158; 187-192: 217-218; 229-232; Lumbini Pillar inscrip... Lyall, Sir C. J., and the Rummindei inscrip. 18, 20 .. 132 17, 20 n. Lyon, the ship 82 176 Magadhai Nadu, or Nadu Nadu dist. Magadh dialect Magas of Cyrene, k., Maka, 132, death of Magic, among the Tottiyan Polygars 136; or witch craft F. K. 8; and incantation Sup. 32 and 1. 68 .. 133 Mahendrapala, k... Mahindo, in Ceylon Mainas, mynnas, Indian talking birds.. Majjhima Nikaya, the, and Buddha.. 235 233 Madan, Cupid, and the moon .. F. K. 5 Maka, k., Magas of Cyrene Madhava, author of the Siddha-yoga Sup. 59, 61, 63 210, f. 266 .. 231 129

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INDEX 285 Malacca, Mallacka, Portuguese trade with .. 83 Math, Matha, of Sankaracharya, at ConjeeMalayalam, co. .. .. .. .. .. 31 .. 238 and n. Malda, tn., trade with .. .. ..71, 77, 110 Mathura, tn., and Krishoa 146 ; Council of .. 176 Malik 'Ambar and Jahangir .. . 107 n. Matts, eight, established by Manavala Malik Kafur, in S. India 1, 2, Nabu or Naib Mah&muni .. .. .. .. 155, 156 n. 3 and n., 4 and n.; 6, or Mullah 28 n., 29 Maukharis, and the Guptas of Magadha. 67, f. and Hoysales of Dvarasamudra . .. 233 maund, the Jehangirf man .. 78 and n., 81, f. Malik Kasim, gov. of Hugli .. .. .. 269 Maurya, dyn., rise of 64, 67; datos 120, 122, Malik Nabu, or Naib, Malik Kafar .. 3 and n. 167; Era 170 n., and the Seleucidan era Malla-linkara Wouttoo, Burmese Chronicle 175 and n; 174 200 and n. MavalivAna, kings (and M&valivaram) 31, f., Mallikarjuna, inscrip. of 11 and n.; and the or R&yars, and M&valiv&nada, inscrips. of.. 33 Saluvas . .. .. .. .. 13 Mavili Vanathi Raya, Sundarathol, a Pandya Malwa, and the Saurashtras .. .. .. 138 chief .. .. .. .. .. 10, 11, 31 Mamkhaliputta, Gosala .. .. .. .. 129 Mavalivaram, or the Seven Pagodas. 31, f. Mandbharana, k., and Arikesari Parakrama Max Muller, and Buddha .. .. 131, f. Pandya Deva .. .. .. .. 36, 47-n. mazra and muzera .. .. .. 82 and n. Manabhusha, k., defeated .. .. .. 35 medicine, treatises on, etc., Indian, in the Manapparai, palayam, date of .. 114, 115 and n. Bower Ms. 179; Sup. 54, 64--66, 68, 78, 79, 81 Manavala Mahamuni, leader of Tengalaism Megasthenes, and the Hindus 170 and n.; and 155 and n. 156 Pataliputra ** * * .. .. 172 mand, mandi, grease, etc. .. 76 and n. 80 Mekail, angel, Michael .. .. .. F.K. 12 Mandangad, vil., has a sacred well .. F, K, 13 men, ceremonies for .. .. .. F. K. 19 Mandara, mt. .. .. .. .. 207, f. Menander .. .. .. .. 175 n. Mandasor, inscrip. .. .. .. .. 138 n. Mobulepoore, Mahab Alipur .. .. 109-111 mandil, mandylos, turban cloth .. .. 71, 82 Mogallana, disciple of Sanjaya.. 128 n., 130 n. manes, pitras .. . .. F. K. 5, 6, 8 mohair, moheres, trade in .. .. 100, f. Mangamma!, dist... .. .. .. .. 141 monastries, eight, and at Udipi .. .. 237 Mangu, greatest of the Saluvag .. .. 12 and n. Mongoles, merchants from Upper India or Manima khalai, Tamil Buddhistic poem .. 197 Persia .. 71, 73 Manora, Goa State, ponds in .. .. F.K. 13 moon, spots, and worship, etc... F. K. 4 Manucci, his bezoar' or cordial stone'36 ; and n.-6, 8, 9 or Manouche, on ShAhjahan 241-243 and orality, of the Tottiyans .. .. 137 n. n.; his theory of the Naik Kingdom.. 261, f. Morris, and the name Lum mini .. 18 n. Manu Chola, mythical ancestor of the Cholas .. 238 mosque, built in Ramesvaram .. .. manzil, manzull, stage .. .. .. .. 103 Mrichchhakatika, the, and the Greek drama 65, Maral, Ratnagiri dist., sacred water fall at possible age .. .. .. .. .. 66 F. K. 13 MS., the Bower, book-notice .. .. 179, f. M&ravarman Kulesekhara II., Pandya k... 30 MSS., Old W. Rajasthanf, and others 21, 23 MAravarman Parakrama, Pandya k... .. 30 26 and n.; 55, 58, 62; "The Supple.", of Maravarman Sundara Pandya I. .. 33 n. Mr. Taylor, dealing with the Pandyas 27 Marave, of Tinnevelly, and Visvanatha .. 134 and n.,-32 n.; 34 n; Sanskrit, and the March, John, E. I. Co.'s servant .. 267, f. Dharani or spells 37; 50 n., 51 n; historiMartanduvarma, at Tambraparpi ..217; 231 n. cal, and Telugu Colonies 113118 n.; and Marriage oustoms, of the Tottiyans 136 and Hastipalaka 122; the Madura 133, f.; n., 137: the Reddis 138; the Anuppang Mackenzie, etc., 133 and n.,-137; the Maok 140; and nymphs .. .. .. F. K. 151 15 189 n.; from E. Turkestan.. Sup. 45 and n. Maruti, monkey god . . .F.K. 21. f. Mubarik, son of Alauddin' .. .. .. 233 Marwari, soe Notes on the Grammar of the Much-kund, sage .. .. .. .. F. K. 16 Old W. Rajasthanf .. .. Muckrob Con, Mukarrab Khan 89, 99, f. .. .. 21, ff. 102, 105, 1. mdaha, a measure .. .. .. 106 and n. Mucksoudabad, Makadabad, Murshidabad. Masulipatam, and J. Smith .. .. .. 267 71, 98, 102 mdtanga, elephant, eto. .. .. .. Sup. 86 Mudkal, tn., 'captured .. .. .. .. 187

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286 INDEX mudrardksasa, by Visakhadatta, book-notice Nagama Naik, chief supporter of Narasingha 64-68 the SAluva, his supposed identity with KotMugdhavabodhamauktika, elementary Sanskrit tiyam Nagama Naik 14 and n., 15; conquered grammar .. .. .. .. 21, 24 the Pandya co. 28; 117; 231; at Madura Mughal, ravages in S. India 116; art 124 ; 232; restored Chandra sekhara 30; 116; oppression of the Gajar-Rajputs .. .. 165 218; his expedition and defection 253 and Mughals, Chagtai Turks 219; The Great, n., pardoned .. .. .. .. 25260 Gardens of, book-notice .. .. 48 Nagarasu, father of Visvanatha Naik .. .. 231 Muhammadans, in S. India 1, 2 n., 3 and n., Nagarjuna, identified with Susruta the 6; or Musalmans 7 and n.; 12 and n.; 111; Younger .. Sup. 56 153, f., 257; and the Pandyas 28 and n., Nagarjun inscrip. .. .. .. 175 n. 29.; in Madura 30, f.; and the Tottiyans 136 nagas, dragon spirits .. .. . 38-42 n.; and the Deccan .. .. .. .. 262 Nagas, kings .. . ..49, f., 52, f. Mujahid Shah, Bahmani k., and Jatavarman Nagari, characters in Hathal inscrip. 193; Pardkrama Pandya .. .. .. .. 34 form, of letter "y" .. .. .. Sup. 47 Mukarrab Khan, Muckrob Con, and R. Hughes nagpanchami, day .. .. . F. K. 7 89, 99, 1, 102, 106, t. Nahapana, or Nahavahapa, Satrap 120, and mukha-lepa, and face-plasters .. .. Sup. 81 Nabhovahana .. .. .. .. 122 and n. Mulla, for Malik Kafar .. .. 28 and n., 29 Naik Kingdom of Madura, History of 1-17; Munda, k.... .. .. .. .. 168, 171 27--36; 43--48; 111-118; 133-142; Munivansabhyudaya, & work by Chidananda. 153-158; 187--192; 217-218; 229-232; kavi .. .. .. .. .. .. 208 253-262 Muntaz Mabal, Arjumand B&ns Begam, wife Nainer Acharya, or Varad&charya, son of Ve. of Shahjahan .. .. 240 and n., 241, 244 dentacharya .. .. .. 155 and n., 156 n. murali, dedicated girl .. .. .. F. K. 22 nalar, to dishonour a bond .. .. .. 101 Murshidabad, Muoksoudabad, silk from 71, 98, 102 nakedness, and rites .. .. . F. K. 19 Musalman, Musalmans, conquest of 8. India Nalanda, and Mahavira 127 n., and Buddha. 1--1; 138; 233; defeats, in Madura diat. 128 n. 7 n.; influence in 163; and Vijayanagar 14, Nanda, k., successor to Udayin 173, 174 and 187, 188 and n.; and Kampana Udaykr 27; n. ; 168 n. invasion of Pandya co. 31; and mlechchhas Nandaraja, its connection with Mahapadma 68; oppression of the Canarose 139; and and MahAnandin .. .. 167 and a the Saurashtras 141 ; tyranny in Srirangam Nandas, tho, fall of 64, dates 120122 ; 124 165; and the Gajar-Rajpats 164, f.; States, and n. ; nine 167 and n., 168 and n., 171, f., 174 Nandivardhana, k. .. .. .. .. 167 and Rama Raya .. .. .. 230 and n. Nandrus, and Alexandrus . .. 167 musters .. .. .. .. .. 106, 108 Narabari Tirtha, name given to Bama Sastrin Mutasiva, k. .. .. .. .. .. 171 238, f. ; Jaina Pontiff.. .. . 262--265 muth marane, dark lore.. .. F.K. 19 Nahariyati stotram, and Narahari Tirtha 262--264 Muttarasa Tirumalai Mavili Vanathi Raya, Narasa Naik, chief, supported Narasingha the Saluve, founded the Tuluva dyn. 15 and a.; Pandya chief .. .. .. ..10, 11,31 vioeroy and usurper in Madura 16 and 1. ; Mysore, S., and Kumkra Kampana 9; and the begins to rule 31; and the Mavalivanada Saurashtras 139 and n. ; under Krishna Reyars, etc., 33 ; and Arikesari Parakrama Rai 257; or Maxur .. .. .. .. 262 35 and n., 36; deposed the emperor, etc., 43, 45, 47; 229. Narasa Raja Udayar .. .. .. .. 43 n. Narasimgha Meheta, poet, and Old W. RajasNadu Nadu, Magadhai Nadu .. thani .. .. .. Nagabhata I., Gurjara k. .. 162 Narasimha or Narasingha, Saluva chief 13-16; Nagabhata II, k. in Kanauj and the foundation of Ariyalur .. .. 115 Nagadasa, k. .. .. .. .. 171 and n. Narasimbadeva, Vira Pratapa . 263, f. Nagadaraka, k.. .. .. .. .. .. 168 Narasimha Mahabhattopadhyaya .. .. 263 : 32 162 :

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INDEX 287 Nataputta, Nigantha 127 and n., 128 and n., 130: 173; death of .. Padariya or Rummindes Insoription, A Note . . .. . . . . 177 Nature Powers .. .. . ..F. K.1-12 on it .. .. . " ** navagrahas, nine planets Padmanabha, author . . E. K. 9 .. .. no planete 25 .. .. navami, tithi .. .. .. .. F. K. 8 Padmanabha Tirtha, Sobhana Bhatta 234, f. ; Vavanitaka, a section of the Bower MS. 180; Jaina Pontiff .. .. .. .. 262-266Sources and the date of it .. .. Sup. 53-64 Pahari languages 142-151, 159-166 ; and Navaratri, festival, and Visvanatha.. 192 and Rajasthani .. .. .. .. .. 22 painting and engraving at Agra and Delhi .. 124 n., 255 Navsari, tn., to which the fire temple was Paiyalaochi, & work by Dhanapala, and the Vikrama era .. .. 151, f. .. .. .. .. .. 121 .. Nayars of Travancore Pajaka, vil., s. Canara dist., birthplace of .. .. .. 217 and n. Nehavend, battle of .. .. .. .. 152 Vasudeva .. .. .. .. 235, 237 Pajjdsan, removal of Nepal, E. limit of Pahari lang. 142, f.; and the .. .. .. .. 176 Khalas. 147 and n. ; 150, f. ; 165; and Bha Pakudha Kaccayana, heretical teacher and k. Ajataaatru drabahu 176; and the development of the . .. .. " letter 'y'.. Pakundaka or Pandukabhaya, k. of Ceylon .. .. .. .. Sup. 52 .. 171 natranjana, collyria .. .. ... Sup. 82 Palaka, k. of Avanti .. .. .. 120-122 Vidhanpur, Sylhet dist., where BhAskaravar Palamkottah, tn., and the Canarese immi. man's copperplate grant was found.. .. 95 grants .. .. .. .. .. 112 n. Nigantha Nat (h) - putta, Buddhistio hereti- . PA!ayams, feudal estates, of Trichinopoly and cal teacher, identified with Mahavira 126; or Manapparai, eto, 114 and n.,-118 and n.; Nirgrantho Jatiputrah ..126 and n.; 127, f. of Kongu 133 and n., 134 and n.; of Tinne. Nilakkottai, Palayam .. .. velly .. 136 .. .. .. .. .. .. 189 n. Nilgiri, hills, and the Badugas . 113 n. Pali, Canon 126-128, 130; texts, and Buddha Nimi, epic ruler of Videha .. .. Sup. 56, 58 dates . .. . .. . 173 Nirgranthas 127, 131 ; and schisme .. .. 177 Pallaves, and the Cholas .. .. .. .. 238 Nirgrantho Jaatiputrah, and Nataputta .. 126 n. Pallis of Tinnevelly, and Visvanatha .. .. 134 Nirmal, Thana dist, has a funda lake ..F. K. 13 palm leaves as writing material.. Sup. 45 n. Nirvana, of Buddha 132, f.; 167, f., 170-- Pafcha-naksha, collection of Dharanis 172 and n.; Era 203, f. ; of Mahavira 119, f.; Sup. 87, f. 122, f. ; 125, 174, 176 panchayats, among the Tottiyane .. 139 n., 140Nizam Shah of Ahmadnagar, and Rams Raya 230 Pandhar, goddess .. .. .. F. K. 24 Note on the Padariya or Rummindei Inscrip- Panduvasa, k. of Ceylon.. .. .. .. 171 tion .. .. .. .. .. 17-20 Pandyan kingdom, and the Muharamadans Notes on the Grammar of the Old Western 1-6; 111, f.; and Vijayanagar 7, 8, 217, Rajasthani with Special Reference to Apa- 218 n.; and the UdayArs 10; and Lakkana bhrama and to Gujarati and to Marwari 11; and the Saluvas 13, f., 17; Kings, in 21-26; 55-63; 84-91 ; 181-186; 213 digenous, (from 1371-1500) 27, ff.; emigra. 216; 225--228; 245-252 tion to Tinnevelly, etc., 31., f. ; of Tenkasi, nouns, declension of, in Old W. Rajasthani and the Banas, etc., 33, list of 34; 47; 229; 181-186; 213-216; in 'popular' Sanskrit and Narasa Naik 45 ; extinct, 135; and Sup. 65 n., 67, 70, 76 Travancore 189, 1., 231; and Cholas 190 n., numerals .. .. . . Sup. 68 191 n., 232, f. ; and Visvanatha 253 and n. Numiz, on Achyuta Raya .. 187 and n., 188 n. -200 nymphs .. .. .. F. K13, f. Panini, date of .. .. .. .. Sup. 65 Panipat, battle .. . . .. 219 Panjab, tribes 150, and the Gurjarse, eto, oils, taila .. .. .. .. Sup. 82 169,-161; or Gujars 163 n. ; 166 Coema Kadphisee, conquered N. W. India .. 125 Panjabi langs. .. .. .. .. .. 142 on naimio soience, and Nimi .. .. Sup. 58 paper, as writing material . Sup. 45 and n. Otsea, and Achyuta Raya .. .. 188 n. Papapuri, in Patna dist., and Pav& .. .. 128 Osteology of the Ancient Indians, by Dr. Parakrama, Pandyan, probably Jatavarman Hoernle.. .. .. .. 180 Pardkrama Pandya .. .. .. 34 and n.

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288 INDEX polar star i h Tottiyans 136, and Parikrama, Arikesari .. .. .. 35 and n. philosophies of S. India .. .. .. 233 Parakrama Pandye, Ponnumperumal.. ... 36 phonetics of Old W. Rajasthani.. .. 55, ff. Paramakudi, battle .. .. .. 257 and n. phonology of popular Sanskrit.. .. Sup. 68 Paramara Clan, founded by Dhumarajadeva Pieppullyo, Pipit .. .. .. .. .. 83 193, f. pills .. .. .. .. .. .. Sup. 82 paramarshi, supreme medical authority Pingala-Apabhramga, its composition, etc. Sup. 56, f. 23, f. Paramartha, and dates .. .. .. 172 n. pipilika, ant gold, etc. .. .. .. .. 144 Paranjodhimunivar, Saiva Siddhantist teacher Pipli, Pieppullyo, Portuguese port .. .. 83 167 Pisacha, dialect, and the Ajars .. .. .. 160 Parantaka I., Chola k., and the Banas .. 32 Pisachas, or Pigitalis, cannibals, the Khabas Parasara, pupil of Atreya .. .. Sup. 54, 56 144 and n., 145 and n., 150, 165, their Parasu Rama, and the Saurahtras .. .. 141 language and Rajasthanf .. .. .. 166 parda, curtain .. .. .. .. 100 and n. Pischel, Dr. and the Rummindei inscrip. 17 Parihar, or Pratihara Rajputs, and the Gurja and n.--20 ras .. .. .. .. .. .. 162 pitras, manee, worship of .. . F. K. 6 Parisi-taparvan, or Sthavirdvalicarita.. 173 Piyadasina, Asoka 17 and Priyadarsin .. 20 Paritta, magioal, texts, see Dharini'.. 37 and n. planets, worshipped .. .. ..F. K. 9, 22 Parivarams, domestic servants of the Totti. Pliny, mentioned the cannit al Casiri 144, yana 137; and the Kavusdan chiefs .. 140 149, f. Parker John, and Robt. Hughes, in the First plumbago root .. .. .. Sup. 59, 62, 82 English Commercial Mission to Patna 69, 83, I Poems of Prince Kamran.. .. .219-224 97, 99, f., 100--111 Poh Brimitra, translator.. .. .. Sup. 88 Parsi History, traditional dates of .. 151, f. poisons .. .. .. .. .. F. K. 13 Parova, tirthakara.. .. .. .. 131, 178 .. . F.K. 9 participles, in popular Sanskrit . Sup. 72 polyandry, among the Tottiyang 136, and Parule, vil., has a temple for sunwor. Apuppans.. .. .. .. .. .. 140 ship .. .. .. .. .. ..F.K. 2 Polygar, ancient Udayar 114 and n., 115, of Parvataka, a medical authority . Sup. 56 Sivagiri, history of 117, f.; of Kongu 133; Parwiz, Pervize, Sultan, in Patna.. 99, 102, 104 137, memoirs 136; and Visvanatha 135, Pa saka-kavali, cubomancy.. .. Sup. 84, 86 Tottiyan 140; adopt Tengalaism .. .. 156 pasd, divination die .. .. .. Sup. 86 ponds, sacred .. .. .. F.K. 13, 15-18 Pataliputra, and the mudrarakshasa 67; visited pongu, tree sacred among the Tottiyans 136 n., by Megasthenes 172; and Udayin .. .. 173 and Canarese .. .. .. .. .. 139 pathology . .. .. . Sup. 64 pothi, form of the Bower MS. 180; pothis from Patna, First English Commercial Mission to Chinese Turkestan .. .. .. Sup. 64 69-83; 97-111; and Mr. Elwes .. 269, f. Portuguese, Portingalls, in Bengal 71, 73, 83 Patnalkarans, low-caste weavers .. 140 n. and Bijapur .. .. .. .. .. 230 Pattinattu Pillai, Saiva Siddhantist teacher postpositions, in Old W. Rajasthani 215, f. 156 n., 167 and n. 158 225, f. ; 228, 245, f., 248-252 Pattiragiriyar, continued Meyhanda's work powder, charna, .. .. .. .. Sup. 82 156 and n., 157 Prakrit, and the Jains 120 and n.; prakrita Pattukottai, Naik chief .. .. .. 232 Sup. 65, prakriticism ... .. .. 66-68 Pava or Papa, tn., and Mahavira 122 and n.; Prakrita-Paigala, and the Apabhramca. 22 and n. or Pap&puri, and Nataputta 128; two prasaka, pasaka Sup. 84 dice .. .. .. 87 places of the name .. .. .. .. 177 Pratihara, Parihar Rajputs .. .. .. 162 Peguan date of Buddha's death . .. 197 Prauda Deva, Vijayanagara emp. .. 13, 14 n. pepper .. .. .. .. .. .. 269 Praychacs, Sk. Prachya, and parbiya, inha Peramur, palayam, date of .. 114 and n., 115 bitant of Eastern co. .. .. .. 71 and n. Peri M. N., and the Nirvana .. .. 172 n. prescriptions .. .. .. .. Sup. 81, 1. Persia, trade with .. 81, f., 97, 106, 108, 110 Prinsep, and Buddha's death .. .. peshkash, forced offering.. .. .. 270, f. pronouns, in Old Western Rajasthani 226; peth, penth, market town .. .. .. 70 Sup. 67, f. philology .. .. .. .. i 21, 179 Ptolemaios II, k. of Egypt, Turamaya .. 132

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INDEX 289 Ptolemy, mentions the Tayyavot, 144 n.; and Rajp0 ts, and Khasas 150; some tribes founded other tribes, etc., .. .. 145, 146 n, 149, f. by the Gurjaras 159 and n.-161, the three Pugalendi, poet, suggested dates of .. .. 36 Fire-born clans .. .. 162-164 PajyapAda, date .. .. .. .. 210, f. Rajya-Sthapanacharya, sri-Vallabha-Pandya, L'ulindas, two tribes of the names ..145 and n. death of .. .. .. .. .. .. 230 Punarvasu, or Atreya . .. .Sup. 54 raksas and spells .. .. .. 51, 40 and n. Punya crarakathakoca a work by Rama Rakshasa, character in the Mudrarakshasa .. 67 Chandra .. .. .. .. .. ... 23 Rakcini, pro-Vedic Mother fiends' 37, or punya.divasas, date of an Acharya's death .. 260 Raksa .. .. .. 40 and n., 41 n., 51 punyiha wachan, ceremony . .. F. K. 3 Rama, image given to Ananda Tirtha .. 237, Purana, Text of the Dynasties of the Kali 262, 264 Age, book notice .. .. .. 195, f. Ramachandra, of Devagiri, and Malik Karar. Purana, the Vaya 168, f. ; and K. Udaya 172 1, 233 and n.; Puranas, refer to the Khabag .. 146 ramal, cubomancy.. .. .. .. Sup. 87 Purana Kassapa, heretical teacher .. 126, 130 Ramanuja, in Tengalaism 155 n., in Saiva. Parnaprajna, Vasudeva 235, or Ananda Tirtha. 236 Siddhantism 156; and the Visishtha dvaita Purushottama Tirtha, Achyutapreksh&charya philosophy 233; etc. .. .. 264, n. 285 n. 235; guru of Ananda .. .. .. .. 263 rama navami day .. .. .. .. F. K. 7 Pusto, lang., and the Ajars .. .. .160, 162 Rama-Raja, Aravidu chief 229 and n.-231; Pushyamitra, Pusamitta, k. 120, 122, and the 257, 259; f. Manucci's account of him 261, f. Mauryas.. Rama Varma, k. of Travancore, and Vithala Puttana, Patna 69, f. 72, 75, 79--83, 99, 231 and n.; or Venru-man-Konda-Bhatala 105, 111 vira-Iramavanmar .. .. .. 232 n. Ramosvaram, tn., Sect Bunder Ramesser, and Malik Kafar .. . .. . 2,4 Qizil, Ming-of w. of Kuchar, soone of the Ranganatha, g. of Madura .. .. 7 n., 12 find of the Bartus MS... . Sup. 45 and n. Rao, sub-division of the Kanets. . 143, 150 and quicksilver, trade in .. .. .. 72, 77 n., 164 Quilon, c. Kolamba, destroyed . 3 and n raadyana, alteratives . .. .. Sup. 81, f. quilts, Sutgonge, trade in .. ... 82, f. Rashtrakta inscrip. and Amoghavarsha 207 Qum Tura, Ming-oi where the Bower MS. Rastell, Mr., and R. Hughes . . 104, 109 was found ... .. .. .. Sup. 45 ratha saptami, day for sun worship. F. K. 2, 3, 7 Qutluq Urda Stupa, MS. fragments from. Sup. 45 n. | Ratnagiri dist., and sun worship F. K, 2, 3, and moon spots 5, eclipses, etc. 7, 9-12; sacred springs, etc. .. .. 13, 15, 17, 23, f. rahmoutes, perhaps rawat or chauds .. 70 and n. Ratnakara, poet .. .. .. .. .. 67 Rahu, and eclipses.. .. .. .. F. K. 8,9 Ravivarma, k. of Travancore, Bhutalavira. Raichur dab, under Krishna Deva 44 and n.; Vira-Udaya . .. .. .. 231 and n. And Ismail Adil Shah 187 and Vijayanagar. 230 Raya, the, and Visvanatha .. .. .. 260 rain, .. .. .. ..F. K. 9, f., 12, 17, f. 20 razai, rasseyes, cloth of narrow width 80 and n. rainbow .. .. .. .. F. K. 9, f., 20 Red Sea, trado . .. . .. 107, f. Raja Gambhira Rajya, name given to the Chole Reddis, Kapus, Telugu colonists .. 138 and n. and Pandyan kingdoms .. .. .. 7,8 religion, pre-Aryan, of India .. .. .. 37 Rajagriha, tn. and Buddha, etc... 126-n. 128, religious effects, of Vijayanagar conquest of 133, 178 S. India .. .. .. .. 153, ff. Rajapurchi Ganga, sacred spring.. .. F. K. 13 Religious, New, Era .. .. .. 200, 203, f. Rajapurl, modern Rajaurl, and the Khains .. 148 reptile bite .. .. .. .. .. F. K. 13 Rajasthani, The Old Western, Notes on the Teza, scrap, fragment .. .. .. 80 grammar of, with special reference to Apa- Rhys Davida, Prof., and dates .. 130 and n., 200 bhramca and Gujarati and to Marwart 21- Right and Left Hand Castes .. .. .. 140 26, 55--63, 84-91, 181-186, 213-216, rishi-panchami, rite .. .. F. K. 19 225-228, 245-252 rivers, sacred .. .. .. .. F. K. 13 Rajputana, and the Gurjaras, etc. 22, 162-166; Rook Edict XIII, of Asoka. 132 and n., 169 and n. its language 23, 24, and Paharf .. .. 143 roe, rukh, or simurgh of the Persians, Garuda. 38

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290 INDEX 208 Roshan Rae, Roshandra Begam, daughter of SAluva Nayakkan .. .. .. .. 218 Shahjahan .. . .. 241 n., 244 Saluva Timma, and Krishna Deva Raya Rsabha, a Jina .. .. .. .. 173 43 D.; Appaji .. .. .. .. .. 44 Ruby, the ship .. .. .. .. 82 Saluvas, governors of the North 12 and n.; of Rudra of Warangal, Pratapa, and Malik the South 13-18; and the Pandya, etc. 33 ; Kafar .. .. .. .. .. .. 2 1 45; and Salakas .. .. .. 189 and n. Rukmini, and Lummins .. .. .. .. 18 salya tantra, treatise on major surgery.. Sup. 58 Rummindei inscrip., or Padariya .. 17-20 Samagama, in Sakaland, visited by Buddha Rupnath inscrip. .. .. .. .. .. 132 128; 177 su maleh, simmulye, wood .. .. 81 and n. samana, samanes, cloth from Samana, in Babaras, mountain race in Kaliuga .. .. 263 Patiala .. .. .. .. .. .. 98 Sabdanusasanum, the .. . Sama Sastrin, Advaitin 236 or Narahari sacred thread, and Khasias . .. .. 150 Tirtha .. .. .. .. 237; 262, f., 266 Sadasiva Raya, emp., succeeded Achyuta Samanta pa sadiku, the, and dates .. 168 and n. Raya 229 and n.-231 and n., 253 and n.- Sambhutavijaya, Jaina pontiff . 175, f. 255, 259, f. Sampat Shaniwar, wealth-giving Saturday saffron, trade in .. .. .. .. 72, 101 F. K. 21 Saga Garga, writer on cubomancy . Sup. 87 Samprasarana, in old W. Rajasthani .. .. 91 Sagara, k. .. .. .. .. .. .. 146 Samprati, grandson of Asoka 173; and sages .. . .. .. F. K. 9, f. 1 Sampadi . .. .. .. 175 and n. sahan, sahannes, fine sheeting, trade in 70, 73, Sanchi Buddhist sculptures .. .. .. 38 77, 81, 99, f., 105, 108 Sandai, Sk. sandha, and shandy .. .. 195 shanushi, king of kings .. .. 125 and n. sandhi, euphonic combination .. . Sup. 70 Sahanatunga--Dantidurga, Rashtrakata k... 210 Sangama dyn., and the Saluvas .. .. 14 Sahasram inscrip. .. .. 132, 172 n. Sanghapala, translator .. .. .. Sup. 88 sahi governors of provinces in Sakakala. 125 and n. Sanjan, tn., and the Parsis .. .. .. 151 Saidabad, Sideabaude, silk from .. .. 71 Sanjaya Belatthiputta, heretical teacher Sdisunaga, dyn. .. .. .. .. .. 172 126; 128 n., 130 n. Saiva Siddhantism, popular movement in Sankaracharya, and the higher outes 158 ; .. .. 156, 157 n. date, 238 and n; ansa of Siva . 264 n. gaiviam, in S. India .. .. .. 153-156 Sarkaravarman, of Kashmir, and the Gurjara gaka, k., .. .. .. .. . 122, 125 kingdom .. .. .. .. .. 159 Saka era .. .. .. 119, f. Sanskrit, MSS., from C. Asia 37 and n., 38; Sakakala, co., and Kalaka .. .. 125 language, used by Jain authors 120 and n. ; Sakala, Sagala, cap, of the Madras .. 146 n. and the Khalas 143-145 n. 159-161; Bakas, and India 123; and Kushans 125; 165; in HAthal inscrip. 193; and Brahmani. Bakyas 128 ; Scythians etc... 145, 146 n., 147 cal sacred literature 196 ; and the Bower BakatAla, minister of the last Nanda .. .. 174 MS. .. .. .. .. Sup. 65, 68, 79, f. Bakatdyana, Jaina grammarian .. 205-212 sanyasis, soetics .. .. .. F. K. 4 Salakas and SAluvas .. . .. .. 189| Sapadalaksh9, co., in N. W. India, and the Balikya-tantra, treatise on minor surgery Gurjaras .. .. .. 22; 163-166 Sup. 56 Sariputta, disciple of Sanjaya .. 138 n., 130 n. Salem, conquest of 4 n.; And Coimbatore the sarkar, court .. .. 77 Kongu co. 133; and the Reddis .. 138, f. sarraf, sherafes, money-changer .. 76 Salivahana, k. .. .. .. .. 119 Sarvaina. Sarvajna .. .. .. .. .. .. 238 Saluva Immadi Narasimha .. .. 8, 45 Sarvajnatme, date of .. .. .. .. 272 SAluva Immudi Narasimha .. 16, 17 and n. 43 Sarvajnatman, author.. .. .. .. 238 Aluva Naik 46, or Venkatappa 47; called sati, 101 ; among the Tottiyans 137 and n. ; Chellappa Vira Narasimha Nbikar 189-191; and the Canarese 140 ; and Saurashtras.. 141 217 Nayakkan .. .. .. .. .. 218 Satgaon, Satgonge, quilts from.. .. 71, 73, 77 Baluva Narasingha, and the Pandyas 13, 15, satta jhagra, quarrels about bonds .. .. 101 33; or Narasimha, and the Vijayanagar Satyamangalam, vil., and Vedantacharya .. 153 kingdom 36, and n., 36, 229 Satya Tirtha, and Ananda Tirtha .. 236, Saivism..

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Saurashtras, clothiers, etc., Teluguised 138 142 Savitri, sacred river F. K. 14 sawal, savoye, 25% profit 71, 79 and n., 80 and n., 102 164 n. 177 sawa-lakh, and Sapadalaksha.. schisms, among the Nirgranthas, etc. scribes, of the Bower MS. (writers), 179, f.; Sup. 46, 48 Scythian, power, in India 122 n., 123, 125; peoples, Sakas.. sea, worshipped. seamorse, walrus seasons Seet Bunder Ramessar, Ramesvaram.. Seleucidan, and Maurya eras Semana, tn. Senart M., and the name Lummint 18; and Buddha dates.. . 132, 133 n. serbandy silk, from sirbandi, head-winding, 71 and n., 73-75, 81, f., 98-100, 102, 107 Sevappa Naik, of Tanjore 232 and n. Seventeenth Century Anglo-Indian Worthies, contd., from Vol. XXXIV p. 176, No. IV. John Smith 267-271 Shahabu'ddin Ghori and Hindustan Shahjahan, Joannes De Laet on India and, book-notice 239-244 Shah Tahmasp, or Great Sophie, of the Satavi dyn. .. shahi, shawe, banker Shaista Khan, Nawab title she-devils, or mothers'.. She-hwang-ti, contemporary of Asoka.. Shem Bridges, Chief of Bengal Shepherd Matt., and J. Smith shandy, and shindy Shaonano Shao Koshano, kings of Kueishuang, Yue-chi title 66; and Sahanusahi, Kushana Shesha and earthquakes.. Sh'hu, Danapala? Shiacthames, Shah Tahmasp Shibab-ud-din Muhammad, Shahjahan Shih-li-cha-to-lo, Sylhet ... shikdar, shekdare, revenue officer shindy and shandy Shiva, g., and the swastika, etc. Shringarishi, sage ::::: :::::: 145, f. F. K. 7 72 F. K. 18 Simharaja, k. of Lohara, simples, vegetable and mineral simurgh, roe, rukh and Garuda sins, and earthquakes Singapiran, a Brahman. sin-sun, as writing material sirbandi, serbandy . 2, 4 Sirwastava, Kayastha sub-division Sita, images Sitatapatra, Tara 175 ..111 Siddapur inscrip. Siddhanta, the, 129 and n., revised, etc. Siddhi-sAra-Sastra, Khotanese pothi. Sideabaude, Saidabad Siha, general 239 101 .. 267 195 INDEX 125 49, f. 172 n. 267, f. 267 F. K. 12 Sup. 88 239 240 96 81 .. 195 F. K. 3, 17 F. K. 17 132 176 Sup. 64 71 127 .. 1 .. Silajatu kalpa, a treatise on bitumen, .. silavigadabhici, word in the Rummende scrip. 17, and silavigadabhi Sup. 52 in18, 20 silk, varieties of, trade in 69-71, 74 and n., 75, 77-79, 81-83, 97-99, 101-103, 105, 107, f.; weaving among the Saurashtras 138, 139 and n., 141 149 Sup. 82 38 12 154 54 71 and n. 20 237, 262, 264 .. 53 n. Sivigiri, the Polygars of 117, f. Sivagrayogin, Saiva Siddhantism teacher 157 Siva Vakya, Saiva Siddhantist teacher .. 156 Sivili Maran, alleged Pandyan.. k. 118 and n. Siyar-ul-Mutakharin, the, on Shahjahan 241 Slave-kings of Delhi small-pox, .. .. 291 and n. Skanda Purana, and the Saurashtras.. .. 141 Skandil, president of the Council of Mathura 176, 177 n. 1 Smarta cult, in 8. India F. K. 14, f. 153 and n. Smith, Jas., and J. Smith 267 and n. Smith, John, an Anglo-Indian Worthy of the Seventeenth Century.. 267-271 Smith, V. A., on the Rummindei inscrip. 17 and n., 18; on the Jains, etc., 127 n.; 175 and n. on Buddha's death 132, 133 n.; and the Gurjaras 159 n., 160 and n., 163 n., 166, 167 n.; and dates 172 n .. F. K. snake-bites 180; Sup. 87, f.;. 6, 8, 13, 23 Sobhana Bhatta, Advaitin, Padmanabha 236; 266 F. K. 11 Soma Sekhara, Pandya k. 27-30; and Kampana Udayar Tirtha .. solasomavarvrata vow somaya rite 229 F. K. 19 Somideva, Aravidu chief .. 229 Sources of the History of Religion, booknotice 272 Sup. 69 spelling, in Sanskrit spells, Indian Buddhistic, Dharani 37-42; 49 -54; 92-95 Spence Hardy, on the Jains.. 128 and n., 130 n. Speyer, and Lumbini 18 and n.; and the Mudrarakshasa 66, f. .. F. K.

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292 spices, trade in spicknard, spikenard, trade in springs, hot Sravana Belgol inscrip. Sravasti, where Gosala died Srenika, Bimbisara k... Sriharshacharita, the, and the Gurjaras Srikarmam temple inscrip. Sringeri Matha, and Vidyaranya 233; and Vidyasankara 236 Srirangam, inscrips. etc. 7 n., 12 and n., 13 and n., and the Muhammadans 153 and n., f., 233 and n.; and Tengalaism 155; and Achyuta Raya 217, and Ananda Tirtha.. 236 Sri Ranganatha, g. of Madura 5, 7 n., 12 Sri-Saila, Sri-Vaishnava leader 153, 155 Srivallabha, Pandya k. 33 n.; Rajya-Sthapana charya 47 n.; Yatilavarman Srivira Ramavarma, k 83 76 F. K. 13, f.; 16 212 174 .. 173 ..159 234 229, f. 231 n. stars, worshipped, etc. .. F. K. 9, 20 Stein, Sir Aurel, and MSS. from Central Asia 37, 38 n., and spells 50 n.; and the Khasas 148; and MSS. Sup. 64 Sup. 72 F. K. 21 114 stem formation, in Sanskrit Sthanadevatas, local deities ethanapatis, agents.. Sthaviravalicarita, a work by Hemachandra, INDEX called Parisitaparvan Sthalabhadra, 7th or 9th Jain pontiff. stones, and rain, etc. 173 174, f. ..F. K. 18, f. 180 F. K. 5 198, f. F. K. 19 8, 9 .. stupa in which the Bower MS. was found Sudarshan, isl., and the moon Suddhodana, father of Buddha sugad, object worshipped.. .. sun, worship F. K. 2, 3 and n., eclipses Sundara Pandya, k. 2 and n., 3 n., 5, 34 and n.; II. Susunaga, minister, k. Sutgonge, Satgaon.. Sundarattoludaiyan Mavalivanadarayan, opposed Narasa Naik 6 33 31 Sundareavara, g. Suprabha, probably a physician Sup. 58 Surat Factory and R. Hughes.. 69, 72, 7579, 82, f., 97, f., 100 and n., 102-109, 111 Sure varacharya 272 surgery.. Sup. 56 Surya-Vansi, sacred spring in Kolhapur. F. K. 13 Suaruta, and the Susruta Samhita Sup. 55, the Elder, and the Younger 56 or Suarota. 57, 60, 62, f., 81 Susruta Samhita, work quoted in the Bower MS. 180; Sup. 53, or the Ayurveda Sastra.. 55-57, 60, 81 168, 170-172 71, 82 Sup. 88 Svati, monk Svayathu, subject treated in the Bower MS... Sup. 64 Svetambara Jains 119, rise of 175, 176 and n., and Digambara writers 208; Canon .. 128 n swastika, and sun worship F. K. 2, 3 Swat Valley, and the Gurjaras 160, f., 163, f., language.. swords, etc., trade in Sylhet, Shih-li-cha-to-lo Sylvain Levi, M., and Asoka dates 132 n.; discovered medical pothi 166 72, 77, 79, 267-269 95, 1. .. syntax, in Sanskrit Sup. 64 Sup. 74 tafites, trade in .. taila, medicated oils 98 Sup. 82 taka, tuke, coin worth from a half, to one 103 and n. .. 133 .. 133 F. K. 23 230 n. Sup. 86 64 .. 217 anna Talaimalai, Palayam in Kongu.. Tali, Palayam in Kongu... tali bharane, family rite Talikotta, battle.. talus, astragalus, knucklebone die Tamalitti, Dravidian tn. Tambraparni, battle .. Tamil, co., and Telugu generals 111; people, conquered by the Badugas 112; palayams 114, 117; women, marry the Reddis 138; lands, and the Vaduga caste 140; kings, and Hinduism 155; Buddhists, their date of Buddha's death Tamralipti, and Dimalipta, the ethnic origin 197 of 64 Tanganas, Tayyaros of Ptolemy.. 144-147 and u. Tan-gyur, Encyclopedic Commentaries.. 37 Tanjore, and Achyuta Raya 218; and the Cholas 232 and n.; and Krishna Rai 257; or Taniaur .. 262 tanka, weight 106 n. Tantrakhyayika, the, and the Rudrarakshasa.. 66 tantras, large treatises Sup. 54, 57, 59 Tantravardhana, sage, and the Saurashtras.. 140 tanzebe, tangeebs, cloths.. .. 268 tapestry 70, 100 and n. Taprobane, co., 171 n. Tara, Buddhist goddess, and Uspisa-Vijaya 38 and n.; Urga Tara 51 and n.; Sitata. patra 53 n. tasar, tussore silk.. Tatacharyas, family of Vadagala teachers. 156 Tata Pinnama, Aravidu chief Tavernier, on Shahjahan .. 241-244 and n. .. 69 229 ..

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INDEX 293 Taxila, tn., home of Atreya Sup. 54, 59tfza-aikka, newly coined .. .. .. .. 101 Telingana, Kingdom .. .. .. .. 2 Telingas, Madras tribe .. .. .. 258 n. Tellicotta, battle.. .. Telugu, agents, over Pandya chiefs 31 ; Co., and the Badugas 32, 112, f.; and the Reddis, etc., 138 n., 139 ; visited by Ananda Tirtha 236; inscrips. in 262, f. ; generals in ; customs 113; colonista .. .. 138, f. temples, benefited by Krishna Deva 45 and n.; fire-temple, moved to Navsari 151, f.; Hindu, closed .. .. .. .. .. 153 Tergalais, Vaishnava sect .. .. .. 153 Tengalaism, popular Vaishnaviam, rise of 155 and n., 156 Tenkasi, tn., occupied by the Payyas 31; chiefs of, and the B&nas 33, 34 and n.; the Benares of the South,' eto., 35 and n., 47, 118 and n. Thana dist., and the swastika F. K. 2, and the moon, etc., 5, 6, 8; 10, 12; kundas, etc., in 13-16; and the seasons, etc., 1820 Therapeutics .. .. .. .. Sup. 64 64 Thevenot, M. Jean de, on Agra and Delhi paintings .. .. .. .. .. 124 Thomas, Mr., E. and the Jains . 175 n. Thomas, Dr. F. W., and the word ubalike 17, 20 n.; and Buddha dates 132 and 1.; 176; E. T. thunder . . . . . . .. .. F. K. 12 Thuni, and Huna .. .. .. 144 and n. Tilok Chand and J. Smith .. .. .. 270 Timma Raja .. .. .. .. 259 Timmappa Ndik .. .. .. .. 232 n. tin, tyne, trade in . .. 71, f., 83 Tinnovelly, co., Pandyan emigration to 31; 33 --35 and n.; 47; 112; Palayams 117, 118 and n.; and Visvanatha 134, f.; and the Tittiyana 138; Achyuta Raya's expedition to 188, 189 and n.; 218; attacked .. .. 231 Tipanjam-kovils, Tottiyan wayside tombs ... 137 tirandaz, tierandazes, archer, guard .. .. 103 tirthika, anyatirthika, title .. .. 176 n. Tirumala, of Vijayanagar .. .. .. 116 Tirumala, Aravidu chief .. .. 229 and n. Tirumalamba, queen to Achyuta Raya, 232 n. Tirumalaiya, general under Achyuta Reya 190, f.; 217; 229 n.; 231 Tirumalayya, son of Krishna Deva .. 187 n. Tirupati, refuge of the gods of Madura. 163, f. Tirupatur, temple . . . . . .. 5,6 Tiruppanaigadu, and other inscrips. of Achyuta Raya.. .. .. 188 n., 189 n. Tiruvadi, 84luva cap. 45; 189 n., 190 and n.; battle 218; invaded .. .. .. 231 and n. Tiruvanaikaval, inscrips. of .. .. 238 n. Tiruvelangadu plates .. .. . .. 238 Tiesa, death of .. .. .. .. .. 171 tikha .. .. F. K. 8 Toleration, edict of .. .. 190 n. Toreyas, Canarese tribe.. .. .. 140 n. Tottiyans, Telugu colonists of Kongu 135 and n., 136 and n., 138--140; and Tongaliam 166 and n. toys, toyes, trade in .. .. .. .. 76 Travancore, and the gods of Madurs 163, f.; and the Pandya, eto., 189, 190 and n.; and the Vijayanagaras .. .. .. 217, f. Travels of Peter Mundy, .. 69, 70 n., 77 n., 78 n. tree bark, as writing material for spells. . 54 and n. Tribhuvans, S. E. of Madura, and Saivism .. 118 Trichinopoly, c., conquered 3; 112; and the Tottiyans 136; Palayams 114; modern, and the Reddis 138; seat of a Muhammadan governor 154; Chola cap. .. ..232 and n. tripuri-paurnima day .. .. .. F. K. 7 Trishanka, k. .. .. .. .. F.K. 9 Trivikrama Panlita, converted .. .. .. 237 Tukh&ras .. .. .. .. .. 146 n. Tulukkars, and Achyuta Raya .. .. .. 188 Tuluva, dyn., and the SAluvas 14 n., 15 and n., 43; usurpation .. .. .. .. 229 Tumbichchi Ndik, Pandyan feudatory, or Kumaralinga 189 and n., and 190 and n.. and Achyuta Raya .. .. .. 218, 257 Tunga, famous Khaga character .. .. 148 Turaiyur palayam .. .. .. 114 and n., 115 Turamaya, Ptolemaios II .. .. .. 132 Turkestan, E. exploration in 179, book from 180; Sup. 45, 46 and n. ; Chinese MSS... 64 Turnour, on the Mahapalaa .. .. 174 n. Turushkas, and the Vijayanagara kings .. 233 tussore silk, tasar, introduced into England 89, 73 and n. 77, 81 ubaliki, word in the Rummindei pillar inscrip. 17 ubari, an estate held on quit-rent, and ubaliki .. .. .. .. .. .. 17 uch-chhulka, free from octroi, and ubaliki .. 17 uda, water spirits .. .. .. ..F. K. 14 udara, abdominal complaints . Sup. 62, 64 Udaya, k. 133, or Udayasva, Udayi, last of the Saiunagas 167, 171 and n., 172, 174 and n. Udayabhaddaka, Udayibhadda.. 133; 168, 170 Udayagiri, fort .. .. .. .. 43, f. Udaya Martapda Varma, k. of Travancore, and the Paodyas.. 189. 190 and 1., 231 and n.

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294 Udayana, k. of Vatsa, contemporary of Maha121 and n., 122 vira, etc. 114 n. Udayar, and Polygar Udayars, as rulers in S. India.. 8 and n.-10, 12 Udayibhadda, Udayabhaddaka, k. Udayin, Udayibhadra, k. of Magadha 168 n., and Pataliputra 173, 174 and n. Ulipi, S. Canara dist., and Ananda Tirtha 235-237 124 Udut Singh, Indian painter Udyana, co., and birch bark 179; Ujjayini, and the Jains.. Sup. 45 121, 123, 125 umbali, Kanarese, a rent free grant, and ubalike.. Ummathur, Mysore State Upali, and Buddha, and Mahavira 128 and n., Upendra Tirtha.. Uraiyur, under the Cholas Urasa, modern Hasara dist. Usanas, founder of the Ausanasa INDEX Ussan Cassano, Uzun Hasan Uttarakurus, Attacore Banas .. 133 17 43, f. 177 237 13 n. 144 school, Sup. 58 239 144, 149 Uttara Tantra, second part of the Sugruta Samhita Sup. 56, f. Uzun Hasan, Ussan Cassano, and other names, Turkish ruler of Persia 239 93 n. Vach, Vedic goddess of speech.. Vadagalaism, orthodox form of Vaishnavaism. 156 vadana-pralepa, face-plasters Sup. 81 Vadiraja, author 212 Vadugas, immigrants into Kongu co... 135, 140 Vadvali, writer, and the Navanitaka..Sup. 58, 79 Vagbhata I., author of the Ashtanga-Savi graha Sup. 62 Vagbhata II, and the Ashtanga Hridaya Sup. 62 Vairocana, Buddha 50, f. Vaishnavaism Sri, in S. India 153 and n., f., and Tengalaism 155 and the Tottiyans 156 n.; and Jaina faith Vaiyappa, Aiyakarai, Vijayanagara viceroy 218 and n. vijikarana, subject treated in the Bower MS. Sup. 81 40-42, 53, f. 176, f. 159 242 54 n. Vajrapani, name in a Dharani .. Valabhi, Council Valabhi princes, and the Gurjaras Valentyn, Dutch writer, or Shahjahan valkal, SK., the bark of a tree... Vallabha-Amoghavarsha .. 207 Vallabha Deva, alias Ate Vira Rama, Pandya k. .. .. 158 Vanada Raya, Pandya k. ..218 and n. Vanada Rayars, Banas 32, and the Pandyas 33 and n., in Madura dist. 47; 229; 232 Vanagopadi, on the S. Pennar riv., and the 34 Vanakovaraiyan, Raja, and the Cholas. Vanas, Banas 32, inscrips. of 32 32. f. 33 Vangasena, medical writer ...Sup. 58, f., 61, 63 Varadacharya, Nainar Acharya.. 155 n., 156 n. Varahamihira, his mention of the Khasas 147, 148 and n. 174 208, 211, f. Varsaganya. k. 172 n; or Varshaganya (Agnisarmayana) Isvara Krishna Vararuci Vardhamana, author Vasishka, Kusana k. Yasomitra, monk.. vasti-karma, on enemas Vasudeva, birth of, or Purnaprajna 235 or Ananda Tirtha... Vasu-divadasi rite... Vatsaraja, k. 236, 265 .. F. K. 19 162 Vavaga kalpa, and gruels Sup. 62 Vayu Purana, the, and the date of Mahavira.. 167 Vayu, of whom Ananda Tirtha is an amsa.. 264 Vedantacharya, Sri-Vaishna leader 211 ..Sup. 65 n. Sup. 88 Sup. 82 153, 155 and n. Vedantadesika, a schismatic teacher, Veikatanatharya Vedas, etc., and Saiva-Siddhantism velvet, trade in 233 157, f.. 70 229, 230 and n. 233 ..46, f. 134 ..Sup. 65 n., 68, 71 72 Venkatadri, Aravidu chief Venkatanatharya, Vedantadesika Venkatappa, viceroy of Madura Venu Udaya, Kavupdan of Kakaradi verbs, Sanskrit, vermilion trade in... vernaculars, modern Indo-Aryan, from the Apabhramca, etc. 21-23; 182, f., 226; 214; 251 Vesali, tn., and Siha 127; 2nd Buddhist Council Vetal, g. .. F. K. Vetore, Savantwadi State, has curative ponds, F. K. 13 *** 269 Viceroys of the South during Achyuta's rule.. 218 Vickers, J. E. I. Co.'s servant Vidyaranya, and Vijayanagar 6,233; and the Smarta cult 153; death of 155 f; and the 1 .. 233 ..236 and n. 19 Advaita school... Vidyasankara, and Ananda Tirtha vigada, and silavigadabhi.. 168 24

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INDEX 295 viga labhi, word in the Rumm indei pillar ing. Visbnu, g, and Garuda 38 ; and Waman, F.K. crip., Auggested interpretations of, etc. .17, f. 9; 11 Vijaya, k. .. .. .. 171 | Vishnumangala, And Ananda Tirtha .. .. 237 vijayadashmi day, .. . .. F.K. 7 Vishnuvardhana, E. Chalukya k. .. Sup. 58 Vijayagandagopala, his copperplate grant 238 n. | Vishvamitra, reputed brother of Susruta Sup. Vijayanagar, rise of 3,-5; and Vidyaranya 60; 79 6,233; conquests of 6 and n.; 7 and n. ; rule Vishvamitra, sage .. .. .. .. F. K. 9 over Madura 8 and n.; 28, effects of 111, f. ; in- Visishthadvaita philosophy of Ramanuja .. 233 scrips. 9 n.; and Ceylon 11 ; and the Sauvas Visvanatha, g. .. .. .. 35 f., 192 and n. 12, 14 and n., 35 and n. ; 33 and n.; and Visvanatha Naik, founder of the Naik dyn. of the Pandavas 27, 34, 45, f. ; and Narasa Madura 14, f.; and the Pandyas 28-30 ; & Naik, etc., 43 and n., 44; and civilisation in Baduga 113 n.- 118; 134, f. ; 189 n., history 8. India 48; and Kongu 134; and the Totti of 191 ; 229, 231, f.; his punitive expedition yans 137; and the Saurashtras 138, f.; con. against Nagama Naik 253, his defence of quest of S. India 153 and n., policy 158 ; 254 ; elevated to the throne 255, double 187 and n.; and Achyuta Raya 188, 190 D., coronation 258 258, date, etc. .. 259, f. Virthala, viceroy of Travancore 230 n., -232 191 ; and the Nayars etc., of Travancore 217 and n., .. . . .. .. .. 260 and n., 218; and the Deccan 230 and n., city, vocal bases, in Old W. Rajasthani. 181-183 ; 213 253, f., and Visvanatha 256-259 voice, in Sanskrit grammar .. . Sup. 72 Vijayaratna, k. .. .. .. .. .. 120 vowels, single, in Old W. Rajasthani 55-60; Vikrama, Pandya k. .. 34; 119, f.; 126, in contact 60-62; in Sanskrit . Sup. 68, f. 131; 175 Vrihaspati, Brihaspati, founded the Barhas. Vikrama era .. .. 119, 121-123, 125 patya School .. .. .. .. Sup. 58 Vikramaditya, k, of Ujjayini 120-122 n. ; vishya, aphrodisiacs .. .. .. Sup. 82 and Bahram Gor 123 ; Chandra Gupta Vyaghramukha, Chapa ruler of Bhinmal 138; 233 152, 163 n. Vimaladitya, k., and Aditya .. .. .. 238 Vyasa, Rishi, visited by Ananda Tirtha.. 626, f. Vimalasur, demon, .. .. .. F. K. 14 Vincent, Matt., chief at Kasimbazar. .. 271 Vindhyavase, k... .. .. .. 172 n. Waghya, dedicated boys .. .. .. F. K. 22 Vindhyan hills, N. boundary of Vijayanagar .. 230 walrus, teeth, seamorse .. .. .. .. 72 Vira, k. .. .. .. .. 175-177 n. Waman, fifth incarnation of Vishnu .. F. K. 91 Vira era .. .. .. .. .. .. 119 waman divadashi day .. .. F. K. 7 . Vira Ballala, III k. 2 ; 6; IV. . 6 . Wang Hieun Tsi, Chinese invader .. 96 Warangal, c., Musalman conquest of 2; 6; Viranaka, tn., and the Khasas .. .. .. 149 and Achyuta Raya .. .. .. .. 188 Vira Narasimha, Busbal Rao, son of Narasa Wassif, writer, and Malik Kafar .. 2 and n., 3 Naik 43, 45, 46 n., 47 ; or Chellappa, and wristudevatas, grihadevotis, house deities. F. K. 21 Achyuta Raya 189 and n., 190 n. ; .. .. 229 wita-paurnima day, .. .. .. F.K. 7, 8 Vira Pandya k., and Tira Pandya 2 and n., 3 Walters, and th: Rummendei inscrip.. .. 19 n. and n, 6, 31; dates .. .. 34 ; 255, 260 Weber, M., and dates 129 n. ; MS. .. Sup. 46 Vira Pandya Maravarman, 1 .. .. .. 35n. wells .. .. .. .. ..F.K. 13, f. Vira Sekhara Chola, ousted Chandra Sekhara Wheeler, Mr. Talboys, author of The History of 30, 232, 253 India .. .. .. .. 241 and n., 214 Virupaksha, Vijayanagara k. 8 and n., 9, widows, remarriage of, among the Tottiyans inscrips. 11 n.; and the Saluvas, etc. 13, 14 137; and the Reddis 138; and the Apuppans n., 15 140; F. K. 8,11 Virupanna, Udayar chief .. .. 9 and n., 11 Vilakbadatta, author of the Murarakshasa Willowby, Mr. and R. Hughes .. .. .. 111 64-68 Windisch, and the word Lumini .. 18 n. visarpa, subject treated in the Bower MSS. Winter, Sir Ed., at Fort St. George .. .. 267 Sup. 64 witchcraft .. .. .. .. .. F.K. 8

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296 INDEX women, ceremonies for .. .. ..F.K. 18, 1. Yasamitra, Yatomitra supposed soribe of the Bower MS. .. .. .. .. .. .. 180 ; Sup. 46 yavagd, gruels .. .. .. .. Sup. 81 Xandramas, Agrammes, k. of Magadha.. 167 n. Yazdajird .. .. .. .. .. .. 152 Young, Robt., with R. Hughes in Patna 69 and n., 76, 82, f.; 104, 108, f., 111 Y., character in the Bower MS, various forms Yuan Chwang, mentions Sylhet . . 96 of Sup. 47-49, illustrated .. 50 and 1.-52 YAdavas of Devagiri .. .. .. .. 233 yaksas, in spells .. .. 61, 63 and n. zefer, conyes, a kind of cloth, trade in ..98, f. Yakshavarman, author .. 205-208, 211 | Zoroastrians, Persian, leave their early home. 151, f.

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CHAPTER V. THE DATE OF THE WRITING OF THE BOWER MANUSCRIPT. None of the seven Parts of the Bower Manuscript is dated. Nevertheless it is possible from its paleographic conditions to determine the date of the manuscript within comparatively very narrow limits. In doing so two preliminary points must be taken into consideration. In the first place, the Bower manuscript. though recovered from Eastern Turkestan, is essentially a product of north-western India. It is written on birch-bark. The use of that bark, as a writing material, was according to all available evidence, limited to north-western India.74 In Eastern Turkestan, whence the Bower Manuscript has come, the birch which yields the writing bark does not appear to grow at all. With a very few exceptions, all the manuscript books, discovered in Eastern Turkestan in the course of many recent explorations of its ancient ruined sites, are written on various kinds of paper.75 Those few birch-bark manuscript books, which are known to have been discovered in that country, are the Bower Manuscript, the Dutreuil de Rhins Manuscript, a manuscript found by Mr. Bartus, a member of Professor Grunwedel's expedition, and a manuscript found by Sir A. Stein, The Dutreuil de Rhins Manuscript was said to come from the sacred cave on the Gosringa hill near Khotan; but the story of the native finders has been fully exposed by Sir A. Stein who examined the cave in the course of his first expedition in 1900-1.76 Nothing is really known of the find-place of that manuscript. The Bartus Manuscript was found in the course of Professor Grunwedel's expedition in 1902-3, in one of the rock-cut caves, close to the Ming-oi of Qizil to the west of Kuchar, a little higher up the river Muzart then the Ming-oi of Qum Tura (see the Sketch Map).77 The Stein Manuscript is a recent discovery. It was excavated by Sir A, Stein in the course of his second expedition, 1906-8 in Khadalik, a site north-east of Domoko,79 which was abandoned probably in the second half of the eighth century A.D. As to the Bower Manuscript, there is no sufficient reason to doubt the story of its having been found in one of the ruined stapas of Qum Tura, near Kuchar (see Chapter I, pp. xi ff). All these birch-bark manuscripts must have been written by Buddhist pilgrims, or immigrants, from north-western India, Most of them probably were written by them in their original home, in Kashmir or Udyana, and imported into their new settlements. The Bower Manuscript, on the other hand, as has been shown in Chapter II (p. xx), and Chapter III (pp. xxviiiff, 1 An essay on the date of the Bower Manuscript was published by me in the Journal, As. Soc. Benga Vol. LX (1891), Part 1. It was reprinted, with additions, in the Indian Antiquary, Vol. XXI, pp. 29 ff. The date assigned to the Bower Manuscript in that essay was the middle of the fifth century A.D. In the meantime, much new information has become available, necessitating a fresh consideration of the whole problem. The result is that there now appear good reasons for ante-dating the manuscript by about three-quarters of a century. 14. Se: my paper on " Palm-leaf, Paper, and Birch-bark" in the Journal, As. Soc. Beng., Vol. LXIX (1900), Part I, pp. 32 fr. 75 This remark refers to manuscript books only. Letters and documents, official or private, have been found written also on wood, leather, silk, and other materials, but birch-bark has never been found in use for such non-literary purposes ; nor, I may add, palm-leaf. 76 See his Ancient Khotan, Vol. I, pp. 185 fr. TT This Manuscript, according to Dr. A. von Le Coq's information, formed part of a library, the mayuscripts of which were found incrusted in a mass of dry mud. Some of its folios have been cleaned and show writing in Gupta characters, closely resembling those of the Bower Manuscript. In another scripts were found, more or less fragmentary, which were written on palm-leaves. This circumstance is of particular interest because manuscripts written on palm-leaf, in this case of the Corypha Nmbraculifera. (see my "Epigraphical Note on Palm-leaf, Paper, and Birch-bark, in the Journal, As. So. Beng., Vol. LXIX, Part I, pp. 93 11.) are of distinctly Indian provenance and thus corroborate the equally distinct Indian character of the birch-bark manuscripts. Minute fragments of a palm-leaf manuscript, which apparently proceeded from the Qutluq Urda Stupa see Chapter I) are described by me in the same Journal, Vol. LXVI (1897), Part I. pp. 213 . The manuscript, which is shown in Figs. 6 and 7 of Chapter II, was found in the same cave temple of Qizil Ming-of, but is written on paper, 78 On this site, see Sir A. Stein's Ancient Khotan, Vol. I, pp. 454, 458 fr. 468; also his preliminary report on his second tour 1906-1908 in the Geographical Journal for July and September 1909 (Reprint, p. 17).

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xlvi THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [CHAPTER = XXXV ff.), in all probability was written by them, in their new settlement, on birch-bark brought with them from their original home. But that, though written probably in Eastern Turkestan, their writers certainly were natives of north-western India, is proved by the occurrence in Parts I-III of a particular form of the letter y, hereafter called the new form," which, as will be shown in the sequel, originated in north-western India, and which, as proved by the Weber Manuscripts and all other ancient paper manuscripts discovered in Eastern Turkestan, was never in use in the latter country.70 In the second place, the Bower Manuscript, as shown in Chapter III, p. xxviii is the work ofi four distinct scribes, who wrote Parts I-III, Part IV, Parts V and VII, and Part VI respectively. The scribe who wrote the second portion (Part IV) commenced his writing on the reverse page of the last leaf of the first portion (Parts I-III), while the scribe who wrote the third portion (Parts V and VII) inscribed a remark on either of the two other portions. This circumstance proves that these three portions of the Bower Manuscript are practically contemporary writings. It is obvious that the production of Part IV cannot be earlier in date than the production of Parts I-III; and it is equally obvious that to the writer of Parts V and VII, both Part IV and Parts I-III were accessible. As to the fourth portion (Part VI), it is written for the benefit of the same person (Yasomitra) as the beneficiary of Part VII. From the co-ordination of these facts it follows that the production of these four portions of the Bower Manuscript must be compassed by the space of about one generation, Now, as may be seen from Table II, Traverses 13-15, and as will be explained in the sequel, the writer of Parts I-III makes use, though sparingly, of the "new form" of the letter y, while the writers of Part, IV-VII employ the "old form' exclusively. It follows hence that the production of the Bower Manuscript must be referred to the very point of time when the "new form" of y was beginning to come into fashion in north-western India, that is, to the time when it was being adopted by some scribes, while it was still avoided by others. The salient point, then, of the enquiry is to determine the epoch of the introduction of the "new form" of y into the scribal usage of north-western India, whence the writers of the Bower Manuscript must have come. The determination of that point determines the date of the production of the Bower Manuscript within very narrow limits, practically within the space of about one generation, Fig. 19 illustrates the gradual development of the character for y. Its original form in the Asoka period, was a perpendicular stroke set on a Fig. 19. segment, or less commonly on two segments, of a circle, as in (a) and (6) respectively.so Later, in the IndoScythic period, the right side began to be straightened and angularized while the left side began to take the 7 form of a curl, which might turn either to the right, as shown in (c), or to the left as in (e). The former is Development of the letter y. found, alinost exclusively, in epigraphic and numismatic records ;'1 the latter is preferred in manuscripts (see Table 1). The base line might be straight, as in (c), or bent angularly, as in (6). At this time it required two movements of the hand to write the character: one from the top of the medial line downwards, and towards the left, in order to write the curled portion of the character; the other, from the base of the medial line towards the right, in order to write its angular portion. About the same time the habit arose of joining the end of the curl with the base line, so as to form a loop, as shown in (f); and gradually the point of junction was moved to the right, so as to coincide with the point of junction of the left and right portions of the character, as shown in (8) and (h). When this stage, The forms of y, which, in two varieties of script, were peculiar to Eastern Turkestan, are shown in Fig. 15, and explained in Chapter III, p. xxxii. "The latter form may be seen in the Radhia and Mathia inscriptions, Ep. Ind., VOL. II, p.245. #1 Examples of the use of the sinistrorse curl may be seen in the Faridpur land-grants, Ind. Ante Yol. XXXIX (1910) 2.193, Plates I-III I w

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CHAPTER V BOWER MANUSCRIPT xlvit merely transitional stage, as we shall see presently,-was reached, the character would be written with a single movement of the hand. Beginning with the top of the medial straight line, the hand moved down to the base line, then upward and leftward, round the loop, back to the point of junction, and finally onward to the angle on the right. But it soon began to be observed that the letter could be written with greater speed, and with more economy of effort, if the downward movement of the hand was carried at once to the loop on the left without touching the base line at all. This slight change produced what is practically the modern form, as shown in (i) and (k). Thus, there were now three forms: the old, the transitional, and the modern. The old form persisted in the Gupta script of the southern area. The transitional form arose in the northern area about the middle of the fourth century A.D., and disappeared about the end of the sixth century. The modern form arese practically at the same time as the transitional form ; but it gradua''y extruded the latter; and it persists to the present day in the slightly modified Nagari form of the letter which only projects the perpendicular below the base line. The transitional and modern forms, or, to use an inclusive and more convenient term, the "new form" of y was, so to speak, invented in the western portion of the northern area. Thence it gradually spread over the eastern portion. This may be seen clearly from the epigraphic records of the Gupta period. See Fig. 20. Fig. 20. It first appears in the year 372 A, D in the stone pillar inscription of Vishnuvardhana at Bijaya gadh 5 ar (Long. 77deg 20'), in ereye, (a) (F.GI., No. 59, p. 252, Plate xxxvi C, 1. 4), and about 400 A.D. in the c a nd about 400 AD in the First appearance of the new form. rock inscription at Tusam (Long. 76deg 0'), in yoga (b), (F.GI., No. 67, p. 269, Plate xc, 1.3) The boundary of the two areas, as previously stated (Chap. III, p. xxvii), is E. Long 81deg. In the eastern area the new form makes its first appearance in the stone inscription of Isvaravarman at Jaunpur (Long. 82deg 43'), in anyavaye (c), (F.GI., No. 51, p. 228, Plate xxxii A. 1. 2). Unfortunately this inscription is mutilated, and its date, if there was any, is lost; but it belongs to the middle of the sixth century. The first dated inscription in which the new form is found, is that of Mahanaman, in 588 A.D., at Bodhgaya (Long. 85deg 2). Here both new forms, the transitional and modern, occur numerously; e.g. the former (d) in yukta, the latter (e) in yena, (F.GI, No. 71, p. 274, Plate xliA, 1. 1). For writing the single y, the new form appears to have come into use about the middle of the fourth century, but for the subscript y, as the second part of a compound letter, it was in use about three centuries earlier, from the beginning of the Indo- Fig. 21. Seythic period. See Figure 21. An example of the transitional form (a) of the subscript y, from a Kushana inscription, is shown in plate III, line 42. No. 3, of Buhler's Indian Palaeography (in the Encyclopaedia of Indo-Aryan a Research). Examples of the modern form of the subscript y (6) occur Subscript ya. numerously; e.g., in Kanishka's inscription of his seventh year, i.e., in the year 51 B.C., in the Epigraphia Indica, Vol. I, p. 391, No. XIX.82 It can hardly be doubted but that it was the economy of time and effort in writing the new form of y, which led to its adoption in the case of the subscript y. But in the case of the single y, Fig. 22. there operated an additional reason. This is brought out very strikingly by a certain circumstance in the use of the new form in the Bower Manuscript. This is the circumstance that in writing the syllables ye, yai, yo, yau, the new form of y is employed whenever the vowel (e, at, 0, au) is made with a Vocalic superior and lateral lateral stroko, but the old form is used when the vowel is made strokes. with a superior stroke. These vowels, namely, are indicated by attaching to the head of the 85 In the second line of the accompanying Plate. It is also shown in Buhler's Indian Palaeography. Plate III, 1. 41, No. 5.--As to the Kushana dates, I follow Dr. Fleet's theory, which I now believe to be correct, that they are to be reckoned from 57 B.C., being dates of the so-called Sanvat Era,

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xlviii THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [CHAPTER V IV. DETAILS MODERN yold II Total And v old. new. OM DTAILS TRANSITIONAL. modern ve-Vaud Trans V& V yl-vau ve you Vau V. Vad 13! elao MONO consonant a certain number of slightly curved strokes, Ece Figure 22. These strokes may be made in two ways: either they may slant from ahove downward to the top of the perpendicular line, as in lo (a), or they may run laterally, level with the top, as in lo (b) It will be seen at once that if the lateral stroke was used with the old three-pronged form of y, its attachment to the top of the medial or the right prong was likely to interfere with the left prong, and thus to obscure the true form and meaning of the syllable (see Figure 23 e). It was to obviate this inconvenience that the fashion arose to write the syllable with the new form of y, whenever the lateral stroke was used, as in ye (c) and yo (1), but to retain its old form, whenever the superior stroke was employed as in ye (c) and yo (d). This rule is invariably observed by the scribe of the first portion (parts I-III) of the Bower Manuscript. The scribes of the second portion (Part IV) and of the third and fourth portions (Parts V-VII) never use the lateral stroke, and accordingly they also never use the new form of y. The subjoined Table exhibits all the occurrences of the letter y in the first portion of the Bower Manuscript:COLUMN. 1. II. 1 III. VII. VIII. Total Total DETAILS OLD. Total Total Total Parte. yo. Mas 179 146 1,833 969 884 6 8 0 1 I-III 1,611 1,170 142 129 7 12 | 18 20 583 1,028 583 In Parts I-III the consonant y, old or new, and in combination with any vowel, occurs altogether 1, 511 times (col. I). In 1, 170 cases (col. II) the old form is used, and in 441 cases (col. V), the new form (transitional or modern). In the 1,170 cases of the old form, any vowel combination (exc. yau) occurs (ya, ya, yi, yi, yu, ya, ye, yai, yo). Among them the combination with the vowels e, ai, e, occurs 142 times (col. III, and detailed in col. IV). and in all these 142 cases the vowel is made with the superior stroke. On the other hand, in the 441 cases of the new form (col. V), the only vowel combinations which occur are those with e, ai, o, and au; and in all those 441 cases the vowel is made with the lateral stroke. The total number of the combination of the vowels e, ai, e, au with the consonant yis (142 plus 441, or) 583 (col. III), and that number is so large that it is out of the question to attribute to mere accident the clean distribution of the superior and lateral strokes between the old and new forms of y respectively: it can have been made only of set purpose. And if it is so made, the explanation of its reason, above given, appears to be the most probable. But whatever be the true explanation, the fact of the clean distribution is indisputable; and so is the other fact that the new form (transitional and modern) never occurs except in combination with the vowols e, ai, 6, au. Turning now to the evidence of the dated, or practically dated, records of the Gupta period in north-western India, they show that the two facts, just mentioned, occur, in conjunction, only in the earliest portion of that period, that is, before 400 A.D. It is this circumstance which enables us to determine, to a degree of close approximation, the date of the writing of the Bower Manuscript. The following is a list of the inscriptions which, for the present purpose, come into consideration. (1) 372 A.D., a calligraphic stone inscription of Vishnuvardhana, at Bijayagadh, Long. 77deg 20' (F. GI., No. 59, p. 252, Plate xxxvic). In several ways this is an instructive record. The total of the cases of y with any vowel (e.s., yasah, puruvayam, yupo, etc.) is eleven. Among them there are two cases of ye and one of yo (Fig. 23). All three are made with the lateral stroke; but yo (a), in breyo, line 4, is made with the modern form, while ye (6) in dhe yena, 1. 3. and vriddhaya, L. 4, shows the transitional form. In Gupta inscriptions, as

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CHAPTER V] BOWER MANUSCRIPT xlis - 5 a rule, the lateral stroke is made with a comparatively straight line, while the superior stroke has a more decided curvature. In the present inscrip Fig. 23 tion, however, which is written in a particularly ornate style, the lateral stroke, also, is given a distinct curvature. This is seen most strikingly in the sandhi-syllable me (c), in m=etasyam, 1. 2. Per contra, we have a good example of the superior stroke in the syllable rse (d), in vinseshu, 1. 1. Respecting the inconvenience of using the lateral stroke in conjunction with the old form of y, we have a very good forms of ye and y0 in 372 A.D. illustration in another, equally early, though undated, inscription at the same place Bijayagadh (F.GI., No. 58, p. 251, Plate xxxviB). Here the syllable you (e), in yaudheya, 1. 1, is made, on the left side, with the lateral stroke, curved exactly as in the syllable me (c), above noticed, the effect being that the form of y.is quite obscured through the interference of the lateral stroke of the vowel au above it; in fact, it would seem that the form of y, intended by the epgraver of the record, was the old rather than the new. It was, no doubt. this kind of interference, which, as previously explained, led to the rule to use the superior stroke with the old form, but the lateral stroke with the new (transitional or modern) form. But at this time we seem to see the rule still " in the making." (2) About 400 A.D., a rock inscription at Tusam, Long. 76deg0', (F.GI, No.67, p. 269, Plate xlA). Here the total of y is seven, and yo occurs twice (Fig. 24); Fig. 24. once in yoga, (a) line 3, with the new (transitional) form and the lateral stroke and again in pado payo, (b); 1.6, with the old form and the superior stroke. In this case, the observance of the distributive rule is clearly 19 Cacary Form of ye and yo. a marked. about 400 A.D. (3) 425 A.D., a cave inscription (calligraphic) at Udayagiri, Long. 77deg 50' (F.GI. No. 61, p 258, Plate xxxviii A). Here the total of y is eleven. Combinations Fig. 25. with the vowels e, ai, o, au do not occur. But once the new (transitional) form occurs in the syllable ya (Fig. 25), in anvaya, 1. 4, showing that by this time that form was no longer limited to the combination of y with those vowels. (4) 454 A.D., a stone image inscription (cursive) at Mathura, Long. 77deg 43' (F.GI, No. 63, p. 262, Plate xxxixA). The total of y is eight. Each, ye Fig. 26. and yo (Fig. 26 4 and b), occurs once in aptaye, 1, 2, and niyojya, I. 4, made with the old form and the superior stroke. U But here, again, the new (transitional) form (c) occurs once with the vowel a in yad, line 2. Foms of yo, y8, ya in 454 A.DIn the two preceding records83 the appearance of the new form, outside the range of the vowels e, ai, e, au, is exceptional, and perhaps not altogether above suspicion. In the following case it is quite plain and certain. (5) 465 A.D., a copper-plate inscription (cursive) of Skandagupta, at Indor, Long. 78deg 18' (F.GI. No. 16, p. 68, Plate ixB). The total number of y is twenty-five. Among them the new (transitional) form occurs five times (Fig. 27); quite plainly in sthirayah, 1. 9, ana more or less clearly in vijaya, 1. 3, prayachchhati, 1. 8, Fig. 27. dayam, 1. 11, and vriddhaye, 1. 4. Here we have the new form not only with ya and ya (a), but in the case of vriddhaye 20 (6), even with the superior stroke of the vowel e. On the a other hand, the old form occurs once (c) with the superior F orms of ye, 98, ya in 465 A.D. stroke of e in uriddhaye, 1. 8, and four times (d) with the superior stroke of o in ranayaniyo, 1. 6, upayojya, 1.7, yoga, 1. 9, and yo, 1. 11. Thus, in vriddhaye we have, contrary to the original rule, the superior stroke of the vowel e written either way, with the new form in There are two other dated inscriptions, the stone pillar inscription of 415 A.D. at Bitsad, Long. 79. 16' (F.GI. No. 10, P. 42), and the Jain inscription at Mathura, Long. 77deg 43' (Bp. Ind. Vol. II, p. 210; No. XXX); but neither presenta uoy instance of the new form,

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [CHAPTER V line 4, and with the old form in line 8. Clearly, at this time, the original rule, governing the use of the new form, had become entirely obsolete. It might be used, at pleasure, in combination with any vowel, and in combination with either of the two kinds of stroke. (6) 482-533 A.D. This period of about fifty years includes a group of similarly worded copper-plate inscriptions (cursive), which all come from the same neighbourhood, ncar the boundary of the eastern area; vis., from Khoh, Long. 80deg 51', dated 482, 496, 516, 528, and 533 A.D. (F.GI. Nos. 22, 25, 27-31, pp. 100 ff.), from Karitalal, Long. 80deg 46', dated 493 A.D. (F. GI. No. 26, p. 117), and from Majhgawam, Long. 80deg47', dated 510 A.D. (F.GI. No. 23, p. 106). At this time and place the new form, both transitional and modern, is found in not infrequent use (35 times in a total Fig. 28 of 256 y, or upwards of 13'5 per cent.) irrespective of any rule. Thus we have the transitional form with ya in jayasvami (a), l. 3, jaya and deya, 1, 5 yathaisha, l. 7 (F.GI, p. 118), and yathaisha, 1. 6, yat (6), l. 16, yada, 1. 19 (F.GI. pp. 122-3); again with ya in pallikayam, I. 6, niya, 1. 11, pratyaya, l. 12 (F.GI. p. 118), and vidheyas, 1.12, pratyaya, 1.13, vishthayam, 1. 20, yavat (c), 1 26 (F.GI. pp. 122-3); and pratyayas (d), 1. 20 (F.GI. p. 127); and maya, 1, 11 Forms of yd, yu, ye, and 30 in 482--533 A.D. (F.GI. p. 131); again with yu in yukta (e), 1. 15 (F.GI. p. 122)84 So also the old and new forms are used promiscuously with the superior stroke. Thus we have transitional ye in vriddhaye, 1. 17 (F.GI. p. 118), l. 8 (ib. p. 122), 1. 7 (ib. p. 107), lopayet (f), 1. 14, prayena, 1. 17 (F.GI. p. 122); and modern ye in paniye, 1. 17, ye (8), 1. 18 (F.GI. p. 108), two good and clear examples. On the other hand, we have old ye in ye, 1. 10. lo payet, 1. 12, praye na (h), l. 16 (F.GI. pp. 118-9) vriddhaye, 1. 14, ye, l. 18, lopayet, I. 21 (S.GI. p. 127), 1. 2 (ib., p. 133). Again, we have transitional yo in chhreyo (i), 1. 15 (F.GI. p. 119), 1. 16 (k, ib., p. 122); and modern yo in chhreyo (1), 1. 14, yo, 1. 16 (F.GI. p. 108), two good cxamples; but old yo in pratyaye (m) 1. 9. yo, 1. 20 (F.GI, pp. 118-9) anvayo, 1. 10, ahaye 1. 18 (F.GI, p. 108); nagayoh, l. 12, pratyayo, 1. 17, chhreyo, 1, 23, yo, 1. 28 (F.GI. pp. 127-8); chhreye (n), 1. 5, yo, 1. 9 (F.GI. pp. 133-4), all good examples. And, again, the new form is found, used at pleasure, with the lateral or the superior stroke. Thus, the transitional ye with the lateral stroke occurs in nyayena (o), 1. 13, ye, l. 16, but with the superior stroke in pratyaye (P), 1. 9 (F.GI, pp. 136-7). (7) 530-533 A, D., the famous group of calligraphic stone inscriptions of Yasodharman at Mandasor, Long. 75deg 8' (F.GI., Nos. 33, 34, 35, pp. 142 ff. Plates xxiB, C, and xxii), These records further exemplify, in the interior of the western area, the use of the new form in combination with the superior and lateral strokes. In bhurayoyena (Fig. 29a), 1. 8 (ib. p. 153, Pl. xxii), we have the two kinds of stroke side by side, the superior stroke in ye with the old form, and the lateral stroke in ye with the new (transitional) form. Again in the phrase avajiaya yo, 1.4, which occurs in duplicate (ib., pp. 146 and 149), we have, in one copy (b), the two forms of y side by Fd8% side, the old in ya and the new (transitional) with a the lateral stroke in yo. In the other copy (c), both forms of pe and 30 in 530-533 A.D. ya and yo are written with the old form, but yo has the superior stroke. In these calligraphically written inscriptions we find still in observance the old role, which we saw growing obsolescent in the cursively written inscriptions of Nas. 4:6. Another, still more striking example of this conservatism, or archaism, will be noticed in No. 9. # Another example of a modern yu occurs in a copper-plate inscription (cursive) of the same period, of Sackshobha, at Betul, Long. 78deg 22', published in Bp. Ind., Vol. vifi, p. 284, in yudhisthira, 1, 22, Fig. 29. an to court

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CHAPTER V] BOWER MANUSCRIPT (8) 550-600 A.D., a group of stone inscriptions (calligraphic) from Bodhgaya, Long. 85deg 2' (F.GI., Nos, 71, 72 76, pp. 274, 278, 281, Plates xliA, B, and xliiD). The first (No. 71) is dated in 588 A.D., the third, undated, must be some 40 years older. This group shows that by this time the new form had not only penetrated far into the eastern area, but had also fully superseded the old form. The latter is entirely absent from these inscriptions: among a total of 34 cases of y, there is not a single instance of the old three-pronged form. The transitional form still predominates over the modern, there being 26 cases of the former to 8 of the latter. In agreement with the obsolescence of the old form, the original rule respecting the distributive use of the new form is now entirely inoperative: that form is now used with every kind of vowel. See Figure 30. Thus we find ya in No. 71, lines 1 (modern, a), 2, 3 bis, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9 bis, 11 (ten times, all transitional, b); in No. 72, three times (modern); in No. 76, 1. 1, twice transitional, Fig. 30. once modern. Again, we have ya in No. 71, 11. 4, 6, 9, 12, 13, 14 (all transitional, c), and yi in No. 71, 1. 11 (transitional, d); and yu, in No. 71, 11. 1, 4 (both transitional, e). Further, the new form is used ad libitum with the superior or the lateral stroke. Thus we have ye with the transitional form and superior stroke in yena, No. 71, 1. 3. and in avaptave Forms of ya, yd, yi, yu, yt, y8 in 500-550 A.D. No. 76, 1. 2; and with the modern form and superior stroke (g) in avaptayl, No. 72, and with the same form and lateral stroke (h) in yena, No. 71, 1.1. Similarly we have ye with the transitional form amd lateral stroke (i) in yodhas, No. 71, 1. 1, aod possibly also (k), in the superscript y of achargyo, No. 76,1.1, and in senayor, No. 76, 1. 1. So also, we have yau with the transitional form and lateral stroke in upadhyayau, No. 76, 1. 1. (9) Seventh century.-The prevailing conditions are, on the whole, the same as in the preceding period, except that the transitional y is gradually giving way entirely to the modern y. The last instances of it appears to occur, in 672 A.D., in two stone inscriptions ef Adityasena, at Aphsad, Long. 85deg 44', and Shahpur, Long. 85deg 43' (F.GI., Nos. 42 and 43, pp. 200 and 208, Plates xxviii and xxixA). Here we find both ya and ye, in the transitional form (Fig. 31 a and b); vis., ya, in prayaga, 1. 7 of No. 42, and ye in urddhaye, 1. 4 of No. 43. At this time the old form of y has become entirely obsolete, except in two archaic and highly ornate inscriptions, of 625 A.D., Fig. 31. at Vasantgadh, Long. 73deg (Epigraphia Indica, Vol. IX, p. 187), and of 661 A.D. at Udaipur, Long. 73deg (ibid., Vol. IV, P. 29). Their ornate forms of ye, yai, yo, with the old three-pronged y, are shown in Fig. 31 c, d, e, 'But the use of the old form of y, in these two inscriptions, is not Forms of yd, ye, yo in 925-672 A.D. their only archaism: there are several other examples of archaism in them which have been pointed out by Professor Kielhorn (ibid., Vol. IV, p. 29). It is obvious, therefore, that the use of old forms is intentional: they belong to the studied ornate character of the inscriptions in question. Being archaic, the occurrence of the old form of y really corroborates the fact that in ordinary writing, whether calligraphic or cursive, that form of y was no longer in ase in the seventh century.86 Even in ornate inscriptions the use of the old form is exceptional, as shown by the highly ornate Jhalrapa than inscription of 689 A.D. (Indian Untiquary, Vol. V, p. 181), which uses the new form exclusively (Fig. 31, f. g). For the purpose of dating ordinary writings (as in manuscripts), therefore, the rule laid down by me in 1891 (Journal, As. Soc. Beng., Vol. LX, p. 90) still holds good that the form of y is 5 Examples are the calligraphic Banskhers copper-plate of Harsha, 628 A.D. (Ep. Ind., Vol. IV, P. 208), and the calligraphic, but undated, Lakhamandal and Kudark06 inscriptions (ib.. VOL. 1, PP. 10, 179) which are referable to the middle of the seventh century,

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [CHAPTER V. the test, and that Indian writings must be referred before or after 600 A, D., according as they show the use of the old or of the new form of that letter. (10) Seventh century in Nepal.--All the known Nepalese inscriptions are from the neighbourhood of Katmandu, Long. 85deg 60', which is within the eastern area. The north Western new form of y, comes into these records first in the second half of the seventh century, in an inscription of 677 A.D.,86 (Bendall's Journey in Nepal, No. III, p. 77), and in another undated, but slightly earlier, of about 655 A.D. (Indraji's No. II, in the Indian Antiquary, Vol. IX, p. 174). It is always in its modern variety, and from the beginning it appears independent of the original rule, being used with any vowel as well as with either kind of stroke. Thus we have modern ya in No. III, 1. 18, yatha; in No. 11, 1, 5, yah; modern ya in No. III, I. 21, deya, and in No. 11, 1. 13, prandlikayas, modern yi, in No. 11, 1, 2, kshobhayitva; modern yu, in No, III, 1. 29, yuvaraja, and in No. 11, 1. 1, yukta. Again we have modern ye, with the superior stroke in No. III, ye, 11. 25-26; modern yai with the superior stroke, in No. 11, 1, 23, kayaite; modern yo, with the superior stroke, in No. III., 1. 12, yo, and in No. 11, 1, 22, bhuyo, but with the lateral stroke in No. 11, 1. 4.9. The statistics, given in the foregoing paragraphs, may be summarised as follows. The distributive rule referred to in them is based on the two facts, (1) that the new form is used only with the syllables ye, y ai, yo, yau, while with other syllables the old forta is used; and (2) that the new form is used with those syllables when they are made with the lateral stroke, but when they are made with the superior stroke, the old form is used. About 372 A.D., this rule is "in the making"; about 400 A.D. it is in full force; from about 425 AD. it gradually obsolesces, about 550 it has become inoperative. This information enables us to sketch, with considerable precision, the progress of the fashion of applying the new form of y, which was already in use in ligatures, to that letter when it occurred as a non-conjunct. (1) This fashion arose in the western portion of the northern area of the Gupta script, about the middle of the fourth century A.D. Thence, in the latter, half of the sixth century (in India, but of the seventh century in Nepal), it spread into the eastern portion of that area. (2) The fashion was at first limited to the syllables ye, yai, yo, yau, when their vowel was written with the lateral stroke. This is shown by the way in which the new form is used in the Bower Manuscript; and the period of this stage of the fashion is fixed by the epigraphic records of Northern India (ante, Nos. 1 and 2) as the second half of the fourth century A.D. (3) Thie limitation was soon abandoned. From early in the fifth century (ante, No. 3), the fashion of using the new form began to extend to any vowel combination, and to either the lateral or the superior stroke. (4) By the end of the sixth century the new form had become so fully established in all conditions of the latter y, as to extrude altogether, in all ordinary writing, the old form (ante, Nos. 8-10). The preceding sketch of the chronology of the origin and spread of the new form of the letter y determines the time of the writing of the Bower Mannscript as having been in the second half of the fourth century A.D. And it is probable that it should be sought rather nearer the beginning than the end of that period. The Table, given on p. xlviii, shows that in the earlier portion (Parts I-III) of the Bower Manuscript the letter y occurs 583 times (col. III) in the vowel combinations ye, yai, yo, and yau, Outside these combinations, it occurs no less than 1,028 times (col. I). If at the time of the Bower Manuscript the fashion of extending the use of the new form of y to cases outside those combinations had already begun to develop, it is hardly conceivable that not a single example of such an extension should occur among those 1,028 cases. The probability, therefore, seems to be that the writing of the earlier portion of the Bower Manuscript should be placed about 350-375 A.D. And seeing that the three later portions of the Bower Manuscript (Part IV, Parts V and VII, and Part VI) must be, as shown in Chapter III, p. XXXV ff., practically contemporaneous with the earlier portion (p. xlvi), it follows that the production of the whole of the Bower Manuscript must be referred to the third quarter of the fourth century A.D. 86 According to the local era, discovered by Professor Sylvain Levi; see Bp. Ind., Vol. V, Appendix, P. 73, note. By the Harsha era it would be 688 A.D.

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CHAPTER VI. ON THE SOURCES AND THE DATE OF THE NAVANITAKA.87 The name and identity of the author of the Navanitaka are not known. The final colophon which perhaps would have supplied that information is, together with the last chapter of the work, unfortunately missing in the manuscript. But from the sources which the author utilized in making his compilation, it is possible to estimate approximately the time wh n his work was written. So much is certain that the date of writing the work cannot be the same as that of writing the manuscript in which it has come down to us. The latter is not an autograph. This is proved by a number of clear indications. For example, on page 28, in verse 45, we find, in one of the medical formulae, three dots marking the omission of three syllables (ante, Chapter IV, p. xlii). At the time or editing the text the emendation trini cha[vya-palani] was suggested by me, but in the meantinie the true reading paicha cha[vya-palani] has been discovered by Dr. P. Cordier in an ancient medical compendium, called Bheda Savihita, from which the Navanitaka has quoted the formula in question, Obviously the substitution of the dots shows that the writer of the Bower ManuScript had a defective original from which he copied. Again, on page 58, in verse 723 of the pippali-vardhamana formula there is the curiously blundered phrase yavad-dasa-varshas, instead of yavad-avakarshas. Such a blunder is unthinkable in an original writer: it could proceed only from one wlio copied from a defective original. Again, on page 67, to verse 879 we find appended the gloss prachinika patha, for the purpose of explaining an unusual name of the drug commonly known as pa ha. Such a gloss is not likely to have proceeded from the author himself. As usual, it must have stood originally on the margin of the manuscript, or perhaps between the lines. By a subsequent copyist it was transferred, in the body of the manuscript, to the position where we now find it in the Bower Manuscript. The writer of the latter may, or may not, have been the first to make that transfer; but, in any ense, the present position of the gloss shows that the existing Bower Manuscript was not copied from the author's autagtapli, but from some intermediate copy of that autograph. The conclusion whichi, indeed, is already suggested by the three dots and the blundered phrase, is that there must have been some interval, perhaps of not inconsiderable duration, between the writing of the autograph and the copying of the existing manuscript. The date of the latter, as explained in Chapter V, p. lii, must be referred to the third quarter of the fourth century, somewhere between 350 and 375 A.D. This supplies us with the lower limit for the date of the Navanitaka, which, in view of the above-mentioned necessary interval between the autograph and the existing manuscript, may be placed provisionally in the beginning of the fourth century, or about 300 A.D. The upper limit is determined for us by the circumstance that the Charaka Samhita and the Susruta Sashita are two of the sources from which the author of the Navanitaka quotes # For a somewhat fuller treatment of the subject, sce the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society for 1909, pp. 857 fr. * See his Recentes Decouvertes, p. 21. The three missing syllables are paricha cha.

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liv THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [CHAPTER VI copious extracts. In the opening verse the author adviscs his readers that in his treatise he is going to bring together the best-known formulae of the maharshis, or medical authorities of his tine. Following the usual practice of Indian writers, he does not name those authorities, assuming, of course, that the reader would at once recognize the standard work from which some particular formula was quoted. Still in the case of not a few formulae we find he does name their authors. From the distinction thus made, it may reasonably be concluded that the formulae, thus singled out by naming their authors, were quoted from what may be called the floating medical tradition,-it being necessary to indicate the authority for their recommendation, while those formulae, in the case of which no author is named, were quoted from standard works of well-known authorities, By far the largest number of formulae, brought together in the Navanitaka, belongs to the latter class. The most conspicuous among the earliest medical teachers is Punarvasu, the son of Atri, commonly known as Atreya. According to the Indian tradition he was a physician, teaching medicine in Taxila, in the north-west of India, about the time of Buddha. in the sixth century B.C. He is famous as the head of a great medical school of internal medicine. He is said to have had six disciples, who committed their master's teaching to writing, in tantras, larger treatises, or kalpas, smaller monographs. Some centuries later, attempts were made to epitomize these early tantras and kalpas, and gather their substance into samhitas or compendia. Only two of these sahitas have come down to our day. These are the Charaka Sarahita and the Bheda Sanhita. They are compendia based on the tantras and kalpas of Agnivesa and Bheda respectively. Of the writings of the other four pupils of Atreya, viz., Harita, Jatukarna, Ksharapani, and Parasara, nothing has survived, except occasional short quotations in the mediaeval medical literature. The compendium, known as Charaka Saihita, which professes to give Atreya's teaching, as reported by his pupil Agnivesa, was compiled by a physician of Kashmir, called Charaka. The author, or rather compiler, of the Bheda Savihita, which professes to give, in the main, the teaching of Atreya as reported by his pupil Bheda, is not known. Both these sanhita, or compendia, must have been well-known standard books in the time of the author of the Navanitaka, for he makes copious extracts from them without naming them as his sources. From the Bheda Samhita the following formulae are taken: (1) 4 yorajiya-charna, vv. 48-55, in Bheda Samhita, VI, 16, vv. 33-456 (fol. 138). (2) Rasayanika-ghrit, vv. 1656-169a, in Bh, S., VI, 4 (fol, 1006). (3) Daianga-ghrita, vv. 201-3, in Bh. S., VI, 5.v. 176-200 (fol. 105a). (4) Sahachara-ghrita, v. 329-36, in Bh, S., VI, 24 (fol. 1536), mutilated. (5) Madhuyashikd-taila, vv. 337-43, in Bh. S., VI, 4 (fol. 103a), mutilated. (6-8) Three Amadisara-yoga, vv, 407-12, in Bh, S., VI, 10 (fol. 11 6a). (9) Kasa-yoga, vy, 474-9, in Bh, S., VI, 19, v. 266-32 (fols. 143-4). (10) Karnasdla-yoga, vv. 5346-7a, in Bh, S., VI, 22 (fols. 147-8). * For an example of such a quotat on from Jatakarna see Brikapthadatta's commentary to Siddhayiga (c. 125C A.D.), pp. 21, 36, etc. * Actually only two-thirds of the compendium were written by Charaka, probnbly in the 1st cent. B.C., the other one-third was added by the Kashmir physician Dridhabala, in the 9th cent. A.D. See my Article in the Jurnal, R.A.S., 1908, PP: 997 ff., and ibid., 1909, P. 857. 91 These were first discovered by Dr. P. Cordier, see his Recentes Decouvertes, p. 21. The references in the text are to the folios of the unique Tanjore Manuscript of the Bhela Samhitd.

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CHAPTER VI] BOWER MANUSCRIPT (11) Tailidya-vasti, vv. 642-4, in Eh. S., VIII, 9 (fol. 201) (12) Bhelt-yavagi, vv. 802-4, in Bh. S., I, 7 (fol. 10). To these may be added three formule which are no longer traceable in the single existing mutilated Tanjore Manuscript of the Bheda Samhita, but which are attributed to Bhea in the Yoga-ratna-samuchchaya of Chandrata. These are (13) Bala-ghrita, vv. 280-6. (14) Gandamala-yoga, vv. 390-401. (15) Lakshadi-sarpih, vv. 10596-60u. From the Charaka Samhita the following formule are taken : (1) Talisaka-cheria, vv. 11-13, in Charaka Samhita, VI, 8, vv. 140-3. (2) Shadava-churna, vv. 14-17, in Ch. S., VI, 8, vv, 136-9. (3) A half-eloka, v. 24a, in Ch. S., VI, 5, v. 886. (4) Vardhamanaka-churnu, vv. 25-6, in Ch. S., VI, 8, vv. 101-3. (5) Matulunga-chirna, vv. 29-34, in Ch. S., VI, 5, vv. 75-80. (6) Tiktaka-ghita, vv. 133-6, in Ch. S., VI, 7, vv. 137-40. (7) Mahatiktaka-ghrita, vv. 137-43, in Ch. S., VI, 7, vv. 141-147. (8) shatpala-ghrita, vv, 150-1, in Ch. S., VI, 5, vv. 143-4. () Tryashana-ghita, v. 152, in Ch. S., VI. 5. v. 62. (10) Vas-ghrita, vv. 153-4, in Ch. S., VI, 5, vv. 122-3. (11) Changeri-ghrita, vv. 155-7, in Ch. S., VI, 9, vv, I10-12. (12): Saramatya-gnrita, vv. 1696-176, in Ch. S., VI, 2, vv. 23-31. (13) Chyavanaprasa-ghrita, vv. 188-200, in Ch. S., VI, 1, vv. 59-71. (14) Jvarahara-anuvasana-taila, vv. 383-5, in Ch. S., VI, 3, vv. 245-6. (15) Anuvisana-taila, vv, 38b-9, in Ch. S., VI, 9, vv. 131-4. (16) An unnamed cough mixture, vv. 460-2, in Ch. S., VI, 5, vv. 119-21. (17) Prastha-vireka, vv. 484-90, in Ch. S., VI, 5, vv, 150-16. Iv (18) Madhv&sava-yoga, vv. 491-3, in Ch, S., VI, 6, vv. 39-42. (19) An unnamed fever mixture, vv. 494-5a, in Ch. S., VI, 3, vv. 201-2a. (20) Another unnamed fever mixture, vv, 496b-9a, in Ch. S., VI, 3, vv. 196-8. (21) Pramtha-prabamana-yoga, v. 603, in Ch. S., VI, 6, v. 24. (22) Pichchha-vasti, vv. 645-9, in Ch. S., VI, 10, vv. 70-4. (23) An unnamed tonic mixture, vv. 742-3, in Ch. S., VI, 1, vv. 130-1. (24) Pippalt-prayga, vv. 745-8, in Ch. S., VI, 1, vv. 132-5. (25) Dvitiya-Pippali-prayga, vv, 749-52, in Ch. S. VI, 1, vv. 136-40. (26) An unnamed aphrodisiac formula, v. 819,' in Ch. S., VI, 2, v. 99. (27 and 28) Two other unnamed aphrodisiac formule, vv. 844b-6a, in Ch. S., VI, 2, vv. 44-5. (29) Bilajatu-kalpa, vv. 950-67a, in Ch. S., VI, 1, vv. 148-64, Besides the forty-four formula, comprised in the foregoing two lists, the Navanitaka contains a considerable number of other formule, the authors of which are not indicated, and the source of which it is, at present, impossible to identify. It does not seem improbable, however, that they were extracted by the author of the Navanitaka from the tantras or kalpas of the other four above-mentioned pupils of Atreya. None of their writings have survived to the present day; but there is evidence which renders it very probable that they still existed at the time when the Navanitaka was compiled. In the latter occur six formule, which occur also in the Ayurveda Sastra of Susruta, also known as Suiruta Samhita. They are the following: (1.3) Three Amatisara-yoga, vv. 407-8, 409-10, and 411-12, corresponding to Subruta Samhit VI, 40, vv. 35b-36a, v. 35a, and v. 46 (pp. 763-4).

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [CHAPTER VI (4-6), Three Vajkarana-yoga, vv.829-30a, 8336-4a, 8346-5a, corresponding to Susruta Samhita, IV, 26, vv, 27, 20, 21, The important point with regard to these parallels is that the Amatisara formule are quoted, not directly from the work of Susruta, but intermediately through the Bheda Sashita. For in the latter and in the Navanitaka the text of these three diarrhea formulae is identical (see Nos, 6-8 in the list of quotations from the Bheda Samhita), while their common text differs from Susruta's text in such a manner as to show that the latter is their cominon source." The Navanitaka quotes the three formulae from the Bheda Sanhita and the latter derive: them from Susruta's work. Now the latter, as is well known, is a composite work of two chronologically widely separate, authors. The earlier portion was written by Susruta the Elder, who lived probably in the sixth century B.C., while the later portion, which calls itself Uttara Tantra, or the Later Treatise, was added by an anonymous writer, who may provisionally be called Susruta the Younger. Mediaeval Indian medical tradition identifies him with Nagarjuna, the reputed contemporary of King Kanishka. This would make him also a contemporary of Charaka, so that both the Sanhitd of the latter and the Uttara Tantra of the former would have been compiled at much the same time. Each link in this chronological chain is still a matter of doubt and dispute; but tortunately that circumstance does not affect the point at issue in the present discussion. Whatever the true identity and date of Susruta the Younger may be, there can be no doubt that his work belongs to the early sanhita period of the Indian medical literature, that is, the period to which also the Charaka Sanhita and the Bheda Saxihitd belong. Susruta the Younger not only added his Uttara Tantra, a Salakya-tantra or treatise on Minor Surgery, as a complement to the earlier tantra, a salya-tantra or treatise on Major Surgery, of Susruta the Elder, but he also revised the latter work. Thus the result of his labours, that is the Ayurveda Sastra of Susruta, as We now have it, is essentially a sauhitd work, a compendium of older materials, similar to the Charaka Sashitd; and therefore it is rightly known also as the Susruta Sasihita. The Uttara-tantra does not profess to be an original composition. In its introductory verses it expressly describes itself as a compilation, and cnumerates the tantras, or treatises, on which it bases itself. These are, firstly, a treatise on aalakya, or minor surgery, by Nimi, t'he Vide ka-pati or ruler of Videha; Secondly, treatises on kumara-badha, or children's diseases, composed, accurding to the mediaeval commentator Dallana (in the 12th cent. A.D.) by Jivaka, Parvataka, and Bandhuka; thirdly, the six treatises on kdya-chikitsa, or internal medicine, composed by the six paramarshi, or supreme medical authorities, that is, obviously by the six well-known pupils of Atreya. It is equally obvious, that in the connection in which the six treatises are mentioned, they cannot refer to any sahild, but must refer to the original tantras of Agnivesa, Bheda and the rest. In fact, there is no evidence that any saihita, based on the tantras of the four other pupils, Ksharapaui, JaC/akarda, Harita, and Parabara, ever existed; for the so called Harita Sahhita is now generally admitted to be a medieval apocryphal compilation. It is evident, therefore, that in the time of the compiler of the Uttaratantra the original treatises of those four "supreme authorities " were still extant, and were accessible to him. For detailed proof, 82e my paper in the J.R.A.S., 1909, pp. 884-5. " See my Osteology of the Ancient Indians, pp. 3,9.

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CHAPTER VI] BOWER MANUSCRIPT Ivii of the six parallels in the Suaruta Savhita, above listed, the three amatisara formula (Nos. 1-3) occur in the Uttara.tantra. Two conclusions follow from this circumstance. First, as the Uttara-tantra complements the so-called Susruta Sarhita, or the Ayurveda Sastra, the latter work must have been in existence at the time of the compilation of the Navanitaka. Secondly, as all the six treatises (tantra or kalpa) of the pupils of Atreya existed at the date of the compilation of the Uttara-tantra, it is not unreasonable to assume that they still existed somewhat later when the Ndvanitaka was compiled; and that those formulae whichi cannot be identified either in the Charaka Samhitd or in the Bheda.Sasihita, and of which the Ndvanitaka does not expressly name the author, may have been extracted from the works of the four pupils of Atreya, which were still current as great medical authorities (paramarshi or maharshi ), and which might be quoted without any necessity of specification, To return to the question of the upper limit for the date of the Ndvanitaka, it is now seen that both, the Charaka Sakita and the Susruta Sanhita, must have been in existence at the time when the Ndvanitaka was compiled. Moreover there must have been some interval of time between the compilation of the Ndvanitaka and the Susruta Savihitd. For the three A matisara formulae, above referred to, are quoted by the N Quanitaka, not directly from the Uttara-tantra, but intermediately from the Bheda Sahhita. The latter itself presupposes the existence of the Susruta Samhita; for it not only refers to Sursuta by name (as Susrotd), but also teaches one of his distinctive doctrines (regarding the gulma disease). Also, some not inconsiderable interval of time must be allowed for the two Sahitds of Charaka and Susruta acquiring that acknoweldged position of standard works which enabled the author of the Ndvanitaka ta quote formulae from them without the necessity of naming them as his source. The upper limit, accordingly, is determined by the dates of the three Sanhitas, o Charaka, Susruts, and Bheda. About the date of the Bheda Samhitd we know nothing whatsoever. That of the Susruta Savihita, as before intimated, is entangled in a net of uncer. tainties. The date of the Charaka Samhita alone offers an apparent chance of settlement, It is bound up with the date of the celebrated King Kanishka, at whose court, as tradition tells us, Charaka lived as the royal physician. Unfortunately the date of Kanishka itself is still in dispute; but the most probable theory is that which places him in the middle of the first century BC, as the founder of the well-known Samvat Era. Taking this date for Kanishka as the upper limit, and allowing the necessary interval for the growth of the Samhitda into standard authorities, the second century A.D. may be taken provisionally as the time of the compilation of the N dvanitaka, There are two points in the Navanitaka, which farour the assignment to it of such a Very early date. One concerns its language, the ather its sources. The former will be dealt with in Chapter VII. As regards its sources, all those which the Navanitaka specifically " For the evidence, see my paper in the Journal, R. As. Soc., for 1909, pp. 883. * Much less probable are the two rival theories which place Kanishka in the first century, A.D., as the founder of the Saka Era in 78 A.D., and in the middle of the second century A.D. respectively.

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Iviii THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [CHAPTER VI names, have a very archaic appearance. Their list comprises the following names. Oue formulae each is quoted from (1) K&ikayana, v. 935. (2) Nimi, vv. 883-4. (3) Suprabha, vv. 633-7, (4) Utanas, vv. 846-7a. (5) Valvali, vv, 319-24 (6) Vsihaspati, prose, 784, Two formulae each are quoted from (7) Agastya, vv. 589-9 and vv. 905-9.86 (8) Dhanvantari,vv. 232-40, and vv. 968-76. (9) Jivaka, v. 1081, and vv. 1097b-9a. A whole series of formule are referred to (10) Kafyapa, v, 1011-1040. None of these formulae, with one exception, can be traced elsewhere. All the names, except those of Jivaka and Kasyapa, belong to semi-inythical or prehistoric personages. Suprabha does not appear to be known as a physician outside the Navanitaka.97 The only mention of. Vadvali, at present known, occurs in the Kalyana-Karaka, a medical treatise written by an unknown author at the court of the Eastern Chalukya king Vishnuvardhana." The mention by Panini of a patronymic Vaduali (see note 168, on p. 109) points to a very early date. So does the name of Nimi, who is the epic ruler of Vi leha, and the reputed founder of the Indian ophthalmic science. Similarly Dhanvantari is the reputed semi-divine founder of surgical science. On the other hand, Jivaka is a historical, or at least semi-historical. personage. For tradition assigns him to the court of king Ajatasatru, in the sixth century, B.C., and makes him a contemporary and friend of Buddha. One of the two formula (v. 1081), which the Navanitaka quotes from him, forms the single exception, above noticed, of occurrence elsewhere. It is quoted by Vangasena (see noe 481 on page 178) with two variants, and without naming its author, Kasyapa (or Kasyapa, see note 467 on p. 179), also, is probably a historical, or semi-historical, person, being likewise a contemporary ofi Buddha, Medical tradition knows of two men of that name, an elder (vriddha) and a younger, It is, no doubt, Ka iyapa the Elder, whom the Naranilaka quotes. Both, he and Jivaka, are reputed to have been skilful children's doctors; and, as a fact, the formulae, quoted from them, do refer to children's diseases. Also, it may be added, the use of the phrases itih. ovacha Jivakah (v. 1081) and iti bhashati Jivakah (r. 1099), i.e., thus spake (speaks) Jivaka, and the phrase Kaiyapasyi vacho y utha (vv. 1020, 1022, 1027), ie., according to the saying of Ka yapa, which the Navanitaka applies to their formulae, apparently indicates them to be their ipsissima verba. Usanas and Vfibaspati (or Brihaspati) appear to be historical personages, being the founders, respectively, of the Ausanasa and Barhaspatya Schools, which flourished in the fourth century B.C. * There is a formula of his quoted also in the Lasuna Kalpa, which is included in Part I of the Bowen Manuscript. But see Journal, Roy. As. Soc., 1893, p. 337. 98 The Kalyana-kdraka was discovered by Mr. Narasithhachar of the Mysore Archaeological Survey See his seport for 1956-7(5 59. p. 15). For further particulars, see Professor Jacobi's article in the Sitzungsberichte der Kgl. Preuss. Akdemic der Wissenschaften, on the Fruhgeschichte der indischen Philosophie, vol. XXXV (1911), PP. 733-43.

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CHAPTER VI] lix In addition to the ten sources, named in the preceding list, the Navanitaka draws on two other archaic sources, vis,: (11) Atreya himself, the head of the Taxila medical school, and (12) The mythical Asvin pair (see note 126 on page 100). BOWER MANUSCRIPT The formule, attributed to Atreya, are the following : (1) Laguda-charna, vv. 35-7. (2) Sardala-charna, vv. 71-5a. (3) Amritaprasa-ghrita, vv. 108-19a. (4) Mahakalyanaka-ghrita, vv. 1266-32. (5) Bala-taila, vv. 261-76. (6) A mutilated formula, prose 715. The fact that these six formulae are specifically assigned to Atreya's authorship shows that they did not exist in the Charaka Samhita in the condition in which that work was known to the author of the Navanitaka. If they had occurred in it, one may reasonably say he would have quoted them from it without naming their author, precisely in the same way as he cited the other formule above listed (p. lv). For the same reason it may be inferred that he did not quote them from the Bheda Sanhita, nor from any of the (at that time still existing) tantras of the other four pupils of Atreya. The probability is that the author of the Navanitaka quoted them from the floating medical tradition of his time, and the fact that in his time there still existed a living tradition of this kind, points to an early date for the compilation of the Navanitaka, There are in these six formule some peculiarities which point in the same direction. The first of the formule is not traceable elsewhere. The second (vv. 71-75a) is found in Madhava's Siddha-yoga, chapter VI (on ajirna, or indigestion), vv. 27-32, but there is a characteristic difference. In substance the two versions are identical throughout: even in 'diction they ran practically identical in the initial three half-verses (Nav., vv. 71-72a-S. Y., vv. 27-28a). In the fourth half-verse (Nav., v. 72b-S. Y., v, 286) an additional ingredient (ush!ha) is introduced, and thence forward to the end of the formula the diction is quite diferent. Also the reference to Atreya is omitted, and the formula is given the different, though synonymous, name agnimukhachurna,100 or plumbago root powder. This modified recension is quoted by Chakrapanidatta in his Chikitsa Sai graha (Chap. VI., No. 17), and by Vangasena (Chap. V, vv. 56-6 ). In the Charaka Samhita neither the original, nor the modified formula is found. In fact, that compendium includes no special chapter on ajirra complaints, for which the formula is designed. It would almost seem that the author of the mo:lified formula is Madhava himself, who, accordingly, omitted the reference to Atreya, and altered its name,101 The third, fourth, and fifth formule occur, with the same names, in the kshatakshina, unmada, and vita-vyadhi chapters of the Charaka Samhita, (sthana VI, chap. (16, vv. 32-40, chap. 14, vv. 53-4, chap. 28, vv. 144-52, pp. 624, 612, aud 783). But here, though practically identical in substance, they appear in entirely different versions, nor are these versions attributed to Atreya. This circumstance is explained by the fact that those 100 Under this name (agni-ghrita) there occurs in Part III, vv. 25, 26, a plambago-root formula for the preparation of a ghrita. It too is ascribed to itreya, but its composition is qu to eifferent. 101 According to Dr. Cordier, the original formula, though with a few variants, occurs in the second chapter of an anonymous work, called Brihad-vaidya-pras&rakas

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [CHAPTER VI three chapters (14, 16, 28) belong to that complementary portion which was added to Charaka's Compendium several centuries after its author's death, at a time when probably the tradition of Atreya's teaching no longer survived. Of the sixth formula unfortunately only the closing words survive. But the phrase ity-aha bhagavan Streyah, "thus spake the blessed Atreya,' which they comprise, appears to indicate, as do the similar phrases used .with referenc to Jivaka and Kasyapa, that the mutilated formula was quoted in the ipsissima verba of Atreya. The formula attributea to the Asvin pair are the following (1) Asvin matulunga-gudika, rv. 756-77a. (2) Another Asuint Matulunga-gudikd, v. 80-845 (3). Avina-gulma-chira, v. 85-6 (4) Itoina-haridrl-churna, v. 96-101, (5) Atvina-lasund-ghrita, v. 216-22. (6) Atvina-joarahara-ghita, v. 223-5. (7) Asvina-nisha-ghrita, w. 241-4. (8) divina-bindu-ghita, v. 251-5. (9) Amrita-taila, vv. 287-312, (10) Asvina-raktapitta-yoga, vv, 418-25. (11) Kshfra-yoga, v. 575. (12) Ayorajfya-yoga, v. 579.. (13) Abrindr Alva gandhd-vasti, v. 618-25a. (14) Pippall-vardhamana-rasdyana, vv. 716-37. (15) Atvina-rasdyana, vv. 7736-81a. (16) Alvinlya-yoga-traya, v. 810-3. (17) Asvina-harkakf-kalpa, vv, 917-49. The names of thirteen of these formulae (Nos. 1-8, 10, 13, 15-17). whch accur in their colophons, assign them to the Asvins. In the case of the remaining four (Nos. 9. 11, 12, 14) the assignment is made in a remark, which is embodied in the formula itself. A similar remark confirming the assignment in the colophon, is embodied also in the text of the five formule Nos. 5, 8, 10, 15, 16. With regard to the authorship of these remarks, that in the Aevina-rasayana formula (No. 15) is particularly instructive. The last half-verse (v. 7816) implies that by the medical tradition the formula was ascribed to the ancient physician Visvamitra, apparently the reputed father of Susruta (see Susruta Sanhita VI, 18, v. 1, and 66, v. 1/; pp. 706, 914). That inscription is contradicted, however, by the initial verse (v. 7736) and by the name in the colophon, which attribute the formula to the Asvins, This discrepancy seems best accounted for by the explanation that the initial verse which has no essential connection with the medical prescription, as well as the colophon, are due to the author of the Navanitaka. He would seem to have had reason to believe that the formula was really devised by the Asvins. Accordingly he so named it in the colop bon, and prefixed the initial verse, in order to explain that it was really the Asvins who communicated the forurola to Visvamitra. The same conclusion is suggested by the Asvina-raktapitta formula (No. 10). Here the actual medical prescription begins with verse 419, and is preceded, in v, 418, by a lengthy explanation that that prescription was taught to Indra by the Asvins, although the attribution to the latter is actually embodied in a brief remark in the final verse 429. In the compilation

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CHAPTER VI] BOWER MANUSCRIPT Ixi of Vangasena (chap. VIII, vv. 93-9, pp. 226-7), where the formula, with its final attribution, is also quoted, the lengthy introductory verse 418 is omitted. And that this omission is not due to any accidental cause is shown by the fact that the formula, in the colophon, is called chandanadya-ghrita. For as the medical prescription begins, in v. 419, with chandana, and as the rule is to name a formula by its initial drug (see note 29, on p. 82), it is apparent that the introductory verse 418 is not an essential part of the formula, and was not present in the source whence Vangasena gathered the formula for his compilation, but that its addition is due to the author of the Navanitaka himself, and (in view of the final verse) is really a piece of supererrogation: The sanie may be the case with the attributive remarks in the other formulae, Thus the two formulae, Nos. 11 and 12 (vv. 575 and 579), which are quoted by Madhava and Vangasena (see notes 281 and 284 on pp. 134, 135) are cited by them without the attributive remark of the Naranitaka. Again the formula, No. 8, which consists of five verses, is found, in another version, identical in substance, but compressed into two verses, in Vangasena's compilation (Chap. XXX, w. 106-7). In the same, or a similar short version, according to Dr. Cordier (Recentes Decouvertes, p. 21), the formula is ascribed to Krishnatreya by Nischalakara. in his Ratnaprabha, and by Chandrata in his Yogaratna-samuchchaya. From this it is clear that the formula occurred in different versions, in different treatises, by different authors, but that the author of the Navanitaka preferred the longer and more archaic version ascribed by tradition to the Asvin pair. The case of No. 14 is similar. This is a long formula of 22) verses, describing a curiously complicated treatment with daily increasing and subsequently decreasing doses of aments of long pepper. The whole course of treatment (see note 329 on p. 144) occupies a period of 100 plus 99 plus 21, or 220 days. It also involves the consumption, within that period, of not less than 10,000 aments of long pepper. By the side of this complicated formnla, the Navanitaka has another, in verses 749-52, which is much more simple. It is modeled on the longer one, but it greatly reduces the length of the period, as well as the total of the consumed peppers. It also admits several options: while in every case the period is twenty days, the ratio of peppers may vary between 10, 6, 5, or 3, ard consequently the total of peppers consumed is, 1.000 or 600, or 500, or 300. From the largest option, this shorter formula is, in verse 750, distinguished as the pippali-sahasra or "the one thousand pepper formula." It seems reasonable to conclude that it was the unwieldiness of the original formula, both with respect to the length of the period and the enormous total of the consumed peppers, which led to the simplification. As a matter of fact, even the simplified formula survives, at the present day, only in its mildest form, which prescribes the consumption of 300 peppers in a period of twenty days at the rate of three peppers a day (see note 343 on p. 147). While the longer formula is, in verse 736, expressly ascribed to the Asvins, the author of the shorter is not mentioned. We know him, however, from the fact that it occurs in the Charaka-Sasihita sect, 'VI, chap. 1, v. 136-40, ante, No. 24, p. lix). As that sarhita is based on the tantra of Agnivesa, and the latter embodies the teachings of Atreya, it follows that the simplified formula goes back to Atreya. It also follows that the longer formula, on which Atreya's simplification was modeled, and which certainly impresses one as more archaic, goes back to the mythic, or semi-mythic, time antecedent to Atreya. That explains its attribution

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Ixii THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [CHAPTER VI to the mythical Asrin pair, as well as its gradual obsolescence. It is igrored already in Suaruta's Compendium, the pippali-vardhamana of which (sect. IV, chap. 5, clause 14, p. 406; see ibid., v. 194 on p. 770) is practically identical with the shorter version of Atreya-CHaraka. In fact the longer version does not appear to have survived in any medical work, except the Navanitaka. The single icdication of its former existence that I can recall, occurs in a formula in Vagbhata Il's Ashtanga Hsidaya (sect. IV, chap. 12, vv. 39-41), which, in the case of abdominal complaints (udara), recommends, in addition to other remedies, either the pippali-vardhamana, or else the pippali-sahasra. It is evident that the author of that formula knew both, the longer as well as the shorter, versions of the treatment with pepper, but who he was, and when he lived, we do not know. It was not Vagbhata II: he is a mere compiler, probably in the cighth or ninth century. Nor was it Vagbhata I, the author of the Ash tanga Sangraha, in the early seventh century. That work, though it is the usual source of the Ashtanga Hridaya, mentions (if one may trust the Bombay Edition, Vol. II, p. 47, 1. 8) only the pippali-vardhamana, by which name the shorter version had, long since, come to be understood.109 As regards the Haritaki Kalpa (No. 17), we have the interesting information of Dr. P Cordier (see note 439 on p. 166; also his Recentes Decouvertes, p. 29), that he possesses fragmentary manuscripts of two distinct works, both calling themselves Asvini Sanhita, ard' both containing versions of a Haritaki Kalpa. These versions are printed on pp. 180c-180f. Though they present many points of contact with the version in the Navanitaka, they differ widely from it both in length and matter. And as they differ equally widely from each other, it is evident that neither of them can have been the source of the Navunitaka version. On the contrary, they must have gradually grown up, on different lines, from the original, simple and archaic, version which has been preserved in the Navanitaka, In fact, the two existing works, professing to be an Asvini Sarhita, seem to have every mark of being medieval apocryphal productions similar to the Atreya or Harita-Sakhita. The existence of what thus appears to be the original form of the Haritaki Kalpa (also called Abhaya Kalpa, in verse 7), is one of the striking marks of the archaic character of the Navanitaka, it has already been pointed out (p. liv.) that the kalpas belong to the earliest period of the medical literature of India. It is interesting, therefore, to note that there are three other such kalpa, or monographs, incorporated in the Navanitaka. For its seventh twelfth, and thirteenth chapters are constituted respectively by the Yavagu Kalpa, on the preparation of gruels (vv. 785-813), the Silagatu Kalpa, on bitumen (vv. 950-67), and the Chitraka Kalpa on plumbago-root (vv. 968-76). The first, as suggessted by the colophon to versc 804 (see Chap. IV, p. xli) may be the work of Bhedo. It may bave stood in the Bheda 102 In this connection it is interesting to observe that Arunadattu, the commentator of the Ashtanga Hridu ya (about 1220 A. D.), appears to have no longer understood what the two versions were. For, commenting on the optional treatment recommended in his text, he explains that the pippall-vardhamana should be taken as directed in the chapter on raslyana, but the pippalt sahasra he does not explain. On referring to the chapter on rasayana, we find the only pippall formula there given (A.H., Sect. VI, ch. 39, vr. 986-100a ) is the shorter version: and commenting on this Aruradotta says that it is the pippalisahasra. So that he practically identifies the two versions, despite their clear differentiation in the formut of the Ashtanga Hridaya (IV., 12 vv. 39-41) : evidently te was at a loss what to make of that differentiation.

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CHAPTER VI] BOWER MANUSCRIPT lxiii Samhita, and quoted thence anonymously, though in the incomplete Tanjur MS. copy, the only one now existing, it cannot be traced. The second is quoted from the Charaka Sanhita. (ante, No. 29, p. lv). It, therefore, stood originally in the Agniveia Tantra, and is the work of Atreya. The third, the latter part of which, unfortunately, is missing, appears to be ascribed to Dhanvantari (vv. 968-9). To these may be added the Lasuna Kalpa, on garlic, which forms the early portion (vv. 1-43a) of the treatise contained in Part I of the Bower Manuscript, and the authorship of which is vaguely ascribed (v. 42a) to the "ancient sages," while at the same time it professes itself to be delivered by the "sage-king of Kasi" to Sosruta (vv. 9, 40, 42a.) Though, in the main, the Navanitaka is professedly a compilation from various sources, it does contain a few formulae which give the impression of being contributions made by the author himself. Thus the formula, in verse 641, merely advises how the preceding formula (vv. 638-40) may be usefully varied. The formale in verses 158-9, 614, 783 have a similar object. It should be observed that none of these formulae can be traced elsewhere, and it is quite possible that some others of the short formule of that kind, such as those in vv, 576 608a, are really the author's own compositions. Again in some other formulae we seem to be able to trace the author's hand in the alterations which he has introduced. To this order belong the two short formulae in vv. 575 and 579, which have already been referred to previously (p. 1x.) The second part of these formulae, as quoted elsewhere (by Madhava and Vangasena), has been altered to admit their attribution to the Asvins (ante, Nos, 11, 12 on p. lxi). More or less lengthy remarks, inserted by the author with the same object have also been noticed already in the case of some of the wellknown longer formulae (ante, Nos. 15 and 15, p. lx). To the author, of course, belong also all the introductory remarks which are met with in various places of the Navanitaka. To this order belong the remarks in verses 108 and 261, which introduce the second and third chapters, as well as the prose remarks, preceding verses 916, 950, and 968, which introduce chapters XI, XII, and XIII; likewise the prose remark which introduces the formula in verse 784. Above all, there belongs to this order the long paragraph (vv. 1-10) which forms the introduction to the whole treatise The fact of the Navanitaka containing quotations from the Charaka Sa ihita is one of peculiar importance on account of its bearing on the question of the authorship of that Sa Whita. That the Charaka Salihita, in the condition in which we now possess it, is the work of two different authors is well known. Charaka is said by the Indian tradition to have left his saihita unfinished. At all events, its Kalpa Sthana and Siddhi Sthana, as well as seventeen chapters of its Chikitsita Sthana were added, some centuries later, by a Kashmirian physician, named Dridhabala. He states that fact himself in two places of the salihita (sect. VI, vv. 273-5, and sect. VIII, vv. 77-9); but he omits to record the names of the seventeen chapters which he contributed. And the difficulty of their identification, which is thus created, is enhanced by the circumstance that we have two contradictory Indian traditions on the subject. One of them is represented by the Berhampore edition of Gangadhar (also the Calcutta edition of Debendra Nath Sen and Upendra Nath Sen); the other by the Calcutta edition of Jivananda Vidyasagara. The former has the support of the oldest existing manuscript, the

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lxiv THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [CHAPTER VI. Nepal Manuscript of the year 1183 A.D (303 Nepal Era); the latter, that of the oldest commentator, Chakrapanidatta, who lived about the year 1060 A.D. With regard to six of the eleven chapters, which must have belonged to the original samhita, both traditions agree, They differ only with regard to the three chapters on arias, atisara, and visarpa, which Chakrapanidatta assigns to Charaka, while the chapters which the Nepal Manuscript assigns to him, are those on kshatakshina, svayathu, and udara. Now the Navanitaka contains quotations from the former, but none from the latter three chapters; and as its author lived many centuries earlier than Dridhabala, it is obvious that, to judge from this testimony, the tradition of the commentator is to be preferred to that of the Nepal Manuscript. For a detailed statement of the case, which does not strictly come within the scope of the present Introduction, reference may be made to two papers of mine on the Composition of the Charaka Samhita in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society for 1808, pp. 997 ff. and 1909, pp. 857 ff. NOTE.-With regard to the loss of early Indian medical works, referred to on p. liv, I may now (Febr. 1914) add that among the manuscripts recovered by Sir Aurel Stein in the course of his second tour of exploration in Chinese Turkestan, 1906-8 (ante, p. iii), from the immured temple library in the Caves of the Thousand Buddhas near Tun Huang (see his Ruins of Desert Cathay, Vol. II, pp. 28, 29, 171-194, 211-219), there were two incomplete but extensive pothis, which have since, upon examination, been found by me to be medical works. They are written in Khotanese, one of the two hitherto unknown" languages; one written in upright, the other in cursive Gupta characters; but they are obviously translations from Sanskrit originals, apparently no longer surviving in India. One of these two incomplete pothis still comprises 65 folios, and professes to be the Sindha-sara Sastra, that is in Sanskrit Siddha-sara-Sastra. It appears to treat of Pathology, in which the names of chapters on arias, bhagandara, panduroga, hikka, ivdsa, kasa, matrakrchchhira, udavartta, unmada, apasmara, vatavyadi, visarpa, krimi, netraroga can be distinguished. The other potlf which is written in cursive script, and of which 71 folios survive, appears to treat of Therapeutics; but its name is not known. Both pothis are still awaiting a thorough examination and translation, but a somewhat more minute examination of a portion of the text of the cursive pothi has disclosed the fact that it contains a number of formule which are practically identical with corresponding ones. in the Charaka and Bheda Samhitas, while the majority of them can, for the present, not be traced elsewhere. It suggests itself as possible that the two pothis, between them, may represent the Nidina and Chikitsita portions of a Samhita, which is based on the same sources as the Charaka and Bheda Samhitas, but of which the original Sanskrit text is no longer surviving in India. Fragments of a third medical pothi in Kuchean, the other hitherto "unknown" language of Kuchar, or Kucha (ante, p. 1, footnote 2). has also been discovered by Professor Sylvain Levi. This pothi, too, includes formulae reminiscent of similar ones in the Charaka Samhita; and it may possibly be a translation of the same original Sanskrit text. Whether, and in what way, the text of these pothis may affect the question discussed in Chapter VI must wait till after the completion of the thorough examination and translation of them which is now in progress.

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CHAPTER VII. LANGUAGE AND COMPOSITION IN THE TREATISES OF THE BOWER MANUSCRIPT. The language in which the treatises of the Bower Manuscript are written, is a kind of ungrammatical Sanskrit, or what has sometimes been called "mixed Sanskrit," i.e., a mixture of literary and popular Sanskrit. The popular element is far more conspicuous in the more popular treatises on divination and incantation in Parts IV-VII, than in the more scientific treatises on Medicine in Parts I-III. The term "popular Sanskrit" is not strictly appropriate, "Sanskrit," ie., prepared or polished, was the name of the form of language (bhasa) which was elaborated, from about the seventh to the fourth centuries B.C., in the ancient Brahmanic grammar schools of India, out of the previously existing language of the sacred poetry (chhandas) of the Veda. That language owned a great wealth of inflectional forms and syntactical usages, not very clearly demarcated, and used with great freedom. The object of the grammar schools was to elaborate out of this more or less "rank growth" a well-ordered (sanskrita) language by eliminating some forms and usages, and demarcating the remainder103. The elaboration was a long continued process, which finally resulted, probably at some time in the fourth century B. C., in the production of Panini's celebrated standard grammar. In its intermediate condition, the language is illustrated in the priestly writings of the so-called Brahmana period. For its ultimate condition, the first witness appears in the Brahmanical treatises of the so-called Sutra period; but the earliest, actually existing original record of that condition, known at present, is in the Brahmanic inscription, incised on a sacrificial post at Isapur, near Mathura, which is dated in the year 33 B. C. 104. In consequence of its origin, the Sanskrit language tended to perpetuate the phonetic conditions of its Vedic parent, and thus came to bear an air of artificiality. Outside the Brahmanic schools, the language of the people followed the usual course of linguistic evolution. While it preserved much of the Vedic inflectional forms and syntactic usages which had been discarded in the scholastic Sanskrit, it suffered, on the other hand, the usual process of phonetic deterioration. In was this natural (prakrita) language, of spontaneous growth, in which the early literature was written of the two great religious movements, Buddhism and Jainism, which, in the sixth century B. C. and subsequently, agitated the people outside the Bralimanic schools. But after a time, the prestige of the latter produced its natural effect on the writers of the non-brahmanic communities. With the rise of the Mahayana School of Buddhists in northern India, about the first century B. C., attempts began to be made by Buddhist writers to imitate their Brahmanic rivals in the use of the scholastic Sanskrit. Ultimately they fully succeeded in their endeavours; but at first their efforts were attended with but partial success, differing according to the amount of literary knowledge they possessed It is this earlier period of literary endeavour, which, as will be shown in the sequel, is reflected in the several treatises of the Bower Manuscript. 103 See Professor Lanman's remarks in the Journal of the American Oriental Society vol. X, p. 326: upon both, the field of the noun and that of the verb, the Veda shows a rank growth of forms which die out later. ... The inflective system of the nouns has become contracted, rigid, and uniform, but not, like that of the verb, essentially mutilated." 104 That is, in the 24th year of the Kusans king Vasisaka; see Dr. Fleet's remarks in the Journal, Royal Asiatic Society, 1910, pp. 1315-7.

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lsvi THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [CHAPTER VII As already stated, the prakritic, or popular, element is much more in evidence in that portion of the Bower Manuscript, which contains the treatises on divination in Parts IV and V) and on magic or incantation (in Parts VI and VII). In the more scientific portion, which contains the three medical treatises (Parts I-III, the examples of prakriticism are comparatively rare. In fact, with one or two exceptions, they occur only in Part II, which contains the longest of the three treatises. The following is a list of the prakriticisms which occur in Parts I-III. There are five examples of the prakritic contraction of the elements aya and ava to e and 6 respectively. They are sameti (for samayati) in II 42 28,105 500 51, 809 63; samenti (for samayanti) II 84 30 : and dhovitva (for dhavayitva), II 550 53. The normal forms samayati and samayanti, however, are more frequent, as may be scen from the Index (p. 327). The nominative plural chaturah occurs once, in I 108 8; but the normal form chatvarah cccurs in II 848 65 and 1063 74. In udasvi-pinyaka, II 800 62. the final t of udasvit is dropped. In ambilavetasai, II 78 30, and hiriterani, II 420 47.580 54 805 63 we have two examples of diaeresis of a conjunct; but the normal forms amblarelasa and hrivera occur with equal frequency (see Index). Examples of the insertion of an euphonic m we have in deha-matmanal (for dehatmanal), II 239 38; am ra-m-asthika (for amrasthika), II 798 62; apsum-iyani (for apsviya), II 886 67; ratri-m-andha, II 887 67, and nakta-m-andha, II 890 67, but we find also the normal forms ratryandha, II 181 35 and naktandha, I 103 8. Similarly. there is an euphonic r in tu-t-upovaka (for tu povaka), II 801 63. In all these cases, however, the prakritic forms are required by the metre of the verse in which they occur, Once we have somyain (for saumyani, in II 718 58. Once we have also the nominative singular masculine in o, in bhago (for bhagah) puraratailasya, II 517 52, and the accusative plural masculine in air, in till (for tan) kritva, II 872 66. Examples of prakritic vocalic sandhi are ckaivetad (for chaivaitad), II 818 64; sukshmele (for sukshmaila, from sukshma-ela), II 61, 63, 64, 65 col, 29, et passim, ou and regularly in compounds with odana, as su podana (for su paudana) II 328 43, amishodana (for amiskau dana), II 441 48, rasodana (for rasaudana), II 490, 51,724 58, payodana (for payaudana), II 724 58 (but payas-odana in II, 374 45 722 58). Other, more doubtful, examples are parimukshayet (for parimokshayet). II 571 54. upovaka (for u podaka), II 801 63, and rajata (for rajatat), II 951 70, where the reading is doubtful or corrupt. In bhagandalami (for bhagandaran) we have the, also occasionally in Sanskrit observable, changes of r to 1, and of masculine to feminine. In magadhye kudaval (for magadhya), II 60 29; kalingaka (for kalingakah) patolasya, II 496 51; sophaha (for sophahah) II. 592 55. and prastha (for prasthal) syat, II 826 64,107 the visarga is dropped: but examples of similar omissions occur in the Vedas (M. Ved. Gr., 92, 3, p. 71). In Parts IV-VII the cases of prakriticism are far more common. Thus of the above mentioned contraction of aya and ava to e and o respectively we have the examples richintesi (vichintayasi). V 49 207, vichintehi, V 3,9 204 18 205 47 247; and bhontu (for bhavantu) VI 16 225. okirna (for avakirna), VI 1 223, orohani (for avarohani), VI 2 223. Ostraka (for avastaraka?), VI 6 223. It is noticeable, however, that while the contraction occurs regularly with the compound root vichint, it is as regularly neglected with the simple root chint; thus we have chintayase, IV 7 193, 23, 24, 28, 36 194. An example of the opposite case of elision of y occurs in sambhavaishyasi (for sambhavayishyasi), V 33 206. Examples of the 105 The numbers in antique type refer to the pages of the edition; those in arabic type, to verses. 106 The normal form sakshmaild appears to occur once in II 115 32, but the reading is doubtful. 107 But correct, in II 396 46 775 61.

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CHAPTER VII] BOWER MANUSCRIPT Ixvii well-known prakritic diaeresis of a conjunct with an antecedent r are darisaya (for dariaya), V 1 203. pradarisitas (for pradariitati). V 54 207. varishe (for varshe). V 60 207. and kirishortti (for firshartti), VI 4 223; but the normal form varsha also occurs in V 4 204. 17 205, 40 206. Examples of the change of p to o we have in avi (for api), IV 11 193, upar adyate (for upapadyate), V 11 204,57 207. Once we have pi (for api) after an anusvara, in sura i pi, VI 3 224; but the normal api also occurs in IV 3 192, V 9 204. Other miscellancous prakriticisms are chichcha (for chitya), VI 1 223; singhasya (for sisihasya), IV 1 192; dukkha (for dulkha), V 12 204, 21 205; satta.khutto (for sapta-kritvah), VII 6 236 ; also dvetiyaka (for dvaitiyaka). VI 2 223, and selaya (for sailaya). VI 4 223. Mare to the category of prakriticisms in sandhi belong the following examples: apetu (for a paitu) in VI 2 203, and upaishyati (for upeshyati), IV 20 193. A final consonant is almost always elided; thus, karana (for karanat), IV 3 192 6, 20 193 40, 43 195; tasma (for tasmat), IV 16 193; achare (for acharet), VI 16 225; karaye (for karayet), V 48 207; avocha (for avochat), VI. 1b 222; so also chira, V 38 206; and kichi, IV 35 194, 52 195 V 27 205 36 206; but the normal chirat occurs twice in IV 29 194 44 195, and the normal kisichit once in IV 20 193. In the noininative and accusative singular neuter of pronouns, the elision of t ord, alternates with the anusvara. Thus we have ta in V 28 205; eta, V 25 205 37 206 47 207; ya, V 1 2033 204; but also the equally prakritic forms tai, V 24, 25 205; etai, V 4, 7, 14 204 28, 31 205 43 206 52 207, and yari, V 47, 60 207. On the other hand, the normal forms tad, etad, yad occur before vowels, e. g., tad-avapoyasi, IV 13 193; etad-uvacha, VI 1 222, yad-ipsase, IV i 192; but exceptionally also before consonants, tad-yatha and yatsatyani, V 3 203. Occasionally the anusvara is added to the end of a word, as in karayain (for karaya), V 6 204, desem (for deil), V 58 207; or it may take the place of the final visarga, as in tatan (for tatal), IV 3 192.108 But more often such a visarga is dropped altogether; as in labha (for labhal), IV 48 195, vritta, V 36 206, ananda, VI 5 222; priti (for priti!). V 21 205; prahu (for prahul), V 2 203, bhikshu, VI 2 222; sumitrai (for sumitrail), IV 30 194, daratai chorai nainsitikai, V 17 205; heto (for hetol), V 27 205. Or it combines to 6, as in ito (for ital) shashthe, V 13 204. Or, its omission may give rise to double sandhi, as in tatottamah (for tata-uttamah from tatah-uttamah), IV 10 193. Occasionally some consonant is inserted to avoid a hiatus, or a vocalic sandhi. Thus (a) n in nai-n-ritikail (for nair-ritikail), V 17 205, maitri-1-airavaneshu (for maitry-airavaneshu), VI 1 224; (b) m in pari-m-apanaya (for paryapanaya), VI 4 223; Vasukind-m-api (for Vasukinapi), VI 2 224; for other examples, see page lxvi C in jani-r-u padravail (for jany-u padravail), IV 3 192; for another example, see above, p. Ixvi 109; (d)s in gamane-statha, V 21 205, jane-s- tatha, V 50 207; but in these two cases the reading is uncertain, Examples of prakriticism in inflexion are the following: (1) With nouns: in the nomnative singular masculine, a final # may be dropped at the end of a verse, as in maha (for mahan), V 36 206, or before a consonant, as in bhagava (for bhagavan) chchhravastyal, VI 1 222. But the normal form also occurs, as in bhogavan sramaneraka), VI 6 224; and before vowels it is used always, as in mahan artha), IV 10, 11 193, bhagavan ayushmantan, VI 1 222. Similarly curtailed forms, however, occur also in the Vedas, see M. Ved. Gr., 315, p. 193. In the case of dhanava-s-cha, as indicated by the interpolated e, the omission of the anasvara is probably a scribal error, and the reading should be dhanavam. In the accusative plural masculine, ami and um replace an and un, respectively, before consonants, as in kamani 108 In padans-tu (for padas-tu), V 5 204, the anusvara is a mere clerical error. 109 In svati-r-bhikshwili, VI 5 222, the reading is doubtful.

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lxviii THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [CHAPTER VII (for kaman) prepsyase, IV 33 194; mittram (for mittran) dvishasi, IV 52 195; pujayase, riddham (for vriddhan) devatam, V 10 204; vijeshyasi ripum sarvvan (for ripun sarvan) pratyarthi, IV 47 195. But the normal form occurs before palatals, as in svajanam-s-cha... manyasi, V 10 204, and before vowels, as in bhogavan avi, IV 11 193. Other examples are: nominative singular masculine dvitiye (for dvitiyah kutah, IV 16 193, kuladevo (for kuladeval) cha, V 6 204; singular neuter, janmam (for janma), IV 33 194; instrumental plural, dvisirshahi (for dvisirshabhih), VI 12 224; and the vowel lengthenings in rishishu (for rishishu), IV 4 192, and vadinam (for vadinam), IV 2 192.-(2) With pronouns: the nominative or accusative singular neuter ta or tam (for tad), etc., have been already referred to above, p. lxvii, of the stem ima, there occur the nominative singular feminine ima (for iyam), V 4 203, and the genitive singular masculine imasya (for asya), IV 3 192, The latter occurs once in the Vedas; see M. Ved. Gr., p. 302, footnote 7; and the normal form asya also occurs in VII 6 237. Other examples are the instrumenta! plural masculine tehi (for tail), VI 12, 224, and once the genitive singular tuva, V 13 204, by the side of the usual normal tava, IV 6 193 V 1, 2 204, et passim (see Index).-(3) With numerals: we have the locative singular masculine ekasmi (for ekasmin), VI 1 222, and the locative plural chaturushu (for chaturshu), VII 4 237.-(4) With verbs: the second person singular present, arambhase (for arabhase), IV 55 196, and kurvasi (for karoshi), IV 22 194; the second singular imperative karohi (for kuru), VI 2 222/3 223; pujayahi (for pujaya), V 33 206, vichintehi (for vichintaya), V 3, 9 204, 18 205 47 207, or vichintiya, V 18 205; the third singular aorist jani (for ajani), IV 3 192. In future forms, the element y, when it is the last in a treble conjunct, is frequently omitted; thus, prapsasi, IV 2 192, 11 193, or prapsase, IV 11 193; but the normal forms are more usual, prapsyasi, IV 21 193, 37 194, prapsyase, IV 5 193, 28, 33 37 194 41 195, 54 196. Similarly we have also yakshase (for yakshyase), IV 58 196, vipramokshasi, (for vipramohshyasi) IV 17 193. In the past participle passive of, the causal we find karavita (for karita), V 46 206. Examples of the exchange of "voices" are: (a) parasmaipada, for atmanepada in edhasi (for edhase), V 41 206, klijyasi (for klisyase), V 4 204, pratipadyam; for (pratipadye), VI 1 222, pratiksha (for pratikshasva), IV 13 193, passive vihanyasi (for vihanyase), V 47 207; and (b) atm. for parasm., in prichchhase, IV 6 193 (but normal prichchhasi, IV 39 195), and pujayase (for pujayasi), V 10 204. Examples of prakriticism or rather semi-prakriticism, in stem formation, are matampitara., V 10 204, apparently meant as two separate accusatives singular for the normal dual matapitarau; bhrati-samagama a (for bhraty-samagaman), V 22 205; yaia-mitra (for yaiomitra), VI 6 225 VII 3 237; pul-ambha (for pul-ambhas), IV 51 195; putratvata (a pleonasm for putratva or putrala), IV 13 193; chaturtha, IV 22, 26 194 (for the normal feminine chaturthi, IV 32 194). From the prakrit speech we must distinguish the "popular Sanskrit," properly so called; that is to say, the Sanskrit of the Brahmanic schools as it was spoken and written by the literate, or semi-literate among the people outside those schools, especially in the non-brahmanic portion of it. This popular Sanskrit permitted to itself occasional lapses from the strict rules of the scholastic correct Sanskrit, and occasional intrusions of the usages of the generally prevailing Prakrit speech. It is the language in which the medical treatises, contained in Parts I-III of the Bower Manuscript, are written. Its peculiarities are assembled in the following classified list: 1.-PHONOLOGY. (1) Substitution of vowels: ri for ri, in trivrit, I 61 5; trivrita, II 88 31 144 33 252 39; and triphala, II 605 56; but the normal forms trivrit, trivrita, and triphala occur quite

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CHAPTER VII] as frequently (see Index). Similar examples in Part IV-VII are trika, V 29 205 (but normal trika in II 406 46), niirita (for niirita), VI 11 224; and even trini (for trini), V 40 206. On the other hand, we find ri for ri, in irita (always for normal arita), I 73 75 6, II 612 56, etc. (see Index). BOWER MANUSCRIPT Ixix (2) Substitution of consonants: (a) n for, in garbhena, II 535 53, jatharani, II 940 69, jvaranam, II 169 35 peshyani, II 45 28, pranaiyate, III 64 184,110 prayogena, II 256 39, 275 40, brimhana, II 643 58, mushikanam, II1239 38. On the other hand, for n, in kushthani, II 53 29 86 31 249 39, but normal kushthani, in II 141 33 and III 49 183.-(b) n for i, in ariansi, (for arsamsi), II 185 36; and similarly n for , in vinsati, II 232 38, vrinhana, II 176 35, 752 60, sanharet, II 186 36.-(c) b for v, when second or third in a conjunct, as once in purvba for (purvva), II 200 36, and yathoktamba (for yathoktam va), II 583 55. Otherwise always regularly rov; see the Index, s. v., purvva, murvva, sarvva, etc.-(d) s for , in saman (for saman), III 56 184, and sroto (for eroto), II 1076 74, both examples being doubtful. On the other hand, we find sh for s, in sadyashkam (for sadyaskan), II 576, 579 54. (3) Prefixion of a vowel: a in alata (for lata), I 94 7, and amrinala (for mrinala), II 346 43. These are the only two cases of such prefixion: the two words, which are of frequent occurrence, are, at all other times, spelled normally lata and mrinala. (4) Augmentation of a conjunct: b is invariably inserted in the conjunct ml; thus we have ambla (for amla), I 121, 122 9 II 14 12 726 59, amblavetasa, II 64, 66 29 75, 80 30 219 37, amblataka, II 106 31, ambla, I 26 3 II 93 31 302 41 441 48 577 64, amblika, II 79 30. Occasionally, m is turned into anusvara, as in ambla, II 790 62, amblavetasa I 62 5 II 14 26 29 27, ambla, I 15 2. (5) Reduction of a conjunct: for the sake of the metre (sloka) nn is reduced to n in samapanah for samapannal), in II 498 51. This is the single example of such a change. (6) Dissolution of a conjunct: the only two examples ambilavetasa (for amblavetasa) and hirivera (for hrivera) have already been quoted as prakriticisms; see ante., p. lxvi. (7) Shortening of a syllable, always for the sake of the metre: apasmarina (for apasmarinam), II 378 45; godhumai (for godhumail), II 405 46; mandukaparni (for mandukaparni), I 52 5; mulabhaya (for mulabhaya), II 799 62; myittika (myittika), II 1063 74; varshabhuh (for varshabhuh), II 345 43; shadi (for shadi), II 40 28; samupakkramet (for samupakkramet), II 1067 74; hitasevi (hitasevi) II 726 58. nigrihnati, see pp. lxii under Verbal Inflection, Also adhatti and (8) Lengthening of a syllable, always for the sake of the metre: asthika (for asthika) II 798 62; often in compounds, as uru (for uru) with daurbalya, II 388 45, or with shambha, II 316 42 334 43; 349, 357 44; ritu (for ritu) with sthitam, III 21 182; satapushpam (for satapushpam), II 346 43; and in genitives plural like pittinam (for pittinam) etc., see under Nominal Inflection, p. lxxi. (9) Rare letters or spellings: (a) the upadhmaniya occurs in chaturah pippalyah, II 188 36, and atah param, III 41 183. On the other hand, the jihvamiliya is found only in the second portion of the Bower Manuscript, in duhkham, V 3 203 and kahkhorda, VI 1 223-(b) The long vowel ri occurs three times, in nrinam, II 108 32 636 57, and krichchhrani (for krichchhrdni), II 644 58.-(c) The guttural nasal i, occurs once, in samyan-namayeta, II 916 68.-(d) Assimilated si occurs in manassila, III 6 181; only once; otherwise always manahsild, I 97 7 II 848, 850 65 III 55 184, et passim (see Index). See M. Ved. Gr., $78e, p. 71. 110 In Sanskrit (Papini VIII 4,36) n occurs only when i is changed to sh, as in pranashtum, pranashta.

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lxx THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [CHAPTER VII II. EUPHONIC COMBINATION (Sandhi). (1) Hiatus occurs exceptionally, at a caesura or at the end of a pada; thus, gadgada uru, II 349 44 (at the caesura in an arya verse); yavagu udasvi, II 800 62 (at the end of the first pada of an Indravajra); va ashadhe, II 974 71 and nama Atreya, III 36 183 (at the end of the third pada of a sloka); once otherwise, in nihanti areamsi, III 7 181 (between the sixth and seventh feet of an arya). This conforms to Vedic usage; see M Ved. Gr. SS 67, 71 pp. 61, 65. (2) Double sandhi is found occasionally: (a) between words, in guddikatha (for gudika atha from gudika, atha), II 78 30; tatoddharet (for tata uddharet from tatah uddharet), II 369 44; mahatmaneti (for mahatmana iti from mahatmane iti), II 132 33; (b) within compounds, in urodghateshu (for ura-udghateshu from uras-udghateshu), II 1099 75. An intervening final consonant may even be dropped; thus, m in asvibhyanumato (for asvibhya anumato, from asvibhyam anumato), II 425 47; and r in asvinonumatan (for asvino anumatam from asvinor anumatam, normal for asvinoh anumatam), II 253 39. Both are met with in Vedic usage, see M, Ved. Gr. SS 3 a, b, p. 64. (3) Doubling of consonants: k, in the ligature kr, is doubled when it begins a word either in a sentence or in a compound, and is preceded by any vowel, either short or long. Thus we have (a) in a sentence, cha kkrimi, II 1107 76, hanti kkrimin, II 791 62; tu kkramat. II 767 60; mala kkriyah, I 51 5; jvare kkriya, II 617 56; or (b) in a compound, adi-kkriya, I 118 9; gala-kkridi, I 23 3; pailya-kkrimi, II 857 65; yatha-kkramam, II 735 59; rasa-kkriya, II 885 67; sata-kkratoh, II 35 28; sa-kkrimin, II 203 37. There are, however, a few exceptions, graha-krimi, I 41 4; yatha-kramans, II 963 71; rasa. kriya II 852 65. After a consonant the doubling does not take place, chet kramah, II 430 51; nor after the anusvara, agnim krimin, II 52 29; kamalam krimim, II 142 33; mulan kronchadana, II 292 41; nor after the visarga, tatah kramena, II 726 58, except once in vividhah kkriyah, II 1024 72. In the middle of a word k is doubled invariably, as in chakkra, takkra, sakkra, se: the Index. See M, Ved., SS 30 p. 21. W. Skr. Gr. SS 229, p. 72. (4) Elision of a after e or o. Thus in jaladhake'tmaguptayah (for jaladhaka atmaguptayah), II 825 64; and kudavo 'malaka-rasat (for kudava amalakarasat), II 252 39; in both cases to suit the netre. III. NOMINAL INFLECTION, (1) Nominative singular feminine in it for i, only once in tanmayih (for tanmayi), I 19 2; in all other cases normally i as in nari, haritaki, etc. (see Index); also in Vedic, see W. Skr. Gr., SS 356, p. 115. On the other hand, in u for uh, nearly always, in yavagu, as in yaragviyam (for yavagu iyam), II 787 62; altogether eleven times (see Index), but twice yaviguuh, as in yavagur-yamaka, II 800 62, and yavagur-llaghu, II 1030 72; also normal in varshabhuh, II 345 43. (2) Accusative singular masculine, in im for inam, only twice, to suit the metre (sloh a) in arochakim (for arochakinam), II 26 27; and pratyarthim (for pratyarthinam), IV 32 194. Otherwise normal, e. g., sulinam, II 26 27.-Again, singular feminine in yam for im, in vartyam (for vartim), II 887 67; the reading vartyambhasa is blundered for vartyam ambhasa-- Again, plural feminine, in yas for is, as in amsumatyah (for ameumatih), II 301 41; gurvyah (for gurvih), II 232 38; parnyah (for parnih), II 188 36; pippalyah (for pippalih), II 134 33 188 36 314 42 386 45 505 51 745 59 930 69 1055 73 haritakyah (for haritakih), II 245 39 484 50; altogether thirteen times, but the normal ending is occurs twice, gaja pippalih,

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CHAPTER VII] BOWER MANUSCRIPT * Ixxi II 314 42 and haritakih. II 226 38. In the Vedas is is nowhere met with, see W. Skr. Gr. $$ 359, 363, pp. 316, 318, and M. Ved. Gr. $ 378, p. 273.--Also, accusative apas (for a pas), II 804 63; as often in Vedic, see W. Skr. Gr. 393, p. 133. (3) Instrumental singular neuter, once dadhina (for dadhna), II 428 47, lo suit the metre (floka); otherwise always normal dadhna, II 149, 150 34 785, 801 62 853 65 1053 73. Also, feminine, rasnaya and balaya (for rasnaya and balaya), II 177 35, shown to be instrumentals by the accompanying undoubted instrumentals mulena and madhukena ; otherwise they might be taken to be genitive substitutes. They may, but need not, be due to the metre (loka); for we have an undoubted example in prose in vidyarajaya, VI 2 222 and (with the normal qualifying anaya), VII 6 237 ; but normal vidyarajaya, VII 3 237. In all other cases, the instrumental is normal; e.g., sarkkaraya I 81 6 107 8 II 504 51 1037 75, vachaya, II 80 30, etc. (sce Index). (4) Genitive singular feminine, anganaya (for aiganaya), I 84 7; and sukshmailaya (for sokshmailaya), II 115 32; or also, gudikaya (for gudikaya), II 1035 72, and madhurasaya (for madhurasaya), II 67 29. In all other cases, normal, e.g., sukshmelayah, II 6! 29; gurlikayah, II 1022 72; chidayah, II 856 65111-Again, plural masculine, gridhrasinam (for gridhrasinam), II 377 45; pittinam (for pittinam), II 164 34 418, 423 49; pramehinam (for pramehinam), II 230, 243 38 971 71, roginam (for roginam), II 254 39. In all other cases, normal, e. K., a pasmarinam, II 378 45, udarinam, II 971 71, kasinam, II 164 34, kshirinam, I 89 7, II 291 41, dehinam, III 33 183 praninam, I 46 5, melinam, II 606 56, Saririnam, II 244 38, soshinam, II 940 69, etc., the proportion of abnormal to normal cases being 8: 14. Similarly, once, parvanam (for parvanair), II 335 43.-Also plur. masc., only once, varadam ( for varadanam.) II 774 61; elsewhere normal, as naranam, I 92 7 II 37 28, etc. All the preceding abnormalities occur in verse composition, and seens to be due to the exigencies of the metre; but there is one example in prose, sarvavadinum (for 'radinam), IV 3 192. (5) Locative singular neuter : once the syncopated form namni, II 918 69, and optionally ahni, I 20 2 II 908 68, by the side of aliani, 1 63 5 II 723 58 784 61; but elsewhere the full form, as murdhani, I 11 2 II 79 35, karmani, II 962 71, etc. IV.-VERBAL INFLECTION, In the main the abnormalities in verbal inflection refer to changes with respect to << class" and " voice." Most of them have the support of Vedic and Epic usage. (1) Change of " class": Thus I. class for II., rodate (for roditi), II 1041 73. but normal II. class, rudyat, I 99 8; both classes also in Vedic and Epic 119,- Again, VI. class for IInd, parasm., lihet (for lihyat), II 475 50 590, 594, 596 55 608 56 1081, 1088 75, or atm.. liheta (for lihita), III 21 182; but almost equally frequent (7:8) is the normal lihyat, I 128 9 II 21 27 433. 439, 446 48 450 49 779 61, and the VI, class is also epic. Similarly VI. class for I Ind, dvishasi (for dveshti), IV 52 195; also epic.-Again, VI. class for VIIth, pishet (for pimshyat), II 850 65 896 67; in this case, as well as in the compound prapish, there is the abnormal lengthening of the root vowel, which, however, is restricted to the tenses; for the participles are pishtva, II 41 28, etc., or pishya, II 887 67 and prapishya, II 82 30. pishta, I 35 4 II 430 48, etc. (see Index). The same lengthening occurs when the root is inflected normally in the Xth class or causal, pishayet, II 404 46 550 53 871 66 889 67. and prapishayet, II 97 31 211 37 577 54. The lengthened root vowel occurs once also in the 111 It would seem that the abnormal forms occur only when the normal visarga drops off by reason of sandhi. 112 la the Rigveda the II. class does not occur; See M. Ved. Gr., $ 450a. footnote 8, p. 395.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [CHAPTER VII Atharvaveda, apishan (see M. Ved. Gr., SS 436, footnote 2, p. 330).-Again, VI. class for IXth praset, II 828 64; only once, to suit the metre, (eloka), but usually (3: 1) normal, prasniyat, II 778 61 824 64 III 59 184. So also, nigrihnati (for nigrihnati), II 342 43 1083 75, in both instances to suit the metre (sloka); for analogous cases in the Vedas, see M. Ved, Gr., SS 475a p. 349.-Again, VI. class for VIIth, participle present, prayumjamana, 1 54 5, an anomalous form for prayujamana, which would not have suited the metre (arya): only once; elsewhere normal, prayumjana, II 95 31 312 42 783 61 (for another anomaly, prayunjit see below 2a). (2) Change of "voice;" (a) parasmaipada for atmanepada; adhatti, II 147 34. an anomalous confusion of the two forms adhatte (atm,) and adadhati (par.), to suit the metre (arya) which requires a short syllable. Again, bhashati (for bhashate), II 1099 75, required by the metre (loka); but normal abhashata, II 969 71; the parasm, is epic.-Again, labhati (for labhate), II 727 59, and labhet (for labheta), II 363 44, in both instances due to the metre (sloka), elsewhere normal (8: 2), labhate, II 513 52, and labheta, II, 200 36, etc. (see Index); in Parts IV and V, occasionally irrespective of metre, lapsyasi, IV 9 193, and labhishyasi, V 12 204; examples also in epic. Again, vardhati, I 60 5, once, irrespective of metre; elsewhere normal varddhate, I 46 5 II 757 60, and varddhante, II 618 56; but parasm, also vedic and epic.-Again, prayumjit (for prayumjita), II 865 66; a quite anomalous form, apparently, suggested by the normal atmanepada form prayunjita, which occurs in I 36 4 52 5 II 198 36 761 60; the normal parasmaipada form prayumjyat occurs in II 269 40-Again, passive, lakshyanti (for lakshyante), II 1042 73, to suit the metre (loka). (b) Atmane pada for parasmaipada; gachchheta (for gachchhet), II 830 64 840, 84165; only in the optative, and to suit the metre (loka); elsewhere normal, gachchhanti, II 827, 828, 833 64; atmanepada also epic.-Again, chikitsate (for chikitsati), II 949 70; only once, to suit the metre (u pendravajra); elsewhere normal, II 273 40 309 42 928 69; but atmanepada also epic.-Again, jiveta, II 51 28; only once; elsewhere normal, jivet, I 42 4 50 5 II 744 59 932 69; atmanepada also epic,-Again, pivate (for pibati), II 248, 253, 39 and piveta (for pibet), II 82 30 327 42 593 55 845 65 1116 76, to suit the metre, but as a rule (55: 5) normal; e. g., pivet, I 25, 26, 27, 3 II 24 27 III 17 182, etc. (see Index), prapivet, I 20 2 21, 23 3; atmanepada also vedic and epic.-Again, samayale (for samayali), II 274 40, due to the metre (aloka). 1xxii (c) Conjunctive participles: grihya, II 401 46 525 52 646 58 IV 12 193; always, for the normal grikitva, which never occurs; also vedic, but apparently only in composition with nouns, as karna-grihya, see M. Ved, Gr., SS 591a, p. 413.-Again, pishya, II 887 67; only once; elsewhere normal, pishtva, II 41 28, etc. (see Index); also epic.-Again, aravya (for) sravitva), II 371 44.-Again, samanayitva, II 1114 76; but normal, samaniya, II 214 37; similarly once in vedic, pratyarpayitva, M. Ved. Gr., SS 590b, p. 412. V-STEM FORMATION. (1) Stems ending in as, or is, or us may have alternative endings in a, or i, or u, as a rule with change of gender from neuter to masculine. Thus (a) with as neuter and a masculine; arias, accusative plural, arsamsi, II 52 29 III 7 181, etc., twelve times (sce Index); and aria, accusative plural, arsan, II 107 31, only once; similarly in composition, arias (ario), II 136 33, etc., eleven times (see Index), and aria, II 644 58, only once.-Again, tamas, accusative singular, tamas (tamo), II 84 30 941 69; and tama, only in compounds, tama-ivasa, II 479 50, tamopasrishta, II 424 47.-Again, payas, accusative plural, payamsi, II 599 55, etc. (numerously, see Index), or in composition, payas (payo), I 59 5 II 814 63 III 68 184, anomalously payasodana, II 374 45 722 58; and paya, only in the compound

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CHAPTER VII] payodana, II 724 58.-Again, manas, genitive plural, manasam, I 65 6; in composition, manas (mano), I 97 7 II 3 25 (numerously, see Index); and mana, only in the compound mana-dushtakari, V 15 205-Again, yasas, in composition, yaiorthin, II 412 47, and yasa, in the compound yajamitra, VI 6 225 VII 3 237.-Again, rajas (rajo), I 114 8, nominative plural rajansi, II 343 43; and raja, nominative singular masculine rajas tamrajah, II 887 67, or in the compound, raja-nigraha, II 424 47.-Again, vakshas, no examples; and vaksha, in the compound, vaksha-stana, I 18 2.-Again, sirshas, only in the compound, sirsho-bhitapita, II 272 40; and sirsha, often in composition, irsha-roga, II 179 35, etc. (see Index).Again, sadyas (sadyo), I 100, 103, 8 II 54 29; and sadya, only in composition, sady-otthita, II 877 66, sady-otpatita, II 858 66.-Again, srotas (sroto), only in the compound srotojana, II 883 67; and erota, only in the compound srota-ja, II 472 50. BOWER MANUSCRIPT lxxiii (b) With is neuter, and i masculine: suchis (iuchir, for Sanskrit sochis), only in composition, I 20 2 II 105 31 753 60; and suchi (only adjectival), II 269 40, etc. (see Index). (c) With us neuter and u masculine: chakshus (chakshur), nominative singular, chakshur, II 309 42; and chakshu, though anomalously neuter, nominative singular, V 1 203. (2) Miscellaneous' new stems; hantara (for hantri), nominative sigular neuter, hantaram, II 365 44; if the form be taken as a normal, it would be the accusative singular masculine of hantri with an anomalous change of case as well as of gender,-Again, feminine ghna (for ghni), in mukha-roga-ghna, II 42 28; only once; elsewhere normal gheni, as in kahuta-ghni, II 801 63. Similarly, chaturtha, IV 22, 26 194; but normal chaturthi, IV 32 194.-Again, gupta, VI 2 222, but normal gupti, VII 6 237.-Again, cardinals in the place of ordinals, as chatur, ashta, dasa, for chaturtha, ashtama, dasama, regularly in composition with bhaga, as in chatur-bhaga, fourth part, I 105 8, ashta-bhaga, eighth part, II 153 34, and with bhagavasishta, etc., I 126 9 II 178 35 etc. (see Index). VI.-GENDER. (1) Exchange of masculine and neuter. (a) Neuter for normal masculine; nominative singular, adhyayam, II 4 26; only once; elsewhere normal, adhyayah, II 107 32 260 39, and plural, adhyayah, II 9 26.-Again, accusative dual, karanje, II 345 43, but normal karanjau, II 1100 75.-Again, nom, sing., kalpam, II 321 42; only once; elsewhere normal, acc, plur. kalpan, I 30 3, nom, dual, kalpau, I 29 3 (see Index).-Again, nom. plur, neuter griha ni (for masc. grihah), II 1117 76.-Again, acc. dual neuter, grahe (for masculine grahau), II 332 43.-Again, nom sing, prayogam, II 762 60; only once; elsewhere normal, nom, sing., prayogah, II 86 31 750, 751, 60, etc. (see Index).-Again, nom, plur. pravadani, II 1106 76, only once; elsewnere normal, nom, plur. pravalah, II 1106 76, acc. plur., pravadan, II 23 27; 1086 75.-Again, acc. sing., prastam (etad), II 916 68; only once; elsewhere normal; nom. sing, prasthah, II 109 32, nom. plur., prasthah, II 39) 45, nom, dual, prasthau, II 777 61, etc. (see Index).-Again, acc. plur,, bhagandarani (for bhagandaran), III 9 181; once also feminine, see below.-Again, nom, plur., rasani, II 814 63; only once; elsewhere normal, rasah, II 173 35 601 56, etc, (see Index).-Again, nom, sing., vidalakam, II 861 66; only once; but twice normal, vidalakah, I 109, 111 8. Also in Part V, nom, sing., gandham (for gandhah), V 2-203, and chakshu (for chakshuh), V 1 203. (b) Masculine for normal neuter; acc. plur., amalakan, II 226 38 291 41; only twice; elsewhere normal, nom, sing., amalakam, II 223 37, nom, plur,, amalakani, II 129 33, etc, (see Index). Again, nom, sing., aichyatanah, I 83 6; only once; elsewhere normal, aschyotanam I 70, 73 6 II 367, 870 66, etc. (see Index).-Again, acc. plur., aushadhan, II 192 36; only once; elsewhere normal, aushadhani, II 369 44 621 57.-Again, acc. plur., kushthan, II 238

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Ixxiv THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [CHAPTER VII 38 493 51 942 70; but usually normal, kushthani, II 53 29 III 61 184, etc. (see Index). Again, nom. plur., churnnal, II 57 29; only once; elsewhere normal, nom. sing., ckurnnam, II 22 27, nom. plur., churnnani, II 471 50, etc. (see Index).-Aga!n, acc. plur., nagaran, III 66 184; only once ; elsewhere normal, nom. sing., nagaram, II 63 29, etc. (see Index). Again nom. sing., nagarakah, II 104 31; but normal, nagarakam, II 1119 76.-Again, nom. plur., palah. II 193 36 588 55, acc. plur., palan, II 901 68; but usually normal, nom. sing., palam, II 75 30, nom. plur., palani, II 60 29 III 57 184, etc. (see Index).-Again, 'nom, plur. mula), III 63 184; only once; elsewhere normal, nom. sing, malam, I 89 7 II 266 40, nom plur., mulani, I 72 6 II 628 57 III 37 183, etc. (see Index).-Again, nom. plur., sukrah (for ku krani), II 350 44; no examples for the normal neuter.-In the second portion of the Bower Manuscript there occur: nom. sing., padah, V 1 204; only once; elsewhere normal, nom. sing., padam, V 5 204 55 207, nom, dual., pade, V 58 207, and acc. plur., mitrain (for mitran), IV 52 195 V 10 204; elsewhere, apparently normal, nom. sing., mitram, V 33 206.-For other examples where the change of gender is due to change in the stem (e.g., acc. plur., araan for araainsi), see ante, Section V, p. lxxii, (2) Exchange of masculine and feminine: (a) feminine for normal, masculine, ace, sing. bhagandalam, II 53 29; only once; elsewhere, apparently masculine, loc. sing., bhagandare II 221 37 III 64 184, etc. (see Index); but once also neuter, see ante, la, p. lxxiii. (6) Masculine for normal feminine, acc. plur., deratan (for devatah), II 721 58. In the second portion of the Bower Manuscript, devata is always masculine, acc. sing., devatam, IV 5 192; nom. plur., devatah, IV 21 194 48 195;113 instr. plur., devatail, IV 39 194, abla plur., devatebhyah. IV 22 194.-Again, nota, dual, medau, II 297 41 ; only once; elsewhere normal, acc, sing, medam, II 128 33, acc, dual, mede, II 112 32, etc. (see Index).-Again, loc, sing, vicharchike, II 1034 72; only once; elsewhere normal, nom. sing., vicharchika, III 49 183; acc, sing, vicharchikam, II 342 43 III 8 181.-Again, loc, sing., Sprihe, IV 14 193; but normal, nom. sing., spriha, IV 30 194. VII.--SYNTAX. (3) Exchange of feminine and neuter? nom. sing., maricha, II 851 65; only once; elsewhere normal, nom. sing., maricham, II 11 26 III 66 184, nom, plur., marichani, II 863 66 III 54 184. (1) Exchange or mixture of " cases": (a) nominative for accusative in the object of a sentence; as in II 237 38 vriddhayah (for vriddhih) jayet; II 253 39 vindavah (for vindun) pibate; II 293 41 priyarigavah (for priyanguh or priyangun) grahayet. As a rule, such nominatives are found joined with accusatives, as in II 248 39 yavantan (for yavatal) pibate vindun; and II 782 61 tilan bhakshayita sa imisrah (for salimijran). Or they are mixed with accusatives, as in II 102 31 shadi (nom.) ...gudani (acc.) bharjitva; II 121 32 vidainga (nom.) .... dantin (acc.) pachet; II 128 33 vira (nom.). ...medai=cha (acc.) savi haret; II 134-5 33 pippalyas=trayama nazi=cha (ace.) musta (nom.) kalkikritva; II 201-2 36 haritakin (acc.) rachain (acc.). ... yavaksharo (nom.) vidanga (nom.) vipachayet; II 236 38 pippali (nom.) chavyat-cha (acc.) avapet; II 252 39 pala ch-aikai (ace.) kudavo (nom.) pachet; II 320 42 rasna (nom.) balaivagandhasacc.) dadyat ; II 326 42 rasnait (acc.) patha (nom.) cha gudai-cha (acc.) pishtva; II 802 63 siddha is (acc.) pivet pittahara yavagu (nom.); II 816-7 64 amalakarasa-prasthal (nom.) .... ghrita-prasthan-cha (acc.) sadhayet. The following are some examples from the second portion of the Bower Manuscript : IV 9 193 ayah sapunyo habhase; IV 11 193 prapsase nayam uttamam; IV 28 194 prapsase so'rthal; IV 44 195 113 Here the reading suikhastava devata; should be suratkhastava devatah; thus making the gender of devata masculine throughout. .

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CHAPTER VII] BOWER MANUSCRIPT Ixxy raja-lambhasatu lapayase; V 12 204 vimokshag=cha bhati kamo labhish yasi; VI 5-6 222 Svatir (nom, for Svatim) bhikshum (acc.)...drishtva. (6) Accusative for nominative, not uncommon in the subject of a sentence; thus a series of several accusatives in II 78 30 syad rasa sa-sukta ambilavetasa i vida yavani.; II 80 30 syach-chitraka.i yutam asvagandham; II 169 35 ikshu-mulani kandekshun ikshu-valikam etc.; II 204 37 chitrakani triphalasi urihatish kanlakarikam, etc. Sometimes, however, the word syat is a mere pleonastic adverb of perinission ("may be "), and the series of accusatives depend on dadyat, or a similar transitive verb, as in II 182-3 35 syat tryushanan...syad atha devadaru... syad atmaguptam atha...medan=cha dadyad-dhi satavarii-cha. Sometimes nominatives and accusatives are mixed, as in II 35 28 katutrikai (nom.) tiktakarohinish (acc.) yavash (acc.) chiratatikto (nom.) tha satakkrator=yavah (nom.) samah syur=ete ; II 40 28 rasnai (acc.) bhadramusta (acc.) agaradhumai (acc.) katukatrikali (nom.) ksharo (nom) ahadi (nom.) chet samainsa (nom) bhagah (nom.) samas=churnna-kritah (nom.); II 291 41 amalakan (acc.) kalorukah (nom.) syuh. (c) Accusative for dative: once in II 207 37 viriktash (acc.. for viriktaya) tu yavagua... bhojanan da payet; probably an instance of double accusative. (6) Ablative for instrumental, regularly with prayogat (for prayogena), in II 198, 200 36, 308, 310 42 462 49 830 64. (e) Genitive for nominative: only once in II 1116 76 piveta balasya (for balah); but the construction of the whole verse is abnormal, and probably corrupt. (1) Genitive for accusative: in II 295 41 kashaya-madku ranath (for madhura ni) sitany-api cha...vi pachayet; II 300 41 mukta-vidruma-saskhanaih (for -saikhah) -chandrakantendranilayoh (for endranilau)...iman pachet; II 928 69 daridranasi (for daridran) chikitsati, and II 949 70 naranami (for naran) chikitsate. (8) Genitive for instrumental, in II 253 39 Asvind 'numata (for Asvibhyam); so also malam-davinoh in II 575 and 579 54.-Again, in II 1022 72 gudikayak (for gudikaya) prale payet; II 1077 74 gandha-tailasya (for gandha-tailena) purayet. (h) Genitive for dative; in II 222 37 ekanga-roginash dadyat; II 315 42 hita urinami; II 324 42 atrinau cha deya.; II 800 62 vya panna-tailasya hita; II 1013 72 balasya da payet; II 1015, 1017, 1020, 1026, balanaih dapayet; II 1029 72 badhyamanasya dapayet. But the normal dative occurs in II 1011 71 kumaraya prada payet, and II 1045 73 balaya da payet. (0) Genitive for locative, in I 102 8 vidrutas-cha (for vidrute) jantor...vadanapralepe. possibly by false assimilation to the adjacent genitive jantoh.-Again, in II 63 29 arjassu hridroginam hikka-svasishu (for hridrogishu) hitan; II 94 31 vishuchikaya (for vishuchikayan) ariassu... prayunjanah, though here possibly a clerical error of a for ma.-Again, in II 357-8 44 mukanam (for mukeshu)...arditeshu.cavabhagneshu sandhishu ; II 1081 75 lihecht=chhardya iti (for chhardyam=iti). (k) Locative for instrumental, in II 1038 73 gudikaya (for gudikaya) prale payet. (1) Mixture of accusative, genitive, and locative, in II 221 37 vatasleshmani 114 (acc.) pandunam (gen) ariassu (loc)...dadyat. Similarly in II 377-8 45 kam pangit-cha (ace.) griddhrasinaid (gen.) tathaiva cha bhagandare (loc.). (2) Exchange of "Numbers": (a) singular for dual; not uncommon; as in II 29 27 tintidik-amblavetasain, but normal tintidik-amblavetase in II 64 29. Similarly unmadavisar pa, II 341 43; gandamala-bhagandare (for bhagandarayo), II 249 39; dhanvayavashakachandana, II 138 33; nihva-kadasiba. II 233 38; padmak-aguru i, (for agurllri), II 266 114 Conjectural for the original reading vata-sleshmati which is erroneous. It may be intended for sleshmani, or sleshmani, in either case for $ldshmani or adshmani; or it may be leshmarti,

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ixxvi THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [CHAPTER VII 40; pushkar-agurum, II 189 36; must-osira, II 137 33; vacha-hingum, II 399 46; vilvagnimantham, II 188 36; vepath-unmadan, II, 333 43; evasa-kasan, II 341 43; hikka-svase (for svasayoh), II 33 27. In the preceding instances; the gender is the normal neuter; but in bal-asvagandham, II 320 42, and yashtimadhuka-manjishtham, II 301 41 we have the feminine. Similarly, we find the masculine singular nand-Spanando (for nandopanandau) combined with the plural ye naga. But the normal dual occurs equally frequently, e.g., chandrakantendranilayoh, II 300 41; jivak-arshabkakau, II 189 36 297 41; pippali-ringaverabhyam 11 212 37; bal-atibalayo, II 266 40; lamajjaka-dhananjayau, II 294 41; vyosha-vatsakau, II 56 29. In most of the preceding examples, moreover, the minor grammatical rule that a briefer and vowel-initial member should stand first, and that one ending in a should be placed last (see W. Skr. Gr., SS. 1254c, p. 429) is not observed. (b) Singular for plural; in sapta saptaham (for saptaha!), 11 956 70, and in the copulative compounds kamala-jvara-pandutvam, II 342 43; madhuka-manjishtha-tagaram, II 266 40, with the normal neuter gender; but an instance with an abnormal feminine occurs in phalgu-karjiramridvikam, II 187 36. (c) Dual for plural, only once, in patola-pichumanda-parpatakau (for parzatakah, plur. masc., or parpatakam, sing. neut)., II 137 33; but the normal plural is usual, as in muktavidruma-sankhana, II 300 41; see also II 57 29, et passim. (d) Plural for dual; vrishanah (for vrishanau), III 47 183; also dadhyamblakachikanam (for 'kamchikayo!), II 313 42. (3) Absence of concord: (a) with respect to "number": thus, singular verb with plural noun, in II 767 60, samyuktah sevyamana...samu panamayet; in this case the plurals sanyuktal and sevyamana are erroneous, for the subject of the whole formula is the singular esha prayogah Again, in II 1066 74, yasya vis photaka gatre paridahas-cha lakshyate (for lakshyante); but here the singular verb is due to the influence of the preceding singular noun paridahah-On the other hand, plural verb with singular noun, in II 469 49, kaiasya mulai madhu-sanprayuktan... samayanti (for samayati); III 65 184, vidu vadanti (for vadati). So also, in IV 56 196, idan sthanam driiyante (for drisyate).-Again, singular' verb with plurality of nouns; otten with syat; e.g., in II 78 30, syan matulungasya rasantriny-usha nany-ambilavetasan-cha; II 80 30, syach-chitrakan trikatukam kustu mburuni...; II 472 50, lajal, supishia vadurasthimajja syad-anjanam. In these examples the singular syat may be due to the attraction of the adjacent singular noun; for when the adjacent term happens to be plural, the plural syuk is used, as in II 467 49, tryushanan triphala...rasna cha sarvve tulyah syuh. But more probably the term syat is used adverbially; and it is obviously so used, e.g., in II 182-3 35 and II 241 38, where it occurs with a series of nouns in the accusative case governed by the transitive verb dadyat. (b) With respect to gender: masculine with feminine, once, in II 275 40, bandhya labhate garbham samacharan, for samacharanti which would not suit the metre (eloka). So also once, in IV 45 195, paribhrashta (for paribhrashtal) samagrah.-Again, masculine with neuter; several times; in II 98 31, roga-jatani tan (for tani) arinu; II 185 36, arsamsi kshubdhan (for kshubdhani) nihanti; 11 471 50, churnnani madhudvitiya vinihamti (though in this case there is probably a clerical error for 'dvitiyani nihanti); II 637 57, annam-iva kala-bhojyah (for bhojyam); II 725 58, rasah bhojyam (for bhojyah); II 735 59, niyamas-cha yathadrishta (for yatha-drishtah); II 1111 76, sarkkara-madhu-sanyuktas (for samyuktam) trishnasamanam-uttamam, So also in V 61 207, kalas-te samu pasthitam (for samupasthiteh).

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CHAPTER VII] (4) Peculiar Constructions: (a) Cases absolute; the nominative; e.g, in II 148-9 34, vidanga chitrako dantighrita-prasthan pached-ebhih, lit. "baberang, plumbago-root, danti...with these boil a prastha of ghee;" or II 603 56, surahvadaru triphala sa-musta kashayam-utkvathya pivet; i.e., lit, "deodar, three myrobalans with musta; having decocted them, drink (it)." 115-Similarly we have the accusative absolute, e.g., in II 314-5 42. rasna balan...prativishan garbhen-anena pachayet, ie, lit. "rasna, bala...prativisha: with a paste of these let (it) be boiled."--and again, a combination of both, the nominative and accusative absolute occurs, e.g., in II 169-72 35, saramul-ekshu-mulani kadekshun ikshuvalikam (three acc)esha a tripalika bhagah (nom)...jaladrone vipaktavyam-athakam avaseshayet, e.g., "roots of sara and of sugarcane, (pieces of) kandekshu, (and) ikshuvalika; of these (drugs) quantities of three pala each; let (the whole) be boiled in a drona of water till it is reduced to one adhaka." BOWER MANUSCRIPT lxxvii (b) Interpolation of pleonastic particles within a compound word; thus, atha in II 112. 32, eravany-ath-atmagupta a (for sravany-atmagupta); and II 720 58, punarvvasv=atha= pushyena (for punarvvasu-pushyena). Similarly eva, in II 323 42, etadvidh-aiv-oktam, (for etadvidh-oktam, i.e., etadvidham eva uktam); and II 310 42, srim-ev-abhivivarddhanam (for Brim-abhivivarddhanam, see below d). So also. tathaiva in II 807 63, daahi-ghrita-taila= fathaiva-tandulanam (for dadhi-ghrita-taila-tandulanam). And again, cha and chaiva, in II 1019, 72, sarkkara -ch-amari-chaiva-mutragrahe (for sarkkar-aimari-mutragrahe; or syat in II 802 63, sarkkara -syat-siddham (for sarkkara-siddham). (c) Interpolation of pleonastic particles within a sentence; thus, chet in II 40 28 490 51 794 62 807 63; and syat (used adverbially). in II 78, 80 30 182-3 35 207 37 229, 241 38 1075 74. (d) Abnormal compounds; thus, puranam kshaudra-sanyutam (for purana-kshaudrasa iyutan), II 464 49, and bilva-kalkan vipakvam (for bilva-kalka-vipakvam), II 1075 74; though in these two cases the anuswara may be a clerical error; also, sa-salmaleh pushpan (for sa-falmali-push pan); but see similar cases in W. Skr. Gr., SS 1316, p. 456, also SS 1250, p. 427, and 12670, 12696, p. 434.-Again, vanta-viriktavan (for vantavan viriktaran), II 719 58; rim-ev-abhivivarddhanam (srim abhivivarddhanam with interpolated eva, see above under b), an accusative compound like the similar Sanskrit compounds vanai-karaya, etc. (see W. Skr, Gr., SS 12716, p. 435); kshir-arka-kudavam (for arka-kshira-kulavam), III 2 181, where the transposition appears to be due to the necessities of the metre (arya) 116-Again, II 902 68, bhramara-sa-varrani (for bhramara-varrani, or sa-bhramara-varnani); and II 1115 76, sa-sariv-osira-sa-naga pushpam (for sa-sariv-osiram sa-nagapushpa, or sa-jariv-osiranagapushpam, neither of which however would have suited the metre upajati). In other cases sa takes the, place of the copula cha, as in II 203 37, kasan sa-hikkan sa-kkrimin-api; so also in II 182 35 354 44, et passim. (e) Abnormal constructions; thus in II 349-50 44, where there is a series of nominaLives,ardita vigaktahavabhagnad***sandhayah***skhalanah***kohatah---oa nylhah.....grihitah without any verb, but where the verb upayunjyuh, or prayunjyuh, is to be understood as Suggested by the preceding, upayojyam. Again, in II 1065 74, where the transitive verb vina sayet is to be supplied to the accusatives absolute daham trishnan-cha chharddin-cha, from the following sarva-roga-vina sanam. Other examples, the constrection of which is explained 115 In Charaka Samhita VI, 6, verse 24, whence this formula is quoted (see ante Chapter VI, No. 21, P. Lv), the nominatives are turned into accusatives, in the existing text. 116 For curiou; cases of transposition in Vedic compounds, see W. Skr. Gr., SS1.09, p. 452.

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lxxviii HE INDIAN ANTIQUARY CHAPTER VII in the accompanying footnotes, are II 320 42, note 167, p. 109; II 366-7 44, note 185. p.113; II 480 50; note 240, p. 125; II 813 63, note 382, p. 155; and II 1116 76, note 494, p. 1806. The character of the composition in the treatises of the Bower Manuscript is, in the main, metrical. In fact, in the three medical treatises which constitute Parts I-III, the composition is practically entirely metrical. With the exception of soune brief introductory remarks before verse 50 in Part I, and before verses 404, 917, 947, 950, 968 in Part II) which are in prose, and three formulae (vis., 393-5, 715, and 784 in Part II) which probably are in prose, the three treatises are entirely written in a variety of metres. These metres, arranged in the order of frequency, are the following: (1) Anush/ubh or sloka, Part I, vv. 10, 11, 28-30, 40, 44-51, 55-67, 88, 105, 112-132; total 50 verses. Part II, vv, 1-34, 38, 39, 43-59, 64, 65, 71-77, 87-103, 119-132, 144-146, 148. 181, 186-198, 201-318, 329-343, 345, 351-379, 383-389, 399-428, 431-453, 460-468, 474-479, 481490, 494-499, 502-509, 514-602, 604-626, 638-648, 716-742, 744-781, 803, 804, 810-813, 816850, 852-857, 859-878, 889-882, 885, 886, 888-898, 905-909, 917-946, 950-964, 968-976, 10111078, 1080-1105, 1110-1113; total 834 verses. Part III, vv. 10-18, 25-52, 54, 57-60, 66-72; total 49, verses. Or a grandtotal of 933 verses. (2) Trish!ubh (Indravajra, etc.), Part I, vv, 12, 14, 23, 39, 68-86, 89-104, 106-109; total 43 verses. Part II, v, 37, 40, 78, 79-83, 182-185, 199, 200, 324, 429, 430, 469-473, 480. 491-493, 501, 510-513, 603, 627-632, 742, 743, 785, 787-802, 800, 809, 947-949, 965-967, 1079, 1106-1109, 1114-1118; total 72 verses, Part III, vv. 20-24, 61; total 6 verses. Or a grand total of 121 verses. (3) Arya, Part I, vv. 52-54, 87, 110, 111; total 6 verses. Part II, vv. 60-62, 66-70, 104-118 133-143, 147, 319-323, 325-328, 344, 346-350, 380-382, 390-392, 396-398, 454-459, 633-637 814, 815, 851, 858, 883, 884, 899-904, 910-916, 1119; total 90 verses. Part III, vv, 1-9, 55, 56, 63, 64; total 13 verses. Or a grand total of 109 verses, (4) Vasanta-Tilaka, Part I, vv. 1-8; Part II, vv. 80-82, 85, 86, 805, 806; total 7 verses; Part III, none. Or a grand total of 15 verses. (5) Va nea-sthavila (a kind of Jagati), Part I, v. 22; Part II, v, 35, 36, 41, 42, 500, 786; total 6 verses. Part III, none. Or a grandtotal of 7 verses, (6) Sardula-vikrilita, Part I, vv. 19, 41, 42; total 3 verses; Part II, vv. 63, 879; total 2 verses. Part III, none. Or a grandtotal of 5 verses. (7) Aupachhandasika, Part I, vv, 17, 20, 21, 27; Parts II and III, none. Or a total of 4 verses. (8) Suvadana, Part I, v, 15; Part II, v. 782: Part III, none. Or a total of 2 verses. (9) Prithvi Part I, v. 34; Part II, none; Part. III, V, 65. Or a total of 2 verses (10) Mandakranta, Part I, vr. 9, 35; Malini, Part I, vv. 13, 43; Salini, Part I, vv, 21, 32, Kusumita-lata-vellita, Part I, vv, 31, 35; Mattamayara, Part I, v, 37, 38. Five metres which, two times each, occur only in Part I. (11) Tolaka, Sragdhara, Sudha, Pramariko, Pramitakshard, and one unidentified; six metres, occurring only in Part I, and only once, vis, v, 16, 18, 25, 26, 33, 36 respectively. Also, Ruchira, Pushpitigrd, Samskrita; three metres, occurring only in Part II, and only once. vis, vv, 84, 807, 887 respectively. The preceding list shows that practically the three medical treatises are written in three metres, the <Page #335
CHAPTER VII] BOWER MANUSCRIPT. Ixxix treatises, those three metres occur 933, 121, and 109 times respectively, and among them, again the aloka is by far the predominating metre, taking up about 70 per cent of the whole. The total number of different metres is twenty-three. Of these, Part I, in proportion to its extent, contains an extraordinarily large number, not less than 19, distributed over 132 verses. In Part II there are 9 metres to 1,119 verses, and in Part III, 4 metres to 72 verses. It is evident from this familiarity with metrical writing that the author of the three medical treatises was well-versed in Sanskrit composition. Of course, the substance of Part II is not actually his own original composition, for as he informs us himself in the opening verse of that treatise it is a compilation of extracts from the standard medical works and the floating medical tradition of his time (see details in Chapter VI). Still there are in it certain portions which have every appearance of being his own contribution. These comprise, above all, the ten introductory verses (iloka), describing the contents of the treatise, which are clearly the author's own composition. But there occur also scattered instances of verses in the body of the work which are clearly additions made by the author to formulae which he quotes from other sources. To this class belongs, for example, verse 119a (p. 32) which is a kloka appended to a formula consisting of eleven arya verses, and in which that formula is ascribed to Atreya. If this ascription had formed a part of the original formula, it would no doubt have been in the same arya measure. The fact that it is in the different aloka measure, seems to indicate that it was added by the author of the Navanitaka for the purpose of explaining the source of his information, namely, the floating medical tradition of his time. There is a similar instance in verse 147 (p. 34) which is an arya, appended to a formula consisting of three sloka verses. We have another in the two trishtubh verses 199 and 200 (p. 36), appended to a formula consisting of eleven sloka verses (188-198). And again another instance is the trishtubh verse 324 (p. 42), which is added to a formula of five sloka verses, to explain its ascription to Vadvali as well as some more of its benefits. A slightly different instance is the sloka verse 345 (p. 43) which is inserted within a formula, otherwise consisting of four and a half arya verses (344 and 346-50). There are soine other examples, equally suggestive of authorship, in which, however, no change occurs in the metre. Thus we find a half sloka (v. 3120, p. 42) appended to a long formula consisting of twenty-five other slokas (vv. 287-311), which adds a futile amplification to a formula fully ending with verse 311. An exactly similar case is the half sloka verse 781a (P. 61), which is appended to a formula consisting of other seven and a half slokas (vv. 7736-7801). It is not only added to a formula which obviously ends with the kloka 780b. but it corrects the ascription of the formula which was given in the first sloka (v, 7736-774a) of the original formula. In that floka it was ascribed to the Asvins, while in the added half-sloka, it is attributed to Visvamitra. Another striking case of this kind is the prefixion of one aloka and a half (vv. 418 and 4190, p. 47) to a formula consisting of other six slokas and a half (vv. 4196- 425). The prefixed alokas not only repeat the ascription of the formula to the Asrins, though that ascription was already stated in the original concluding sloka (r. 425), but they are found omitted in other medical works which quote the formula 117 Another instance. probably of the same kind, is the half-loka verse 366a (p. 44), which is added to a long formula of fifteen klokas (vv. 351-365). An instance of again a different kind, though no less suggestive of authorship, is the sloka verse 783 (p. 61), which follows a verse in the complicated suvadana measure (v. 782). It indicates a useful modification of the formula given in the preceding verse, and suggests itself as due to the author of the Naranitaka 11T See for details in my paper in the Journal, Royal 1siatic Society, 1909, pp. 462-4.

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1xxx THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [CHAPTER VII himself. Probably there is another example of this kind in the slika verse 850 (p. 65), which adds a pharmacopoeic direction to the preceding formula, consisting of the two Alika verses 848 and 849. in contrast with the treatise in Part II, the two treatises contained in Parts I and III are very different productions. Phey do not profess to be compilations from preexisting sources, but rather suggest themselves to be original compositions, For, with a few exceptions, such as verses 105, 129, 131 in Part I, and verses 25-36, 37-53, 55, 56, in Part III, they contain nothing that either professes to be, or can be shown to be, a quotation from some earlier work. They may, in fact, very well be original compositions of the same author as he who compiled the Navanitaka. The case is rather different with the treatises on divination and incantation which are contained in Parts IV-VII of the Bower Manuscript. There is nothing in the character of the composition which is distinctly in popular Sanskrit, that would point to an author more intimately conversant with scholastic Sanskrit. A considerabla portion of the treatises is written in prose, and whatever is in metrical form, is written entirely in the easy aloka mcasure. Part VII, or at least the surviving fragment of it, is written entirely in prose; and the only portion that is metrical in Part VI is the charm made of seventeen verses (pp. 224, 225). On the other hand, Part V is written entirely in verse, and so is also Part IV, with the 'exception of its five introductory lines (p. 192) which are in prose,

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CHAPTER VIII. SUBJECT AND CONTENTS OF THE TREATISES IN THE BOWER MANUSCRIPT. (1) In the existing fragmentary state of Part I, it is difficult to determine the particular class of medical literature to which the treatise contained in it should be assigned, It commences with a kalpa, or small pharmacographic tract, on garlic (Allium sativum, Linn.) This tract consists of the initial forty-three verses, including between them eighteen or nineteen different, mostly more or less unusual, metres. Their list, given at the end of Chapter VII, shows that the most frequent among them is the vasanta-tilaka with eight verses, while the well-known eloka comes only second with six verses. The tract is preserved in almost perfect order; the end of every verse (except two, vv. 29 and 35) is marked with a double stroke. The concluding verse 43 alone is seriously mutilated, but fortunately its statement as to garlic (lavuna) being the subject of the tract (kalpa) is preserved. That subject is represented in verse 9 as having been communicated by the sage (muni) King of Kasi (Kasi-raja) to Sus. ruta. By the sage, in all probability, Divodasa is intended, also known as the divine surgeon Dhanvantari; and Susruta undoubtedly refers to the celebrated author of what is now known as the Susruta Sanhita. But it may be noted that in the concluding verse 43, the author, whoever he was, refers to himself in the first person (ukta maya). The tract, or kalpa, on garlic is followed by another tract which might be described as a short tantra, or text-book, comprising a number of very miscellaneous Sections, arranged in a rather unmethodical fashion. It commences with remarks on the importance of regulating digestion (vv. 44-51), and with some pharmaceutic directions (vv. 55-59), such as are usually found in the so-called stra-sthana, or section on the principles of medicine, of a sajhita. Interspersed are some alterative and aphrodisiac formule (vv. 52-54, 60, 61-67), such as are usually given in the Sanhita sections on rasayana and vajikarana. Next comes a section with formulae for various eye-lotions (aschytana, vv. 68-86). This is followed by another on face plasters (mukha-lepa, vadana-pralepa,vv. 87-105) and collyria aiijana, vidalaka) and remedies for the hair, etc. (vv. 106-120); and finally there is a section on cough-mixtures (vv. 121-124). This second tract differs from the preceding in two respects. First, it employs only three metres, the sloka (44 verses), trishtubh (30 verses) and arya (6 verses); and secondly, it uses the double stroke to mark, not the end of a verse, but the end of a formula (consisting of one or more verses) or of a section. In both respects it resembles the treatise in Part II. (2) Part II contains a practical formulary, or handbook of prescriptions, covering the whole field of internal medicine. It is called the Navanitaka or "Cream," and professes to give, for the use of the practitioner, a selection of the best prescriptions found in the standard medical works of the time, and though these standard works are not actually named, it is possible in many cases to identify them. But in addition to these, it gives some formule which seem to be taken from the floating medical tradition, as well as a very few which appear to have been added by the author himself. The details may be seen in Chapters VI and VII, as well as in the subjoined Table of Parallels. The formulary was originally divided into sixteen chapters. This, at least, was the intention of its author, as may be seen from his introduction (vv. 8 and 9), which enumerates the headings of the sixteen chapters. There is no good reason to doubt that the intention Was accomplished; but whether or not the formulary was ever actually completed, it is now impossible to say, seeing that the solitary existing copy of it in the Bower Manuscript is incomplete, as the fifteenth and sixteenth chapters, as well as apparently the conclusion of four. teenth, are missing.

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lxxxii THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [CHAPTER VIII The division of the chapters, and the distribution of the formulae over them, are not made on any unitary principle. Some formulae are put together on the principle of the form which is given to the medicament; others, on the principle of the purpose which the medicament is to subserve; others, again, on the principle of the kind of patients to whom the medicine is to be administered; and finally, some chapters are added describing some important "simples! vegetable or mineral. Thus, under the first principle we have the initial three chapters, which enumerate formulae for preparing compound powders (churna), medicated ghees or clarified butters (ghrita), and medicated oils (taila) respectively. The second principle is applied from two different aspects, according as the purpose of a medicament is, either to relieve or cure an abnormal condition of the system, or to stimulate or improve its normal functions (see note 327 on page 144). Under the former aspect a large number of formulae are collected in the fourth chapter, referring to some twenty-two or twenty-four, not always clearly distinguished, diseases, the details of which may be seen in the Table of Contents, prefixed to this edition. The principle, however, is not quite strictly observed in the chapter; for right into the middle of it, two formulae are pitchforked, which belong to the preceding principle (the form of a medicament), viz., one (vv. 484-490) referring to the preparation of a linctus (leha), the other (vv. 491-493), to the preparation of a kind of medicated mead (madhvasava). The reason why they are inserted here apparently is that their purpose is purgative and alterative respectively; but even in that case, their proper place would be under the second aspect of the therapeutic principle. In this connection it may also be noted that none of the formulae in Chapter IV may be understood as a "specific." In most cases the formula is stated to cure a number of, sometimes, very different diseases; but one of these was thought to be its principal object, and this particular disease was, as a rule, indicated by being named at the head of the number. Under the second aspect of the therapeutic principle, formulae are distributed over the six Chapters V-X, treating of enemas (vasti-karma, see note 142 on page 105), alteratives (rasayana), gruels (yavagu), aphrodisiacs (vrishya), collyria (netranjana), and hair dyes (kesa-railjana) respectively. Under the third principle, referring to the kind of patient, we have the three concluding chapters of the treatise, of which, however, only the fourteenth chapter on the diseases of children survives, while chapters XV and XVI, dealing with barren and child-bearing women, respectively, are missing. Intermediately there come in the three chapters XI-XIII, containing small monographs on chebulic myrobalan, plumbago-root, and bitumen respectively. (3) Part III is another specimen of an ancient formulary, or manual of prescriptions, It is probably, however, a mere fragment of what was, or was intended to be, a larger work. The existing fragment corresponds to the initial portion, that is, to Chapters I-III, of the formulary in Part II; for it contains formulae put together on the principle of the form of the medicament. But though put together on that principle, the formulae are not arranged in any consistent order : powders, ghees, oils, pills, tinctures and liniments are mixed up, as shown in the subjoined list: (1) Oils, formulae Nos. I, II, III, VII, (4) Ghee, formula No. VI. (2) Powder , No. IV. (5) Pills, Nos, X, XII, XIV. (3) Liniments, Nos, V, VIII, IX, XIII (6) Linctus, No. XI. (4) TABLE OF PARALLELS IN PARTS HI AND III. Column I gives references to verses and pages of the edition; columns II and III, to identical or similar formulae in other works, column IV indicates formulae to which no parallels

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CHAPTER VIII] BOWER MANUSCRIPT Ixxxiii are known and column V, formule or parts of formule which were probably written by the author himself. The initials are explained in the List of Abbreviations prefixed to this edition. For further details on parallels, see the notes on the translations. IL Ref. t) verses and pages. ident ical. III IVV . simi- no auth lar. Par. or. Ret to verses and pages. ical. Dar. HS. ... ! ! vv. 1-10, pp. 77-8 vv. 11-17, p. 78 vv. 18-20, p. 79 v. 20, p. 79. v. 22, p. 79 .. v. 23, p. 79 ... v. 24a, p. 80 .. v. 246, p. 80 ... vv. 25-26, p. 80 vv. 27-28, p. 80 vv. 29-34, p. 81 vv. 35-37, p. 82 . vv. 38-42, pp. 82-3... vv. 43-55, p. 83 ... vv. 56-59, pp. 84-5 ... vv. 60-62, p. 85 ... v. 63, p. 85 ... ... v. 64-70, pp. 85-6 ... vy. 71-754, p. 86 ... vv. 78-107, pp. 87-9 vv. 108-118, p. 90 ... v. 119a, p. 90 ... v. 1196-127a, p. 91 .. vv. 127-132, p. 91 ... vv. 133-143, pp. 92-3 vv. 144-146, p. 93 .. v. 147, p. 94 6. .. v. 148-149, p. 94 ... vv. 150-157, pp. 94-5 vy. 158-159, p. 95 ... vy. 160-161, p. 95 ... v. 162-165a, p. 96 ... vv. 1656-1694, p. 96... vv. 1696-176, p. 96 ... vv. 177-1852, p. 97 ... vv. 188-198, p. 98 .. vv. 199-200, p. 98 vv. 201-203, p. 99 ... vv. 204-209, p. 99 ... vv. 210-215, p. 100 vv. 216-222, p. 100 vy. 223-231, p. 101 vv. 232-240, p. 101 yv, 241-244, p. 102 vv. 245-250, p. 103 vv. 251-257, p. 103 vy. 258-260, p. 104 vv. 261-276, p. 104 a vv. 277-279, p. 105 vv. 280-286, p. 106 ... vv. 287-311, p. 108 .. v. 312a, p. 108 v. 3126-818, p. 108 ... rv. 319-323, p. 109 v. 324. p. 109 ... & vv. 325-328, p. 109 .. ... vv. 329-343, p. 110 ... v. 344, p. 111 .... ... v. 345, p. 111 ... ... vv. 346-366a, p. 111... vv. 3666-382, p. 113 .. ... vv. 383-389, p. 114 ... vv. 390-398, pp. 114-5 ... pp. 399-401a, p. 115... vv. 4016-403, p. 115 ... vv. 404-405, p. 116 ... v. 406, p. 116 ... ... vv. 407-412, pp. 116-7 ... vv. 413-417, p. 117 ... avv. 418-428, p. 118 ... ... vv. 429-431, pp. 118-9 vy. 432-433, p. 119 ... v. 434, p. 119 ... ... v. 435, p. 119 . vv. 436-440, p. 119 ... W. 441-4440, p. 120 vo. 444b-446, p. 120 ::::!!!!!!!!!!!!! vv. 446b-447a, p. 120 TV. 4476-449, p. 121... vv. 450-451, p. 121 ... v. 152, p. 121 ... v. 453, p. 121... vv. 454-459, p. 121 ... vv. 460-462, p. 122 ... vv. 463-464, p. 122 ... v. 465, p. 122 ... v. 466, p. 122 ... vv. 467-4682, p. 123 :::::::: : vv. 469-472. p. 123 ... v. 473, p. 124 ... v. 474, p. 124 Y. 475. p. 124 vv. 473-479, p. 124 vy. 480-481, p. 1125... :::::

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lxxxiv THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [CHAPTER VIII III III simi- no lar. Ref. to verses and pages. Identi-i simi no aut cal. vv. 482-183, p. 125 . vv. 484-495a, pp. 125-6 vv. 495b-496a, p. 126 vv. 4966-499, p. 127 vv. 500-509a, pp. 127-8 vy. 510-511a, P. 128 vv. 5116-513a, p. 129 v. 514, p. 129 vv. 515-521, p. 129 ... vv. 522-523a, p. 130 v. 523-524, p. 130 ... v. 525, p. 130 v. 5262, p. 130 vv. 5265-533a, pp. 130-1 vy. 5336-5344, p. 131 vv. 5346-537a, p. 131 vv. 5376-538a, p. 132 vy. 5385-544, p. 132 vv. 545-546, p. 132 ... vv. 547-548, pp. 132-3 vr. 549-562a, p. 133 vv. 5626-5659, p. 133 vv. 5656-568, p. 133... vv. 569-574, pp. 133-4 v. 575, p. 134... . v. 576, p. 134 ... ... v. 577, p. 134... ... v. 578, p. 134 ..... ... v. 579. p. 135 ... ... vv. 580-584, p. 135 ... vv. 585-587, p. 135 ... vv. 588-592, p. 136 ... v. 593, p. 136... ... v. 594, p. 136 ... ... vv. 595-602, pp. 136-8 v. 603, p. 138... vv. 604-641, pp. 138-43 vv. 642-644, p. 143 ... vv. 645-649, p. 143 ... vy. 716-741, pp. 144-6 vv. 742-743, p. 146 ... v. 744, p. 146... . vv. 745-752, pp. 146-8 vv. 753-758, p. 148 ... vv. 759r782, pp. 148-50 v. 783, p. 151... ... v. 784, p. 151... .. vy. 785-801, pp. 151-4 vv. 802-804, p. 154 ... aut: Ret. to verses and pages. vv. 805-818, pp. 155-6 v. 819, p. 156... ... vv. 820-828, p. 157 ... ... v. 829-830a, p. 157... vv. 8306-833a, p. 157 v. 8336-834a, p. 157 V. 8346-835a, p. 158 .8356-838a, p. 158 vv. 8385-840a, p. 158 vv. 8400-844a, pp. 158-9 ... vv. 8446-846, p. 159 ... vv. 8466-849, p. 159 v. 850, p. 159 ... ... vv. 851-855, p. 160 ... ... vv. 856-857, p. 160... ... vv. 858,p. 161 vv. 859-860a, p. 161 vv. 8606-868, pp. 161-2 ... vv. 869-870, p. 162 ... vv. 871-879, p. 162... vy. 880-882, P. 163... vv. 883-886, p. 163... v. 887, p. 183 ... vv. 888-898, p. 164... vv. 899-900, p. 1EUR5... vy, 901-916, p. 165... vv. 917-949, pp. 166-9 vv. 950-967, pp. 170-1 w.968-976, pp. 171-2 ... vv. 1011-1040, pp. 172-4... vv. 041, p. 175 ... ... vv. 1042-1059a, pp. 175-6... vy. 10596-1060a, p. 176 ... vv. 10606-1078, pp. 176-8. vv. 1079-81, 4, 5, 8, p. 178. vv. 1080, 2, 3, 6, 7, PP. 178-9 +. .. vv1089-1109, pp. 179-80.a vv. 11-10-11, 13, 19, pp. 180a-b ... .. vv. 1112-14, 18, pp. 180a-6. Part III. vv. 1-86, PP. 185-7 ... vy. 37-53, p. 188 ... V. 54, p. 189 ... ... ... V. 55-56, p. 189 ... vv. 57-60, p. 189 ... .. vv. 61-62, p. 190 ... ... vv. 63-72, pp. 190-1 ... ... ... Bh. (5) Parts IV and V contain two short manuals of Pasaka-kevali, or cubomancy, that is, the art of foretelling a person's fortune by means of the cast of dies (pasaka, or as spelled in Pt. IV, 1. 2, p. 192, prasaka). The mode of exercising this art can be best seen from the manual in Part IV, which is practically complete, while the manual in Part V is apparently

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CHAPTER VIII] BOWER MANUSCRIPT lxxxv very fragmentary. The former manual shows that the die which was used was marked with the four numbers 1, 2, 3, 4, ; and that each cast, or rather (as we shall see) set of casts, consisted of three of these numbers. Accordingly there could be no more than sixty-four possible casts. These are shown in the subjoined table. Number of Groups. First Class of Four Groups with the same figure thrice." of Second Class Twelve Groups with the samefigure twice. Third Class of Four Groups with the same figure once. Names of Groups. Chantayanta (?) Navikki Pattabandha Kalaviddhi Sipats Vrisha Kula... Mali... Vii Kana Preshya Saja... Panchi Karna Chunchuna ... ... Khari Bahula Bhadra Sakti Dundhubhi ... ... ... 444 333 222 111 Figures of Groups, 443, 434, 344 442, 424, 244 441, 414, 144 334, 343, 433 332, 323, 233 331, 313, 133, 224, 242, 422 223, 232, 322 221, 212, 122 114, 141, 411 113, 131, 311 112, (121), (211) 432, 324, 243, (234), 423, 342... 421, 214, 142, (124), 412, 241... 341, 413, 134, 143, 314, 431 321, 213, 132, 123, 312, 231 Total of variations of cast ... ... Number of Variations. 1 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 6 6 6 6 36 24 64 All but four of these sixty-four variations occur in Part IV. The four which are missing (121, 211, 234, 124, put in brackets) have clearly been omitted through some inadvertence on the part of the scribe; viz., 234 on the reverse of the second folio, 124 on the obverse of the third folio, and 121 and 211 at the very end of the manuscript, on the reverse of the fifth folio. In Part V less than one-third (20 out of 64, shown in antiquetype), occur. No fewer than forty-four variations are missing; viz., the whole of the first class of groups (444, 333, 222, 111); one-half of the second class, namely, the whole

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lxxxvi THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [CHAPTER VIII groups vifi, kana saja, panchi, chunchuna, and khari; and nearly the whole of the thir! class, only two variations (243 and 412) being preserved. What the cause of this mutilation whether intentional or other, may have been is not apparent. At the end of the Pajaka-kevali manuscript, No. 70 of the Deccan College (viz. A in the list on page 214, in the Appendix to Part V), there is an appendix written in the modern Gujarati vernacular language, which explains the modus operandi in this kind of cubomancy. It runs as follows: Tathae sakandvali-ni pasi nakh'va-ni viddhi lakhii chhaill paso sakan jie, tiharai:i 3 464 u!!W.. ! Cvi! 1-2.6 mondain, made in anii I b pagada.i pade dhuri, ta 200 ganii trami pagadan pade pehelunk, ta 300 kahii chyar pagadain pade, to 400 ganii phani paso bijivar nahkhii tiharai pagadai pado, to ek dink ek'da ganiiim be pagadu i pade, to 2 trani pade, to 3 chyar padai, to 4 im triji-var pani janavu in pachhe pehelun saikadun | anai biji triji-bar-na a:hk ekattha kijaz | jetala ame, tetala upari a ak joinai sakan joie etale pehalusi ek pade - pachhi be pade 1 pachhi triji-bar trani pade to 123, ek se nai trivisno aink thai im pehelu be pade pachhe ek pa le pachha trani paded to 213, be saisi nai ter-no a nk awai eni ritaisin javusi sahil This may be thus translated: "The mode of throwing the divination die (pasi, singular) is as follows. When the die is wanted for an oracle (Skr, sakuna), it must be thrown three times, and the first cast must be counted as hundred. Thus, if one pip (pagadam, sing.) falls, it counts 100; if two pips (pagada i, plur.) fall, they count 200; if three pips fall in the first cast, they represent 300; if four pips fall, they count 400. Next, the die (pasi sing.) is thrown for the second time. Then, of the pips that fall, one counts as the figure aik) 1; similarly if two pips fall, they are 2; if three fall, 3; if four fall, 4. In the same way, the cast of the third time must be understood. Finally, the hundred of the first throw, in th figures (aink) of the second and third, must be placed together. Whatever combined) figure results, upon that the oracle must be pronounced. Thus, if first one falls, next two fall, next at the third throw, three fall, then it is the combined) figure 123, one hundred and twenty three. Similarly, if at the first (cast) two fall, next one falls, next three fall, the result is the figure 213, two hundred and thirteen. This is the correct manner of proceeding." It is clear from this explanation that in the ancient Indian art of cubomancy only a single die was used; and that the die indicated only the four numbers, respectively represented by 1, 2, 3, 4 pips on four different facets. A die in the form of a tetrahedron would satisfy these conditions ; but the existence of a tetrahedral di at any time is, I believe, an unheard of thing. It seems probable, therefore, that the die was one of that elongated kind, with four long sides and two rounded ends, which is known as talus or astragalus, or knucklebone, and on which the four long sides were marked. with pips. If the die had the ordinary cubical form, two of its six equal sides would have borne no pips; and then there would have been the not infrequent chance of one of the two unmarked facets turning up in any of the three consecutive casts. In such a case, o course, the throws would have lind to be repeated tiir some pid-markedyacet arhed up the the explanation above-quoted does not seem to contemplate the occurrence of such an eventuality, which is not even alluded to. At the same time there occurs in the Introduction to the manual in Part IV (1.3, on page 192) an obscure phrase which may point to the die having had the form of a six-sided cube. There the dice are described as kumbhakdri-matanga yukta, lit., "joined with a kumbhakari and a matanga." This may mean marked with the . .. Lumbhalant nnother woman for the girl kumbhakari). and mataiga, or eleph

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CHAPTER VIII] BOWER MANUSCRIPT lxxxvii with pips. Another explanation of the phrase, however, is possible which is given in note 1 on page 197. There is also another difficulty in the circumstance that the introduction (11. 2, 3 on page 192, speaks of dice in the plural number, prdsakd [!] patantu," may the dice fall." But the reference may very well be, not to the number of several dice, but the number of casts of a single die If more than one die should really have been used, the number of the dice, of course, would have been three, and each act of divination would have required but a single cast, the three dice being thrown at one time. They would probably have been loose; though at the present day the dice of the Indian cubomancer, which moreover are four in number, are strung on a short thin iron rod. A description of this kind of modern cubomancy is given on pp. 44-46 of Peterson's Third Report on the Scarch of Sanskrit MSS. in the Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Extra No. for 1887, in connection with a work called Ramalamrita, or "the fine art of Ramal." The Arabic term ramal signifies geomancy, or any kind of divination, specially cubomancy. The performer always, or often, is a Muhammedan. In the above-mentioned case, reported from Bombay, the four dice seem to have been immovably fixed on the rod; but in a case examined by me in Calcutta, they were loosely strung on the rod round which they could rotate freely, though they were secured from falling off the rod by two rod-heads. This mode of cubomancy, however, scems to be a comparatively modern importation into India, and is, therefore, hardly relevant to the understanding of the mode of cubomancy which forms the subject of the two manuals. These two manuals are quite independent works. Their oracles, though of course touching on similar subjects, are totally different compositions, of much greater length in Part V than in Part IV. In early Indian times several cubomantic manuals appear to have been current. The manuals, which survive at the present day and are ascribed to the authorship of the Sage Garga, possess a few striking points of agreement with the manual in Part V. The subject of these agreements is fully discussed in the appendix to Part V, pp. 214 ff. The evidence points to the existence of three rather widely different recensions of what may possibly have been originally a single manual, The latter might possibly be represented by the recension preserved in the Bower Manuscript. This recension is of considerable antiquity. As shown in Chapter VI, it may have existed as early as the second century A. D. (ante, p. Lvii), and of course it may go back to a much earlier time. The other existing recensions cannot be older than the end of the fourth century, because in the fifth verse of their introduction they speak of cubomancers as possessing hora-jxana, or the knowledge of the doctrine of hord (Greek apa), or lunar mansions (latin domus). The first mention of that doctrine has been traced by Professor Jacobi (in his dissertation de astrologiae indicae hora appellatae originibus, Bonn 1872) to Firmicus Maternus, who lived about 335-350 A, D, in the West, whence it came to the knowledge of the Indians. For some further information on the subject of Indian cubomancy the student may be referred to A. Weber's paper in the Monatsberichte der Kgl. Preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Berlin, 1859, pp. 158 ff., and in the Indische Streifen, vol. I, pp. 274 ff; also to Dr. J. E. Schroter's Inaugural Dissertation on Pisaka-kevali, ein indisches Wurfelorakel (Borna, 1900). The latter contains a critical edition of the recension of the manual on cubomancy, ascribed to Garga. (6) Parts VI and VII contain two different portions of the same text, which is a Sutra or Dharani referring to a charm protective against snakebite and other evils. The name of the Satra is Mahamayuri Vidyarajni (scl. Dharani), lit. the great peacock' queen of charms. It apparently takes its name from the fact that the peafowl (mayura) is the great traditional ene ny of the snake. It is a charm of great repute among the Buddhists, and is included in the highly valued collection of Dharanis, called Pancha-raksha, or the Five Protective

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Ixxxviii THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [CHAPTER VIII Charms. In this collection it usually takes the third place (see Catalogue of Buddhist Sanskrit MSS. in Cambridge, No. 1325, p. 48, eto; Catalogue of Sanskrit MSS., Part II, in Oxford, No. 1447, p. 257, and Catalogue of Buddhist Sanskrit Literature in Calcutta, No. B4, pp. 164-8 and p. 173); but sometimes the second (see the Oxford Catalogue, No. 1448, p. 259, and apparently the Cambridge Catalogue, No. 1662, p. 162), or the fourth (see Catam logue of Buddhist Sanskrit MSS. of the Royal Asiatic Society, No. 56, p. 42). The Pascha-raksha itself is sometimes found included in certain larger Dharani-mantra-sangraha, or Collections of Dharani charms (see the Oxford Catalogue, No. 1449, p. 260, and the Calcutta Catalogue, No. B5, pp. 80, 292). In the Pancha-raksha collection, however, the Mahamayure charm exists in a greatly expanded form. This expanded recension, as may be seen from the Chinese translations of the charm, appears to have developed in the course of the fifth or sixth centuries A. D. There are six such translations enumerated in Nanjio's Catalogue of the Chinese Tripitaka, Nos. 305-311. Three of them are based on the expanded recension of the Sutra, while the three others exhibit the Sutra in a more primitive and much less developed form. To the former belong two translations of the eight century A, D. (Nos. 306 and 307), done by It-sing in 705 A.D., and Amoghavajra in 746-771 A.D. respectively; a and somewhat shorter translation of the sixth century (No. 308), made by Saighapala in 516 A.D. The three more primitive recensions (Nos. 309, 310, 318) belong all to the fourth century A. D., viz., two by Poh Srimitra under the Eastern Tsin dynasty, 317-420 A. D., and one by Kumarajiva under the later Tshin dynasty, 384-417 A. D. At the time these six translations were made, the Mahamayuri Sutra seems to have still existed as a separate work, and not yet to hare formed a component part of the Pancha-raksha collection. That collection would seem to have originated in Bengal under the Buddhistic Pala dynasty, not earlier than the tenth or eleventh centuries A. D. For another of the later component parts of the Pancha-raksha, namely, the Maha-sahasra-pramardini Sutra, was translated into Chinese (Nanjio's No. 784), when it was . still a separate work, by Sh'hu (Danapala ?) about 980-1000 A. D., while the Pancha-raksha collection itself, being a late production, does not seem to have been translated into Chinese at all, The relative extent of the two recensions of the Mahamayuri Sutra, in the -Pancha-raksha collection and the Bo'wer Manuscript, may be seen from the Appendix to Parts VI and VII (pp. 240a ff.) Those two Parts include only an extremely small portion (about one-seventh) of the modern expanded version of the Sutra, viz., its second and third section. The former relates the story of the monk Svati and his recovery from the fatal bite of a snake through the application of the Mahamayuri charm; the latter, the story of the obtainment of that charm by Buddha in one of his former births (jataka) as the king of the peacocks (mayuraraja). These two stories would seem to have made up the whole extent of the original Sutra before its subsequent enormous accretions. From the Bower Manuscript it appears that the copy of the Sutra included in it was written for the benefit of a person (probably a monk or abbot), called Yasomitra, whose name, as usual in such cases, was inserted at the end of the copy. This copy, being written on birchbark of an inferior quality (see Chapter II), after a time became seriously damaged: the obverse of the folio, on which the second story commenced, flaked off entirely, and that portion of the nanuscript which contained the first story appears to have been destroyed altogether. The latter was now replaced by a fresh copy, written on a new supply of birch-bark of a superior quality. This fresh copy is the existing Part VI of the Bower Manuscript.