Studies in South Indian Jainism

Author(s): M S Ramaswami Ayyangar, B Seshagiri Rao
Publisher: M S Ramaswami Ayyangar
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/011096/1

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BIGVEGEOG 2022 lAla bahAdura zAstrI prazAsana akAdamI Lal Bahadur Shastri Academy of Administration masUrI MUSSOORIE pustakAlaya LIBRARY RddaaNddaagaaddaaN ddaaN ddaaNdd -101583 pravApti saMkhyA & Accession No. 4 varga saMkhyA In Class No. pustaka saMkhyA 4991 294.40548 Book No._ Aur GL 294.40548 AYY aNdiNcaaN. 101583 LBSNAA

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STUDIES IN SOUTH INDIAN JAINISM BY M. S. RAMASWAMI AYYANGAR, M.A., Chicf Lecturer in History and Economics, Maharaja's College, Vizianagram AND B. SESHAGIRI RAO, M.A., Chief Lecturer in English, Maharaja's College, Vizianagram and Sometime Reader in Dravidian Philology to the University of Madras. MADRAS: PRINTED BY HOE & CO. AT THE "PREMIER" PRESS All Rights Reserved.) 1922.

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DEDICATED BY GRACIOUS PERMISSION TO SAHEB MEHARBAN DOSTAN MUSHPAK KADARDAN KADAMPHARMAYE MOKHALISHAN SREE SREE SREE MIRJA PUSAPATI ALAKH NARAYAN GAJAPATY RAJ MAHARAJ MANYASULTAN BAHADUR, PADSHA-HI-KALINGA MAHARAJAH SAHEB BAHADUR OF VIZIANAGRAM BY HIS HIGHNESS'S MOST LOYAL AND HUMBLE SERVANTS THE AUTHORS.

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FOREWORD. When about a year ago a course of lectures on South Indian History was instituted at the Maharaja's College, the authors of this monograph undertook the teaching of the subject in addition to their other studies; and both of them devoted the summer recess of ,1921 to investigations, the results of which are not placed before the public. The history of Jainism in South India and its influence on the life and thought of the people is a fascinating subject. As the authors themselves point out, all the materials for a final verdict are not yet available and the conclusions reached can only be tentative and provisional. This, however, does not detract from the value of this study which opens out a most interesting field of thought and will, it is hoped, stimulate further research. I congratulate the author's on the monograph and trust that it will be followed in the near future by, studies of other aspects of South Indian Civilisation. VIZIANAGRAM, .30th Sept. 1922.) SHNAMACHARI.

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PART 1 SOUTH INDIAN JAINISM BY M. S. RAMASWAMI AYYANGAR, M.A., Chief Lecturer in History and Economics, Maharaja's College, Vizianagram.

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INTRODUCTION., Indian Culture is a web of many threads. The subtle and fearless intellect of the Hindus, the illumination of the Buddha, the abounding humanity of the Jain, the commercial genius and the responsive adaptibility of the Dravidian, and the fierce zeal and organizing energy of the Arabian Prophet, have all entered into the inner sanctuaries of the people's life and even to-day shape their thought, energy and aspiration in curious and unsuspected ways. Nations rise and fall; kings conquer and pass away in the dust ; the forms of political life and social effort have their day and cease to be ; religious systems and strange rituals move for a brief hour their adherents ; -but in this vast, process of Becoming, there are elements of permanent value, which remain our inheritance and the inheritance of our children for evermore. In the following pages an attempt is made to trace the history of a people, sincere and great in their day and to estimate, in however tentative and fragmentary a fashion, the value of their contribution to 'the rich and fruitfal stream of South Indian Culture. . I owe a deep debt of gratitude to the Trustee of Vizianagram Samasthanam, M.R.Ry. Rao Bahadur V.T. Krishnamachariar Avl., B.A., B.L.,

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whose zeal for true learning aud culture alone enabled me to carry on my studies, the results of which are embodied in this little volume and to our revered Principal M.R.Ry. Y. Narashimham Pantulu Garu, M.A., F.M.U., whose inspiration and love of research, encouraged me at every step in my undertaking. If I have, therefore, failed in my purpose to throw light on one of the sequestered corners of South Indian History and trace the early history of one of the innumerable religious sects of India-that, alas! now occupy an obscure position, it is not due to lack of support, financial or otherwise; on the part of the College management. * * To my readers I have to offer a word of explanation. These "Studies" do not, by any means, pretend to be a final or full account of the Jains in South India. The time is not yet when such a work can be confidently undertaken. If the Brahmi and cave inscriptions of the Madura and Ramnad Districts can be correctly and incontrovertibly interpreted, if milestones in the long history of Tamil literature, admittedly the oldest of the Dravidian literatures, can be firmly plarfted and if the vague mass of tradition about the existence and activities of the famous Madura Academy, known as the Tamil Sangam, can be proved to be true and its date fixed even approximately beyond doubt or controversy, one may claim to be proceeding on the right road towards

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true historical' reconstruction. As it is, the information available on the subject of these " Studies " is sketchy and meagre and I have done my best to whet the desire of scholars for further research on this and kindred topics. I have to thank my brother Mr. M. Si Sundara Rajan of the Income-tax Office, Madras, for invaluable help rendered in preparing the yolume for the press. MAHARAJA COLLEGE, VIZIANAGRAM, August 1922. AMASWAMI,

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TABLE OF CONTENTS. PART 1. PAGE 3 19 32 59 .. 105 INTRODUCTION CHAPTER I. Early History of the Jain Sect... II. The Jain Migration to the South. III. The Jains in the Tamil Land ... IV. The Period of Saiva Nayanars and Vaishnava Alvars V. Modern Period VI. *Jains and Tamil Literature VII. The Jains in the Deccan VIII. The Sangam Age .. NOTES .. .. .. .. .. APPENDIX A. The Table of the Ganga Kings ... "B. References .. .. .. C. . The so-called Sangam Age' .. D. Misconceptions about Sangam Chronology BIBLIOGRAPHY .. Index .. .. .. .. .. 119 154 154 155 157 161 167 174 177

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SOUTH INDIAN JAINISM. Information, CHAPTER I. EARLY HISTORY OF THE JAIN SECT. No topic of ancient South Indian History is Sources of more interesting than the origin and development of the Jains who, in times past, profoundly influenced the political, religious and literary institutions of South India. It has sometimes been thought that a connected account of the Jains could never be written. But the patient and laborious researches of great oriental scholars such as Burnell, Buhler, Burgess, Hornle, Jacobi, Mackenzie and Wilson, to mention only a few of them, have placed in the hands of the student of the Ancient History of India enough materials to construct a true ando authentic actount of the early Jain sect. Of special value and importance to us are the elaborate articles and authentic notices of the Jains from the pen of eminent scholars like Colebrooke, Weber and Buhler. The student of Jain history is especially indebted to Lewis Rice whose splendid services in the field of epigraphy can never be over-estimated. The Epigraphia Carnatica 'and many other valuable historical documents brought to light by the Epigraphical Department of the Mysore State are veritable mines of historical information. But, in accepting the conclusions arrived at by some of these

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EARLY HISTORY eminent scholars, considerable caution has to be exercised. At the time when they wrote and formulated their opinions, epigraphy was in its infancy. Since then, new facts have been unearthed : the science of epigraphy itself has progressed by leaps and bounds : theories once considered indisputable have to be considerably modified. The vernaculars of the couriry, again, presented a serious obstacle to European scho. Cars, who, it must be admitted, are not all Beschis and Popes, in arriving at a correct estimate of some aspects of South Indian histery. Specially true is the statement with reference to the history and influence of the Jains, materials for which lie deeply embedded in the vernaculars of the country-Tamil, Telugu and Canarese. In spite of the fact that a good deal of information is available about the Jains, scholars are still sceptical and speak with caution of the origin of the Jain sect. Almost all oriental scholars, with a few exceptions, had maintained, and some of them still continue to maintain, that Jainism was an offshoot of Buddhism. Certain coincidences in minute details between the lives of the Buddha and Mahavira led scholars to believe that Jain records were untrustworthy and that the Jain sect had no early and separate existence. In fact a rich crop of literature has grown round this knotty point and the whole of the introduction of the Acharanga Sutras by Hermann Jacobi has been written with a view to remove the deep-rooted prejudice in the minds of European Origin of Jainism.

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ORIGIN OF JAINISM. 'scholars, the prejudice that, because the two sects have so much in common, one should have branched off from the other. It is beyond the scope and aim of this work to enter into 'an examination of the various theories propounded in connection with the origin of Jainism. But we shall briefly indicate the opinions arrived at by Jacobi to whose researches, enthusiastically assisted by Drs. Buhler and Hornle, Jainism, owes its rehabilitation as one of the earliest of home religions in India. We may consider Prof. Weber and Prof. Lassen as representing those who attacked the theory of the higher antiquity of the Jain sect, mainly on the ground of certain important coincidences in the tradition of either sect regarding its founder. Prof. Weber in his learned treatise (Indische Viewe of Weber Studien XVI, 26) writes that, even admitting and Lassen that the Buddha and Mahavira were contemporaries, he still regards the Jains" merely as one of the oldest sects of Buddhism." Relying too much on " the tradition of the origin of its founder having made use of another person than Buddha Sakhyamuni," he boldly suggests " that the Jainas had intentionally disowned Buddha," the animosity of the, sect being so great as to drive them out of the pale of Buddhism. But - the chief argument, in support of his theory rests on the coincidences which are numerous and important in the traditions of the sects regarding their founders. Prof. Lassen 2 also adheres to 1 Jacobi, Introduction to Jaina ? Indische alterthumskunde Sutras, pp. xvii & xix. IV, p. 763 Slg. cxamined.

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EARLY HISTORY. the same argument and adduces four points of coincidence which, he thinks, would establish the priority of Buddhism. That both the sects applied the same titles or epithets to their prophets, that both the sects worshipped mortal men like gods and erected statues to them in their temples, that both the sects laid stress on Ahimsa (not killing living beings), that the five vows of the Jains and the precepts of the Buddhas rearly coincide, these were the main points relied upon by Prof. Lassen to prove that Jainism must have branched off from Buddhism. Both Drs. Hoernle and Jacobi have, in a convincing manner, proved the unsoundness of this view. It has been established beyond doubt that neither sect can lay any claim to originality, regarding its moral code. The Brahmanic ascetic was their (orders) model from which they borrowed many important practices and institutions of ascetic life." In fact both Jainism and Buddhism were not religions at all in the strict sense of the word." They were simply monastic organisations, orders of begging fraternities, somewhat similar to the Dominicans and Franciscans in medieval Europe, established at the end of the sixth and the beginning of the fifth century B.C., a period of period of great religious activity in northern India. This period is characterised by the springing up of various monastic orders, the most important of The fifth century B.C., spiritual revolt. 6 "C For this and other interesting information, vide the inspiring address of Dr. Hoernle delivered in 1898 as President of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. Sutras, p. 24. Introduction to Acharangu

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BRAHMIN EXCLUSIVENESS. 7 them being Jainism, Buddhism and a quite distinct order of monks, the Ajivakas, established by one Gosala, sometime disciple of Mahavira. After an existence of some centuries, the order of Ajivakas suffered a total decay in the confusion of religious ideas which then pervaded the country. This institution of monasticism was nothing new to the religious practices of the day. Already the religion of the Hindus, especially the Brahmins, had ordained that every inan. should spend his life in four successive stages called, Asramas. The first stage was that of a Brahmachari or a religious student, the second of a Grahasta or a householder, the third of retirement from active life and the last that of a mendicant or Sanyasi. It however became the custom for a Brahmin, as a rule, to pass through Brahmin ex. four, a nobleman through three, a citizen through two and a sudra through one, of the four Asramas.' This tendency of the Brahmin to limit the entry into the stage of a religious mendicant to those belonging to the Brahminic caste, led to the formation of non-Brahminio orders which, though originally intended for the Kshatriyas, were uitimately thrown open to all castes. Thus Dr. Hoernle":"It is easy to understand that these non-Brahminic orders would not be looked upon by the Sanyasins as quite their.equals, even when they were quite as orthodox as themselves and, on the other hand, that this treatment by the Brahminic ascetics would bzget in their ' Maxmuller, The Hibbert Lec. * Hoernle, Presidential Address. tures, p. 343. Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1898. clusiveness.

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EARLY HISTORY. rivals a tendency to dissent and even to opposition. Thus the Buddhists and the Jains were not only led to discard the performance of religious ceremonies which was also done by the Brahminic mendicants, but to go further and even discontinue the reading of the Vedas. It was this larter practice which really forced them outside the pale of Brahminism. The still very prevalent notion that Buddhism and Jainism were reformatory movements and that more especially they represented a revolt against the tyranny of caste is quite erroneous. They were only a protest against the caste exclusiveness of the Brahminic ascetics. But, caste: as such, and as existing outside their orders was fully acknowledged by them. Even inside their orders, admission, though professedly open to all, was practically limited to the higher castes. It is also significant for the attitude of these orders to the Brahminic institutions of the country, that though in spiritual matters their so-called lay adherents were bound to their guidance, yet with regard to ceremonies such as those of birth, marriage and death they had to look for service to their old Brahminic -priests. The Buddhist or Jain monk functionated as the spiritual director to their respective lay communities but the Brahmins were their priests." This theory has also received considerable criticised by support at the hands of Prof. * Maxmuller.' Prof. Buhler'in the Bodhayana Sutra and Prof. Views di M. Barth Jacobi. * Hiblert Lectures, p. 351.

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VIEWS OF BARTH. Kern in his History of Buddhism have stated a similar opinion. It has, however, been attacked by M. Barth who doubts the authenticity of Jain records and literature which were not reduced to writing till the fifth century A.D. The Jains had not, for many centuries, Barth says, become distinct from the numerous groups of ascetics who had only a sort of floating existence. Therefore they must have been careless in handing down their sacred lore. Jacobi refuted this as. sumption. by saying that the small sect of the Jains, like the Jews and Parsis, carefully preserved their original tenets : that, far from having only vague recollectians of their traditions and beliefs, they denounced, as founders of schisms, those who differed from the bulk of the faithful even in the minutest detail. The division of the Jains, into two sects, the Digambaras and the Svetambaras, about which mention will be made later on, is a point in illustration. Not only Jacobi ? but other scholars also believed that Jainism, far from being an offshoot of Buddhism, might have been the earliest of home religions of India. The simplicity of devotion *and the homely prayer of the Jain without the intervention of a Brahmin would certainly add, to the strength of the theory so rightly upheld by Jacobi. Another important testimony is that of the eminent oriental scholar Mr. Thomas who, in his article Jainism or The 1 Introduction to Acharanga Sutras, p. 36. * See Note I, p. 154. The Journal of the Royal Asiatic Scciety, Vol. XV, pp. 376 and 377.

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Buhler's summary opinions. 10 EARLY HISTORY. Early Faith of Asoka, inclines to the same belief.' The views of the various scholars and their respective positions in regard to this matter have thus been ably set forth by Buhler." " Apart from the ill-supported supposition of Colebrooke, Stevenson and Thomas, according to which Buddha was a disloyal disciple of the founder of the Jainas, there is the view held by H. H. Wilson, A. Weber, and Lassen, and Cenerally accepted till twenty-five years ago, that the Jainas are an old sect of the Buddhists. This was baserl, on the one hand, upon the resemblance of the Jaina doctrines, writings, and traditions to those of the Buddhists, on the other, on the fact that the canonical works of the Jainas shew a more modern dialect than those of the Buddhists, and that authentic historical proofs of their early existence are wanting. I was myself formerly persuaded of the correctness of this view and even thought I recognised the Jainas in the Buddhist school of the Sammatiya. On a more particular examination of Jaina literature, to which I was forced on account of the collection undertaken for the English Government in the seventies, I found that the Jainas had changed their name and were always, in more ancient times, called Nigrantha or Nigantha. The observation that the Buddhists recognise the Nigantha and relate of their head and founder, that he was a rival 1 The Journal of the Royal Jainas will ever remain a standAsiatic Society, Vol. IX, (New ard authority on the early Series) Art 8. history of North Indian Jainism. * Buhler's Indian Sect of the

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,,SCHOLARS OPINIONS. 11 of Buddha's and died at Pava where the last Tirthakara is said to have attained Nirvana, caused me to accept the view that, the Jainas and the Buddhists sprang from the same religious movement. My supposition was confirmed by Jacobi, who reached the like view by another course, independently of mine (see Zeitschrift der Deutsch Morg. Ges. Bd. XXXV, S. 669. Note 1), pointing out that the last Tirthakara in the Jaina canon bears the same name as among them Buddhistio Since the publication of our results in the Ind. ant. Vol. VII, p. 143, and in Jacobi's introduction to his edition of the Kalpasutra, which have been further verified by Jacobi with great penetration, views on this question have been divided. Oldenberg, Kern, Hoernle, and others have accepted this view without hesitation, while A. Weber (Indische Studien Bd. XVI, S. 240) and Barth (Revue de l'Histoire des Religions, tom. III, p. 90) keep to their former standpoint. The latter do not trust the Jaina tradition and believe it probable that the statements in the same are falsifted. There are certainly great difficulties in the way of accepting such a position especially the improbability that the Buddhists should have forgotten the fact of the defection of their hated enemy. Meanwhile this is not absolutely impossible as the oldest preserved Jaina canon had its first authentic edition only in the fifth or sixth century of our era, and as yet the proof is * wanting that the Jainas, in ancient times,

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12 EARLY HISTORY. possessed a fixed tradition. The belief that I am able to insert this missing link in the chain of argument and the hope of removing the doubts of my two honoured friends has caused me to attempt a connected statement of the whole question although this necessitates the repetition of much that has already been said, and is in the first part almost entirely a recapitulation of the results of Jacobi's researches." Jainism not From the above summary of,the opinions of Buddhism. scholars, it is clear that Jainism wlis not only distinct and separate from Buddhism, but that it had an earlier existence. If so, what was the position of Mahavira ? That he could not have been the founder of the faith is evident. He is therefore to be considered as a reformer of the Jain faith. . As a matter of fact, the traditions of Maha Vira's own sect speak of him as 'one who from the beginning had followed a religion established long ago. This position is in perfect accord With Jain theology according to which Mahavira Vardhamana is the twenty-fourth and the last Tirthankara, twenty-three "Tirthankaras having preceded him. His imrnediate predecessor was Parsvanath. He was born in 1877 B.C. and is supposed to have reached Moksha in the hundredth year of his age in 777 B.C. Thus Parsvanath seems to have better claims to the title of "the founder of Jainis " and only two centuries have intervened between the death of

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MAHAVIRA. 13 his life the founder of the Jain Church and the rise of its reformer. But here stops the credible element in the canonical history of the Jains. For, Parsvanath's predecessor, Arishtanemi, is stated to have died 84,000 years before Mahavira's Nirvana. We are here concerned only with Mahavira from whom the real history of the Jain Church commences. It is from Mahavira that we trace those illustrious lines of preachers and gurus who played an important part in moulding the religious and political life of many ancient Hindu states. The son of the chief of the Natha clan of the Mahavira : Kshatriyas (Nataputta), Mabavira Vardhamana and caroor. was like the Buddha, of high aristocratic descent, his father Siddarta being the head of a Kshatriya clan and the governing king of an oligarchic republic consisting of Visali, Kundaggama and Vaniyaggama. Born in or about, 599 B.C., he entered the spiritual career at the age of thirty ; and addressing himself mainly to-members of the aristocracy, joined the order of Parsvanath. The observances of this order did not seem to have satisfied Mahaviva's notions of stringency, one of the cardinal points of which, we are told, was absolute nudity. He therefore remained only for one year within the order of Parsvanath and then separated from it. Discarding then completely his clothes, he wandered about for a period of twelve years through the country of 1 This seems to be the Svetambara view.

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14 EARLY HISTORY. North and South Bihar, Allahabad, visiting the cities of Kausambi and Rajagriha.' The last thirty years of his life were spent in teaching his religious system and organising his order of societies which were patronised chiefly by those princes with whom he was related through his mother, the kings of Videha, Magadha and Anga. In the towns and villages of these parts he spent * almost the whole period of his ministry though che extended his travels as far north as Sravasti near the Nepalese frontier and as far 'south as the Parsvanath hill. It is importart to note that the area of his ministry practically coincides with that of his late contemporary, the Buddha. During the last days of his life, he was able to gain large numbers of adherents in the course of his perigrinations. It was then that he was acknowledged to be a Jina or Kevalin. It is this title of ' Jina ' from which the names, Jains and Jainism, are derived, and his early connection with the order of Parsvanath accounts for the fact that the latter saint is reckoned as the immediate predecessor of Mahavira. Mahavira's death took place in the seventy-second year of his life in the small town of Pava in the Patna district. Modern research has assigned 527 B.C.. as the date of his Nirvana. 1 Wilson's Works, Vol. 1, 480 P.C. The Svetarabaras, howp. 303. ever, place the Nirvana of % Thug Jacobi in Hastings' Mahavira, which is the initia) Encyclopaedia of Religion and point of their era, 470 years Ethics (p. 467) "This event before the beginning of the (Mahavira's Nirvana) took Vikrama era, or in 527 B.C. The place, as stated above, some Digambaras place the same yoars before Buddha's death, and event 18 years later. In the may, therefore, be placed about Preface to his edition of the

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NORTH INDIAN JAINISM. 15 Mahavira's title as the reformer of the Jain Church consists in the fact that he was able to bring the entire order of Parsvanath, to his way of thinking especially in the matter of wearing clothes. As has been stated already, Mahavira stood for complete nudity. Let us next trace the development of this new Early North Indian order of Migrantha monks founded by Mahavira Jainism.; its Vardhamana. From the statement of the various drve dr.velopment. Buddhistic chronicles, we learn that during the first centry after the death of the Buddha the Jains were prominent in various places in the north. An important piece of information is conveyed to us by Hiuen Tsang, the Chinese traveller who visited India in the seventh century A.D. In his Mennoirs are to be found extracts from the ancient annals of Magadha. One such extract relating to the great monastery of Nalanda, the high school of Buddhism in Eastern India which was founded shortly after the Bud. dha's death, mentions that a Nigrantha who was an astrologer, had prophesied the great success of the new building. This shows that Jainism was then prevalent in the kingdom of Magadha. The next important nvidence of the development of Jainism was the famous Asoka Edict. "My Parigista Parvan (Bibl. Ind., Cal. According to the Digambaras cutta, 1891), p. 4ff., the present all the twenty-four Tirthankaras writer criticizes the Svetambera advocated nudity; the Svetamtradition, and, by combining the baras hold that only Mahavira Jain date of Chandragupta's insisted upon it in his time. accession to the throne in 155 Turner, Mahavamsa, pp. after the Nirvana with the C8-67 and pp. 203-206. historical date of the same event Pillar Edict No. VIT, 2nd in 321 or 322 B.C., arrives at Part. See also Buhler's The 476 or 477 B.C. as the probable Indian Sect of the Jainas, pp. 37 date of Mahavira's Nirvana." and 39.

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EARLY HISTORY. 2 superintendents says Asoka, are occupied with various charitable matters, they are also engaged with all sects of ascetics and householders. I have so arranged that they will also be occupied with the affairs of the Samgha. Likewise I have arranged that they will be occupied with the Ajivika Brahmans. I have arranged it that they will also be occupied with the Nigantha." Thus, during the time of Asoka the Jains who in earlier records are always known as Nigranthas or Niganthas, were deemed worthy and influential enough to be specially mentioned in Asoka's Edicts. The next great progress that was made by Jainism was in the south-eastern part of its original home. The famous Kharavela inscription of the second century B.C. for the meaning of which we are specially indebted to Dr. Baghavan Lal Indraji, testifies to the advance of Jainism as far as Kalinga. In fact, after the missionary zeal displayed by Asoka in the cause of Buddhism, the centre of Jainism had shifted from Magadha to Kalinga where the faith prevailed, down to the time of Hiuen Tsang. At the same time, the equally famous Mathura inscriptions of the II century A.D. reveal the fact that Mathura was one of the chief centres of the Jain religion long before the I century A.D.. Thus, for nearly five centuries after the death of Mahavira, Jainism was making rapid progress in the various parts of Upper India. Interesting as it must be 'Beal, Life of Hinen-Tsang Vol. II. 16 "" 66

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MAHAVIRA'S DISCIPLES. 17 to trace the main lines of development of North Indian Jainism, materials are wanting to fill the lacune. It is not our purpose here to deal with North Indian Jainism. We may; therefore, close this outline with the remark that, with the rise of Buddhism during the early Asokan period and the progress of Brahminism in the early centuries of the Christian cra, Jainism found it hard to maintain itself in the north and showed rapid signs of decay after the seventh century. After the death of Mahavira, our interest and The disciples attention ate directed to his disciples who carried Mahavira. aloft the torch of Jain culture far and wide. He had altogether eleven disciples who remained faithful to him and who are said to have instructed among them 4,200 Munis. Of them two deserve special mention, Sudharman' who, however, died before his master, and Gautama who survived his master but a month ; these. with Jambusvani, the pupil of Sudharman, formed the three Kevalis or possessors of true wisdom. Mention has next to be made of the six teachers who followed in the wake of the Kevalis, the Sruta Kevalis or hearers of the first masters, who in their turn, were followed by seven others, Dasapurvis, who were so called from having been taught the work so named. The names of the Sruta Kevalos as mentioned in the inscriptions are Vishnu, Nandimitra, Aparajita, * Hoernle would have us sup- boon continted to the present pose that Sudharman survived day. his master and that it was Wilson's Works, Vol. I, through him that Jainism has p. 236.

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18 EARLY HISTORY. Govardhana, Stulabhadra and Bhadrabahu. The last mentioned Sruta Kevali is of more immediate interest to us as the sage who led a great Jain migration to the south, and who was thus responsible for the spread of Jainism in the Tamil and Canarese countries. We shall, in the next chapter, examine the importance to South Indian religious history of the advent of - this sage into the Mysore country.

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his career. CHAPTER II. THE JAIN MIGRATION TO THE SOUTH. Bhadrabahu, the last Sruta Kevali, is, from Bhadrabaha : the view point of Jain history, a most important figure. Born of a Brahmin priest; the saint was destined to play a great part in the religious history of India. His father was a Brahmin, Somasarma by name. From an inspection of the child's horoscope, the father perceived that. he would become a great upholder of the Jain faith and so named him Bhadrabahu. The child was, in due course, brought up in the Jain faith in the house of Akshashravaka. Through the instructions of this Svami and other Sruta Kevalis, the boy soon acquired a knowledge of the four great branches of learning, Yogini, Sangini, Prajnyani and Prajlatkena of the Veda, of the four Anuyoga of grammar, and the fourteen sciences. Eventually, with the consent of his parents, he took the Diksha and by the practice of Jnana, Dhyana, Tapas and Samyama, became an Acharya. It was this Acharya that, during the days of Chandragupta Maurya, led a great migration to South India, so important and fruitful of consequences. The main incidents regarding the advent of this Jain sage into Mysore are graphically narrated in Sravana Belgola INscription No. la The story is told that Bhadrabahusvami." who by virtue of severe penance had acquired the essence of knowledge, having, by his power of discerning the past, present and future, foretold in Ujjain, a peri$d of twelve years of dire calamity and famine, the whole of the Sangha living in the northern regions took

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The Jain migration. 20 THE JAIN MIGRATION TO THE SOUTH. their way to the south." The Jain traditions of the country not only make mention of this fact but also give a graphic account of the meeting of Bhadrabahu and Chandragupta Maurya in the court of the latter at Pataliputra. Having had during the previous night sixteen dreams, Chandragupta communicated them to Bhadrabahu. The last of the dreams was of the approach of a twelve-headed serpent, which Bhadrababu interpreted to mean the approach of twelve years of dire calamity and famine. As foretold by him, a terrible famine broke out in the country. The Mauryan emperor, abdicating his throne in favour of his son, Simhasena, took Diksha and joined Bhadrabahu who, collecting a body of twelve thousand disciples, started on a grand exodus towards the south. In their march southward, the Sruta Kevali had a strange perception that he would die and at once ordered a halt on the mountain of a populous country completely filled with the increase of people, money, gold, grain, cow, buffaloes and goats, called Katavapra." He then gave Upadesa to one Visakhamuni and entrusted the disciples to his care, sending them on under his guidance further south to the Chela, Pandya and other countries. Chandragupta sought special permission to stay with Bhadrabahu, which was granted. Very soon, the Sruta Kevali died and (6 * 1 The Rajavalik the, a compen. dium of Jain history, legends and chronology, compiled in the 19th century by Deva Chandra of the Jain establishmentat Meleyur for a lady of the Mysore Royal family, furnishes a good deal of informa tion regarding early Jain history.

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CHANDRAGUPTA. 21 the funeral rites were performed by Chandragupta Maurya. Such is the legendary account of the advent of the Jain sage into the south. There is here no element of improbability and yet scholars have doubted not merely the traditions prevailing in the country, but the very inscriptions at Sravana Belgola that give us a complete picture of the whole story. That Chandragupta, the Mauryan king, was a Jain and attended on Bhadrabahu during hiss last days, and died twelve years after, doing penance on the Chandragiri hill, may be taken as historical facts. Evidence in favour of such a theory is. overwhelming. We know that scarcity due to drought or floods, is frequently mentioned in Jataka Storics. Sometimes the famine extended over the whole kingdom but, more often than not, it was confined to small tracts. Megasthenes' testimony as to the immu. nity of India.from famine is well known, but his statement perhaps refers to a general scarcity.' There is, therefore, absolutely no reason to discredit the story of a twelve years' famine. We shall next consider whether Chandragupta was Was Chandraa Jain. . Dr. Fleet ahas persistently maintained gupta that the Chandragupta referred to in the tradi- & tion as well as in the inscription was one Gupti-gupta, a name which however does not occur in any of the inscriptions. The Sravana Belgola inscriptions are, no doubt, late in origin; yet there is no reason to doubt their authenticity *The Journal of the Royal Asialic Society 1901 Vol., p. 861. a Jain ?

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WW 1110 JAIN MIGRATION TO THE SOUTH. and accuracy. Lewis Rice was.the first to discover these inscriptions and render them easily accessible to scholars. His view that Chandragupta was a Jain and that he came south was strongly supported by eminent scholars like Mr. Thomas. In the course of his article, " Jainism or the Early Faith of Asoka', he says, " that Chandragupta was a member of the Jain community is taken by the writers as a matter of course and created as a known fact which needed neither argument nor demonstration. The documentary evidence to this effect is of comparatively early date and apparently absolved from suspicion by the oniission from their lists of the name of Asoka, a far more powerful monarch than his grandfather, and one whom they would reasonably have claimed as a potent upholder of their faith, had he not become a pervert. The testimony of Megasthenes would likewise 'seern to imply that Chandragupta submitted to the devotional teaching of the Sermanas as opposed to the doctrine of the Brahmins." Prof. Kern, the great authority on Buddhist Scriptures, has to admit that nothing of a Buddhistic spirit can be discovered in the state policy of Asoka. "His ordinances concerning the sparing of life agree much more closely with the ideas of the heretical Jains than those of the Buddhists." Thus there is a general consensus of opinion among scholars that Chandragupta was a Jain. 1 The Journal of the Royal Series) Article 8. Asiatic Society, Vol. IX, (New Indian Antiquary, Vol. V, p. 27K

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BHADRABAHU. about The legend that Chandragupta abdicated his The Legend throne and died a Jain ascetic at Sravana Bel- Chandragupta. gola has been discredited by Dr. Fleet. Apparently the late Dr. V. A. Smith, in his first edition of the Early History of India, supported him. Referring to the death of Chandragupta, Smith himself says that Chandragupta ascended * the throne at an early age and, inasmuch as he reigned only twenty-four years, he must have died before he was fifty years of age. Thus there is an air of uncertainty about the time of his death.. Historians do not tell us how he met with his death. If he had died in the battle-field or in the prime of life, mention would have been made of the fact. To discredit the Sravana Belgola inscriptions discovered by Lewis Rice is to discredit the whole tradition and the legendary account of the Jains enshrined in Rajavalikathe, and it is highly hazardous for the historian to go so far. Are we then wrong in believing with Lewis Rice that Chandragupta who had taken a Jain vow retired with the great Bhadrabahu to the Chandragiri hill? 23 To sum up, Bhadrabahu, the last Sruta Kevali, led a great Jain migration from the north to Epigraphia Indica, Vol. III, p. 171, and Indian Antiquary, Vol. XXI, p. 156. * V. A. Smith, Early History of India, First Edn., p. 106. He has, however, changed his view as can be seen from the following extract from the recent edition of the same book, p. 146. "In the second edition of the book I rejected the tradition and dismissed the tale as imaginary history'; but, on reconsideration of the whole evidence and the objections urged against the credibility of the story, I am now disposed to believe that the tradition probably is true in its main outline and that Chandragupta really abdicated and became a Jain ascetic. Nevertheless, my present impression is that the tradition has a solid foundation on fact." * * #

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24 THE JAIN MIGRATION TO THE SOUTH. the south. After staying some time at Chandragiri hill, he died there. Chandragupta, the founder of, the Mauryan ,greatness, himself a Jain, proceeded to the same place with his Acharya and, after surviving him'twelve years, died there. The death of Bhadrabahu took place, according to the Digambaras, 162 years after Vardhamana or, according to Svetambaras, 170 years after Vardhamana,' which also is the date arrived at by Jacobi and that is 297 B.C. This fact of the Jain migration is important, as it furnishes us the starting point for an account of the Jains in the south, as otherwise, we would be left in the dark as to the cause and course of the Jain migration. Dr. Leumann says that this migration of the Jains to the south is the initial fact of the Digambara tradition. It is from this epoch that the Jain community which was undivided before separated into two sects, the Digambaras and the Svetambaras. As this is one of the important points in the early history of Jains, we shall briefly notice it. The history of the Jain Church is full of references to the various schisins that chad taken place from time to time.. According to Svetambaras, there were eight schisms, the first of which was originated by Malavira's son-in-law, Jamali, and the last, occurring 609 years after the death of Vardhamana (83 A.D.), gave rise to The Jain Church: 'The Sacred Books of the East, Vol. XXII, p. xliii. Indian Antiquary, Vol. XXI, pp. 59 And 60.

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JAIN CHURCH. the Digambara sect. Of the earlier schisms, the Digambaras do not seem to know anything. But they say that under Bhadrabahu rose the sect of Ardhaphalakas which in 80 A.D. developed into the Svetambara sect. Writing of this schism, Jacobi says, "It isoprobable that the separation of the sections of the Jain Church took place gradually, an individual development: going on in both groups, living at great distance from one another and that they became aware" of their frutual difference about the end of the 1st cent. A.D." The first great schism probably took place during the time of Mahavira who organised his own order of monks distinct from that of Parsvanath. This is evident from the fact that even to-day there are Jains who trace their spiritual descent from l'arsvanath and not from Mahavira. The same schism reappears in a more elaborate form and in a more acute manner during the time of Bhadrabahu. As has been pointed out by Dr. Hoernle, the essential point of difference between the order of Parsvanath and that of Mahavira was on the question of wearing a modicum of clothes. The final separation took place about the year 82 A.D. This involved the rejection by one sect of the canonical literature of the other. The whole circumstance has thus been clearly Dr. Hoerale indicated by Dr. Hoernle. "In the second cen- schisma. tury after Mahavira's death, about 310 B.C., a very severe famine lasting twelve years took Hastings, Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, Vol. VII, pp. 465 & 466. on the

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26 THE JAIN MIGRATION TO THE SOUTH. place in the country of Magadha, the modern Bihar, beyond which, as yet, the Jain order does not seem to have spread. At that time Chandragupta,'of the Mauryan dynasty, was king of the country and Bhadrabahu was the head of the still' undivided Jair community. Under the pressure of the famine, Bhadrabahu with a portion of his people emigrated into the Karnataka or Canarese country in the south of India. Over the other portion that remained in Magadha, Stulabhadra assumed the headship... Towards the end of the famine, during the absence of Bhadrabahu, a council assembled at Pataliputra, the modern Patna, and this council collected the Jain sacred books, consisting of the 11 angas and the 14 purvas, which latter are collectively called the 12th anga. The troubles that arose during the period of famine produced also a change in the practice of the Jains. The rule "regarding the dress of the monks had been that they should ordinarily go altogether naked, though the wearing of certain clothes appears to have been allowed to the weaker members of the order. Those monks that remained behind felt constrained by the exigencies of the, time to abandon the rule of nakedness and to adopt the white dress. On the other hand, those who out of religious zeal chose to exile themselves rather than admit of a change of the rule of nakedness. made that rule compulsory on all the members of their portion of the order. When on the restitution of peace and plenty, the exiles:

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JAIN SECTS. gub-sects. returned to their country, the divergence of practice which had in the meantime fully established itself between the two parties made itself too markedly felt to be overlooked: The returned exiles refused to hold ofellowship any longer with the (in their opinion) peccant portion that had remained at home. Thus the foundation was laid of the division between the two sections, the Digambaras and Svetambaras." Now each of these main divisions is Sub- Svetambara divided into different minor sects, according to the difference ih acknowledging or interpreting the religious texts. The principal divisions of the Svetambara sect are' : (1) Pujera, who were thorough worshippers. (2) Dhundias, who although they recog nise the images of Tirthankaras, yet do not indulge in worshipping with formal rites and formulas. (3) Terapanthis, who do not believe in images or their worship in any form whatever. The Digambaras, in their turn, are also sub- Digambara divided into various sects. The most important of them are : (1) Bispanthi, who allow worship to a certain extent. (2) Terapanthi, who acknowledge images but do not allow any sort of worship. sub-sects, For a detajled account of the Ghosh, An Epitome of Jainisin, Jain Gachchhas vide Nahar and Ch. XXXVI.

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28 THE JAIN MIGRATION TO THE SOUTH. Gunas and Gachchhas. (3) Samaiyapanthi, who do away entirely with image worship and who merely acknowledge the sanctity of the sacred books' which alone they worship. (4) Gumanpanthi, an eighteenth century 'sect, calling itself from its founder Gumanpam. .(5) Totapanthi. The Digambara Church is further divided into four Sangas or monastic orders - (1) Nandi Sanga, (2) Sena Sanga, (3) Deva Sanga and (4) Simha Sanga. . Each of these Sangas was still further divided into Ganas, such as the Punnata, Balathkara, Kotiya. Each of these, again, was sub-divided into Gachchhas, such as Pushtaka, Sarasvati and others. The Svetambaras are generally classified further into 84 Gatchas or divisions. Most of these Gatchas are now extinct. Digambaras So far as the main division is concerned, Svetambaras: there is very little difference in the essentials of points of doctrine between the Syetanibaras afid the Digambaras. For example, the most authoritative book of the Digambaras, Tattvarthadhigama Sutra by Umasvami, is one of the standard books also of the Svetambaras. The Digambaras, however, might be said to differ from the Svetambaras in the following points? : Hastings, Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics. and difference.

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. SAMANTABHADRA. 29 (1) According to the Digambaras, Kevalins are perfect saints, such as the Tir thankaras, who live without food. (2) The embryo of Mahavira was not removed from the womb of Devananda to that of Trisala, as the Svetambaras contend. (3) The Digambaras believe that a monk * who owns any property, i.e., wears clothes, cannot reach Nirvina. (4) No woman can reach Nirvana. (5) Tke Digambaras disowned the canonical books of the Svetambaras, as has * already been pointed out by Dr. Hoernle. The Jain heirarchy and succession of Gurus Chandra. after Chandragupta can be ascertained from suc Sravana Belgola Inscriptions Nos. 47, 145, 108 and 54. First comes Yatindra Kunda', a, great Jain Guru,"who, in order to show that bodh within and without he could not be assisted by Rajas, moved about leaving a space of four inches between himself and the earth under his fect." Umasvami, the compiler of Tattvartha Sutra, Griddhrapinchha, and his disciple Balakapinchha follow. Then comes, Samantabhadra, ever fortunate', "whose discourse lights up the palace of the three worlds filled with the all meaning Syadvada." This Samantabhadra was gupta's . "Sravana Belgola Inscription, the Bombay Branch of the Royal No: 105. Asiatic Society, Vol. XVIII, p.213. From a paper read by Mr. Sravana Belgola Inscription, K. B. Pathak, vide the Journal of No. 105.

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30 THE JAIN MIGRATION TO THE SOUTH. the first of a series of celebrated Digambara writers who acquired considerable predominance, in the early Rashtrakut& period. Jain tradition assigns hin Saka 60 or 138 A.D.' Sravana Belgola Inscription No. 44 records some interesting accounts of Samantabhadra's activities. "At first, in the town of Pataliputra," was the drum beaten by me." Afterwards in the Malava, Sindu and Thaka country, in the far off city of Kanchi', arrived at Karhataka, strong in warriors, great in learning, small in extent, I roam about. Oh! King: like a tiger in sport !" From the above statement of Samantabhadra, it is evident that he was a great Jain missionary who tried to spread far and wide Jaina doctrines and morals and that he met with no opposition from other sects wherever he went. Samantabhadra's 'appearance in South India marks an epoch not only in the annals of Digambara tradition, but also in the history of Sanskrit literature. He is also the author of an important Jain work Apta Mimamsa, the most authoritative exposition of the Syadvada doctrine. After Samantabhadra a large number of Jain Munis took up the work of proselytism. The more important of them Dr. Bhandarkar's Report on * Grinningham in his Ancient the Search of the Sanskril MSS. Geography identifies Thaka in 1883 & 1884, p. 320. country with the Punjab. 6 The Rajavalikathe mentions * Patna on the Ganges. Samantabhadra as having gone : To beat a drum, fixed in a to Kanchi a number of times. central place in the city is a Kolhapur in South Mahratta peculiar form of challenge and country. invitation extended to religious ? Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. I, part disputants. 2, p. 406.

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OTHER JAIN GURUS. 31 have contributed much for the uplift of the Jain world in literature and secular affairs. There was, for example, Simhanandi, the Jain sage, who, according to tradition, founded the state of Gangavadi. Other names are those of Pujyapada, the author of the incomparable grammar, Jinendra Vyakarana, and of Akalanka who, in 788 A.D., is believed to have confuted the Buddhists at the court of Himasitala in Kanchi, and thereby procured the expulsion of the Buddhists from.r South India. An account of some of these Jain missionaries will, no doubt, be interesting but we cannot pursue the subject further. : See Chapter VII, The Jains in the Deccan,

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materials for CHAPTER III. THE JAINS IN THE TAMIL LAND. Paucity of. It is impossible to fix with any tolerable Jain History, certainty the date of the introduction of the Jain faith into the Tamil land. Few records exist to cnable us to write any consistent account of the Jains in the extreme south of India. The Rajavalikathe, references to which have been made in the foregoing pages and the trustworthiness of which has been in more than one instance illustrated, mentions that Visakhamuni, in the course of his wanderings in the Chola and the Pandya countries, worshipped in the Jain Chaitalyas and preached to the Jains settled in those places. This would show that the Jains had already colonised the extreme south even before the death of Bhadrabahu, i.e., before 297 B.C. The matter rests, however, on the solitary evidence of Rajavalikathe, and there is no other trustworthy record to show that the Jains 'had migrated to these places at this early period. Evidence It is common for writers of South Indian Mahavamsa. History to derive inforniation, in order to find support for their statertients, from Mahavamsa. It is well known that Mahavamsa was composed by Monk Mahanama, a "great literary artist, during the reign of Dhantusena, a king of Ceylon (461-479 A.D.). Written in Pali verse, it covers the period, 543 B.C.--301 A.D. Its value as containing authentic materials for a true history from

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MAHAVAMSA. has often been doubted. Nevertheless, for our purposes, it may be pointed out that during the reign of King Pandugathhaya, the fifth in Vijaya's line, the capital was transferred to Anuradhapura (about 437 B.C.). The Mahavamsa gives us a detailed description of the various buildings in the new city. Among these was a residence allotted to: a Nigantha devotee named "Giri.' In the same quarters, many Pasandaka devotees dwelt. The king built also a temple ' for the Nigantha Kumbandha,' which was called after him. Provision was also made in the new capital for residence for 500 persons of various foreign religions and faiths.' If this information could be relied upon, it would mean that Jainism was introduced in the island of Ceylon, so early as the fifth century B.C. It is impossible to conceive that a purely North Indian religion could have gone to the island of Ceylon without leaving its mark in the extreme south of India, unless like Buddhism it went by sea from the north. Let us next see if epigraphy aids us in fixing Brahmi Inscriptions the date of the origin of Jainism in South India. the only one The earliest lithic records in the Tamil country code epigraphical are the famous Brahmi-inscriptions discovered in the districts of Madura and Ramnad, and published a few years ago by the Government Epigraphist. These inscriptions written in the alphabet of the Asoka Edicts are assigned ' P. Arunachalam, Sketches of Ceylon. History, pp. 14 & 16: noe also Mahavamsa, p. 49.

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34 THE JAINS IN THE TAMIL LAND. to the end of the third and the beginning of the second century B.C. They are found scattered in the following places :-1. Marugaltalai, 2. Anaimalai, 3. Tirupparankunram, 4. Arittapatti, 5. Kilavalavu, 6. Karungalakkudi, 7. Muttupatti, 8. Siddharmalai, 9. Kongar-Puliyangulam, 10. Alagarmalai, 11. Sittannavasal. No one has succeeded in deciphering these inscriptions. Looking carefully into the characters, one finds such Tamil words as Pali, Madhurai, Kumattur.1 The identification of a few Tamil words written nevertheless in Brahm: characters has led scholars to propound the view that these characters were perhaps in use in the Pandyan country even in that early period, and that these may have developed into the Tamil Vatteluttu just as they developed into the present Tamil, Grantha, Canarese and Telugu characters. We are not just now concerned with these questions. These records are, perhaps, Jain in character, for, not far off from the places where these inscriptions are found, we have ruins of Jain temples, with mutilated statues of Jain Tirthankaras, with their respective iconographic symbols such as the hooded serpent or the triple umbrella. If the date of the inscriptions is the beginning of the third century B.C., as. has been conceived by specialists, the inference may perhaps be made (u), Challehanai (FC). Madras Epigraphical Reports 1907, pp. 60-61. The following words can also be identified:-Nadu (s,) Kayipan (ru), Kudumbihan (kuttumpiknnn, Polaliyan(poolaalai ), Kanyan (G), Chirya Madras Epigraphical Reports 1910, pp. 77-78.

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TAMIL LITERATURE. 35 that, even then, Jain sages had commenced their work of preaching the Jain doctrine to the Tamils. Other than these, there are no records that illumine the obscure history of early South Indian Jainism. It is astonishing that, for some of the brightest periods of South Indian History, neither copper-plate grants nor inscriptions on stone are available. Such inscriptions as have been published by Government epigraphists deal more largely with medieval than the otarly, history of South India. For further information as regards early South Indian Jainism, we are therefore forced to depend mainly on the literature of the Tamils. The literature of any country is the expression Tamil in memorable poetry and prose, of the life and its values character of the people inhabiting it. Tamil literature is no exception to this, and the long succession of books that make up the Tamil literature is a record of the inner life of the people, and of the hopes and beliefs of each succeeding generation. And any student who patiently examines it may glean much information for the reconstruction of South Indian History. An attempt is, therefore, made in the following pages to present, in a connected narrative, an account of the Jains based on such authentic evidence as can be gathered from Tamil literature. The whole of the Tamil literature may roughly Periods of Tamil be divided into three periods : -1. The Sangam literature. or the Academic period. 2. The period of Saiva literature :

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36 THE JAINS IN THE TAMIL LAND. * Nayanars and Vaishnava Alvars. 3. The Modern period. The works published during each of these periods throw a flood of light on the life and activities of the Jains in the Tamil kingdoms. It, therefore, becomes necessary for us to examine each period separately. In this task we are assisted by the combined labours of the great Tamil scholars whose antiquarian researches have enabled us to fix some milestones in Tamil literature. 1. SANGAM PERIOD. a vexed Sangam Age: According to Tamil writers, there were three question. Sangams or Literary Associations :--the first, the intervening, and the last. The date and history of these Academies are to-day the subjects of keen controversy among scholars entitled to form opinions on them. The late Mr. Kanakasabhai * Pillai and Prof. S. Krishnaswami Ayyangar have more or less fixed the date of the last Sangam as the second century A.D. Convincing as some of the arguments of these scholars are, it is, however, quite possible to hold different opinions in the matter of interpretation of some of the Sangam poems, frota which mainly Prof. Krishnaswami Ayyangay, at any rate, has sought to establish that the Sangam existed in the second century A.D. These points are discussed in this work elsewhere and the attention of scholars to that portion is respectfully invited. It is here tentatively assumed that the II century A.D. is the period of the last Sangam.

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THE TWO SANGAMS. 37 At the same time, it must be mentioned that no progress can be inade in the reconstruction of Early South Indian History, unless the vexed question of the Sangam Age is finally solved. To Nakkirar, one of the forty-nipe poets of the Fact and Tradition, last Sangam, we owe much of the legendary about the two Sangams. information regarding the history of the three Academies. According to him, Tolkappiyar, the grammarian, was a member of the first and second Academies. The date of this ancient author might, therefore, give us a starting point for an account of the Jains in the south. It would appear, that during the time of the second Sangam, a great tidal wave passed over the extremity of the peninsula, as a result of which portions of the Pandyan country were submerged. Dim traditions of this occurrence are known to the third Sangam. Mention is made of it in Silappadikaram also. From these two sources, we learn that that portion of the Pandyan country which was submerged was the land between the two rivers * Iraiyana: Kalaviyal. "mktirai yuurntu tnnn mnnkttl vauvlinnn melivinnnrri meerrcennnrru meevaar naa ttittmpttp puliyottu vinnnnnniikkip puklllporritt killrkennttai vliyinnnaannn vnnkkiy vaattaacciirt tennnnnnvnnn." Kalit-lokai....(104). ''vttivee lerrint vaannnpkai porutu pHrrulli yaarrrruttnnn pnnnmlai yttukkttuk. kumrik koottung kottungkttl kollll.'' Silappadikaram ....XI-18-20.

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38 THE JAINS IN THE TAMIL LAND. Kumari and Pahruli. The traditions, however, give us an exaggerated idea of the extent of the land that was thus destroyed. Both Adiyarkunallar and Nachchinar-kiniyar, the famous commentators of Sangam works, evidently believed in the traditions and have stated that forty-nine countries, to the extent of nearly 1,400 miles, were lost in this swelling of the sea. This seems, however, to be an exaggeration. A more sober reference to this incident is to be found in the commentary of Silappadikalam. The information here supplied is that the river Pahruli was quite close to Kumari.1 From this it is evident that the tract of land lost as a result of this tidal wave was but a strip comprising perhaps, forty-nine plots of ground. We are further told that the Pandyan king, in order to recoup the loss, took forcible possession of two small districts, Kundur and Muttur, belonging to the Chola and Chera kings.and that, for this reason, he was known as Nilantaru Tiruvir Pandyan. When did this tidal wave pass over the country? If we are able to fix its date, we may fix also the age of Tolkappiyar; for it was during the days of the second Academy, of which Tolkappiyar was a member, this incident happened. The probable age of In Tennent's History of Ceylon, mention is Tolkappiyar. made of three such disasters that effected con C 1" pHrrulliyaarru - kumrippkkttoor yaarru.' 91

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TOLKAPPIYAR. 39 siderable change in the geography of the island. The first is stated to have occurred in 2387 B.C., when the island of Ceylon got itself separated from the mainland ; the second in 504 B.C. during the reign of Panduvasa which involved considerable loss of Ceylonese territory ; the last, comparatively a minor one, in 306 B.C., during the time of Devanampriya Tissa. Taking, this last encroachment of the sea as the one alluded to in Iraiyanar Ahapporul, some fix(r) III century B.C. roughly as the lower limit for the date of Tolkappiyar and contend that the evidence of Rajavali of Ceylon and that of Mahavamsa tend to confirm this view. It is also contended that Tolkappiyar's mention in his work, of Hora, for a knowledge of which it seems we are indebted to the Greek astronomers that accompanied Alexander the Great in the course of his Indian raid, would fix the age of Tolkappiyar as III century B.C.1 Again the mention in the colophon to Tolkappiyam, of the Sanskrit grammar of Indra, coupled with the fact that Indra's date has been ascertained as 350 B.C. makes it plain according to some that 350 B.C. is the latest date that can be assigned for Tolkappiyars, the earliest known grammarian i Colebrooke, Miscellaneous His chief argument rests on the Essays, Vol. II, p. 29. fact that Panambaranar a . . Macdonnell, History of Sans contemporary of Tolkappiyar, calls him ' plpuklll nirrutt krit Literature, p. 11. pttimaiyoonnn.'' Padimai is from * In an interesting article in the Prakrit Padima, essentially Sen Tamil, the organ of the a Jain word referring to Jain Madura Tamil Sangam (Vol. 'rules of conduct. The followXVIII, 1919-20, p. 339), Mr. S. ing extract from the article Vyapuri Pillai suggests that referred to above deserves to be Tolkappiyar was a Jain by faith. studied by all interested in the

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Kural its date and the faith of its author. C 40 THE JAINS IN THE TAMIL LAND. and Sangam author, whose work was an authority for all later literary productions.1 * 'The next work of considerable importance in Tamil literature is the famous Kural of Saint Tiruvalluvar., Various opinions are held regarding the date and the religious faith of its author. Of him all sorts of wild traditions exist. Most of these are more fanciful than real.. What is the date of Kural? It is common knowledge that Kural is quoted in Silappadikaram of history of religious movements nookki yunnrlaakum. in South India :-- "mookss meytrrkuriy maark itnnnaal 'pttimai' yennnptu kttil, ptinnnaannnku nilaikll jainnncmy vlllkkuc collennn ullllnnnvaak jainnn cmyt ptum, accol tvvollluk ennnrrtnnnai yunnrttutl km tvrkll krutukinnnrraarkll. in nilaikllaikkunnstaannnkngkllennnrru avvoru cmy nuulinnn knnnnnnn kuurruvr. ivrrrrull mutlaintu rrip pirrcmy nuulkllil illai nilaikllum illrrttoor turr yennnptum telliyk kittkkinnn vrrttoorennnrr irutirrttaark rrnnn. kum uriynnn. aarru mutl eennnai nilaikll currvrrttoorkku mttttu muriynnn. illrrttil nirrpaar mutlaintu nilaikllum kaivrp perrrr pinnnnnnr, unnmaittiirt tngkrr maattttum, unnmaiyaacaa riyr maattttum, unnmai nuulinnn aakvee 'plpuklll nirruttptti maiyoonnn' ennnrru cirrppikkp perrrr tolkaappiynnnaar jainnn cmyttvraav rennnptum,atnnn knn illrr nerri ninnnrru cirrnt tv volllukkngkllai ynnnussttitt maattttum, tullngkaatpktivaittu, vraarennnptum unnrlaakum." pnyc aticaarngkllaiyum niittup pnnnnnnirnnttu virtngkllaiyum annnu ssttittl veennttum. ingngnnnm ninnnrroorinnnum mikkuc cirrppey t virumpum illrrttoor pti nnnoru tvvolllukkngkllai meerr kollvr. ivvolllukkngkll 'pttimaa ennnrru piraakirutttirr peyr perrum. 'tvm' ennnrr col illrrttaarkkum uriy taatl 'nrrrrvny ceyvaarkkittm tvm ceyvaarkkum aHtittm ennnrr (ciivkcin-77) meerrkooll '''' wish it to be understood that this section merely summarises the views of others and does not represent my own views. scepticism in regard to these early My attitude is one of extreme dates claimed for Tolkippiyam and Kural; for it is doubtful whether Tamil had attained uniform standard so early as the beginning of the Christian era. (Please see my article " Misconcepoins abort Sangam Chronolegy", Appendix D.) *

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KURAL. ... 41 Ilangovadigal; he was the brother of Senguttuvan whose date is said to fall in the second century A.D. It is contended by some that the Was Valluvar Kural must have been written at least a century before Manimekalai and Silap padikaram, that is in the beginning of the I century A.D. It is astonishing that the author of Kural, who is undoubtedly recognised as one of the great geniuses pf the world, should have remained without a name. Almost every religionist has, claimed the author as belonging to his faith. Tamil literary tradition attributes the authorship of Kural to Valluvar; but there are strong reasons for believing that the author was a Jain. The late Prof. Seshagiri Sastriari held that Valluvar was a follower of Arhat. Certain references in Kural to Malarmisai Evidence in yeginan. (novi Ame Guar) and Yengunathan Jain origin i of Kurul. for over pour des erreir) are held to be sufficient evidence to prove that the author was a(r) Jain. Hindu scholars have pointed out, however, that these expressions are equally applicable to Vishnu. But one who has read or is acquainted in the least, with Jain canonical scripture will have, no hesitation in agreeing with Mr. Seshagiri Sastri. The expression Malarmisai yeginan, i.e., 'He who walked on lotus' is a very common epithet applied to Lord Arhat. According to the Jain scriptures, when the Tirthankara attains omniscience there gather around him a vast crowd of men, animals, birds and favour of the 1 Seshagiri Sastriar, Esray on Tamil Literature, p. 43.

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42 THE JAINS IN THE TAMIL LAND. other living beings to hear his teachings. Indra and many other Devas, according to them, worship the Lord, praise Him and honour Him by manifesting wonderful phenomena. One such wonder is the formation of a beautiful lotus. under the feet of the Jina, which moves along under his feet as he goes to several countries to. preach his doctrine. This is the special signifi* cance of the expression Malarinisai. yeginan. Then again the reference to Yengunathan (i.e., he who has eight qualities) has a special significance to the Jain. God, according to Jainism, has the following eight qualities :-1. Perfect. faith, 2. Infinite knowledge, 3. Infinite cognition, 5. Extreme fineness, 6. Interpenetrability, 7. Stationariness (quality of being neither light nor heavy) and 8. Undisturbable bliss. It is, therefore, difficult to join with those who say that Valluvar referred to the Hindu Gods and An objection not specially to the qualities of the Jina. Anoangwered. ther expression that was held to be destructive of the theory that the author was a Jain, is what is supposed to be contained in the 4th couplet of Chapter III in Kural. Dr. Pope, in pointing this out, says that a Jain yould not believe that Valluvar was a follower pf his faith, because a Jain sage would have neither wife nor the emotion of anger, nor the power to inflict punish ment. But we know that one of the TirthanAnother karas married and begot children. One other evidence in favour of the evidence in favour of the Jain origin of Kural Jain origin of Kurul" might be adduced. The commentator of Nila-'

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ELACHARYAR. 43 kesi, a Jain work, calls Kural, Emmottu (ores Clombs), our own Bible. That shows that the Jains generally believed that Valluvar was a member of their community. The tradition is that one Elacharya, a Jain sage, was the author of Kural. This Elacharya, some say, was no was * Elacharya other than Sri Kunda Kunda, a great:Jain Muni, Kunda well versed in Sanskrit and Prakrit, who carried himself ? on the work of propagating Jainism in the Tamil land, in or about the first century A.D. A sage: of great intellectual attainments, he is supposed to have written for the instruction of Sivaskandha, a ruler of Conjeeveram, the Panchastikaya, which has been recently edited by Prof. Chakravarti, a prominent member of the Jain community. In the historical portion of the introduction to that book, the learned Professor identifies the author of the Kural with Kunda Kunda whose other name was Elacharya. From the Pattavalis edited by Hoernle and Klatt, the date of Kunda Kunda can be ascertained as I century A.D. One other point may be briefly noticed. If, as Yet another has been contended, the author of Kural was a low caste Valluvar, .what is there in the history of ancient social institutions in the Tamil land to warrant the belief that a low caste man could obtain such a high education not only in the vernacular but also in the sacred language of Sanskrit, which is essential for producing such a work as Kural ; for it must be remembered ? Indian Antiquary, Vols. XX and XXI. point.

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44 THE JAINS IN THE TAMIL LAND. that Kural represents not only what was best in South Indian culture but also it has given to the Tamils the quintessence of North Indian wisdom contained in such works as the Arthasastra of Kautilya. No one, therefore, who had not a sound kuowledge of Prakrit and Sanskrit literature could have attempted the writing of Kural and such a one was Kunda Kunda. If * this supposition is true, the inference is inevitcable that the Jains had penetrated into the extreme south of India so early #3, if not earlier than, the I century A.D. and that they had actively taken up the work of propagating their faith through the medium of the vernacular of the country namely Tamil. The spread The first two centuries of the Christian era of Jainism in the early saw, therefore, the appearance in the Tamil coun tries of a new religion which, with its simple moral code devoid of elaborate exegetics, appealed to the Dravidian and was destined to play an important part in the religious history of South India. Fostering the vernaculars of the country out of opposition to the Brahmins, the Jains infused Aryan thought and learning among the southern people, which had the effect of awakening Dravidian literature to proclaim the new message it had received from northern lands." A consideration of the literary history of India led Mr. Frazer to write " It was through the fostering care of the Jains that the south seems 1 The Journal of the Roya! . Frazer, Literary History of Asiatic Society, Vol. XXII, p. 249. India, pp. 310 & 311. centuries of the Christian era.

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SPREAD OF JAINISM. * to have been inspired with new ideals and literature, enriched with new forms and expressions." A knowledge of the then, Dravidian methods and forms of worship would easily make us understand why Jainism had taken root in the soil. The Dravidian had developed a civilization of his own. His religion consisted in sacrifices, prophecies, ecstatic dances and demonworship. This was open to the attacks of the first batch of Brahmin immigrants from the north whc. settled at Madura and other cities and tried to introduce Hindu notions of caste and ceremonial but met with much opposition, the caste system, then being inchoate and imperfect. Nevertheless, the Brahmins succeeded in introducing their notions of religion. Sacrifices were performed under royal patronage and horses or cows were sacrificed with elaborate ceremonies, the flesh of the victims, not being disdained by the Brahmins.1 Though anxious to spread vedic religion among the masses, the Brahmin kept the Vedas a sealed book to them. As in the north of India, so in the south, the non-Aryan races began to cultivate a contempt for the Brahmins whose worship of the elements did not find favour with the masses. It was at this period that the nonBrahminic orders, Jainism and Buddhism, entered the country, and no wonder that these, with their less complex, forms of worship and a 6 3 45 1 Kanakasabhai Pillai, Tamils Eighteen Hundred Years Ago, p. 230.

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The Tamil 46 THE JAINS IN THE TAMIL LAND.. embodying in their doctrines some of the highest and noblest principles of human conduct, found favour, among the ancient Dravidians who not only tolerated them in their midst but even accorded them in their religious life a position of great honour and trust. The period immediately following the age of their value Kural is characterised by the growth of classical to Jain History. literature, mainly under the Jain auspices. This age is generally called the Augustan age of Tamil literature, the period of the predominafice of the Jains in intellect and learning, though not in political power. It was during this period second century A.D. that the famous Taniil epic Silappadikaram is supposed to have been written. The author of the work was Ilangovadigal, a brother of the Chera prince, Senguttuvan, and, perhaps, a member of the Jain Church. From this epic and its companion volume, Manimekalai, can be gleaned a graphic account of the state of the Dravidian society at that time. It would appear that there was then perfect religious toleration, Jainism advancing so far as to be embraced by members of the royal family. Religious conversion did not, as it does now, destroy the bonds of society and family. Thus, for example, Ilangovadigal, the author of the epic Silappadikaram, was a Jain; while his brother, Senguttuvan, was a Saivite. In short, the fervent manner in which Jain beliefs and morals are depicted, the copious IV. A. Smith, Early History Pope in Journal of the Royal * of India (1914), p. 445 ; Dr. Amatic fociety, 1889 Vol, p. 242.

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NIGRANTHAS. 47 of the Jains Age. references to Jain centres of learning, and the description of the society in general, leave no doubt in the minds of the readers of the epics, the impression that the religion of Arhat was embraced by large and ever increasing numbers of the Dravidians. We shall next examine the position held by the position the Jains during this Academic age with the in the help of references to them in Silappadikaram and Academic Manimekalai. These epics are specially valuable as records of the extent to which the nonBrahminical religions, Jainism and Buddhism, had spread in South India in the early part of the second century A.D. The epics give one the impression that these two religions were patronised by the Chola as well as by the Pandyan kings. The Nigranthas, as the Jains were called, generally lived outside the towns "in their own cool cloisters, the walls of which were exceedingly high and painted red and which were surrounded by little flower-gardens"; their temples were situate at places where two or three roads met ; they erected their platforms or pulpits from which they generally preached their doctrine. Side by side with their monasteries, there also existed nunneries showing thereby the vast influence exercised over the Tamil women by Jain nuns. There were Jain monasteries at Kavirippoompattinam, the capital of the Cholas, and at Urai.yur on the banks of the Cauvery. Madura, 'however, was the chief centre of Jainism. When

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48 THE JAINS IN THE TAMIL LAND.' Kovalan and his wife were on their way to Madura, they met a Jain nun who warned them to be on their guard against causing pain or death to living creatures as, at Madura, it would be denounced as a heinous sin by the Nigranthas there. The Nigranthas of this period did not appear to have been hated so much as those who flourished in the sixth or sevench century A.D. The Jains in this period, we further learn from the epics, worshipped the resplendent image of Arhat who is generally represented as sitting underneath the Asoka tree with the triple umbrella held over him. That these Jains were the Digambaras is clearly seen from their description. Judging from the account of the society as depicted in Manimekalai, the Tamil sovereigns appear to have been generally tolerant towards all the foreign faiths in the ,,country. Thus, on the occasion of the annual festival held in the city of Puhar in honour of Indra, the king asked all preachers of virtue belonging to all religious sects to ascend the public halls of debate and preach their respective doctrines to the people. The Jains took every advantage of the opportunity and large was the number of those that embraced this faith. There are certain reasons why Jainism was so popular in those days. The masses of the Dravidians were remnants of the great Naga race that held the sovereignty of the land before the Tamils conquered it. The Tamils themselves borrowed from the Nagas some of their elements Popularity of Jainism : its causes.

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NIGRANTHA SYSTEM. 49 of worship. Traces of the Tree and Serpent Worship so eminently characteristic of the Turanian race are also to be seen in Jainism that was introduced in the Tamil country. Buddhism had no such charm # this period' as the worship of the Buddha had not yet been introduced. The worship of a pair of feet is too abstract for a people already accustomed to worship idols of some of the Aryan and nonAryan deities. To these reasons may be added the comparative simplicity of Jain worship and the exclusive character of Brahminical rites. These tended to make the Nigrantha system more popular than either Brahmanism or Buddhism. The fact that the Jain community had a perfect organisation behind it shows that it was not only popular but that it had taken deep root in the soil. The whole community, we learn from the epics, was divided into two sections, the Sravakas or laymen and the Munis or ascetics. The privilege of entering the monastery was not denied to women and both men and women took vows of celibacy. We shall close this part of the subject with a quotation from Manimekalai, which illustrates the Nigrantha system as was preached to the Tamils. Manimekalai, being a Buddhistic work, one may not expect an ideal representation of the Jain system at the hands of its author Throughout the epic Manimekalai, no reference is made to any statue of the Buddha. A pair of feet re 4 presenting the Buddha was the only object of worship by the Buddhists.

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m 50 THE JAINS IN THE TAMIL LAND." Chattanar, a staunch Buddhist. But enlightened Jain opinion is, that excepting Dharmastikaya, every other point of the Jain system is fairly represented. Nigrantha "Leaving this confusion of words, she (Manisystem as preached mekalai) asked the Niganta (Nigranta) to state to the Tamils. who was his God, and what he was taught in his sacred books, and to explain correctly how things exist and are formed or dissolved. He said that his God is worshipped by Indras : and that the books revealed by him describe the following : The wheel of Law, the axle of Law, Time, Ether, Soul, Eternal atoms, good deeds, bad deeds, the bonds created by those deeds and the way to obtain release from those bonds. Things by their own nature, or by the nature of other objects to which they are attached, are temporary or everlasting. Within the short period of a Kshana (second), they may pass through the three unavoidable stages, appearance, existence and dissolution. That a margosa tree sprouts and grows is eternal: bhat it does not possess that property is temporary. Green gram when made into a sweetmeat with other ingredients does not lose its nature, but loses its form. The wheel of Law (Dharma) pervades everywhere and moves all things in order and for ever. In the same way the axle of Law retains everything and prevents dissolution). Time may be divided into seconds or extend to Eons. Ether expands and gives room for everything. The soul entering a body will, through

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A BLANK IN SOUTH INDIAN HISTORY 51 the five senses, taste, smell, touch, hear and see. An atom may become a body or assume other forms. To stop the origin of good and evil deeds, and to enjoy the effect of past deeds, and to cut off all bonds is release (salvation).1" The third and fourth centuries of the Chris- 'The third and fourth tian era seem to be a perfect blank in the history centuries of the Jains in the Tamil kingdom. What blank. little information we have been able to gather about the Jains in the Sangam period is from non-Brahminical sources, the Brahmin as well as the other Hindu poets of the Sangam having ignored their very existence. Just as the literature of the north refused to take cognizance of the great raid of Alexander, so the Brahminical literature of the south had not cared to shed any light on the history and activities of the Jains. But we can, more or less, follow the probable course of the development of Jainism in the light of their later history, particularly of the seventh and eighth centuries A.D. Second century A.D. is a great age in Jain history ; not merely Kunda Kunda but other Jain scholars as well evinced the greatest activity during this period in spreading their gospel. The necessary impulse and resource for an undertaking of such magnitude must have come from Sravana Belgola. The Gangas who ruled the Gangavadi for nearly nine centuries, second to eleventh century A.D., had been great patrons of Jainism and must have aided the spread of the faith in the 1 The Tamils Eighteen Hundred Years Ago, pp. 215-16.

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52 THE JAINS IN THE TAMIL LAND: Tamil land. In fact, a closer study of Indian religious movements, particularly those in the Penirsula, would reveal that for nearly four centuries, second to the beginning of the seventh century, Jainism was the predominant faith. We can merely indicate here, in a general way, the course of its development. Formation To revert to our subject, Brahmin literature, of a Jain Sanga. when it condescended to take notice of the Jains at all, showed considerable animosity to them in the fourth and the beginning wi the fifth century. This resulted in the formation of a separate Sangam by the Jains themselves. An information of greatest consequence is given in Jain religious work, the Digambara Dharsana." The book states that in the year 526 of Vikrama Saka, i.e., 470 A.D., a Dravida Sangam was formed at the Southern Madura by Vajra Nandi, a disciple of Pujyapada. We further learn from the same source that the Sanga was an association of Digambara Jains who migrated south with a view to spread Jainism. Unless the reigning kings of Pandyan country patronised them, the Jains would never have dared in those days of cruel prinishment to establish a Sangam. We see in the formation of this Sangam the extension of royal patronage to Jainism which excited the jealousy of the leaders of Brahminism. The conflict was bound to come. For the time being it was postponed. The Sangam, as we have seen, was formed at the ' Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society Vol. XVII, p. 74.

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- KALABHRAS. 53 who end of the 5th century A.D. and when the 6th "century opens, the political fortunes of the Tamil country undergo a rapid change. It is the period of the Kalabhra invasion and occupation of the Pandyan kingdom. Who were these Kalabhras ? And what is Kalabhras : the relation between them and the Jains were they? of South India ? The Kalabhras are frequently mentioned in the Pandyan as well as the Pallava inscriptions. These speak of them as the conquerors of Tamil kings, the Cholas,. the Cheras and the Pandyas. Since they are not mentioned in any inscription outside South India, the presumption is strongly in favour of their Dravidian origin. At any rate there is nothing to show that they were Aryans. The same Kalabhras are mentioned in the Volvikudi grant, as having conquered the 'Pandyan country and ruled there for a short time, till they were defeated by* Kadungon who got back the country. In the accognt of Murti Nayanar in Periyapuranam, we learn that, during the time of the Nayanar, a large Carnatic force raided the country, defeated the Pandyan king and established its sway in the land. We are not aware of any other foreign invasion of the Pandyan country. Taking the information in the Velvikudi grant and the historical matter furnished by Periyapuranam, we are forced to equate the Kalabhra interregnum of the Velvikudi grant with the Carnatic rule of Madura in the period of Murti Nayanar.

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54 THE JAINS IN THE TAMIL LAND: This conclusion is further supported by what are known as Sendalai inscriptions published by the late Mr. T. A. Gopinatha Rao in Sen Tamil, Volume VI. Sendalai is a village two miles off Trichinopoly.& The old name of the place is Chendraleghoi Chaturveda Mangalam. There is in that'village a great Saiva temple dedicated to Meenakshisundaresvarar. The pallars of one of the Mantapams in the temple contain beautiful inscriptions. According to Mr. Gopinatha Rao these pillars originally belonged to another temple dedicated perhaps to a Sylvan deity by one of the kings. Coming to the point, the pillars contain inscriptions which together give us the family genealogy of one Perumpidugu Muttaraiyan. It is as follows : Perumpidugu Muttaraiyan I alias Kuvavan Maran. (his son) Ilangovati Araiyan alias Maran Parameswaran (his son) Perumpidugu <Page #71
KALABHRAS AND JAINISM. 55 and Nedumaran clearly show that he was a conqueror of the Pandyas, at any rate, that he was a Pandyan king. The three other titles, viz., Kalvarakalvan, Kalbharakalvan, and Kaltakalvan indicate their origin. These three mean the same thing, i.e., thief of thietves or king of thieves, showing thereby that the 'Kalabhras' of Velvikudi.grant were Kallars in their origin. Kalvarkalvan might also be read as Kalvarakalvan (kllvrkllvnnn), but in the inscriptions it is common to read Kalvarakalvan as Kalavarakalvan (kllvrkllv nnn). In its Canarese form the 'v'is easily interchangeable with 'b' and we have .Kalabharakalvan and from that, the Kalabhras of the Velvikudi grant. When they conquered the Pandyan country they assumed the title of Muttaraiyan. The word might mean either * Lord of Pearls' (muttu + araiyan) or as the ' Lord of Three lands' (mu + ttaraiyan) which latter interpretation corresponds more closely with the description given of them in the inscriptions as conquerors of Chola, Pandya and Chera countries. Having thus established the identity of the Kalabhras Kalabhras with the Carnatic king of Periyapura- Jainism. nam, we shall next inquire what light this information throws on the history of the Jains. The same Periyapuranam account of Murti Nayanar tells us that the Kalabhras, the moment they came to the country, embraced Jainism and influenced by the Jains who were innumer*able, began to persecute the Saiva saints and and

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56 THE JAINS IN THE TAMIL LAND. * disregard the worship of Saiva gods. It looks as though the Jains had themselves invited the Kalabhras with a view to establish Jainism more firmly in the country. The period of the Kalabhras ande that which succeeds it must, therefore, be considered as the period when the Jains had reached their zenith. It was during this period that the famous Naladiyar, was composed by the Jains. There are tivo references? in Naladiyar to Muttaraiyar indicating that the Kalabhras were Jains and patrons of Tamil literature. We would sain knoiv more about these Muttaraiyar but unfortunately, the book, presumably treating about them and mentioned in Yapperumkalaviruti, viz., Tamizhmuttarayarkovai, is entirely lost. A word about Naladiyar. It consists of 400 quatrains of moral and didactic sayings, each one composed, according to tradition, hy a Jain 'ascetic. Dr. Pope styles it as the Vellalar Vedam, 1 The base feed full of rice and savoury food, That men, great lords of the triple lands, With generous gladness give : But water won with willing strenuous toil By those who know not savoury food by name even, Will turn to nectar. Q. 200. Poor are the men that give not, Even though deemed wealthiest Of all that flourish on the teeming emple earth rs. They who even when they are poor seek not as Suppliants wealthy men are, Lords of the three mighty lands.' Pope's Naladiyar. Q. 296. * Where are the degrendants puranam as Vadugakarnataka of these Muttaraiyar, the Kala- people. The Myttarniyar of bhras of the Velvikudi grant ! the Melur taluq, Madura district, In Trichinopoly district we have aro known as Ambalakarans. even to-day Muttaraiyar. They They are Kallars by caste. This seem to be petty chiefs. In the, is a very interosting subject for Andhra country they are known investigation. It is noteworthy as Muttu Rajalckal. This is that in Sangam literature, Pulli, quite in keeping with the des- the Chief of Verigadam, iy known cription of Kalabhras in Periya. as Kalvarkoman (king of thieves). Naladiyar and the Jains.

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NALADIYAR. 57 that is, the Bible of the Vellalar or Agriculturists. " These epigrams, drawn sometimes from Sanskrit sources and often forming the ground of ornate Sanskrit verses written in imitation or rivalry, have become household vords throughout all South India." When the Iwo facts, the formation of a Digambara Jain Sangam at Madura and the large Sanskrit borrowings in composing. Naladiyar are examined together we are led to conclude that the work must have been written after the formation of the Jain Sangam and that, exactly at the time when it was composed, the rivalry between the two sects Jainism and Brahminism was becoming keener and keener. Quatrain 243 pretty clearly illustrates the spirit of rivalry between the two sects and, as has been alrcady remarked, this period is that which immediately succeeded the Kalabhra interregnunr. Thus the works published during what we have called the Sangam or Academic period clearly indicate the following points in the life and history of the Jains in the Tamil kingdoms :1.' That the Jains had probably not en tered the extreme south of India during the days of Tolkappiyar who must hava flourished before 350 B.C. 2. That they must have colonised and permanently settled in the extreme south of India duringo and before the first century A.D.

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58 THE JAINS IN THE TAMIL LAND. 3. That what is known as Augustan age of Tamil literature was also the age of the predominance of the Jains. 4. That after the fifth century A.D. Jair.ism became so very influential anal powerful as to even become the state-creed of some of the Pandyan kings.

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CHAPTER IV. THE PERIOD OF SAIVA NAYANARS AND 'VAISHNAVA ALV ALVARY Brahminis n of Jainism. This period which begins from the sixth cen- Revival of tury A.D. is characterised by a great revival of and decline Brahminism which shook the heretical sects of Buddhism and Jainism to their very foundations. Buddhism had already lost its hold in South India, but the latter was, as we have seen, at its zenith. The Jains had played their role well; but they had stayed in the Tamil country too long. The mild teachings of the Jain system had become very rigorous and exacting in their application to daily life. The exclusiveness of the Jains and their lack of adaptability to circumstances soon rendered them objects of contempt and ridicule, and it was, only with the help of state patronage that they were able to make their influence felt. No longer did the Tamilians embrace the Jain faith out of open conviction; force and religious persecution were resorted to by over-zealous state officials who were always ready to execute the commands of bigoted Jain kings. The growth and strength of any faith depend to a large extent upon the support it receives at the hands of the rulers. When they cease to patronise it or become converts to rival faith, large numbers secede from the movement. No wonder, therefore, that the followers of the

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period literature. 60 NAYANARS AND ALVARS. Brahminical religion looked forward eagerly to the day, when their religious leaders would be able to bring erring monarchs round to the true path of Dharmd and thus wipe the Nigranthas out of the Tamt. country. The Hymnal With the rise of Saiva temples in South India in Tamil (5th century A.D.) there came into existence a kind of Saiva religious literature 'in Tamil, mainly consisting of hymns in praise of the various local shrines. Each hymn is made up of ten or eleven stanzas in what is knowli' as Asiriyam metre, a composition peculiar to the early hymnologists. These hymns celebrate the miraculous deeds and sports of Siria. The superiority of Siva over the other Indian Gods is sought to be established therein. The importance of these hymns and their great superiority over the secular literature have been set forth by Umapati Siva Charya (1320 A.D.) in the followintg verse: -." Lo! They cannot be consumed by fire, will go up the current, vivify even bones, take out poison, subdue the elephant, make the stone float, and make the crocodile vomit the child it devoured." By the time of Raja Raja Chola (984-1013 A.D.) the Saiva religious literature became so enormous and scattered that it was deemed urgently necessary to collect and arrange it. This importante task was*entrusted to Nambiandar Nambi (975-1035 A.D.) & Gurukkal or Audisaiva Brahmin of Tirunaraiyur in South Arcot District. He collected and edited all the Saiva works into eleven Tirumurais or

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HYMNAL PERIOD. 61 9 series. Later on, during the reign of Kulottunga or Anabaya Chola 1150 A.D., a mass of tradition about the Saiva saints was collected from all sources and an extensive hagiology entitled the Tirutonaar Puranam or Periyapuranam, was written by Sekkizhar, a Vellala poet of the Pallava country. This legendary biography of Saiva Nayanars consisting of about 4,306 stanzas was later.on added to the Saiva religious literature as the twelfth Tirumurai. It is to these, Sekkizhar's Periyapuranam and the compilation of Nambiandar Nambi, that we are indebted for an account of the Jains during, what we have called, the period of Saiva Nayanars and Vaishnava Alvars. The information that could be gleaned from Saiva religious literature is to a little extent supplemented by the Vaishnava Prabandhams. Elaborate as are the details of the lives of Saiva saints, they are yet useless for purposes of history, as no dates are assigned to any of the Nayanars; and being based on legends, the Periyapuranam is replete with fanciful accounts of miraculous incidents which no modern student of history would care to accept. Hence not a little difficulty is felt in tracing the various epochs in the religious history of South India. Among the 63 saints an account of whose lives is given in Periyapuranam, the names of Appar, Siruttondar and Tirujnanasambandar are important, as they alone furnish us some information about the Jains. Of these three, Sambandar is a very important figure, as

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62 NAYANARS AND ALVARS. it was during his time that Jainism received a mortal blow, from the effects of which it never recovered. Sambandar: Born of a Brahmin priest at Shiyali in the his life and career. Tanjore District, Saint Sambanda 'began to sing hymns in praise of Siva, when only three years old! Well'versed both in the Vedas and Vedangas, he had no equal in Tamil learning also. Proud of his birth as a Brahmin, he spoke highly of his caste and the Vedas. He made extended pilgrimages to different Saiva shrines in South India, singing hymns in praise of Sive and working out miracles by the grace of that deity. His one object in life seems to have been the putting down of heretical faiths, such as Jainism and Buddhism. With huge crowds of devotees and worshippers accompanying him, he constantly peregrinated the Tamil land creating unbounded enthusiasm among the people for the cause of Saiva religion. A bitter opponent of Jainism, every tenth verse of his soul-stirring songs was devoted to anathematize the Jains. We are not here concerned with the various details of his life, but it is interesting to note the manner in which Jainism - which took such a deep root in the Madura country was driven out of it. The ruler of the Pandyan kingdom at this time was the famous Ninrasir Nedumaran, the conqueror of Nelveli, otherwise known as Sundara Pandyan, who, from all accounts we know was a staunch Jain. He had for his wife Mangayarkarasi, the daughter of the Chola

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SAMBANDAR. 63 king and a devoted worshipper of Siva. The Pandyan king's minister who played a great part in the religious history of the time was Kulachchirai who was also a worshipper of Siva. These two contrived to bring Tirujitanasambandar to Tiruvalavai (Madura) with a view to convert the king to their own faith and thus establish Saivism in the land. The invitation was readily accepted by the saint to the great consternation of the Jain ascetics of Madura. The facts and circumstances concerning the saint's visit to Madura may be considered historical, though the miracles attributed to Sambandar are obviously legendary. It would appear from the account given in Periya puranam that Tho struggle the Jains attempted to set fire to the building commencer occupied by the Saiva saint and his Brahmin followers. The plot was (liscovered and the danger averted. The king suddenly fell ill and his Jain advisers were asked to cure him: They failed in the attempt and the pious queen and the minister begged the king's permission to allow Tirujnanasambandar to treat him. Sambandar sang a hymn or two and the king soon recovered.Elated with success, the clever Sambanda took full advantage of this opportunity to prove to the king the utter futility of Jain Mantras and the uselessness of the Jain religion. The doubting sovereign ordered the Jains to accept the challenge thrown by the Brahmin saint. Two tests were employed; by mutual agreement, to decide the superiority of their

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64 NAYANARS AND ALVARS. respective faiths-the ordeals of fire and water. A fire was kindled and into it were thrown the sacred bocks of the Jains and the leaf containing the hymns of Cambanda. The latter instead of being burnt ghone quite green' in the flames, while the Jain books were reduced in no time to ashes. Blushing with shame, and fuming with anger, the Jains hoped for better luck in the other test. This time, the books were thrown into the river Vaigai, famous for its swift current. The leaf cortaining the hymns of the Saiva saint swam against the current, while the Jain books drifted along with it. This was a great blow to the Jains. From this time on, they not only lost the confidence of the king but hundreds of them were inipaled. Such is the legendary account of Tirujnanasambandar. Amidst fables and mythical accounts there stands the historic personality of Tirujnanasambandar who brought about the conversion of the king of Madura from Jainism to Saivism. This was a death blow to Jainism in the south. The Age of Tirujnanasambandar. The date of Tisujnanasambandar and therefore of Kun Pandya' is very important, as it. fixes the age of the downfall of Jainism in South India. Mr. Taylor assigned 1320 B.C. as the date of Kun Pandya, while Dr. Caldwelle contended that he flourished in 1292 A.D. Thus, He is otherwise known as Nelson, Madura Country, Ninrasir Nedumaran and Sun. part 111, Ch. 1, p. 55. * Caldwell, Comparative Grame dara Pandya. mar of Dravidian languages.

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AGE OF SAMBANDAR. 65 in fixing the date of Kun Pandya, individual opinions drift at pleasure from 14th century B.C. to 13th century A.D. The late*Proiessor Sundaram Pillai' has maintained that the opening of the seventh century A.D. Vas the latest period that could be assigned to Sambandar. From the internal evidence furnished by Saiva literature, the learned Professor has proved that Jnanasambandar should have preceded by, a few centuries Kandaraditya, one of the authors of Tiru-Isatppa, the ninth book of the Saiva Bible of the Tamils. This Kandaraditya should have flourished about the close of the ninth century, as he is known to have preceded by several generations Raja Raja Deva, the constructor of the Tanjore temple (984 A.D.). As the renowned Sankaracharya (8th century) referred to Jnanasambandar as " the Dravida child " it is 'evident that Sambandar flourished before him. From his hynins it is known that. Sambandar was a great friend of Siruttondar who was & generalissimo and fought for the Pallava King, Narasimha Varman I, at Vatapi (Badami). Happily, the date of the destruction of Vatapi by the Pallava king was discovered by the late Mr. Venkiah (642 A.D.) and this fixed the age of Tirujnanasambandar. For, it must be remembered, Tirujnanasambandar, Siruttondar and another saint of whom we shall have to speak presently, Tirunavukkarasar, popularly known as Appar, were all contemporaries. Tamilian Antiquary No. 3. Some Milestones in the History of Tamil literature.

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66 NAYANARS AND ALVARS. and Appar and Jainism, And thus they must have flourished in the first half of the seventh century A.D. which is the period of the decline and downfall of Jainism in Southern India. In this bly task of Hindu revival in the south, there was associated with Sambandar another great saint Tirunavukkarasar, an elder contemporary of Sambandar. If Sambandar brought about the downfall of: Jainism in the Pandyan Kingdom, Appar drove the Jains out of the Pallava country. Apparel was born of Vellala parents at Tiruvamur in the South Arcot District. He had an elder sister, Tilakavati by name. She was betrothed eto Kallppakai who, however, died in the war between the Pallava king, Parameswara Varma, and the Chalukyas (660 A.D.). After the death of her husband, she devoted her life to the service of Siva, while her brother Appar became a Jain and spent his life in the Jain cloisters at. Tiruppapuliyur under the name of Dharmasena. In his later years, as a result of the prayers of his sister, he became a convert to the Saiva faith and with all the zeal of a new convert, he began to persecute the Jains in the Pallava country. He is also credited with having converted to Saivism the Pallava king, Mahendra Varman, son of Narasimha Varman I, from Jainism.. Most of his hymns are of an autobiographical nature and from them we learn that he repented his past company &nd association with the Digambara 1 See note 2, p. 154.

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JAIN DECADENCE. decadence Jains. His account of the Jains is interesting ; but unfortunately, the value of the poems is to be discounted much, as the vindictive spirit of a neophite is displayed throughout. According to him Jainism was put down 'in the Tamil country by the strenuous preaching of Saint Jnanasambandar anil Vaishnava Apostles, Tirumazhisai and Tirumangai. Thus, during the middle half of the seventh The and the beginning of the eighth centuries A.D., of Jainism. the Jains sustained a series of reverses both in the Pallava and the Pandya country. The Chola kings did not encourage during this period the Jain religion, as they were devoted to the worship of Siva. But it is a mistake to suppose that the Jains were rooted out of those territories. The 8,000 Jains who were impaled at the instance of Tirujijanasambandar, the archenemy of Jainisin, were all of them leaders and not followers. From the Periyapuranam account of the saints, it is evident that both in the Pallava and Pandva countries they were cruelly persecuted. The hymns of Appar are full of referenses to such a religious persecution. Making aniple allowance for exaggeration, there is no reason to doubt the fact. The Jains in the sixth and seventh centuries A.D. had vast political influence in the Tamil country, especially in the Pandyan kingdom. From the time of the Kalabhra invasion' down to the period of Kun Pandya's conversion, the Jains must have controlled the policy of that state. They took

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68 NAYANARS AND ALVARS. the Jains every advantage of the opportunity thus presented and rigorously carried on a crusade Egainst Vedic religion. This soon brought about a reaction. The conversion of Kun Pandya, therefore, is not a mere episode in the religious history of the Madura kingdom. It is nothing less than a political revolution, the fruits of which the Brahmin Saint, Tirujnanasainbandar, reaped to the full. Not only hundreds and thousands of recalcitrant Jains were driven out of the country, but inany were forced by circumstances to embrace Saivism. to Before considering the part the Vaishnavaite Alvars took in this general movement against the Jains of the Tamil land, let us inquire what light the Tevaram hymns throw on the life and activities of the Jains, in the seventh or eighth centuries A.D. The stronghold of the Jains in the south was Madura and the ascetics who guided the movement generally lived in the eight mountains surrounding Madura, such as Anaimalai, Pasumalai and so on. They kept themselves severely aloof, not caring to mix with the society at large. If women happened to meet them in the streets, they rushed in and bolted their doors, out of shame. They seem to have spoken 1 " aannnaimaamlai yaatiyaay vittngkllirrpl vlllceer iinnnrkttku" teevaart tirumurrai, cuvaaminaat pnnttitr ptippu, 1911, wesele 858, orrstowiesi, gari corrofily!'1. 2 1 puuvaiyaayt tlaiprrittup porriyrrrr cmnniicr collee keettttu | kaaviceer knnmttvaar knnttoottik ktvttaikkul kllvnnnaannneennn" 66. m. 698, swwi, BoT CERT, 'Quoi Qwor' 8.

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JAINS AND TEVARAM. 69 Prakrit and other mantrams with a nasal twang. Ever bent upon denouncing the Vedas and the Brahmins, they went from place to place in the hot sun, preaching against the Vedas and carrying in their hands an umbrella, a mat and a peacock feather. These Jain ascetics whom Sambandar compares to monkeys were very fond of theological disputations and delighted in vanquishing, in debate, leaders of other religions. Pulling out the hair from their head, these naked ascetics stood unabashed before women.' They did not clean their body before eating. These cruel monsters who undertook the most brutal vows of self-mortification ate very frequently 1" cngkt pngkmaap - paaktttottiraitturaitt'' tee. ti. 858, nyaa.cm., aalvaay, ' maannninnneervillli' 2. " muukkinnnaannn murnnn rrootiykkunnttikai- tuukkinnnaar. tee. ti. 423, appr, plllaiyaarrai vtttlli, ' tlaiyelaam' 2. 2 " veetveellviyai cintnnnai ceytullll-aatmilliymennottu " tee. ti. 835, nyaa.cm., aalvaay, 'veetveellvi,' 1. 3 " periy vaakiy kuttaiyum piiliyumvai veyirrkrvaar." tee. ti. 836, nyaa.cm., mrraikkaattu, "pongkuvennmnnl,' 4 1 mntipoorrrririntu." .tee. u. 859, nyaa.cm., aalvaay, "maannninnneervillli" 4. 5 " pootiyaar pinnttiyaarennnrr vppoyyrkll vaatinnnaalurai yvai meyyl.'' tee.ti. 376. nyaa.cm, meelaittirukkaattttupplllli 'vaarumnnn nnnum,' 10. 6 " kurullaiceyy mttvaar nirrpvee kunyciyaip prrittut tirllaikaiyilunnpvrum.'' tee.ti. 1138, nyaa.cm., arcili, 'paattlvnn,' 10. 7 " kunnttaak knnnaayu muunnnrru kaiyilunnttu kuvimulaiyaar tmmunnnnnnee naannminnnrri - unnttiyukntmnnee ninnnrraar." tee.ti. 962, appr, atikai, "verrivirvu," 7. 3 "kullittunnaavmnnr." tee. ti. 1063, nyaa. cm. . * " kaaviyaarrrruvraattaiyinnnaar kttunoonnnpu meelkollllum paavi tee. u. 510; nyaa. cm., vlmpurm, "kottiyuttai," 10. [10.

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The part of Vaishnava Alvars. NAYANARS AND ALVARS. } dried ginger and the leaves of marutha tree (Terminalia Arjuna) and besmeared their body with gallnat powder. They were well versed in black magic and chanted mantras, the efficacy of which they ever praised. 3 Such is the account of the Jains as preserved for us in 'the immortal hymns of Tirujnanasambandar and Appar. At the same time, it must be noted that it is the description by avowed enemies. The main object of Sambandar was to rouse the prejudices of the people against the Jains, and to depict their practices in the blackest colour possible. Abuse, as is well known, is no argument and as the hymns contain nothing but terrible invectives, we are forced to conclude that the methods employed by Appar and Sambandar to defeat the Jains were not only crude but also cruel. On the other hand, it must be admitted that the Jains took unfair advantage of their friendship with, and influence over, ruling sovereigns by having recourse to forcible 70 conversion. Thus during the middle half of the seventh century A.D.. the Jains sustained a series of reverses, both in the Pallava and the Pandya 1 46 ilaimrutee yttkaak uullu mittutuvrkkaayottu cukkuttinnn nnnum, nilaiy mnntteerrai " tee.ti.660,nyaa.cm.,mrukl, "angkmum," 10. 2 " kttuppotti yttttimeyyirr krutiyoor tvmeennnrrennnni vttukkllootticaint nenycee.' tee.ti.288,appr, aiyaarru, kunnttnnnaay,"5. 3 "piccc cirrupiilic cmnn kunnttr mutlaayoor viccaik kirraiyennnnnnu mvvirraiyaip pnniyaatee." "tuuymaiyillaac cmnnrkkum''. tirumngkai aalllvaar, periy tirumollli. C

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TIRUMANGAI ALVAR. 71 country. But they were not rooted out of those territories, for, Tirumangai Alvar, the famous Vaishnava saint and the feudal chieftain *of a small group of villages called Ali Nadu in the north-eastern part of the Chola country, and who flourished in the earlier half of the eighth century A.D., has frequent notices of the Jains. He shared with his predecessor, Tirumazhisaipiran, the bitter hatred of the Jains and other heretical sects. Another Alvar, Tondaradipodi, a contemporary of Tirumangai, joined this general movement against the Jains and his hymns are terrible invectives against the Jain faith, as the following quotations will shov :-- 1. " arriyaar cmnn ryrttaar pvuttr.'' (naannn muknnn tiruvntaati 6.) 2. 'ilingkttitttt puraannttiiruny cmnnrum caakkiyrum, mlintu vaatu ceyviirkllu mrrrru nun teyvmu maakininnnrraannn " tiruvaaymollli 5-10-5. This clearly shows that the Jains lingered long in the country and that Tirumangai Alvar, a great religious disputant, came in conflict with them, in the course of his pilgrimages to the eighty-eight Vaishnava temples scattered throughout South India. By the time of Nammalvar, perhaps the last of the Vaishnava saints, Jainism and Buddhism had nearly died out of 1 pulaiyrr maakininnnrr puttottu cmnnmellaam klaiyrrk krrrrmaantrkaannttaaroo keettprootaannn. tirumaalai. 7 verruppottu cmnnminnttr vitiyil caakkiyrkll ninnnpaal porruppri ynnnkll peecip poovtee nooytaakirr * kurrippennnk kttaiyumaakirr kuuttumeerrrrlaiyai yaangkee yrrupptee krumng knnttiaa yrngkmaa nkrullaannnee. tirumaalai. 8

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72 NAYANARS AND ALVARS. South India, as he makes only a few references to the Jains. We may now indicate the main conclusions arrived at in the course of our discussion. 1. That the Jains who weilded powerful influence in the 5th, 6th and 7th centuries underwent deterioration. 2. That the rise of Saiva Nayanars and their organised efforts to stamp out Jainism, the conversion of Kun Pandya by Tirujnanasambandar and that of the Pallava Kiny by Appar, led to the downfall of the Jains in the Tamil land about 750 A.D. 3. That the Jains were saibjected to further persecution at the hands of Vaishnava Alvars till, in the 9th and 10th centuries, they do not seem to have enjoyed any prominence in the land.

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tlimigotlvigve V. MODERN PERIOD. After the Saiva Nayanars *and Vaishnava Alvars, there'came the great Acharyas or theolo- The rise of Acharyas. gical doctors who aided the evolution of Hindu religion a great deal. The earliest of these . Acharyas. Sankaracharya (8th century A.D.), turned his attention towards the north, thus indicating that the Jains had ceased to be an important factor in the religious life of South India. The Jains, after their persecution in the Pallava and Pandyan kingdoms, migrated in large numbers to their favorite religious centre, Sravana Belgola, in Mysore. There they sought refuge under the Ganga Rajas who patronised them. The few that remained in the Tamil land led an obscure life devoid of all political influence in the country. Nevertheless they retained, in full their intellectual vitality which had in earlier times produced such classical works as Kural and Silappadikaram. Thus during this period of Jain decadence, Chintamani, one of the Mahakavyas, was composed by the Jain saint, Tirutakkadevar. The famous Tamil grammarian and Jaill, Pavanandi, published his Nannul in the 13th century A.D., the patron who supported him being Seeyagangan, evidently a Ganga prince. Besides these they were also responsible for the publication of many books on grammar, lexicon, and astronomy. A detailed account of the literature

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74 MODERN PERIOD. of the Jains is given elsewhere. A perusal of some of these treatises indicates that the Jains generally lived in large numbers in Mylapore, Nedumbai and "Tirumalai. In modern times the Tamil Jains are found in groups in the following places ; Chittamur and Perumandur near Tindivanam, Tirumalai, Tirunarunkondai and Tipangudi. The life and times of the last of the Acharyas, Marlhvacharya, synchronised with the Mahomedan conquest of the south, which at once arrested all literary, intellectual and religious activities and the Jairis shared with other religious sects persecution and humiliation at the hands of the idol-breakers: Referring to the condition of the Jains at the time, M. Barth observes, "It was thus able to hold on till the period of Mahomedan domination, the effect of which was to arrest the propagation of Hinduism and which, while it evidently contributed to the religious, political and social dismemberment of the nation everywhere, showed itself conservative of minorities, small associations and small churches." The origin, development and decay of the Jains in the extreme south of India have thus far been traced with the aid of Tamil literature. A detailed account, however, of the Jains in the Tamil country, cannot be written, as records are scanty. Indeed, there is some truth in what Mr. Frazer said, " So far, history traces' the fluctuating fortunes of the rulers, who in the early ages held the sovereign oanty vidence.

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SOURCES. 75 power, south of the Vindhyas. The literature of the South like that of the North takes but little note of the political history of the time."" What little knowledge we now possess regarding Jain history is mostly due to the records left by antiquarians and travellers who were most of them Europeans. Moreover, we are always obliged, as M. Barth truly observes, to refer to * Brahminical sources for a general view of Jain history and they are not likely, considering tlfe anjmosity that existed between the two sects, to give a true account of the Jains. Hence no little difficulty has been experienced in distinguishing various epochs in the development of Jainism. It is beyond the scope of this work to describe Jain society--the manners and customs of Jains. The subject has received adequate attention at the hands of Col. Mackenzie and Colebrooke. Nor is it possible to deal at length with Jain architecture. But an attempt is made here to'examine how far Hindu society has been affected by its long contact with Jainism. Frazer, Literary History of the last man who held any such India, B. 309. titlc. The Tuluva Jain kings * Buchanen, for example, Mas and their descendants degenerpreserved in his Travels (2 Vols. ated gradually into mere culti. interesting accounts of the Jains vators of the soil. One of them in Malabar. He notes that the became a pensioner of the East Tuluva country was once occu. India Company. Travels, Vol. 3, pied by Jain chiefs, the wain Chapter XIV, p. 19. family of Byrasudayar being Barth, Religions of India, particularly powerful. This p. 140. family underwent disruption at Vide Asiaric Researches, Vol. the hands of Sivappanayakar of IX, Chapters 4 and 5. See also Ikkeri who, after dividing the Beauchamp. Hindu Manners and country into petty districts, Custome, pr. 685-700. placed over each of them a Jain Fergusson devotes one whole Raja. But Tippu Sultan hanged book to Jain Architecture, Bk. V. prenesting accountotes that the India Comp, p: 1978 of India,

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MODERN PERIOD. Tho Jain The Jains had been great students and copycontribution to Tamilists of books. They loved literature and art culture. for their own sake. The Jain contribution to Tamil literature "forms the most precious possession of the Tamils. The largest portion of the Sanskrit derivatives found in the Tamil language was introduced by the Jains. They altered the Sanskrit words which they borrowed in order to bring it in accordance with Tamil . euphonic rules. One great peculiarity of Jain Tamil literature is that in some of the works which have become classical, Kural and Naladiyar for example, there is no mention of any particular God or religion. Not only Tamil literature but Canarese literature also owes a great deal to Jains. In fact, they were its originators. " Until the middle of the twelfth century it is exclusively Jain and Jaina literature continues to be prominent for long after. It includes all the more ancient and many of the most eminent of Canarese writings." Thus Rev. F. Kittel : " They have not only written from sectarian motives, but also from a love for science and have reproduced several Sanskrit scientific works in Canarese." Ahimsa or non-killing of living beings has been the essential principle of Jain moral conduct and, as M. Barth observes, No Hindu sect has carried Ahimsa further, that is, respect for absti* Burnell, South Indian. - E. P. Rice, The History of Canarene Literature, (The Heri. Caldwell, Comparative tage of India Series), p. 12. Grammar of Dravidian languages, Indian Antiquary, Vol. IV, (III Edition) p. 85. 1875, p. 25. A 10 Doctrine Ahimsa. Palaeography, p. 88.

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AHIMSA. 77 nence from everything that has life. Not only do they abstain absolutely from all kinds of flesh, but the more rigid of them 'drink oply filtered water, breathe only through a veil and go sweeping the ground before them, for fear of unconsciously swallowing or crushing any invisible animalcule." How far this Jain respect for the life of living beings, a respect shown in daily practice, has influenced the Vedic rites and ceremonies can be seen from the fact that animal sacrifices in certain religious functions were completely stopped, and images of beasts made of flour were substituted for the real and veritabie ones required in conducting Yagams. Tamil poets have received inspiration in this matter from the Jains and passages might be cited from Tamil literature to indicate the extreme abhorrence with which Dravidians, a large section of them at any rate, regarded eating flesh. : Idol worship and temple building on a grand Temples and scale in South India have also to be attributed to Jain influence. The essence of Brahminism was not idol worship. How came it then that the Dravidians built 'large temples in honour of their gods? The answer is simple. The Jains erected statues to their Tirthankaras and other spiritual leaders and worshipped them in large temples. As this method of worship was highly impressive and attractive, it, was at once . imitated. Especially after the advent of Appar and Sambandar, a period of miracles and piety Institutions.

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MODERN PERIOD. was inaugurated and it was at this time that the whole country was studded with temples. It is further curious to note that, in the temples so constructed, a niche was given to each of the saints who in any way contributed to the revival of Saivism. In the great temple at Madura, as many as sixty-three Nayanars or Saiva devotees have been given a niche, each of them. One worders if the Saivites had not borrowed this custom from the Jains who worshipped their saints in the way described, long before these Nayanars flourished. By far the most important of the Jain influences that led either to the intellectual or moral uplift of the Dravidians was the establishment throughout South India of Matams and Patasalas to counteract the effects of Jain centres of learning and propaganclism." Such Putasalas or theological seminaries are now scattered throughout South India. Modern Tamil Jains. A reference may now be made to the present state of South Indian Jains. According to the Census Report there are nearly 28,000 Jains in the Madras Presidency, the districts 'South p. 23. 1 Tamilian Antiquary, No. 3, masters, or merchants of whom the writer of this essay was one. * Fergusson, Book V, Indian Some of the Souare from Jeypoor, residing in Mint street, are Jains. Architecture. There are also Jain families in * The following note of Mr. Royapurani, the Mount, PalaSastram Ayyar, translated by. veram, Madavaram, l'ondicherry Bower, may be read with inter- and Tanjore. They have a est. "There are about 15 fami. temple at Chittamoor, 30 miles lies of Jains in Madras, residing west of Pondicherry, dedicated in Muttialpettah and Peddu- to Singapurinada, They have naikanpettah. They are School- also a Pagoda at Perrul."

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JAIN REMAINS. 79 Kanara, North Arcot and South Arcot alone containing more than 23,000 Jains. The majority of these scattered remnants are pobr cyltivators, ignorant, illiterate and all unconscious of the noble history and spacious traditions of their fathers. Their brethren in the north who represent a survival of early 'Jainism are comparatively better off in life, most of them being wealthy traders, merchants and moneylenders.1 1 remains. The vast Jain remains in South India of muti- The Jain lated statues, deserted caves and ruined temples at once recall to our mind the greatness of the religion in days gone by and the theological rancour of the Brahmins who wiped it out of all active existence. The Jains had been forgotten; their traditions have been ignored; but, the memory of that bitter struggle between Jainism and Hinduism, characterised by bloody episodes in the south, is constantly kept alive in the series of frescoes on the wall of the Mantapam of the Golden Lily Tank of the famous Minakshi Temple at Madura. These paintings illustrate the persecution and impaling of the Jains at the instance of the arch-enemy of Jainism, Tirujnanasambandar. As though this were not sufficient to humiliate that unfortunate race, the whole tragedy is gone through at five of the twelve annual festivals at the Madura temple. It is, indeed, sad to reflect that, beyond the 1 Imperial Gazeteer, Bombay Presidency, Vol. I, pp. 17, 18 and 227.

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80 MODERN PERIOD. lingering legends in secluded spots and the wayside statues of her saints and martyrs, Jainism in the south has left little to testify to the high purposes, the comprehensive proselytizing zeal and the political influence which she inspired in her fiery votaries of old.

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CHAPTER VI. JAINS AND TAMIL LITERATURE. In one of the earlier chapters, reference was made to the Jain contribution to South Indian learning and culture. The subject is so vast that an attempt is made now to indicate, only in rough outlines, the nature of such a contribution and its permanent influence. Tamil It is well known that, among the Dravidian Early tribes of South India, the Tamils were the first literature. to possess a literature. Unfortunately, most of the pre-Sangam works are either lost or not known to us. If they are available, we will be able to know something about the religion, the morals and the civilization of the pre-Sangam age in the Tamil land. Some of the earliest of Tamil poeras, however, give us a clue to understand the type of culture that must have prevailed in the country, long before the earliest Brahmin settlers under the leadership of sage Agastyar came to the Podiyil hill. Poems like Ahananuru and Purananuru which have been recently published show that the earliest tribes were a warlike race like the Germanic tribes. They loved war and adventurous life. Their literature, therefore, is full of references to their martial habits. A change in the tone of Tamil literature is noticed after the advent of the Aryans, among whom must be included the Buddhists and the Jains. Under the influence 6

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82 JAINS AND TAMIL LITERATURE. of the Brahmins who were brought in by kings and chiefs for the purpose of ministering to the spiritual needs of the people, Tamil poetry came to be largely panegyric in nature. But the Jains and the Buddhists who entered the Tamil land in large and ever-increasing numbers disliked the military habits and the hunting pursuits of the Tamils, as being contrary to the spirit of their religions which proclaimed, above all else, the message of Ahimsa. Their simple life, their intense piety, and the zeal with which they propagated their faith, soon won for them royal patronage and court favour. These they were not slow to take advantage of. Well versed in Sanskrit and Prakrit literature, they imposed their ideals, their expressions and forms of life on the literature of the early Tamils. This largely accounts for the didactic nature of early Sangam literature. Yet, as Mr. M. Srinivasa Ayyangar remarks :" In every department of Tamil literature, we can still perceive a slender veil of Dravidian thought runring through. Its groundwork is purely non-Aryan The Augustan and its superstructure necessarily Aryan." This age of Tamil literature. period in which Aryan thought and learning gained mastery over native sentiments and literature, and in which the second and third Academies are said to have flourished in the city of Madura, is sometimes called the Augustan age of Tamil literature, It is a maiter for fruitful speculation to inquire what would have been the trend of Tamil

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of Tamil DAMODARAM PILLAY. 83 literature but for the advent of the Jains and the Buddhists, more particularly of the former. In all probability, we would never have had those masterpieces of Tamil literature like Kural, Silappadikaram, Manimekalai and Chintamani. We would certainly have had brilliant pieces of panegyric poetry composed by intelligent Brahmin bards. But literature of the kind that it is now the proud boast of the Tamils to possess, we could certainly not have had. Scholars have divided Tamil literature into Damodaram Pillay's broad periods, according to the nature of classification influences that were predominant in particular literature. periods. It was Damodaram Pillay, the learned editor of Tolkappiyam and other works, that first attempted a division of this kind. His division is as follows : 1. Pre-historic. 2. Alphabetic. 3. Grammatic. 4. Academic from 10150 B.C.-150 B.C. 3. Lethargic 150 B.C.-50 A.D. 6. Jain 50 A.D.-350 A.D. 7. Puranic 350--1150 A.D. 8. Monastic 1150-1850 A.D. An improvement was made on this division Suryana " by the late Mr. Suryanarayana Sastri. His Classification

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84 JAINS AND TAMIL LITERATURE. scheme looks quite simple. He has divided Tamil literature into the following periods :. 1. The early 8000 B.C. to 100 A.D. in cluding the age of the Sangams or the three Academies. 2. The Medieval. 3. (a) The first half : 100--600 A.D. when the five major and the five minor epics and other works were written. (6) The second half : 600 to 1400 A.D. the period when, according to him, Tevaram, Tiruvoimozhi, Ramayanam, Nala Venba and other works were written. 4. The Modern : from 1400 A.D. It would take us far away from the purpose of this work, if we entered into a critical examination of these two schemes of classification. Nevertheless, it may be remarked that the above divisions are based on mere legends about the existence of the three Academies, each extending over several thousands of years, thus taking the beginnings of South Indian History and of Tamil culture to the glacial pariod. More patriotic than sound, the divisions cannot now stand the test of historic criticism. We shall, therefore, pass on to the classification of Dr. Caldwell. The learned bishop divides Tamil literature into seven cycles, citing some author or work as representative of each cycle..

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CALDWELL. 85 Dr. Caldwell's Classification. No. Name of Cycle. Period. Representative works or authors. 1. The Jaina cycle or 8th or 9th-12th Kural, Naladiyar,Chin. the cycle of the 1or 13th century. tamgni, Divakaram Sangam. and Nannul. 2. The Ramayana cycle. 13th century .. Kamban. 3. The Saive revival cycle. 13th and 14th centuries. Tiru. Tevaram and vachakam. 4. The Vaishnava cycle.. Do. The Vaishnava Pra. bandhams. 5. / The cycle of the literary revival. 15th and 16th centuries. 6. The Anti-Brahmi- I nical cycle. 17th century .. Siddhar school came into existence during this period. 7. The Modern cycle .. 18th and 19th centuries. That the above classification is defective in many respects needs no mention. Those defects have been pointed out in an able manner by the late Prof. Sundaram Pillai in his Milestones in Tamil Literature. And yet the bishop's remarks in regard to the existence of the Sangam about the 8th century A.D. need not be dismissed with such contempt, as has been done by scholars who have criticised him." There are to be found, even to-day, when our knowledge of

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86 JAINS AND TAMIL LITERATURE. epigraphy has advanced considerably, students of ancient history of South India, who think that the period of Sangam activity is to be sought in the century prior to the time of the Tamil Vatteluttu inscriptions which begin in the Pandya and the Chera countries in the last quarter of the 8th century A.D. Apart from the question whether or not many Sangam authors flourished in the early centuries of the Christian era, evidences are growing to show that what is known as Sangam literature was perhaps reduced to writing in the 6th and 7th centuries A.D. This consideration need not, however, prevent us from rejecting the classification of Dr. Caldwell as unsound. Other classifications of Tamil literature are those by Sir William Hunter and Julien Vin- Mr. Julien Vinson of Paris, both of which are however vitiated by the conclusion of Dr. Caldwell which, in some respects, the two savants had accepted. Of these Julien Vinson's deserves mention, as it approaches accuracy in the sequence of events mentioned. In one respect he has, like Caldwell, grossly erred in attributing the rise of Vaishnavites to the 15th and 16th centuries. According to the French scholar there were son's classification. ~ (1) a period of essays,. pamphlets and short poems (6th and 7th centuries); (2) a period of Jain predominance (8th century);

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SRINIVASA AYYANGAR. 87 (3) a period of struggle between Saivas and Jains (9th century); (4) a period of Saiva predominance (10th century); and . (5) a period of Vaishnavas (15th and 16th centuries). As we have already seen, we must look to the middle half of the 7th century A.D. for the period of struggle between the Saivas and the Jains. After that period the Jains were exterminated and their influence was little felt, and yet it is exactdy in that century Julien Vinson would have us suppose that the Jains predominated. We have stated the position taken up by the various English scholars as regards periods of Tamil literature merely to show that; so long as we are not able to fix milestones in the history of literature, no such attempt can be considered as either sound or rational. Nevertheless, it had become the fashion for writers on Tamil history and literature to adopt such a plan. The talented author of the Tamil Studies, . notwithstanding his trenchant and accurate criticism of the views of various scholars M. Srinivasa in regard to this subject, has himself committed Ayyangar's to the error: which he warned others to avoid. We shall therefore take up for our consideration whether his division of Tamil literature into periods is at all sound. He has exhibited his arrangement thus : u b i veu classification.

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C 88 JAINS AND TAMIL LITERATURE.' Period. B.C. 600-200I. Animistic :.. * B.C. 200-150 II. Buddhist A.D. A.D. 150-500 III. Jaina Religion. A.D 500-950 IV. Brahmanic A.D. 1200. 950- V. Sectarian A.D. 1200 VI. Reforma1450. tory. A.D. 1850. 1450-VII. Modern 1 Literature. I. Academic kappiyam, Kural, etc.) (Tol-j II. Classic (Silappadik aram, Manimekalai, Pattupattu etc.) V. Exegetical C III. Hymnal (Tevaram, Tiruvachakam. Tiryvoimozhi, etc.) * IV. Translations(Kamban's Ramayana, Kachiyappar's Skantham,etc.) VI. Miscellaneous. (Commentaries by Nacchi-narkiniyai, Adiyarkunallar, etc.) C Language. I. Early Grammar: Agastyam, Tolkappiyam. II.Medieval Grammar: Tolkappiyam, Kalladam, Virasoliyam. III.Modern Grammar: Virasoli yam and Nannul. According to him, 150-500 A.D. forms a tlistinct period-the Jain period of Tamil literature. The representative works ascribed by him to this period are Silappadikaram, Manimekalai, Pattupattu, etc. Of these only Silappadikaram may be considered as a Jain work. More properly, it is a work written by a Jain monk. Can therefore the existence of only one Jain work in a period covering nearly four centuries be considered sufficient enough as to call it the Jain period of Tamil literature? It cannot also be supposed

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KURAL. 89 that the style and diction of Silappadikaram were such as to have influenced the other literary productions of the age. Moreover, some of the best books written by the Jains belong to 9th or 10th century A.D. For these reasons, 150-500 A.D. cannot be considered as the Jain period of Tamil literature. Again 200 B.C.150 A.D. is supposed to be the Buddhistic period and the main works cited for this period are Tolkappiyam and Kural. The author of Tolkappiyam is usually supposed to be a Brahmin, but very cogent reasons have been adduced lately for regarding him a Jain, while Kural was certainly composed by a Jain. There are no traces of Buddhistic influence in any of these works. The best thing, therefore, seems to be not to divide Tamil literature into periods corresponding to the predominance of religious faiths. Instead, therefore, of adopting the familiar plan of dividing Tamil literature into periods, we shall attempt to classify Jain works under various groups, such as Didactics, Kavyas and other teatises. 1. Didactic Works. Among works of this nature composed by the Jains, speoial mention must be made of Tirukkural, Naladiyar and Pazhamozhi Nanuru. 1. Kural. -We have already noticed that Kural: its its author was a Jain. But every rival sect in the Tamil country has claimed Kural as its importance

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90 JAINS AND TAMIL LITERATURE.' own. The Kural is a masterpiece of Tamil literature, containing some of the highest and purest expressions of human thought. Writing of Kural, M. Ariel says: " That which above all is wonderful in the Kurral is the fact that its author addresses himself, without regard to castes, peoples or beliefs, to the whole community of mankind; the fact that he formulates sovereign morality and absolute reason ; that he proclaims in their very essence, in their eternal abstractedness, virtue and truth; that he presents, as it were, in one group the highest laws of domestic and social life ; that he is equally perfect in thought, in language, and in poetry, in the austere metaphysical contemplation of the great mysteries of the Divine Nature, as ir. the easy and graceful analysis of the tenderest. emotions of the heart." The Kural owes much of its popularity to its exquisite poetic form. " It is an apple of gold in a network of silver." It has been translated into various European languages. It is cosmopolitan in its teachings and appeals directly both to the head and heart of every religionist. Even Christians do not neglect Kural. On the other hand, they strongly believe that the teachings of Valluvar were more or less borrowed from Saint Thomas who, according to tradition, obtained his martyrdom at Mylapore. Thus, Dr. Pope :~_" Mayilapur to us is better known as S. Thome. In this neighbourhood a Christian

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- NALADIYAR. 91 community has existed from the earliest times. Here are fine old Armenian and Portuguese churches ; and a Christian inscription of the 5th century. Here Pantaenus of Alexandria taught ; and we are quite warranted in imagining Tiruvalluvar, the thoughtful poet, the eclectic, to whom the teaching of the Jains was as familiar as that of every Hindu sect, who was not hindered by any caste prejudices from familiar intercourse with foreigners, whose one thought was to gather , knowledge from every source, whose friend, the sea-captain, would bring him tidings of every stranger's arrival (coming from Ceylon, perhaps, in his own dhoney) : we may fairly, I say, picture him pacing along the seashore with the Christian teachers, and imbibing Christian ideas, tinged with the peculiarities of the Alexandrian school, and day by day working them into his own wonderful Kurral." 2. Naladiyar.-Naladiyar, another Jain work,' is an anthology containing 400 quatrains in 40 chapters. It stands in the estimation of the Tamils, next to Kural. It treats about the transitoriness of wealth and other vanities of human wishes. It lays special importance on the cultivation of virtue and truth and the possession of saintly character. There is a tradition regarding the composition of Naladiyar. Validiyar : The story goes : Once upon a time, 8,000 Jain sages visited the Pandyan kingdom during a period of famine in their own native place. When the famine ended and when better days its tradition

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92 JAINS AND TAMIL LITERATURE. dawned, these Jains prepared to go back to their own country. The Pandyan king was very unwiling to lose the company of these learned men and refused them permission to return. Thereupon, one night, these 8,000 Jains placed under their respective seats, each one quatrain, and gently slipped out of the city. When the king heard of this, he got angry and ordered a search to be made of their residence. The 8,000 quatrains were brought to the king. He ordered them to be thrown into the river Vaigai. Much to the astonishment of the king, 400 of these bits swam against the current and came to the bank. These were then picked up, collated and published. Apart from traditions, there is no doubt that some Jains of Madura were the authors of these poems containing excellent moral sentiments. The period of their composition must be referred to the time after the founding of the Digambara Jain Sangam at Madura (470 A.D.) ; the references in the anthology to Muttaraiyar would further show that these quatrains were written at a time when the Kalabhras were in occupation of the Madura country. Pazhamozhi Nanuru. - The author of this work was a Jain king of Munrurai, perhaps a feudatory of the Pandyan kings. As every stanza has a proverb tacked to it in the end, it is called Pazhamozhi (a proverb). These proverbs, now little remembered, were current in the days of the last Academy at Madura. A careful ,study of these proverbs will enable us to form an idea Pazhamozhi Naniru.

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KAVYAS. 93 of the ancient Tamil civilisation. As in Kural the sentiments expressed are cosmopolitan in nature. Some of the topics treated in the book are learning, great men,, perseverance, royalty and household life. This book has now been edited in a masterly manner by the late Mr. T. Chelvakesavaroya Mudaliar of the Pachiappa's College, Madras. karum. 2. Major Kavyas. * In Tamil literature there are five major kavyas and five minor ones. The major epics are Manimekalai, Silappadikiram, Valayapadi, Chintamani and Kundalakesi. Of these the Jains were responsible for three. Silappadikaram.-- The references to Kounti- Silappadiadigal and to innumerable Jain stotras" clearly indicate the Jain origin of the book. As has already been stated, its author was Ilangovadigal, a brother of the Chera prince, Senguttuvan. Silappadikaram is a storehouse of information on the state of Jains in the Tamil land. Being composed at a time when the Jains had just established themselves in the various centres of learning, the work does not naturally contain denunciations of other faiths. The moral sought to be inculcated by the epic is, that as life, youth and riches are evanescent, men should take warning and make the best use of their life in doing good deeds, which alone would be of benefit in their after-life. Divided into three

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Chintamani: its excellence. 94 JAINS AND TAMIL LITERATURE. cantos of 30 Kadais, the work is dedicated to the three great capital cities of the Tamil land. The story is so well known that it is needless to give a summary of it here. 19 X [ Valayapadi is an unpublished Jain work. A study of the 50 and odd poems of this epic published a few years ago in Sen Tamil indicate that the epic treats of lives of Jain sages. 1 Chintamani.-The greatest in importance, of the Jain works, is of course Chintamani. The frequent use of the double plural' kal' in Chintamani indicates that its author belongs to the period of the Alvars whose writings are replete with such a kind of double plural. Tiruttakkadevar, the author of Chintamani, is an eminent Sanskritist. His work not only contains what was best in Sanskrit literature but also gives us the essence of the Sangam poems. Add to these a thorough and intelligent grasp of the chief tenets of the Jain faith. It treats of the life of a king, Jivakan, from his birth to the attainment of bliss. The various incidents connected with the life of this hero are intended to preach the following morals :-- 0 1. That a king should not be hasty in his action and that he should consult his ministers several times before determining on final action. 2. Ruin is the ultimate result of the actions of those who keep with women. 3. Preceptor's orders and his advice should be implicitly obeyed.

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CHINTAMANI. 4. He who wants to conquer his enemy should never utter a word about his designs under any circumstance, till the proper time comes for realising his object. 95 5. It must be the duty of men to relieve the distress of others. 6. No one should ill-treat those who had never rendered him any injury. 7. A true friend will prove to be a source of great help. 8. Under all circumstances, whether of joy or of sorrow, it is becoming for men not to lose their mental equilibrium. 9. Mercy and tenderness to all animals must be the watchword of all men. 10. Try to rectify the man who is pursuing evil ways. And, above all, never forget kindness done to you. It is not easy to determine the original of this Tamil epic. It is conjectured that some of the Sanskrit treatises like Kshatra Chudamani, and Kattia Chintamani might be the basis of this work. " devar: tradi the Nothing definite is known of the life of the Tiruttakkaauthor Tiruttakkadevar. But a tradition gives tion regarding the following account of the circumstance under tion of Chinwhich the epic was composed. According to tamani. this, Tiruttakkadevar belongs to the Chola country and learned various arts from renowned masters. He studied all the Sangam works

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96 JAINS AND TAMIL LITERATURE. I with great care and was equally proficient in Sanskrit. Hearing of the fame of Madura, a great centre of Tamil learning. Tiruttakkadevar went there and spent most of his time in conversing with learned Pundits. One day, the poets of the city made a somewhat disparaging remark about the puritanic nature of Jain compositions and desired to know if Tiruttakkadevar was competent to write on such subjects as love and luxury. He replied that the Jains cared only for serious poetry and that their religion would not permit of such contemptible things as love and luxury being made subjects of literary compositions. The Sangam poets, persisting in their remark, Tiruttakkadevar proceeded at once to his preceptor and laid the full case before him. The preceptor, equally anxious to demonstrate the capacity of the Jains to undertake literary work of such kind and willing to test the ability of his disciple, asked him to compose poems on a jackal that was just then passing by. Instantaneously, Tiruttakkadevar began reciting poems on the subject and produced a work known as Nariviruttam of which we shall speak later. The preceptor, perfectly satisfied with the elegance, style and subject matter of the Nariviruttam, commanded the pupil to compose a bigger work on the life of Jivakan and to show it to the Sangam poets of Madura. Such is the traditional account of the composition of Jivakachintamani.

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CHINTAMANI. : 97 Be the circumstance of the composition of Chintamani what it may, there is no doubt it has been praised as one of the choicest igasterpieces of Tamil literature. Not only the Jains but also scholars belonging to Saiva faith have eulogised it in terms that at once speak of the immense popularity of the Tamil epic. In order to counteract the effect of such a work on popular * imagination, Sekkizhar had to undertake the composition of Periyapuranam. The following stanzas extracted from Sekki- The place of zhar Nayanar Buranam explain the high position Tamil litera. that Chintamani was occupying during his time. to klkmittu mmnnmuruttttuk kaiyrpoyyee ktttti nttt tiycintaa mnniyai meyyennn rrulkilulloor cilr krrrru nerrkuttunnnnaa tumikkuttik kaivruntik krrvai nirrk mlttukrrn tullntllrntu kullir puunycoolai vllliyirukkk kullliyil villlun tllrrupaayntu vilai trumennn krumpirukk virumpai mennnrru villkkirukk minnnminnnittiik kaayntu nontaar. 20 vllvnnnungkunn ttmnnpurttttut tiruttttuccintaa ' mnnikktaiyai meyyennnrru vricaikuurr vullmkilllntu plpttppaa raattttikkeettk vpykul mnnivillkkaany ceekkilllaarknn ttillvrcnnn mnnnai nookkic cmnnr poynnuu litumrrumaik kaakaatim maikkumrrrree vllmruvu kinnnrr civ ktaiyimmaikku mrrumaikku murrutiyennn vllvnnn keettttu, 21 Sekkizbar's Lives of the Saints, inspiring though it was, had not superseded Chintamani in its popularity. On the other hand, both in matter and diction, the Jain epic shone all the brighter,

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98 JAINS AND TAMIL LITERATURE. by contrast. That it is so is seen from the fact that, when in the early part of the eighteenth century, Kachiyappa Munivar, the disciple of Sivagnana, Munivar, wanted to compose poems in honour of Saiva saints, he set Chinta mani as his model. As many, even among Tamil scholars, do not appear to know the story of Jivakan, the follow ing concise account is extracted 1:The story of "Sacchanthan was the king of EmankataJirakan. nadu and married Vijayai. So enamoured was he of the queen that he neglected his government and left his minister, Kattiankaran, in charge of it. The latter proved treacherous to his master : he formed a plot against his life and assasinated him, Vijayai was driven out of the realm and the usurper ascended the throne. Advanced in pregnancy, the queen gave birth to Jivakan in the cemetery amid a wild forest and began the life of a devotee. The child was taken by a rich merchant who brought him up as his own and posted him up in all branches of learning. When he had come of age, a gang of free-booters attacked the city and plundered it. The young hero pursued them and rescued the plunder. In appreciation of his valour, Pasukavalan, a citizen,gave him his daughter, Govindaiyar, in marriage. While enjoying the happiness of wedded life, he competed with Tattaiyar in a Vina performance, and, proving himself far superior to her in the art, gained the hand and "Purnalingam Pillai, History of Tamil Literature.

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JIYAKAN. 99 heart of the musical lady. Then he was given certain scented powders of their own manufacture by Gunamalai and Suramanjati and was asked to judge which was of strongerasmell. He decided in favour of the former who accepted him in marriage. After exhibiting his skill at metamorphosis, he tamed a rut elephant of the minister. Then he went on a travelling tour and met Padumai, a princess of the Palava kingdon, in a park in the agony of a venomous snake bite. At once Jivakan showed his proficiency in the healing art and rescued her from death. As a mark of gratitude, the rescued lady married him. His next feat was doing wonders at Kema-mapuram and weddling a Vaisya girl, Kemasari. From Takkanadu he proceeded to Susanadesam, and there proved his skill in archery and wedded the princess Kanakamalai. Then he started on his travels, and reached . Thandaka-Aranian, where he met his mother and obtained her blessing. Returning to his own city, he fell in love with Vimalai, a merchant's daughter, and took her for wife. He then heard of Suramanjari's dejection and contempt for man and hastened to cure her melancholy. Wearing a mask he played Gita-natakam and so pleased her with his performance that she surrendered herself to him. They became man and wife. The next feat that awaited him was hitting at a target and winning the youngest daughter, Ilakkanai; of the king of Videham. Now the fame of Jivakan spread

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100 JAINS AND TAMIL LITERATURE.' tion, far and wide and stirred up fears in the mind of the usurper. The latter laid plots for his life, but the young hero slew him and ascended the throne of his ancestors. He then conquered his father's dominions and made them acknowledge bim as sovereign. Having regained his lost kingdom, he ruled it wisely and well and married Ilakkanai, his maternal uncle's daughter. With her and his wives he spent his time most happily and had by them a number of sons to whom he partitioned his dominions. Then he and his devoted female associates renouncetl the world and spent their time in doing charity and per forming austerities. Jivakan rttained Moksha." Nariviruttam: Before we leave this part of the subject a its composi word or two might be mentioned regarding Nariviruttam. The circumstance of its composition has already been mentioned. It is a small work consisting of 50 stanzas embodying some of the noblest tenets of Jainism. The style is very charming, appealing both to the young and old. The story seems to be based upon Hitopadesa. The author wants to illustrate the transitoriness of human wishes and the unstability of wealth and enjoyment. The method adopted to illustrate this simple truth is an old and familiar one in the Tamil land. Briefly the story is this:-Once upon a.time, a wild elephant was destroying the crops in a field. A brave hunter wanted to kill it. Taking his stand upon an elevated ground, underneath which poisonous cobras lived in their holes, he aimed

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NARIVIRUTTAM. 101 at the elephant. The arrow struck the animal when with fury it rushed upon him and fell dead on the spot. This disturbed the peace of the cobras and roused them up. One of them came out of the hole and saw the hunter standing. Raising its hood it bit him. The hunter immediately died; not however before cutting the snake into two. Thus the dead bodies of the elephant, the hunter who killed it and the snake that killed the hunter only to be killed in its turn, were all strewn together. A jackal which was observing all this from under a neighbouring bush came out and in great joy exclaimed, "What a huge mass of food for me! The elephant's body will last for six months, the hunter's will be sufficient for seven days, while the remains of the snake will be sufficient for the day." Thus saying it approached the body of the hunter. Close by, there was his bow. The jackal bit the strings unawares and the bow straightening with all its force struck its body killing it on the spot. The moral of the story is obvious. 3. Minor Kavyas. * Kavyas. We shall now proceed to an account of the The minor minor Kavyas. Among these must be mentioned Nilakesi. Properly speaking it is in the nature of a treatise on logic. It is in manuscript form and has not yet been published. The heroine Nilakesi is depicted as refuting the arguments of various other sects prevailing in the

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102 JAINS AND TAMIL LITERATURE." land, such as Buddha, Ajivaka, Sankhya, Vaise. shika and finally proving the superiority of Jainista. The author of this work is unknown. There is a very good commentary of this minor epic by a great Jain sage, Samaya Divakara Munivar. Next among the minor works must be mentioned the Brihathkatha or Perunknihai. It is a 5th or 6th century work. The author of this charming epic is believed to be Konguvel. It seems to be a translation of the old Brihathkatha written in Paisacha language by a great pundit known as Guna:littya. It treats in extenso of the life of Udayanakumara, king of Vatsadesa. In style and diction it is supposed to transcend even Chintumani. Malamahopadhyaya Swaminadha Ayyar has undertaken the publication of this work and in all probability it is now in the press. * The third minor work of the Jains is Yasodarakavyam. The author was an unknown Jain sage. It teaches the following precepts :-- (a) Under no circumstance the life of living things should be taken away. (6) Lying and deception are bad. * (c) Stealing is sinful. (d) Adultery is leinous. (e) One should be content with just the necessaries of life and no more. Besides indicating these morals, Yasodarakavyam is an epitome " of useful, .polite and entertaining 'information calculated to facilitate the improvement of youth and to answer the

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MINOR EPICS. 103 purpose of a text of general ethics to those more advanced in life." The other two minor epics are Nagakumara kavyam and Chulamani. We need only mention other Jain works. Eladi is a work on didactics composed by a Jain. It is a moral poem by Kanimethaviyar. Each quatrain is supposed to combine, compare and illustrate five or six points of practical wisdom. Kalinguttupparani is the wellknown poem describing the battle in the Kalinga country between the forces of Kulottunga Chola and the Northern Kalinga Raja. Selected stanzas from Kalingattuparani are translated in the form of verseby the late Mr. Kanakasabhai Pillai in the pages of The Indian Antiquary. One peculiarity regarding Kalingattuparani 1 is that it is perhaps the only work written by the Jains on things pertaining to war. Besides these there are various stotras composed by the Jains such as Tirukkalambugam, Tirunarran: dadi which have recently been published. The Jains had a genius for lexicon work. Chudamani Nigandu is a work of this kind. It was composed by a Jain, Viramandala Purushar, disciple of. Gunabhadta Acharyar of Tirunarunkunrai. He belongs to the period of Krishnadeva Raya. In grammatical science the Jains 1 That the author was a Jain is clear from the following stanza attributed to him, composed in reply to a question by Apayan :ceyyum vinnnaiyu mirullunnptuvun teennnunnrrvu muunnnungkllvum poyyungkolaiyu mrrvuntvirp poytiirrr nuul ceytaar tmtuur kaiyumukmu mitlllumvillliyung kaalunirrmum poonnnungkmlm koyyumttvaar villlivaaytrng koopngkmlllun tiipngkuttiyee.

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104 JAINS AND TAMIL LITERATURE." had always excelled. Besides Nannul of the celebrated Pavanandi, there are other treatises such as Neminatham by Gunavirapandita, Yapparungalakkarigai by Amritasagara Muni. Sripuranam in prose and Merumandara puranam in verse are two other Jain works, expository of religion and theology. The above list is by no means exhaustive. A large number of Jain works treating of various branches of learning unfortunately lie buried in the archives of Matams. It is to be hoped that enlightened South Indian Jains will bring them to the light of day and thus enable us to realise what great part the Jains had played in the literary history of South India.

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CHAPTER VII. THE JAINS IN THE DECCAN. We have seen how the Jains migrated south Formation of Sangas. from northern India and how Bhadrabahu sent away all the 12,000 Jains under the leadership of Visakhamuni to the Chola and the Pandya countries. The Jains entered the Carnatic and colonised the country on the borders of the Western Ghats, as well as the southern portion of the Mysore State. By this time, the zeal for proselytism grew and the whole Jain Sangam wandered over the various parts of the south of India and established themselves in North and South Arcot districts and in Madura. Among these religious enthusiasts were great scholars who had enriched the literature of the country. Some of the most learned among them grouped together and formed various Sangas. Each Sangam was sub-divided into many Ganas, each of which was again divided into many Gachchhas. We further learn from the inscriptions that, of all these Sangams, the Dramila Sanga was the most prominent, the Napdigana within it being particularly noteworthy. The whole of South India was strewn Jains very with influential in small groups of learned Jain ascetics the pasta who were slowly but surely spreading their morals through the medium of their sacred .' Epigraphia Carnatica, Shimoga, Vol. II, No. 35.

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106 THE JAINS IN THE DECCAN. literature composed in the various vernaculars of the country. But it is a mistake to suppose that these ascetics were indifferent towards secular affairs in general. To a certain extent it is true that they did not mingle with the world. But we know from the account of Megasthenes. that, so late as the fourth century B.C., "The Sarmanes or the Jain Sarmanes who lived in the woods were frequently consulted by the kings through their messengers regarding the cause of things." Jain Gurus have been founders of states that for centuries together were tolerant towards the Jain faith, but the prohibition of blood-shedding so emphatically preached by the Jain moral code led to the political debasement of the whole Jain race. In this part of the inquiry, an attempt is made to indicate, in rough outlines, the nature of the vast political influence weilded by the Jains in that part of India, represented in modern geography by the Bombay Presidency and the Native States of Mysore, and to trace the steps by which that political ascendancy was lost. It will, perhaps, be better if the general reader remembers the following points regarding the political history of the Deccan : (1) The Gangas exercised their sway over the greater part of Mysore from the second century A.D. to the eleventh century A.D., when they were overthrown by the Cholas. The M'Crindle, Fragments of Journal of the Rojal Asiatic Megasthenes. Socisty, Vol. IX, p. 172. Periods of Deccan bistory

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DECCAN HISTORY. 107 Cholas did not stay in the country for a long time; they were soon expelled by the Hoysalas who established a separate dynasty which continued to exist for three centuries (from the 11th to 14th century A.D.). (2) The early Chalukyas established their sway about the sixth century and after a vigorous rule divided themselves into several branches (about 615 A.D.), the Eastern and the Western Chalukyas. (3) The Eastern Chalukyas ruled from 750 A.D. to the eleventh century A.D., when their dominions were anexed by the Cholas. (4) The Western Chalukyas succumbed to the Rashtrakuta power in about 750 A.D. (5) The Rashtrakutas who thus succeeded to the power of the Western Chalukyas maintained their independence down to 973 A.D., wher they were defeated by the Western Chalukyas who once again established their rule, albeit for a short period (973 A.D.-1156 A.D.). (6) In 1156 A.D., the Western Chalukyas fell a prey to a new power, the Kalachuris, who ruled for 30 years (1156 A.D.-1186 A.D.). (7) The Hoysalas, as already mentioned, established their dynasty and their sway extended over the whole of Mysore, the modern districts of Salem, Coimbatore, Bellary and Dharwar.

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108 THE JAINS IN THE DECCAN. The various periods may, for convenience, be thus indicated :(1) The period of the Gangas (2nd century to 1000 A.D.). Early Chalukyas (500 A.D.-630 A.D.). Eastern ' Chalukyas (630 A.D.-1000 A.D.). Western Chalukyas . (630 A.D.-750 A.D.). Rashtrakutas (750 A.D.-973 A.D.). Revival of Western Chalukyas (973 A.D:-1156 A.D.). Kalachuris (1156 A.D.-1186 A.D.). Hoysalas (eleventh century. to 1326 A.D.). Gangavadi & tradition reits founding. According to tradition, Simhanandin, was the founder of Gangavadi (or the 96,000 country) which comprised a large extent of territory bounded on the north by Marundale, east by Tondanad, west by Cochin and Travancore and

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GANGAVADI. 109 south by Coimbatore and Salem. The Nagar and Shimoga inscriptions have legends to narrate in connection with the establishment of the Ganga kingdom. It would appear that Simhanandin 'met at Gangaperur in the Cuddapah district, two young boys Dadiga and Madhava, sons of one Padmanabha, of the race of Ikshvaku and ruler of the original kingdom from which, Gangavadi derived its name. Padmanabha was for some reason or other suddenly attacked by Mahipala, the ruler of Ujjain. The two young princes, therefore, were sent away for safety to the South of India. On their way they met Simhanandin who, moved by pity on hearing the story of these Ganga princes, took them under his protection, instructed them in all arts and finally procured for them a kingdom. Of course, it was obtained by a miracle. Whatever might be the truth of the legend, there seems to be no doubt that the Ganga kingdom was established under Jain auspices. This kingdom, according to Lewis Rice, lasted for more than seven centuries. The first king was Madhava, called Kongani Varma. His date has been ascertajned from the Nagamangala inscription and from the Tamil chronicle called Kongudesa Rajakkal to fall in the second century A.D. Herewith is annexed a tables of the Ganga kings of Mysore, compiled entirely from the inscriptions and published by IN. R. 38. Sb. 10. Mysore and Coorg from the .: Epigraphia Carnatica N. . Inscriptions, p. 49. See Appendix 110. A., page 156.

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110 THE JAINS IN THE DECCAN. Lewis Rice. Jainism became the state creed during the time of Mushkara or Mukhara. His predecessors certainly countenanced the Jain faith except the third and fourth kings in the line of Madhava, who were devotees of the puranic gods. His successor Avanita was a Jain, the learned Vijayakirti being his preceptor. Durvanita who succeeded Avanita was a disciple of the famous Jain grammarian and guru, Pujyapada. Of the other Ganga Rajas special mention must be made of Rachamalla Satyavakya, the twenty-first in succession, who tried to revive the waning influence of the Jains. It was during his reign that the famous Chamundaraya, his minister, erected the colossal statue of Gomateswara, which in daring conception and gigantic dimension stands unrivalled in India. The Chola clouds were at this time hanging over the whole The following tradition about by order of the God, having the famous Chamundarava transformed herself into the like. will be read with interest. : ness of an age 1 poor woman, "Chamundariya, after appeared, holding in her hand the Maving established the worship five amritas in a Beliya Gola (or of this image, became proud and small silver pot) for washing the elated at placing this Gol by statuc, and signified her inten. his own authority at so vast an tion to Chamundaraya, who expense of money and labour. laughed at the absurdity of this Soon after this, when he per- proposal, of accomplishing what formed in honour of the God the it had not been in his power to ceremony of Panchamritasnana effect. Out of curiosity, how. for washing the image with five ever, he permitted her to attempt liquids (milk, curds, butter, it; when, to the greatuurprise of honey and sugar),vast quantities te beholders, she washed the of these things were expended image with the liquid brought in in many hundred pots; but, the little silver vase. Chamundathrough the wonderful power of rava, repenting his sinful the God, the liquid descendeil arrogance, performed a second not lower than the navel, to check time, with profound respect, the pride and vanity of the wor. his ablution, on which they forshipper. Chamundaraya, not merly wasted so much valuable knowing the cause, was filled with liquids, and washed completely grief that his intention was the body of the image. From frustrated of cleaning the image that time this place is named completely with this ablution. after the silver vase (or Beliya While he was in this situation, Gola) which was held in Padmathe celestial nymph Padmavati, vati's hond." and was much they for

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CHALUKYAS AND JAINISM. 111 and Jainism. of the east of the Peninsula and burst with terrific force on the Gangas who, along with the Eastern Chalukyas and Rashtrakutas,were swept away by king Rajarajadeva I and his successor. Thus fell, in the ninth century A.D., an important South Indian Jain state, a prey to the militant Cholas. The Jain religion seems to have enjoyed con- Chalukyas siderable patronage at the hands of the early Chalukyas. Pulakesin II patronised a certain poet, Jain Ravikirti. Vinayaditya, the eighth in succession from Jayasimha of the early Chalukyas, 'had for his spiritual adviser Niravadya Pandita. We also learn from an inscription that Vikramaditya II after repairing a Jain temple gave a grant in connection with it to the great disputant, Vijayapandita. But the Chalukyas were tolerant towards other religions, as is evident from the large number of temples built during this period in honour of the Puranic Triad-- Brahma, Vishnu and Maheswara. Nevertheless, Jainism was just then rising to predominance during the time of the Rashtrakutas, as will be mentioned presently. Thats Jainism was largely prevalent among Rashtrakutas the Rashtrakutas and that it was the professed patronise creed of many kings are evident, as a good many extant Digambara works were composed during their sway. Thus, the Harivamsa of the Digambara Jains is stated to have been composed by Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. I, Indian Analquery, Vol. VII, Part 2, p. 191. p. 197. * Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. I, Part 2, p. 208.

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112 THE JAINS IN THE DECCAN. Jinasena in the Saka year 705 or 783 A.D., during the reign of Govinda II. Amoghavarsha I was the greatest patron of the Digambara. Jains and there is no reason to doubt that he became a convert to the faith. The authorship of Ratnamolika has been assigned to Amoghavarsha, while the introductory portion of a Jain mathematical work by Viracharya, called Sagasamgraha Ganita' speaks of Amoghavarsha as a follower of the Jina. But the power of the Rashtrakutas was rapidly waning and, owing to a quick sucoession of weak rulers, the Ganga king, Narasimha, had to interfere, and at last succeeded in getting the crown to his own nephew, Indra IV. The latter, evidently a Jain, died about 974 A.D., taking the Jain vow of Sallekhana. After Indra, the political power passed into the hands of the Western Chalukyas. Jainism Jainism, during the period of Western Chalukya and Western Chalukyas. revival, ceased to be the conquering faith that it was once. If the traditions of the country are to be believed in, the Jain statues and idols in bastis were thrown away and the idols of the puranic gods were substituted. The rule of the Chalukyas was, however, shortlived; for, they were soon 1 Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. 1, "The bitterest satirist of human Part 2, pp. 200-201. This work delusione could hardly depict & has been edited and translated scene of sterner irony than the in a masterly manner by the naked summit of the bare rock late Prof. M. Rangacharya. dotted with emaciated devotees both men and women in silent Mysore and Coorg froin the torture awaiting the hour of selfInscriptions, p. 72. imposed death. The irony is * Sravana Belgola Inscriptions complete when we remember that No. 57. The following reflection avoidance of the destruction of of Lewis Rice regarding this Jain life in whatever form is a fundaVow will be of great interest. mental doctrine of the sect."

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JAINISM AND KALACHURIS. 113 overthrown by the Kalachuris in 1126 A.D. These in their turn had only an ephemeral existence (1126 A.D.-1186 A.D.); *yet, the short period of Kalachuri sway furnishes some points of interest to the student of Jain history. We find that Vijjala, the greatest Kalacburi prince, was a Jain by faith. This period is remarkable for the revival of the worship of Siva and for the rise of the Lingayat sect which, under the leadership of a treacherous minister of Vijjala, Basava, persecuted the Jains. Whatever the expounders of Basava Purana might say, the fact seems to be beyond doubt that this Basava brought about the assassination of his own master, the Jain king, Vijjala. According to Vijalaraja Charita, Basava was hunted out of the country and in despair he threw himself into a well. But, he soon obtained martyrdom at the hands of his followers who, flooded the country with literature written in elegant and simple prose, expository of their new creed, Lingayatism. Myths and legends gathered round the name of Lingayat leaders, which helped considerably the extermination of the Jains in the Kalachuri Empire. One such legend is noted by Sir Ramakrishna Bhandarkar in an undated inscription of the time of Mahamandaleswara Kamadeva (1181 A.D.-1203 A.D.). The story runs thus : God Siva and Parvati with a host of Saiva Extirpation saints were enjoying themselves at Kylasa, when the Kalachuri Empire: Naraeda came and informed the assembly of the

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ity legendary account. 114 THE JAINS IN THE DECCAN. . rising power of the Jains and Buddhists. Siva then commanded Veerabhadra to be born in this world in human form, in order to subdue them. In obedience to the order, Veerabhadra appeared in a dream to one Purushottama Patta and informed him that he would soon beget a son. The dream was realised. The babe was christened Rama and was brought up as a Saiva. Owing to his extreme piety and devotion for Siva, he was called Ekantada Ramayya. This was the man who, according to the legend, was responsible for the suppression of Jainism in that country. The story is further narrated that, while the Saiva devotee, Ramayya, was worshipping, the Jains challenged him to prove the superiority of his god. He took up the challenge. The Jains promised to leave their bastis and the country, if Ekantada Ramayya agreed to do a miracle. They stipulated that his head must first be cut off and that he must get it back with the help of Siva. Ramayya agreed. He was beheaded ; but, lo ! next morning he appeared again before the Jains who, however, refused to fulfil their part of the contract. Enraged at this, Ekantada Ramayya began to destroy Jain places of worship. The matter was reported to Vijjala who was wroth at the action of the Saivites. But Ramayya undertook to repeat the miracle. Vijjala was convinced of the superiority of Saiva faith and, dismissing the Jains from his presence admonished them to remain on peaceful terms with the Saivites.

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- HOYSALAS. 115 Such is the interesting legend in connection with the extirpation of the Jains in the Kalachuri empire. The story best proves that the Jains sustained a series of reverses' in their attempt to revive their faith. There seems to be no doubt that the early Jainism Hoysalas of Mysore had been Jains. They came Hoysalas. to power on the subversion of the Gangas by the Cholas, in 1004 A.D. Gradually expelling the Cholas from the country which they had occupied, the Hoysalas became supreme in the land by the 12th century. They retained possession of the Belar taluka of the Hasan district. The following story is narrated relating to the origin of The origin of the the name Hoysala. One Sala, the supposed proge- name nitor of the family, was receiving instruction in its syota * Hoysala ': the temple of Vasantikadevi from a certain Jain Yati. At that time a tiger was about to pounce upon the Yati.. The latter observing this handed his rod to Sala exclaiming "Hoy ! Sala !" ("Oh Sala! strike"). Immediately the tiger was killed. From this we have the name Poysala or Hoysala, Little is known of Sala, but, his successor Vinayaditya seems to have been the disciple of Santidevamuni, a Jain ascetic.' Next in importance was the Hoysala king, Bittidevabittiga, the famous Vishnuvardhana (1111 A.D.-1141 A.D.) who, it is said, had been converted to Vaishnavism by Ramanujacharya: As to the cause and history of his conversion, there exist many 1 Epigraphia Carnatica, S. B 1, Vol. II, p. 139.

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116 THE JAINS IN THE DECCAN. legendary accounts." Vishnuvardhan's first wife was Santeladevi, a lady disciple of the Jain sage, Prabachandra. This conversion of the king to Vaishnavism was a serious blow to the cause of the Jains in South India, for, it should be noted, that, at any rate, in ancient times, regal religions alone prospered. Cruelly persecuted by the Lingayats, hated by the powerful Cholas and devoid of the mighty support of the Hoysalas, Jainism naturally succumbed, just as any faith might have, uncler such, distressing circumstances. Nevertheless, attempts were not wanting to restore the faith to its original greatness. Thus Gangaraya, the minister of king Vishnugopa, and after him Huia, the minister of king Narasimha Deva, tried in vain to get back the lost influence of the Jains. But the rapid rise of Vaishnavism patronised by Hoysala kings, the systematic and organised opposition of Ramanuja and a number of Saiva leaders and, last but not least, the severe attacks of the Lingayats contributed to the downfall of Jainism in the Mysore country. It must not be supposed that Jainism was entirely rooted out of the soil. It was simply losing its vitality, being absorbed gradually in the rising sects of Vaishnavism and other Vedic faiths. A respectable number of persons still followed the faith but they no longer obtained any political influence. The later Rajahs of Mysore not only did not persecute the Jains * Asiatic Researches, Vol. IX, Chapters 4 and 5 contain an extensive collection of such legends,

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JAINS AND VIJIANAGAR. 117 but supported them. Even foreign rulers such as Hyder Naik granted villages to the Jain temples, though, owing to the oppressive natare of the Government, the great festivals at Sravana Belgola and other places were stopped.' The Hoysala power lasted to 1326 A.D., when Patronage of Jainisnu by the dynasty was overthrown by Mahomedans. the Kingdom of Vijaya. Out of the disorder and anarchy that arose out nagiem. of Mahomedan rule, the Hindu kingdoni of Vijayanagar arose. Not that Jainism expected a great revival under the aegis of Hindu rulers of South India'who were most of them controlled in their state policy by the Brahmins. But it is pleasing to note that the kings of Vijayanagar never persecuted the Jains. On the other hand, evidences tend to show that they patronised the Jains in a way. Take, for example, the famous Jain-Vaishnava compact of the time of Bukkarava, 1353 A.D. to 1377 A.D. The reconciliation was effected in this way.. After summoning the leaders of both sects, lie declared that, as no difference existed between the two sects, they should remain friends. Then, taking the hand of the Jains and placing it in the hands of the Vaishnavas, he gave the injunction that each should pursue his religious practices with perfect freedom. The Sri Vaishnavas were further ordered to get engraved on stone this decree in all the temples throughout the kingdom. " As long as the Sun and Moon endure, the Vaishnava 1 Asintic Researches, Vol. IX, Ch. 4.

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118 THE JAINS IN THE DECCAN; Samaya will continue to protect the Jain Darsana. The Vaishnavas cannot (be allowed to) look'upon the Jains as in a single respect different." We cannot say that this order of Bukkaraya was implicitly obeyed by the quarrelling sectarians. One thing, however, seems to be certain. 'The support given to Jainism gave some stimulus to their activities. For, we find that the son of a general of Harihara II (1307 A.D.-1404 A.D.), as well as one Prince Uga, became converts to the Jain faith." Another inscription mentions that Devaraya II (1419 A.D.-1446 A.D.) built a stone temple of Arhat Parsvanatha in a struet of the pan supare bazaar, at his residence in Vijayanagar. These incidents are sufficient evidence to prove that the ruling families of Vijayanagar not only patronised but some of them also professed the Jain faith. 1 South Indian Inscription, Nos. 152 & 53.

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ance. CHAPTER VIII. THE SANGAM AGE. It will be readily admitted by all scholars Sangrame chronology: that no progress can be made ih the attempt to its importresuscitate the ancient history of South India, unless the date of the Tamil Sangam can be fixed. Realising this, several distinguished scholars have been making elaborate researches to find out the true date of the famous Madura Academy. It was the late Professor Seshagiri Sastriyar that first contributed materials for a clearer understanding of the various epochs in the long history of Tamil literature: A certain officer of the Ceylon Rifles' wrote a small history of the island of Ceylon. In the list of kings which he furnished and which he prepared from the Sinhalese chronicles, there were two Gajabahus. One of TheGajababuthem existed in 113 A.D., while the date assigned to the other was about 1127 A.D. For obvious reasons, the 'learned Professor identified the Kayavahu of Silappadikaram with the Gajabahu of Ceylon, and thus was able to fix the age of Silappadikaram and hence of Senguttuvan as second century A.D. This, however, did not mean that the Profesapr believed that the third Sangam existed during the time of Senguttuvan, for he seriously doubted the very existence of the Academy. The credit of having established the identity of Kayavahu with Gajabahu of Ceylon belongs to Mr. Seshagiri Sastriyar. 1 The contents of this chap- been reproduged here with the ter originally appeared in the kind permission of the editor Hindu' dated 14th, 15th and after some elaboration. 17th April 1922 and have now synchronism,

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120 THE SANGAM AGE. Views of Kanake. sa bhai Pillai. The next to enter the field was the late Mr. V. Kanakasabhai Pillai. Following up the clue thus presented by Mr. Sastriyar, he not only maintained with greater insistence,the Gajabahusynchronism, but also brought in additional evidence to prove that the Sangam must have flourished in the second century A.D. As his Tamils Eighteen II undred Years Ago is out of print and as the views of many scholars are mere elaborations of what he had stated, we need offer no apology for quoting him in extenso. " The Chilappadlikaram also neentions the fact that Chengudduva Chera paid a friendly visit to the kings of Magadhaon the banks of the Ganges. It gives the name of the Magadha King as Nurruvar kannar or the 'Hundred Karnas' and this expression was long a puzzle to me, until it struck me that it was a translation of the Sanskrit title, "Satakarnin. Several kings of the Karna or Andhra dynasty bore the epithet Satakarnin, anil coins and inscriptions of these kings have been found, in which the Pali form of the word "Satakani' occurs. Sanskrit scholars have however niisread the name as Satakarnin, insteado of Satakarnin. The Tamil rendering of the name into 'Hundred Karnas' in a contemporary poem leaves no doubt of the fact that the name is correctly Satakarnin, made up of the words Sata (hundred) and Karna (ears), the epithet evidently meaning a king who employed one hundred spies, or had one hundred sources of information. The Vayu,

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* KANAKASABHAI PILLAI'S VIEWS. 121 Vishnu, Matsya and Bhagavata Puranas state that the Mauryas ruled the Magadha Empire for 137 years, and after them the Sungas 112 years, and after them the Kanvayanas, 45 years: and that after them there were 30 kings of the Andhra dynasty who reigned 456 years ; but none of the Puranas gives a complete list of the names of the Andhra kings. The Matsya, which appears to be the oldest of the Puranas, furnishes the fullest list, which contains the names of only 29 kings and the number of vears during which each of the kings reigned. In the early history of the emperors of Magadha, the only date which may be safely reljed upon is that of Chandragupta, the contemporary of Seleucus Nicator, who began his reign in B.C. 310, and concluded a treaty with him in B.C. 305. The year of accession of Chandragupta may be fixed at B.C. 312, two years earlier than that of Seleucus Nicator, and, calculating from that year, the reign of the first Satakarnin ought to have extended from A.D. 77 to A.D. 133, according to the Matsya Purana, as shown below: Ten Mauryas for 137 years, B.C. 312-175. Ten Sungas for 112 years, B.C. 175--63. Four Kanvayanas for 45 years, B.C. 63 to 18. Thirty Andhras of whom the first six areSisuka for 23 years, B.C. 18--A.D. 5. Krishna for 18 years, A.D. 5--23. Simalakarnin for 18 years, A.D. 23-41. Purnotsunga for 18 years, A.D. 41-59. Sirivaswami for 18 years, A.D. 59-77. Satakarnin for 56 years, A.D. 77-133.

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122 THE SANGAM AGE. "The reign of this Satakarnin covers the entire period of the reign of Gajabahu, king of Ceylon, which lasted 12 years from A.D. 113 to 125, according to the Mahawanso. Satakarnin, Emperor of Magadha, who is alluded to in the Chilappadhikaram as the contemporary of Chengudduva Ohera and Gajabahu, is therefore doubtless the first Satakarnin in the list of the Matsya Purana, who reigned from A.D. 77 to 133. The synchronism of the Puranas and the Mahawanso is perfect, at least from the reign of Chandragupta up to that of the first Satakarnin; and this coincidence is a strong proof of the general accuracy of the traditional history preserved in Puranic accounts and in the Mahawanso. " The Mahawanso was composed in the fifth century A.D. and the Dipavanso still earlier ; and both these historical works mention Gajaobahu I. It appears that during the reign of his father, crooked nosed' Tissa, a Chola king had invaded Ceylon, and carried away several thousands of captives ; and that in retaliation Gajabahu invaded the Chola dominions soon after his accession to the thronein A.D. 113.. The tradition is that the captives were carried away to work on the banks of the river Kaviri, which were then under construction. This is quite in accordance with later Tamil poems and inscriptions which speak of Karikal Chola as the king who commenced the construction of the high banks along both sides of the bed of

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* S. K. AYYANGAR'S CONCLUSIONS. 123 the Kaviri. The construction of the Kaviri banks which extended along its course to a distance of about 100 miles from its mouth, was an undertaking of such magnitude that it could not have been completed during the reign of Karikal. The Chola king, who invaded Ceylon in order to procure captives to work at the banks, might have been, therefore, Karikal or his immediate successor. This tradition is further evidence of the fact that Chengudduva Chera was contemporary with Gajabahu I who lived in the early part of the second century A.D. Chengudduvan's grandfather Karikal Chola should have, therefore, peigned in the latter half of the first century A.D. or, in other words, about eighteen hundred ycars ago. It will appear further on, from my account of Tamil literature, that the poets of the last Sangha at Madura, many of whom allude to the Chera kings, Athan and Chengudduvan-should be assigned to the same period." The third great effort to fix South Indian S. K. Ayyan. . gar in Ancient chronology was by Professor S. Krishnaswami India. Ayy@ngar. Writing many years before the publication of his Beginnings of South Indian History, he had arrived at the following conclusions : 1. That there was an age of great literary activity in Tamil to warrant the existence of a body like the traditional Sangam. 2: That the period of the greatest Sangam * activity was the age when Senguttuvan Chera

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124 THE SANGAM AGE. was a prominent character in South Indian politics. 3. That this age of Senguttuvan was the second century of the Christian era. 4. That these conclusions find support in what is known of the later history of South India. Collecting the various evidences then available, he has maintained Kanakasabhai Pillai's theory with slight modification in the dates of a few kings. This view, however, was not accepted by a section of scholars among whom Diwan Bahadur Swamikannu Pillai and Mr. K. V. Subramania Ayyar deserve special mention. They maintain that the date of the Sangam is to be sought in the seventh century A.D. It is not our object to critically examine here the views expressed by the two latter scholars. But we shall take up for our serious consideration the theories of Professor S. Krishnaswami Anyyangar and Pundit M. Raghava Ayyangar of the Tamil Lexicon Office. Pundit Raghava Ayyangar, in a work wlich he published a few years ago in Tamil, entitled Cheran Sengutluvun, bas devoted a chapter for the examination of the date of the hero. His conclusions are important, as they present a view of South Indian History not to be easily brushed aside. They may be briefly set forth thus : 1. That the age of the Sangam must be 5th century A.D., as Mamulanar refers in Aham 265, to the destruction of Pataliputra by the Ganges, which event took place in the period Conclusions of Pundit Raghava Avvangar.

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RAGHAVA AYYANGAR'S VIEWS. 125 intervening the visits of the two Chinese travellers, Fa-hien and Hiuen Tsang. 2. That the Palayan of Muhoor who' was vanquished by Senguttuvan was the Mohoor chieftain, whose territory according to Mamulanar was attacked by the Mauryas in the course of their southward march. 3. That, therefore, the Mauryan invasion must have taken place during the time of Senguttuvan. 4. That, since the Mauryan power decayed in the second century A.D., the Mauryas referred to by the Sangam poets must be the Guptas who held imperial sway'in the 5th century A.D. and whom Mamulanar expressly refers as Vamba Moriar.' (New Mauryas.) The publication of Cheran Senguttuvan at S.K. Ayyan gar in his once arrested the attention of scholars. Rao Beginnings of Bahadur K. S. Srinivasa l'illai of Tanjore and History. Mr. K. G. Sesha Iyer of Trivandrum have controverted the Pundit's views in the pages of Sen Tamil and the Madras Christian College magazine respectively. Later on, Professor S. Krishnaswami Ayyangar took up the subject for re-examination of evidences and rightly concentrated his attention on this important topic. His Beginnings of South Indian History published a few years ago, was intended, perhaps as a final reply to the various theories propounded, regarding the date of the Sangam. His position in that work of his may be summarised by a series of statements thus : South Indian

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126 126 THE SANGAM AGE. 1. That the Mauryas carried their invasions to the farthest south of India. 2. That they were in hostile occupation of forts in the northern borders of the Tamil land. 3. That the Aryans were beaten back, when the central Mauryan power became feeble, and their dislodgment from the south must be referred to the period which included that of Mamulanar and others of the third Tamil Aca demy of Madura. In other words, the learned Professor has attempted to evolve a series of connected events for the Sangam period with te help of contemporary literature, such as Ahananuru and Purunanuru and the writings of foreign travellers, and has thus endeavoured to strengthen his old position regarding the age of the third Sangam. "The purpose of this chapter is merely to press for the Professor's reconsideration certain aspects of the Pundit's theory which further can stand the test of true historic criticism. It is not our object to maintain 5th century as the date of the third Sangeom, much`less to enunciate new theories regariling the subject: nevertheless, the attention of scholars should be drawn more prominently to the fact that there are great difficulties to be overcome before Professor Krishnaswami Ayyangar's views regarding South Indian History can be accepted as final. To the subject we shall now revert. Purpose of this chapter.

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POEMS OF MAMULANAR. 127 Of the many poets who adorned the Sangam Poems of Mimilanar: Age, Mamulanar is the only bard who interests their importstudents of history by giving them intelligent in- ance. formation regarding contemporary works and past events. He seems to have travelled widely in South India and his poems are full of allusions to several ancient kings. They are, therefore, very useful as trustworthy materials for the reconstruction of South Indian History. The first to use them extensively for the purpose of pure history is the learned Pundit, Raghava Ayyangar, who has thereby rendered a signal service to the cause of Tamil Historic Research, the value of which can never be overestimated. Two of the poems of Mamulanar containing Reference what is undoubtedly a historic reference are the Maurgas following :"murnnmiku vttukr munnnnnnurr mooriyr tennnrricai maatir munnnnnniy vrvirrku vinnnnurr voongkiy pnnniyirung kunnnrrt tonnktirt tikiri yurulliy kurraitt vrrai." (Aham. 281) "velkottit tunnnaikaa lnnnnnn punnnaiteerk koocr tonnnmuutaalt trumpnnaip potiyil innnnnnicai murcng kttippikut tirngkk temmunnnai citaitt nyaannnrrai mookuur pnniyaa maiyirr pkaitlai vnt maakelllu taannnai vmp mooriyr punnnaiteer neemi yurulliy kurraitt arraivaay." (Aham. 251) Mamulanar is not the only poet who has rekerred to the Mauryas. Two of his contempo

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128 THE SANGAM AGE. raries make similar references to the coming in of the Mauryas. Thus, Parankorranar :"vinnporu nettuvrai yiyrreer mooriyr ponnnpunnnai tikiri tiritrk kurraitt vrrai.'' (Aham. 69). Referring to the same incident, Attiraiyanar mentions the following :-- '' vinnvoru nettungkuttaik kottitteer mooriyr tinnktirk tikiri kritrk kurraitt , RNA GL-4511"." (Puyan. 175). Putting these poems together the following account of the Mauryan invasion can be constructel:-- "The Mauryas started southwards on a great career of invasion, pushing the Vadugar and the Kosar in front. The Kosar, ever victorious and with their war-drums beating, appeared suddenly before the chief of Mohoor, who not yielding, the Mauryas themselves had to come with it large army. This they did cutting a path across a mountain that'stood in their way." The information thus furnished by Mamulanar is in substance corroborated by`the other two poets, Parankorranar and Attiraiyanar. The first point requiring consideration is whether the incidents referred to took place in the time of our poets, or whether the poems. merely give us an account of events that took place centuries before. According to Professor S. Krishnaswami Ayyangar, the various references to the Mauryas in Mamulanar, as well as the reference to their cutting their way through the rock, are to a great southward invasion of

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* THE MOHOOR CHIEFTAIN. 129 the Mauryas. He further thinks that this conquest of the South by the Mauryas took place during the time of Bindusara. He imagines that the term "Mohoor in the text refers to some chieftain of Mahoor and not necessarily to 'Palayan Maran." " All the passages of Mamulanar", finally he says, " referring to these incidents refer to them as past occurrences and not as contemporary events." Mr. S..K. Ayyangar has however adduced no satisfactory argument to show why the passage should necessarily refer to the incidents that took place in the time of Bindusara. From the text it is clear that "A $$$ TT 60) is the only expression that can possibly express remoteness, but it need not necessarily indicate such high antiquity as is claimed for by the Professor. After all, the word Orol merely means ' at that time. It is difficult to conceive if the poets, even supposing the incidents were contemporaneous, could have described them in any other language. It is a well-known fact that Seran Senguttuvan Identification of Palayan won a great victory over the chief of Mahoor, with the Mohoor This Mohoor was known as Palayan. This chieftain of Palayan was a great warrior who was very much feared by the neighbouring kings. We have next to see if this Palayan was the same as the Mohoor chief referred to by Mamulanar, and 1 Dr. Krishnagwami has un- Eighteen Hundred Years Ago, wittingly adopted the wrong pp. 47 and 50. reading of Kanakasabhai Pillai. Patirruppastu, 44 and 49. The text merely reads AB 1160p : Patirruppattu 5 and war" and not as " L120 LOWJON Slappadikaram, 27th Canto, II. won per "-Vide The Kamils 124 and 126, Mamulanar.

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130 THE SANGAM AGE. whom the learned Professor considers to belong to the Mauryan period. In this matter of identi. fication, we have to look for information in the poems composed not by one Sangam poet but by others as well. The following references in Sangam literature are specially to be noted in this connection. prraipttp pnnilm aarpp irraikollc tonnnmuu taalttu arumpnnaip potiyil naaluurkkoocr nnnnmolllipool vaayaa kinnnrree. (K-wunthogai. 15) Here the poet, Perungadungo, says that the Kosar true to their plighted word appeared at the place of assembly suddenly, with war-drums beating and conch resounding. This place of assembly was underneath the shade of an old and ancient banyan tree with magnificent branches. * Another poet Mamiilanar sayskoocr.- tonnnmuu taalt trumpnnaip potiyil innnnnnicai murcng kttippikut tirngkt temmunnnai citaitt nyaannnrrai mookuur pnniyaa maiyinnn. (Alan. 251) Here the poet describes the place of assembly' practically in the same words but gives us the additional information that the truthful Kosar came for purposes of war particularly against Mohoor. Who this Mohoor chief was is clearly explained by another Sangam poet, a contemporary of Mamulanar, viz., Mangudi Marudanar.

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erroneous. THE PODIYIL THEORY. 131 ''plllaiynnn mookuur avykm villngk naannn molllik koocr toonnnrri ynnnnnn. -Mathuraikanchi. Thus further light is let in and we are told Theory of Podiyil that the name of the Mohoor chief who was buttle attacked by the Kosar was Palayan, in whose * assembly place' the Kosar appeared. Taking all these passages together and remembering that the poets who composed these verses were contemporaries, only one conclusion is possible, viz., that all these refer to only one and the same individual, 'Palayan, who was defeated, as has already been stated. by Senguttuvan. The sameness of the language and the similarity of the ideas as regards the Kosar and the place of assembly strongly tend to confirm our view. In this connection it must be pointed out that the wordl " potiyil' occurring in the poems of Mamulanar and others have been interpreted to mean " Podiyil hill" both by Professor S. Krishnaswami Ayyangar and Kanakasabhai Pillai. ' $155 en grasa y cuori OUTBUI. ' simply means the lodiyil underneath the ancient and old banyan tree with its mighty branches. It is evident that this description of 'Podiyil * does not contain any attribute of a mountain. The poets would have undoubtedly chosen different epithets, if they had really intended to describe such a mountain as the Podiyil hill. But, as we have already seen, what they wanted to describe was 'the place of assembly,' where chiefs and ryots met

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THE SANGAM AGE. frequently for purposes of common deliberation. In ancient India, nay, even in comparatively modern times, such places of assembly 'existed and they were invariably underneath the tall and shady banyan tree with its branches spread far and wide. It is such a place that is described by the poets. In Tamil, moreover, Podiyil' is always used to denote the vacant site underneath a tree. Hence the interpretation that the Mauryas with their advance guard, Kosar, came PSs far as the Podiyil hill in the Tinnevelly district, seems to be untenable. C 132 It must be plain to those who have been with Mohoor following us so far that the Mohoor chieftain Identity of Palayan chieftain and the contempora neity of the who came in conflict with the Kosar was Palayan, the contemporary of Senguttuvan. It is, the incidents therefore, more natural to suppose that Mamuestablished. lanar sang about a contemporary Mohoor chief than to imagine, on insufficient grounds, that he referred to a chief of Mohoor who perhaps flourished in dim ages past. While there existed during his life-time a Palayan of Mohoor, of whose exploits other contemporary poets such as Paranar make laudable mention, why should Mamulanar alone go out of the way and bring in for purposes of illustration another Mohoor chieftain who, according to our learned Professor, Krishnaswami Ayyangar, was a contemporary of Chandragupta Maurya, the grandfather of Asoka. If Mamulanar had really meant a different Mohoor chief, he could be expected to employ

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Chera' cannot ta tham Maura. * THE RED CHERA. 133 different epithets in describing him but--that is the most astonishing thing--the description given by all the poets as regards the Kosar and the ' Podiyil ' is exactly similar. Having established the contemporaneity of The Red Senguttuvan and the Mauryan invasion of be a contem porary of the south, the next question is' who these Chandragupta Mauryas are. If Senguttuvan, ergo the Sangam - poets, flourished in the second century A.D., as has been conceived by some, what was the position of the Mauryas then? This period according to the best interpretation of North Indian history is the period of the rise of the Andhras and the Andhrabhrityas. It is innpossible, therefore, to conceive of a Mauryan invasion of the distant south at this time of Mauryan decay. Consequently, the 'Mauryas' under reference must be some other imperial race that undertook a great South Indian invasion later on in history. Before discussing who these were, let us dispose of one objection that might be brought forward. It may be pointed out that even supposing that the South Indian invasion took place during the time of Senguttuvan; the latter might yet be a contemporary of Chandragupta Maurya. To suppose so would be to upset the entire chronology of South India. The Sangam literature is full of references to the spread of Jainism and Buddhism during the Senguttuvan era. The consequential inference is that at that time Buddhism was rampant in South India and Ceylon. But

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134 THE SANGAM AGE. we know from history that it was Asoka that was responsible for the spread of Buddhism in the extreme south of India. If Senguttuvan was, therefore, a contemporary of Chandragupta Maurya who was a prominent Jain of the times, how can we account for the spread of Buddhism at this remote period ? Yet another point. In Manimekalai, canto 28, l1. 123-131, there is a reference to an ancestor of Kovalan, who flourished nine generations previously having built a Buddhistic Chaitalaya at Vanchi (Karur). If, therefore, Senguttuvan was a contemporary of Chandragupta Maurya, how is it possible for a Buddhistic temple to have existed in the south, so early as 560 B.C. (290 plus 270) ? Evidently it is absurd to make Senguttuvan a contemporary of Chandragupta Maurya. Who were these "Mauryas', then, who invaded South India during the time of Senguttuvan ? Before answering this question, let us consider the various interpretations in regard to the expression 'Vamba Moriar. It has been pointed out that the word "Vambu' (oviy) is used by Tolkappiyar in the sense of 'unstable' (1512019 TL). Some, therefore, have taken 'Vamba Moriar' to mean the unstable or nomadic Mauryas ', evidently referring to the Mauryas who settled in the Konkan. It is argued that the passages of Mamulanar have 1 That. Vanchi' is Karur has Christian College is of the same been incontrovertibly established view, as can be seen from by Vidyan R. Raghava Ayyangar his article on Vanchi' in the in his Vanchi Mahanahar. Mr. * Hindu' dated 80th August R. Rangachari, M.A., L.T., of the 1922.. Vamba Moriar':

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I THE MAURYAS OF KONKAN. 135 Vamba reference to these Mauryas who must have flourished in the second century A.D. But important considerations militate against this view. In the first place we know absolutely nothing were the about the movement and the early history of Moriar" the these Mauryas of the Konkan. Thus V. A. Smith': the monikerna "Petty Maurya dynasties, apparently connected in some unknown way with the imperial line, which ruled in the Konkan, between the Western Ghats and the sea anil some other parts of Western India, during the sixth, seventh and eighth centuries, are frequently mentioned in Inscriptions." These inscriptions are very late in origin. The Aihole inscription of Pulakesin II (7th century A.D.) speaks of these Mauryas of the Konkan in a manner not very creditable either to their military valour or their power of resistance. They are further mentioned in the inscriptions along with other small tribes, such as the Nalas, and the Kadambas. And yet a close study of Mamulanar's poems, would indicate that the Vamba Moriar'were an imperial race who undertook a great South Indian invasion. '960 LITT QriteL 09WC Di Curiwr.' This description of Vamba Moriar'is not in keeping at all with all that we know of the Mauryas of the Konkan. We are, therefore, not warranted in construing * Vamba Moriar's to mean unstable Mauryas' 1 V. A. Smith, Early History The right meaning of the of India, II Edition, p. 183. word Vamba' is therefore For an account of the 'new'. Many examples might Mauryas of the Konkan, ree The be quoted froth classical poems Bombay Gazetteer, Vol.1, Part II, to support this interpretation a. p. 282. hereunder:

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THE SANGAM AGE. Were they then the forces of Samudragupta ? 138 and then constructing, on imaginary grounds, a history and tradition for a people who had an obscure and a floating sort of existonce for several centuries. Perhaps the * Vamba Moriar' of Mamulanar were no other than the forces commanded by Samudragupta who is called by the late V. A. Smith "the Indian Napoleon. " The difficulty of identifying the Mauryas of Mamulanar with the forces of Samudragupta is no doubt very great. But the following points are urged in favour of such an identification. Historians are not (1) and4-490 mL (1), Silap : Canto 14, 1. 175. (2 -- (2) Aham. : Stanza 15. (3) 1 - 1 (3) Purain : ,, 3. (4) >> --4 bit (4) Jirakachintamani : poem 1068. vmpmaakkll--putiyoor (5) Silap. Canto 5, 1. iii. (@) auuwwe sio fim-4BW956). (6) , 16, 1. 63 7) vmpvurai-putiyvurai (7) Purapporul. I'cnbamalai, Ch. 12, 'Stanza 12. (8) auwi-491 Sou (noun) (8) Paripadal, Stanza 10, 1. 20. (9) >> -Hour ai. (9) Pazhamozhi 220. 1 V. A. Smith, Early History came. It may be that small of India, Third Edition, p. 283. expeditions might have been sent by him to effect an entry into the A few critics have pointed Tamilakam. Perhaps it is these out that the orthodox estimate forces that came in conflict with of Samudragupta's military Palayan of Mohoor. At the achievements is grossly exagger. same time, we may note that ated and that the opinion of the these minor incidents of warfare French scholar, Dr. Jouveau heed find no place in the Pillar Dubreuil's in regard to Samudra- inscription, which is mainly congupta's invasion is much nearer cerned with major operations. the truth. We may remark that What was undoubtedly & petty Dubreuil's is not the last word on incident in the career of the the subject and even supposing conquering Guptas necessarily it to be so, it does not materially loomed large before the eyes of affect our line of argument. the Tamils whose land was about Dubreuil does not say there has to be invaded, and hence the frebeen no invasion of South India quent mention of this incident by Samudragupta. All that he by the Tamil bards who are says is that the Gupta emperor either contemporary or nearly after defeating Vishnu Gopa contemporary with the incidents returned home by the way he narrated in their poems.

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THE GUPTA DYNASTY. 137 himself con able to tell us anything about the origin of the Mimulanar Gupta dynasty. All that is known of it is that fused." the founder of the dynasty was a petty local Zemindar at Pataliputra, who contracted a lucky marriage, with the Lichchhavi princess, Kumaradevi, and thence rose to power and fortune. It is noteworthy that he assumed the same name as the grand-father of Asoka Maurya, the founder of Mauryan greatness, Chandragupta Maurya. What could be more natural for the people of the distant south than to connect the new Imperial power with the ancient Mauryas ? Our point is that there has been a confusion in the mind of Mamulanar himseaf in regard to Gupta ancestry. That such a confusion prevailed among the king3 and princes of North India is evident from the remark of Dr. Fleet in his account of Gutta princes. Thus Dr. Fleet : " The traditions embodied in the Gutta records involve some confusion. The mention of Pataliputra shows distinctly that the Guttas supposed themselves to be descended ultimately from the great Maurya king, Chandragupta of Pataliputra, the grand-father of Asoka." And agairt :- .. " It is plain, in fact, that the Gutta princes of Guttal claimed descent in reality from the early Gupta kings, of whose dominions, at any rate from the time of Kumaragupta I. onwards, Malwa did form a part, and not from the Mauryas. From their use of the names Chandragupta and Vikramaditya, they seem to have really had some

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138 THE SANGAM AGE. definite knowledge of the Early Guptas. But. they mixed it up with matters which were probably more familiar to them. They evidently identified the Early Gupta king Chandragupta I., or his grandson of the same name, with the far more well known Maurya king, Chandragupta." Thus it is plain that there was a strong tradition in the tenth century A.D. that the Guttas,' and theBefore the Guptas, were connected in some manner with the ancient Mauryas. A similar tradition must have existed in a stronger form during the time of Senguttuvan and the Sangam poets. Hence, probably to distinguish the later Mauryas' from the ancient ones, Mamulanar calls the Guptas, Vamba Moriar', i.e., new Mauryar, as opposed to the old Mauryar. It has been pointed out that the Guptas themselves never thought that they were descended from the Mauryas. It is true that the Gupta refords do not mention anything about their relationship with the Mauryas. It may also be a fact that the Guptas were not related to the Mautyas. at all. It is enough for our purposes to note the existence of a tradition connecting theGuptas and the Mauryas, ill-founded though it be. Moreover in Asia, rulers of independent states always took pride in claiming descent from some ancient. powerful sovereign, as that lent considerable prestige to their rulers. Thus Baber claimed descent from the great Timur and Chengizkhan. Bombay Gazetteer, Vo ? According to Dr. Fleet, the word Gutta is a" well established Part II, pp. 579 and 580. corruption of Gupta." An objection answered.

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- SAMUDRAGUPTA. 139 Similarly it is in no way preposterous to suppose that the Guptas might have claimed in those days ancestry with the Mauryas. The fact that Samudragupta was the first imperial sovereign to inscribe his edicts underneath those of the Monk-Emperor Asoka in the famous Allahabad pillar, lends colour to our view of the whole question. Our want of knowledge as regards Gupta ancestry may not prevent us from accepting the commonsense view of the point in dispute. It may be that Mamulanar himself gives us a bit of the history of the origin of the dynasty by calling the Guptas as the new Mauryas. If even in these days of scientific criticism and elaborate Indian Research, we are not able to know anything about the origin of the Guptas, why should we reject as unsound the view that Mamulanar failing to distinguish clearly the Mauryas from the Guptas and relying on some such tradition as that of the Guptas of, the 10th century A.D., wrote of the Guptas as new Mauryas ? We do not know enough details of Samudra- More light required gupta's great march to South India to enable us in regard to Samudragupto find corroboration mf such incidents as are ta's march. narrated by the Sangam poets in connection with the invasion, to wit, the coming in of the advance parties headed by Kosar and Vadugar. As more materials are found to fill up the various gaps in the life of one of the greatest of India's sovereigns, Samudragupta, we will be able to realise more and more that the various points

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140 THE SANGAM AGE. of historical interest mentioned by Mamulanar do actually refer to the invasion of South India by the Gupta monarch. It has already been stated that the southernmost point reached by the invading force was not Podiyil hill, as has been wrongly determined, but it has to be sought somewhere on the border of the Tamil land, from which entry into the heart of Tamilakam would be easy and convenient. It should either be Palghat or Mohoor in South Arcot district. Not far from Mahoor there is the famous Attur Pass through which Hyrler Ali and his forces marched to reach South India. The second of Professor S. Krishnaswami Ayyangar's conclusions regarding the interpretation of Sangam poems next deserves our attention. According to him the Mauryas were in hostile occupation of forts in the northern border nof the Tamil land extending from Pulikat' to Goa, and that these Aryans were beaten back by the Tamil chiefs at a period when the Mauryan power became feeble. There seems to be no S. K. Ayya gar's conel sions base ai corrupt renderings of texts. 1 Referring to Pulikat, the The correct text is that given by learned Professor says, " The Jandit Narayanaswami Ayyar. Tamils marked out the limit of nrr, mukvurai 73. It should be Tamil land at Pulikat, which is 'UCADELL (6669 Blur. the Anglo-Indian corruption of Katti' (LL) is here used in Palavorkkadu (old forost of Vel, trees). This is referred to in the sense of a race of Kshatriyas. Ancient Tamil literature as Tbus in Silap, we have . LIESTI Verkkadu, without the adiective & LoCa Loui', and also for 'old' standing before the '14 SET' in Aham. Accord. name." Page 83. The Beginnings ing to Kanakasabhai Pillai the of South Indian History. Here Kattiyar were the people who the Professor has adopted without gave the name of Kattiwar to examination, the wrong text of Guzarat. (Page 10. The Tamils Pandit Rangaswami Ayyangar. Eighteen Hundred Years Ago.)

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- A RESUME. 141 authority in Sangam literature for arriving at such a conclusion. The verses relied upon by him merely mention that the Mauryas came southwards. There is nothing to indicate that they stayed in the land in occupation of forts for any very length of time. Again all references in the Sangam poems to the defeat of Vada Ariyar or Northern Ariyar by Neduncheliyan, among others, indicate, perhaps, the attemptoof the Tamil chiefs to prevent the Gupta forces from entering the Tamil country. The fact that Samudragupta did not care to penetrate into the Tamil land is a point in illustration. From the preceding discussion it is clear that the date of the Sangam cannot be the second century A.D. An attempt has been made to show that the A Resume. great Mauryan invasion of the south took place in the time of Senguttuvan. The Mauryas referred to were not the forces of Chandragupta Maurya who could not have been a contempo-, rary of Senguttuvan. We are, therefore forced to conclude that the invasion referred to by Mamulanar was the one undertaken by Samudragupta, and that the date of the last Sangam is to be sought for at sthe end of the fourth or the beginning of the fifth century A.D. We shall now proceed to consider another Another kind of criticism regarding the later origin of the third Sangam. It has been very often remarked that the Sangam should have existed centuries before the rise of the Pallava power on the ground that the Sangam literature did criticsin.

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142 THE SANGAM AGE. The origin of Pallavas. not contain any reference to the Pallavas or their activities. Let us consider the soundness of this argument. The otigin of Pallavas is even to-day considered a mystery. It is one of the many unsolved problems of Indian history. The rise and progress of the Pallavas seem to be as astonishing as the various theories propounded regarding their origin. Certain facts, however, in their history are matters of common knowledge. In the seventh or the middle half of the seventh century A.D., they were predominant in South India and the various Tamil kingdoms were more or less subject to them. At the end of the fourth and the beginning of the fifth century A.D., their rule remained obscure : perhaps it was not widely known. The question now is when they assumed the name of Pallava. By what other name were they originally known ? Were they foreign or indigenous to India ? Unless these questions are satisfactorily answered, there can be no force in the argument that because Sangam literature makes no reference to them, the Sangam itsell must have flourished long before their rule conimenced: The Allahabad pillar inscription of Samudragupta merely speaks of Vishnu Gora as the ruler of Kanchi. The name Pallava does not occur there. From this it is evident that in the fourth century A.D. the name Pallava was little used by them. Let us next see whether what is known as the Sangam literature yields us any clue as to the origin of

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PALLAVAR OR TIRAYAR. 14 and lietrature the Pallavas, and whether references are made to them therein. In Sangam literature the rulers of Kanchi are Palla yra spoken of as Tirayan and Tondaiman.' They Sangam are further said to have come from the sea. Mention is made in Ahananuru that the Tirayar were Lords of Vengadam. According to Nachchinarkkiniyar, these Tirayar were connected further with the Naga princes. Again, in the age of Senguttuvan, the ruler of Kanchi was the brother of a king who ruled at Kavirippoompattinam. But he is not known as Tirayan. These would show that Kanchi was ruled from time to time by kings belonging to the various races. Some called themselves "Tirayar', others perhaps were mere fiefs of the Chola kings. Kanchi, being near the border of the Tamil land, must have been the bone of contention between kings who belonged to different races. Vishnu Gopa, therefore, who was ruling at Kanchi at the time of Samudragupta's invasion, not being a Chola fief, must, therefore, be a Tirayan. One important information is furnished by The Tirayar Dubreuil in his Antiquities of Pallavas. Accord- Palla vas. ing to him the Pallaya rulers of Kanchi had, as emblem on their coins, a ship with two masts. This explains their connection with the sea. The same author says that they were connected with the Naga princes and there is every reason to believe that they came from the sea. Cannot therefore the Tirayar be identified with the Pallavas ? were the

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144 THE SANGAM AGE. Absence of the word The Tondaimandala Pattayam gives an "Pallavar' account of the various branches of Tirayar. in Sangam literaturi This has been noted by Kankasabhai Pillai, in explained. his book "Tamils Eighteen Hundred Years Ago." As one of the main branches of Tirayar, we have Pallava Tirayar, showing thereby the connection of Pallavar with Tirayar. It is therefore natural to suppose that the Pallavar were known to eariy Sangam literature by their group name of Tirayar; but, as their power and influence increased in the land, their branch name 'Pallava Tirayar ' assumed greater importance. Hence the absence of the word "Pallavar' in the 4th and 5th century literature, and the greater frequency with which this name 'Pallavar * occurs in later works, such as Nandikkalamba kam. One other fact may be mentioned. The commentator of Tolkappiyam, Nachinark-kiniyar, quotes the following stanza Hby way of illustrating the 54th sutram of Poruladikaram Ahattinai 1-yal. "mulaimollli tiimpaannn mnnceerru pttupp mlr tlaiyulk moompu mennnp pricilaittonnttaip pllvnnnaannaiyinnn vettcit taayttu villee rulllvr poruntaa vttukr munnnaic curng kttntu konntt pllaa niraiyee.'' Reference to We have here the words 'Q 87 007 COLUUNROOT Chalukyas in Divakaram, u It is an acknowledged fact that NachchinarkSangam work. 'kiniyar always quotes from Sangam literature alone and the above stanza whas the imprint of

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DIVAKARAR. 145 Velir ? an old poem. For these reasons, it may be said, that Sangam literature has not oniitted references to Pallavas who, in their carlier career, were known as Tirayar. . , As one realls the Sangam works, one finds Who are the eviclences that tend more and more to support the probability that the Sangam existed perhaps after the 4th or 5th century A.D. We shall examine one or two points. Throughout the Sangam literature, we have frequent references to a tribe called Velir. Who are these Velir? Pundit Raghava Ayyangar in his book Velir Varularu has stated that these Velir came from Belgaum' and sother places in the Bombay Presidency, and that they were the Chalukyas of Indian History. The literature of the Sangam period also makes mention of them. That the Velir were Chalukyas is known from the following passage in Divakaram -: "veell pulv rcr cllukkuveentr '' his date. What is the date of Divakarar ? The Dirakarar: patron of Divakarar was Ambarkilan Aruvandai. Kalladanar, the well-known Sangam poet, 'sang in 'praise of this Aruvandai. At the end of one of the chapters, Divakarar says that his patron was also praised by Auvayar, the famous court poetess of Adihaman Elini. From this it is evident that Divakarar, Kalladar, Auvayar and Adihaman Elini are contemporaries. That they belonged 1 mkktt peyrttokuti. 10

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146 THE SANGAM AGE. to the Sangam age will be readily admitted by all scholars. Thus Divakarar, a Sangam poet, makes mention in his work of the Chalukyas of whom the earliest record is to be found only in the end of the 5th century A.D. It follows, therefore, that the poets of the third Academy must have dourished somewhere about that time. This view is further strengthened by the fact that the legendary account of the Velir, as given by Kapilar, a Sangam poet, is exactly the same as that traditionally attributed to the Chalukyas. It, therefore, seems highly improbable that Sangam should have flourished in the second century A.D. Manimekalai, one of the Sangam epics, has the following : "kuccrk kuttikai tnnnnnnkmpukku" "kuccrk kuttikaik kumriyai mriii'' -18th Canto, 11, 145 and 152. The Gurjara diffioulty. These are interpreted by Mahamahopadhyaya V. Swaminatha Ayyar to mean " The small temple built in Gurjara style of architecture." Here is, therefore, a clear reference to the Gurjaras. The late Mr. V:''A. Smith' has pointed out that this reference to the Gurjaras in Manimekalai is a great stumbling block for accepting the orthodox view regarding " The Sangam Age." No one has attempted to satisfactorily prove that the Gurjaras existed in the second 1 See V. A. Smith's Introduction to S. Krishnaswami Ayyangar's Ancient India.

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* NAKKIRAR'S COMMENTARY. 147 century A.D. and that they originated a style of architecture popular enough to be imitated in the extreme south of India. On the other hand, it is well known that the Gurj&ras are not heard of in Indian History, before the middle of the fifth century A.D.' In the course of the examination of the date of Senguttuvan, Pundit Raghava Ayyangar has shown actual reference to the probable age of Nakkirar in a work reduced to writing in the eighth or the middle half of the eighth century. That point deserves mention here. It is admitted by all that Nakkirar, Senguttu- Date of Nakkirar. van and Chattanor were all contemporaries, at any rate, that they lived in the Sangam age. This Nakkirar is the author of a commentary on Iraiyanar Kalaviyal. This commentary, instead of being written then, was merely handed down orally from preceptor to student, for nearly ten generations. This information is furnished by the author who actually wrote down thecommentary. The age of the latter is determined by his frequent mention of such titles as Arikesari, Parangusan and Nedumaran assumed by a Pandyan Thus Professor Macdonen page 186) that "the Gurjaras (Journal of the Royal Asiaticare of the same stock as the Society, 1919 Vol, page 531) - Sakas and came into India with "The date C. 200 A.C. assigned them, and on the break up of to the Silappadikaram seems to the Mauryan empire they began be valueless, because in the to rule Gujarat, Kathiawar and companion romance mention is Malwa where they had already made of the Gurjaras, who do settled." He further thinks that not seem to have entered India the expression Kuocarak-kutikai before C. 450 A.C." (6 FDLG4 ms) means a rock. Commenting on this Mr. K.G. out shrine. This view, it is to be Sesha Ayyar of Trivandrum feared, has not found gonoral writes (The Quarterly Journal of acceptance the Mythic Society, Vol. X, No. 2,

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Velvikudi grant. 148 THE SANGAM AGE. king who is also spoken of as the victor of Nelveli and Sangamangai. From the Velvikudi grants we can know that this Pandyan king was no other than the father of Jatila Varman Parantakan who flourished in 770 A.D. It follows, therefore, that the compiler of the commentary must have existed before the 8th century A.D. Counting ten generations from him on the average of 30 years for each generation that preceded this king, the date of Nakkirar falls in the 5th century A.D. (770 A.D. minus 10 x 30) which also may be the date of the Sangam. ' This view is still further confirmed, if we carefully consider the circumstance under which the donee of the Velvikudi grant got back his village. We may briefly set them forth thus. One Narkorran complained to Jatila Varman Parantakan that the village which was given to one of his ancestors by Mutukudumi Peruvaludi was taken possession of by the Kalabhras <Page #165
ANOTHER EVIDENCE. 149 have been long. At best we can conceive that twelve generations had enjoyed the property from Mutukudumi. From Kadungon to the donor of the Velvikudi grant, we have five or six generations of rulers. The remaining five or six generations of kings must therefore have flourished between the time of Mutukudumi and the Kalabhra interregnum and they were probably the Sangam kings. Counting back from Parantakan (8th century A.D.) to Kadungon in the usual way, we have nearly 200 years : in other words, Kadungon was restored somewhere in the 6th century A.D. Counting from Kadungon back to Mutukudumi, leaving, as has been pointed out, four or six generations of rulers, we arrive at the conclusion that the kings mentioned in Sangam literature must have flourished in the 5th or 4th century A.D. Students of Ancient Indian History are aware Buddhism in of the close cultural contact between Peninsular-Sumatra. India and the Eastern Archipelago in general, and 'Sumatra and Java in particular. The two latter are known in Tamil classical literature by the general name of Savakam, which is the Sanskrit Javadvipa, the Sultadin of Ptolemy. Of this, writes Kanakasabhai Pillai: " Chavaka or Chaivakadvipa is the island of Sunatra. The king of Chavaka appears to have ruled over also Java and the small islands adjacent to Sumatra." Apparently Dr. S. Krishnaswami Ayyangar agrees with this identification (see p. 24, Mythic Society Journal, Vol. XII, No. 1). This Savakam Java and

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Observations of I-tsing. THE SANGAM AGE. was visited by the famous Chinese pilgrim, Fa-hien, and he has left an impression of what he saw there. He found there "various forms of error and Brahminism flourishing." He also observes that much to his regret the "Buddhists in the locality were not worth speaking of." The 'famous Yupa inscriptions of King Mulavarman, ascribed by Dr. Vogel to the middle of the 4th century A.D., and which refer to the settlement of the Brahmins and their performance of Yagas in the true orthodox fashion, also tend to support the observation of the Chinese Doctor in regard to the predominance of Brahminism in those regions. The main point to be observed, however, is that Buddhism was comparatively a negligible factor in the religious life of the communities in Savakam in the time of Fa-hien. 150 A quite different condition of things existed in the last quarter of the 7th century A.D., when another Chinese traveller, I-tsing, visited the island. A great theologian and collector of manuscripts, this I-tsing was as precise and minute in his information as Fa-hien himself. Accord ing to him Savakam wastessentially Buddhistic. "The change from just the beginnings of Buddhistic influence," says Dr. Krishnaswami Ayyangar, "in the age of Fa-hien to the dominance of Buddhism during I-tsing's stay in the island gives us clearly to understand that the intervening centuries, fifth, sixth and seventh centuries of the Christian era, constitute the

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-MANIMEKALAI. 151 period of Buddhistic outspread in this region." (Mythic Society Journal, Vol. XII, No. 1, page 38.) This description of the religious life in Savakam by J-tsing tallies with that given in Manimekalai, Cantos 24 and 25. We may briefly set forth the story. Manimekalai. It is well known that Manimekalai was impli- Evidence in cated in the murder of Udaya Kumaran who passionately loved her. The Chola King, Killivalavan, ordered her imprisonment and she was subsequently released. Immediately after this, disgusted with her stay in the Chola country, she proceeded to Savakam whose king, Punnya Raja, was considered as an avatar of Buddha and to whom Manimekalai desired to impart the secret of his former birth. The accounts of her meeting in that island a great Buddhistic sage, Dharma Savaka, the Preacher of the Law to the King,' and the subsequent interviews she had with Punnya Raja leave, no doubt, the impres sion that the whole island was swayed by the teachings of Buddhism. The personages mentioned in the two cantos may be mythical. One might even find in the whole account an echo of some of the Buddhistic Jataka Stories. But there is absolutely no doubt that the whole story is based upon a substratum of facts and that is that Savakam in the time of Chattanar, the author of Manimekalai, was essentially Buddhistic. It is important to remember what has been stated before, that Fa-hien was disappointed to note the predominance of Brahminism in those

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152 THE SANGAM AGE. 1 islands and the insignificant position which Buddhism occupied in the life of the people. The conclusion, therefore, is obvious that ManiMekalai was composed at a period when Buddhism was making rapid strides in Savakam and the neighbouring islands. This formative period, even according to Dr. Krishnaswami Ayyangar, is to be sought for in the time intervening the visits of Fa-hien and I-tsing and that is between the 5th and 7th centuries of the Christian era. If the date of Manimekalai is to be sought in the 2nd century A.D., how can we 'account for the spread and predominance of Buddhism in Sumatra and Java in the time of Chattanar? For, it should be noted, that even during the time of Fa-hien, Buddhism in that island was not worth speaking of. Another piece of internal evidence may be of internal pointed out here, which shows clearly that, what ever might be the date of the Sangam, Manzmekalui belongs to the sixth or seventh century A.D. In canto 12 of this work, Aravanavadigal thus speaks of the condition of Buddhism in South India then. " The Dharma has languished in this world, and forms of error are increasing. Yet I do not despair. I continue to preach the Law which few care to understand in the hope that the Dharma might be established to a little extent."1 Thus the grey-haired monk laments the decline of Buddhism in the Yet another piece evidence. 1 This is not a literal translation. to be conveyed here Only the idea is sought

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CONCLUSION. * Tamil land. We know that Buddhism was flourishing in South India during the time of Fa-hien's visit (4th century A.D.). Since then, the decay of that religion was rapid.and when Hiuen Tsang visited Kanchi (640 A.D.), he heard that in Malakuta (Pandyan country) Buddhism was almost extinct, the ancient monasteries being mostly in ruins. This is the period that, is probably referred to in Manimekalai. Under the circumstance we are not wrong in concluding that Manimekalai was composed after the time of Fa-hien. We have thus tried to make it clear that there Conclusion. are serious difficulties to be overcome before we can affirm that the date of the Sangam is the 2nd century A.D. The final statement of Dr. S. Krishnaswami Ayyangar in his The Beginnings of South Indian History, "And now that the necessary preliminary investigation has been carried to the degree of fulness to carry conviction, more work will be done to extract from the material all that may usefully be taken for the building up of the history of this part of the country and of that comparatively remote period," seen's therefore to be premature. No doubt more work requires, to be done, as he says, not so much for the purpose of building up a history on the foundation which scholars like him believe they have well and truly laid, as for laying the foundation itself. 1 The Beginnings of South Indian History, p. 362. * 153

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NOTES. Note 1.-The following note of Jacobi seems to be conclusive of the theory that Jainism was not an offshoot of Buddhism : "Notwithstanding the radical difference in their philosophical notions, Jainism and Buddhism, being originally both orders of monks outside the pale of Brahmanism, present some resemblance in outward appearance, so that even Indian writers> occasionally, have confounded them. It is, therefore, not to be wondered at that some European scholars who became acquainted with Jainism through inadequate samples of Jain literature easily persuaded themselves that it was an offshoot of Buddhism. But it has since been proved beyond doubt that their theory is wrong and that Jainism is at least as old as Buddhism." Hastings, Cyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, p. 465. Note 2.-The Jains give an altogether different version of Appar's life thus: "Appar was a Jain ascetic in his youth, a staunch Saiva in his middle age, and a repented follower of Jainism in his old age. On account of his reconversion to Jainism he was murdered by his Saivite followers lest he should undo what all he had done to glorify Saivism. His secret murder was concealed by popularising a mysterious story that he was devoured by a tiger which was only a manifestation of Siva." Certain Tamil hymns in praise of Jina or Arhat are attributed to Appar and are most popularly sung by the Jains even to-day. The hymns resemble the Tevaram in many ways. Perhaps they were sung by Appar during the latter period of his life.

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APPENDIX A. GENEALOGICAL TABLE OF THE GANGA KINGS. Of the Ikshvaka or Solar race, was Dhananjaya Harischandra King of Ayodhya Padmanabha 1. Madhava 1, 103 Kongunivarmma.' Dadiga 2. Madhava II, Kiriya Madhava 3. Harivarmma,..247-266.. 4. Vishnugopa. Prithivi-Ganga. 5. Madhava TII, ..357--370 Tadangala Madhava, m. Kadamba princess 6. Avinita, 430--482 7. Duryvinita, 48-517 m. Punnad princess 8. Mushkara, Mokkara m. Sindhu princess 9. Srivikrama. 10. Bhuvikrama, Srivallabha -670, 11, Siyamira I, 670-713.. Nava Kama, Sishta-priyah, Prithivi Kongani I 1 Ereganga 12. Sripurusha, 726-776 Muttarasa, Prithivi-Kongani II Permmanadi 13. Sivamara II. Saigotta -815. Vijayaditya Ranavikrama. 14. Rajamalla Satyavakya 1, m. Pallava princess Marasimha, 797 Marasing-Ereyappa, Loka-Trinetra Prithivipati I, 1815 Marasimba Prithivipati II, Hastimalla, c. 910 15. Nitimargga I, Ereyanga, Ranavikramayya 16. Rajamalla Satya vakya II, 870-907 Batugendra, 970 Butarasa, Gunaduttatanga m. Rashtrakuta princess 17. Ereyappa, 886-913 Ereganga, Nitimaryga II, Satyavakya Mahendrantaka 18. Rachamalla Satya- vakya Ill, 920, Kachcheya Canga 19. Butuga, 938-953 Butayya, Nanniya Ganga Ganga Gangeya, m. Rashtrakuta princess Jarula Dera ? Sumi Devi 20. Marasimha, 961-974 17. to Rashtrakuta Guttiya Ganga prince Xolambakulantaks 21. Racbamalla 22. Rakkasa Ganga, 984, Arumuli Deva Satyavakya Rachamalla IV, 977 "Raja Vidyadhara. 23. Nitimargga III Rachamalla 2 989 or 992, 999. 1 This name is applied to all the kinge to the end. The Tamil Chronicle says that he was ruling in 189 and reigned for fifty-one years. * This title is used of all the subsequent kings, often alone, without any name. * These names are used as titles by all the kings that came after.

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APPENDIX B. REFERENCES... Indian Antiquary'Vol. PAGE SUBJECTS. II. 353 .. Statue of Karkala. II. 14, 134, 354 .. Papers on the Jains. II. 129 .. Sravana Belgola. II. 193, 258 .. Lassen's Account of the Jains.. II. 265, 322 Jaina Inscriptions of Belgola. III. 89 On the Oswal Jains. JII. 153 .. Legend of Bhadrabahu. VII. 28 .. Digambaras. VIII. 30 .. Jainism. IX. 158 .. Tirthankaras. XI. 245 .. Historic Records of Jainism. XII. 21 .. Date of Mahavira. XIII. 191, 276, 280 .. Papers on Jainas. XIV. 104 .. Palidhwaja. XIV. 233, 292 .. A Jaina-Vaishnava Compact. XVII. 279, 339 .. Sacred List of Jains. XVIII. 181, 369 .. Do. XIX. 233 .. Upakesa Gachchha. XIX. 62 .. Sacred List of Jains. XX. 341 .. Pattavalis of Sarasvati Gach chha of Digambara Jains. XX. 18, 170, 365 . Sacred List of Jains. XXI. .. Bhadrabahu, Chandragupta & Sravana Belgola. XXI. 57 .. Three further Pattavalis of Digambara Jains. XXI. 14, 106, 177, 210, 293, 327 and 369 .. Sacred List of the Jains.

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158 4 'Indian Antiquary VOL. PAGE. XXIII. 352 XXIV. 33, 65 XXIV. 275 XXV. 147 XXV. 316 XXVI. 196 XXVI. 57 XXVII. 358 XXVII. 49 XXX. 239, 288 XXXI. 477 XXXII. 49 XXXIII. 330 XXXIII. 330 XXXIII. 196 XXII. 240 XXXV. 96 XXXV. 268 XXXIX. 257 XXXIX. 288 'XL. 46 APPENDIX B. .. Katha Kosa. .. .. Some Modern Jain Sects. SUBJECTS. Bulletin of the Religions. Do. .. .. Modern Jain Antipathy to Brahmans. .. Buhler on the Jainas. Jaina account of the end of Vagheles of Gurjara. Bulletin on the Religions of India. Legend on the Jaina Stupa at Mathura. The Satrunjaya Mahatmyamhistory of Jains. Sukrita Samkritam of Arisimha. Digambara Jain iconography. Do. Do. Indian Sect of the Jains. Gadja Chudamani of Vadibha Simha. Kshatra Chudamani of Vadibha Simha. Champu-Jivandharu by Harischandra. The Kalpasutra-Disciplinary rules for Jains. Jaina Yasovijaya Grantha Mala. Mallishena Mahapurana.

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APPENDIX B. 159 * Indian Antiquary' VOL. Page. XL. 125, 153 XL. 209 SUBJECTS. .. Jaina iconography. .. Origin and decline of Bud dhism and Jainism in S. Indiit. XLI. 195 .. Kumarapala and Arnoraja. XLII. 220 .. Muktagire. XLII. 148 .. Jains' version of the story of Solomon. XLII. 307 .. Origin and decline of Buddhism and Jainism. XLIII. 118, 125, 167 .. The date of Mahavira." XLVI. 133 .. A Magazine of Jaina Litera' ture. - Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society.'. Vol. 1917-- ,, 122 .. Date of Mahavira. * The New East' IVol. 1-4 .. The spiritual heritage of the East. ... *1-4 .. Illogical Zen. 'Indian Philosophical Review' IVol. 1 .. Under-currents of Jainism. Calcutta Review' Vol. CCLXCV. Jan. 1919.. Jain Antiquties of S. India. * Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal.'Vol. XV. 3 . .. Influence of five heritical teachers on Buddhisin and Jainism. Travancore Archaeological Series - Vol. II. Part II .. Jainismiand Buddha Vestiges in Travancore.

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APPENDIX C. THE SO-CALLED SANGAM AGE. . CONFLICTING THEORIES. Mr. R. Swaminatha Ayyar, B.A., writes :"I have read with great interest the three Sovoral conflicting lucid articles contributed to the Hindu' by theories Profesor M. S. Ramaswami Ayyangar, M.A., of Vizianagram, in which while summarising the views of other scholars he makes valuable contributions of his own to the discussion. There are several conflicting theories on the subject and it is ta be regretted that notwithstanding several decades of critical discussion there are still to be found, even among Englisheducated Indians, persons who still cling to theories based on mere legend about the existence of three Tamil Sangams cach extending over several thousands of years which will take the beginnings of South Indian History and of Tamil culture to the last glacial period. The number belonging to this school is, however, rapidly diminishing. "Outside this school the only concession that Antiquity of is made to the antiquity of Tamil Literary cul- Literia ture is that prior to the time of the Tamil Culture. Vatteluttu inscriptions which begin in the Pandya and the Chera country in the last quarter of the 8th century A.D., there was a period of great literary activity in Tamil which Reprinted with kind permission from the "Hindu" dated 8th May 1922.

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162 APPENDIX C. Sangam Works. has in later times come to be traditionally known as the Sangam (5381) age. The works composed by the poets of this period have come down to us arranged in eight collections or anthologies known as (1) 946.51 Cor 20, (2) 15 p pel Goor, (3) 39,5 O 51064, (4) Scaunis 0.00EUR, (5) Now | 21, (6) ufunzw, (7) B P sulin, , (8) 40617_rDT 21. The poems comprised in each anthology are short muconnected pieces dealing with various situations that may arise in the course of love, in married life, in war and in other affairs of life. There are, besides, word Stingwis the grammar, of old Tamil, supposed to have been written 'oy an author belonging to the second Sangam and 2 puoi 28 OUT (160T, a short work on erotics, said to have been composed by God Parama Siva himself ; these two undoubtedly belong to the same archaic period as the Sangam anthologies. To this list must be added two epic poems cilpptikaarm and mnnimeeklai, and a collection of ten long poems known as pttuppaattttu ; all of these are believed to have been composed by Sangam poets. " The late Professor Seshagiri Sastri of the Presidency College appears to have been the first scholar to furnish materials for a rational discussion of the question of the age of the Gaja bahuSynchronigm. Sangam works. He drew attention to a statement in the last chapter of Silappadhikaram that king #WQTG of Ceylon was present in

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APPENDIX C. 163 the Court of the Chera King Senguttuvan at the time of inauguration of temple ceremonies for the goddess knnnn ki and identifying kyvaaku with the earlier Gajabahu of Ceylon history, he was able to fix the age of Senguttuvan and of the incidents related in Silappadikaram (not necessarily of the composition of the work in its present shape) as the 2nd century A.D. This Gajabahu-synchronism was adopted by the late Kanakasabhai Pillai as the basis of his work * The Tamils Eighteen Hundred Years Ago!arld it forms the sheet anchor of Dr. S. Krishnaswami Ayyangar's theories elabo-s. K. Ayyan gar's view. rated in The Beginnings of South Indian History. In this book the learned Doctor places the Sangam poets in and about the time of the reign of the Chera King Senguttuvan, and after making a detailed examination of all references made by the Sangam poets to contemporary and past events he arrives at the following conclusions : (1) That there was a great invasion of Southern India by the Mauryas who penetrated as far south as the Qurumd mountain. (2) That the invaders were in hostile occupation of forts on the northern borders of the Tamil land. (3) That the Aryans were beaten back when the central Mauryan power became weak and that their dislodgment from the south niust be referred to the period of Mamulapar and other poets of the Sangam age. 11

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Internal evidence showing a later date. ( 164 APPENDIX C. "Various eminent scholars have, however, pointed out from time to time that there is internal evidence in several works supposed to have been compczed by prominent poets of the Sangam age which shows clearly that these compositions belong to a much later age than the second century A.D., and it is becoming more and more evident every day that the Sangam age should be put forward to the 5th or the 6th century A.D. It may be remarked in passing that the former of these is the estimate arrived at by Pundit M. Raghava Ayyangar of the Tamil Lexicon office and that the latter is the estimate arrived at by Mr. K. V. Subramania Ayyar of the Archaological Department. "One of the foremost poets of the Sangam age was Sittalai Chattanar (ciittlaic caattnnnaar) who is believed to have composed referred to above, one of the five classical poems (sh) in Tamil. (i) This work contains a reference to - a small temple built in the Gurjara style-and it has been pointed out that if this is a reference to Gurjaras the work could not be much earlier than the 6th century A.D. as the Gurjaras are not heard of in Indian History before the middle of the 5th century A.D. (ii) In another place the month of Vaisakha is referred to in the work as irutu illveennnil eriktir ittpttu, thus containing a clear reference to the second of the twelve Rasis by its Sanskrit name. Various scholars have pointed

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APPENDIX C.. that the division of the year into solar months and the naming of these months by the corresponding Rasis did not begin in Northern India till after the 5th century and that the adoption of this system in Southern India in the Tamil country must certainly have been later than its adoption in the north. 165 yangar's evi sive. 6 (iii) Professor Ramaswami Ayyangar now Prof. Ramabrings forward a third piece of evidence in the swami Ay picture given in the work of the prevalence of dence concluBuddhism in the Island of Java. He points out that when Fahian visited the island about 400 A.D. he found various forms of error and Brahminism flourishing' in the island and that the Buddhists in the locality were not worth speaking of'; while in the last quarter of the seventh century when the Chinese pilgrim I-tsing visited the island it was essentially Buddhistic. This latter description tallies with the picture one forms of the island from what is stated in cantos 24 and 25 of Manimekalui. It is not an isolated word or phrase that is brought forward here but integral portions of the work. This new piece of evidence seems to be conclusive and we may now take it as proved that whatever may be the date of other works comprised in Sangam list, clearly belongs to the 6th or the 7th century A.D. The work is not of much literary merit and was probably put together by a monkish poetaster-a native apparently of Cholamandalam. * "One important argument greatly relied on References to by Dr. Krishnaswami Ayyangar and other Pallavas. believers in the Gajabahu-synchronism is the

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Podiyil theory. 166 APPENDIX C. 6 entire absence or reference to Pallavas in the Sangam works. They point out that the Pallava kings of Kanchi were an important political factor in South Indian History from the 5th century onwards and that the absence of any reference to them in the Sangam works clearly indicates that these works belong to an earlier period. To this Professor Ramaswami Ayyangar replies that the Pallavas were known by their group name of Tirayars' in the Sangam works and that this name meant 'seafarers' or 'seamen.' Drayah and darya mean the sea' in Persian, and tirayar is apparently a Persian-derived name meaning 'seamen.' This fact is in entire consonance with the theory of Professor G. J. Dubreuil that the Pallavas are of Persian origin and with the fact noted by him that the emblem of the Pallavas was a ship with two masts. "There are several other points in which Professor Ramaswami Ayyangar has thrown light on what has till now remained obscure ; I will mention only one of them here." He has clearly proved that the word Our in tonnnmutaalttrum pnnaippotiyil does not refer to the Quru mountain as supposed by some but merely a meeting place in shade of a banyan tree; this takes away the basis of the theory that the Mauryas penetrated as far south as the Quru hill." "

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APPENDIX D. MISCONCEPTIONS ABOUT SANGAM CHRONOLOGY. [This was contributed by me to the Vizianagram Maharaja's College Magazine, 1922 July number, and with kind permission is now reprinted.] Works: they written? the script It is a great pity that in spite of several Sangam years of critical discussion, the date of the when were famous Tamil Sangam should still remain What was undetermined. On this account, the history employed? of the Peninsular India up to the 9th century A.D. continues to be a tangled tale of brilliant guesses. The assertion of certain scholars, that they have incontrovertibly determined the age of the famous Madura Academy, is at best a pardonable boast. Under the title "The Sangam Age," the present writer has recently contributed to the 66 Hindu " three articles wherein the conflicting theories in connection with this vexed question had been examined in detail. The object of this note is to press as further evidence of the later origin of the Sangam two facts not mentioned before. C The illustrious author of The Tamils: Eigh- Sangam Age get teen Hundred years ago' has mentioned that in undetermined.

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168 APPENDIX D. what is known as the Sangam Age more than 25,000 lines of verse have been written by poets who' flourished between the years 50 A.D. and ,150 A.D. It is further assumed that many thousands more are lost owing, perhaps, to the ravages of insects. The first, question that a scientific student of History will propose is when were they written and what was the script employed. For one thing it is certain that the poets of the Madura Academy could not have employed the modern * Tamil character, which, as is well kftown, is the Grantha-Tamil introrluced into the Pandyan Country by the Cholas at a period when their power was rapidly reviving after the fall of the Pallavas, i.e., 9th and 10th centuries A.D. When later on the Cholas effected the conquest of the Pandya territory, the GranihaTamil which was essentially the Chola script was not only widely used but it gradually began to supplant the Pandyan character known to Palaeographists as Vatteluttu. Writing nany years hefore the discovery of the caverns and the Brahmi inscriptions of South India, Burnell thought that the Vatteluttu and the South Asokan character were totally distinct importations and postulated a Semitic original in both the cases. The late Mr. T. A. Gopinath Rao in criticising the views of both Burnell and Buhler, has not only pointed out several points of similarity between Vatteluttu on the one hand and the other alphabets of South

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APPENDIX D. 169 of Tamil India but has successfully established the fact that Vatteluttu is derived from the Brahmi variety of the Asokan alphabet. We can therefore take it, as proved that the most ancient Pandyan script Vatteluttu was derived from the Brahmi inscriptions of the Madura, Ramnad and Tinnevelly districts. Epigraphists are inclined to assign the cnd of the 3rd or the beginning of the 2nd century B.C. for the date of the Brahmi inscriptions. This furnishes us with the lower limit for the period of any The period Tamil literary activity. The upper limit mav Kterary activity : its be said to be furnished by the Vatteluttu limits. inscription of the Pandyan king Jatilavarman Parantakan (last quarter of the 8th century A.D.), the earliest known record yet discovered written in Vatteluttu. In between these two limits must be sought the period of literary activity known as the Sangam Age. According to the orthodox school of Tamil scholars the sage Agastya was responsible for the evolution of the Tamil language and one of his twelve disciples Tolkappiyar wrote the famous treatise on grammar, Tolkappiyam. This grammarian is also believed to have been a member of the first and second Academies each of which existed for hundreds of years. Then was founded the last or the third Academy in which time more than 25,000 lines had been composed. Divested of legend and myth we can reduce the traditional account to its proper limits thus. Long before Tolkappiyar there was a

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170 APPENDIX D. period of literary activity, for there can be no grammar, without literature. If it.is true that Vatteluttu was the earliest Pandyan script and that, as hans beert remarked, it was.derived from the Brahmi inscriptions, we must allow at least three centuries for the development of a literature sufficiently wide to need a grammar. This would bring the date of Tolkappiyar to the end of the 2nd century A.D. Allowing two more centuries for the first two Academies we may safely arrive at the conclusion that in all probability the third Academy was founded in the 5th or 6th century A.D., a period sufficiently near the epoch for which epigraphic records are available, when Vatteluttu was perfected and from which we have a continuous literary history. It is well known that between the Brahmi inscription of the South and the 'Vatteluttu inscription of the 8th century A.D. referred to above there is absolutely no inscription written in any character or any coin legerfd to enable us to fix with some certainty the chronology of the Pandyan kings. Scholars who in season and out of season sing the glories of the Sangam Age, its evast literature and spacious traditions have not cared to inquire why for a period of more than a thousand years there has absolutely been no inscription. A few who thought about the subject argue that notwithstanding the very early literary activity, the Tamils did not know or Absence of inscription prior to 8th century.

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APPENDIX D. 171 cultivate the habit of inscribing on stones and issuing copper-plate grants. This is too large an inference to be swallowed without critical examination. The early Tamils are said to be an intelligent and civilized race with a great deal of assimilating power. Not far off from their land the PAllavas were issuing copper-plate grants and in their own home they had the Brahnis inscriptions. And they could have easily imitater the example of their contemporaries. The fact that they did not do so is due to want of a proper' developer language of a uniform standard and not to their inability to understand the usefulness and value of inscription. It might be argued that even supposing that Tamil literary the Sangam works were reduced to writing in activity : cits probable the period not far remote from the time of date. Jatila varman Parantakan the Sangam scholars might still have handed down orally the innumerable verses. The Vedas, the Upanishads and the epics, one might say, were thus handed down from generation to generation by oral repetition. It is true that so far as religionis poetry is concerned syeh a method might have been zealously adherede to. But most of the Sangam poems treat of love and war and are mostly panegyric in character and there is not much of religion in them. It is therefore hard to believe that the Sangam works intact would have been handed down to posterity in the manner of the Vedas. The conclusion of the

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172 APPENDIX D. A striking piece of internal evidence. whole matter is that such an intense literary activity, as the one that has been ascribed to: the legendary Sangam is to be sought for in the time approximating the century for which we have the earliest known Vatteluttu records. There is a striking piece of internal evidence in Manimekalai which would open the eyes of those who hug to their bosom their pet theory of 'the early origin of the Sangam which however rests on the slender basis of the Gajabahusynchronisin. Canto XII of Manimekalai contains an account of an interview between Manimekalai and a Buddhist Abbot of Kavirippoompattinam. In the course of a long sermon the grey-headed old monk Aravanavadigal says," .... Buddha-Dharma is losing its hold in the mind of the people and as a result forns of error are increasing in the country. Yet do I not despair. I still continue to preach the law which few care to understand." Evidently the Abbot laments the rapid decay of Buddhisin in the Tamil country. It 'is a well-known fact that Buddhism which was flourishing during the days of Fahien was in process of decay when Hieun-Tsang visited Conjeevaram (7th certury A.D.). According to his testimony, in Malakuta or Malakota, the name by which the Pandya country was called by him, Buddhism was almost extinct, the ancient monasteries being mostly in ruins. "The inhabitants were reputed to care very little for learning and to be wholly immersed

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173 173 APPENDIX D. in commercial pursuits." Thus it requires no great ingenuity or verbal demonstration to show that Aravanavadigal's reference is to the period of Hieun-Tsang or better still to the century that immediately preceded the Doctor's visit.

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BIBLIOGRAPHY. Arunachalain, P. o"Sketches of Ceylon *History.' Barth .. Religions of India.' Beal .. Life of Hiuen Tsang.' Beauchamp . Hindu Manners and Customs.' Bhandarkar, Sir Ramakrishna .. Report on the Search for Sanskrit MSS. Buchanan .. 'Travels. Buhler * The Indian Sect of the Jainas.' Bodhayana Sutras.' Burnell, A. C., Dr. .. 'South Indian Paleography.' Caldwell, Bishop .. Introduction"to the Comparative Grammar of Dravidian Langu ages. Chakravarti, Prof. .. lanchastikaya.' Colebrook .. 'Miscellaneous Essays.' Cunningham .Ancient Geography." Dubreuil Jouveau, Dr. Antiquities of Pallavas, ... Epigraphia Indica. Fergusson .. *Indian Architecture.' Francis .. Madras Census Report, 1901. Frazer .. 'Literary Fistory of India.' Hastings ... Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics. Hunter, Sir William W. Non-Aryan Languages of India.' * Imperial Gazetteer, Bombay Presidency.' Indian Antiquary.' Jacobi * Acharanga Sutras.' * Kalpa Sutras.'

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BIBLIOGRAPHY. 175 ... Jaina Gazette', Madras. .. Journals of the Royal Asiatic Society and its branches. . Kanakasabhai Pillai, V. The Tamils Eighteen Hundred Years Ago.' Kern, Prof. .. 'History of Buddhism.' Krishnaswami Ayyangar, S., Dr. ... The Beginnings of South Indian History. Ancient India. . M:acDonnell, Prof... History of Sanskrit Literature.' M'Crindle ... Fragments of Megasthenes.' ..Madras Christian College Maga zine.' .. "Madras Epigraphical Reports.' Max Muller * Hibbert Lectures. Sacred Books of the East.' Nelson, J. H. Madura Country.' Pope .. "Kural' .. Quarterly Journal of the Mythic Society. Rice, E. P., Mr. .. History of Canarese Literature' (Heritage of India Series). Rice, Lewis, Mr. .. Mysore and Coorg from the Inscriptions.' * Epigraphia Carnatica.' Seshagiri Sastriar, Prof. "Essay on Tamil Literature.' Smith, V. A. .. Early History of India.' South Indian Inscriptions.' Srinivasa Ayyangar, M. "Tamil Studies.' ...Tamilian Antiquary.'. Tennent .. History of Ceylon.' Taylor .. . History of India.' Turner .. Mahavamsa.'

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INDEX (References to pages.) A-contd. Arunachalam, P., 33 f.n. 1. Asramay, 7. Asiatic Reserrches, 75 f.n. 4, 116 f.n. 1, 117. Asoka, 16, 22, 132, 134, 137, 139. Asokan Edict, 15, 15 f. n. 3, 16, 33, Athan, 123. Attiraiyanar, 128. Attur pass, 140. Augustan Age of Tamil Literature, 58. Auvayar, 145. Acharanga Sutras, 4, 6 f.n. 2, 9 f.n. 1. Acharya , 73. Adihaman Elini, 145. Adiyarkkunallar, 38, 88. Ahananuru, 81, 124, 126, 127, 135 f.n. 3, 140 f.n, 1, 143. Ahimsa, 6, 76, 82. Aihole Inscription, 135. Ajivaka, 7, 102. Ajivaka Brahmins, 1o. Akalanka, 31. Akshashravaka, 19. Alagarmalai, 34. . Alexandria, 91. Alexandrian School, 91. Ali Nadu, 71. Allahabad, 14. Allahabad Pillar Inscription, 142. Alvars, Vaishnavite, 36, 61, 68, 70, 72. Ambalakarans, 56 f.n. 2. Ambarkilan Aruvandai, 145. Amoghavarsha I, 112. Amritasagara Muni, 101. Anabaya Chola, 61. Anaimalai, 34, 68. Ancient Geography, by Cunningham, 30 f.n. 4. Ancient Inilia, by S. K. Ayyangar, 123, 146 f.n. 1. Andhrabhrityas, 133. Andhras, 133. Anga, 14. Antiquities of Pallavas, by J. Dubreuil, 143. Anuradhapura, 33. Aparajita, 17. Apayan, 103 f.n. 1. Appar, 61, 66, 70, 77, 154 n. 2. (See also Tirunavukkarasar). Apta Mimanisa, 30. Aravanavadigal, 152. Ardhaphalakas, 25. Arbat, 41, 47. Ariel, M., 90. Arikesari, 147. Arishtanemi, 13. Aritta patti, 34. Arthasastra, 44. Baber, 135. Baghavan Lal Indraji, Dr., 16. Balakapinchha, 29. Balathikara, 28. Barth, M., 8, 9, 11, 74, 75, 75 f.n. 3, Basava, 113. Basava Puruna, 113. Beal, 16. Beauchamp. 75 f. n. 4. Beginnings of South Indian History, by S. K. Ayyanyar, 123, 125, 110 f.n. 1, 153. Belgaum, 145. Bellary, 107. Belur Taluka, 115. Bhadrabahu, 18, 19, 20, 22, 23, 25, 26, 32, 105. Bhagaratha Purana, 121. Bhandarkar, Sir Ramakrisbna, 30, 113. Bihar, 14, 26. Bindusara, 129. Bispanthi, 27. Bittidevabittiga, 115. Bodhayana Sutra, by Buhler, 8. Bombay Gazetteer, 30 f.n. 7,111,111 f.ns. 1 and 3, 112 f.n, 1, 135, 138 f.n. 1. Bower, 78 f.n. 3. Brahma, 111. Brahmi Inscriptions, 33. Brihatkatha, 102. Buchanan, 75 f. n. 2. Buddha, 4, 5, 10, 14. Buddhism, 4, 5, 16, 17, 71, 133, 134, 149, 150, 152, 153.

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178 B-contd. Buddhists, 22, 81, 82, 83. Buhler, 3, 5, 8, 10, 15 f.n. 3. Bukkaraya, 117, 118. Burgess, 3. Burnell, 3, 76 f.n. 1. Byrasudayar, 75 f.n. 2. C Caldwell, Dr., 64, 76 f.n. 2. Chakravarti, Prof., 43. Chalukyas, 66, 107, 108, 111, 144, 145, 146, Western anu Eustern, 112. Chamundaraya, 110 f. n. 1. Chandragiri hill, 21, 23, 24. Chandragupta Maurya, 19, 20, 23, 23 f. n. 2, 24, 26, 29, 121, 122, 132, 134, 137, 138, 141. Chandraleghai Chaturveda Mangalam, 54. Chattanur, 41, 50, 147, 152. Chelvakesavaroya Mudaliar, T., Mr., 93. Chengizkhan, 138. Chintamani, 73, 85, 93, 95, 102, 135 f.n. 3. Chittamur, 74. Chudamani Nigandu, 103. Chulamani, 103. Coimbatore, 107, 109. Colebrooke, 3, 10, 39 f.n. 1. Cunningham, 30 f.n. 4. D INDEX Damodaram Pillay, 83. Dasapurvis, 17. Deva Chandra, 20 f. n. 1. Devanampriya Tissa, 39. Devananda, 29. Devaraya II, 118. Deva Sanga, 28. Dhantusena, 32. Dharma Savaka, 151. Dharmasena, 66. Dharmastikaya, 50. Dharwar, 107. Dhundias, 27. Digambaras, 9, 14, 15 f.n. 1, 24, 27, 28, 52. Digambara Dharsana, 52. Digambara Jain Sangam, 57, 92. Digambara Works, 111. Dipawanso, 122. Divikaram, 85, 144, 145. Divakarar, 145, 146. Dominicans, 6. Dram.la Sanga, 105. Dubreuil, Jouveau, Dr., 136 f.n. 1, 143. E Ekantada Ramayya, his miracle, 114. Elacharyar, the Author of Kural, 43, 44 Emankatanadu, 98. Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, by Hastings, 14 f.n. 2, 25, 25 f.n. 1, 28 f.n. 1, 154 note 1. Epigraphia Carnatica, 3, 109 f.n. 2, 105, 115. Epigraphia Indica, 23 f.n. 1. Epitome of Indian Jainism, by Nahar and Ghosh, P., 24 f.n. 1. F Fa-hien, 125, 150, 1.1, 152, 153. Fergusson, 75 f. n. 5, 78 f. n. 1. Fleet, Dr., 21, 23, 138 f. n. 2, 137. Fragments of Megasthenes, by M'Crindle, 106 f.n. 1. Franciscans, 6. Frazer, 44, 44 f.n. 2, 74, 75 f.n. 1. G Gajabahu, 119, 120, 122. Gajabahu-Synchronism, 119. Ganga kings of Mysore, 109. See Table attached. Gangaperur, 109. Ganga Rajas, 73. Gangaraya, 116. Gangas, 51, 106, 108. Gangavadi, 31, 51, 108. Gautama, a disciple of Mahavira, 17. Giri, a nigantha devotee, 33. Goa, 140. Gomateswara, statue of, 110. Gopinatha Rao, T. A., Mr., 54. Gosala, 7. Govardhana, 18. Govinda II, 112. Griddhrapinchha, 29. Gujarat, 140 f.n. 1 147 f.n. 1. Gumanpanthi, 28. Gunabhadra Acharyar, 103. Guadittya, 102. Gunamalai, 99. Gunavirapanditha, 104. Gupta dynasty, 137. Gupta kings, 137. Guptas, 136, 138. Gupti-gupta, 22. Gurjaras, 146, 147, 147 f.n. 1. Gurjara style of Architecture, 146. Gutta (word), 138 f.n. 2. Guttal, 137. Gutta princes, 137. Gutta tradicions, 137.

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INDEX 179 J-contd. Jinondre Vikarana, 31. Jivakachintamani, account of its compo. sition, 96, 97. See also Chintamani. Hvakan, story of, 94, 98, 100. Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, 29, 52 f.n. 1. Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 9, 10, 21 fn 1, 22, 44 l.n. 1, 52 f.n. 1, 147 f.n. 1. K Harihara II, 118. Harivamsa, 111. Hastings, 14 f. n. 2, 25, 28 f.n. 1. Hibbert Lectures, By Maxmuller, 7, 8. Himasitala, 31. Hindu Manners and Customs, by Beau champ, 75 f.n. 4. History of Buddhism, by Prof. Kurn, 9. History of Ceylon, by Tennent, 38. History of Canarese Literature, by E. P. Rice, 76 f.n. 3. History of Sanskrit Literature, by Mac. donell, 39 f.n. 2. History of Tamil Literature, by Purna. lingam Pillai, 98 f.n. Hitopa lesa, 100. Hjuen Tsang, 15, 16, 125. Hoernle, 3, 5, 6, 7, 17.n. 1, 25, 29, 43. Hoysalas, 107, 108, 115. Hula, the Minister of King Narasimha Dova, 116. Hunter, Sir William, 86. Hyder Ali, 117, 140. I Ikkeri, 75 f.n. 2. Ilangovadigal, 41, 93. Ilangovati Araiyan, 54. Imperial Gizzaticer, Bombay Presidency, 79 f.n: 1, III f.ns, 1 and 3. Indian Antiquary, 11, 22, 23 f.n. 1, 21, 43, 76 f.n. 3, 103, 111 f.n. 2. Indian Sect of the Jainas, by Buhler, 10 f.n. 2, 15 f.n. 3., Indra, 39. . Indra IV, 112. raiyangr, Author of Kalaviyal, 147. I-tsing, 150, 151, 152. Kachiappa Munivar, 98. Kachiappar's Skantlyim, 88. Kadambas, 135. Kadungon, 53, 119. Kalabhra interregnum, 57, 148, Kalabhras, 53, 55, 56, 92, 148. Kala huris, 107, 108, 113. Kalinga, 16. Kalingattupparani, 103. Kalippakai, 66. Kalit-lokai, 37 f.n. 2. Kulla lam, 88. Kalladanar, 113. Kalvarkoman, 56 f.n. 2. Kamban, 85. Kuba Ramayana, 88. Kanakamalai, 99. Kanakasabhai Pillai, V. 36, 45 f.n. 1, 120. 129 f.n. I, 131, 110 f.n. 1, 141, 149. Kanchi, 30, 142, 113, 153. Kandaraditya, 63. Kanimethaviyar, 103, Kanvayana:, 121. Kapilar, 146. Karikal Chola, 122, 123. Karnataka, 26, 30. Karungalakkudi, 34. Karir, 131, 134 f.n. 1. Katavapra, 20. Kattia Chinti mani, 95. Kathiawar, 140 .n. I, 147 f. nl. Kattiankaran, 98. Kausambi, 14. Kautilya, 44. Kavirippoompattinam, 47, 143 Kemasari, 99. Kema-mapuram, 99. Kern, Prof., 9. Kevalin, 14, Kevalis, 17, 28. Kharavela Inscription, 16. Killivalavan, 34, 151. Kittel, F., Rev., 76. Klatt, 43. Kolhapur, 30. Kongani Varma, 107. Kongar-Puliangulam, 34. Jacobi, 3, 4, 5, 6, 9, 11, 24, 25. Jacobi, His Intruduction to Jaina Sutras, 6. His Introduction to kalpa Sutras, 11. His criticism of M. Barth's views, 8, 9. Jainism or the Early Faith of Asoka, by Thomas, 9, 22. Jamali, Mahavira's son-in-law, 24. Jambusvami, the pupil of Sudharman, 17. Jataka Stories, 21, 151. Jatila Varman Parantakan, 148. Java, 149, 152. Javadvipa, 149. Jayasimmha, 111. Jeypoor, 78 f.n. 3. Jina, 14, 42, 112. Jina Sena, 112. 12

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180 INDEX K-contd. Kongudesa Rajakkal, 109. Konkan, 134. Kosar, 128, 130, 131, 132, 133, 139. Kotiya, 28. Kovalan, 134. Kountiadigal, 93. Krishna, 121. Krishnadeva Raya, 103. Krishnaswami Ayyangar, S., Dr. 36, 123, 124, 125, 126, 128, 129 f.n. 1, 130, 131, 132, 146, 146 f.n. 1, 149, 150, 152. Kshatra Chuda mani-95. Kulottunga Chola, 61, 103. Kumaradevi, 137. Kumaragupta I, 137. Kumari, 38. Kundaggama, 13, Kunda Kundi, 43, 44, 51. Kundalakesi, 93. Kundur, 38. Kun Pandya, 64, 65, 67, 68, 72. Kural, its date, 40, 41, 42, 44, 73, 76, 83 85, 87, 91, 93. Kuvavan Maran, 54. Kylasa, 113. M-conta. Malwa, 147 f.n l. . Mamulanar, 124, 125, 126, 127, 130, 132. 134, 137, 138, 139. Mangayarkarasi, 62.. Mangudi Marudanar, 130. Manimekalai, Epic, 41, 34, 47, 50, 83, 88, 93, 134, 146, 151, 152, 153. Manimekalai, heroine, 151. Maran Parameswaran, 54. Marugaltalai, 34. Marundalo, 108. Mathura, 16. Mathura Inscription, 16. Mathuraikanchi, 131. Matsya Purana, 121, 122. Mauryas, 127, 128, 132, 133, 134, 137, 139, 141. Mauryas of the Konkan, 135. Maxmuller, 7, 8. M'Crindlc, 106. Meenakshisundaregwarar, 54. Megasthenes, 21, 22, 106.. Meloyur, 20 * n. l.' Memoirs, by Hiuen Tsang, 15. Merumandara puranam, 104. Milestones in Tamil Literature, 85. Minakshi Temple, 79. Mukhara, 110. Mulavarman, 150. Murti Nayanar, 53, 54. Mushkara, 110. Muttial petah, 79 f.n. 3.' Muttaraiyar, 56, 56 f.n. 2, 92. Muttupatti, 34. Muttur, 38. Mutukudumi Peruvaludi, 148. Mylapore, 74, 90. Mysore and Coorg from the Inscriptions by Lewis Rice, 109 f.n. 3, 112 f.n. 2. Lassen, 5, 6, 10. Leumann, Dr., 24. Lingayats, 113. Lichchhavi princess, 137. Literary History of India, by Frazer, 44 f.n. 2, 44 f.n. 75. M Macdonell, Prof., 39 f.n. 2, 147 f.n. 1. Mackenzie, 3, 75. Madhava, 109, 110. Madhvacharya, 74. Madras Christian College Magazine, 125. Madras Epigraphical Reports, 34 f.n. 2. Madura, 47, 52, 54, 57, 63, 78, 79, 82, 92, 96, 105, 123. Madura Academy, 119. Madura Country, by Nelson, 64 f.n. 2. Madura Tamil Sangam, 39 f.n. 3. Magadha, 14, 15, 18, 26, 121, 122. Mahakavyas, 73. Mahamandaleswara Kamadeva, 113. Mahanama, 32. Mahavamsa, 15 f.n. 2, 32, 33, 39, 122. Mahavira, 4, 5, 7, 12, 13, 16, 17, 24, 25, 26, 27. Maheswara, 111. Malakuta, 163, Nachchinarkiniyar, 88, 88, 143, 144. Nagaldirarakavyam, 103. Nagamangela Inscription, 109. Naga princes, 143. Nagar and Shimoga Inscription, 109 Nahar and Ghosh, 27. Nakkirar, 37, 147, 148. Naladiyar, 57, 76, 89, 91. Nalanda, the great monastery at, 16 Nalavenba, 84. Nalas, 135. Nambiandar Nambi, 60, 61. Nammalvar, 71. Nandigama, 105. Nandikalampakam, 144. Nandimitra, 17,

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N-contd. Nandi Sanga, 28. Nannul, 73, 88, 104. Narada, 113. * Narasimha, the Ganga king, 112. Narasimha Deva, 116. Narasimha Varman I, 65, 66. Narayanasami Ayyar, Pundit, 140 f. n. 1 Nariviruttam, 96, 100. Narkorran, 148. Nataputta, 13. Nayanars, 78. Nedumaran (title), 147. Nedumbai, 74. Neduncheliyan, 141, Nelson, 64 f.n. 2. Nelveli, 62, 148. Nigantha Kumbandha, 33. Nigrantha, 10, 15, 16, 47, 60. Nilakesi, 101. Oldenberg, 11. Nilakesi (heroine), 60, 101. Nilantaru Tiruvir Pandyan, 38. Ninrasir Nodumaran, 62, 64 f. n. I. Niravadya Pandita, 11'1. * Nirvana, 11, 14, 29. Nurruvar Kannar, 120. 0 P Pahruli, 38. Palavaram, 78 f.n. 3.. Palayan, 125, 129, 131, 132, 136 f. n. 1. Palghat, 140. Pallava Inscriptions, 53. Pallava power, 141. Pallavas, 142, 144, 145. Panambaranar, 39 f.n. 3. Panchastikaya, 43. Pandaram, 54. Pandugabhaya, 33. Panduvasa, 39. Panini, 39. Pantaenus, 91. Parameswara Varma, 66. . Parangusan, 147. Parankorranar, 128. * INDEX Parantakan, 149. Paripadal, 135 f.n. 3. Parisista Parvan, 14 f.n. 2. Parsvanath, 12, 13, 14, 25, 118. Parsvanath hill, 14. Parvati, 113. Pasukavalan, 98. Pasumalai, 68. Pataliputra, 20, 26, 30, 124, 187. P-contd. Pathak, K B Mr., 29 f.n. 2. Padumai, 99. Pattirrupattu, 129, f.ns., 2 & 3. Padupattu 88. Pava, 11, 14. Pavanandi, 73, 104. Pazhamozhinanuru, 89, 92. Peddunaikenpettah, 78 f. n. 3. Periyapuranam, 53, 55, 56 f.n. 2, 61, 63, 67, 97." Perrul, 78 f.n. 3. Perumpidugu Muttaraiyan, 54. Perungadungo, 130. Perunkathai, 102. Podiyil battle, 131. Podiyil hill, 81, 131, 140. Pondicherry, 78 f.n. 3. Pope, Dr., 42, 56, 90. Poruladikaram Ahattinai-Iyal, 144. Poysala, 115. Ptolemy, 149. Pujera, 27. Pujyapada. 31, 52, 110. Pulakesin II, 135. Pulikat, 140, 140 f.n. 1. Punnata, 28. Punnya Raja, 151. 181 Purananuru, 81, 126, 135 f.n. 3. Purapporul l'enba malai, 135 f.n. 3. Purnalingam Pillai, 98 f. n. 1. Purushottama Patta, 114. Pushtaka, 28. Q Quarterly Journal of the Mythic Society 147 f.n. 1, 149, 151. R Rachamalla Satyavakya, 110. Raghava Ayyangar, Pundit M., 124, 127, 145, 147. * Raghava Ayyangar, Vidwan R, 134 f.n. 1. Rajagriha, 14. Raja Raja Chola, 60. Raja Raja Deva 1, 65, 111. Rajavalikathe, 20 f.n. 1, 23, 30, 32, 39. Ramanuja, 115, 117. Ramayanam, 84. Rangacharya, M., Prof., 112 f.n. 1. Rangasami Ayyangar, Pundit, f.n. 1. Rashtrakutas, 107, 108, 111. Ratnamalika, 112. 140 Ravikirti, 111. Religions of India, by Barth, 75 f.n. 3.

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182 R-contd. Report on the Search of the Sanscrit MSS. by Dr Bhandarkar, 30. Rice, E. P., Mr., 76 f. n. 3. Rice, Lewis, Mr., 3, 22, 109, 112 f.n. 3. Royapuram, 78 f.n. 3. S Sacred Books of the East, by Maxmuller, 24. Saint Thomas, 90. Saiva Nayanars, 35, 61, 72, 73. Sakas, 147 f n. 1. Sala, 115. Salem, 109. Sallckhana, Jain Vow of, 112. Samaiyapantki, 28. Samantabhadra, 29, 30. Samaya Divakara Munivar, 102. Sambandar, 65, 70, 77. See also Tirugnana Sambandar. Sammatiya, Buddhistic School of, 10. Samudragupta, 136, 139, 141, 142. Sangamangai, 148. Sangam Period, 35. Sankaracharya, 73. Santaladevi, 116. Santidevamuni, 115. Sarasamgraha Ganita, 112. Sarasvati, 28. Sarmanes, 106. Sastram Ayyar, 78 f. n. 2. Satakarnin, 122. Savakam, 149. INDEX Seeyagangan, 73. Sekkizhar, 61, 97. Sekkizhar Nayanar Puranam, 97. Seleucus Nicator, 121. Sendalai Inscriptions, 54. Senguttuvan, 41, 46, 93, 119, 123, 124, 125, 129, 131, 132, 133, 134, 138, 141, 143, 147. Sen Tamil, 39 f. n. 3, 54, 94, 125. Sena Sanga, 28. Sermanas, 22. Sesha Iyer, K. G., Mr., of Trivandrum 125, 147 f.n. 1. Seshagiri Sastriyar, Prof., 119, His Essay on Tamil Literature, 41 f.n. 1. Shiyali, 62. Siddharmalai, 34. Siddhar School, 85. Siddharta, 13. Silappadikaram, 37, 37 f. n. 2, 38, 40, 46, 47,75, 83, 88, 89, 93, 119, 122, 129 f. n. 3, 135 f. n. 3, 140 f. n. 1, 147 f. n. 1. S-contd. Simha Sanga, 28. Simha Sena, 20. Simhanandin, 31, 108, 109. Singapurinada, 78 f. n. 3. Sirutrondar, 61, 65. Sisuka, 121. Sittannavasal, 34. Siva, 113, 114. Sivappanayakar, 75 f. n. 2. Sivaskandha, 43. Sketches of Ceylon History, 33 f.n. 1. Smith, V. A., Dr., 23, 23 f.n. 2, 46, 135 135 f.n. 1, 146. Somasarma, 19. South Indian Inscription, 118 f.n. 1. South Indian Palacography, by Burnell, 76 f.n. 1. Sravana Belgola, 23, 51, 73, 117. Sravana Belgola Inscription, 19, 22, 23, 29, 29 f.n. 3, 30, 112 f.n. 3. Sravasti, 14. Sri Kalbharakalvan, 54.. Sri Maran, 5r1. Srinivasa Ayyangar, M., 82, 87. Srinivasa Pillai K. S., Rao Bahadur, of Tanjore, 125. Sripuranam, 104. Sri Satrukesari, 54. Sruta Kevalis, 17. Stevenson, 10. Stulabhadra, 18, 26. Subramani Ayyar, K. V., Mr., 124. Sudharman, a disciple of Mahavira, 17 f.n. 1. * Sumatra, 149, 152. C Sundara Pandya, 64 f.n. 1. Sundaram Pillai, Prof., 65. " Suramanjari, 99. Suryanarayana Sastri, Mr., 83. Susanadesam, 99. Suvaran Maran, 54. Svetambaras, 9, 24, 29, 13 f.n., 14 f.n. 2, 15 f.n. 1, 27. " Swami annu Pillai, Diwan Bahadur, L D., 124. Swaminatha Iyer, V., Mahamahopadh yaya, 102, 146. Syadvada, 29. T Tamilakam, 136 f. n. 1, 140. Tamilian Antiquary, 65, 78 f.n. 1. Tamil Studies, 87. Tamils Eighteen Hundred Years Ago, 45 f.n. 1., 51 f.n. 1., 120, 129 f.n. 1, 140 f.n. 1, 144, Tamizh Muttaraiyurkovai, 56.

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INDEX 183 Tattvarthadhigama Sutra, 28. Taylor, 64. Tennent, 38. Terapanthis, 27. Takkanadu, 99. Tevarum, 68, 84, 85, 88. Thomas, 9, 10, 22. Tilakavati, 66. Timur, 138. Tipangudi, 74. Tippu Sultan, 75 f.n. 2. Tirayar, 143, 144, 145. Tirthankaras, 11, 12, 29, 34, 42, 77. Tirujnanasambandhar, 61, 62, 63, 64, 65, 66, 67, 68, 69, 70, 72, 79. Tirukkalambagam, fo3. Tirumalai, 74. Tirumangai Alvar, 67, 71. Tirumazhisaipiran, 67, 71. Tirunaraiyur, 60. Tirunarunkunrai, 75, 103. Tirunavukkarasar, 65. Tirunurrandadi, 103. Tiruppapuliyur, 66.. Tirupparankunram, 34. Tiruttakkadevar, 73, 95. Tirutondar Puranam, 61. Tiruvachakam, 85, 88. Tiruvalavai, 63. Tiruvalluvar, 40, 91. See also Vallu var. Tiruvamur, 66. Tiruvoimozhi, 84, 88. Tisga, 122. Tolkappiyam, 83, 88, 89, 144. Tolkappiyar, 37, 38, 39, 39 f.n. 3, 57, 134. Tondaracipodi, 71. Tondaiman, 143. Totapanthi, 28. Travels, by Buchanan, 75 f.n. 2. Trichinopoly, 54. Trisala, 29. Tuluva Country, 75 fm. 2. Tuluva Jain kings, 75 f.n. 2. Turner, 15. Vada Ariyar, 141 Vadugar, 128, 139. Vaigai, 64, 92. Vaiscshika, 102. Vishnava Prabandhams, 61. Vajra Nandi, 52. Valayapadi, 93, 94. Valluvar, 42, 43, 90. Vamba Moriar, 125, 134, 135, 136, 138. Vanchi, 134, 134 f, n. 1. Vaniyaggama, 13. Vasantikadevi, 115. Vatapi (Badami), 65. Vatsadesa, 102. Vatteluttu, 34, 86. Veda, branches of learning of, 19. Vedangas, 62. Vedas, 45, 62. Vcerabhadra, 114. Velir, 146. Velir Varalaru, 145. Vellalas, 57. Vellilar Vedam, 56. Velvikudi grant, 53, 55, 148. Vengadam, 56 f. n. 2, 143. Venkiah, 65. Videha 14. Videham, 99. Vejalaraja Charita, 113. Vijayai, 98. Vijaya Pandita, 111. Vijayanagar, kingdom of, 117. Vijjala, 113, 114. Vikramaditya, 137. Vimalai, 99. Vinayaditya, 111, 115. Vindhyas, 75. Viracharya, 112. Viramandala Purushar, 103. Vira Soliyam, 88. Visakhamuni, 20, 32. Visali, 1.. Vishnu, 17, 111. Vishnugopa, 116, 136 f.n. 1, 142, 143. Vishnu Purana, 121. Vishnu Vardhana, 115, 116. Vogel, Dr. 150. Vyapuri Pillai, S., Mr., 5, 39 f.n. 3. W Weber, 3, 5, 10, 11. Wilson, 3, 10, 14, 17. Y Yapparungalakkarigai, 104. Yapparunkalavirutti, 56. Yasodara kavyam, 102. Yatindra Kunda, 29. Yupa Inscriptions, 150. U Udaya Kumaran, 151. Udayanakumara, 102. Uga, 118. Ujjain, famine in, 20. Umapati Siva Charya, 60. Umasvami, 28, 29. Uraiyur, 47.

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PART II ANDHRA KARNATA JAINISM BY B. SESHAGIRI RAO, M.A., Chief Lecturer in English, Maharaja's College, Tizianagran AND Sometime Reader in Dravidian Philology to the University of Madras.

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INTRODUCTION. This monograph on "Andhra-Karnata Jainism" which forms the second part of the present volume of " Studies in South Indiun Jainism" is the result of a vacation study undertaken in the summer recess of 1921 at the instance of the Trustee of the Vizianagram Raj and the Principal of the Maharajah's College. It seeks to trace the influence of Jainism in the Andhra and Karnata districts of the Madras Presidency. The traces of this influence are very largely obscured by the latterday Renaissance of Puranic Hinduism and afford an opportunity for extended exploration. This is the first attempt, so far as I know, to give any systematic account of them and none can be more conscious than myself of the want of more adequate information on the subject. In these circumstances, these studies cannot claim more value than can be given to the barest outlines of a subject which, for cultural reasons, demands more than a passing interest. These studies serve to throw some lighthowever faint it may be on the history of the Andhra Country from the Fall of the Satavahanas to the Rise 'of the Chalukyas. The views elaborated are my own, first formulated while working as a Reader in Dravidian Philology in the University of Madras (1914-1917); and I believe, the materials on which they are based are presented now for the first time in an ordered sequence.

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South Indian History is yet a subject for research, and must continue to be so for at least a decade more. Andhra History is a comparatively more untrodden field. No opinions on these subjects can therefore be stated with an air of finality. I shall consider this labour of love amply rewarded if these essays provoke thought and constructive criticism. The period of history here treated requires elucidation from many points of view. I have endeavoured to suggest one line of elucidation. My special thanks are due to the Telugu Librarian of the Oriental MSS. Library, Madras, for his invariable courtesy in facilitating my references and to M.R.Ry. M. Ramakrishnakavi Garu, M.A., for a loan of his rare Kannada works in print and MS. bearing intimately on the subjects of my investigation. The index to this part is prepared by my colleague Mr. V. Visvanatha Sarma, Pandit, Maharajah's College and Mr. J. Venkataratnam of the fourth year University class. I feel it my duty to state that these studies would not at all have been possible but for the noble enthusiasm and generous sympathy of the Trustee of the Vizianagram Raj and the Principal of the Maharajah's College for researches in the Indian Cultural Tradition. MAHARAJAH'S COLLEGE,! VIZIANAGRAM, July 1922. B. SESHAGIRI RAO.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS, PART II. PAGE 33 CHAPTERI. The Evidence of Tradition II. Epigraphia Jainica . III. Jainism in Andhra-Karnata Literary Tradition .. .. INDEX .. .. .. 94 135

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ANDHRA KARNATA JAINISM. CHAPTER I. THE EVIDENCE OF TRADITION. (Local Records in the Madras Museum.) The fascination of the subject (a) Antiquity, (6) Disguise, (c) Represents struggle and achievement of a spiritual nature-Jaina and Upanishadic methods of spiritual culture-The Nandyala tradition showing Jain. ism in relatiort to worldly realism, the progress of arts and sciences--Jaina fantasticism and neighbouring Vaidica Dharma-Kurimari and Pasapula traditionJaina village organisation (a) Pallis, (6) Bastis-Jaina bastis-Disguised Jaina foundations : Pedagadela, Tadinagurapupadu-Jaina liberalism in relation to Vaidica Dharma-Warrangal, Ramathirtham, Siddhavattam, Tenali _The beginnings of the decline of Jaina influence in the Andhra desa-Raja Raja Narendra of Rajah. mundry and his ancestors--The leaders of the Revival in the Andhra desa : The Kotas of Amaravati, The Parichchedi-Pusapatis of Bezwada and the Kakatiyas of Warrangal--The progress of revivalist antagonism to Jainism even in border districts of Andhra-Karnata desa like Warrangal The kindlier treatment of Jainism in the Karnata desa proper--The problem suggested --Materials for an answer. Jainism in the Andhra-Karnata desa is a Antiquity. fascinating subject of investigation. It has a fascination all its own. Chronologically, it helps to fill in the gap between the Fall of Satavahana power in the Deccan and the Rise of the Chalukyas, the Gangas, and the ParichchediPusapatis of East Deccan definitely committed 13

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2 ANDHRA KARNATA JAINISM. to the revival of Vaidica Dharma. Its memorials come from well within the period of Buddhist influence under Asoka. Perhaps they are even tarlier. Whether latterday Buddhism shaded off into Jainism, or whether both Buddhism and Jainism were parallel and contemporary protests against Sacrificial Hinduism, originating in the Upanishadic reflections of the Rationalistic period of Hindu thought or whether Jainism was an original primitive Indian faith, of the North Indian forest homes and tribes, modified, deepened and intellectualised largely by association with, and on the analogy of, the Aryan philosophical, ethical and sociological speculation and organisation,--these are matters of controversy amongst famous Inde. logists. The view, however, adopted as the basis of the present studies is that Jainism in the Andhra desa, at least, was probably pre-Mauryan, that its influence, humanising and cultural, was working in these lands before the Asokan version of the gospel of Buddha reached them and that the prevalence of its characteristic doctrine of Ahimsa prepared the Andhras and Kalingas in a way for the favourable reception of the Buddhist doctrine promulgated by the Asokan Edicts and propagandists. Herein may be found an explanation of the peculiar note of sadness characteristic of the Asokan Edict dealing with the conquest of Kalinga and Asoka's sudden conversion to Buddhism and the definite adoption by him of a policy of

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THE EVIDENCE OF TRADITION. 3 peace in preference to one of war and aggression. Recent interpretations of the Khara vela inscription of Kalinga lend support to this view. The Bhadrabahu inscriptions of Sravana Belgola are even earlier than the Kharavela inscriptions, for the Karnata country. This Bhadrabahu tradition is the starting point of a revival of Jaina activity in South India. " In Literature, the Brihatkathakosa, a work aby Harishena, dated 931, says that Bhadrabahu, the last of the Srutakevalis, had the king Chandragupta as his disciple. A similar account is contained in the Bhadrabahu charita by Ratnanandi of about 1450 ; as is repeated in the Rajavalikatha by Devachandra which is a modern compilation of about 1800." The points worthy of note in this summary of the Bhadrabahu tradition in the Karnata country are first, that the inscriptions know only of a Chandragupta-muni, the disciple of Bhadrabahu, and secondly, that the Jaina literary tradition from the 10th century onwards knows of a king Chandragupta who was perhaps this disciple whom the inscriptions celebrate. Modern historical scholarship has sought to identify this Chandragupta, king and muni, with Chandragupta Maurya, the patron of Kautilya, the accredited author of the Arthasastra. The Kharavela tradition makes the Nandas of Magadha the followers of the Jaina faith, for, it speaks of a Nanda Raja who led a conquering expedition into Kalinga and carried

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4. ANDHRA KARNATA JAINISM. " off (?) an image of Adi-Jina. (A passage in the Udayagiri, inscription of Kharavela seems to suggest that Kharavela " made the king of Magadha sbow down at the feet of the highest brought away by Nanda Raja." ? (Cf. ato show pyti nNdraajniits agjins.) Jarl Carpenter, Ph.D., Upsala, says, " The agra-Jina may be Mahavira or Rishabha, but so much seems clear, that a Nanda king had taken away an idol of Jina during a raid into Kalinga, possibly about sixty years after the death of Mahavira." It is not clear whether "Anitasa" in the text can be rendered as " carried away" or " brought "; if the latter rendering be accepted, it would make Nanda Raja himself a ruler of Kalinga, perhaps a predecessor of Klaravela. A Nanda Raja, no doubt seems to have ruled in Kalinga, for there are, for instance, villages in the populous parts of Ganjam, named after a Nanda Raja. Of such names may be mentioned :-Nandagam (Berhampore Taluq), Nandarajapuram (Ichhapur Taluq). This does not, however, affect adversely the argument of the antiquity of Kalinga Jainism. On the other hand, it takes us 'further a step back of the times of Kharavela and makes it definitely pre-Mauryan. . While the Chandragupta of the Bhadrabahu tradition is acknowledged to have been a Brahmanist before his conversion by Bhadrabahu, an additional motive for his revolt against A version (Telugu) of Markan- the descendants of a Nanda deyapuranam makes the four famous Raja of Kalinga. Kobatriya olans of the Andhra deca i

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THE EVIDENCE OF TRADITION. 5 the Nandas in combination with Kautilya is afforded by the evidence of the Kharavela inscription noticed above as to the Jaina patronage of those kings. On Kautilya himself, the Jaitia doctrine of Ahimsa made absolutely no impression. The point is proved by the fact that in the Sunadhyaksha, a number of animals are exempted from slaughter (especially in the Abhayavanas) but meat diet was not taboced. For otherwise, Kautilya would not give rules 'regarding the sale of meat. Aside from the fascination of this Disguise. antiquity of Andhra-Karnata Jainism, there is the added charin of its disguise. To the student of Indian Antiquities nothing comes beaming with so much inspiration as the disguise that covers in tradition many a monument of this immemorial past, rich with its message that man lives not for power and pelf alone, that in fact his high destiny lies more in the conquests of the spirit and its dominance over what is merely " of the earth, earthy." It is a message of struggle, of travail, of sacrifice, of devoted consecration, and concentration, of high and noble achievement for the freedom of the body and the soul. The momentoes of this struggle and achievement, of this power of the spirit and its decay are obscured in the annals of the Andhra mandala, so completely obscured even in its literature, that, but for the records of the tradition collected by the late Col. Mackenzie and

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6' ANDHRA KARNATA JAINISM. Jaina vs. Vaidios cultures. " C. P. Brown, all knowledge of them would have been lost to the modern world. These studies cannot therefore begin better than with salutations to those great souls that laboured in their own generation so earnestly that the world may think kindly and reverently of these whilom scenes of the conflicts of civilisations and systems of spiritual culture. The principal object or pradhana purushartha in life of a Jaina is meditation and self-purification for the attainment of arhathood ; indeed, it cannot be distinguished, except in the externalities of method, from the Upanishadic and Smarta ideal of life for a Brahmana desirous of the attainment of moksha, freedom, viz., Swadhyaya and Brahmacharya, i.e., study and self-control by concentration. In the later Jaina inscriptions which fall within the period of the present investigation, Jaina munis are often described as yama-niyama-swadhyayadhyana-dharana-mounanushtana- japa-samadhisila-guna-sampannar (obowo Sorbato stogo goose pasa dhaarnn maanaanussttaan jp smaadhi shiil gunn sNpnnr) and the followers of the Vaidica Dharma in similar terms as yama-niyama-swudhyaya - dhyanadharana-maunanushtava - porayana - japa - silasampannar (otwao postao stogaigao quiso quota sonu ponto sthaan praaynn jp shiil sNpnnr). , It is said in the Jaina Agamas that Mahavira was the first to insist on celibacy for the Jaina munis in addition to traditional digambaratwa, i.e., nudity. A programme of life

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THE EVIDENCE OF TRADITION. inspired by such high and difficult disciplines of yoga required for its successful cultivation a certain obscurity and considerable quiet. This determined the choice of the Jaina munis to carry wherever they went what Tagore would describe as "the message of the forest" charateristic of the freest period of Indian intellectual achievement. No wonder, then, that, in South India, the Jainas were in many cases the humanisers bf forest glades and charming riversides, either long neglected by human life or quite untouched by it. That they had an eye for such picturesque spots in nature is obvious from the place-Katavapra-selected by Bhadrabahu, the Rejuvinator of the South Indian Jainism, for his niryanam. The Sravana Belgola description detailing the event, perhaps the earliest inscription of Karnata Jainas, has the following description of the Katavapra Hill: * * '7 "aatH aacaary prbhaacNdraanaaN avnitlllaa mbhuu tee thaasmi kttv prnaamkooplkssmi tee vividhtruvrkusumdllaavlli vikc nllblvipul sjl jldnivh niilootpl tlee vraahdviipivvaa ghrrksstr kssu vyaalmRgku loo pcitoo ptyeek kNdr drimhaaguhaa naabhoogvti smuttuNgllllN gee shikhrinni" Translation (Lewis Rice): "When they had reached a mountain with lofty peaks, whose name was Katavapra,- -an ornament to the earth, the ground around which was variegated with the brilliant hues of the clusters of gay flowers fallen from the beautiful trees; the rocks on which were as *

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8 ANDHRA KARNATA JAINISM. Jainism and worldly realism. dark as the great rainclouds filled with water ; abounding with wild boars, panthers, tigers, bears, h'yenas, serpents and deer ; filled with caves, caverns, l'arge 'ravines and forests." The dwellers of such mountain regions, generally inaccessible to man or beast, however, became the fellers of the forest and the controllers of river-courses. These Jaina colonists coming down into South India in large groups, sometimes of 500 each, selected for their residence beautiful river banks and deep forest recesses redolent of the fragrance of creeper and flower and rich with the beauties of varicgated landscape, so that they might imbibe their balm and assimilate themselves to the creative forces of nature as a first step to their gradual assimilation to the Arhats. Some such idea is discernible through the conventionalised description of the aspect of Kuntala desa, a famous resort of Jaina ascetics, occurring in an early Kannada inscription of S.S. 1130 from one of the present Andhra-Karnata districts. The Brahmanda Purana mentions the Nirgranthas among the early South Indian set:tlers known to the writers of Aryavarta. The forest recesses of the Andhra desa revealed to the illuminating gaze of these scholarly immigrants either virgin lands untouched by the feet of the unhallowed or ruins of former human habitation,-the traces of the achievement and decay of an 'earlier generation of Indian population. They no doubt dealt with these regions

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THE EVIDENCE OF TRADITION. 9 in the spirit of pioneers breaking new ground and planning out new foundations. Nandyala otherwise called Dommara Nandyala' on the banks of the river Pinakini is one such colony. It lay in the neighbourhood of Hindu habitations, of people following Vaidica Dharma. The Jaina munis arrived there, cleared .the jungle, marked out a plot of elevated ground for their palli, established their deity on it and settled down to their daily routine of study, meditation and sadhana. They seem to have tilled the soil (a point in which they assimilated themselves more to the followers of the Vaidica Dharma) and followed their ideals of life unmolested by their neighbours. Yet, it was definitely recorded in the tradition of Nandyala that their faith was peculiar, as also their manners and general method of life. It is worthy of remark that these followers of the digambara tradition in Nandyala covered themselves with leaves (which corresponded to Narachuralu of the early Hindu settlers in the South Indian asramas). This peace and quiet, this undisturbed concentration on the realisation of ideals, this atmosphere of pure study led to great intellectual power and achievement. The Jaina munis became masters oithe arts and sciences, great scholars in medicine and magic, "conning" searchers of the heavens, the makers of logic, philosophy and literature. Such achievement characterises one of the early Icharyas of the Jaina tradition, viz., Kundakunda who, according

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10 ANDHRA KARNATA JAINISM. " to tradition, lived and meditated in Konakundala in the Bellary District in the present Andhra-Karnata country. Yet, scholarship so highly technical, self-centred and self-reflective, so much apart from the main currents of life round about, so insular and intensive, bred a certain type of arrogance which latterly came into violent collision with the propagandistic zeal of the followers of Sankara, Ramanuja and Basaval and in the intellectual jousts that followed, the Jainas fell sorry and forlorn victims to what appears like self-sought destruction. Nandyala fell into ruins like many an other such Jaina foundation and became for once nothing but a mound of high ground indicative of desolation and significantly known to later. generations as Jaina padu. Many of the oddities of life and manners of the Jainas, some of which are noticed in the Nandyala Kaiphiyat, are derivable directly from the doctrine of Ahimsa alleged to be characteristic of the Jaina and Bouddha protestant faiths. This doctrine is clearly stated in a work called Ratna-Karanda by Samantabhadraswami, one of the celebrated Acharyas of the Jaina pontifical heirarchy. The Jaina munis had a clean shave to prevent the growth of lice and the possibility of their having to kill them. They swept the path with peacock feathers (barhipincham) wherever they walked, lest they should tread unawares on the tiniest insect. They became digambaras lest * Soe Basava Purana (Telugu) Chapter 6. Jain tantastioism.

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THE EVIDENCE OF TRADITION. 11 the cloth they may wear should, by contact with their bodies, injure any microcosms that may alight on them. They did not eat after nightfall lest light should attract and kill the wandering insects of the air. Such life and manners no doubt appeared fantastic to the followers of Vaidica Dharma surrounding them, but they were tolerated by them as just a fantastic extravagance of precepts to which they themselves professed allegiance. For, as a writer *in the American Oriental Society's Journal points out" that this non-injury rule was Bud-. dhistic is contrary to evidence. Even the oldest Brahmanical law, which is at least as venerable as any Buddhist Literature, includes the general moral rule of doing as one would be done by in the matter of injuring, killing and eating one's brother-animal.... Except for sacrifice, to kill no sentient thing and to eat no meat were absolutely priestly laws ....The later Brahmanic law, like that of the Jainas, was very particular in regard to these points." And yet, notwithstanding all this rigour, even fantastic rigour, of their Ahimsa dharma, such was the reaction of the surrounding Vaidica Dharma on their faith,and life that these Jaina munis gradually assimilated their faith and practices to those of their neighbours and did not even scruple to offer bloody sacrifices for the satisfaction of their deities on the occasion of the foundation of their villages. A very interesting account of such a sacrifice by Jainas is given in the Kaiphiyat of

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12 ANDHRA KARNATA JAINISM. ' Jaina facrifice. a village called Jammalamaduyu in the present Andhra-Karnata tountry. The tradition is also borne witness to by an early Kannada inscription assigned by C. P. Brown to A.D. 1029 or 1089. The inscription states that a general of Sreeman Mahamandalesvara Trailokyamalla Deva called Chandra Dandanayaka and his wife fell heroically fighting in a battle occasioned by a Woundary-dispute between two villages called Kurimari and Pasapula. There is a Virkal describing this heroism in the former village fixed in the temple of Tallakantisvari by whose favour king Trailokyamalla had a son Bhima Deva and henceforward become devoted to her. Just as the inscription brings out the heroism of Indian manhood and womanhood trained under the hardy discipline of Jainism and its contempt for life in the service of Dharma or righteousness, so does the story of the foundation of the Jaina deity in Kurinari betray the influence, in Andhra-Karnata Jainism, of the enveloping aspects of the more ancient V&idica Dharma and even of the much earlier sacrificing faiths of the primitive forest tribes. A body of Jaina immigrants reached the heast of the forest near Jammalamadugu, and discovered traces of human habitation there. They fixed a good day for the founding of a new village on that ancient site and first established their Sakti, on it, called Daitamma and wanted to offer a goat sacrifice. They went in search of a goat and finding near by a yolla tending his sheep and

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THE EVIDENCE OF TRADITION. 13 goats, offered him anything he might ask as the price of a goat or veta. He wanted to impress upon the munis the supreme lesson of sacrifice, viz., that it is made at the birth of a new creation and that the sacrificed reincarnates in it and so agreed to give them a goat for a sacrifice on condition that they in turn agreed to call the village after the sacrificed animal. The munis consented, made the sacrifice and called the place Kurimari (goat sacrifice). The village flourished day by day. It became a great basti. Like this Daitarma, Tallakantisvari was another deity latterly established at Kurimari. By the time of Trailokyamalla Deva, this deity had to be re-discovered and her temple renovated. During the time of Kakatiya Prataparudra, the place came to be called Danavula-padu? (the ruined habitat of the danavas or devils) probably by the followers of the Vaidica Dharma in their revivalist contempt for the Jainas or as a reminiscence of the tradition of Daitamma (the daityadanava goddess) the earliest Jaina deity ever established in that place. The Jainas were not content to live an Jaina Social obscure and out-of-the-Way kind of life in pallis. They developed bastis. A palli seems to be the Jaina unit of social and administrative organisation. A basti seems to correspond to a city or township formed out of a group of neighbouring villages. Vanipenta is an instance of such a For a description of the see Madras Archeological Report, Jaina ruins of Danavulapad, 1903-04. Organisation..

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14 ANDHRA KARNATA JAINISM. basti or township. It was originally a forest side cleared by the Jainas for a habitation. It latterly became a big basti under a Jaina king called Mallaraja with some villages (amuddireddddiplli, addireddddiplli, mittttbhuupnplli, vishvnaadhpurN) as its component parts. This happened during a Jaina interregnum between the Chola and Kakatiya suzereignties. The Reddis after whom the villages are named must have been powerful Jaina chiefs in the vicinity of Vanipenta. Similar in status was Kondrajupalem, a Jaina basti in the Retur paragana of Vinukonda Sarkar in the Andhra mandala. When it passed latterly into the hands of the Brahmanical revivalists, it was destroyed by them as a mark of the victory, under Mukkanti, of the Brahmans from Benares, over the Jaina gurus, in philosophical disputation. To the isanya of Chunduru there used to be a similar Jaina foundation "called. Peddintimma. Jainism decayed there even before the rise of the Oddi, the Reddi and the Kakatiya Rajas to sovereign power. The villagers of Chunduru used the high level mound which represented it as their "granary and the place came subsequently to be known as Pedagadela (gade grain-holder). - Similar again was Tadinagarapupadu ( x) to the west of the village now known as Kolluru in the Mrutyunjayanagar Taluq of Chintapalli Sarkar. In the early years of the Salivahana Saka, according to tradition, several

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THE EVIDENCE OF TRADITION. 15 Jaina Rajas ruled here among whom the Kolluru Kaiphiyat mentions Jayasimha, Malla Deva, Somideva, Permadi Deva, Singi Deva and the Vengi king 'Vishnuvardhana. That a place is called basti at a more advanced stage of social development than palli is evidenced by the Kanaparru Kaiphiyat. The village. Kanaparru was originally a Hindu foundation. Subsequently the Jainas came and occupied it. They developed the village, built several homesteads and jinalayas and "made the village into a basti." The word basti is also used in the Kaiphiyats in the sense of a Jaina shrine. It is derived from Sanskrit Vasati=a dwelling place (Cf. nivesanam=house-site). Popular fancy treats it as a Hindustani word but it can be traced in Jaina inscriptions quite earlier than the Muhammadan advent. Such very early Jaina foundations of the Andhra-Karnata desa are so subtlely disguised very often by the theological zeal and ingenuity of the latterday Hindu revivalists, that, while Disguised the fact illustrates the absorbing catholicity of the latter, it confuses all traces of historic continuity. For the glimmerings of such continuity almost the only source of material authoritative is the collection of Kaiphiyats in the Mackenzie manuscripts of the Oriental Library of the Madras Museum. It remains, for the South Indian epigraphist and archaeologist, a sacred duty to follow up the suggestions offered by these glimmerings of ancient tradition and Jainism.

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Mutual tolerance. 16 ANDHRA KARNATA JAINISM. unearth the actual traces of Rajavalis and civilisations in the Andhra-Karnata desa for the period between the decay of the Satavahanas and the rise of the Chalukyas. Much of this period is too readily supposed to be covered by the rule of the Pallavas, the tradition of whom is not as clear in the AndhraKarnata records and literature as in those of the Dravida country. Instances of the liberalism of the Jainas, and the followers of the Vaidica Dharma towards each other deserve particularly to be placed on record, for, they account largely for the great figure that Jainisti could make even amidst adverse forces. The accounts of the foundation of Warrangal, so intimately associ" ated with the Andhra dynasty of the Kakatiyas, record that Madhavavarma, the founder of this dynasty, acquired the means of sovereign power by worshipping a goddess located in an underground temple near about the present site of Warrangal. Tradition as recorded in the Warrangal Kaiphiyat says that there was a hill called Hanumadyiri to the isanya of Hidimbasrama in North. Dandaka, the seat of devas and rishis. This was discovered by a person called Ekambaranatha (the muni with a single cloth). He founded near it a village called Hanumadgiri (Anumakonda) and established several deities in it-Siddhesvara in the middle, Devi Padmakshi in the west, Garga sakti in the north, Gopalamarti in the south and

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THE EVIDENCE OF TRADITION. 17 Bhadra Kali in the east. The Siddhesvara and Padmakshi may indeed be the later Saivite variants of the original Jaina deities ot' Siddha and Padmavati. The rest of the deities may either be mistaken appropriations to an earlier time of a later day tradition of Hindu revival, or, if they really belong to the Jaina period, they may be illustrative of the catholicity of latterday Jainism in its assimilations to cuntemporary Hinduism. Anumakonda long continued, in literary tradition, to be a seat of Avaidica faiths. To such a period of Jaina catholicity would belong, for instance, the Rama temple of Ramathirtham near Vizianagram in the Vizagapatam District. The fact is mentioned in the following excerpt from a Jaina inscription from the Vizagapatam District : shaakaatttteen bhpheeNducNdrgnnitee shriibhoog puryaaNprbhuH | shriimnmnnmnaayk syumtimaa kritvaajinsthaapnN | fitog Troob-505 rebrae sp ... Popkoro i raamooraamgiraaydhaajin pdaabdaas ktcitt svyN || That the Jaina kings who ruled the part of the country near Warrangal before the rise of the Kakatiya power practised such catholicity is shown by the Siddhavattam Kaiphiyat which distinctly says that they founded the temples of Siva and Kesava in the east of that village. During the days of the Chola sovereignty, a Brahmana Agraharam of 360 homesteads was founded on the banks of the Pinakini within a 14

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18 ANDHRA KARNATA JAINISM. radius of 5 kros from the village of Siddhavattam. To the east of that Agraharam, on a narrow strip of high level ground, the Jaina kings founded, subsequently, a Bhairavalaya. A similar instance of Jaina liberalism also occurs in the tradition of Tenali, a village in the Andhra mandala proper. The Jaina Rajas that ruled there were so devoted to the god Rumalingaswami of that place that they got their own devotee figures sculptured on the walls of that Saivite shrine. Such liberalism on both sides enabled Jainism to command a large following and influence in the Andhra-Karnata mandala down to the time of the Eastern Chalukya king Raja Raja Narendra of Rajahmundry and Mukkanti Prataparudra Ganapati Deva of Warrangal. The Warrangal Kaiphiyat mentions a great Jaina patriarch called Vrishabhanadha Tirtha of the time of Raja Raja Narendra of Rajahmundry as having been very powerful about Warrangal. Why such a great religious teacher had left Rajahmundry, the capital of the Vengi Kingdom, for the border district of Warrangal in the Andhra-Karnata desa is clear enough. Raja Raja Narendra - was perhaps the first of the Chalukyas of the Andhra country to begin definitely a seriously intellectual, and at the same time popular, campaign against Jainism or more properly, in favour of pauranic Hinduism. The beginning of the decline of the Jaina influence in the Andhra desa may be referred Hindu ! aggression,

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THE EVIDENCE OF TRADITION. 19 to the time of this Raja Raja Narendra who ascended the throne at' Rajahmundry in the year 1022 A.D. About the year 1053 A.D. he induced the Telugu rendering of Vyasa's Mahabharatarn by his courtier Nannayabhatta, as perhaps a rival to the Pampa Bharata or Vikramarjuna Vijaya known to him in the Kannada language and setting forth ancient story and legend from a distinctly Jaina point of view. A critical and comparative examination of the Jaina and the Telugu Bharatas does not fall within the range of the present investigation. Suffice it to say that later poets who attempted to appraise Nannaya's work regarded as "trashy worthless inaterial," all the literature that preceded it in Telugu and delighted the hearts of the Andhras. This description may well indicate the attitude of the Pauranic Revivalists to Jaina literature even in the Telugu districts proper. Just a single verse may be quoted as an illustration of this type of appraisement of an old poet's work as a contribution to the progress of culture : bhaasur bhaar todhnnmulbhNgulnikk meruX neermik | gaasttbiis tteecdivi gaadhldrvyu tenuNguvaariki | vyaasmuni prnniitpr maadhnnmu tellmu jeesinttttiy | jaasnklpulNdlku naadyulnnn ytikknaaryulk II We say, the beginnings of the decline, Jaina decline. advisedly, for a few years before A.D. 1022, during the time of Raja Raja's father Vimaladitya (Mummadi. Bhima), his guru visited

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20 ANDHRA KARNATA JAINISM. o Ramathirtham,'near Vizianagram, then a great centre of Jaina culture. This fact is recorded thus in a Kannada inscription at Ramathirtham (that the language of the inscription is Kannada shows that that language was well understood in Ramathirtham, a place distinctly Andhra in foundation and tradition) : 1. svsti svv loo kaashry shriivissnnuvrdhn mhaaraajgaaju maattaa, mummddi bhiimnvorugl . 2. shriim doossignnaacaayy- ruN Sage ..... dowj0236860 soqogasnog Boga.... 3. t Logo Bolisasi spioradgar [K] 0x80... 4. shriitrikaallyoogimunii sttr krmmjidcci si (bhkti yollmitN) shrii raamkoddimNbnssi sidr | The ancestors of the Vimaladitya, Mummadi Bhima, of the above excerpt, were them selves patrons of Jainism which perhaps was the original faith of the early members of the Chalukya family in West Deccan. The facts relevant to this point are thus,summed up by the Epigraphist with the Government of Madras :-(Cf. M. Ep. Rep. 1917-18). " Vishnuvardhana III of the Eastern Chalukya dynasty made a grant in S. 684 which registers evidently the renewal of an earlier grant of the village Musinikunda in Tonka N [a]ta-v[a]di-vishaya to the [Jaina] teacher Kalibhadracharya. The queen of the King Kubjavishnuvardhana I influenced the grant of a village to a Jaina Basti at Bijavada. Amma II has made grants to Jaina temples and patronised the grant of a Jaina Sravaki

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Vaidica * THE EVIDENCE OF TRADITION. 21 by lending his title to a charitable Jaina feeding house called Sarvalokasraya--Jinabhavana endowed by her." Among the Andhra dynasties that played Other a great part in the revival of Vaidica Dharma by Revivaliste. definitely ranging themselves heroically against Jainism and such other Avaidica faiths powerful in the Andhra country must be mentioned the Kotas of Dhanya-Kataka, the ParichchediPusapatis of Bezwada and the Kakatiya Ganapatis of Warrangal. These are all South Indian Rajaput clans. Tradition records their advent together to South India from their North Indian homes. Some Bardic verses bearing on this point may here be illustrated :almuvikrmuddu koosljyaadityuNddu dkssinnvijigiissdaaddi veddli | nigmaagmaaNtpaagguddaaji bhiissmuNddu shriideevvrm sainyaadhiptig | nkhilsiimlvijy stNbhmulunaatti divi kee genutriliNg deeshbhuuri | vaahinii pti deevvrm pbhuNddyye ndddduulisiim peeraajiloon| vllbhunooddiNci vaibhvNbulmiNci saarvbhaumpdNbu jgti gaaNce | atni sutuNddubuddhaavniishuddu raac tbisiyaigaaN cenudhrmnRpuni | tnyulaatniki buddhy deevvrmlu buddh raajNdu brsiddhuddyye ! atnitnuuju ddaattbloonntuddu maadhvvrm muttaatboole | jnkunaajnynun ptshti saaNgmug raam deeshiku ceenupdeesh moNdi | knkdurgaakttaaku praaptvibhvu ddai mlliysiNgni boormrNdjeesi | caubllhttmllblaadhipuni rktdhaar ceepr deevtnubhjiNci | vsudigiNdriyllllvtsrNbul jyvaatti kaadurg vaibhvmu gaaNci | ggnvaannii vaallygaurvNbunpuuspaatti bhuumini puriivr mugtttti , vaasi gaaNcuttpuuspaatti vaarnuyiNtti peeru gaaNciriraac peddrikmu This extract from a Sisamalika composed by a member of the Pusapati family who calle

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22 ANDHRA KARNATA JAINISM. himself Rajamartanda Sri Rachiraj, son of Tammiraj, gives an account of the origin of the Pusapati family among the Andhra Rajaputs. According to this version Jayaditya of Kosala came on a conquering expedition to the south of India. Along with him came his redoubted general Devavarma. Jayaditya conquered several lands and planted pillars of victory in various places and perhaps died in the return journey. His general Devavarma of the Trilinga command succeeded him in the Andhra country, . - defeated Vallabha in the severe contest at Addur and became overlord. His son Buddhavarma was a saintly prince and he had two sons Buddhavarma and Devavarma, of whom the former became celebrated. His valiant son was Madhavavarma who, like his great grandfather, obtained the Saptasati mantra along. with its angas from Ramadesika and attained status and wealth by the favour of Kanakadurga. He appeased Durga with the blood of Chauhattamalla Baladhipa and killed Maliyasinga in open warfare and became celebrated owing to Durga's favour in S.S. 548 (A.D. 626). He built a city on the, site of Pusapadu and henceforward his line of princes1 like Amalraj became the leaders of the South Indian Kshatriya clans and were traditionally known as the Pusapatis. According to Vishnubhakti Sudhakaram, Amul Raj was the first to call himself a Pusapati and the Rachiraj, author or the present Malika, must be Rachi I, son of Tammiraj, given in the "genealogy" of that work."

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THE EVIDENCE OF TRADITION. 23 The following verses (bhat) refer with some enthusiasm to these successes of the Pusapati family from Madhavavarma downwards which secured for them thd leadership of the South Indian Rajaput clans :1. enimidi veel poorgl yeenugulnvddi neellookkiloo kknidlllkss vaajulunu kvvddiboolunnNtbhRtyulu | ghnmugdurg ... khNdddhnNjy bhiikraaNku ddai | mnujv reennyuddN brgu maadhvvrmku gaarvNbunk | 2. kttttel guN ddepttttu kaiktttti dhurNdhr ... tecciy | ppttttun jNpcitrmni bhlguni mecci suvnH sRssttiy | ppttttnbhuumiloo guruvbN cenumaadhvvrm paalli peN | (pittttin ?) yNcuyi. ..bh bheerkonirippuri deev sNghmul || 3. heemaaclmu daak neek ckrNbu gaabhuvi nee lemitaatbuddhvrm | maa taatguriyiNci mer semaadhvvrm grim cee bejvaaddknk vRsstti , paaNddy keekycoollpr viir nRptul tegttaarcemitaat deevvrm | piddugumuttuniiygaanddi nee se mii taatbhiikrNbug cikk bhiimnRpti! . cNddvikrmyin vNsh jldhicNdr | baapu ! mgdhiir ! rnnrNg bhairvaaNk | posg nevvrunii saatti puuspaatti | pgrk nudiNmm raacbhuudhvuni timm || (From the M6S. of the late G. V. Apparao Pantulu.) These verses, the text of which is greatly corrupted by centuries of oral tradition in the mouths of family bards, testify in a general * way to the incidents referred to in the above excerpt of a Malika composed by one of the members of the Pusapati family, who by the way, calls himself srssaahity sNgiit ckrvrti (the

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`24' ANDHRA KARNATA JAINISM. master of fine poetry and music). They refer also darkly to conflicts with the, followers of a different faith. . . The Kotas of Dhanyakataka were, like the Pusapatis of Bezwada and Pusapadu, the followers of a Saiva faith. These describe themselves in their inscriptions as follows: ctussmudrmudrit nikhilvsuNdhraa pripaalk shriimttinyn pllv (prsaad] . jnyaandiidkssinnssttshsraavniinll bh shriimdmreeshvr deevr divy shriipaad pdmaaraadhk pr bl saadhk shriidhaa vykttk purvraadhiishvr // The Amaresvara of Dhanyakataka referred to in this description as the family deity of the Kotas must originally have been a Buddhist or Jaina deity during the Satavahana period when Dhanyakataka was the primary capital of the Andhra Empire. By the time of the Kotas this deity must have been metamorphosed into a Saivite one. The Kotas of Dhanyakataka, the descendants of whom are still found among the Andhra Kshatriyas, had a special birudagadya of their own still recited on ceremonial occasions. The following extracts from it bear out the description of the dynasty quoted above from an inscription : svstismstpNcmhaashbdmhaamNddleeshvr | raajpr meeshvr / yiishvr pdviiviraajmaan | vijyvinood| mllcooll siNhcooll shaarduul / mttmaatNg| hriraayaasthaan gjsiNh | bauddhkNddkuddaal / paaNddiyraaymg| dhnNjygootr raaju peeru jgmeccu gNddNddu| bNttu peeru pg meccugNddNddu ! khddgN peeru kaalmRtyuvu | reevu peeru paapvinaash 1 *

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THE EVIDENCE OF TRADITION. 25 nNbu | ndi peeru kRssnn veenni, deevr peeru amreeshvr deevuNddu | pttttnnNbu peeru dhrnnaalkoott | vaatti peeru dhaanyvaatti | viitti yoo xo o xo sol bax Xox Boboi.....dow deevr bhuupaaluNddu modlain shriikoott raajul anvyprshsti | Drow-BS i aigzow $5] Among the Andhra Rajaputs, there is a family called Jampani's of Dhananjaya gotra who claim to be of the Kota line. The reference in this prasisti to the contests * of the Kotas with the Mallas, the Cholas and the Pandya's must belong to the time when, as . followers of the Kosala king they came to South India under the leadership of Devavarma. There are dark suggestions in Dravida Literature of a Mauryan expedition into the Deccan assisted by the Kosars and Vadagus. The Vadagus or the Andhras referred to in these suggestions may possibly be the five clans of South Indian Rajaputs thus alleged to have followed the fortunes of Devavarma " of the Trilinga command " (triliNg vaahinii pti deennrm). The Kitas in this extract describe themselves as " the weapon by which the Buddha root is dug up" (dogs og sogre), an expression very significant of the campaign they carried on against Avaidica faiths. The Parichchedi-Pusapatis claim to have built Bezwada and resuscitated the worship of Durga' therein at a time when the Chalukyas were founding Jaina shrines there. They professed to carry on their fight for Vaidica Dharma with the means of sovereignty secured by the worship

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. JAINISM. 26 ANDHRA KARNATA JAINISM. of that ancient deity. The emergence of Madhavavarma into sovereign power by the worship of Durga at Bezwada has already been illustrated.. That this funily wllb described themselves as an invincible race (durjykul) were Saivas is also apparent from the following birudavali occurring in one of their inscriptions dated S.S. 1188 :-- * 11 svsti smdhigtpNcmhaashbd mhaamNddleeshvr kollipaak purvraadhiishvg tripurmaa heeshvr durjykulaaclmR geeNdr shrii. kRssnn veennyndiidkssinn pttshsr graamaavniivllbh * mlli kaavllbh eldaaygkks prblkrksh gNdddhnNjy aahvbhiim aribl (raam) gNddprcNddmaartaaNdd rnnrNg bhairv shkaar baaNdhv .. . kuNt kauN teeycaalluky raajymuul stNbh." This description agrees with the followe ing birudavali of the Pusapati family from Sreekrishnavijayam referred to in "Vizianagram Treaty" edited by the late 'illustrious Sree Sree Sree Sir Pusupati Anandagajapati Raz Maharaj, G.C.I.E., of Vizianagram : " svstishrii mnmhaamNddleeshvr, mhiimNddlraay, mnne surtraann, dgbhjkul klgraakaashshaaNk , hosbirudgNdd, dhaaraapuriighn daavdhnNjy, gNddddnNjy, . meedinii raaymRg veettkaar, viir keedaar, kRssnn veennii jlkriiddaa vinoodpraaynn, khddg naaraaynn, durjykulkulaacaalkNtthiikv aa rnnrNg bhairv, maallv gaaj mstk shuul, krnnaatt raajkNddkuddaal, vairiraajoorg vain teey, shaucgaaNgeey, viir seetuprtaapbhaasur, vaamchuriidhr , nelluurelu mNcilikNci deevgiricuur kaar, aaNdhrkttk njrpraakaar, maan * gooviNd, kuNtkauNteey, vijyvaatti kaasiNhaasnaadhykss maadhv vraanvyllaam, ghooraahvbhiim, knkdurgaaprsaadllvai bhvH

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THE EVIDENCE OF TRADITION. 27 kolipaak puriidhv, shkaar baaNdhv, dshl kss hyaasstt shsrgj vllbh, mllikaavllbh, laattbhoottcooll gaallidi raajpur srvsvaap haar, pricceedi vNshaabhrnn, birudraaynaahu_tt veeshyaa bhujNg kllyaannraajdurmdvibhNg, siituniitaaclaastoodyaadribirud shaasn caallukyraajysthaapnaacaary . el _viraaji raaykkraa" One thing is more than clear from these titles of the Pusapati family, viz., that the Pusapatis have all along claimed to belong to the "Parichchedi-Pusapati clan of Andhra Rajaputs. That these 'Parichchedi-Pusapatis professed to protect the Vaidica Varnasrama Dharma down to the time of Sree Krishnadevaraya, of the other Vizianagram, on the banks of the Tungabhadra river is evidenced by the following excerpt from an inscription dated in S.S. 1453 : shriivijyngr pttttnnaadhiishvr yiishvr naayk paatr nrs naayk putr shriiaacyutraay mhaaraay kRpaakttaakul bhaishvry dhury suuryvNshoodbhv vshissttgootrpvitr bejvaadd purvraadhiishvr mllikaarjun deevr divyshrii paadpdmaaraadhk maadhvvrm kulprdiip bejvaaddpaatti prtissttaapnaacaary seetu shiitaadri pryNt birudr gNdd rnnrNg bhairv mnne bhaargv vrnnaashrmdhrmprtipaalk deevbraahmnnpuujaapraaynn " 66 The more intolerant persecution of the Persecution Jainas by the Kakatiyas is very frequently described in the local records. One story goes that a Kakati king of Warrangal acquired a pair of charmed sandals with the help of which he used to visit Benares "

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28 ANDHRA KARNATA JAINISM. every morning without the queen and the people and return to his capital unnoticed when his morning ablutions were over. Once the queen happened to notice that the King was missing. She sent for her Jaina gurus who were proficient in Jyoutisham and asked them about his whereabouts. The Jaina gurus told the queen the truth of the matter. On the King's return she confronted him with the story of his "escapade " and only requested him to take her also to Benares for her own niorning ablutions. The King came to know that the queen had the truth of the matter calculated by the Jainas and consented reluctantly to grant her wish. Later on, when once the King was in Benares with the queen, she happened to be in her" period " and the King found great difficulty in coming back to his capital. Henceforward the sandals lost their charm, the King felt mortified and took vengeance on the Jainas by persecuting them. The worsting of the Jainas by Ganapati Deva of Warrangal when they were defeated in disputation with Tikkana (the minister of Manumasiddhi of Nellcre), the author of the Telugu Mahabharatam, is niore famous and the following extract from a manuscript poem in the Oriental Manuscripts Library of the Madras Museum has a clear reference to it : " anumkoNdd nivaasulaintttti bauddh jnulraaviNcivaariNdikknmniissi ,

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* THE EVIDENCE OF TRADITION. 29 tooddvaadiNp jeesintoddrivaa | - juluk-gaasoomyaajulu gelucuttyunu || v|| apuddu bauddh deevaalyNbulu guulN drooyiNci gnnpti deev raaju soomyaajulpttuvaaky shkti ki mecci II" . . . The Jainas are; no doubt confusedly, referred to as the Buddhas, for, a Jaina foundation by one Ekambaranatha is referred to in the traditions of Anumakonda. Jainism had kindlier treatment in the Karnata Jainism. Karnata country just about this time when adverse forces were heading against it in the Andhra country proper and even in the border districts, like Warrangal, of the Andhra-Karnata country. This may just be indicated from the traditions of the Karnata country proper. In a grant dated in S.S. 1044, a Saivite king of Banavasi "honours a Jaina foundation at Arapaku (aar paaku) in the Panugallu Talug. The following excerpt from the birudavali of that king makes his devotion to Saivism quite apparent : 'svsti sm sbhuvnaashrnn shriipRdhiviinllbh mhaa raajaadhiraaju pr meeshvr prmbhttttaark styaashrykultilk caallukyaabhrnn shriimttibhuvnmll, deevr vijyraajy muttroott raabhivRddhi prvrdh maan maacNdraark taarNbrN: silluttmi re || ttpaadpdmoopjiivi || svsti smdhigtpN cmhaallb mhaamNddleeshvrN bnvaasi purvraa dhiishvrN jyNtii mdhu keeshvr lbdhnr prsaadN mRgmdaamoodN I, triyku kmaasNbhvN! cturaashiiti ngraadhisstthitN llaattloocn cturbhujN | jgdviditaassttaadshaashv meedh diikssaa diikssitN | himvggiriiNdr ruNdrshikhrish sti sNsthaapit 'sphttik shilaa stNbhbddhmdgjm haamhi maabhiraamN | myuurvrm mhaamhii paalbhuussnnN | peermotti

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ANDHRA KARNATA JAINISM. & tuurynirdhoossnnN | shaakhaac reeNddrdhvjviraajmaanmaanoottuNg siNhlaaNchnN! dttaatiH kaaNcnN | smr jy kaarnnN | kdNbraa bhgnnN | maarkoolpg gNddN | prtaapmaartaaNddN / mNddlik gNdd bNgaarN // . ... 30 And yet, even in the Karnata country, donors to Jaina shrines had to make special appeals to the liberality and generosity of the followers of the Vaidica tradition when it so happened that they had to grant Brahmana Agraharams to Jaina munis or the shrines at which they worshipped. Thus it was not the political influence and patronage that the Jaina munis commanded that secured their porperties to them but the generosity of the followers of the Vaidica tradition and the respect they had for genuine scholarship and character among the Jainas. In support of this view may be cited an inscription dated in A.D. 898 of the time of the Chalukya king Trailokyamalla Deva in which the donor makes a special appeal to the Brahmanas of a village that he was granting to a Jaina foundation. He addresses them thus:-" ymniymsvaadhyaaydhyaan dhaar nnmaunaanusstthaan praaynnjpshiil sNpnnru atiitaagtvrt maan kaalduurshrvnn vijnyaanaa vijnyaanaadig llolltipricitruN | aneek trkshaa _strvidyaavishaardruN | aashriikjnaadruN | eek vaakyru | sveetchtr "caamraady neek raajcihnoo plkssitruN | shriivaasu deevlbdhprsaa druN |" and appeals to them to see that the enjoyment of the grant of their village to the Jaina scholar mentioned is maintained undisturbed. This scholar is described as smdhigt pNc aa 66

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3 THE EVIDENCE OF TRADITION. mhaaklyaanneesstt mhaapraatihaayynnctu striiNsh dtishyviraajmaan bhgvdrh tpr meeshvr prmbhttttaark mukhkml vinirdht sdndaadi sptbhNgi 'smaaliNgitaaraadhyaaNtaadi smstuu strpaaraavaargr." 31 Thus the great feature that had won wide tolerance for the Jaina munis and Jaina foundations in the Andhra-Karnata desa even during the bitterest periods of Hindu revivalist zeal was that that faith helped towards the formation of good and great character helpful to the progress of culture and humanity. The leading exponents of that faith continued to live such lives of hardy discipline and spiritual culture even during the days of discouragement, disfavour and antagonism from the patrons of religion and culture. A Jaina muni is thus described in an inscription dated in S.S. 1130:kssiti pripuujitpp9gmjain mhaaNbudhivdh9 nnnnn9yaa ! nvitr khibhaag nddh prishuddhmhaamtiglni rstdu ! sskRtru pshaaNtiyuktreni poNdupoggebhaanukiirtin : gti sut meeghcNdr muni mukhy reyoogyrillaatllaa grdooll II Hence the latterday persecutions of Jainism, like the persecutions of the Christians by Marcus Aurelius, are an extraordinary phenomenon deserving explanation on some hypothesis other than the merely revivalistic zeal of the followers of the Vaidica, which is for this period, the Pauranica, Dharma. But such persecutions paved the way for social reverses very often recorded in the traditions of the Andhra-Karnata villages leading, ultimately to the all but complete obscuration of all traces of Jainism in the Andhra-Karnata country.

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32 ANDHRA KARNATA JAINISM, What credence do these traditions deserve, rich as they are in suggestiveness? This question must be faced as one turns from the curious pursuit of these glimmering lights of South Indian antiquity. Sufficient cumulative evidence has been let in from other sources not wholly traditional to enable one to arrive at a decision. It must however be acknowledged that a possible answer is offered by the recent progress made by South Indian Epigraphical Research. A similar answer, not perhaps so complete, yet equally authoritative and suggestive, is found in the progress of research in South Indian Archaeology and Literature. APPENDIX A. The following account of Jaina Dharma is from a kaiphiyat from the Chingleput District (vide J.A.S.B. Vol. 7, p. 108) : () Yati Dharma (1) Ardhyavam to follow the right way and teach it to others, (2) Mardhava to behave with reverence to superiors and carefully to instruct disciples, (3) Satyam invariably to speak the truth, (4) Sasiyan mentally to renounce hatred, affection or passion and evil desire and outwardly to act, with pusity, (5) Tyagan to renounco all bad conduct, (6) Kshama to bear patiently like the earth in time of trouble, (7) Tapasi outward and inward self-mortification, (8) Brahmacharyan to relinquish all sexual attachment in word and thought, (9) Aginchanam to renounce the darkness of error and follow the light of truth, (10) Samayam duly to celebrate all specied periods, festivals or the like. (6) The Sravana Dharma (1) Tarisinigen one who relinquished certain unclean kinds of food; (2) Vritiken one who eats not at night, is faithful to his teacher, to his family and to his religion ; he is selfrestrained and keeps silence and zealously renounces the use of all pleasant vegetables ; (3) Samathiken one who with foregoing qualifi. cations, renders homage to the Divine being three times a day, morning, noon and evening : (+) Proshopavasen one who fasts on certain days so appointed to be observed; (5) Sachitan-Vrithen one who with the foregoing dispositions renounces certain kinds of food; (6) Rattiribhaktan one who observes mortification (?) during the day only ; (7) Brahmacharya one always occupied in the contemplation of God; (8) Anaram pan one who quits cultivation and all other secular occupations ; (9) Aparigrapam one who renounces all kinds of earthly gain ; (10) Amemati-pinda-Vriten one who forbears to cat even that which he has prepared ; (11) Utishtu-pinda-Vriten one who relinquishes dress, except for mere decency. He carried a pot and lives in the wilderness. (c) The Purva Karma and A para Karma. Birth Samskaras and Death Samskaras (obsequies).

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CHAPTER II. EPIGRAPHIA JAINICA. Progress in the discovery of Andhra-Karnata Jaina epigraphs-Bearing of the progress of epigraphy on the materials of the last chapter-Places at which Jaina epigraphs have been found-Main indication-Difference between the Andhra and the Andhra-Karnata epigraphs -More numerous in the Andhra-Karnata than in the Andhra districts - Scope for further enquiries--Regions in the Andhra desa awaiting exploration-Difference between the Hindu Revival in the Andhra and the Andhra-Karnata districts in its bearing on the fortunes of Jainism-Tabulation (classified) of Andhra-Karnata Jaina epigraphs and a few points of further interest brought out-Jainism and its antiquity in the AndhraKalinga country. Epigraphic Research in the South Indian Presidency is still in a state of continuous progress., Yet, so far as it has succeeded in interpreting the memorial epigraphs of the past, it has proved in a considerable measure the validity of the traditions of the Local Records relied upon as the chief materials for the foregoing survey, in outline, of the meaning and message of the social tradition of the Jainas in the Andhra and Karnata mandalas. The District Manuals and Gazetteers largely trusted' to the guidance of these local traditions in the conduct of further enquiries and their light never proved illusory. In and about the centres 15

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34 ANDHRA KARNATA JAINISM. of Jainism mentioned in these records, the officers of the Epigraphist department have discovered traces of Jaina epigraphs taking us back to the times when Jainism played a pre dominant and significant part in South India. Find spots These epigraphs still await publication. At of Jaina Antiquities. Penukonda, Tadpatri, Kottasivaram, Patasi varam, Amarapuram, Tammadahalli, Agali and Kotipi in the Anantapur District; at Nandaperur, Chippigiri, Kogali, Sogi, Bagali, Vijayanagar, Rayadurg in the Bellary District; at Danavulapadu in Cuddapah District; at Amaravati in the Guntur District; at Masulipatam, Kalachumbarru in the Krishna District; at Srisailam in Kurnool District ; in the Madras Central Museum ; at Kanupartipadu, in the Nellore District; at Vallimalai in the North Arcot District ; at Basrur, Kotesvara, Mulki, Mudabidire, Venur, Karkala, Kadaba, in the South Kanara District; at Bhogapuram, Lakkumavarapukota and Ramathirtham in the Vizagapatam District, have been discovered Jaina epigraphs. Extermi. These, for one thing, indicate the large vogue that Jainism once, had in the Andhra and Karnata mandalas. The epigraph from Srisailam is interesting in that it shows the kind of persecution to which Jainism in these lands had finally to succumb. The epigraph in question is indeed a Saiva ope. It records in Sanskrit, "on the right and left pillars of the eastern porch of the Mukhamantapa of the nation or toleration.

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EPIGRAPHIA JAINICA. 35 Mallikharjuna temple, in S. 1433, Prajotpatti, Vagha, ba. di. 14, Monday, a lengthy account of the gifts made to the temple of Sreesailan by a certain chief Linga, the son of Santa, who was evidently a Virasaiva, one of his pious acts being the beheading of the Svetambara Jainas." This record is important in two ways. It shows how the Saivite opposition gathering force in the Andhra desa against Jainism about the first quarter of the eleventh century A.D. developed into an exterminating persecution by the first quarter of the sixteenth century A.D. and how the . Svetambaras also are represented in South Indian Jainism as a class deserving the expurgatory attention of the Saiva fanatics. In this respect the records from the AndhraKarnata districts tell a different tale justifying the remarko made in the former chapter about the kindlier treatment of Jainism in the AndhraKarnata, and Karnata districts proper. A few grants to Jaina foundations by non-Jainas about the year S. 1433 and following deserve notice in this context. The smaller Venkataramana temple at Chippigiri in the Bellary District records a grant in S. 1528 to a Jaina foundation by Sri Krishnadevaraya of Vijayanagar. At Kurugodu in the same district, a record of the time of Virapratapa Sadasiyadevaraya Maharaya of Vijayanagar, on the south wall of a ruined temple, mentions in S. 1467, Visvavasu,

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36 ANDHRA KARNATA JAINISM. a gift of land to a Jaina temple by Ramarajaiya, elder brother of Aliya-Lingarajaiya and grandson of Ramaraja Odeya, for the merit of bis father Mallaraja Odeyd. The important fact to be noticed is that these Jaina grants are allowed to be recorded in non-Jaina shrines. Similarly, in the Karnata desa, in the S. Kanara district, at Kotesvara, in the local pagoda of Kotesvara there is a record dated in S. 1468, Prabhava, in the reign of Sadasivaraya, stating that Echappa Udayar gave 50. gadyanams of land to that deity. Echappa was the same as the Jaina chief of Garisappa who married a daughter of the last Karkal"king. If Kotesvara is & Jaina deity, there is nothing very remarkable in this grant. But it solves a very interesting problem regarding the foundation of Chicacole (Srikakulam) in the Ganjam District with its teniple of Kotesvara, viz., its early Jaina associations. Otherwise, a grant hy a Jaina to a Saiva shrine in the Karnata country, about the time when Vira-Saiva persecution of Jainism was rampant in the Andhra desa throws a flood of light on the great religious toleration of the Karnatas, to which Jainism owed its continued life and prosperity on the West Coast of the South Indian Presidency. This circumstance accounts for the fact that among the discovered epigraphs relating to Jainism, the more numerous ones occur in the Andhra-Karnata and Karnata mandalas. Still, it must be observed that further research is Distribution.

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EPIGRAPHIA JAINICA. 37 bound to be fruitful in discoveries in the history of Jainism in the Andhra mandala which fill the large gap between the fall of the Satavahana power and the beginning of the declirte of the Jaina influence about the 11th century A.D. A few considerations based on the discoveries already made are urged here below as indicating such a hope of further Archaeological exploration. The Tadpatri inscription from the Anan- Openings for Archeological tapur District dated in S. 1120 (1130 ?) expired, exploration. Kalayukta, is suggested by Dr. Hultzsch to indicate the presence of a Jaina shrine in that place. The inscription itself refers to " Chandranatha-Parusvanatha-devara AnadiVasthana," ?.e., to an ancient shrine of Chandranatha Parsvanatha. This shrine is yet to be discovered. The Bagali inscription from the Bellary District fefers to the gifts of the Western Chalukya King Tribhuvanamalla to a Brahma Jinalaya there. This is yet to be identified. The Amaravati inscription of Chula-Aira and of the nun Nanda Nanda speaks of the gifts of a pillar. The Jaina shrine to which this gift is supposed to have been made remains yet to be unearthed. A copper-plate grant of Amma II Vijaya. ditya (945-70) of the Eastern Chalukya dynasty records gifts to two Jaina temples which have

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88 ANDHRA KARNATA JAINISM. not yet been diecovered. Perhaps their traces are completely lyst on account of the steady persecution of the Jainas and powerful propaganda against them .started in the district by the Kotas of Dhanyakataka and the Parichchedi-Pusapatis of Bezwada. The Kalachumbarru grant of the sanie king, Anima II, refers to grants to a Sarvalukasraya Jina Bhavana in that village. This temple is yet to be found out. The Kanupartipadu inscription from the Nellore District refers to the " paellichchandum " of a Jinalaya named after, Karikalachoda, the traces of which are yet to be recognised. The Bhogapuram inscription from the Vizagapatan District refers to a Jina founda tion of that place called Raja Raja Jinalaya, the location of which remains to be marked out. The inscription in the Anjaneyaswami temple in Nandi-peruru in the Bellary District registers gifts for the worship of Jina. The Jaina shrine to which this inscribedl slab from the Anjaneya temple must have belonged is yet to be identified. Nor is this all. There are vet regions in the Andhra and Karnata mandalas, supposed to contain Jaina relics, which *still await exploration by scholars official or otherwise interested in Indian Antiquities. Some of these deserve mention for the additional evidence they offer 1 Mr. K. V. Lekshmana Rao, near the Bezwada Railway StaM.A., Aays that the traces of a tion. It may turn out to be Jaina temple are newly discovered or Bauddha (4th June 1922.) Unbroken ground.

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EPIGRAPHIA JAINICA. .34 as to the early vogue of Jainism in the Andhra and Karnata lands. Jaina relics are said to be found in Ariyavattarla in Cacanada taluy, . Neduluru, Atreyapuram in the Amalapuram taluq, Kazuluru, Yendamuru, Sila in Cocanada taluq, Pittapuram and Jalluru in the. Pittapuram division, in Tatipaka in Nagaram taluq and Draksharamam in the Ramachendrapuram taluq of the Godavari District. At Jayati in the Vizagapatam District, a small village eight miles north-west of Gaja-' patinagaram, there are two odd little deserted Jaina shrines. * At Nandapuram, in the Pottangi taluq, of the present Agency division, about three miles along the track to Sembliguda is a very ancient and curious Jaina relic, viz., a small shrine in which are three stone images of nude individuals sitting cross-legged which appear to belong to Jaina, times. This takes us very far back into times of the Nanda Rajas when Jainism was a doninant faith in the Kalinga country. In fact, as regards much of Epigraphical and Archaeological exploration, the Kalinga districts are still a largely upbroken field. The village of Ariyavattam in Cocanada. Taluq in the Godavari District is also called "Jaina Padu " and contains several large but rude images of figures sitting cross-legged in the traditional attitude of contemplation. Images

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KO' ANDHRA KARNATA JAINISM. : of a like kind are worshipped in the streets of Pittapuram by Hindus under the name of Sanyasi. Devulu (ascetic gods). Pittapuram= Skt. Pishtapuri Skt.=Pristapuri : is so called after the Jaina goddess Pristapuri Devi. The Jalluru Kaiphiyat shows how it once was a flourishing Jaina city. Many large rivetted wells in the Nagaram and Amalapuran taluqs are still known as " Jaina Wells." Ratnagiri and Kambaduru in the Anantapur District, Lachmesvara, Nayakallu and Yacha* varam in Kurnool District, Kurugodu, Pedda Tumbalan and Chinna Tunbalam in Bellary District also contain traces, of Jainism not yet adequately explored. Another interesting fact brought out by these epigraphs is that in the Andhra-Karnata districts in which the Hindu Revival was so powerfully organised by Sayana-Madhava, the real founder of the city of Vijayanagar, Jainism fared better under the Vijayanagara Kings than at the hands of the Revivalists in the Andhra districts proper. The point is interesting in that it shows that the influence of a Hindu Revival strictly based on the Vaidica and Upanishadic tradition is bound to be more catholic and tolerant of differences of religious 'opinion than religious sects starting from a narrower point of view. In support of these observations may be noticed a few grants of the early Vijayanagar Kings to professedly Jain foundations

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EPIGRAPHIA JAINICA. A Sanskrit record of Devaraya II, dated S. 1348, Prabhava, at Vijayanagar, mentions the building of a Chaityalaya to Parsvanatha in the Pansupari strzet. * . At Mudabidire, on the north wall of the Gaddigimantapa in the Hosa basti, right of entrance, there is a record of the .Vijayanagara King Vira-Devaraya IV in S. 1351, Saumya, which refers to the building of a basadi. On a slab set up in the Gurugala basadi of the same place, there is another epigraph of the Vijayanagara Kiny Vira-Bukkaraya II (1399---1406), son of Harihararaya II (13771402), in S. 1329, Vyaya, which mentions a gift of land. At Basrur, a record of Devaraya II (142249) in S. 1353 relates the gift of one Kolaga of paddy on every bullock load coming from other places to Basrur, for the benefit of Jain basadi by the Chettis of Basrur. A classified tabulation of these Jaina Epigraphe epigraphs will easily display other points of Classified. interest bearing on the progress and decay of Jainism in the Andhra and Karnata districts. The epigraphs are therefore classed here below as (1) Memorial, (2) Architectural, (3) Votive, (4) Iconographic, (5) Votive and Commenda. tory, (6) Commendatory.

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42 ANDHRA KARNATA JAINISM. A.-MEMORIAL. Anantapur District. Penu- (k) On 'a slab placed by the side of konda the well in the Parsvanatha temple. Records that it is the tomb stone of Nagaya, the lay disciple of Jinabhushana Bhattaraka Deva. * Amara- (k) On a stone in the village. The puram Nisidi (tomb) of Sambisetti, son Berisetti Sarvari, Asvija, Su. di. 15, Friday. (k) On a store lying in the tank to the south of the same temple. This is the tomb (Nisidi) of Bommisettiyara Bachaiya, a lay disciple of Prabhachandra Bhattaraka of Ingalesvara, who belonged to the, Mula Sangha, etc. * (k) On a second stone in the same place. This is the tomb of Bhavasena Traividya Chakravarti who was a terror to disputants and belonged to Mula Sangha and Senagana. (k) On a third stone in the same place. This is the tomb of Virupaya and Maraya, the lay disciples of Balendu Maladhari Deva of the Mula Sangha, Desigana. k) On a fourth slab in the same place. This is the Nisidi of Potoja and Sayabi-Maraya, father and son.

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4if EPIGRAPHIA JAINICA. (k) On a fifth stone. This is the Nisidi of Kommasetti, a lay disciple of Prabhachandra Deva. . Tamada- Ou a stoneelying on a platform in the halli courtyard of the Anjaneyaswami temple. This is the Nisidi of Chandraka Bhattaraka, pupil of Charukirti Bhattaraka of the Mula Sangha, Desigana. * Agali (k) On a stone lying in the courtyard caf Jaina basadi in the village.. This is the Nisidi of Krishnisetti, son of Bettisetti, a lay disciple of Devachandra Deva of Mula Sangha and the Desiyagana.. Kotipi (k) On a boulder in a field below the tank bund in the same village. Bears the sentence " Hail! the speech of the blessed Mandachari has proved true." On another part of the stone are three lines of writing not quite legible. The first line seems to contain the name Charurasi Bhanditar for Charurasi Panditar, the title of a particular order of Jain monks. Bellary District. Raya- (k) On a pedestal of the Rasasiddha durg. images in the same village. Records in Pramadi, Magha, Su. di. 1, Monday, : that a Nisidi was constructed on this:

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ANDHRA KARNATA JAINISM. day. "In eight different sections of the stone are given the names of cight persons whom perhaps the images represent. Some of these were Chandrabhuti of Mula Sangha, Chandrendya, Badayya and Timmanna of Apaniya (Yapaniya) Sangha. Cuddapah District. Dana- (k) On a slab set up in the Jain' vula- temple recently discovered. Records padu. the Nisidi of a merchant of Penu gonda whose preceptor was the Jain teacher Kanakakirti Deva. (k) On a third pillar set up in the same place. Records the Nisidi of a Jain teacher. South Kanara District. Muda- (k) On a broken slab in front of the bidire. Nayi basti. Records the death of a Jain teacher named Chandrakirti and the building of the mantapa (i.c., Navi basti) in his memory. (k) On stones built into the Jain tombs in the same village. Vizagapatam District. Lakka- (Hindia Nagari) On the pedestal of a varapu- mtitilated Jaina iniage preserved in kota. the Virabhadra temple in the same

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EPIGRAPHIA JAINICA. village. A damaged record. Refers. the image of "Bhattaraka Jina Chandra of Mula Sangha. B.-ARCHITECTURAL. Anantapur District. Tad- (k) In the north-west corner of the patri. Prakara of the Ramesvaraswami temple, first stone. A Jain record of Udayaditya, son of Somideva and Kanchaladevi in S.1130 expired, Ka-, layukti.. The donor resided at Tati * para, Todpatri. Kotta- (k) On a pillar in the same place. siva- Registers that this basadi was built ram. by Devanandi Acharya, pupil of Pushpanandi Maladhari Deva of 'Kanurgana, Kondakundanvaya. Amara- .(k) On a pedestal lying in the courtpuram. yard of the same teinple. This is the hasadi caused to be made by a pupil of Balendu Maladhari Deva, a disciple of Tribhuvanakirti-Ravula of Ingalesvara, belonging to Mula Sangha, Desiyagana, Kondakundanvaya and Pustakagachcha. North Arcot District. Vallima- Rock inscription in a Jain cave on lai. the bill. A record of the Ganga King Rachamalla I, the son of

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16 ANDHRA KARNATA JAINISM. Ranavikrama, grandson of Sreepurusha (726--733) Rajamalla, was the escavator of the cave. (k) (In grantha) On a rock. Records the founding of a Jaina shrine by the Ganga Kiny Rajamalla. Bellary District. Kogali. (k) On a slab in the Jain basti. Mentions Durvinita as "the builder of the basadi. , Vijaya- (Skt.) On a lamp<< pillar in front of nagar. the Gangisetti temple. A record of Harihara II, son of Bukka I, S. 1307, Krodhana, Phalguna, Krishnapaksha dvitiya, Friday (February 16, A.D. 1386), saying that Iruga, 'the son of Dandanayaka Chaicha, one of Harihara's Ministers, caused a Chaityalaya of Kundu Jinanatha to be'built at Vijayanagara which belonged to Kuntala Vishaya in the Karnata country. The donor is the author of Nanartha Ratnamala. A Jain teacher Simhanandi and his apostolic pedigree are given in the inscription. (Skt.) A record of Devaraya II, dated S. 1348, Prabhava. Records the building of a Chaityalaya to Parsvanatha in the Pansupari street.

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Amara vati. 47 EPIGRAPHIA JAINICA. Guntur District. (Pkt.) On a stone gift of a pillar by Chula-Aira, the pupil of the greater eider Ayira-Bhuta-Rakhita who lives at Rayasela and by the nun Nanda Nanda, the pupil of Arhat AyiraBudha-Rakhita. South Kanara District. Muda- (k) On the north wall of the Gaddibidire. gimantapa in the Hosa basadi, right of entrance. A record of the Vijayanagar King Vira-Devaraya II in S. 1351, Saumya. Refers to Perumal Deva-Dandanayaka and to Devaraja Odeya of Nagamangala who was ruling the Mangalura-Rajya, and to the building of a basti. (k) On the same wall. A record of the Vijayanagara King Praudha Devaraya II in S. 1373 Prajotpatti. Mentions Ganapanna Odeya and refers to the building of a Mukhamantapa of the basti called Bhairadevi Mantapa. (k) In the same place, left of the entrance. A record of the Vijayanagara King Devaraya II in S. 1351 Saumya. Mentions the building of" the basti. (k) In the same place, left of entrance. Records a list of merchants who built the second story of the basti.

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18 ANDHRA KARNATA JAINISM. (k) Do. names of the merchants who built the second story of the basti. (k) Ora pillar in the Gaddigimantapa of the Gurugal. basti. A record of S. 1460 mentioning the building of the mantapa. the Venur (k) On the Nandi pillar in front of Mahalingesvara temple. Records that a merchant set up the Manasthambha, a big monolythic column set up in front of the bastis. From the fact that almost all of them are known as Settara bastis it is inferred that the Jain merchants constructed them. (k) On a pillar in the verandah in front of the Ammanavara basti at Hirigangadi near the same village, left of entrance. Records in S. 1397, Manmatha, the building of the Mukhamantapa in front of the Tirthankara basti by several merchants. The teacher Lalitakirti Bhattaraka Deva Maladhari is mentioned. Nellore District. Kanuparti- (Tam). In field No. 383 to the east of padu. the village. Records that in the thirty-seventh year of the reign of the Emperor Raja Raja Deva, one Pramaladevi had the steps leading to the shrine (Pallichchandum) of the Jaina

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EPIGRAPHIA JAINICA. 49 temple (called after) Karikalachoda built on behalf of Matisagara Deva. Vizagapatam District. Bhoga- (Telugu and Sanskrit) On a slab lying puram. in the middle of the village. Records in S. 1109, eleventh year of the Eastern Ganga King Anantavarma Deva, that the nerchant Kannamanayaka constracted the Jaina temple called Raja Raja Jinalaya at Bhogapura. C.- VOTIVE. . Anantapur District. Kottasi- (k) On a pillar of a dilapidated cvaram. mantapa at the entrance into the village. Aipadevi, the queen of Irungola and a lay disciple the fo Kanurgana of Kondakundanvaya, protected this Jaina charity while it was in a ruined condition. Amara- (k) On a pillar set up in the courtyard puram. of a Jain temple in the same place of the time of Mahamandalesvara Tribhuvanamalla Nissankapratapa Chakravarti Viradeva Navamurari Irungondadeva Chola, Maharajah of the Chola race ruling at the capital town of Nidungallu. S. 1200 Isvara, Ashadha, Su. di: Panchami, Monday, Registers that Mallisetti, son of San gayana Bommisetti and Melavve and 16

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150 ANDHRA KARNATA JAINISM. the favourite lay disciple of Balendu Maladhari Deva who was the senior pupil of Tribhuvana Chakravarti Ravula of Ingalesvar of Mula Sangha, Desiyagana, Kondakundanvaya and Pustakagachcha, gave at Tammadihalli the 2,000 areca trees which belonged to his share to HasannaParsvadeva of the Basadi of Tailangere known as Brahma Jinalaya, The priest of this, temple was Challa pille, a Jaina-Brahmana of Bhuvalokanathanallur of Bhuvalokanatha Vishaya, a sub-division of Ponnamaravatisime, north of Dakshina Mathura in the Southern Pandya country. D Bellary District Chip- (k) In the smaller Venkataramana pigiri. Temple. (3) Dated in S. 1528. Records a grant by King Krishnadevaraya of Vijaya nagar. (k) On a slab set up in the Bhogesvara Temple. (4) In archaic characters. Records gifts of 50 Mattar of land for a flower garden. Date lost. Mentions Vijayaditya Satyasraya Sree Prithvivallabha Mabarajah also Bhavadharma Bhattaraka Nera Boya. (

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EPIGRAPHIA JAINICA. 51 Kuru- (k) On the south wall of the ruined godu. (5) temple. Dated in the reign of the Vijayanagara . King * Virapratapa Sadasivadaya Maharaja. Records in S. 1467, Visvavasu, gift of land (4 vokkals) to the Jaina temple by Ramarajaiya, elder brother of AliaLingarajaiya Odeya, for the benefit of his father Mallaraja Odeya. Kogali (k) On the base of a pillar in the (6) Rangamantapa of the Jaina basti. Records, gift of money by different * persons for the daily bathing of the images in the temple. (k) On another slab set up in the (7) same place. The Western Chalukya King Trailokyamalla (Somesvara I, 1042-68) records in S. 977, Manmatha, a gift by the Jaina teacher Indrakirti. Sogi.' (k) On a fragment, lying before Virappa's house. (8) The Hoysala King Vishnuvardhana Vira Bhallala seems to record in Kartika Su. di. 5, Thursday, a gift of land to a Jaina institution. Bagali. (k) On the fourteenth slab set upon (9) the, south side of the Kallesvara teniple. The Western Chalukya King Tribhuvanamalla records in Chalukya Vikramov year 39, Jaya, gifts to the

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62 ANDHRA KARNATA JAINISM. . Kalidevaswami temple, the big tank, 'and the Brahma Jinalaya. ... South Kanara District. (k) A. C. P. Records a grant of a land (10) by a prince named Kanniyabhupala for the purpose of maintaining the worship in a Jaina temple, S. 1513. Basrur. (k) A record of Devaravi II (1422-49) (11) in S. 1353 relating to a gift of one Kolaga of paddy on every bullock load coming from other places to Basrur for the benefit of Jaina Basti by the Chettis of Basrur. Kotes- (k) In the local pagoda of Kotesvara. vara. (12) Records that Echappa Udayar gave in S. 1468, Prabhava, in the reign of Sadasivaraya, 50 gadyanam of land to that deity. (Echappa was the same as the Jaina chief of Gairappa who married a daughter of the last Karkal King.) Muda- (k) On the north wall of the Gaddigibidire.(13) mantapa in the Hosa basti, right of entrance. Records in the reign of the Vijayanagara King Virupaksa. in S. 1394, Khara, a gift of land in the time of Vittarasa. (k). On a slab leaning against the south (14) wall of the inner enclosure of the Hosa thasti. Records in S. 1493,

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EPIGRAPHIA JAINICA. Prajotpatti, a gift of land, and mentions the Chanta family which had its seat at Mudabidire. * * $53 * (k). On a slab set.up in the Gurugala (15) basti at the same village. An epigraph of the Vijayanagara King Vira Bukkaraya II (1397-1406), son of Harihararaya II (1377-1402), in S. 1329 in Vyaya. Mentions Bachappa Odeya and gift of land. (k), In a field one mile south-east of (16) the travellers' bunglow. Records in the reign of the Vijayanagara King Vira Harihara II, in S. 1312 Sukla, a gift of land to the Gurugala basti at Bidire. Mentions Mangarasa Odeya of Mangalura Rajya. (k) On a slab set up close to the east (17) wall of the Tirthankarabasi within the Santisvara basti at the same village. Records in S. 1544, Durmati, the gift of land to the basti by Ramanatharasa, while Mathurakadevi was ruling over the Punjalikeya Rajya. Karkala. On a slab set up close to the west (Skt. & K) wall of the Chaturmukha basti. Re(18) cords in S. 1508, Vyaya, the building of the basti and gift of land and money by Immadi Bhairarasa Odeya of Pattipombuchcha.

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54 ANDHRA KARNATA JAINISM. (k) On a slab set up in the north(19) east corner of the same basti. Re cords in S. 1501, Pranadi, gift of neonev by Sravakas for, the study of the Sastras! Lalitakirti is to be the Vicharakarte (supervisor) of the charities. ik) On another slab set up in the (20) same place. A record dated in S. 1379, Isvara, mentioning Abhinava Pandya Deva Odeya of Pattipombuchcha wlio belonged to the family of Jinadatta and the gift of paddy by merchant. Lalitakirti.is said to have belonged to Kondakundanvaya and the Kalagragana--probably a local branch of desigana. (k) On a slab set up close to the Guru(21) gala basti near the same sillage. A record dated in S. 1256, Bhava, a gift of land to the Santinatha basti which was built in that year. . Kadaba. A. C. P. grant of the Rashtrakuta (22) King Prabhutavarsha (Govinda III) made at the request of Ganga chief Chagiraja to a Jaina sage Arakirti, disciple of Vijayakirti (who was a disciple of Kuliyacharya), for having removed the evil influence of Saturn from the Chagiraja's sister's son Vimaladitya. Issued from Mayurakhandi.

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CPIGRAPHIA JAINICA. * 55 Krishna District. Masulipatam (Skt.) (23) A. C. P. grant of * Amma II (945-70) or Vijayaditya. Records a gift by the king to two Jaina temples at Vijayavatika (Bezwada). He is said to have had for his enemy Rajamartanda and Mallapa (pro bably Yuddhamalla II). Kalachunbarku (Skt.) (24) A. C. P. grant of Amma II, called also Vijayaditya VI. It is undated and records the grant of the village Kalachumbarru in the Attilinadu province to a Jaina teacher named Arhanandin of the Valaharigana and Addakalingachcha for repairing the dining hall of a Jaina temple Sarvalokasraya Jina Bhavana. The grant was made at the instance of Chamakamba of the Pattavardhani lineage, a pupil of Arhanandin. Bhogapuram Vizagapatam District. (Skt. & Tel.) On a slab lying in the middle of (25) the village. Records in S. 1109, eleventh year of the Eastern Ganga King Anantavarma Deva, that the merchant Kannamanayaka constructed the Jaina temple called Raja Raja Jinalaya at Bhogapura and gave two puttis of land to that temple with the consent of Desi- . Rattadhu.

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56 * ANDHRA KARNATA JAINISM. : (Tel.) (26) On a third slab lying in the same village. A partly damaged record of 'the Eastern Ganga King Ananta varma Deva (1076-1/46) dated 'S. 1027, thirty-first year. Records gift of land measured by Lokanikkasetti, who seems to have pur chased it from Desi-Rattadhu. Madras A.C. P. grant of Eastern Chalukya (Museum) Vishnuvardhana III, S. 684. Regis (Skt.) ters evidently the renewal of a. (27) grant of the village of Musini konda in Tonka-Natavadi Vishaya to the Jaina teacher Kalibhadracharya. Ayyans or Ayyana-Mahadevi, Queen of Kubjavishnuvardhana, was the Ajna pati of the grant and the charter was marked with the seal of Kubjavishnuvardhana. D.-ICONOGRAPHIC. North Arcot District. Vallimalai The record of a Bana King. Records (k) the setting up of the image of (Grantha) Devasena, the pupil of Bhavanandin (28) and the spiritual preceptor of the king. (29) (k) On the same rock. Setting up of the image by the Jaina preceptor Aryanandin. Bellary District. Kogali (k) On the pedestal of a smaller Jaina (30) image in the Jaina basti. Registers

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EPIGRAPHIA JAINICA 57 in Paridhavi, Chaitra, Su. di. Chaurdasi, Sunday, the.construction of the image by a certain Obeyamasetti, a lay pupil of Ananta viryadeva. Rayadurg On a pedestal of a Jaina image (k) (Skt.) kept in the Taluq Office. A damaged (31) record of the Vijayanagara King Haribara 1, dated S. 1277, Manmatha, Margasira, Purnima. Records that a Jaina merchant named Bhogaraja consecrated the image of Saintinatha Jinesvara. The merchant is stated to have been a pupil of Maghanandi-Vratin, the disciple of Amarakirti-Acharya of Kondakundanvaya, Sarasvatigachcha, Balatkeragana, Mula Sangha. South Kanara District. Venur On the right side of the colossal (Skt.) statue of Gummata on the hill. * (32) Records in S. 1525, Sobhakrit, the setting up of the image of Bhujabali by Timmaraja of the family of Chamunda at the instance of Charu kirti, the family teacher. (k) On a slab set up in the south-east corner of the mantapa in front of the Santisvara basti. Records in S. *1459, Hemalambin, the consecration of the 24 Tirthankaras in the basti.

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58 ANDHRA KARNATA JAINISM." Karkala On the right side of the colossar (Skt.) statue , of Gummata at the same (33) village. Records in S.1353, Virodhi lirit, the setting up of the image of Bahubalin by Vira Pandya, the son: of Bhairava of the lunar race, at the instance of the teacher Lalitakirti of Panasoka and of the Desigana who was also evidently the guru of the Karkala chiefs. * (k) On the left side of the same statue... (34) Records in verse the same fact but gives the name of the iniage as Gum mata-Jinapati. . . Madras On the base of a Jaina image. Re(Museuni) cords that King Salva Deva, a (k) great lover of Sahitya, got an image (35) of Santi-Jina made according to rule and set it up. Vizagapatan District. Ramatliir- On the pedestal of a broken Jaina tham image on the Gurubhaktakonda (Tel.) hill. Seems to state that the image (36) was set up by Prammisetti of Chanudavolu. in the Ongeru Marga. E.-VOTIVE AND COMMENDATORY. South Kanara District. Mudabidire On the north wall of the Guddigi (k) mantapa in the Hosa basti, right of entrance. A record of the Vijayanagara King Vira Devaraya II. in S. 1351, Saumya. Refers to

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EPIGRAPHIA JAINICA. 59 Perumal Deva Dardanayaka and to Devaraja Odeya, of Nagamangala who was ruling the Mangalar Rajya. (ka On a slab built into the wall of the Kshetrapala shrine in the Hosa basti. An inscription of the Vijayanagara King Virupaksharaya II (1465-86) in S. 1398, Durmukhi. Mentions Singappa Dandanayaka and Vittarasa Odeya. *Venur..(k) On a slab set up to the right of the entrance of the mantapa in. front of the Santisvara basti. A record dated in S. 1411, Saumya, mentioning a chief of Punjalinga raja. (k) On a slah set up close to the west wall of the Gurugala basti near the same village. The inscription opens with a long list of birudas of Lokanatha Devarasa (son of Bomniidevarasa and Siddhaladevi). F.- COMMENDATORY. Vizagapatam District. Ramathir- On the back wall of the Durgatham (k) pancha. A much damaged record of the Eastern Chalukya King Sarvalokasraya Vishnuvardhan Maharajah Rajamartanda Mummadi Bhima. * South Kanara District. Mulki .. (k) On the south face of the Manas thamba in front of the Jaina basti.

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60' ANDHRA KARNATA JAINISM : Records 5 verses arranged in. Jwenty-five squares and praising the * Tirthankara. Mudabidire. On the east, porth and west faces (k) of a pillar in the Bhairavi mantapa. A record in praise of Mahamandalegvara Salvamalla. (k) On another pillar in the same mantapa. Records 5 verses in praise of Tirthankaras arranged in 25 octagons. (k) On a slab built into the wall of the Kshetrapala shrine in the Hosa basti. An inscription of the Vijayanagara King Virupaksharaya II (1465-88 A.D.) in S. 1398, Duf-. mukhi. Mentions Singappa. Dan danayaka and Vittarasa Odeya. From these epigraphs we learn some details about the great ascetics and acharyas who spread the gospel of Jainism in the Andhra-Karnaia desa. They were not only the leaders of lay and ascetic disciples, but of royal dynasties of warrior clans thas held the destinies of the peoples of these lands in their hands. Since some glimpses of the lines on which they influenced the administration of these lands by their warrior pupils are presently to be described in the sequel the details regarding them as given in the epigraphs noticed above mav be remembered : Details about Jaina acharyas.

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No. Teacher-Ascetics. | Pupil-Asceticsa | Sangha. Gana.. Remarks. . .:.. 1 Jinabhushana Bhattaraka. 2 | Prabhachandra Bhat Mula. | taraka. 3 Bhavasena Traividya Muia :. Sena . Terror to Chakravarti. . disputant. Balendu Maladhari Deva. Mula Desi. 5 Charukirti Bhattaraka .. Chandranka Bhatta-Mula .. Desi. raka. - 6 Devachandra Mula .. Desiya. 7 Chandrabhuti .. Mula. 8 Chandrendra Yapaniya 9 Kanakakirti Deva 10 Chandrakirti 11 Bhattaraka Jinachandra.. Mula. 12 Pushpanandi Maladhari Devanandi Karanurgana, Deva. Acharya. Kondakundan vaya. 13 Tribhuvanakirti Ravula.. Balendu Maladhari Mula :. Desigana, Pustakagach Deva. Kondakundan-' cha. . vaya. EPIGRAPHIA JAINICA.

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Teacher-Ascetics. Pupil-Ascetics. Sangha. Gana. Remarks. 14 Simhanandi. 15 Ayira-Bhuta Rakhita ..Chula Ayira. 16 Lalitakirti thit Bhattaraka .... Deva Maladhari. Kalogragana (of Desigana). Konda kundanvaya. .. 17 | Bhavadharma Bhatta raka. 18 Indrakirti. - 19 Vijayakirti .. (Arkakirti). 20 Kaligacharya .. (Vijayakirti). 21 Arhanandi | ANDHRA KARNATA JAINISM. 22 Kalibhadra Acharya. 23 Bhavanandi 24 Anantaviraya Deva. 25 Amarakirti Acharya Valaharigana .. Addakali o gachcha. Preceptor of Bava king. .. Balatkaragana. Konda kundanvaya, Sarasvatigachcha. ..Maghanandi ..Mula

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EPIGRAPHIA JAINICA. 1 "" 63 Jainism. This Jaina period of Andhra-Karnata Kalinga history and culture started under the auspices of the North Indian Immigrant Members of Ascetic and Warrior Clans, begins, as indicated by these epigraphs well within or even earlier than the Buddhist period. The Kharavela inscription of Kalinga is the earliest of such known Jaina epigraphs. The date of this inscription is yet in doubt. Nevertheless, its Jaina character, and the antiquity of the references therein to Andhra-Jainism are beyond all doubt. This interpretation of the Kharavela inscription gives very high antiquity to Jainism in the Kalinga desa which is sometimes conterminous but always contiguous with the Andhra mandala. Thus, what may be called "The Jaina Period of Andhra History and Culture starts quite early in history and well within or even earlier than the Buddhist (or Satavahana) period. Jaina religious life on its ceremonial side and Jaina mythology on its imaginative side are so much like Puranic Brahmanism, that Jaina influence working through the Buddhist period formed an easy and imperceptible transition to Brahmanism, at any rate in the Andhra country. The "Amaravati Marbles" dating back to the Satavahana period, closely studied towards the latter part of the last century, contain among them, as noticed by Dr. Burgess in 1888, (a) the upper part of a round topped 66 . In this section I have mostly published in the Jaina Gazette reproduced my articles already of Madras.

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64 ANDHRA KARNATA JAINISM. . slab, with head and halo of an image. It has curly hair and might possibly be Buddhist .... but there seems a probability that this is the head of a Jaina image" and (6) << The right portion of a slab with the left half of the panel is perhaps Jaina." In 1892 Mr. Rea, the Superintendent of Archaeological Survey, Madras, discovered, in the Krishna District, a fine Jaina image at Gudivada and a very curious Jaina. column sculptured with four images at Bezwada, both places noted in the Telugu country for 'their importance in the Buddhist period. The Telugu people use the formula "Om Namah Sivaya Siddham Namah " at the beginning of their varna mala ; the latter part of the formula is distinctly Buddhist. While, their neighbours, the Oriyas of Kalinga, so far as I know, use the formula "Siddhir Astzn." This formula, I find, closes a Jaina grant. The history of the Kalinga provinces of the Telugu country which is yet an unbroken field,' shows traces of the political influence of Jainism, dating from the times of Kharavela, the Chetiya King. " The Kols and Khonds of Kalinga have a traditional notion that they displaced an earlier people vaguely called Jainas. Of the Andhra scholars Narayana Rao, M.A., of engaged for sometime in clear. Rajahmundry (all old boys of ing it up may be mentioned the the Maharajah's College)- I hope late Mr. G. V. Apparao Pantulu to edit for the College a Sanskrit of Vizianagram, Rao Saheb champu work called "Ganga. G. V. Ramamurti Pantulu of vamsanucharitam' dealing with Parlakimedi, G. V. Ramdas Kalinga History. ' Pantulu of Jeypur, Ch.

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EPIGRAPHIA JAINICA. 65 and Bhuyas." Bhuja and Jaila villages, judging by names, are frequent in the Kalinga Maliyas. The "Jainas," I sake it, are the Kadambas who seem to have had considerable political influence in the part of the country now inhabited by Kols and Khonds, as well as in parts from which they had been ousted during historic times. Certain place-names in the Ganjam District bear traces of this Kadamba occupation. " Brihat Paralur" is the name of a Kadamba village from an early Kadamba grant of the Bombay Presidency. In Telugu it may stand as " Pedda Parlapuram" which is an equivalent of Oriya '" Bodo (Parla)-Khimedi" the seat of a Zamindari in the Ganjam District. A." Paralur " is mentioned in another Kadamba grant by a Ravisarma of Maudgalya gotra and archaeologists have identified it with the modern Harlapur five miles to the North of Addur in Dharwar District. Harlapur by the interchange of P and H very common between Old and Modern Canarese becomes Parlapur or Parlapuri, the capital of the Parlakimedi Zamindari, and the seat of an ancient line of kings of the Ganga dynasty. Tekkali, another place in the Ganjam District, corresponds to an early Kadamba town known as Tekal. (These must have been Kadamba cities before they came . under the Gangas.) These Kadambas, a line of Brahma-Kshatris, were Jains, and their capital was Palasika These are called Rudraputras I owe this suggestion to Rao in Kalinga Inscriptions. Saheb 6. V. Ramamurti Pantulu. 17

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66 ANDHRA KARNATA JAINTSM. the modern Halsi. To this Palasika corresponds Palasa in the Ganjam District, which must once have been a flourishing capital of the Kadamba line of Kalinga whom perhaps the Gangas of Kalinganagara succeeded as Trikalingadhipatis. But we bave the modern city of Banavasi or Vaijayanti as residence of one of the Kadamba kings called Mrigesa. Corresponding to this Banavasi or Vaijayanti, we have in Kalinga, a Jayantipura ; and a Jayanti family of Telugu Brahmans. Either this Jayantipura of Kalinga was the capital of a collateral line of Kadambas who adopted Saivism or Vaishnavism or it was made capital in succession vo Palasa when the Jaina Kadambas adopted Puranic Brahmanism as their state religion. A family of Kadambas, however, tracing their descent from Mayuravarma state that they acquired sovereignty through the favour of Jayanti-Madhukesvara (Banavasi being otherwise called Jayantipura). There is a temple of Madhukesvara in Banavasi and Madhulinga occurs as the name of a Brahman priest thereof. The village called Mukhalingam in the Ganjam District owned by the Zamindar of Parlakimedi is called Jayantipura in the Sthalapurana relating to it. Rao Sahib G. V. Ramamurti Pantulu Garu, B.A., my revered teacher, identified this village many years back as the Kalinganagara mentioned by the Eastern Ganga Kings of Kalinga in their copperplate grants and stone inscriptions. This place contains a temple dedicated to Madhukesvara. But Madhukesvara was never the family deity

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EPIGRAPHIA JAINICA. 67 of the Gangas who were unswerving worshippers of Gokarnesvara of Mahendra. Clearly therefore this Madhukesvara and this Jayantipura were established by the Kadamba line whom the Gangas must have displaced. Madhulinga in its modified form as " Moholingo " occurs as a personal name even to this day among the Oriya people of that part of the country. A family.of Telugu Brahmans called the Jayantis have long been settled in Sreekurmam, a village near Chicacole in the Ganjam District. They must originally have hailed from Jayantipura (Mukhalingam) when it was a Kadamba capital. By the time of the late Rao Bahadur Kadamba Chronology *V. Venkaiya, Epigraphist with the Government of India, the chronology of the Kadambas was not settled. I do not see that it has made any considerable advance towards a settlement even to-day. Venkaiya however refers to a Kadamba grant of Jayavarma which Dr. Hultzsch thought to belong to the Second Century A.D. Some fresh evidence is available to strengthen this suggestion. In the Annual Report on Archaeology for 1914-15 just to hand some inscriptions belonging to the Satavahana period are given (pp. 120-121) in which the name Hariti appears. Now, the Kadambas were the earliest South Indian Ruling dynasty to style themselves " Manavyasa gotra, Haritiputra." Hariti is a Buddhist goddess and Hariti, a Buddhist personal name from Buddhist

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68 ANDHRA KARNATA JAINISM. votive offerings. The adoption of Haritiputra by the Kadambas as a family title indicates the way in whick later Buddhisin shaded off into Jainism. The people who availed theinselves and made capital out of such cultural fusion must originally have belonged to the later period of Satavahana decline, i.e., to the early Centuries of the Christian Era. From about this period comes the grant of Kadamba Jayavarma. A little later, we hear of a Vishnukundi-Kadamba-Satakarni from Mysore Inscriptions (vide Carmichael Professorship Lectures on Indian History by Prof. Bandharkar). If on the basis of such data we can start with the hypothesis of an early Jaina Kadamba immigration into South India in the early cen-. turies of the Christian era, I think'there is clear enough evidence to indicate the route of their immigration along the East Coast through Kosala and Kalinga. Taylor's Catalogue of Oriental MSS. (Vol. III, p. 60) contains references to a Kannada work speaking about a line of Kadamba kings who ruled in Magadba. If from Magadha, they wished to migrate to South India, they had to pass through Kosala and Kaelinga. Such would , be the most natural route for a migration. On pp. 704-5 in the same volume, there are references to a Marathi work containing accounts of a later Kadamba King Mayuravarma (of Southern Karnata branch) from which the only valid inference that can be drawn is that he

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EPIGRAPHIA JAINICA. ' 69 was an immigrant from North India, with a strong partiality for North Indian culture and those that cultivated it. Thus a migration from North India and along Magadha, Kosala, Kalinga and the East Coast line, of a North Indian family of Kadambas, is preserved in literature as an immemorial tradition. If these early Kadambas were Jainas, as I suspect they are, they must leave behind in the several places they touched and colonised, some clear and definite traces of their occupation of such places. The Satrunjaya Mahatmya' is an important Jaina work. It is not later than the Eighth Century A.D. It may be conceded that it is a fairly reliable collection of Jaina traditions current among the Jainas about the period of its composition. Among the sacred hills of the Jainas mentioned in it occurs a hill called Kadambagiri. The Kadamba, line of Brahma-Kshatris who adopted the Kadamba as a totem must have been Jainas to whom Kadambagiri was particularly sacred. The Chalukyas, following perhaps the tradition of the Kadambas, say, in their grants, that their ancestors secured royal power by the worship of the family deities on Chalukyagiri (vide Nandamapudi grant E. Chalukya Raja Raja Narendra). This tradition of the Chalukyas, who adopted the Kadamba style of Manavyasa gotra, Haritiputra, is evidence of the sacredness of 'Kadambagiri' to the early Kadambas, and incidentally, of their being

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ANDHRA KARNATA JAINISM. Jainas. I venture to regard' the appearance of Kadambagiri or Kadambasingi or their varients among place-names as a sure indication of those places having been originally so described by a Kadamba line of kings or their admiring officials or subjects. They, indicate Kadamba colonization near about and a type of civilisation nourished by them. 70 1 Evidence of such place-names is fairly well establishable for the agency trasts of Ganjam and Vizagapatam the newly constituted Agency-Division' in the North-East Coast of the Madras Presidency. C Kadamba The Parlakimedi Agency of the Ganjam indicative of District has places called Kadamasingi (KadamJaina culture. bastringi) and Muni-Singi suggesting a sacred hill (sacred to Jaina) and a colony of Jaina munis near about it. The place-names are significant and suggestive of religious culture. At a later date, it was in this taluq, that the Kadambas built their capital Vaijayantipura in the plains. Similarly, in the Aska taluq of the Ganjam District there is a village called JayaSingi, possibly named after Jayavarma, the early Kadamba king of 2nd century A.D.(?) or a Kosala Jayaditya preserved in the traditions of the present-day Andhra-Kshatriyas. << In the Bissamcuttack [Visvambhara (deva) Kataka] Agency of the Vizagapatam District there are two villages called Kadambaguda and Kakadamba. Guda is the same word as Gudem ", possibly derived from the Dravidian C 26 dw 66 "" *

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EPIGRAPHIA JAINICA. root Kud=to gather together, Hence Guda= collection. It may mean a collection of Kadamba trees or Kadamba people. The existence of this place along with Munisiagi (Munisringa)points to Jaina colonies of Kshatriyas and ascetics, as in the case of Parlakimedi Agency. It is also interesting to notice as a piece of cumulative evidence, the existence in this division, of place-names ending in bhatta, probably formed after the names of scholars who had considerable fame and influence. As instances may be noted Katchangibhatta, Kuddubhatta, Kumbi-. bhatta, Lakkabhatta, Pedabhattuguda, Ranibhatta, Sukulabhatta.. Who these Bhattas were (they must have been famous scholars, possibly Jains) and what part they played in the cultural life of the period remains to be unveiled by patient research and exploration in these forest glades oblivious of " the madding crowd." Jayapura, Jayanagaram in the Jeypur Agency must have derived their names from sovereigns of the Kadamba line called Jayavarma; Jayantigiri reminds one of the Vaijayanti of later Kadambas linking up the later line with the earlier one. Kadamaguda occurs eight times as a place-name in the Jeypur Agency. I regard this as an indication of a long occupation of these tracts by a Kadamba line of kings. Place-names in bhatta are also frequent in this division. For instance, Amalabhatta, Bannabhattiguda, Bhattiguda, Dalubhatta, Mavulibhatta. Other places are sometimes named in this division, after * '71 *

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72" ANDHRA KARNATA JAINISM. : Rani, Ravutu, Bradhani, vahanapati, Pujari, which shows the nature of civic life brought into these parts by the Kadamba immigrants. In the Koraput Agency of the Vizagapatam District, Kadamba guda occurs twice as a placename, while, there is but one village name in bhatta, viz., Vuskabhatta. In the Malkanagiri Agency, Kadambaguda and its varients occur thrice and Jayantigiri occurs once. Amalabhatta, Kosatabhatta occur as place-names. Village nanies in Sanyasi, Pu* jari, Patra, Pragada, Pradhani, Nantri, Nayaka, Dalapati, Dandusena occur and they indicate a high state of political organisation after the manner of Kautilya and other carly authorities on Arthasastra. This familiar and significant place-name Kadambaguda also occurs in the Navarangapur Agency. Quite a large enough number of place-names in bhatta also occur, e.g., Amalabhatta, Bhattikota, Daibhatia, Kodubhatta, Mohabhatta, Movulibhatta, Posakabhatta, Pulobhatta, Sindibhatta, Sorsubhatta. Place-names in Turangi, Raja, Rani, Nayaka, Pradhani, Mantri, Adhikari, Pujari, Pandita indicate the arts and institutions of civic life. The Raigada Agency of the Vizagapatam District has a village called Kadambariguda, named perhaps after a chieftain who conquered the Kadamba sovereign of these parts and adopted it as his style like the title Sakari adopted by the Andhra king who destroyed the Saka ascendency.

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EPIGRAPHIA JAINICA. 73 These agency tracts of Ganjam and Vizagapatam of the ancient Kalinga kingdom are to-day regarded by the generality of people as the haunts of the wolf, the bear and the tiger and of men equally barbarous and ferocious. Little do we regard, in our ignorance, how they were once teeming with organised communities of highly civilised men and women, well established - principalities, flourishing towns, pandit parishads, ascetic viharils, moving armies and civil and military officers of all grades and ranks. In the building up of this early civilisation in these battle-grounds for the colonisation of northern and southern 'peoples, the Jaina Kadambas of the early centuries of the Christian era must have had a no mean share. . The inscription published by J. F. Fleet (in the Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. IX, No. XXVII) probably speaks of a Western Deccan branch of this line of Jaina Kadambas. He says " they belong to some epoch when the great kings of the south, the Chalukyas, were not in possession of such power as they attained to in later times. The Chaluky, dynasty.................. in earlier times." Palasika was their capital in the Western Deccan, and it is not extravagant to suppose that Palasa in the Ganjam District was founded by a branch of this line of Jaina Kadambas. A more difficult question to solve is which foundation is the earlier,--the Kalinga one or the Western Deccan one.

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74' ANDHRA KARNATA JAINISM. The Andhra The Andhras of the Talevaha river (referred of Kalinga. to in the Jataka stories of the sixth century B.C.), the contemporaries of Kharavela, must likewise have been Jainas, as also the Nagas in alliance with them and the Sendraka-Nagas in alliance with the Kadambas. Very little is known about these Andhras of the Talevaha river, except that their South Indian colony is as old as the Aitereya Brahmana ; that they were immigrants into the lands inhabited by the Kalingas and the Telingas (howsoever the latter * may have during historic times been fused into them) is clearly shown by villages named after them existing side by side with those named after the Telingas, the Kalingas, the Munds and the Sabaras. Whether they belonged to the Satavahana clan or not is difficult to determine." But there seems to be little doubt that along with the Kadambas they contributed to the pro- . gress of arts and culture. Buhler is of opinion that it was the Kadamba script that latterly developed into the Telugu-Canarese or AndhraKarnata variety of South Indian Alphabets. This opinion lends colour to the suggestion that the Andhras and Kadambas together contributed to the earliest growth of the fine arts and culture in the Andhra and Karnata Provinces. The evidence of place-names from the Kalinga part of the Telugu country may here be pertinently summarised :- . Andhavaram (Andhravaram) beside Oddepadu in Chicacole taluq, Ondhrokota in Gumsur

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) EPIGRAPHIA JAINICA. taluq, Ondhorigam (Andhra grama) in Balliguda Agency, Ondhari-gumma or Andhragumma in the Parlakimedi Agency, Oudhrasingi in Ramagiri Agency, Ondaribondo in Surada Agency, Ondirigudo beside Oddunaju in Udayagiri Agency (naju in Khond=country),-all these are from the Ganjam District. The occurrence of the larger number of these names in the agency tracts is the more important part of this evidence. In the Vizagapatam District, Ondhorulimma in Bissamcuttack Agency, Andhrododdi in Golgonda Agency, Ondroguda in Gunupur Agency, Andromunda in Jeypur Agency, Andhraguda in Navarangapur Agency, -all again from the agency tracts, indicate the find spots of the Andhra colonies of East Deccan in the prehistoric times spoken of in the Buddhist Jatakas. From these traces it is possible to infer that a branch, possibly, the Dhanyakataka branch, of "the Andhra-Satavahanas of History were immigrants into the Krishna District through the Kalinga and the N.E. Coast of the Madras Presidency. Their capital Dhanyakataka must have been founded after their earlier capital Dhannupuro in the Jeypur Agency of the Vizagapatam District. There is also an Amaravati in the Sompeta taluq of the Ganjam District. The Kalingas call the Andhras 'Westerners'. (J). In Khara vela's time these Andhras were to the West of Kalinga (plains). " * 75 J

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Andhra Culture. 76' ANDHRA KARNATA JAINISM. The early years of the fourth century A.D. saw the break-up of the Satavahana power and empire. "Did it involve a break-up of civilisation and culture ? Did it involve tire throwing of the empire of the Satavahanas in the Deccan into a chaos of warring forces which destroyed all elements of culture in the land ? nuity of One result of this break-up which must have occurred about the year 302 A.D.-for there is a coin of a Satavahana' king bearing that date,-- was to give a chance to some of the local dynasties to come into power and use it for the protection of culture and the maintenance of its continuity under new' auspices. Of such dynasties that emerged into power and established local sovereignties and spheres of influence may be mentioned the Abhiras ar Kalachuris or Haihayas, the Rashtrakutas and the Kadambas on the ruins of whose power the Chalukyas claim to have built up their empire in the Deccan. That the particular dynasty by subduing whom the Chalukyas came to sovereign power were the Kadambas is manifest from the style of " Manavyasa gotra Haritiputra, etc.," which they have adopted from their Kadamba predecessors, for, so far as can be gathered from inscriptions, the Kadambas were the earliest South Indian dynasty to adopt this style. The problem, therefore, arises,-- are the Chalukyas a North Indian race or warrior clan who immigrated to the Deccan and profited

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* 1 EPIGRAPHIA JAINICA. by the break-up of the Satavahana power and the conflicts of local dynasties in power and influence, or are they, like the Rashtrakutas, a Deccani clan who emerged into power after the downfall of the Satavahanas? The former hypothesis leads to that of the naturalness of the bias of the family towards a North Indian culture, and equally to that of a natural tendency to patronise attempts to engraft it on a South Indian one; the other hypothesis leads to that of a natural tendency of the family to the strengthening or modification of South Indian culture in an atmosphere of North Indian civilisation. 77 2 The evidence from inscriptions and literature is not uniform as regards the origin of the Chalukyas. The earlier inscriptions do not give the family a puranic genealogy, although they contain elements out of which a puranic genealogy, was 'worked out for the family about the cleventh century A.D. It has been noticed how the style of 'Manavyasa gotra Haritiputra' was adopted from the Kadambas. Yet these sources of information seem to contain darkly a family tradition that the Chalukyas originally hailed from Ayodhya. Pampa's Vikramarjunavijaya, Nannaya's Mahabharata, Bilhana's Vikramankadevacharita and Peddiraja's Kavya-* lankara, among other works composed under the patronage of the later Chalukyas, regard the Chalukya family as immigrants from the North. They also affiliate, them to the lunar race of "

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78 ANDHRA KARNATA JAINISM. Rajputs. In this respect these works bear out the evidence of the inscriptions. But this view of the inscriptions and literary works requires to be controlled by some important considerations. The Rajaputs of North India who do not belong to the recognised vedic or puranic dynasties and gotras generally describe themselves as belonging to the gotra of Manu or Manavyas. There is a traditior among the Andhra or Deccani Kshatriyas to this day. that North Indian Rajaput clans belonging to five specific gotras (Vasistha, Dhananjaya, Koundinya, Bharadwaja, Kasyapa) originally immigrated to the south ; but the Manavyasa gotris are not mentioned among them. There are no Manavyasa gotris among Kshatriyas in " the Andhra dlesa of to-day. One Chedi inscription, however, refers the Chaluky&s to the Bharadwaja gotra, but the Chalukyas of historic times must have, somehow, forgolten this earlier tradition (see sequel). Secondly, those Deccani Rajaput clans that claim to have immigrated from Ayodhya describe themselves as belonging to the solar and not the lunar race?; and there is no evidence of a lunar dynasty having, ever before fifth century 4.D., ruled in Ayodhya. Thus the description of the Chalukyas as belonging to the lunar race seems to be inconsistent with the idea of their TA North Indian clan of Rajaputs of the Ikshvalcu race seems to have settled in the Krishna District in very early times (Iosns. Madras Poy.).

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EPIGRAPHIA JAINICA. 79 immigration from Ayodhya. Possibly this Ayodhya tradition must have been appropriated by the Chalukyas from the Satavahanas, as the Manavyasa gotra tradition vas adopted from the Kadambas." Thirdly, the name Chulika, Chalukya or Chalukya is suggested to be a Sanscritised form of some South Indian vernacular name. Fourthly, it remains to be seen whether *there is any present-day Rajaput family in the North which traces descent from the Chalukyas as there are families tracing their descent from the Satavahanas. These considerations, among others, throw a strong suspicion against the hypothesis of a North Indian..origin for the Chalukya family. The literary movement that the dynasty patronised from time to time seems to strengthen this bias. Culturally, therefore, the significance of the Chalukyas seems to be in their use of their political sovereignty for the strengthening of South Indian culture with North Indian elements and the re-shaping of North Indian culture in the light and after the methods of South Indian culture. Thus under the Chalukyas, South Indian culture came to its own, while under the previous imperial dynasty of the Satavahanas, North Indian culture absorbed into it the elements of South Indian culture. The transition from the Satavahana type of cultural fusion to one with a South Indian basis and in a South Indian atmosphere was effected by the

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80' ANDHRA KARNATA JAINISM. movement of culture which the Kadambas and the Rashtrakutas used their political power to patronise and extend. Thus, through the rise and fall of the warrior clans in power and influence, the continuity of culture and civilisation goes on undisturbed along the lines of cultural affiliation and fusion. The formula which expresses Satavahana culture best is: "Siddham namah"; the formula that expresses Chalukya culture Best is "Om namah Sivaya Siddham Namah " or " Om namo Narayanaya." Saivism and Narayanism are said to be particularly of South Indian origin, while Buddhism represented by "Siddham Namah " is Mauryan and North Indian. A word, in passing, about the Kadamba, toe early Kalachuria and Rashtrakuta services to the progress of scholarship may be necessary to facilitate later the appreciation of the Chalukya contribution to the development of South Indian culture. II THE CULTURAL TRANSITION FROM THE SATAVA HANA TO THE CHALUKYA PERIOD. . It has been urged above that the Chalukyas consolidated their political power by a process of social and cultural fusion and the appeal to a new literary interest in which the local languages of their dominions came in for a larger recognition and patronage. This process of political consolidation they seem to have inherited

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Culture. EPIGRAPHIA JAINICA. 81 from the local dynasties which were powerful in the Deccan immediately before them. This point will become clear by 'a consideration of the family histories of, the Kalachuris, the Rashtrakutas and the Kadambas. The Kalachuris belong to the Chedi country Kalachuri in the Central Provinces. They are supposed to be a race of Abhiras. Cunningham gives A.D. 249 as the starting point of the Chedi era in which the Kalachuris date their grants. They emerge into history about the time of Mangalesa Chalukya, for, from his grants we learn that they must have been a powerful dynasty in his time. Some of their grants show that in early times they must have patronised Buddhism and Jainism. During times later than that of Mangalesa, we find the same sovereign, now being described as Saiva and again as Vaishnava. That shows a catholicity of faith on their part, an attempt at cultural fusion as a bulwark of political power. Their grants in later times show a marked literary development in Sanskrit poetic style under the influence of South Indian culture. Very few references can be found in North Indian * Sanskrit Kavyas proper (either monumental or literary) to preliminary lists of "ishtadevata stutis." This tradition the poetic bards of the Kalachuri courts must have developed as a sort of reflection of the religious catholicity and cultural fusion which the dynasty was trying to adopt. In South Indian Karnata Literature this tendency becomes marked during 18

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82' ANDHKA KARNATA JAINISM. Chalukya times and there are glimpses of it in the Telugu Mahabharata of Nannaya and the Kumara Sambhava' of Nanna Choda who seems to have followed the Kannada tradition, and the Dasakumara Charita of Ketana who seems to have followed the Andhra-Chalukyan tradition of Nannaya. The Satavahanas, before the Kalachuris, must have attempted a social fusion with dynasties whom they conquered or who were becoming powerful in their time. This they o must have done to safeguard their political power. Evidence of this is found in VishnukundiKadamba-Satakarni who must have been a prince born of the Satakarni and Kadamba union. Similar relations the Satavahanas are said to have contracted with the Pallavas and the Nagas. This earlier tradition of social fusion for the consolidation of political power must have been followed by the Kalachuris, for their grants indicate such marital relations with the powerful dynasties of the time. A few instances may be noticed in passing. The Bilhari inscription of the Haihalya-Kalachuris of Chedi is one of their earliest inscriptions which gives the names of Kokalla, Mugdhatunga, Keyuravarsha, etc. Tunga or Varsha occur familiarly in the personal names of the Rashtrakutas. Whether the latter adopted them from their relations, the Kalachuris, or whether the Kalachuris adopted them from the Rashtrakutas, is difficult to determine, but it must be

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EPIGRAPHIA JAINICA : 83 from social relationship by marriage that such a tradition regarding personal namey could develop. During the time of Keyura varsha, the Kalachuris are said in this inscription to have contracted marriages with the Chalukyas, the descendants of Bharadwaja.' The Chalukya queen of the Kalachuriya chief * Keyuravarsha was an ardent devotee of Siva. Of the marriages between Rashtrakutas and Kalachuris in historic times, Cunningham gives the follow*ing references : (1) In' one Rashtrakuta inscription Krishna Raja is said to have marred Mahadevi, the daughter of K. Kokalla, Raja of Chedi. (2) In another R. K. inscription King Jagatrudra, son of Krishna, is stated to have married the two daughters of Sankaragana, Raja of Chedi and son of Kokalla I. (3) In a third Rashtrakuta inscription Indra Raja is said to have married Divijamba, the great-grand daughter of Kokalla I. (4) Amoghavarsha, the Rashtrakuta Raja, who was himself the great-grandson of Kokalla I, through his mother Govindamba, married the princess Kandakadevi, Are the Chalukyas, then, a branch of the Pallavas who affiliate themselves to the Bharadwaja gotra? Could they have concealed this identity owing to clannist conflicts ? Such things do occur even to-day in Hindu society.

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84' ANDHRA KARNATA,JAINISM. daughter of a Chedi King called Yuvaraja. From these references it would appear that the Kalachuris and Rashtrakutas in their intermarriages follow the Andhra principle(enunciated by Apastamba) of marrying maternal uncles' daughters. At any rate it is a principle of South Indian social tradition by which they are governed. From the last evidence of Amoghavarsha Rashtrakuta it appears as if the varsha personal name is adopted by the Rashtrakutas from their Kalachuri grandfathers on the maternal side. These Kalachuris call themselves Trikalingadhipatis. They thus connect themselves with a branch of Andhra history. Kharavala of Kalinga is said to be a Chetiya, i.e., a Chediya. Their influence in Kalinga remains still open to research. The Kadambas are another South Indian power whom the Chalukyas had to subdue before they could get into power in the Deccan. The Kadamba plates of Goa give a good deal of valuable information as regards their contribution to South Indian culture. The Kadambas must, from the reference to Vishnukundi-Kadamba-Satakarni, be referred * to the last years of the Satavahana rule in the Deccan. The Talgund inscription referring to a Satakarni or the Satakarnis may also be used to fix this point. However, it is suggested that there were two or three synchronously reigning Kadamba Culture.

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EPIGRAPHIA JAINICA 85 66 branches of this family in the Deccan, e.g., the Kadambas of Banavasi and the Kadambas of Goa. The significance of the early Kadambas whom the Chalukyas overpowered lies in their association with the later Satavahanas and their patronage of Jaina culture. Although these Kadambas describe themselves as Manavyasa gotra Haritiputras and Swami Mahasena Padanudhyayis", yet their leanings lay definitely towards Jainism. Their poets were Jains; their ministers were Jains; some of their personal name's were Jaina; the donees of their grants were Jain the type of literature as evidenced by the Goa copper-plates was of the Jaina Kavya kind. This they handed down to the Chalukyas. Thus, their conquerors became captives in turn to the scholarship and culture which the Kadambas promoted. Among the Goa Kadambas occur personal names in Kesi; such words are familiar among the Chalukyas. Possibly there is some relationship between the Chalukyas who rose to power in W. Deccan and the Kadambas of Goa as there is traced between the Kalachuris and Rashtrakutas. Any way the Chalukya inscriptions make it clear that they adopted the Kadamba style of family insignia. * * . Scholarship. It has already been pointed out how the Jaina Jaina Acharyas secured grants from kings for their foundations through the respect they inspired in them for their character and learning. Pujyapadaswami was one of such early Acharyas, *

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86 ' ANDHRA KARNATA/JAINISM. like Kundakunda, who, in the 5th century A.D., spread the Gospel of Jainism throughout the Andhra afid Karnata mandalas. Jaina literary tradition has preserved a story about him that he toured through the Andhra desa for literary disputations and royal patronage. In a work called Pujyapada-charita the various kinds of arts and sciences that he mastered are enumerated. The list stands thus :-Prajnapti ( L ), Kamarupini (5 50.5&c8), Agnisthambhini (og popo), Udasthambhini (57_3099), Visvapravesini "Parsa: 89), Aprathishtathagamini(@bonto 29), Akasagamini (ugotowa), Urvatini (to 009439), Vasikarini (1858), Avesini (4989), Sthapini (p&), Pramohini (15300%]), Prahirini (Lato089), Samkramini (1016ao), Avarthini (958), Prarodani (58*59), Prahavani (L***5:8), Prabhavasa (psa), Prata pini (5520), Vikshepani ( a no), Sambhari (7088), Chandali (vootos), Matari (soja), Gauri (pa), Bhattangi (peror), Mudgi (swa), Kamkasamkuli (8081080), Kumchanidi (sowoga), Viradala vegi (58868), Karnalatki (59083-), Laghukari (exww88), Vegavati (3858), Setavetali ( 2+0), Sarvavidyabhedini (dogo wos Bay), Yuddhavirya (stoogboos), Bandhavelachini (203 ser-99), Praharnavarni (Las borgere Sede). These are mostly names to us, men of the modern generation in India, their tradition being hopelessly buried in the mantra and yoga Rice's Karnataku-Kavicharitre.

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EPIGRAPHIA JAINICA. 87 sastras. But wheh they were practised by acharyas like Pujapadaswami, they had a meaning and a potency which humbled the most arrogant of early Hindu' rulers. This is the proper place to sum up the leading facts regarding the patronage of the Jaina acharyas Patronage arid colleges by South Indian rulers. The earliest Scholars. of such South Indian sovereigns was Kharavela Kalinga. He does homage in the Jaina form, i.e., 5300 69EUR dopo, i zoo Das gupoo. In the 12th year of his reign he constructed a statue of MX2, i.e., Adisvara or Vrishabha. He honoured the Jainas of Kalinga (_00batowano goOo 70 noo bespomo).' Ofothe Kadambas of Banavasi, Kakusthavarma (Halsi) allowed his general Srutakiriti to donate land to the Jainas. Mrigesavarma; son of Santivarma and grandson of Kakusthavarma, gave land grants to Jainas at Vaijayanti. In these grants several Jaina acharyaslike Damakirti, Jayakirti, Bandhusena and Kumaradatta are mentioned. Harivarma, son of Ravivarma, son of Mrigesavarma, donated at Halsi a village to Chandrakshanta of the college of Virasenacharya. The Gangas of South India, a collateral branch of the Gangas of Kalinga, acknowledge that they established their kingdom in the South through the help of the Jaina Acharya, Simhanandi of Nandigana. Madhava II (Madhavavarma Ganga) made a donation to Viradevacharya in favour of a

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88 ANDHRA KARNATA JAINISM. Digambara temple. Avanitakonganivarma in the first year of his reign made a donation to his preceptor Vijayakirti in A.D. 466 and also to Vandananandi of Desigana. This grant mentions other acharyas 6f Desigana, Kondakundanvaya, like Gunachandra, Abhayanandi, Silabhadra, *Jnananandi and Gunanandi. Sreepurusha in A.D. 776 gave a donation to Govapaiya in favour of the temple of Sripura and mentions the Acharyas Vimalachandra, Kirtinandi, Kumaranandi, Chandrapandi. Of the Chalukyas the ancestors of the Eastern Chalukya line of Raja Raja Narendra of Rajahmundry, Pulakesi I in S.S. 411 made a donation in favour of a temple constructed by his feudatory Samiyarya and mentions Siddhanandi, Jinanandi and Nagadeva. Kirtivarma I gave a donation to Prabhachandra, disciple of Vinayanandi of Paraluru. Vinayaditya S. 608 gave a donation to Devagana of Mula Sangha. Vijayaditya 651 gave a grant to a temple at Puligire which mentions Udayadevapandita, disciple of Pujyapada of Alaktapura. It must be observed that the Chetiyakula 'mentioned in the Kharavela grants, the earliest, perhaps, of South Indian Jainism, is a branch of the Jainas which has not spread itself in South India. It perhaps represents one of the Jaina Sakhas of North Indian origin which flourished

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EPIGRAPHIA JAINICA. 89 before the great schism in the time of Bhadrabahu and Chandragupta. Possibly. this branch belonged to Chedi Kingdom. These Sakhas may be noted in passing, especially because no trace of them is yet discoverable in South India : A. Uddehikiyagana. (a) Parihasakakula Purnapatrika Sakha. (6) Nagabhatikiyakula. B. Vegavatikagana. Mehikakula. 'C. Varanagana .(a) Hatikiyakula-Vajra nagari Sakha. (6) Aiyabhishtakula Samkasika Sakha. (c) (Chetikiya) kula-Hari tamalakari Sakha. (d) Petivamikakula. (e) Nadikakula. D. Kotikagana .(a) Sthaniyakula-Vajri Sakha. (6) Brahmadasikakula Uchchanagari Sakha. (c) Prasnavahanakakula Madhyama Sakha. fd) Vatsaviyakula. (c) Vidyadhari Sakha. One may be curious to know what kind of Jaina Polity. influence it was that these acharyas of the various ganas and Sakhas exercised over their disciples who were rulers of provinces. Some light is thrown on this point by a Jaina work in the Madras Oriental MSS. Library called

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90 - ANDHRA KARNATA JAINISM. Nitivakyamritam Hindu alithorities on Polity have always urged that the primary duty of the king is the securing of the happiness of the people. They go, a step further. They say that the king should protect his people, with the same care with which a pregnant woman protects her child even at the sacrifice of her own special tastes, Cf. Vaisampayana Nati: lookrNjn meevaadd raajoo dhrmH snaatnH | ydhaahigbhnnii hitvaa svNpriyNmn seenugN | . grbhsyhitmaadh ttee tdhaaku ryaatrjaahitN || . Jaina Polity. Nativakyamrita, the Jaina work on Polity, goes still further and makes the king a servant of the state. Its theory evidently is that the king is for the state and not the state for the king. Hence it begins with a salutation to the state as follows : Atha Dharmartha Kama phalaya rajyam namah. (adh dhrmaarth kaam phlaay raajyN nmH) From the following colophon of this work it is clear that it was composed by the Jaina Acharya Somadevasuri who wielded large influence at a royal court in South India :- . " itiskl tokkik ckrcuuddaamnni cuNbit crnnsy, rmnniiy pNcpNcaall nmhaavaadivijyoopaaji-tkiirti mNdaakinii pvitrit tribhu vnsy, prtpshcrnn rtnoodnvNtH shrii neemi deev bhgvtH priy shi ssyeenn, vaadiiNdrkaalaanlshrii mnm heeNdrdeevbhttttaarnnnu jeen| shyaa dvaadaaclsiNh taarkik ckr vaadiibh pNcaannvaallool pyoonidhi keeNkikl raajkuNjr prbhRti prsh sti prsaadaalNkaareenn, ssnnnnvti

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3 .91 ' EPIGRAPHIA JAINYCA. prkrnnyu kiciNtaamnni * trivrgm heeNdr, maatli sNjlpyshoodh rmhaaraajcrit mhaashaastr veedhsaa | shriimtsoovu deevsuurinnaapr citN niitivaakyaamRtN naamraajniitishaastrN sNpuurnnN." This work has 30 chapters :-1. Dharmasamuddesah (dhrmsmu ddeesh), 2. Arthasamuddesah (ardhsmu ddeesh 8), 3. Kahasamuddesah (kaamsmu deesh 8), 4. 'Arishadvargasamuddesah (alessddvrg smu ddeesh 8), 5. Vidyasamuddesah (vidyaa smu ddeesh 8), 6. Anvikshisamuddesah (anviikssmii smu ddeeshH), 7. Trayisamuddesah (tryii smuddeesh 1), 8. Vartasamuddesah (vaartaasmu ddeeshN}, 9, Dandasamuddesah (dNdd smu ddeesh 8), 10.Mantrasamuddesah (mNtrsmu ddeesh 8), 11.Purohitasamuddesah (puroohitsmu ddeeshH), 12. Sanapatisamuddesah (seenaapti smuddeeshN), 13. Dita-Sa. (duut-s), 14. Chara-Sa. (caar-s), 15. Vichara-Sa. (vicaar-s), 16. 'Vyasana-Sa. (vysn-s), 17. Svami-Sa. (svaami-s), 18. Amatya-Sa. (amaaty-s), 19. Janapada-Sa. (jnpd-s), 20. Durga-Sa. (durg-s), 21. Kosa-Sa. (kooll-s), 22. Bala-Sa. (bl-s), 23. Mitra-Sa. (mitr-s), 24. Rajarakshita-Sa. (raajrkssit-s), 25. Divasanushtana-Sa. (divsnu sthaan-s), 26. Sadaichara-Sa. (sdaa caar-s), 27. Vivada-Sa. (vivaad-s), 29. ShadgunyaSa. (ssddgunny-s), 30. Vivaha-Sa. (vivaah-s). . From this enumeration of its contents, it will be clear that it is an exhaustive work on polity after the manner of the Arthasastras of Kautilya or Sukra.' The training that the Jaina gurus prescribe for their royal pupils and the Dandaniti. which they taught them are points : of interest to a modern reader, for it is from

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,92ANDHRA KARNATA JAINISM. them that the evalue of their influence over their pupils can be safely judged. The following is a summary of such views : (a) " He is an intefiigent prince whose mind is disciplined by education. Long-standing happiness does not fall to a person who, like the lion, always rests his claim for respect solely on his prowess. He that is not cultivated by the sastras, becomes, like an unarmed hero, a target for all, his capabilities netwithstanding. In the realisation of what transcends the naked eye, the sastra is like a third eye. A person in possession of sight is as good as a blind man if he has not made himself arquainted with the sastras (sciences). It is better for a kingdom to be in anarchy rather than to be under <Page #300
: . EPIGRAPHIA JAINXCA. 93 that may be guru do a prince should be wellborn', 'well charactered,' 'well-learned". << (6) Danda is, like medicine, the agency that cures ..the distempers of the state. The objective of Dandaneti is the securing of the welfare of the people. It is never to be used for the acquisition of wealth. The king should not be on the look out for faults in his people, like the quack doctor who makes a living by the exploitation of diseases in his neighbours. If *Danda is misused under the inspiration of ignorance or a lust for wealth or revenge. it alienates the gubjects. The whole state (bounded by the sea) is the family of the king. His wives are just the means of perpetuating his race.......... One man does not slave for another except for wealth. Among all kinds Of wealth, education is the chiefest, for it can never be stolen. Since its quality is to spread itself, it can easily be secured by a king though, in the possession of a lowly person. He to whom such learning becomes propitious possesses insight into everything in the world. Those persons only can be called well learned (and capable), who can teach others what they know (and inspire them with their own enthusiasm)."

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CHAPTER III. JAINISM IN ANDHRA-KARNATA LITERARY TRADITION. A conspectus of Andhra-Karnata Jaina Literature in manuscript-Some notable Jain works-Tendency of Jain versions of Hindu Puranic and Itihasa materialKarnata Jaina literary contribution to Andhra cultureJaina Karnata influence in the earliest extant work in Andhra Literature-Jaina Karnata literary types also extant in Andhra Literature-The makers of Jaina AndhraKarnata Literature-A Jain Acharya Birudavali : Islamic patronage of Jain scholarship. Here below is a conspectus of the Jaina contribution to literature and knowledge as represented by the Sanskrit and Kannada Manuscripts of the Oriental Library in the Madras Museum : S.-Sanskrit. A. Jaina Agama : S. K - ci ci K.-Kannada. 1. 2. 3. Jinendralaya Vishaya. 2. -* 3. Jina Devata Puja Vidhana. Jina Samhita. 1. Ananta Katha. Abhisheka Sandhi. Karma Nirihara.

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JAINISM IN LITERARY TRADITION.deg95 4. Karnaparashtamiya Nompi. 5. Chandradarsana Nompi. 6. * Tirthesapuja Sandhi. - 7. Navanidhi Khandarada Nompi.' 8. Nagakunara Panchamiya Nompi. 9. Nagapanchami. 10. Palana Sandhi. 11. Bhavyananda Nompi. 12. Migaya Nompi. . 13. Savajyotiya Katha. 14. Siddhana Nompi. B. Jaina Purana. K. 1. Anjana charitra. 2. Kamanakatha. 3. Gurudatta charitravu. 4. Jinakatha. 5. Jinadattarayana charitra. 8. Jinavachanamrita Saradhi. 7. Jivadhara charitra. 8. Trishashti lakshanapurana. 9. Dharmamritapurana. 10. Nagakumarana charitra. 11. Padmavatiya charitra. 12. Prabhanjzna charitra. 13. Pushpadantapurana. 14. Pujapidacharitra. 15. Bharatesvara charitra. 16. Varaganripa charitra. 17. Vardhamanabhattaraka Purana. 18. Sanatkumaranakatha. 19. Bijalaraya chapitra.

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96 ANDHE.A KARNATA JAINI C. Jaina Mata and Siddhanta. 1. Atmanusasana. 2. Upasakachara. 3. Karmaprakriti. 4. Gomathasara.. 5. Jaina Gayatrimantra. 6. Jaina Pujahoma. 7. Jainopasanamantra. 8. Dravyasangraha... 9. Dravyasamgraha sutra vritti. 10. Panchaparameshti prameya nirupana 11. Parikshamukha laguvritti. 12. Ratnakaranda. 13. Saptabhangi tarangini. K. 1. Jivahitratha. . 2. Jainavarnasrama. 3. Dwadasanupreksha. 4. Dharinapariksha. 5. Rayanasarasutravritti. 6. Vakyavali. 7. Haribhaktipramukhya. 8. Samyaktvakaumudi. C. Jaina Kavya. 1. Chandraprabhajinagady 2. Jinastuti. 3. Jainadevatastotra.

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SM AN LITERARY TRADITION. '97. 2. 4. Dharinasarmabhyudaya. 5. Neminirvana Kavya. . 6. Samadhisataka. 7. Sinduraprakara Subhashitakosa (Anthology). K. 1. Aparajitesvarasataka. Jagannadhavijaya. . 3. Jainakadamba. 4. Jainabirudavali. 5. Sringaralilavati. 6. Nemichandra charitra. D. Jaina Rhetoric and Grammar. S. Jainendravyakarana. K. 1. Kavirajamarga. 2. Chamdombudhi. 3. Rasaratnakara. E. ,,Jaina Logic. 5. Prameyakamthika. 2. Prameyaratnamala. 3. Nyayamanidipika. F. Jaina Ethics and Politics. S. Nitivakyamrita. K. 1. Chinmayachintamani. 2. Jinamunitanayasataka. 3. Trailokyarakshamanisataka. 4. Ratnakaradbisvarasataka. 5. Haradaniti. G. Geography. K. . 1. Lokasvarupa. 2. Trilokasataka. 19

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,98 ANDHRA KARNATA JNINISM. Jaina Literary types in AndhraKarnata Languages. H. Arithemetic. K. 1. Ganitasutra. 2. Jaina Ganitasutragalu. I. Music. K. Ratnakarajangala Padajati. This is, though considerable, yet, a speck in the ocean of Jaina literature. The list is given here just to indicate the variety and standard of Jaina literature, mostly in the Vernacular. How close a relation it bears to Sanskrit cultare may be quite clear froin even a glance at these lists or the names of their authors. Jaina Karnata literature stands or the attempt of the South Indian genius to reinterpret and express after its own fashion some of the leading themes and ideas of North Indian culture. In this attempt it has evolved for once, some new types of literature, c.g., the Champu, Sandhi Nompi and Katha (Yakshagana). The Champu and Yakshagana types are common to Kannada and Telugu literatures. In fact they niust originally have come into voguc in Telugu literature through the influence of Kannada. The Champu had developed in Kannada a curious fusion of Sansk it and Vernacular which is known as Manipravala style, and its respectability and patronage in the Vengi mandala of the Andhra desa (vide Pampa's Adi Purana) a century before Nannaya, must have largely influenced the formation of the Telugu literary dialect which Nan saya had used as the vehicle of the Telugu Mahabharata. The Yakshagana

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JAINISMIN LITERARY TRADITION: 99 type of Kannada literature is interesting as representing the Andhra-Karnata variety of the Dravidian drama. Vijaya Kumarana katha is an example of such a type. It is an ancient work. The manuscript in the Oriental MSS. Library, Madras (No. 18-417), is copied by Padmaraja Pandita of Mysore. . It is in desi metres, prose and song as in Telugu Yakshagana works. It begins as follows : shrii prmeeshji neesh paapnaash | rvikootti sNkaash | kNdrpmddhn bhv moohbhNjn | gNdhrvaadhiptivNdit paan | divybhaassaavinood | mNgllaakaar sccrithaag | shRNgaar duur svvktmNdaar ! muulook sugunnmukyNgnaarmnn | liilaavilaas shrii shaaNtitii rdeesh II ajnyaanmNkotttti priydiNd lenn | ajnyaanm . . . . k ledu sl hiNdumuNn || Of the Satuku type with the same last line or part of line repeated in each verse and callede Makuta, a type which has had a very respectable vogue in Telugu devotional, and ethical and satirical literature, there is an early Kannada example in Jinamunitanaya Satakri.' Of similar type and tendency are the Telugu Satakas that go by the names of Vema and Sumati. The following is an excerpt from it :-- vrnnNddrnbhoogNgllu | surraajn sukhmn reeNdrn sNpttuN | * vrdhrmsiNd aaduddo | prmshriidhrmdiNd jinmunitny ||

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100 ANDHRA KARNATA JAINISM. : The existence of this type acquires value for Telugu Literary History when it is observed that Nannaya in the Telugu Mahabharata seems to work out:its method into his Champu Bharata as suggested by the follbwing verses :--Adiparva, First Asvasa, 104-107 (verses). (N.B.--The Sataka method is herein used for panegyric.) that Telugu literature. Jaina Kar.. In the wake of the Chalukya conquest of influences the Vengi Kingdom and consequent on the shaped early establishment of the E. Chalukya dynasty in Vengi, there must have taken place a considerable migration of a Canarese-Maharatta population of the governing' and 'co-operative' type, the members of which must have brought with them into the Andhra Kingdom, their traditional love of Karnata literature and possibly, of Jaina culture. It is, at any rate, a significant fact that two of " the three-yems" of Karnata poetry, viz., Pampa and Ponna, were pandit poets of the Vengi mandala, and that both of them flourished before Nannayabhatta the earliest known poet of the Andhra mandala. The celebrity which these authors attained in their time and the fact of their having belonged to " the governing and co-operative class" in the country is further of interest as indicating one of the important influences under which the literary movement was developing in the Vengi mandala before Nannaya's time.

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: JAINISM AN UITERARY TRADITION. 101 Nannaya, himself, was the fellow pupil of a great Karnata poet and scholar, viz, Narayanabhatta and it is not extravagant tu suppose that he himself was acquainted with Karnata literature. Though Nannaya professes to follow Vyasa's Sanskrit Bharatam, his method may be called 'the Champu method, but it is not the Champu method of, say, Bhoja Champu. - Rice, in his introduction to Bhattakalanka's Sabdanusasanam says "the leading characteristic of the earlier Jaina works (Karnata) is ' that they are Charpu Kavyas or poems in a variety of composite metres, interspersed with paragraphs in prose." This description applies 10. Pampa's Vikramarjuna Vijaya, otherwise known as Pampa Bharata, and an analysis of that portion of it which corresponds to the three parvas of Nannaya's Telugu Bharatam shows that the "author used most frequently (is it in deference to the Nripatunga [vide Kaviraja Marga] school of Karnata Rhetoricians) the Kanda, Campaka, Utpala, Mattebha types of verse, and his prose pieces outnumber his verses. Out of 772 verses in all, distributed over about 7} chapters, we find 372 Kandams, 190 Campakams, 101 Mattebhams, and 70 Utpalams. This type of Champu prabandham with a pre-* dominance of prose and Kandam, and, with Campakams, Utpalams, Mattebhams from the Sanskrit Chandas, must have become the predominant Kavya . type before the time of

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102! ANDHRA KARNATA VAINISM. Nannaya in the Wengi Kingdom, and in adopting it as a vehicle of literary expression, Nannaya was perhaps attempting to combat the Jainas of the Andhra 'mandala with one of their own weapons. In Pampa Bharata, done in the Kannada before his time and celebrated in the Vengi country, Nannaya and * Narayanabhatta, had before them a Jaina presentation of the Bharatri story in the Champu method. In presenting their Bralimanic representation of the same story, and anticipating even a greater 'celebrity for it, they seem to have chosen wisely in accepting the very kavya anethod by which the Jainas made their ideas 'popular. An elaboration, in some detail, of the Kannada influence on the Telugu literary dialect of Nannaya may be in point in this context. Traces of Canarese influence in Nannaya's Telugu Literary Dialect. One of the most fascinating problems of Dravidian philology is " the rise of the literary dialects" in the various cultivated Dravidian". languages. No doubt, the relative antiqnity.of Tamil or Karnata can in a way be established, as has been attempted to be done, by the discovery of words from these languages in foreign records the antiquity of which has been fairly settled. But such discovery relates mostly to the spoken variety of these languages, unless it be that such words can be shown to

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JAINISM IN LNERARY TRADITION. 103 have become literary by the time at which they were imported into or to have been quoted from literary works in which they can now be identifier or the authenticity of which can now be established beyond doubt. A few such Telugu or Andhra-Karnata (for they are common to both these languages) words have been identified hy ime in Gathu Sapta Sati, a collection of verses in an old Maharashtri dialect, the compilation of which is attributed to Hala, a prince who Belongs to the line of Satavahana (Andhra) kings who ruled over a vast empire (in second . century B.C.) including the later Andhra and Karnata kingdoms. At about the same time, the Andhras (among whom I include the Karnatas also, for the latter were not distinguished as such) had developed special forms of dress and ornamentation which marked them out from * other communities of South India and began to distinguish members of other South Indian communities, at least the Tamils, as Dravidas. Evidence of these facts has been traced by me on the sculptures and in the inscriptions on the Amaravati and Jaggayapeta Stupas. As is evident from a comparison of word-forms from these inscriptions and Gatha Sapta Sati with forms of Tadbhava. words in Acca Telugu Nighantus, the Telugu and Karnata peoples were in the early centuries of the Christian era under the influence of Prakrit and Pali Literature. Small wonder, then, that similar forms of Tadbhavas had filtered down into the later

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Kaviraja-Marga Tampa-Bharata 'Adi Purana K.-R.-M. P. B. A. Pu. Kabbam I. 27, 32, I. 7, 9, 13 34, 45, 49, 136. .... .... Dharuni-tala 139 1. 99 Nikkuva I. 41, 115, 116. III. 83. 104/ ANDHRA KARNATA JA NISM. literary dialects of both these languages. Here below is a specimen table of such words. .. V, 25, 26, 69, 70, 73, 74, 77. 01 - 14!! C Konti II. 2; III. 7p. Jauvana I. 17. Javvana I. 75, II. 39p. .... .. VI. 2p, 2p III. 8, IV. 43p, VII. 109 78, 92p, VI. 33p. I. 50; Kambham III. 39p. Kanneya I. 67, 77, III. 67; 1V. 16. V. 25. Kanne IV. 16p, 40, 55. Desa IV, 49. Nannaya's, Bharata Bh. Jauvana II. 35. 10. Javvana III. Javvanambu III., III, 184, k I. 38; III. 95, 96, 190, 192, 1959 202. Dharini IV. Dharuni I. 1-89, 11-58, 128, 29. 130, 136, 223. IV. 25. V. 85. 113. VI. 67. VII. 34, 128, VIII. 63. II. 1. 41, 84, 99, 196, 207 271, 275. II. 12, 182, 249. III. 1. 155. 11. 47, 171, 270. 285. Goniti I. V. 21, 23, 61, 72, 132 VI. 19, 128, III. III, 3, 10, I. VIII. 54, 222. Rakkasal, VI. 199, 135, 200,203, 206, 211, 212, 260, 264, 270. 273, 275, 287, 289, 295, 303, 304. III. I. 106, 107, 116. " I. 55, II. 9, 19, VIII. 39, VI. Mogambu J. 11, 220, V. 18, 11. 1. 52. 4, 11, 198. * 39p, 49, 53p, III. 58P, IV. 53p, VII. 8, n 1. V. 224, 111. 111 58. 50. V. 26, V. 8, 18, VI. 21p; VIII. 26p, VIII. 69. .... Nikkuvambu I. III. 72; VI. III. 1, 229. (218. I. VII. 283. I. 1. 115. Santasamu 1. VIII. 181, 226, VIII. 16, 11. I. 152; II. 119, 152. Kambamu 11. I. 11. 79. C Kanniya 1. 1. 46, VII. 208. C Desu 1. II. 25; VI. 281; VII. 172, 304.. Gujju III. 80p. V. 22; VI. 21p. Gujju. V. 17p. *

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JAINISM IN LITERARY TIADITION. 105 The paucity* of scholars, interested in academic studies as such is so great, and, the enthusiasm for seeking out the Historical *origins of things so`rare in South India that as yet it has not been possible to wiscover any literature earlier than the 8th century in Kannada, or earlier than the 11th century in Andhra (Telugu). Nanne Coda, the author of a Kavyam called " Kumarasambhavam", on a plan other than that of Kalidasa, says definitely " that the cultivation of Telugu poetry was first encouraged by the Chalukyas from Satyasraya in the Andhra country." Though I cannot agree with the learned' editor of this work in claiming it to be earlier than Nannaya's Mahabharata (for reasons a full statement of which had best he .reserved for the present), I take it, that the reference to Satyasraya quoted above is to Pulakesi II whose conquest of the Andhra country, among others, is celebrated in the Aihole Inscription of Ravikarti, a Jaina poet who claims to have equalled the fame of Bharavi and Kalidasa. This inscription is dated S. S. 556 (described as the year 3735 since the Bharta War), i.e., 23rd July A.D. 613.. Raja Raja Narendra, the patron of the Telugu Mahabharatamn of Nanna yabhatta, traces his descent from the brother of this Pulakesi II, called Vishama Siddhi or Kubjavishnuvardhana who was left as the sovereign of the newly 'conquered Andhra kingdom and founded the Eastern Chalukya line of Vengi. This. Raja Raja Narendra was crowned King in "This reading howevor is doubtful.

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106 ANDHRA KARNATA JAINISM. S. S. 944, i.e., A.D. 1022, and reigned till about 1062 or 1063 A.D. Thus, from the first quarter of the 7th-century, A.D. to the third quarter of the 11th century for about four centuries the Telugu country was under the benevolent sway of the Chalukyas, a line of rulers whom Fleet very appropriately calls a Canarese dynasty. According to both Andhra and Karnata accounts, these rulers were great patrons of literature. The kind of poetry cultivated under their patron-. age was of the courtly type and character, as ovidence of which may be mentioned Andhra and Karnata Kavyas and Inscriptions (Panegyric poetry). It has been gaid above that. back of 8th century A.D. in Karnata and of 11th century A.D. in Andhra (Telugu), no Kavyas in these languages have yet been discovered, although there are references in Kavyas referable. to these centuries and subsequent thereto, to the existence of literary tradition contemporaneous with or earlier than such works. But a few inscriptions back of 8th century A.D. in Kannada or Sanskrit and Kannada, and of 11th century A.D. in Telugu or Sanskrit and Telugu,. have been discovered and support the claims of the scholars of that day in Andhra and Karnata countries to Ubhaya Bhasha Panditya (proficiency in both the languages). In the cultivation of panegyrical poetry by scholarly officers at court, we find the first parallelism between early Karnata and early Andhra literary efforts, a parallelism which has been, surely, at work in *

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JAINISM IN LITERARY TRADITION. 107 fashioning the literary dialects of both these languages on same or similar models. Such influence of Cancrese taste in literaryo matters has, I think, been only. accelerated by the conquest of the Vengi kingdom by the Chalukyis, for about 5th century A.D., a Jaina scholar and grammarian; Pujya pada, is said to have visiter! 'the Andhra mandala, evidently on a tour for patronage. This presupposes high cultivation of Kannada in the Andhra mandala at the date 'and also a regard for Jainism. It is not therefore extravagant to suppose that about that . period, Jainism had favour in the Andhra and Karnata mandalas and Jaina Kamnata literature was known in the Andhra mandala. From the ceptury following, for four centuries together, the Andhra mandala came under the influence of a Canarese dynasty of kings with their courtly retinue of Canarese officials, scholars, poets and generals but they found themselves at the head of a movement of Brahmanic revival which fought successfully against Jainism and Buddhism in the Telugu country with their own weapons, ---the establishment of seats of learning, the securing of royal patronage for the places of worship, the reinterpretation of old puranic materials derived from earlier Sanskrit literature, the development of literary types in the vernaculars. To such a movement of Brahmanic revival, with all the fully developed literary resources of early Jaina Karnata literature at its service, I find reasons

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108 ANDHRA KARNATA GAINISM. to attribute the .rendering of Mahabharatam in Telugu or Andhram by Nannaya Bhatta under the patronage of the Eastern Chalukya Raja Raja Narendra of Rafahmundry. *" Of specimens of Kannada and Telugu earlier than Kannada Kaviraja Marga or Andhra Mahabharata, I give below a summary of select references available in epigraphical publications : Traces of the Canarese Language in Inscriptions earlier than S. 736. Traces of Telugu Inscriptions earlier than S. 944, W. Gangas. S. 169.-Sanskrit aud S. 890.--Sannamuru Canarcse Tanjore Plates of grant of Bana AggaArivarma (Ind. Ant. VIII). paraju (Nellore Ins.) S. 188.-Sanskrit and Ahadanakaram Canarese Plates of Hari- Plates (Sanskrit varma (Ep. Car. III). and Telugu) of Eastern Chaltikyas Maharaja Vishnu vardhana. S. 261.-Kalchavi (Kalivishnu, Sanskrit and Canarcse : vardhana) Jaina Insn. of Kambha- (Ind. Ant. Vol. rasa (Ind. Ant. XVIII). XVIII). S. 588.-Sanskrit and Ranastipudi Plates Canarese Plates of Avi- of the eighth year nita (Coorg Insns. No. 1). of Vimaladitya Vish nuvarddhana S. 933. (Ep. In. VI).

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JAINISM IN IITERARY TRADITION. 109 Traces of the CMarese Languagesin Inscriptions earlier than s. 736. W. Chalukyas. About S. 520 Badami and Canarese rock Ins. of Mangalesa *(Ind. Ant. V). * S. 621.-Badami Sanskrit and Canarese Ins. of the reign of Vijayaditya Satyasraya. 's. 631:-Aihole Canarese Ins. of the 3rd month of the 8th year of the reign of W.. Chalukya Maharajadbiraja Vijayaditya Satyanarayan (Ind. *Ant. VIII, XIX). About S. 651-Badami (Manapata) Canarese * Ins. of Vinapoti, the heart's darling of Maharajadbiraja Vijayaditya (Ind. Ant. X). S, 651 H.-Pathadakal Canarese Ins. of Vijayaditya fand his son) Vikramaditya II. S. 654-676. (1) Aihole Canarese Ins. of the reign of Vikarmaditya II (Ind. Ant. VIII). (2) Conjeevaram Canarese Ins. of Vikramaditya II (Ep. Ind. III). (3) Pathadakal Canarese Ins. of Lokama hadevi, queen of Vikramaditya II (Ind. Ant. X). (4) Pathadakal Canarese Ins. mentioning " the same lady (Ind. Ant. X).

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130 ANDHRA KARNATA JA'INISM. (5) Pathadakal Canarere Ins. inentioning the same lady. . (5) Pathadakal Canarese Ins. mentioning the same lady (Ind. Ant. X). (6) Pathadakal Canarcse Ins. mentioning the same lady (Ind. Ant. X). Rashtra kutas. S. 687. ---Hatti Matlur Canacese memorial tablet- of the reign of Akalavarsha (Krishna I)" (Ep. Ind. VI). S. 796.-Canarese Plates af Rashtrakuta Govindaraja III Prabhutavarsha (Ind. Ant. XI). Anything like a thorough discussion of the features of phonology, grammar and synt:ix of these inscriptions in either of the languages in comparison with those of either Kayiraja Marga or Mahabharatam, however interesting and important for the historical study of the Karnata and Andhra literary dialects, falls outside the scope of the present studies. What is urged by this table of parallelisms is just the fact of panegyrical poetry having been cultivated on similar lines in both the Karnata and Andhra countries, particularly under Chalukya patronage. "A further feature which is important from the point of view of the make-up of the literary dialects of Karnata and Andhra, brought out by these inscriptions is the gradual development of a highly sonorous literary style by the

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JAINISM'IN LITERARY TRADITION, 111 influence in intimate association of Sanskrit and the vernacular languages, leading to an importation of Sanskrit words into vernacular compositions and the fasltinning of the syntax according to the. models of Sanskrit prose celebrated during those times for euphony and grandeur. * While literary styles have thus been Karnata fashioned in the Andhra and Karnata mandalas, Kalinga, a similar process of development was going on in the Kalinga mandala, the other great strong hold of the Telugu peoples. The Kingdom of Kalinga is probably more ancient than any of the Andhra or Karnata kingdoms. At a time when the latter were ppt indifferentiated parts of the Andhra Empire of the Satavahanas, the Kalinga kingdom was so celebrated that it attracted an expedition from Asoka which proved a turning point in his spiritual history. Even by the time of Asoka's conquest, Kalinga was a seat of learning and under his immediate succes ors it became in a larger measure the seat, particularly, of Buddhist learning. But the history of Kalingai, social, political and cultural is yet so much of an unbroken field (notwithstanding the few Kalinga grants yet published), that nothing can be stated with an air of finality in matters affecting the chronology of its kings. But until the political history of that Ancient kingdom is attempted in some satisfactory measure, its cultural history in relation to the history of the Telugu literary dialect cannot be undertaken with any measure

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112, ANDHRA KARNATA AINISM. of confidence. But yet, I shall urge in this chapter just the tendency of some facts con nected with its irleresting dynasty of rulers. * called by epigraphists, "the Eastern Gangas of Kalinga", to indicate the possibility of the Kalinga kingdom also having been under the influence of a Canarese dynasty at about the same time that the neighbouring Vengi kingdom (with its capital at Rajahmundry) was enjoying the benefits of the benevolent rule of the Eastern Chalukyas. The Kallurgudda stone Insn. (sh. 4 Ep. Car.) S.S. 112-A.D. 1190 describes.Ganganvayavataranam and the following is a summary of it (Ep. Car. Vol. VII, Part (1). Intn. p. 14):-" In. Ayodyapura was born the head-jewel of the Iks hvaku race, Harischandra (according to.sh. 10, the son of Dhananjaya, Capturer of Kanya: kubja and Gandhari Devi) who tuled in peace for a long time. His son was Bharata, whose wife was Vijaya Maha Devi. When the longing of pregnancy arose in her, she went to bathe in the Ganges and recovered her brightness. In due time she bore : a son, who from the aboye circumstance was named Ganga Datta. Ile in turn had a Bharata, whose son was again Ganga Datta, whose son was Harischandra. His son was another Bharata, whose son was also Ganga Datta. While the Ganga line was thus continuing, there arose in it a king named Vishnugupta who gained an Empire and ruled from

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* JAINISM IN LITERARY TRADITION. (113 Ahichchatrapura, . where he, performed the Aindradhvajapuja and Devendra being pleased thereat gave him airavata (His elephant, regent elephant of the east). To Vishnugupta and his wife Prithvimati were born the sons Bhagadatta and Sridatta. To the former (Bhagadatta) the father gave Kalinga which he ruled in peace as Kalinga Ganga."1 Thus the Kalinga and Maisur Gangas seem to have been connected in a common progenitor Vishnugopa of Ahichchatrapura, thus :Vishnugopa of Ahichchatrapura =Prithvimati. Bhagadatta' Sridatta (Eastern Ganga) (Western Ganga) * But this Bhagadatta otherwise known as Kalinga Ganga has not been identified in Kalinga history. In fact in the published information about the relation of the Eastern Gangas of Kalinga with the Western Gangas of Gangavadi, I have met as yet no where with an attempt to make anything out of this tradition. The Gangas of Kalinga known from inscriptions make no reference to Ahichhatrapura. But there is a place called Chatrapur in the Ganjam District which is the headquarters of the Ganjam Collectorate. This was possibly the place founded in the Kalinga country by this Bhaga-. datva as his capital, a sort of analogy to the Ahichchatrapura which was the capital in Gangavadi of his father's empire. There are widely ? Can this person be the Ganjam-Vizagapatam *District Raja Kalinga "Ganga of the Inscriptions ; 20

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114 ANDHRA KARNATA'JAINISM. distributed inscriptions of a king called Raja Kalinga Ganga in the Kalinga kingdom, but whether lie was tais Bhagadatta remains to be established. Anyhow I see dimly an interesting background of Southern Ganga emigrant enterprise buried under the mode:n Chatrapur in the Ganjam District which is well worth earnest investigation. From the published grants of the Gangas of Kalinganagara, it would appear that the ancestors of these rulers were emigrants from the south. Anantavarma Chodaganga's grant of S. S. 1040 states that " Kamarnava I gave over his territory Ganga vadi to his paternal uncle and with his brothers set out to conquer the earth and came to the mountain Mahendra. Having there worshipped the god Gokarnasvami, through his favour he obtained', the excellent crest of a bull, and then, decorated with all the insignia of universal sovereignty, having.descended from the summit of the mountain Mahendra and being accompanied, like Yuanistira by his four brothers, Kamarnava conquered king Baladitya, who had grown sick of war, and took possession of the Kalinga Countries." In the Vizaga patam rrant of Anantavarma Choda Ganga S. S. 1118 mention is made of a prince Kolahala who, it is said, built the city of Kola hala in the great Gangayadi Vishaya. This Kolahala must be the city Kuvalala (Kolar) the capital of the Ninety-six Thousand Gangavadi kinydom which Simhanandi helped. Daddiga to found. From the inscription,.quoted above,

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JAINISM IN LITERARY TRADITION. 115, describing the Ganganvayavataranam, we learn that when the Gangavadi kingdony was finally established with the help of Simhanaildi, there arose in the dynasty a prmce named Madhava, the son of Dadiga. " His son was Harivarma whose son was Vishnugopa who associated with falsehood (or a false creed) and the ornaments .given by Indra accordingly disappeared. His son was Prithviganga 'who favoured the true faith." This Vishnugopa who is thus said to have associated with a false creed is thus descended from his name-sake, the progenitor of the Eastern and Western Gangas. ; . Vishnugopa-Prithvimati. Bhagadatta. Sridatta. (Kalinga Ganga) Priyabandhuvarma in whose time Ahichhatrapura became Vijayapura. Kampa. Padmanabha. - I Rama Lakshmana or or Daddiga Madhava Madhava Harivarna 268 A.D. Vishnugopa 302 A.D. (who associated a false creed). Prithiviganga (who favoured the true faith).

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116 ANDHEA KARNATA: JAINISM. The adoption of a falsi creed by Vishnugopa and the support of the true faith by his son' seem co refer to Jaina. vs. Brahmanic conflicts ; fur the early Gangas were Jainas. From SK 176 (Ep. Car. VII) we learn that Madhava's fame was, very widespread on account of his renewal of Brahmanic endowment long since destroyed. Here we have evidences of the fact that Brahmanism was asserting itself in the Gangavadi country about 4th century A.D. against Jainism with whose help the kingdom was founded.' Matters have not been satisfactorily cleared up as one would wish them to be by this brief excursus into the prehistoric antiquitics of the Eastern Gangas of Kalinga, but I hope enough has been said to indicate a southern origin, of* the civilisation and culture which the Gan: gas had brought with them into the Kalinga kingdom. Like their conspeers the Chalukyas of Badami and Vengi, these rulers were patrons of poets and scholars and under their patronage and influence panegyrical poetry and most probably Kavya poetry were cultivated in the Kalinga mandala in Sanskrit and Andhram. Of the latter type ng traces have as yet been discovered. . These literary developments in Kalinga ran on almost similar lines to that in Vengi about the time when the Mahabharata had just been rendered into Telugu. Of panegyrical writing from the ! It would thus seem that there were two distinct Ganga lines in Kalinga, the earlier one started by Kalinga Ganga about 162 A.D. and the later one by Kamarnava.

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JAINISM IN LITERARY TRADITION. 117 Vengi and Kalinga kingdoms, I add brief Literary excerpts hereunder : types and styles of Kalinga and (1) From Madras Museum Plates of Andhra. Vajrahasta III (East Ganga) sa prascyotanmada gandha lubdha madhupa vyalidha ganda(ng) ajan arthibhyassamadat sahasramatulas sasaya (stya) ginam 'agrani(h) sa(h) (srima)n aniyankabhimanr patir ganganvayottamsakah Pancattrim satamabdakan sama bhunak prthvim (stu) tah parthivaih, > MALINI || tadanu tadanujanma cittajanmopamano, gunanidhiranavadyo khyo mahisah, (sa)kalamidamaraksattrini * gunddama varsani dhatri, valayamalaghu tejonirjitaraticakrah. GITI | Atha vajrahastanrpateragrasutadatulaguni janagranyah, Kamarnavat kavindrapragiyamanavadata subhakirteh, malini, viyadrtunidhi samkhyam yati sakabda sanghe dinakrit vrsabhasthe rohinibhe 1 sulagne, dhanusica sita pakse suryavare trtiya,

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118 ANDHRA KARNATA JAINISM. yaji sakaladharitti raksitum yobhisiktah. Q * ( N.B-The reference in these verses to a poet praising the king. is important, coming from a court panegyrist of a later date. (2) From the prasasti of rahasika Sankara Deva, the son of Amatya Devachendra. (East Ganga grant of the 128th year of Indravarma) Svasti vijayavato Kalinga nagara vasakat mahendracalamala sikhara pratisthitasya Caracara guroh Sakala bhuvana nirma-' naika Sutradharasya bhagavato gokarnasvaminascaranakamala yugala 'pranamad vigalita Kali Kalanko gangamalakala tilakah Svasidhara parispandaadhigata sakala Kalingadhirajyah pravitata caturudadhi salila taranga mekhalavani talamalasya aneka samara sam ghatta vijaya janita jaya sabda pratapopanata samsta samanta cudamani prabha manjari punja ranjita carano mata pitr padanudhyatah Sriman Maharajendra Varma .. (3) From Dirghasi Insn. of Vanapati S. S. 997. Si 11 Sri Sakunendulu bhusatipar saila namdabjabhava samkhiya nonda vengi desambu gimidiya gosala gidrisingi desambu yodda mari desamanamga janina bhupaluran aninocce calamartti gandandai negadina mandalikundu

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JAINISM IN LITERARY TRADITION. 119 bhusura vamsundbu vasavanibha , bhogi janapati saujanya gunayu tundu *dirghasi bhagavati devi devalaya munanumdatamgadu ghanata ramuga : mandapam ettimce bhandana vijayundu gandagopalunda khanda varti . diviya vetten addevikin avvalam damamanovallabhi vanajanetri diviya vettem badmavati yununa ksonira sasulugalayam takunu mudamuna gagana bhumi camdra kharakaroda kasikhi. marutatmamurtti mahishamathana yistapurtti phalamul ellakalambunu meccu todam damakun iccu cumda N.B.-It is worthy of note that the build of this verse, especially of the system of yatis in the major part, is exactly identical with that of the sisam in Nannaya's Mahabharatam, a fact *which indicates that Telugu prosody must have been evolving on similar lines in the Andhra and Kalinga kingdoms about that time. B. From a grant of Eastern Chalukya Amma II. Poet Potanabhafta sakalaripunrpati makutatataghatita manigana madhukara nikaraparicumbita carana sarasiruha yugalo yugalocanapadakamala vilasad dvirephay amano (manonnatanatoddhata samasta loka samsta bhuvanasra

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120 ANDHRA KARNATA JAINISM. yah srivijayaditya maharajadhirajah, parama samasta bhuvanasrayah Srivijayaditya maharaja rajadhirajuh paratma mahesvara parama bha* ttarakah parama brahmanayah welanamdu visaya nivasino rastrakuta. pramukhan kutumbinah samahuyettham... (6) From Korumilli grant of Raja Raja Narendra : Poet Chettanabhatta. Sa || Yasya prajvalitapratapadahanam Sod hum na saktyabhayat gatva kananamambudhinca tarasa vidve-' sino vihvalah davaurvagnipadena tattaca punas tenaiva samtapitah o Sripadamara padapasya mahatim chayam samasisriyan Sa 11, Rajnamarcita varausas sanfudi taiyajnairvidhau tasighato' yapionama sutastatah krtadhiyo jagne krtajnah kriti vijnatakhila vedasastra samayah prajnah sada podita jnatirjnana nidhirgurujna sadrso nityna tayam bhuvi Va Sa sarva lokasraya sri vishnu vardhana Maharajadhi Raja Rajaparamesvara parama bhattaraka parpama brahmanyah matapitr padanudhyatah tyaga simbasanasinah camdikaprasada parilabdha samrajya cihnah guddavadi visaya nivasino rashtra kutapramukhan Kutumbinasarvan samahuya mamtri purohita senapati.

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JAINISM IN LITERARY TRADITION. 121 D. From Sannamuru graent of Aggaparasu (Bana) Nellore Ins. 1, 38, svasti osakala jagatrayabhivandita surasuraddisa paramesvara pratiharikrita mahabadikulodbhava krsnad * chjavirajita paisacika patahaghosana vrsabbalamchana nandigini natha parigipura paramesvara banal ganda balikularjuna gadusandya. .... srimat aggaparaju samvatsara 890 yagu nendi vaisakha punnami sukra varambu pedda rajyana ............ yu konduka rajyaana cetam goni iccina bhumi.... The excerpts quoted above have all been taken from inscriptions which are either earlier than or contemporary with Nannayabhatta. They have been given here chiefly to add point to the observation that panegyrical poetry cultiwated in the Andhra and Kalinga mandalas about the time when Nannaya composed the Telugu Bharatam had similarities of structure, diction and poetic methods. But a comparison of them with certain features of Nannaya's poetry in the Mahabharata may be further made * to indicate how the diction, methods and structure of the Kavya of those times was influenced by the panegyrical poetry of the time and in turn influenced it. First in the matter of metres (a) I have adduced examples of sardulavikridita, malini and sisam in the above. excerpts.

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122 ANDHRA KARNATA JAINISM. In the Kannada Bharatar of Pampa composed at least a century earlier than Nan naya's Telugu Mthabharata, I have counted * among 772 verses distributed over 8 chapters (dealing with the portion of the Bharata story corresponding to the three Parvas of Nannaya's Telugu Bharatam) only 1. malini and 2. sardulavikriditams. This shows that these types of verse were not as much favoured as other types by this author. In the Telugu Mahabharata of Nannaya I have counted 7 malinis and 18 (Tiredilar) sardulams. The details of distribution are as follows :Malini. 1. ii, 31, 96 ; v. 127 ; vi. 309 ; viii. 196;. 234. II. ii. 75. III.* Sardulams.-- I. i. 69, 78, 111 ; ii. 12, 153, 227 ; iii. 11, 21 ; iv. 8; v. 106, 189, 257 ; vi. 9, 29 ; vii. 197, 216. viii. II. III. i, ii, iii. 157, 222 ; iv (6) Sisam is one of.the most popular metres. of Nannaya suited particularly to descriptive * narration, for which it has been used in the excerpt' from the Dirghasi inscription quoted

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JAINISM IN LITERARY TRADITION. 123 above. It will therefore be of interest to examine closely the details of distribution of this metre in Nannaya's Bharatam. Mough this metre is described in Nagavarma's Canavese prosody, we find few traces of it in the works of Pampa and Nripatunga * that I have been able to examine. 'In 269-271 Nagavarma gives the scheme for Sisa. Padya. In Nannaya's Mahabharatam as its analysis will show, the Sisa Padya of this type predominates. The Sisa Padya from the Dirghasi inscription is also of this type. (c) Prasam iz the Vrittams Telugu Laksanikas claim their introduction of Prasam in the Sanskrit Vrittam as an 'improvement they have made on Sanskrit prosody. Ingleed, it is a variety of alliteration which is regarded by Sanskrit rhetoricians as a special feature of South Indian compositions. Indeed, Telugu prosody has become so far fixed to-day owing to centuries of this tradition that a modern Telugu thoet and pandit is horrified to see Prasa used in purely Sanskrit Vrittams like Sardula Vikriditam as merely a variable ornament in a modern.composition. This tradition has become fixed well within the life-time of the second greatopoet of the Telugu Mahabharata, viz., Tikkana Somayaji. In the 9th chapter of Kavyalankara cudamani, of Vinnakota , Peddana, which is devoted to a description of Telugu grammar (a chapter lately published), a

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124 ANDHRA, KARNATA JAINISM. work which like Ketana's Anthrabhasha Bhusanam forms<< the earliest grammatical contribution of Telugu language, the author bemoans the disrespect'of .certain Sanskritists of the day to Telugu works and incidentally mentions Yati and Prasa. which Telugu verses possess as improvements over the Sanskrit system of prosody. . The verse kears quotation :M. II. Vilasadbhava rasadyalamkrtulace vipparu girvanabha shala kabbambulakanna mamci tanamul samdhinchu camdambunai Valiyum brasamulamtak aggala mulai vartillu Satkavyamul. Telugeman jevi betta lemiyudupan degalgune mamd ilan Thus at that early date vali and prasa must have become fixed even in purely Sanskrit metres as Sardulam and Mattebham, the type to which the verse just quoted belongs. Eut the Sardulam with jna as the second syllable in three out of four Padams, from the epigraphic excerpts quoted above, which was the composition of the Poet Chettanabhatta, a contemporary of Nannaya, serves to show how tke prasa system has been creeping into South Indian Sanskrit versification. The jna allitera tion in the verse is a fairly good type of the "' South Indian method of alliteration discussed in Kittel's Introducton .to Nagavarma's prosody

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JAINISM IN LITERARY TRADITION. 125 (d) Next in*the matter of prose A fairly good specimen of panegyrical prose may be quoted from Nannaya's Mahibharatam, the operring chapter. * The passage runs thus : "Akhila jaladhi vela valayavalayitavasumati vanita vibhusanamb aina vegi desambunaku nayaka ratnambunum boniraja mahendra purambun amdu mahendra mahimato, baramanandambuna nubhavincucu Sakalabhuvana lakshmi vilasa nivasambaina ramya harmya talambuna mantri purohita senapati dandanayaka dauvarika mahapradhanananta samanta vilasini parivrtund ai yapara sabdasastra paragul aina vaiyakaranulunu bharata ramayanadyaneka, purana pravinulaina pauraniku*luny, mrdu madhura rasabhava bhasura navar'tha vagana racana visaradulaina mahakavul unun vividha tarka vigahita samasta sastra sagara gariyah pratibhulaina tarkikul unun adiga aga[gu vidvajjanam bulu parivesthinici koluva vidyavilasa gosthi sukhopa visthund ai yista katha vinodambulan undi. I." Bh. I. 1-8. Juist a rapid reading of this passage brings out to the ear the markedly alliterative and sonorous nature of word juxtaposition so much noticeable in the prose excerpts from the inscriptions quoted above. The other feature is the massage of long adjectival compounds and descriptive phrases towards the latter' part which describes Raja Raja's court as in the

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126 ANDHRA KARNATA JAINISM: prose paragraph , quoted from the Korumilli grant composed by Chettanabhatta. (e) Next as regbirds diction We have noticed if the epigraphic"excerpts how panegyrical poetry even where it is Telugu delights in using a large element of Tatsama words to be in, keeping with directly Sanskrit portions to which Telugu prose compositions ha've been attached. The other important feature is an anxiety to secure sonorousness by. using literary forms (often archaic) of popular inords. The same tricks of style 'are noticeable also in the diction of Nannaya'and of his Karnata predecessor Pampa. In fact, the latter poet delighted in similating the music of his style to that of the ocean. This influence accounts largely for the very high proportion of Tatsaema element in Nannaya's composition. He must have modelled it on the style and diction of Pampa's Adi Purana, the style of which was more celebrated in his day than that of Pampa Bharata. I just take one passage of panegyrical prose which seems to have been the result in the Telugu Inscriptions and Kavyas of the panegyrical poetry of Pampa and other earlier Kannada writers. The passage runs thus : a " Upanata samasta samanta cudamani prabha manjari punja ranjita carano"-E. G. grant of Indravarma. Compare with this the following from the E. Ch. grant of Ammia II :-" Sakala ripu nrpati

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(2) * JAINISM IN LITERARY TRADITION. 127 makuta tata ghatita manigana madhukara nikara paricumbita carana sarasiruha yugalo." Compare with these the followiny passages from the distinctly. panegyrical ,verses from Nannaya's Mahabharata :(1) Nanavani natha kiritatativilasadratnasamghatitapadakamala II.I. ii.i. vinamad rajanyakiritamanivirajita padam bhoja I. vi. l. (3) pranamadakhiladhatri pala ka lola cuda I kirana sri manigana mandi tamgari narendragrani l. vi. 309. (4) pafanrdamanimakutaghatita pada vibudha nuta III. I. 39. (5) namannrpa kiritacumbicarana dvaya III. ii. 355. Here below are references to similar phrases from Pampa a Canaresc poet of great renown, a century or two earlier than Nannaya :(1) avanipativrata mani makuta kiranad- Pampa Bharata yotita padam. J I. 16. (2) akhila' kamapala mauli mani kira- | Pampa Bharata napalita nakha ? I. 18. mayukha ramjita caranam. Apart from these references, others may be Nannaya and quoted from Pampa's works which seem to have Pampa. suggested to Nannaya the diction of his panegyrical verses in the Mahabharatam. The similarity of phrasing is so striking that one

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128' ANDHRA KARNATA JAINISM. * cannot but infer, Nannaya's ecquaintance with the works of Pampa in their Kannada original. I shall edit here arfew passages from Nannaya's panegyrical sompositions in the Mahabharata with reference to their Kannada parallelisms : (a) Vangmaya dhuramdharudun I. 24. Pampa's Adi Purana VIII, p. 61, has reference to 'vangmaya.' An ancient division of the arts and sciences is given in this passage in which this word occurs. Three divisions of' vangmaya'. which I take it to be 'Literary art' are' "mentioned (1) Padavidya, (2) Chamdo vichit, (3) Alamkara. (6) Vilasini parivrtundai I. 1-8. Pampa has in court << vilasa-vilasin janam " A. Pu. II. 4. (c) Danditahita, vira. I. iii. 228. Pampa has 'danditaratimandalam Apu. II. 14. (d) Among the court officials at the court of Raja Raja Narendra Nannaya mentionist Mantri purohita senapati dandanayaka dauvarika Mahapradhanananta samanta, S. I. ,7-8. Pampa in a similar passage in Adi Purana mentions "ati pracanda mandalika mahasamanta mantri Pradhana." Purohitara '-II. 2. (e). " Paramandalambula dharani patulan adimi Kappambula mudamuto gomcunu" I. i, 7.

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says: JAINISM IN LITERARY TRADITION. 129 Pampa alluding to a similar thing in Adi Purana has reference in II. 24 to, Paramandalikar' and ` Kappam.' ( Describing the gifts, presented to. Yudhistira at the Rajasuya by various princes, Nannaya, says : "Mada matanga turanga kancana lasan manikya ganikya sampadal olim goni tecci yicci mudam oppam gancisevincir ...... .... " II. i. 18. I have identified this phrase 'manikya ganikya' in Pampa's Adi Purana XVI. 8. . (g) Nannaya describes Raja Raja as * Manumarga' I. ij. I. Pampa uses a similar appellation in Adi Purana VII, 12 * Manumarga.' Such similarities of phrasing (both in the A theory of panegyrical part of poetry and in the evolution of the Telugu Kavyas proper or sasana kavyas and pra- literary sastis) betwern early Karnata and early Telugu dia works suggest not only that they were an expression of Karnata type of literary culture prevalent in the Andhra and Kalinga countries, but indicate the possibility of their having developed largely under Karnata influence in the Andhra country most certainly and in the Kalinga most probably, a type of Kavya diction which has left to this day a permanent influence on the growth of the Telugu literary dialect. This is my indication of the line of study of the early history of the Telugu literary dialect as represented by Nannaya. Prof. Hopkins has' by a dialect. 21

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130 ANDHRA KARNATA, JAINISM. comparison of the Sanskrit Mahabharataand Ramayana proved beyond doant the existence of Epic methods and diction well established during the formative period of classical Sanskrit to which fact can be traced the striking similarities between the epic methods and diction of the two Sanskrit epics. By a similar comparison of Pampa's works with Nannaya's Mahabharatam it is I think possible to establish, beyond a doubt, the existence, in the Andhra mandala, for a century or two before Nannaya, of Epic methods and diction approved alike by patrons and poets. II. themes. Other Jaina Works. Jaina treat. Dharma Pariksha is an attempt to reconment of popu lar Vaidic or sider the sacred themes of Vaidika literature Puranic from the point of view of Jainism. The author calls himself vritta vilasa (one who takes delight in verses). The work is divided into asvasas. It describes a city called Vaija yantipura (the capital of the Kadambas). As. i, 50 describes the city as follows : belldmaan stNbhsNdoohdiN || biNcaaddNbrrtn kuuttjin cai tyaavaasdiN | cellvunN geN baapu hNglliNde me reguN | shriijai nvaijyNtii purN || See Prof. Hopkins, Great Epic of India.

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JAINISM IN-LITERARY TRADITION. 131 Among others, the work treats of mhi veegpvn veegootptti, vissnnu deev taa priiku, srvdeevtaa priikss, brhmaanjgtkrtRtvvissnnuvin paalvll svssaamllynn niruu ssnnN, iishvraadi skl deevsuraarjunrll strsaamthynn priikss, shrii brhm vissnnum heeshvr deen taapriiku, korv, bhgiirdhnbhimnyumiNdrjitu shrii veedvyaasknnnnaatRnnbiNduvi nutptti, raavnnkulootptti, vaalisugriivn, vinaaygjng bheed, trissssttishlaa kaapuruss ckrmN, raamlkssmiigr tobooso. . The stories of Ramayana and Mahabharata are more particularly handled as Kavyas in Pampa Bharata and Pampa Ramayana. The value of the attempt, therein, of rehandling classical material consists in the manifest motive of treating them mostly as Kshatriya heroic tales enlivened by Jaina devotion. The heroic element predominates the religious and cultural aspects. * A word may be said in conclusion about the makers the makers of all this varied literature. They are, first the acharyas of the various mathas established in South India and their disciples and their disciples' disciples, and secondly, the officers of warrior chieftains who established kingdoms with the help of these acharyas and used their influence for the protection and spread of Jaina Dharma. The Chalukyas and Rashtrakutas must be mentioned as the foremost dynasties in Andhra Karnata desas under whom Jaina.architecture and literature acquired wide reputation and excellence. Jaina literature in turn is full of the praises of these soyereigns. Panegyrical chronicles, after the Jaina fashion, of Jaina lite. rature.

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132 ANDHRA KARNATA JAINISM. form the introductions to both Andhra and Karnata Kavyas of the courtly type thus differentiatiig them from their Druvida, analogues. A work-called Jdina Birudavali records the praises of these makers of Jaina literature, especially of the Acharyas, and tells us how by their character, attainments and scho larship they commanded the respect of even Islamic Muhanimadan Sovereigns like Allauddin and Patronage of Jainism. Auranga Phadusha (Aurangazeb? }. The fol. lowing praise of such Jaina Acharyas may well form the peroration of these studies in AndhraKarnata Jainism : jainbirudaanu . Jajna Biruda. sv synvgtvinymdnikhil trish ptimkutttttsttt mnnignnkirnnrNjit caarucrnnkmlyugll bhgvdhtthaatpr meeshvr prm pvitrtuNdd khrdNddvinigH t | shrutisudhaavaadhikaa vdhy nnnug ciNtaanaaN | ymuniym svaadhyaay dhyaanmaunaanu sthaanjptp svysvaadisiilgunn sNpnnaa naaN | bhvyaajn mnooh rgunnoonnt sNnut prsnnt pooNg naaknn kuNddlmNdd naaymaanmunijnvn jssNddmaa taannNddaanaaN | krmoo . . . . kuNbhkuNbhsthl ddln prcNdd pNckuNddaanaaN | nijitpaadpiitthkRt vaikuNtthniilkNtthaaN bhoojpiitthmuuddsmaaruuddh gvH pvj tguvaakrshaanyri gvybhr nisslynissNkitaadyssttaaNgnmuujillaat sNmyaaddrush ndink ( gunngnn caarucrnnsmaacrdkssnnmdhyaaNhn klpvaishvaanaaN | shyaadvaad ku raag viNn saaNbsaagt cvaann kmimaaN sesuk yee kaaNtpkss vaishvaa naaN | giit vaady nRty shaury prmuNkhaa neek gaaNdhvnn klaakulll peelll giivyaaNgaaymaansrvbhaasaa geeshvr | sNskRt praakRt aapbhrNsh suur seenmaagdhiyaaN | paishaacikaabhidheeyp ddbhaassaashaanckrvrtii * naa | shriimdvisslcrnndvNdvaa: viNcvaaddNddr vinymr ckrvrtii naaN | shyaadvaajniir deeNdukuNdmNdaakini nu sukssunn dNdhillghaati vali.

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JAINISM IN LITERARY, TRADITION. 133 sNghaa teNcn ' sklviml keevlaavloo kaaloo kit | jinniruupitsv guuponyuun dyaamyaa dhrmnirmlsvaataanaaN | aNg vNg kaalliNg kaashmiikaaNbhooju smst draavidd maaghuj krnaattk | kr haattk | keerllkuNdhll maallvmhaaraassttr sauraassttr ciimhaaciin bhoott mhaabhoott prmukhjn pd prkhyaat vaadibhuudhr bhraajmaanaanaaN | kli yuggnndhr smaa'naanaaN | dvaavll tpoonu sthaangrisstt shreesstthmyaa isstt vshisstt viskobblgunn mnni siNdhuuymaanmaaryt gNdhsiNdhuugmN daaru poddvinyaaskhaasmaansviiymlksslku taakuunnk vyaapraaji yyie | dhairy gaaNbhiiryviinnymhaashcryshauryaannaaN | shriimdhupti guptaacaaryaannaaN | shrii kuNekuNdaacaaryaannaa! shriimyuur piNchaa caaryaannaaN | gRdhrpiNchaacaaryaannaaN | jttsiNhnN dyaacaaryaa gaaN | loohaacaaryaannaaN | shriimdhuudhynn svaatisuurinnaa, | shrii maaghnNdi bhttttaak kaanaaN | meeghnNdi bhttttaarkaanaaN | lekinn kshiroomnnii naaN, shriividyaanNdisvaaminaaN | aNsh svaaminaaN | ni kllNk svaaminaaN | aattkii grimu nimgiitaa naaN | maa shikynNdimhaamu niishvraannaaN | vaiyaakrnnmu niishvraannaaN , shrii puujy paashmhaamuniishvraannaaN | kvi kultilkaanaaN | smy kvcuuddaamnni prbhRtinaamaaNkit caamuNdd raayprshnaanu saar prnnii trilook saar1 goomtt saarlbdhsaaraannaaN | vaadim tteebhi siNhaavishaal 8 reevaanaaN | vaadigNdd bheeruNdd mhaakiirti deepaasaaN | pgvaarishgddbddbaanlvr caarukii rti deevaanaaN | ati shaaNt ctp! srut smRddhiinaaN | arimNtrvaadiginjrcNddaanaaN | prmNtrvaadi prlly kaal bhaig vaanaaN | pnngmNtrvaadi sNnut vain teeyaanaaN | kaalbhoojmNtrvaadikoodNddkuddaal kaanaaN | nee "paallmNtrvaadi hrijldh raannaaN maagdhmNtrvaadi mdntrineetraa shaaN| mlyaallmNtrvaadinvnaughcNdraannaaN| mhaanubhaavaanaaN| mhaagunnaanaaN| mhoopsrg vijyaanaaN, mhaamoohmll vijyaa naaN | mhaapH sh shissnnuunaaN | gvigvvill vaadi vaagmi ctuvvi dh paaNdditykllaavigaajmuunaanaa| shriimuulsNgh shriibaaltilkaaykuu naanaaN 1.shriinNdi sNgh | sr'svtiigcch | blaatkaargnnaagrgnnyaa, naaN.. aacaary raannaaN | prNpraa prv rtitmhaasiNhaasnyoo

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134 ANDHRA, KARNATA JAINISM. . gyaanaaN | svstishriimdraamraaj guruvsuNgraacaayynn niyyaann mhaavaadiishvr raayvaadipi taamh | sklvidvjjnckrn stiinaaN | shriimddmg kiirti graamgpriyaagrmukhyaanaaN | svbhujsgaa krmoopaa jik tjygmaa viraajmaancaaru gooddnnNddmNddit nu stvai bhuu paalmuunmsn prcNddaasidhaa . . . . raajaadhiraaj allvdin sur traateen (Allauddin Sultan) maany shriimdbhinn vaadividyaa nNdsvaami naaN | ttpttloovyaakg prdhmncn khNddn vaadiNddrvishaalu kii bhttttaar kaanaaN | ttpttttoodyaadridi vaak raaymaan shriimdbhin vaadi vidyaanNd svaaminaaN | ttpttttooddyaadridivaakraaymaan nityaad neekaaNt vaadiprmt vcniNjnvaadiiN drvishaal , deevaa. naaN | ttpttttoodyaadridivaak raaycuun shriimdraamraajguru bhauNddlaacaaryvrymhaavaad vaadiishvr raay vaaddipi taamh skl vidvjjn saarvbhau ' maady nee kaanvrdh birudaavlli viraajnuun shriimmu ? begdd siddhsiNhaasnaadhiishvr shriimddeeveeNdrkii rti bhttttaar kaanaaN | ttp ttttaaNbhoojdi vaakraaymaas shriimkbhinvgju btibhttttaark shriivaadiiNdr vishaalkii rtiinaaN | cNddaaNshu kirnn tejoopmaany prcNddaa sheess tugll raajaadhiraaj anrNg baadissaan (Auranga (-Zeb) Padisha) . suk raamaany sNskRt praakRt apbhrNshikmaagdhiy paishaaci. kaadiyNtrmNtrtNtraadissddbaapaajinckrvrtiinaaN | shriipNddi deeveeNdrkii rti bhttttaarkaanaaN ttpttloojyaaunmaart viduur snmaarg prti paal kaanaaN, shriimnn lghubhaanukii rti bhttsaav kaanaaN.! ttpdaaNbhoojdivaak raaymaan smstshaa strdool vishaard shrii mdviml rittttaar kaanaaN | ttpttttoodyaadrijnyaansmy aardh smygurukuljyootik rmeebhkNtthiivn | krmaagnny daavaanl shriimdkhi nvrtn kii ribhttttaar kaanaaN | ttsttoodyaadri sprpllmsaaprdaa yH rtntrymu kbhuukhitvidyaa deehinaaN | deg shriimvbhnnbuddhi saagr bhttttaarkaanaaN | ttpttaaNbhoojdi vyaak raaymaan sdgunnkrNdd kshaaNt svruuppunny prtaapvNt | caaritrdhaark shriimddbhin veeNdr kiirti bhttttaarkaanaaN | ttpddaaNbhoojdivaakraaymaan assttcuddm tt maatNg kuNbhsthlvidlnypttutr prcNddi , praakrmpNcaasn | nnvidh brhcky paalkNnyykiirtiNddshvidh dhrmsthaapnaacaary shrii mdbhinncNdrkii rti bhttttaarkaanaaN | tpooraajyaabhyudyvRddhi 'smi ttN | bhvyj nai 8 | shriiyaanuushubhee || shriij neeshvraabhiveell saavdhaanaadhvNtu | srvaaji naa? || shriishriishrii.

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SUBJECT INDEX. CHAPTER 1. CHAPTER II-contd. Jaina-Brahmana, 50. >> Jaina influence, 37. Jaina Kadambay, 73.' Jaina literary tradition, 86. Jaina period, 63. Jaina Sakhas, 89. Jainas (Swetambara), 35. Kadamba colonisation, 70. Kadambas (Jaina), 73. . Kadamba script, 74. Kadamba style, 69, 85. Literature (South Indian Karnata), 81. Local traditions, 33. Oriyas of Kalinga, 64. Parishads, 73. Persecution (Jajna), 34, 36. . Puranir Rrahmanism, 66. Saka arrenclency, 72. Satavahana dccline, 68. South Inuian culture, 79, 80). Warrior clans, 60). CHAPTER III. Ahimsa, 5, 11. Andhra dynastics, 21. Andhra Empire, 24. Andhra Kshatriyas, 24. Andhra Rajaputs, 21, 25. ". Antiquity of Kalinga Jainisin, 1. Bardic verses, 21. Bloody sacrifices, 11. Brahmanical law, 11. Brahmanical revivalists, 14. Buddhist doctrine, 2. Buddhist influence, 2. Buddhist Literature, I. Chalukyas, etc. (Rise of), I. Fall of Satvahana power, 1. l'amily bards, 23. Jaina Agamas, 6., Jaina catholicity (liberalism), 17, 18. Jaina colonists, 8. Jajna culture, 20. Jajna interrognuni, 14. Jaina literary tradition?, 3. Jaina period, 17. Jaina Rajas, 15. Jaina sacrifices, 11. Jaina tradition, 9. Kalinga Jainism (Antiquity), 4. Khara vela tradition, 3. Message of the foresta, 7. l'anranica Dharma, 31. Persecutions, 3). Records of tradition, 5. Revivalists Hinda), 15. Revivalists, Panranic, 19. Sacitficial Hinduism, 2. Saiva faith, 24. Trilinga command, 21. Vaidica Dharma, 2, 6, 9, 11, 13, 16, 21, 25, 27. CHAPTER II. A third eye, 92. Agency Division, 70. Andhra colonies, 75. Andhra Kshatriyas, 70.. Andhra principle, 84. Arch cological exploration, 39. Brahma-Kshatris, 65, 69. Break-up of Satavahalla power, 70, 77. Centres of Jainism, 34. Chronology of the Kadambas, 67. Dandaniu, 91, 93. Epigraphia Research, 33. Epigraphs (Jaina), 41. Family tradition, 77. Hindu Revival, 40. Andhra-Karnata words, 103. Brahmanic representation, 102. Brahmanio revival, 107. ('anaresc dynasty, 106, 112. Canaresc taste, 107. Dravidian philology, 102. False creed, 115. Historical study of literary dialects, 110. History of Kalinga., 111. Jaina Karnata literature, 98, 107. Jaina literature, 131. Karnata influence, 129. Karnata poetry, 100. Karnata Rhetoricians, 101. Kavya poetry, 116. Kshatriya heroic tales, 131. Manipravala style, 98. Panegyrical compositions, 128. Panegyrical poetry, 121. Panegyrical prose, 125, 126. Panegyrical verses, 127. Peroration, 132. Prakrit and Pali Literature, 103. Praga system, 124. J Sanskrit and Kannada MSS., 94. South Indian compositions, 123. Tadbhava words, 103. Telugu literary dialect, 129, 111, 102, Telugu Literature, 98. Telugu progody, 119. Tricks of style, 126. Yati and Praga, 124.

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INDEX TO PROPER NAMES. A-contd. Arhanandin, 55. Arhats, 8. Ariyavattam, 39. A-ts and sciences, 86. Aryavarta, 8. Aska, 70. Asoka, 2, ul. Atreyapuram, 39. Attilinadu, 55. Auranga Phadusha, 132. Avanitakonganivarma, 88. Ayira-Bhuta-Rakhita, 47. Ayira-Budha-Rakhita, 7. Ayodhya, 77, 78, 79, 112. Ayyana-Mavadevi, 56., B Abhayanandi, 88. Abhinava Pandya Dova Odeya, 54. Abriras, 76, 81. Acca-Telugu Nighantus, 103. " Addakalingachcha, 55. Addur, 22, 65. Adi Purana, 126, 128, 129. Adigyara, 87. Agga paraju, 121. " Ahichchatrapura, 113. "Aindradhvajapuja, 113. Alaktapura, 88. Alia-Ligarajaiya Odeya, 51. Allauddin, 132. Alpadevi, 49. Amalabhatta, 71, 72: Amalapuram, 39. Amalraj, 22. Amarakirti-Acharya, 57. Amarapuram, 34, 42. Indravati, 37, 75, 103. Amatya Devachensira, 118. American Oriental ociety's Journal, 11. Amma 11, 20, 55, 119, 120. Amma II (Vijayaditya), 37, 38. Ammunavara, 48. Amoshavarsha, 83, 84. Anadiyasthana, 37. " Anandayajapati Raz Maharaj, 26. Anantapur, 34, 37, 40, 42. Ariantavarma Choda Canga, 111. Anantavarma Deva, 49, 55, 56. Anantaviryadeva, 57. Andhavaram, 74. Andhra, 2, 8, 16, 18, 20, 21, 22, 24, 35, 36, 86, 98, 100, 197, 121, 129. Andhra and Kalinga, 129. Andhrabhasha Bhusanam, 124, Andhraguda, 75. Andhra-Karnata, 1, 8, 10, 12, 15, 16, 18, 29, 31, 33-36, 38.41, 60, 86, 103, 111, 131. Andhra-Karnata Jainism, 5, 132. Andhra niandala, 5, 14, 18, 37, 63. Andhras, ?, 19, 25. Andhrododdi, 75. Andhromunda, 75. Anjaneyagwani, 38, 43. Anumakonda, 16, 17, 29. Arakirti, 54. Arapaku, 29. Bachappa Odeya, 53. Badami, 116. Badayya, 44. Bagali, 34, 37. Bahubalin, 58. Baladitya, 114. Balendu Malahari Dova, 42, 45, 50. Bana, 56. Banavasi, 29, 66, 85. Bandhusena, 87. Bannabhattiguda, 71. Basava, 10. Basrur. 34, 41, 52. Bellary, 10, 34, 35, 37, 38, 40. Benares, 14, 27. Beriaetti Sarvari, 12. Bettisetti, 43. Bezwada, 21, 24, 25, 26, 38, 64. Bhadrabahu, 89, (Inscription) 3, 4, 7. Bhadra Kali, 17. Bhagadatta, 113. Bhairadevi mantapa, 47. Bhairaraga Odeya, 53. Bhairava, 58. Bhairavalaya, 18. Bhairavi mantapa, 60. Bhanclarkar, Prof., 68. Bharadwaja, 83. Bharatam (See Mahabharata). Bhatta, 71. Bhattakalanka, 101. Bhattaraka Jaina Chandra, 45. .. Bhattiguda, 71. Bhattikota, 72.

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133 INDEX TO PROPER NAMES. B-contd. c-contd. Bhavadharna, 50. Charurasi Bhanditar, 43. Bhavanandin, 56. Chatrapur, 113, 114. Bhgvasena Trividya Chakravari, 42. "Chauhattamalla, 22. Bhima Deva, 12. Cheri Kingdom, 89. Bhogapuram, 31, 38, 49. Chetuane bhatta, 120, 121.. Bhogaraja, 57. Chiracole, 36. Bhogesvara, 50. Chima Tun balam, 40. Bhujabali, 57. ChintapaVi Sirkar, 14. Bhuvalukanathanallur, 50. Chippigiri, 344 35. Bhuvalokanatha Vishaya, 50. Chola, 14, 17, 25. Bijavada, 20. Christians, 31. Bilhann, 77. Chula-Aira, 37, 47. Bixsamcuttack, 70, Chulika, 79. Bodo-Khimedi, 65.. Chundiru, 14. Bommidevarasa, 59. Cocanada, 39. Bommisettiyara Bachaiya, 12. Cuddapah, 31. Bramha Jinalaya, 50, 52. Cunningham, 81, 83. Brahmanda Purana, 8. Brihatkathakosa, 3. Brown, C. P., 6. 12. D Buddha, 25, 29. Buddhavarma, 22. Daddiga, 115. Buddhism, 80, 81, 107. Daibhatta, 72. Buddhist learning, 111. Daitan ma, 12, 13. Buhler, Mr., 74. Dakshina Mathura, 50. Bukka 1, 46. Dalubhatta, 71. Burgess, Dr., 03. Damakirti, 87. Danavula-padu, 13, 34 Danda, 93. Dandaka, 16. Dan lana vaka Chaicha, 46. Dandaniti, 91, 93. Deccan, 1, 20, 23, 85. Desigana, 42, 43, 15, 50, 51, 59, 88. Canarese language, 108. Desi.Rattadhu, 55, 6. Chagiraja, 54. Devachandra, 3, 43. Chaityalaya, 41, 46. Deva Dandanayaka, 47 Challapalle, 50. Devagana, 88. Chalukva, 1, 16, 18, 20, 25, 30, 76, 77, Devanandi Acharya, 41 78, 79, 83, 85, 106, 107, 116, 131. Dovaraja Odeya, 47, K. (halukyagiri, 69. Devaraya II, 45, 46, 47, 52. Chalukya Vikrama, 51. Dovagena, 36. Chamakamba, 55. Devavarma, 23, 25. Chamunda, 17. Devendra, 113. Chandrabhuti, 41. Dhananjaya, 112. Chandra Dandanayaka, 12. Dhannu purb, 75. Chandragupta, 3, 4, 89. Dhanyakataka, 21, 24, 38, 75. Chandragupta-muni, 3. Dharma Pariksha, 130. Chandraka Bhattaraka, 43. Digambara,'88. Chandrakirti, 44. . Dirghasi, 122. Chandrakshanta, 87. Divijam ba, 83. Chandranandi, 88. Dommara Nandyala, S Chandranatha-Parsyanatha-devara, Draksharamam, 39. 37. Dravida country, 16. Chandrendya, 14. Dravida Literature, 25 Chan'idavolu, 58. Durga, 22, 25, 26. Cherukirti, 57. Durgapancha, 59. Charukirti Bhattaraka, 13. Dirvinita, 46.

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INDEX TO PROPER NAMES. E Eastern Chalukya dynasty, 37. Echappa Udayar, 36, 52. Ekambaranatha, 16, 29. .. F Fleet, J. F., 73, 106. G Gadigimartapa, 41, 47, 48, 52, 59. Cairappa, 52. Gajapatinagaram, 39. Ganapanna Odeya, 47. Ganapathi Deva, 28. Gandhari Devi, 112. (angas, 1, 67, 87, 118, 116. Ganga Datta, 112. 7 Gangavadi, 113, 114, 115, 116. Ganjam, 36. Garga, 16. Gariseppa, 36. Gatha Sapta Sati, 103. Goa, 85. Gokarnasvami, 114. Gokarnesvara, 67. Gopalamurti, 16. Govapaiya, 88. Kovindamba, 83. (Audivarla, 64. Cummata Jinapati, 58. Gunachandra, 88. Cunanandi, B. Guntur, 34. Gurubhaktakonda, 5 Gurugala, 48. Gurugala basadi, 41. H Ilaihayas, 76. Hala, 103. Halsi, 66. Hanumakonda (See Anumakonda). Harihara I,-57. Harihararaya II, 41, 46, 53. Harischandra, 112. Hariti, 67. Haritiputra, 67, 68, 69, 76, 77. Harivarma, 87, 115. Harlapur, 65. Hasanna Parsvadeva, 50. Hidimbasrama, 16. Hindustani, 15. Hirigangadi, 48. Hopkins, Prof. 130. Hosa basadi, 47. Hosa basti, 41 Huitzsch, Dr., 37, 67. Immadi Bhairarasa Odeya, 53. Indian Antiquities, 5. Indra, 11a Ingrakirti, 51. Indrayarma, 118. Ingalesvara, 42, 45, 50. Iruga, 46. Irungola, 49. J Jagadrudra, 83. Jaggayyapeta, 103. Jaina, 3, 5-20, 24, 25, 27-30, 33, 34, 36-40, 43-46, 48, 49, 51, 63, 64, 69, 70, 85, 88, 100, 102, 116, 131. Jaina Agamas, 6. Jaina basadi, 43. Jaina Biruda vali, 132. Jainadatta, 54. Jaina Kadambas, 73. Jaina Lite. ture, 94-98; Types of, 99. Jaina munis, 6, 7, 9, 10, 11, 30, 31, 35, 38. > Jaina Padu, 39. Jaina Sravaki, 20. Jainism, 1, 2, 12, 16--18, 20, 21, 29, 31, 31-37, 39, 40, 41, 60, 63, 68, 81, 85, 86, 88, 107, 116. 130. Jalluru, 39. Jalluru Kaiphiyat, 40. Jammalamadugu, 12. Jarl Carpenter, 4. Jayaditya, 22, 70. Jayakiti, 87. Jayanagaram, 71. Jayantigiri, 71, 72. Jayanti-Madhukesvara, 66. Jayantipura, 66. Jayapura, 71. Jayasimha, 15. Jaya-Singi, 70. Jayati, 39. Jeypur, 71. Jinabhushana, 42. Juananandi, 88. Jyoutisham. 28. K 139 Kadamasingi, 70. Kadamaguda, 71. Kadamba, 34, 71, 76, 79, 80, 81, 85, 87, 130. Kadambagiri, 69, 70. Kadambaguda, 72. Kadamba Jayavarma, 68. Kadambariguda, 72. Kadambasingi, 70.

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140 INDEX TO PROPER NAMES. K.-Contd. K-contd. Kondrajupalem, 14., Koraput, 72. Kosala, 22. Koala and Kalinga, 68... Kosare, 25. Kotas, 24. 25. Kotesvara, 84, 36, 52. Kotipi, 31. Kottasivaram, 31. Krishna, 34. Krishnadevaraya, 27, 35, 54 Krishna Raja, *83. Krishnisctti, 43. Ksbetrapala, 59, 60. Kubjavishnuvardhana, 20, 50, 105. Kuddubhatta, 71. Kuliyacharya, 54. Kumaradatta, 87. Kumaranandi, 88. Kumara'ambhavam, 105. Kunbibhatta, 71. Kundu Jainanatha, 46. Kundakunda 9, 86. Kuntala desa, 8, 46. Kurimari, 12, 13. Kurnool, 34, 40. Kuruyodu, 35, 40. Kuvalala, 114. Kakatiya, 14, 16, 17. Kakatiya Ganapatis, 21. . Kakusthavarma, 87. Kalachumbarru, 34, 38, 55. Kalachuris, 76, 80, 81, 82, 83, 84. Kalibhadracharya, 20, 66. Kalidasa, 105. Kalidevaswaini, 52. Kalinga, 2, 3, 4. 39, 63, 64, 66, 74, 87, 111, 112, 113, 114, 116, 117, 119, 121.. Kalinga Ganga, 114. Kalinga Jainism, 4. Kalinga Maliyas, 05. Kalinganagara, 114. Kallesyara, 51. Kallurgudda, 112. Kalogragana, 54. Kamarilava, 114. Kambaduru, 40. Kanakadurya, 22. Kanakakirti Deva, 41. Kanaparru, 15. Kanaparru Kaiphiyat, 15. Kanchalndevi, 45. Kandakadevi, 83. Kannada, 8, 12, 19, 20, 68, 105, 106, 107, 126, 128. Kannada Bharata, 122. Kannamanayaka, 49, 55. Kanniyabhupala, 52. Kanurgana, 45, 49. Karikala hodi, 38, 49. Karkal, 34, 36. Karnata, 3, 29, 30, 36, 46, 126. Karnata Jainas, 7. Katavapra, 7. Katchangiblatta, 71. Kautilyn, 3, 5, 72. Kavyalankara cudamani, 123. Kenava, 17. Ketana, 82, 121. Keyuravarsha, 82, 83. Kharat ela, 64, 74, 75, 81, 87, 89. Kharavela inscription, 3, 1, 3, 3. Kirtinandi, 88. Kirtivarma 1, 88. Kittel, Mr., 124. Kodubhatta, 72. Kognli, 34. Kokalla, 82, 83. Kolaga, 41, 5:. Kolahala, 114. Kolluru, 14. Kolluru Kaichiyat, 15. Kommasetti, 43. Kunakundala, 10. Kondakundanvaya, 45, 49, 50, 54, 57, 58. Lachmesvara, 46. . Lalitakirti, 54, 58. Lalitakirti Bhattaraka Diva dhari, 48. Lakkabhatta, 71. Lakkumavarapukota, 31. Lokanatha Davarasil, 59. Lok-inikkasetti, 56. M Mackenzie, Col., 5. Mackenzie manuscripts, 15. Madha va, 110, 116. Madhava II, 87. Madhavavarm a, 18, 22, 23, 243. Madhulinga, 66, 67. Madhurakadevi, 33. Madras, 34. Magadha, 3, 4, 68, 69. Magha, 35.

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INDEX TO PROPER NAMES. 141 M-contd. Nagarlova, 88. Maghanandi-Vratia, 57. Nagamangala, +7, 59. Mahabharata, :9, 28, 100, 103, 110, 112, 'Nagaram, :79, 40. 416, 119, 121, 122, 123, 126, 127, Nagns, 74, 82. 130, 131. Nagavarnia, 123, 124. Maharlevi, 83. Nagava, +2. Mahalingonvara, 48. Nanartha Ratnamala, 40. Mahamandalisvara, 49. Nanda, 1. Maha mandalesvara Salvamana, 60. Nandagam, 4. Mahamandalesvara Trailokyamalla Nanda Nanda, 37. Deva, 12, 13. Nandam pudi, 69. Malavira, 4, 6. Nandaporur, 31, 38. Mahendra, 67, 111. Nandapuram, 39. Maliyasinya, 22. Nanda Raja, 3, 4, 39." Malkanagri, 72. Nandarajapuram, 4. Malla Deia, 15. Nandas, 3,5. Mallapa, 55. Nandi, 48, 87. liallaraja, 14. Nandyala, 9. Mallaraja Odeya, 51. Nandyala Kaiphiyat, 10. Mallas, 25. Nanna Chora, 82. Mallikharjuna, 35. Xapnayalhatta, 19, 77, 82, 98, 100, 102, Mallisetti, 49. 105, 119, 121, 122, 123, 125, 126, 127, Manasthnmba, 48, 59. 128, 129, 130. Mandadhari, 43. Narayanabhatta, 101, 102. Mangalesa, 81. Navarangapur, 72. Mangaluru, 47, 53. Nayakallu, 40. Mangarasa Odeya, 53. Nayi basti, 44. Vand, 78. Neduluru, 39. Vanuir irga, 129. Nellore, 28, 34, 38. Manumasiddhi, 28. Virgranthas, 8. Meraya, 42. Nisidi, 42. Mariins Aurelius, 31. Nitivakyamrita, 90. Musulipatam, 34. North Arcot, 34. Matisa gara Deva, 49. Nripatunga, 123. Mauryan, 2, 4, 35. Mavulibhatta, 71, 72. Mayurakhandi, 54. Mayuravarmua, 68. Obeyamasetti, 57. Mohabhatua, 72. Oddepadu, 94. Mrigenu, 16. Oddi, 14. Mrigesavarma, 87. Oudunaju, 75. Strutyunjayanagar Taluq, 14. Ondaribondo, 75. Mudabiddira 34. Ondharigumma, 75. Mugdhatunga, 82. Ondhorulimma, 75. Mukhalingani, 66, 67. Ondhrokota, 74. Mukhamantapa, 34, 47, 48. Ondhromunda, 75. Mukkanti, 11. Ondhrorigam, 75. Mula Sangha, 42--45, 50, 57, 88. Ondirigudo, 75. Mulki, 34. Ondrasingi, 75. Mummadi Bhima, 20. Ongeru Marga, 58. Munds, 74. Oriental Library of the Madras Museum, Munisingi, 70, 71. 15, 28, 94. Museum, Madras, 94. Musinikonda, 20, 56. Mysore, 99. Mysore Cangas, 113. Padmakshi, 16. Mysore Inscription, 68. Padmaraja Pandita, 99.

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142 INDEX TO PROPER NAMES. P-contd. Palasa, 66. Palasika, 65, 66, 73. Palavas, 16, 82. Pampa, 77, 100, 101, 122, 123, 126, 127, 19. 128, 129. 131. Pampa Bharata, Panasoka, 58. Pandya, 25, 50. Pansupari, 46. Panngallu Taluq, 29. Paraluru, 88. Parichchedi Pusapatis, 1, 21, 25, 27, 38. Parlakimedi, 65, 70, 71. Parlapuram, 65. Parswanatha, 41, 42. Pasapula, 12. Patasivaram, 34. Pattavardhani, 55. Pattipombuchelta, 53, 54. Pedabhattuguda, 71. Pedagadela, 14, Peddana, 123. Pedda Tumbalam, 40. Peddintimma, 14. Peddiraja, 77. Penugonda, 44. Paaukonda, 34, 42. Permadi Deva, 15. Perumal Deva Dandanayaka, 59. Pinakini, 9, 17. Pittapuram, 39, 40. Ponnamaravatisime, 50. Posakabhatta, 72. Potoja, 42. Pottanabhatta, 119. Pottangi, 39. Prabhachandra. Bhattaraka, 12. Prabhachandra Deva, 43, SS. Prabhutavarsha, 54. Pramala Devi, 18. Prammisetti, 58. Prataparudra, Kakatiya, 13. Praudha Devaraya II, 17. Prithviganga, 115. Prithvimati, 113. Pujyapada, 88, 107. Pujyapadaswami, 85, 87. Pulakesi I, 88. Pulakesi II, 105. Puligire, 88. Pulobhatta, 72. Punjalikeya Rajya, 53. Punjalingaraja, 59. Pusapadu, 224. Pugapati, 22, 23, 24, 26, 27 Pushpanandi Maladhari Deva, 45. Pustakagachcha, 45, 50. R Rachamalla, 45. Raigada, 72. Rajahmundry, 18, 19, 112. Rajamalla, 46. Rajamartanda, 55. Rajamartanda Sri Rachiraj, 22. Raja Raja Deva, 48. Raja Raja Jinalaya, 38, 49, 57. Raja Raja Narendra, 18, 19, 69, 88, 105, 108, 120, 125, 128, 129. Rajavalikatha, 3. Rajavalis, 16. Ramachandrapuram, 39, Ramadesika, 22. Ramalingaswami, 18. ? Ramamurti, G. V., Mr., $6. Ramanadharasa, 53. Ramanuja, 10. Ramaraja Odeya, 33. Ramarajaiya, 57. Ramathirtham, 17, 20, 31. Ramayana, 130, 131. Rameswaraswami Temple, 15. Ranavikrama, 26. Rangamantapa. 51. Ranibhatta, 71. Pashtrakutas, 54, 76, 77, 80, 81, 82, 83, 84, 131. Ratnagiri, 40. Ratna-Karanda, 10. Ratnanandi, 3. Ravikirti, 105. Ravivarma, 87. Rayadurg, 34. Rayasel, 47. Reddi, 11. Retur paragana, 14. Rishabha, 4. S Sabaras, 74. Sadasivaraya, 36, 52. Saiva, 17, 24, 26, 34, 35, 36. Saivism, 29, 66. Salivahana Saka, 14. Salva Deva, 58. Samantabhadraswami, 10. Sambisetti, 42. Samiyarya, 88. Sangayana Bommisetti, 49. Sankara, 10. Sankara Deva, 118. Sankaragana, 83. Sannamuru, 121. Santa, 35.

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INDEX TO PROPER NAMES. 143 S--contd. T-ront. Santi-Jina, 58. Santinatha Jincsyara, 57. Santivarma, 87Sanyasi Divulu, 40. Saptasati, 92. Sarasvatigachcna, 57. Sarvalokasraya, 38, 55, 59. Sarvalokasraya Jinabhavansy 21, Satavahanas, 16, 24, 37, 7-19 76, 77, 99, 80, 82, 8.5, 103, 111. Satrunjaya Mahatmya, 69. matysaraya, 105. Sayabi-Maraya, 42. Sayanad-1ahava, +0. Sembliyud , 39. Sendibhatta, 72. Sadra Nagay, 71. Sattara, 18. Sildhaladevi, 59. Siddhavattam, 18. . Sridhavattam Kaiphiyat, 17. Siddhasvara, 16. Sila, 39. Silabhadra, 88. Simhanandi, 46, 87, 115. Smappa Dandanayaka, 69, 60. Siva, 83. Sozi,631. Fumadovasuri, 90). Smidiva, 15, 1.3. Soruuhhaut.., 72. South India, 103. South Indian Archaology and Literature, t'agore, Mr., 7. Tailingiri, 50.. Talevaha, 64. Talakantisvari, 12, 13. Tarnmadahalli, 31, 50. Tammiraj, 22. Tatipaka, 39 Tatipara, 45. Taylor, 08. Tokal, 65. Tekkali, 6.5. Telingna, 74. Telugu, 19. Telugu Languago (Traces of), 103 110. Tenali, 18. Tikkana, 28, 123. Timmanna, 44. Timmaraja, 57. Tirthankara, 60. Tirthankare., si, 53. Tonka, 20. Tonka Natavadi, 56. Trailokyamalla Deva, 30, 31. Trailokyamalla Somesyara, 5!. Tribhuvana Chakravarti Ravula, 50. Tribhuvan: kirti-Ravula, 15. Tribbuvana malla, 37. Trikalingadhipatis, (5. Trilinga, 22,25 32. Udlayarli vapandita, 88. Udayaditya, 17. Udlayigiri inscription, 1. Upsalit, t. South Indian Epigrap'ical Research, 32. Suutt: Indian Fshatriya clans, 22. So'ith India Rajaput clans, 21, 23, 25. South Kanara, 34, 36. Nraven Belgola, 3, 7. Sickrighna Vijayam, 26. Sreekurmam, 67. Preepurusha, 46, 88. Sreesallam, 31, 35. ridatta, 11.. Srpara, ss. Sruta Kovalis, 3. Srutakirti, 87. Sthalapuraua, 66. Sukra, 91. Sukula bhatta, 71. Sina: hyaksha, . Swain Mahaecna, 83. Vadagus, 25. Vaidica Dharma, 9, 6, 9, 11, 12, 13, 16, 21, 2); Avaidina faith, 17, 25. Vaijayanti, 66, 70, 71, 87. Vaijayanitpura, 130. Vaislin: Visa, 66. Valaharigana, 5.). Vallabha, 22. Vallimalai, 34. Vandananandi, 88. Vanipenta, 13, 14. Vengi, 15, 116, 117. Venyi mandala, 98, 100, 102, 105, 101, 112. Tarinayarampadu, 14. Tadpatri, 34, 37, 45.

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144 INDEX TO PROPER NAMES. V. -contd. V-cond. Vishnugopa, 113, 15, (Genealogy) 115. Vishnugupta, 112, 113. Vishnukundi. Karlamba-Satakarni, 68, 8 84 Vishnuvardhana, 15, 51. Vishnuvardhana III, 20, 56. Visvavasu, 35. Vittarasa, 52: Vittara sa Oxleya, 59, 60. Vizagapatam, 17, 34, 38, 39, 114. Vizianagrium, 17, 20, 26, 27, 35, 40, 41 46, 47, 50, 51,-60. Vizianagram Treaty, 26. Vuskabhatta, 72. Venkaiya, V., Mr., 67. Venkataramana Temple, 35, 5C Venur, 34. Vijayaditya, 50, 55. Vijayaditya VI, 55. Vijayakirti, 54. Vijaya Kumarana katha, 99. Vijaya Maha Devi, 112. Vijayavatika, 55. Vikramarjuna Vijaya, 19. Vimalachandra, 88. Vimaladitya, 19, 54. Vinayaditya, 88. $ Vinayanandi, 88. Vinukonda Sirkar, 14. Virabhadra temple, 44. Vira Bukkaraya II, 41, 53. Viradevacharya, 87. Vira Devaraya,'I, 58. Vira Devaraya IV, 41. Virapandya, 58. Virapratapa adasivadevaraya Maha raya, 35. Virapratapa Sadasivaraya Maharaja, 51. Virasaiva, 35, 36. Virasenacharya, 87. Virkal, 12. Virupaksha, 52. Virupaksharaya II, 59, 60. Virupaya, 42. Warrangal, 16, 17, 27, 28, 29, Warrangal Kaiphiyat, 16. Yachavaram, 40. Yapaniya, 44. Yendamuru, 39. Yudhistira, 114, 129.

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lAla bahAdura zAstrI rASTrIya prazAsana akAdamI, pustakAlaya Lal Bahadur Shastri National Academy of Administration, Library masurI MUSSOORIE. 101583 yaha pustaka nimnAMkita tArIkha taka vApisa karanI hai / This book is to be returned on the date last stamped. dinAMka Date udhArakartA kI saMkhyA Borrower's No. dinAMka Date GL. 294.40548 AYY udhArakartA kI saMkhyA Borrower's No.

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Acc No. 794 pustaka saMkhyA 294.40549IBRARY 29440548 101583 avApti maMkhyA AYY varga saMkhyA Book No. Class No. lekhaka Author M. S. Ramaswami. Agyengele Titte Studies in South Sidian IBRARY 799 AYY LAL BAHADUR SHASTRI National Academy of Administratiun MUSSOORIE Accession No. 101583 1. Books are issued for 15 days oni, but may have to be recalled earlier if urgently required. 5. An overdue charge of 25 Paise per day per volume will be charged. 3. Books may be renewed on request at the discretion of the Librarian. 5. Periodicals, Rare and Reference books may not be issued and may be consulted only in the library. 5. Books lost, defaced or injured in any way shall have to be replaced or its double price shall be paid by the borrower.