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INTRODUCTION
67
(tanai), 3 6 10a, 4 37, 4 14 2, 9 6 2 luniya), 8 4 9 ab," 9 6 2 (ttaniya), 1 16 5 (tanaya) etc.
$95. Tagare has misunderstood the function of tanaya-. It is a declinable adjective (like sambandhin with which it is rendered by Hemacandra), qualifying the following substantive and as such quite normally is in number, gender and case concord with the latter. tanaya- can be declined in all cases and numbers depending upon the substantive qualified by it. Hence there is nothing like a double genitive in taho tanayaho námaho (Bh. 96 7) as is held by Tagare'. Again he understands that tana was also popular as an Instr. post-position in Western Apabhrarśa. This conclusion is arrived at from mahu tanai (Paramappapayāsu, 2 186) =madīyena, sukaihim tanāim (MP. 1 12 8) 'pertaining to good poets' and vaddattaņaho taneņa (HC. 1 12 8) 'for the sake of greatness' which is comparable to siddhattaņaho taneņa (Pāhudadohā, 88). But by no stretch of imagination these cases can be made to yield the conclusion that therein tana is used as an Inst. post-position. In the first case it qualifies a substantive in Inst. sing. The second case has neither any Inst. ending nor any instrumental sense. In the remaining two instances karanena is to be understood after tanena (i.e. vaddattanaho tanena käranena and siddhattanaho taneņa kāranena) and then it is clearly seen to be a gen. postposition.
Thus there is no justification for holding that tana was used as an Inst. post-position also.
$96. uvari (upari) 2 3 8,6 6.2 etc. uvarim 17 8 10b, uppari 1 3 3, 2 3 4 governs Gen. and are used in a Loc. sense conveying the idea 'on' above'. So also matthae (mastakē; Guj. māthe) 1 8 13, 999.
$97. bhanevi (abs. of V bhan- 'speak”) 2 7 8, 2 17 8, 14 5 8 governs Acc. and has the sense of Sk. iti krtvā, iti matvā. From mahi-vallahu bhanevi jo thuvvai 3 9 6, 'who is praised by being spoken of as the lord of the earth-by being looked upon as the lord of the earth', we can see the semantic evolution which further changes the meaning to uddiśya, prati or 'towards' as exemplified at 6 7 5 and 2 4 9 (bhaņevi), thus bringing it not only morphologically, but semantically too in harmony with its Guj. representative bhani 'towards'.
$98. Neither hontau' nor thiu are found in PC. pāsu and päsehim governing genitive are used in the sense of near. See Index s.v. pasiu governing genitive is used in the sense of 'because of as in eyaho pasiu 10 8 2, 3 'because of him'. But at 45 4, 10 9 6, 9 5 6, 7, 8, it appears to have been used in a genitive sense conveying the idea 'belonging to'.
(1) Tagare, 1948, 197. (2) Tagare says that hontau in the Abl. sense is unknown to Southern Apa
bhramsa (Hist. Gram. Apa., 192). But Alsdorf quotes four instances, three from Hp. (89 18 13, 92 17 12,92 19 2) and one from Nayakumaracariu (6 7 9) of the post-positional use of hontau. I have come across the following instance from Svayambhu's RC.: ayau kundina-nayaraho hontau 9 2 7b, and one more from the Jasaharacarit: haum vivaraho hontau nisariu 3 3 17. There is, therefore, no ground to believe that this post-positional use of hontau was of a late Western Apabhrarsa origin.
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