Some Aspects of Indian Culture

Author(s): A S Gopani, Nagin J Shah, Dalsukh Malvania
Publisher: L D Indology Ahmedabad
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/001132/1

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लालभाई
भारतीय
Formentan
Sorpth Fadiote

SOME ASPECTS OF INDIAN CULTURE
L. D. SERIES 78 GENERAL EDITORS DALSUKH MALVANIA NAGIN J. SHAH
By
DR. A. S. GOPANI FORMERLY PROFESSOR AND HEAD OF THE DEPTT. OF PRAKRIT
BHAVAN'S SOMANI COLLEGE BOMBAY
LD. INSTITUTE OF INDOLOGY AHMEDABAD-9

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दलपत भाई
तीय संस्कृति वि
अहमदाबाद
SOME ASPECTS OF INDIAN CULTURE
L. D. SERIES 78 GENERAL EDITORS DALSUKH MALVANIA NAGIN J. SHAH
धामंदिर

By
DR. A. S. GOPANI FORMERLY PROFESSOR AND HEAD OF THE DEPTT. OF PRAKRIT
BHAVAN'S SOMANI COLLEGE BOMBAY
L D. INSTITUTE OF INDOLOGY AHMEDABAD-9

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Printed by K. Bhikhalal Bhavsar Shri Swaminarayan Mudran Mandir 21, Purushottamnagar, Nava Vadaj Ahmedabad --380013 and published by Nagin J. Shah Director L. D. Institute of Indology Ahmedabad-380009
January, 191

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FOREWORD
The L. D. Institute of Indology has great pleasure in publishing a collection of the selected research articles by Professor Dr. A. S. Gopani, True to its nature, the collection is given the title 'Some Aspects of Indian Culture'. It covers wide range of subjects, viz, religion, philosophy, education, languages, literature, astrology, etc.
The articles are based on the study of the original texts and hence are authentic. Students of ancient Indian Culture will find them ipteresting.
The L. D. Institute of Indology is grateful to Professor Gopani for allowing it to publish his research articles, in book-form, in its L. D. Series.
It is hoped that the publication of this collection of the research articles will be received well by the students of Indian Culture.
L. D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedababa-380009. 11.1.1981.
Nagin J. Shah
Director

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PREFATORY NOTE
The articles which have been selected to form this book were written by me at different times and on several occasions and publi. shed from time to time in the periodicals devoted to researches in Indology. They have been assembled here in the book with a view to acquainting the readers with my beliefs and opinions which I formed in course of my studies in such topics as the religion, philosophy, education, languages, literature, social conditions in a particular period and place etc. etc.
There is, therefore, no scope of writing an Introduction to the book such as the present one because the subject treated is not one and the articles are not concerned with one particular situation only or with one particular period of time.
I have, therefore, been content in this brief Prefatory Note with attempting a summary of informations contained in some of these articles with my observations and evaluations here and there. Of course, there is nothing in them which is unwarranted and unauthorized by contemporary sources and evidences.
To begain with, then, the articles titled "Thus Spake Mahāvīra," “Mahāvīra”, and “Characteristics of Jainism” have got in them my arguments for and about the relevance, acceptability, and applicability of the principles and tenets of Jainism in the present context besides an outline of the salient features and factors responsible for giving shape to Jainism as it wended its way throu h the ages. Also Jainism has been compared and contrasted with other indigenous schools of thought bringing out in bold relief the fact regarding how well it can stand the test of critical, al beit, impartial investigation. I have presented in them my firm conviction and conclusion that it has a potentiality of the panacea correcting and curing all the ills and evils besetting the soul and the society.

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An article on heretics in Jainism and another on the Ājivika sect point to an axiomatic truth that no age in human history was free from the infectious virus of non-conformism. Even Mabāvira, a spiritual leader nonpareil, had a doctrinal adversary in Jamāli who was his one-time conscience-keeper next only to Gautama and a concep. tual opponent in Gośālaka who joined him only to defect from him and became a wily and vehement antagonist indulging in a malicious propaganda against Mahāvira which ended in Mahavira's triumph and Gośālaka's downfall. True, the history of defectors always makes a painful reading.
There is a common charge, veiled or obvious, said or upsaid, on Indian culture that it has reserved a comparatively small place for female education in its boastful social scheme. I have tried to invalidate it in my article on female education, though it is restricted to Buddhist literature only, advancing facts and fegures which are substantiated by various Buddhist works.
Jainism was at its zenith in Gujarat in the medievel period when Siddharāja and Kumārapāla ruled. Whether it was languages or literature, art or architecture, painting or sculpture, every thing, was Jainism-oriented. At least in this period in Gujarat, history minus Jainism looks insipid and anaemic. This is what the readers will find in my article on Jainism in Gujarat.
Outstanding peculiarities of Prākrits, Apabhraṁsa and Old Gujarāti, have been spelt out in the two articles concerning them.
" Kuvalayamālā” which is a literal English translation of Muni Jinavijayaji's article as also that of the three articles on Jambu, his life, date and traditions connected with him have also been included in the book as they all throw much light on the unsettled chronology regarding the dates of Haribhadra, Udyotana and Gunapāla.
The striking Subhâsitas, the religious and moral element, the intervening stories occurring in Gunapāla's Jambucariyam have been described, discussed and critically assessed in the four articles relating to it.

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Life and culture and woman with her legitimate place in Society, as reflected in Jaina Narrative Literature, and my tribute to my revered Guru, Acharya Jinavijayaji Muni along with my reminiscences have been dealt with in the articles on them.
The book has also got an article on Satyasaṁhitã which is a Nādigrantha about the predictive part of astrological science. I have presented in it my impartial estimate weighing the pros and cons, of the Sarhitās which bave cropped up like mushroom, these days. I have pointedly drawn the readers attention to the fact that they should be taken at their face value and no more as there are discrepancies, lack of precision, pronouncements of a general nature and an air of superficiality in and around them.
So, this is what the book is and the readers, I hope, will benefit by it.
In conclusion, I cannot adequately express my thanks in words to Shri Dalsukhbhai Malvania, one of the General Editors and to Shri Naginbhai Shah, the Director for taking up this book for publication in the famous L. D. Series.
A. S. Gopai
3, Meghdhanu, 52, Dadabhay Road, Po. Vile Parle (West), 3-3-79

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CONTENTS
1 Religion and Secularism 2 Ajivika Sect-New Interpretation 3 Mahāyīra 4 Thus Spake Mahāvira 5 Heretics of Jainism 6 Characteristics of Jainism 7 Jainism in Gujarāta 8 Life and Culture in Jaina Narrative Literature 9 Position of Women in Jaina Literature 10 Kuvalayamālā 11. Jambu-A Historical Person and the Stories about him with
their Origin 12 Comparative Study of the Traditions Relating to Jambu and
the Stories about him 13 Gunapāla and his Jambucariyam 14 Religious and Moral Element in Guņapāla's Jambuçariyan 15 Subhāṣitas in Gunapāla's Jambucariyam 16 Some Intervening Stories in Gunapāla's Jambucariyam 17 Something about Ardhamāgadhi 18 A Note on Prakrits, Apabhramśa and Gujarati 19 Muni Jinavijayaji-My tribute and Reminiscences 20 Female Education as evidenced in Buddhist Literature 21 Satyasambitā and Gandhiji's Horoscope
110
114
129
145
150 153
159
167 701

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RELIGION AND SECULARISM1
The grand truths written in letters of gold on every page of the history of any nation are these : human happiness is never secure without freedom, freedom, without virtue; virtue, without knowledge; and not the freedom, as also not even the virtue, has any hope or vitality except in the principles of religious faith and sanctions. True religion is the very basis on which society rests and also the government, and it is from this that power derives its authority, and laws, their sanctity, and both, their inspiration and sanction. This being the truth and the experience of all of us, religion should not be treated lightly and with contempt. Religion is the basis, equally, of personal good as also of public faith and prosperity. The task and triumph of religion is to make men and nations humble and honest in all their dealings and to bring all the law, character and conduct under control and in conformity with the law of God. Of all the things, if I were to choose one that is blessed and beneficial, I would prefer a strong religious conviction because it only makes the life disciplined and delightful, creates new hopes, throws light on decay and destruction, turns torture into a ladder leading to paradise, and above all worldly hopes and joys, calls up the most delightful glimpses of future, and the security of eternal bliss where the sensualist and the sceptic see only gloom, despair and annihilation.
Secularism is, on the other hapd a deterrent to the cultivation of moral and spiritual values. Morals will die without religion like seed sown on stony ground, and religion without morals is not only a superstition, but a curse. The only salvation for man lies in uniting them both. Morality is religion in practice and religion is morality in principle. Morality without religion has no roots. It becomes a thing of custom, changeable, transient and optional. The highest morality, if not inspired, encouraged and enlivened by religion, is but as the marble statue or the unspeaking corpse to the living and the perfect man. In this connection, I would also like to make it clear that atheistic morality is not wholly improbable, but I am afraid it will never answer our purpose. The morality that binds the masses together must have its roots in an honest, downright personal faith and fear. I have heard people say that also economic science and moral discipline always go ill together. I do not agree with this. Granting that they are guided by their own principles in their own sphere, it is false that the two orders are so distinct and irrelevant that the former in no way depends upon the latter, 1. All-India Colloquium on Ethical and Spiritual Values as the Basis of National Integration,
Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan, Bombay, 30 December, 1966 to 2 January, 1967.

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Some Aspects of Indian Culture
But there is also a danger point. The weakness of human nature has always displayed itself in times of great revivals of religion in the form of a disposition, or an inclination to pass into extremes especially in these three things, enthusiasm, superstition and uncontrolled intemperate zeal. Fanatic faith once entertained fast and wedded to some dear falsehood, hugs it to the last. At the same time, it is also true that we often excuse our want of philanthropy by giving the name of fanaticism to the more ardent zeal of others. This also has got to be guarded against. Intolerance has been the curse of every age and State. Nothing dies so hard or rallies so often as intolerance. It is better to be of no church than to be bitter for any. Tolerance of all religions is a law of nature. How is it possible to imagine that a religion breathing the spirit of mercy and benevolence, teaching the forgiveness of injuries and the return of good for evil, can be so perverted as to breathe the spirit of slaughter? It is an unaccountable and extraordinary phenomenon. Still more extraordinary is that phenomenon in which it becomes the means not of base and wicked men only, seeking to cover up their own misdeeds, but of good men, seeking the way of redemption with honesty of heart and purpose. Let us all remember that even if we do not become tolerant, let us not commit at least a crime of intolerance.
Secularism, to a certain extent, does affect adversely the cultivation of moral and spiritual values, as it generally, is anti-religious attitude. We in India are normally tolerant and therefore other religions also do flourish, the main reason being that India is a Secular State. Our Secularism has no doubt cast a deleterious effect on the process of education in respect of fostering the values, moral and spiritual. I am, therefore, in favour of introducing a programme of general religious instructions in the primary education itself from its very start. I would even go to the length of suggestiog that the subject of general religious instructions should be made compulsory, Compulsory teaching of Christianity and Islam in the denominational schools should be discouraged and instead the same of general religious instructions should be introduced. This will definitely create and promote a spirit of dedication, which is almost extinct. It is necessary and also practical. It is possible to formulate a common denominator of ethical and spiritual education for all religionists. The fact that Akbar's experiment of Divine Faith which almost died with his death should not disappoint us. If we patiently pursue it, I am hopeful, it will take deep roots in course of time.
Materialistic civilization, which is the offspring of physical sciences, has done more harm than good to humanity. It has made man a restless, fast-moving machine, bereft of hope and cheer and all the finer sentiments of life. The average man is superficially a gentlenian, smiling and well-dressed; scratch him : he has but tailormade happiness. Internally he has no peace of mind; he is worried; he is confused; he is bewildered. Trusting the future, remembering the past, he often fails to act in the living present. He goes on toiling, rejoicing and sorrowing, but having no set aim or ideal in life, he does not move onward with a purpose. The world is in a bad

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Religion and Secularism
way today. It has failed and is failing. Call it a crisis of spirit in the world or a moral vacuum or whatever you like. Modern life is so regimented, so full of hurry and noise, so soul-destroying in its lack of ideals, that it is rapidly taking away from man any conception of the purpose of life, any solace that he might find in the things of the mind and in the things of the spirit. Concerned mainly with many difficulties and with frightening increase in strain and stress, life has become as much a survival of the fittest as it is in the jungle. The uncertainty caused by economic crisis and threats of war leaves the average man little to live for. His ancient faith in moral and ethical values have been discarded and their place has been taken by unsatisfy. ing ideolo zies or by nothing at all. Religious purpose and piety of life have been undermined by hedonism and utilitarianism. We have to recapture the lost values of ethics and morality and work out national integration through it, halting this mad march through enthronement of religion. Every religion has some mission to fulfil and nothing can thwart its aim or annibilate its purpose. In order that religion may be a perennial living force, one should esteem and revere all the differe 't creeds, doctrines and theories and realize that they are like so many radii proceeding to the same centre-God. I cannot best conclude this short paper without quoting the famous lines of Thomas Paine: "The world is my country; all mankind are my brethren and to do good is my religion."

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2
ĀJIVIKA SECT-NEW INIERPRETATION *
I-Life History of Goialaka.
Gogalaka was the son of Mankhali by Bhadra. He was so named because he was born in a cowshed (gośala) of Gobahula-a Brahmin who lived in a saravana, a suburb (sanniveia). He was trained in his father's profession, namely, that of living by showing picture-board, as was usual in those days with the members of the beggar community known as Mankha in Buddhistic and Jaina literatures. He is also referred to therein as Mankhaliputra, Buddhaghosa, who flourished probably in the first half of the fifth century A.D., quotes in his commentary on Dighanikaya, an anecdote which is responsible for his name Mankhali.1 Personally I attach no more importance to this on account of the reasons mentioned elsewhere in this article than what should be attached to a simple anecdote.
No further details about the life-history of Gojalaka before Mahavira enrolled him as his pupil are available.

II.-His Association with Mahavira.
Gojalaka met Mahavira for the first time in Nalanda at Rajagrha when the latter, after he had become a monk, was spending his second rainy season there in a weaver's house. After a month's fast, in those days, Mahavira went to beg alms to a rich man named Vijaya who respected him much. This incident came to be known to Gogalaka and tempted him to become his pupil. His association with Mahavira begins from here. I think he did not do this out of love for Mahavira's creed. It was more or less a commercial bargain. In those days there was a well-organized sect of Ajivikas who were beggarlike and maintained themselves by employing some specific means. They observed rules of penances quite peculiar to their sect. In this sect there were sub-branches also, founded on minor variations regarding discipline-moral and worldly. In Majjhimanikaya we find references to Nanda Vaccha and Kisa Samkicca, along with Golaka, as followers of Ajiyika Sect. Dr. B. M. Barua, following the late Dr. Jacobi, is of the opinion that these are the names of the Acaryas of the Ajivika. Sect who flourised before Gogalaka. I do not subscribe to this view on the plain ground that the word (ime) used there in text refers to persons living and not dead, and again on the basis that the Jaina satras, such as Upasakadalanga, Frainavyakaraṇa, Published in the Bharatiya Vidya, Vol. II, Part II; May, 1941,

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Ājivaka sect-A new interpretation
Aupapātika, Sūtrakstanga, Bhagavati and Sthânānga, in which the Ajivika creed has been incidentally discussed, do not mention any person as the founder of the sect before Gośālaka. So, in my opinion, Nanda Vaccha, Kisa Samk icca were perhaps the contemporaries of Mahavira and represented two sub-varieties of the Ajivika Sect. The word Ājivika was used contemptuously for the inferior by the superior order of the monks. With the latter, the spiritual life was an end by itself while with the former it was observed only as a means with which to eke out their livelihood. I do not mean to say that they were intellectually less gifted; on the contrary my inference is that they were endowed with superb powers of the brain. What they lacked in was "character". Gośālaka also possessed the knowledge of Aștānganimitta.5 Whenever they practised penances they did so with a worldly point of view. In other words they resembled today's Jatis and Bāvās who do not hesitate to employ any base means such as mantra, tantra, medicine, etc., to earn their livelihood and win popular favour, So, in short, there was a well-organized religious sect styled Ajivika in the days of Mahāvira, whose connected account is lost to us. Nanda Vaccha, Kisa Samkicca and Gośālaka Mankhaliputra, whose references we find in Buddhistic and Jain literatures? represented some of the earlier and different schools of the Ājivika sect, and these three were the contemporaries of Mahavira. It is true that we have not so much knowledge of the schools of Nanda Vaccha and Kisa Sarkicca as we have of that of the Gośālaka school. So it was not out of respect or faith for the Jaina school but on account of material consideration that Gośälaka approached and attached himself to Mabāvīra who was revered in those days and even worshipped. This worldly demonstration was the secret reason of Gośālaka's forged friendship with Mahāvira. It was predestined that he was to prove traitor. He wanted to be the Mahāvīra minus monkhood. Nor would it be true to infer that Mahāvīra did not know this imposture. Mahāvira had the capacity to see Gośālaka right through and he did see. By not granting the latter's request at the first time Mahāvira gave him to understand that he had seen his game and at the same time he wanted to give him sufficient scope to cultivate a genuine passion for the Jaina creed and philosophy. Later, at the second time when Gośālaka made a request, it was soon granted. This time also Mahavira did know that Gośālaka was not a real convert. But as is habitual with spiritual leaders, he was full, above all, of the milk of human kindness and would not despise opposition. He took him into his fold out of sheer sympathy and he provided temporarily an opportunity to Gogālaka to believe that he had befooled Mahavira. This incident is a sure sign of Mahāvīra's glorious catholicity of mind and purity of purpose, as well as of the roguish stuff of which Gogalaka was made. Now let us proceed with the details of the incident : when and how Gośālaka tried to worm into Mahāvira's friendship and shape his opinion in his favour.
As we saw before, Gośālaka had offered himself to become Mahāvįra's pupil but the latter at first had refused. 8 Afterwards Mahavira went to a neighbouring suburb called Kollāga. Gośālaka searched for him but he could not get him, whereupon he himself got his beard, m. ustaches and head shaved, wore monk's dress and went to

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Some Aspects of Indian Culture
Kollága. Here he met Mahāvīra and repeated his request. This time Mahavira accepted it and allowed him company for six years. Once it so happened that they both saw a sesamum plant in full bloom as they were going to Kurmāragrāma from Siddharthagrāma. Gośālaka being both intelligent and inquisitive put a question to Mahāvīra. "Divine Sir! What will be the fate of this plant and the seven flowers hanging at the top ?" Mahavira, the seer, replied: "Gośālaka ! in course of time it will bear fruit and these seven flowers will be born as seven sesamums in the same plant." "Gośālaka who was essentially a sceptic could not put faith in Mahavira's words. As he wanted at heart to disprove Mahāvīra's prophecy, he pulled out the plant from the ground thinking in his mind that he had thereby removed the possibility of its fructification. They reached Kurmāragrāma in the outskirts of which Gośälaka saw Vaiśyāyana practising penance in the blazing sun with his head downwards and feet upwards. He approached him and asked: Oh, are you an ascetic or a sacrificial post ? To this Vaisyāyana did not reply. Gošālaka derisively repeated the same quesiion, whereupon Vaiśyāyana took to anger and discharged the “heating power" (which he had come to possess as a result of his hard austerities) to kill Gośālaka. Mahāvīra, who saw this, took pity on Goślaka and discharged bis "cooling power” to counteract the heating power of Vaiśyāyana who finally praised Mahavira in a loud voice. Gośālaka could find no marked reason that made Vaisyāyana not only speak, but speak in a tone praising Mahavira, because the discharging of powers on both the sides had taken place without the notice and knowledge of Gośālaka. Mahävira when asked by Gośālaka, explained the whole thing to him and showed him also, at his request, the method of acquiring the heating power possessed by Vaiśyāyana. After this event they both returned to Siddhārthagrama from Kurmāragrāma and on the way back that very sesamum plant came to sight, proving true word for word Mahāvira's prediction. Just after Gośālaka had uprooted the plant and thrown it off, the clouds gathered in the sky and it began to rain in torrents whereby the uprooted sesamum plant got stuck to the ground and in due course of time it bore fruits also as was foretold by Mahāvira. Gośālaka was dumbfound and he requested Mahavira to unravel the secret, the latter propounded in unambiguous words his principle of everlasting truth. "Oh, Gośălaka, the living organisms of the vegetable kingdom take birth after their death in various parts (branches, roots etc.) of their principal body (tree).” Gośālaka enlarged this principle of Mahavira to an illogical extent and on a false analogy started a theory that every soul could inbabit the same body after death. This principle is the very essence of Gośālaka's theory technically called Parivar tavada (hereinafter referred to as the Theory of Transformation). Mahavira's above-mentioned doctrine was simply restricted to the living organisms of the vegetable kingdom. Gośālaka intentionally misinterpreted and extended it to all living beings under the sun. But later on, this theory of transformation was again modified by Gośālaka himself to be able to cope with the new situation that arose out of his exposure by Mahāvira. At that time he seems to be giving a turn to his own theory and propounds that every living being should occupy his former body only seven times (but not as many times as he wished) and that too only in

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Ājivika sect--a new interpretation
the bhava preceing emancipation (but not in every bhava) which is necessarily the bhava of a human being.
Gośālaka thus differed and dissociated himself from Mahāvīra. Taking up this principle of Parivar tavāda as a starting point be erected a reformed edifice on an old foundation of the Ājivika school. In order to enlist public sympathy and book its favour and win its applause by his miraculous powers he acquired heating power by practising hard austerities as shown by Mahāvīra. He now thought himself to be a perfect man, called himself a Jina-an omniscient being. He fixed his headquarters in the shop of Hālāhalā-a pottress in a city named Savatthi.
Twenty-four years elapsed and Mahavīra again met Gośālka in Sāvatthi. This time he denied Gośālaka's claim of being a jina and made it clear to the public that he was on the contrary his pupil when he was a Sādhaka, and revealed the story how he differed from him and why he severed his connection thereafter.
Gośālaka did not like that Mahāvīra should expose him. So he went to Mahāvira and told him that Gośālaka who moved with him as his pupil had been dead for long. Really speaking he was Udāyi Kundiyāyaṇiya who had selected Gośālaka's dead body to complete his seventh birth. To this Mahavira retorted that he acted like a thief who puts on various forms in order not to be found out when he is hunted after. This was too much for Gośālaka who abused Mahavira like anything and released his heating power to do away with Mahāvīra with the words : "It will kill him within six months". Mahāvira was, however, much more than an ordinary human being on whom alone such things can operate. So not only was the heating power rendered ineffective but it was made to enter the body of its own master when Mahavira addressed him in clear words : "Oh Gośālaka, I am still to live for sixteen years more instead of dying within six months as predicted by you ! Not only this, but the heating power employed by you against me will take your own life within seven days as it has already entered your body". Mabāvīra's words proved true; Gośālaka died as foretold. At the time of dying he took objectionable drinks and eatables and confessed, while repenting for his past folloy that Mahavira was a real jina, and not he. He also admitted that he was none else but Mankhaliputta Gošalaka. He acknowledged that he was a wicked man and his dead body should be treated as such and carried with the cries of shame. This is the account of Gośālaka's life according to Bhagavat' sütra.9 Instead of waiting to consider this history let us pass on to a discussion of his principal doctorines as we are to make a critical analysis of his lifeaccount later in this article.
III.-Niyativada,
I am taking Niyativāda first as it forms a corner-stone of Gośälaka's philosophy taken as a whole. There occurs a significant dialogue between god and Kundakolika Śrāvaka, in the sixth chapter of Upāsakadašānga, wherein the god says :"On, Kundakolika, religious teachings of Mankhaliputta Gośà laka are really splendid because he does not

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recognize anything such as a tendency to rise, a desire to act, strength or soul-force. He openly declares that there is nothing like "activity" and most emphatically pro. pounds that soul does nothing. Everything is predestined and controlled from without."10
It is in the very constitution of a thing animate or inanimate-to move as it moves. Predestination is the watchword of this philosophy. According to Niyativada or fatalism, submission to all that happens is quite inevitable. And also in the seventh chapter of the same sutra there has taken place a talk to the same effect between Mahāvira and Saddālaputta.
It is noteworthy that the followers of the Ajivika Sect were generally known by the father's name such as Mankhaliputta, Saddălaputta etc. Against a legend, quoted by Buddhaghosa in his commentary on Dighan kaya, describing how Gośālaka received the name Makkhali from his master, who spoke tāta, ma khaliņ' when Gośālaka, whilst bringing oil from the bazar for his master, fell down on the mud, I have only one point to urge that Gošalaka was called Mankhaliputta and not simply Makkhali in Jain literature as is found in Buddhistic literature. The story, if at all it has the force of verity, ought to apply to Gośālaka's father. That is why I, for my part, do not accept it as true. It is also interesting to note that the Ājivika sect, like all other rival sects, had distinguished Upasakas as Saddālaputta, Paņduputta and Upaka and Upāsika as Hālāhalā. Saddālaputta was later on converted to Mahavira's creed. 11
In the second Srutaskandha of Satrakặtānga we find a statement elucidating this creed, to the effect that Kriyavada (school of activity) and Akriyavāda (school of inactivity) are both one and the same from the standpoint of Niyativāda (school of fatalism or destiny) because Niyati, the nature of a thing, is responsible for activity or inactivity. He is lacking in discriminating power or he does not know the real nature of a thing who says it is only due to his past deeds that he becomes unhappy, grieved or afflicted. On the contrary, he is a seer, a wise man, who says or believes that the Unhappiness, pain or agony which he is suffering from is not at all a result of his past actions; and the same holds good in the case of others. It is Destiny that controls, regulates and rules the affairs of the universe. There is no law over it: it is the law of the laws. What is to happen, does happen, and what is not to happen, never happens. This is the sum and substance, the be-all and end-all of our present life as taught by Niyativāda. 1At the time of narrating various types of irreligious liars, the Sütrakara in Praśnavyākaranasūtra sarcastically refers to idlers who are fond of dainty dishes and lovers of happy.go lucky life and whose philosophy of life consists of such beliefs as the following ; "In this material world whatever deed, noble or ignoble, whatever happiness or unhappiness is seen or experienced is by nature, or accident or divinity.18 It is not due to our efforts or exertions but is governed by the intrinsic nature of thing". 14
Again, in Sūtrakstāngasūtra, there is a graphic picture of this type of Nivativada. 18 It is stated therein that there is a strong school of philosophy which advocates that the mundane or extra-mundane pain or pleasure experienced by people is not the effect of their past actions but is determined by Destiny.

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To get a complete idea, let us turn now to Buddhistic literature and see what it has to say on this aspect of Gośālaka's philosophy. We get a beautiful and consistent summary of some of the cardinal principles of the Ājivika sect, collectively called Niyarivada or Sangativada, in such authoritative Buddhistic works as Dighanikāya and Samyustanikaya. There it is said that people of this world experience pain without any reason; and that the purity of souls has no ground whatsoever. It is never so that the soul becomes a god or a goblin by its own efforts; nor is it freed by itself. Time, action, effort, strength, soul-force, or power plays no part in ensuring godhood or emancipation. No being in the universe, small or great has free-will, strength, or spiritual force. Every life-be it an ant or an elephant-is preordained to pass through a cycle of six special characteristics (abhi jātis) and to experience pain or pleasure as the case may be. At this point it should be made clear that this Niyativada which is one of the basic principles of Gośālaka's Ājivika school, is also referred to in both the literatures under such various names as Sangativada, Bhavavāda, or Parināmavada. Its meaning is fully expressed by the word 'fatalism'. For the present it is enough to remark that this school of Destiny is no innovation of Gošalaka. There is, we find in the literature of every religion, an eternal tug-of-war between Puruşarthavada and Prarabdhavada. So it is more true to say that its origin is rooted in the mind of man. It depends exclusively on environments why and which should become more popular. Prärabdhavāda is also hinted at in Vedic literature. There is subtle difference between Niyativada and Akriyavada wbich will be discussed at length while considering in this article the import and implication of the Ājivilka school with special reference to Gosalaka.
Next comes Parivartavāda which is technically expressed by the word Pautaparihāra. The incident of the sesamum plant is responsible for this theory of transforma. tion of Gośülaka who drew an inference on a false analogy that every soul after death could assume the same body, while really speaking Mahavira wanted to restrict the application of this principle only to vegetable kingdom as we saw before in this article. Extension of this principle to buman beings is Gošalaka's own invention. As this theory of transformation can be better understood if it is viewed in the light of his principle of world and emancipation, I am coming to it before critically surveying Parivartavada.
IV.-World and Emancipation In the foregoing lines I have stated that the theory of Destiny is the corner-stone of Gośālaka's philosophy. All other theories are to be deduced as necessary corollaries from this central principle which is axiomatic. He believes that the world from the view-point of an individual has a termination at a particular point and preaches that the liberated soul had to complete 8,400,000 Mahakalpas, seven existences of godhood; and had to pass through a cycle of seven births as samyuthas (nikāyaviseşas) and as sentient human beings, and lastly all the liberated souls (siddhas) had to undergo
AS-2

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Some Aspect in Indian Culture
seven changes, (parivartas) in the last birth of a sentient human being preceding emancipation. This is the world according to him. All the siddhas had to pass through them, and all the candidates for the final release will have to do so whether they will it or not. It is preordained for me and you and all. There is no escape out of it, no short-cut whatever. Moreover the souls had to work out 500,000 karimas of the past and 60,603 varieties thereof. 16 We also get in Dighanikāya a description of the worloly existence, though different in detail. 11 In Bhagavatisūtra Gośālaka gods on describing Mahakalpa, etc. in his own fashion with which we are not so much concerned bere. In the preceding paragraphs I have said that Niyativāda forms the found. ation-stone of Gośālaka's philosophy. It is this, rather than anything else, which differentiates Gogalaka's philosophy from Mahavira's. Mabāvira is a confirmed exponent of puruşārtha. While assigning proper place to destiny he preaches with sincerity and force that it is the soul that has to undo what it has once done out of ignorance or nescience. He recognizes innate infinite power of the soul and makes room for purusärtha the ultimate result of which is liberation. With Mahavira, prärabdha means something like past actions. Thus he acknowledges them both as bare metaphysical necessities, while Gośālaka believes only in niyati and nothing else. If this fundamental difference is taken into consideration it will be easy for us to understand Gogalaka's philosophy in its true perspective. We saw that he believes with Mahavira in the beginninglessness of the world. I differ from Shri K. J. KARAGATHALA when he says in his otherwise scholarly article, “Mankhali Gogālaka and his creed 18", that the world is limited according to Gośālaka, implying thereby that the world as such ends at a particular point, I think Shri KARAGATHALA is mistaken in so stat. ing because the words used by Goğalaka in the 15th Satakaof Bhagavati sütra do not warrant it.19 On the contrary, Gośālaka believes like Mabāvıra in the beginninglessness and endlessness of the wordly existence. So when Gośālaka says that a man becomes a siddha or is freed only after passing through a predetermined cycle of births and deaths, he means to say that only from the viewpoint of an individual, According to him also the world as such will for ever last. It never comes to a stop. To he still more explicit, Gośālaka does not believe in anything like the so-called terminus as Shri KARAGATHALA takes him to believe. Gośālaka believes that a man is chained down to this worldly existence from time immemorial. Why? The answer is niyati. How? Niyati is the perpetual reply. He will get an emancipation after passing through a particular cycle. 'Why ? The reason of reasons is niyati. A man will have to undo or neutralize a certain number of Karmas. Why and how? The reply is niyati. Niyati for Gośālaka is what the Brahma is for a Vedantin, that is, a rule of rules and a solution of solutions. To put it technically, according to Gogalaka, the world is Anādi and Ananta from the viewpoint of the world, but Anādi and Santa from the viewpoint of an individual. This is exactly what is preached also by Mahavira. The turning points in the philosophies of these two are karma and niyati in the case of Mahavira and Gośālaka respectively. Metaphysical necessity of karma is fulfilled by niyati in Gośālaka's philosohpy. A man is liberated the moment he destroys all the
-

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ic effecte he or it anze karmi
tarmas; but according to Goślaka, destruction or no destruction it is niyati only which has to bother about one's liberation or confinement. Mahāvıra's philosophy has invested the soul with infinite powers to neutralize karmic effects. So according to it a soul can do this in a second's time or it may take even infinite time to extricate itself from these karmic effects. In other words, one may not get emancipation. There is no guarantee. If the powers of the soul are rightly employed, it may succeed in course of time in liberating itself, and if the powers are wrongly utilized it will have to move in a circle of births and deaths. Now if one argues that Puruşārtha should not be done because it is only through Puruşartha that new karmas are incurred and freedom postponed, the reply is that soul's endeavour is entirely indispensable to annul the past, if not for any other reason. Thus there is a distinct place in Mahavira's philosophy reserved for soul's endeavour, Now the founders of the Ājivika school, who were the representatives of lower form of asceticism, fabricated a flaw in Mahāvīra's philosophy; they argued before the public in order to attract the latter towards them that Mahāvira's philosophy held out no security for liberation even if the soul put forth utmost effort to get it. They also maintained that efforts are only relatively right or wrong, and no one, desirous of crossing the sea of samsára, should lean on such a reed. This is the background of Niyativādā which would appeal to the mob in which baser element or love for animal life might be predominant. It has no fascination for lovers of manliness and higher spiritual life or for people who believe in evolving their personality or real self gradually so as to unfold the embalming fragrance of the soul rather than live a life of stagnation. Thus Niyativada held out alluring hope for emancipation, of course after passing through a coil of existences such as is predestined for all. And again it permitted its followers to live as they liked. This double promise secured much control on public mind and could get a considerable number of followers. Now studying the thing as it stands any one with a clear conscience cannot help believing that emancipation is not a thing resulting after a specified time. On the contrary it is a thing to be sought and striven after, and enjoyed It does not come of its own accord but it is we who have to keep going on to the goal till we get it. It is also not believable that Gośālaka who was really an intellectual man could pot have seen this shortcoming in the reasoning of school. As the detailed record of the Aiivika school of which Gośalaka was the head has not come down to us, we are not in a position to make any definite statement as to how he made good this deficiency. However, I'am of firm opinion that Gośālaka believed more or less in theory of automatic evolution, the highest result of which was emancipation.
To sum up, the central argument of the doctrine of Destiny, which is a part and parcel of the Ajivika school headed over by Gosālaka, is an upgrudging surrender to fate. It has also made a provision for emancipation as is the case with every other system of Indian philosophy. But there is an essential difference regarding this between it on the one hand and other systems on the other. In other systems, emancipation may come sooner or later, while in Gośālaka's philosophy it follows as a natural con.

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sequence or as an inevitable result after passing through a predetermined cycle of births and deaths. These grades of animal life are pre-arranged. As emancipation is the highest good one can achieve or is a condition par excellence, Gośālaka is an exponent, directly, of the theory of automatic evolution, resembling somewhat DARWIN's. He believed that the world was an evermoving cycle without a beginning or an end.
V.-Theory of Transformation. His theory of transformation is no less illogical than it is interesting. At first sight it would appear very ludicrous. However, let us try to interpret it as it is an authentic feature of his philosophy evidenced in the Bhagavatisūtru, 15. By Parivarta what he means to say is that one can assume after death the same body which one previously inhabited. It is most significant that Gośālaka makes reference to this theory for the first time only wben Mahāvira reveals before the public the truth that Gogā. laka was formerly his pupil and could not thus be a jina as he claimed to be. He was discomfited by Mahavira in a wordy fight and totally exposed before the public. This exposure was a matter of no small concern for Gogalaka who had almost succeeded in attracting the public to him by means fair and foul. The exposure dealt a death. blow to the prestige of Gośālaka to reestablish which he would go to any possible lengtb. Exactly at this time he remembered and sought shelter in Mahāvia's theory that after death living organisms of the vegetable kingdom take birth in the various limbs of the principal body. We have seen before in this article how Gośālaka did not approve of this theory and what he did to disprove it, though it came out true finally. He intentionally amplified this principle and applied it to himself on a false analogy to save his prestige. I think he did not believe in this theory as sincerely as he did in his theories of Niyativāda, world and emancipation, cycle of births and deaths. He must bave been inwardly enamoured of Mahavira's omniscience when he saw Mahāvıra's prophecy, regarding the fate of the seven flowers of the sesamum plant, turning out entirely true. However this phenomenon made him a great rival of Mahavira instead of making him all the more devoted to him, as Gosalaka had a good brain but a bad heart. He was temperamentally crooked, full of malice and pomp. So a misuse of talents was in every way possible in his case. His theory of transformation (Parivartavāda) was the result of his exposure by Mahavira. When Mahavira's prediction came out true, he became jealous and therefore severed his connection with Mahavira. He was afraid that Mahavira would throw him in the background by his divine knowledge, and his ambition of becoming a leader would never be realized. His unmasking by Mahavira who had an admirable hold on public mind could only be refuted, he must have thought, by his theory of transformation. Necessity is the mother of invention. He invented that theory out of sheer necessity. He took inspiration from Mahāvira's theory and enlarged it to disprove his exposure by Mahavira. Considering psychologically the make-up and development of Gośālaka's mind, I firmly hold that Gogalaka must have sincerely believed in the school of destiny throughout his life (excluding the time of repentance before his death ) before and

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even after his meeting wtth Mahāvira. So he was essentially a fatalist and wedded to that theory with all the force of heart. All other theories he evolved just as he felt them indispensably necessary. It is not to be seen whether he remained consistent or not in conceiving these theories. It is quite manifest through his Parivartavāda how illogical or inconsistent he could become when he chose to do so. It looks not only unconvincing but absurd when he says to Mahavira that he was not the same Gošalaka who was his pupil but was Udayi Kundiyāyanıya in the body of Gogālaka who died some time before.
• VI.-Analysis of Gośālaka's Transformation (Parivartavada) GOŚĀLAKA's theory of transformation is to be understood and interpreted with refercnce to bis theory of the world. Looking to the mental development of Gośālaka, it can be stated with a fair amount of certainty that the first theory which he formulated was the theory of destiny (Niyativāda) and the second was the theory of transformation (Parivartavāda) while his theory of the world was a corollary from these two.
According to the theory of transformation every Jiva can assume, like the living organism of the vegetable kingdom, the body of the same kind after death for times without number. While according to his theory of the world every sentient human being could inhabit the body of the same kind without dying but seven times only and that too in the birth (bhava) preceding emancipation. Instead of finding harmony between these two theories, Shri KARAGATHALA sees irreconcilable contradiction.8. I for one do not agree with him for I believe that there is complete affinity between these theories though we are unfortunate in not having any light from the Currikara and the commentator. I give below Shri KARAGATHALA's synthesis of these two conflicting (according to him) theories :
(1) Every Jiva can take birth after death seven times in the same species like a living organism of the vegetable kingdom.
Note : He adds the word seven on his own responsibility though it is not specifically mentioned in the first theory (theory of transformation) stating for his so doing that the Jaina and the Buddhistic works often employ the word seven in the respective descriptions of their theories of the world as in seven sam yuthas, seven births of godhood, seven births of demonhood, etc.
(2) It is more proper to believe, Shri KARAGATHALA adds, that a Jiva is born seven times in the same species after dying rather than believing that a sentient human being can change its abode seven times without undergoing death in the last birth (bhava) preceding emancipation as formulated by Gośālaka in his second theory of the worldly existence.
Note : For bis modification of Gośālaka's theory, Shri KARAGATHALA adduces a simple reason that it is neither intelligible nor practicable to change a body seven times
* Published in the Bharatiya Vidya, Vol. III, Part 1; November, 1941.

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Some Aspects of Indian Culture without dying. This is in short Shari KARAGATHALA's critical review of both the theories of Gośālaka and his own modification thereon.
My explanation is as under :
(1) Every jiva after death can take birth in the same species for any number of times (Gośālaka's theory of rebirth).
Note : Simply for the sake of going against Mabāvira, he started this theory even though he was finally convinced of the integral veracity of Mahavira's theory.
(2) Controlled and guided by Destiny, he goes on progressing while passing through various grades (theory of automatic evolution).
(3) He has not to bother about good deeds or bad deeds, merit or demerit, punya or papa. Destiny is bis friend, philosopher and guide (theory of ethics).
(4) From the standpoint of an individual, the world is limited. His description of it is purely metaphysical and stereotyped just of the type we find in other sacred literatures (theory of the world).
(5) Emancipation is a surety definitely arising after passing through a pre-arranged cycle of births and deaths (theory of emancipation).
(6) Without dying he has to undergo seven changes in the same body in the birth (bhava) preceding emancipation (theory of transformation).
Nute : In order to falsify his exposure by Mahāvīra, I think, as I have made clear in the first part of this article, that Goğālaka had to invent this theory. He found himself on the horns of a dilemma when Mahāvira, a powerful spiritual leader of those days, undertook unwillingly to expose him. He had either to admit Mahā. vira's statement or to escape through a theory. The first he could not do as egoism ruled high in him; the second he did as he felt he was sufficiently intellectual. I believe that Gośālaka had used the word Parivarta in a figurative sense, Here lies all the difference between my interpretation of the theory and Shri KARAGATHALA'S. He thinks rightly that the theory of transformatiou is scientifically untenable. Such a change is impracticable. When Mahavira said that Gošalaka was formerly his pupil and no more than that, the latter wanted to refute him on somewhat logical grounds and he achieved his desire through his theory of transformation. So when he says by way of a retort to Mahavira that Gośālaka who was formerly his pupil was dead long ago, and he was at present Udāi Kundiyāyaniya in the dead body of Gośālaka, what he really meant to say was that Gośālaka as a one-time pupil of Mahavira was now no more from the viewpoint of progress though his body continues to remain. Thus he uses the word Parivarta strictly in a technical sense. He may appear Gogalaka like but he is really not Gośālaka. Parivarta means a change brought about by spiritual progress. Thus be seeks satisfaction of having paid Mahāvīra in the same coin, of having ensured public confidence and, lastly, of having saved his spiritual degradation or death. He took pride of having killed two birds with one stone. Why one should undergo seven Parivartas and no more is purely arbitrary, or we may willingly subscribe, so

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15
far as this is concerned, to Shri KARAGATHALA'S view that the number seven is a patent number used in both the Jaina aud Buddhistic literatures. So this is how I would like, in fairness to Gośālaka, to harmonize all his theories though one would believe more than I did that Gogalaka was far inferior to Mahāvıra in all good points and deserved no following at all. Before emancipation the last birth (bhava) is the birth of a sentient human being in which he has to expedite much of the work which may be still in arrears. It is a momentous life in which he must undergo many extraordinary spiritual changes (parivartas). Such a change Gosalaka did in the shop of a pottress named Hālāhala at Săvatthi. It was the most extraordinary and the last. Such changes in all amounted to seven. He would not have perhaps invented such, a cumbrous and complicated theory had he not been put to infamy through his exposure by Mahāvira. In my opinion, this is the only plausible explanation of Gogalaka's theory of transformation (Parivar tavada).
VII.-Theory of Ethics Gośālaka's theory of ethics can be constructed from his own word which are to the following effect :
It is never so that one can mature the undue Karmas or can destroy the mature ones by adopting a particular line of conduct, observing certain vows, practising the prescribed penances or by adhering to rules of chastity. One cannot avoid passing through a cycle of the world without actually experiencing pain or pleasure unlike the corn in the granary that can be emptied by droņa (a particular measure ) without actually eating the corn. In short, the cycle of the world cannot be shortened or lengthened. It is pre-arranged and one has to pass through it whether he wills it or not, whether he does good or bad deeds”.21 These words contain in a nutshell Gośālaka's theory of ethics. Thus it can be clearly seen that Gogalaka does not believe in abselute good or bad, merit or demerit, punya or papa, virtue or vice. According to bim everything is relative and whenever he enjoins a particular duty.or discipline, he does it with a design because with him the truth of truths is divine dispensation. It is Destiny that spurs you on to do good or bad deeds. You are not to be praised of blamed for that. In short, this gives one a licence to act as he likes. This theory of ethics is an offspring of his theory of destiny. It is at present not our concern to see how ugly this theory of ethics is from the standpoint of society, politics or religion.
VIII.-Theory of Eight Finals Now I am coming to his Theory of Eight Finals which are : (1) Final Drink, (2) Final Song, (3) Final Dance, (4) Final Respect, (5) Final Tempest, (6) Final Elephant named Secanaka of King Śreņika, (7) Final War named Mahāgilāka taka Sangrāma and (8) Gośālaka-the Final Tirthamkara of this aeon of decrease. These eight conceptions are styled Final by him because each of them he believes to be a thing par excellence. It is a standard, a type by itself. The first four and the last one refer to him while the remaining three to other things. Secanaka elephant of king

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Sreņika was perhaps a superb elephant of its kind. This as well as the tempest and the war that took place in Gośālaka's days were perhaps historical. The elephant seems to have proved an apple of discord and a cause for war between Kuņika, 88. the eldest son of Sreņika, and Cetaka who took the side of two younger sons. In this war large stones were made use of as weapons as the names suggests. Reference to these two Finals clearly indicates that Gośālaka either died after the occurrence of these events or at the most was a contemporary of Sreņika, Kupika, Mahavira and Cetaka. HOERNLE fixes 484 B.C.25 as the date of Mahavira's nirvana ( while Muni KALYANAVIJAYJI has proved the traditional date to be true86, and according to the Bhagavatisūtra, Gośālaka died sixteen years before Mahāvira, that is to say, before about 500 B.C.
When Gojālaka discharged the heating power against Malāvira, it was made to re-enter Gośālaka's body.- its original habitat-by the cooling power of Mahavira. This re-entry of his own force effected by the opposite force started burning sensation in Gošalaka's body, to be relieved from which he resorted to various irreligious and objectionable means such as drinking with the result that he sang and danced like a mad man. Or it may be that Mahavira's exposing him turned him mad and out of madness he resorted to these foolish praotices. Curiously enough he repeatedly paid his respects by folding his hands to Halabala who was his pupil and a follower. These things done even by an ordinary man would have betrayed him to be a mad man; what to talk of Gošalaka, then, who was one of the shrewd and formidable opponents of Mahavira ? These things thus had all the fear and disadvantage of being misinterpreted. More over, it was also not the case that this escaped the notice of Gogalaka who was all the more in a hurry to hide the real motive behind these things and to pass them as religious excellences. Gośālaka has tried, though feebly, to furnish religious background and to give religious interpretation to his conduct which was doubtlessly and definitely despicable,
The term carama literally means 'final', 'last' and is applied to a thing which is topping all other things of its kind. Thus the drink he drank, the song he sang, the dance he danced and the respects he gave to Halāhala were all final, superb, he meant to say. No one has performed and shall ever perform such things. They are the standard things or spontaneous conduct of an inspired spiritual leader. They are innocent practices of the last Tirthamkara of this aeon of decrease. He has asserted his being the last Tirthamkara as the last of the eight finals. Most skilfully and indirectly he preache that no one should perform such things for the simple reason that these are finals and were destined as such to be performed only by him. Thus while justifying his breach of gentlemanly conduct, he keeps no room in his system for such a disgraceful demeanour. Really speaking he drank to cool the hot sensation and he knew it, but he justified it on the ground that such a conduct was inevitable in the case of the last Tirthamkasa who he was. To sum up, what he means to say is that what he did was natural and predestined but at the same time was final. He includes in these Eight Finals the Secanaka elephant, th: Stone War and the Tempest simply to secure public

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confidence which the historical events only are entitled to inspire. Historical events are hard facts which cannot be denied and thus by denying the five unhistorical finals ho will have to deny the three historical finals also which no sane man can ever afford to do because all the eight things as finals have an equal claim to belief and recognition. This theory of eight finals has no philosophical, ethical, theological or spiritual significance. It has a historical colour inasmuch as those three historical things are concerned, and it has no meaning beyond it. Remaining five things are the worthless inventions of Gośalaka's brain and therefore it should not engage our attention any more seriously. Instead of revealing his so-called noble motive in fahricating such an absurd theory, it brings in the forefront his lack of character. I am now coming to his Theory of Six Abhijātis.
IX - Theory of Six Abhi jātis Abhi jati is a technical term meaning a soul-characteristic which distinguishes a man from a man. Description of this theory is not to be found in Jaina literature but its underlying idea is gathered from the Buddhistic works. According to it the whole mankind is divided into six groups and every man of the world must belong to one group or the other. The following is a description of this doctrine of Gośālaka according to Bud haghosha who quotes it in his commentary on Dighanikāya from Angulfarrnikayas in which Purana Kassapa, a contemporary of Buddha, outlines a sketch of six Abhi jātis. This sketch is as follows :
(1) Krsnabhijati : This characterizes the people doing evildeeds such as fishermen, hunters and others of the kind.
(2) Nilabhi jāti: This characterizes the monks who use the four pratyayas after putting thorns in them.
(3) Lohitabhijati : This characterizes the monks who wear only one cloth, such as the pupils of Mahāvīra.
(4) Horidrabhi jati : This consists of the Ajivika Jaymen and lay women who put on clean garments.
(5) Suklābhijati : This consists of the Ājivjka monks and nuns.
(6) Poramasuklabhi jati : This consists of Nanda Vaccha, Kisa Samkicca and Makkhali Gośālaka.
It is quite apparent that this division has been based on the deeds one does and on the merits one has got. In the Jaina literature we find a similar description of the Jain doctrine of Lesjas29 which, though agreeing in substance and form with the theory of six Abhi jõtis, is finer and more thorough going than this. This fact led JACOBI and BARUA3° to hypothesize that Mahāvira borrowed this doctrine of Leśyas from Gośālaka. This hypothesis is not well founded as will be seen from the following lines :
From his theory of six Abhi jätis one can see how bigoted and self-centred AS-3

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Gosalaka was. The fourth and the fifth Abhijatis have been exclusively reserved fort he followers of his creed and the last for himself, Nanda Vaccha and Kisa Samkicea. He seems to have thought that he has hereby increased the value and the excellence of his creed while the real state of affairs is just the reverse. In the first Abhijāti he has given (though crudely) the characteristic and an example while in the remaining five we miss the characteristics of all. It is possible to assume, looking to the incom. plete nature of the literature of the Ajivika school, that he might have given the characteristics of other Abhijatis as well He preferred to give the incomplete nature. of his own pupils rather than those of others The Jaina doctrine of six Lesyās as preached by Mahavira gave merely characteristics and those who had particular characteristics belonged to a particular Leiya without any distincition of cast, colour or creed. The Jaina dectrine of Lelyas has really much in common with Golaka's theory of Abhijatis but it is hazardous to conclude only on this ground in the absence of any positive proof that Mahavira borrowed his doctrine of Leiyas from Gojalaka. As we are not at present in possession of the entire literature of the Ajivika school we cannot say which of the two doctrines was earlier and who borrowed from whom. It might be that they both would have independently based their theories on the traditions inherited by them.
18
X-Theory of Eight Life-stages
The sketch of this theory of eight life-stages is drawn according to the Buddhistic literature because no reference to this also is to be found in the Jaina literature. Athapürisabhumi31 is the only phrase found in the original texts; it is insufficient by itself and for a detailed view we have again to depend on Buddhaghosha, the Atharathakara. Shri KARAGA HALA differing from Buddhaghosha offers a new explanation, while arguing that this division of life into eight stages appertains exclusively to the spiritual life as a whole. I think, no serious consideration should be given to such at trivial matter. It does not make any material change in our estimate of Gogalaka's outlook on life in general. We also have no reason to doubt the authority of so great a scholar as Buddhaghosha even though Shri KARAGATHALA's interpretation may appear more attractive for the time being. Such a division of a man's life has been attempted by poets and philosophers of all times and climes.
XI-Character of the Avikas
The Ajivikas passed urine and motion standing, 88 ate and drank standing. Instead of washing the hands, they cleaned them by licking. They did not accept aims from those who invited them or requested them to sit. Nor did they receive alms which were specially prepared for them. They never accepted invitation. And they did not receive aims from a woman feeding or nursing the babe as well as from a pregnant woman. The Ajivikas did not accept wine or meat or articles from the feast. They lived and moved naked. Some of them ate as much as a morsel or two or at the most seven. Some of them begged only from one house or at the most seven houses.
And there were some who
ate only on alternate days.

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There is also a mention to the effect that these Ajivikas who practised penance outwardly, took dainty dishes privately and this accounted for their being fat. 34
19
In the Aupapatikasutra it is mentioned that some Ajivikas go to beg alms leaving two houses, three houses or at the most seven houses by turn
In the Thanahgastras we come across a reference to the austerities practised by the Ajivikas. They were of four types: (1) uggatopa (2) ghorotapa (3) rasanijjuhaṇată and (4) jibbhindiya padisomlinara.
In the Majjhimanikaya, it is stated by Ananda a pupil of the Buddha, to Sandaka that there are two types of Acaryas leading unchaste life. Gośalaka represents the first type and Mahavira, the second 38 So far as the latter is concerned, the statement is full of sectarian hatred. Mahavira is taken by one and all, I need hardly stress this fact, an incarnation of chastity and religiosity.
The Buddha has also said that there is none more sinful than one who has a false vision and amongst such people Moghopurua (deceptive, cunning) Go!aka was the foremost. 39
In the Praśnavyakaraṇa, Mahavira considers the Niyativada as a false school of thought. We can take this as a reflection on Gojalaka who, according to the Jaina literature, is considered to be a father of this school of thought.
In the Aguttaranikaya, 1 the Buddha has illustrated his estimate of Gojalaka's school by an example of a blanket. He says there that the school of Gogalaka is as worthless as a blanket made up of coarse and pricky hair is among all types of cloth.
In the Samyuttanikaya, 42 Sahalı speaks about Gojalaka before the Buddha that Gośalaka does not prefer penance to quarrelsome talks and to censurable deeds. We should take this statement of Sahali at a discount because one would have expected it to be full of praise, Sahal, being a staunch follower of Goalaka.
In the Satrakṛtonga, there is a dialogue between Ardraka and Gojalaka, in which the latter says to the former that moving alone, cold water, food full of seeds and even the enjoyment of a woman were not at all prohibited for a monk.
In the midst of all these contradictory references there is preserved in the Majjnimanikaya a very curious mention that the Ajivikas remain as sons with those women whose sons are dead. They accept the leadership only of Nanda Vaccha, Kisa Samkicca and Makkhali Gogalaka; and they praise themselves while censuring others. This reference is very significant on account of its sure indication to their characterlessness and unchastity as also a reference to Gosalaka's residence with Hälahala.
As the records of the Ajivika school are not preserved, we have solely to depend for our knowledge about them on the references found in the Jaina and the Buddhistic literatures. From the foregoing quotations it is quite clear that they lived naked and knew no ranners. They practised penance to impress the public and trade on their credulity. Had self-mortification through penance been their goal, they would not have preferred to eat privately. Satyaka's statement that they ate dainty dishes.

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in private lends full support to my inference. It was an age of penance and noninjury. Self-mortification was preached with vigour and vehemence. In sich an atmosphere it was suicidal for the Ajivika school to give free reinst the cravings of the flesh. So they also like all other rival schools, made room for austerities but not with sincerity. Self-torture cannot be a real aim in the case of those who were wedded to the principle of divine dispensation. This also proves that they were past masters in the art of dissimulation. Moreover, when they practised it with one sincerity, they did it with a view to achieving divine powers which were used to inspire awe in the public and to draw it towards them. Eating sumptuous Jinners made them fat and sharpened their sexual appetite which they perhaps satisfied in any manner they liked. They even went to the length of staying as their sons in company with sonless women offering services in the form of consolation in times of their adversity. Hereby they could get the best opportunity to preach to them the cardinal principles of the school of destiny and to cultivate a genuin: liking for that. This somewhat accounts for the fact that Gośālaka had a large following. 45
It also makes me suspect that at the same time this provided ample scope and convenience to satisfy their sexual hunger. In all tiines and climes wonin has plaid a really solid though imperceptible part in shaping the course of a man's career. Their company is an oasis in the desert of life. It provides solace to a solitary man in times of adversity and adds flavour to happiness. The practical and cunning Ajivikas were fully conscious of the efficacy and the influence of woman. Thus while accepting to offer honorary services they reaped all the advantages of a married life without incurring any responsibility of a house-holder. For his propaganda Gośālaka preferied woman to man. His headquarters in the shop of Ha āhala a pottress in Savatthi pr.). vide a telling instance. My conclusions regarding the empiovinent of a wonan for propaganda purposes have a support from Gośālaka himself who says to Ardraka to the effect that cold water and the company of a woman are allowed to a monk moving alone.
It is a fact that the Ajivikas did not urink wine and did not eat meat. It is quite natural that these people would have gone to that length but they did not do so as their prohibition was specially laid down by Gośālaka himself whom they dared not disobey, though we know that he himself drank and danced. In order to justify this inconsistency and contradiction between his word and deed, he pleaded that it was destined in the case of the last Tirthamkara of this aeon of decrease but no one else should practise it. They could have drunk and justified their conduct on the grounds of predestination but Göğālaka's hold on them was so firm and fast that they could not go against his wish:s al inju ictis. Drinking wins and eating mat must have been looked down upon ai the evils of society in those days and therefore Gosalaka must have prohibited their use as a matter of policy. I purposely use the words as a matter of policy" because for a fatalist anything and everything is allowed as a policy. To enlist public sympathcy, Gosglaka could not have afforded to close his eyes against

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Ajivika sect-a new Interpretation
21
the prevailing customs and conventions of that day. These Ājivikas were undoubtedly very sharp--witted as is seen from the repeated warnings sounded by the Buddha against Moghapurusa Gośālaka who was really a wizard.
Instead of remaining dependent on the society at large, the Ajivikas tnok up a certain profession and maintained themselves therefrom. These professions such as showing pictures, astrology etc. were not necessarily ignoble but they were positively and comparativley less worthy from society's point of view. Ajivikas mastered those secular sciences, and statements indicating that they knew (especially Gošā!aka) Asfatgapimitta are not wanting. 46 Three leaders of the Ajivika school are more known to us. They are Nanda Vaccha, Kisa Sainkicca and Makkhali Gośālaka. Nothing except the names of the first two is known According to me the Jaina and Buddhistic references to Ajivika school point only to the Ajivika school headed and led by Gosālaka and not by the first two As I have made clear in the beginning of this essay these three were contemporaries. There must then be some subtle differences between these three schools of the Ajivika sect. The schools of the first two Acaryas were of minor importance. So a reference to the Ājivika school is a reference to Gośālaka's Ajivika school and not to a school of any of the first two Just as there are various schools of Vedānta but să i kars Vedanta is the standard, so also there are various schools of the Ajivika sect but Gośālaka's Ajivika school is a standard representative.
It seems these Ajivika; came later on to be identified with the Digambaras, as is seen in silārkācārya's commentary on the Sūtrakrtānga. 47 For my part I am very reluctant to agree with Siānka as th:re is essentiai doctrinal difference between these two schools of thought.
We have no knowledge of the order of the Ājivika church as we have of the Jaina church. Also we are not in a position to say whether there were any nuns in that school. There were no doubt infiuential upăsakas as Saddālaputta and upasikas such as Hālāhala. We have no baasis to make any statement regarding their dwelling places, like the modern upāśrayas, to hou e the Ajivika monks. But with all that they had their headquarters in all the wellknown cities such as Hālāhala's shop at Savatthi.
The Ajivikas continued to exist in the days of Asoka and his successors, 4 * Dasharatha, a grandson of Asoka, had granted caves in the Nāgārjuna hillst 9 to the Ajavik 13. All these evi le ncs show that the sect was als) reip.cted even by the kings
XII-Summary (1) It is very significant that the Buddhistic Literature almost exclusively uses the phrase Makkhali Gošalaka while in the Jaina Literature we find the phrase Mankhaliputra Gośālaka used for the same. Buddhighsha's explanation of the term Makkhali is more or less of a legendary character rather than philological. So also the Jaina tradition has no support from any well-known, authoritative Sanskrit dictionary. Moreover, in Jaina Literature there is a wide difference of opinion among

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Some Aspects of Indian Culture
the commentators themselves, na nely, Abhayadeva, 50 Hemacandra51 and others, regard. ing the meaning of Mankhali. Under such circumstances the derivation of the word Mankha from the Skt. word 52 arrived at by Hoernle appears to me more appealing. There was, as he says, on the authority of Panini, Patanjali, Varahamihir and Bhattotpala (the last depending on the Pkt. gatha of one Kalakacarya) a organized sect of monks who carried a bamboo-staff with them. So originally they would have got their name from this symbol but as time went on they would have either dropped the system of carrying it in their hands or some other stronger symbol (e.g. one of employing specific means to maintain) in the form of showing pictures would have superseded the former. The Jaina commentators have a mess here that they identified the practice of showing pictures with the word Maikhali and thus tried to deduce the original meaning of the word Mankha from the profession of showing the pictures which they all followed alike. So my interpretation is that Gojalaka belonged to a sect of Ajivikas whose prototypes were the original Ekadandins And, as is quite possible in the history of names, these Ekadanḍins came later on to be called Ajivikas because they adopted certain specific means to eke out their livelihood. Gosǎlaka who was the prominent leader and a vehement propagandist of the Ajrvika school was thus identified with the class (fa) and came to be known as Mankhaliputra just as Mahavira who is also ideatified with his and is equally known as ga. So this explanation is quite plausible because it reasonably reconciles both the traditions the Jaina and the Buddhistic.
(2) The Jaina account which accepts Gojalaka only as the acknowledged founder of the Ajivika sect is not tenable because a statement to the effect that the Ajivikas53 outnumbered the followers of a well-honoured spiritual leader like Mahavira, and another statement in the Budhistic canonical works to the effect that there were other leaders of the Ajivika sect, namely Nanda Vaccha and Kisa Samkicca, indicate that there existed this very sect though under a different name as that of Ekadanḍins in Pre-Buddhistic days. Moreover, it can be argued that it would have taken at least some centuries to gain so much popularity as it did in the days of Mahavira.
(3) An attempt to connect the Ekadaṇḍins or the prototypes of the Ajivikas with the Jaina monks of Parsvanatha's times as well as an attempt to trace the origin of the Digambara sect to that of the Ajivikas of Mahavira's times just as was done by HOERNLES4 is bound to meet with our disapproval because the fundamental doctrines of the Ajivika sect are so much diametrically opposed to those of the Jaina school of Parsvanatha's times and also to those of the Digambara Jaina school that such a comparison seems to be ridiculous. There is no doubt similarity between them bat such similarities are found as a matter of fact between several sects. No doubt Dr. HOERNLE has a solid support, in this connection, of no less renowned commentator as Silaak 1,55 and also of Halayadha.56 Halayudha of course has evidently depended on Silanka who is somewhat inconsistent..

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Ajivika sect-a new interpretation
XIII-Interpretation Thus there was, in Pre-Buddhistic days, a well--formed sect of the Ājivikas who were known as Maskarins or Ekadaņdins. They carried a bamboostaff as their symbol. These Ekadandins might have received a designation of the Ajivikas in the days of Buddha and Mahavira probably because they employed some specific means such as showing pictures etc. to maintain themselves as the word à jiva shows. Gogalaka was a vigorous exponent of this school as als, Nanda Vaccha and Kisa Saṁkicca who represented some sub-varieties of this school. It was based on a lower form of asceticism which was not an end in itself but rather a means. In other words, they turned asceticism into an earning factor. Gośālaka made friendship with Mahāvira with an evil motive of learning the secret and the art of capturing the mass mind. And he took no time in severing his connection with Mahävira when the former was exposed by the latter. He changed his creed off and on so as to mcet the pressing needs of his times There are statements to show that they practised penance, observed fast while they ate in private. Gośāloka might have gone to the length of even establishing sexual contact with women and in some form or the other he preached it also. The Ajivikas practised different popular tricks, such as magic and fortunetelling, to gain footing in the hearts of people. In a nutshell, they wanted to make capital out of asceticism and leave everything to fate. It is true that they could manage, in the way, to get as large a following as any of the contemporaneous sects but it is a recognized truth that it is quality, not quantity, which can perpetuate a particular creed. The sect had very influential upāsakas in the persons of Saddālaputta, Panduputta and Upaka, and upásikā Hālāhala. A question, then, naturally, arises as to why such a popular sect turned out so short-lived. The answer is not very far to seek. The Ajivika sect had nothing of some such thing as a coherent philosophy nor did it give any spiritual recipe to the sufering humanity. It provided only a fleeting temptation to credulous people who always have a leaning towards secular seiences such as magic, astrology, sorcery, omens and portents. These no doubt fell victims to machinations, manoeuvres and manipulations of a scheming man like Gośālaka. But they were disillusioned also within a very short period. His Niyativāda was a double-edged weapon which cut anyway it liked but that also did not serve him long as it was rendered blunt by Mahāvia's bold and spirited exposure of Gošālaka. It was the very height of absurdity and inconsistency when he applied the principle of transformation to himself and said that he was not Gośālaka but Udáyi Kundiyāyapiya in the dead body of Gośälaka. The public took resentment at this shamefast nature of Gośājaka and refused to be further exploited. It changed its course in the opposite direction and assembled under the banner of Jainism and Buadhism. Thus there came a tide in the affairs of the Ajivika school which did not see again the palmy days. And Gośālaka who elevated it eventually ended it. He invented all the theories according to the changing needs. The theory to which he firmly adhered till the last breath of his life was Niyativada. With respect

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Some Aspects of Indian Culture to all other theories he was himself a law-giver and a law-breaker. His Theory of World and Emancipation is a stereotyped one that can neither be proved disproved, His Theory of Transformation is so illogical and ridiculous that it does. not deserve even the name of a theory. He started a Theory of Eight Finals just to justify his misdemeanour in old age and to shield his moral lapses. His Theory of Eight Life-stages is more or less a common property owned by all literatures. His Theory of Six Abhijatis-the origin, according to JACOBI, of the Jaina doctrine of six lepas is. an elaboration of the Triguna theory of the Samikhyas So the theory which was the backbone of the Ajivlka school was the Theory of Fatalism which is in some form or the other a lower form of asceticism that advocated a life of stagnation and shut the doors to free will. Therefore we are quite justified in saying that the Ajvika school was not at all a major school of philosophy and the attempt to consider its points of similarity and dissimilarity with the well-conc eved systems like the Jaina. and the Buddhist schools is not worthwhile I repeat, once more, in conclusion that the Ajivika sect, of which the Pre-Paninian Ekadanḍins are the prototypes, is in its turn the original pattern of the present day Jatis, Bavas, Bhuvas and Garodas. Regular references to Ajivikas are found as follow:
(1) Ekadadins of Pre-Paninian days (2) Ajvikas of Mahavira's times; (3) reference to Ajivikas in Berbar Rock Inscriptions of 251. B.C.; (4) reference to Ajtvikas in the seventh Pillar-edict of Aska (236 B.C.)5 (5) reference to Ajvikas in the Brhajjarakas and Lighujataka59 of Varshamihira (550 A.D.); (6) Silanka's reference to Ajivikas in the 9th century A.D in his commentary of the Sütrakṛtangu; (7) Halayudha's Ratnamalaso refers to Ajivikas (10th century AD); and (8) South Indian Inscriptions of the 13th century refer to Ajivikas.61
After this there is no authentic reference to the Ajivikas, and this points to the fact that they became quite disorganized, followed and practised whatever they like.. There was no common tie which could unite them under a common leadership and thus they vanished after thirteenth century leaving as the remnan tthe modern vagrant, gypsy-liks, no nali: Biva, Bhavas. Jatis and Garodas
Foot-notes
1 ERE., Vol. I. p. 259.
2 Aup apitika, p. 101 -The references to the Jaina canonical works are to the Agamodaya Samiti editions, and to the Pali text society editions in the case of the Buddhist canonical works. Sthananga, 2; 4; p. 233; p. 310.
3 Majjhimanikaya. I, 36; p. 238; II, 26; p. 524.
4 Pre-Buddhistic Indian Philosophy, p. 302.
5 Trisas tisalakāpuruşacarita (Trans.) p. 161.
6 Majjhimanikaya, II, 26; p. 524. Vinayapitaka (OLDENBERG), Culavagga, V, 23, 3; Pacittiya in Suttavibhanga, 41, 1, Sthananga, loc. cit.

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Ajivika sect-a new interpretation
7 Maijhimanikaya, loc. cit., Sthānanga, loc. cit. 8 Bhagavuti sutra, Sataka 15. pp. 660-695. 9 Bhagavati sūtra, Sataka 15, pp. 660-695. 10 Upāsakadasinga, chap. 6 11 Op cit, chap. 7. 12 Sūtrakrtinga, 1, 1, 1; pp. 287-298. 13 Cf. There's a divinity that shapes our ends:
Ronigh hew them how we will" Hamlet, 5; 2, 14 Prasnav vākaranasi tra, I, 2. p. 28. 15 Sutrakitanga, I, 1, 2. 16 Bhagavati satra, śataka 15, p. 673. 17 Dighanikaya samaññaphalasutta' 18 Jaina Prakāka, Utthana, Malāviränka, (v. s. 1990). p. 82. 19 Bhagavati sūtra, śataka 15, p. 673. 20 Jaina Prakisa, Utthana, Mahiviranka. (V.S.1990), p. 82 21 Cf. Upāsakadasanga, Chaps, 6 and 7: Dighanikaya. Samannaphalasutta. 22 Bhagavati sūtra, Sataka 15, p. 680 23 Niray.ivalião, p. 5. 24 Op. cit., loc. cit. 25 ERE, Vol. I, pp. 259 ff. 26 Mahavira Nirvana Sa nvat aur Jaina Kalagarană, publishet hy Nagari Pracariņi Sabha. 27 Sumangala Vilasini, I, P 162 28 Arguttaranikava, III. p. 383. 29 Uttaradhyayanasitra, 34, pp. 572 ff: JACOBI, SBE, Vol. 45, P. 196. 30 Jaina Prakasa. Unthina, Mahiviränka, (V. S. 1)))) p. 90. 31 Op. cit. p. 94. 32 Op. cit., loc. cit. 33 Majjhimanikava, 1 36; p. 238. 34 Aupapatikasitra, p. 104. 35 Majjhimanikaya, 1, 36; p. 238 36 Aupapātikasūtra, p. 104. This is Abhayadeva's interpretation of the phrases dugharantarivä,
tigharantariyū and sattagharantarivä, etc. occurrtng there. 37 Sthänānga, 4-2-310; p. 233. 38 Majjhimanika va, II, 26; pp. 514ff 39 Anguitaranikāya, 1: p. 33. 40 Prasnayyakararasitra, p. 28 41 Anguftaranikaya, III, 13.3. p. 286. 42 Sannuttanikaya, II, 3, 10; p. 66. 43 Sūtrakrtana, II, 6; p. 391,
AS-4

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41 Majjhimanikāya, II, 26; p. 524 45 Cambridge History of India, Vol. I, p. 161. 46 Trişastisalāk ipuruşacarita (Trans.), P, 161. 47 JACOBI, SBE., Vol. 4, p. 267. 48 Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, Vol. I, pp. 181 f. 49 Op. cit., pp. 103 f. and pp. 134 ff. 50 See Abhayadeva's commentary on the Bhagavati si tra, Sataka 15. 51 The word means a pipe also. See S. P. CHATURVEDI'S article "Panini's vocabulary-its
bearing on his date", on p. 50 in the Woolner Commemoration Volume, Lahore, 1940. 53 Cambridge History of india, Vol. I, p. 162, 54 ERE, Vol. loc. cit. 55 Jacobi, SBE., Vol. 45, p. 267. 56 Abhidhānaratnamālā, 2, 189-90. 57 Indian Antiquary, 20, 361 ff. 58 Brhajjātaka, 15, 1. 59 Laghujātaka 9, 12. 60 Abhidhanaratnamālī, loc. cit. 51 South Indian Inscription (Archaeological Survey of India). 2, 88, 89, 92, 103.

Page #36

MAHĀVĪRA *
The sixth century B.C. is one of the most eventful periods in history. It was characterised by mental stir and spiritual urge of an unusual nature. New exp. eriments were tried and values reassessed. People longed for new light.
India, at this time, was passing through a period of transition and uncertainty. The superiority of one class over the other was questioned and exploitation had become unbearable. It was in this atmosphere that Mahāvira, the twenty-fourth and the last Tirthankara, appeared on the scene.
His birthplace was Kundagrāma, prosperous suburb of Vaiśāli, somewhere about twenty-five miles north of modern Patna. It was the principal centre of the Ksatriyas called Jõātrikas, Nayas or Nätas and was something of an oligarchic republic ruled over by Mahavira's father, Siddhartha. He belonged to Käsyapa gotra and his mother's name was Trišala, a sister of Cetaka, a most powerful ruler of Videha, who had both Licchavis and Mallas always at his beck and call.
Mahavira was born on the 13th of the bright half of Caitra in the year 599 BC. His coming into the world was hailed with great rejoicings by the members of his family and the people of the city; every house in every street was beautifully decorated and illuminated, befitting the occasion. He is sometimes referred to in the Jaina canon and renembered by the Jainas as Videha, the son of Videhadattā; as Vaisalya, a citizen of Vaigali, as Kāģyapa, one belonging to the Kāģyapa gotra: as Arhat, Arihanta, Aruhanta and also sometimes as Buddha.
Truly speaking, Mahāvira is an appellation which gods gave him as he annihilated. in the manner of a formidable fighter, quite a big army of Karmas, with the eversharp weapon of Tapas when he was a monk. His real name is Vardhamana which is significant in the sense that the prosperity and popularity of the father increased after his birth
The Buddhists and his other contemporaries also on the other hand, refer to him in their works more often as Nigantha Nataputta. There is a host of other names such as Sanmati, etc., given to him, but he is most commonly known as Mahavira and we shall refer to him as such in this article.
The facts of his early life as collected from early works are not many. No complete picture of his boyhood emerges from these. For detailed information, one, • Published in the Pageant of Great Lives", Series I, Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan, Bombay-7; 1964.

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therefore, has to rely on later accounts which are intermixed with miracles and myths. Here is an illustration to show his bold and brave nature
“Vardhamāna was once upon a time playing in his father's garden in the company of his friends. He saw an infuriated elephant running amok in the crowd and rushing towards them. His friends were afraid of the impending danger and they fled away leaving him all alone. Immediately deciding to face the mad clephant with calmness and courage, he made a dash towards it, caught hold of the clc. phant 's trunk and climbed straightaway on its back.”
Mahavira had a sound physique. His limbs were all perfect and proportionate. Strength appeared as if overfiownig froni them and he was equally strong in mind, heart and soul too. He was brought up in a royal atmosphere and learnt all the arts and sciences worth knowing. It is clear that he had made up his mind from his very childhood to humanise the society and to so orientate the religious teaching as to wipe out inequality, exploitation, autocracy and injustice, especially in the social and religious domains. His religious crusade against the tyranny of the socalled self-appointed custodians was exclusively based on the principles of Jainism which he ably expounded and interpreted to the people of his time
Mere preaching without practice was hypocrisy, he thought, and therefore, he wanted to renounce the world in the prime of life, but his parents desired to scc their son live a normal life and arranged Mahavira's marriage, which was ultimately solemnized. In this matter Mahāvira respected the w shes of his parents, although his heart was not in it. Yasodā was the name of his wife and in cou se of time, Priyadarśanā, a daughter, was born to them. Out of sheer regard for his parents, Mahāvira gave an assurance that he would not renounce the world so long as they were alive.
In his twenty-eighth year, when his parents died, he informed his elder bro. ther, Nandivardhana, of his original desire, but the latter prevailed upon him to postpone his renunciation in view of the bereavement caused by the death of their parents. Mahāvira yielded and put off his departure by two years more.
Mahavira ultimately threw off the worldly shackles at the age of thirty and started his religious career as a homeless monk, fully convinced of the ephemeral nature of all that was going on around him and fired by a zeal in quest of the Supreme Truth. This great event is vividly and touchingly described in the Kalpasutra.
Mahāvira destined to be the Tirthankara was gifted from his very birth with three kinds of knowledge technically called Mati, śruta and Avadhi and got the fourth one called Manahparyava on the eve of his renunciation. Only the Suprei e Knowledge--all-comprehensive knowledge-the fifth and last, technically called Kevala, now remained to be obtained by him, and this he did by leading an ascetic life for twelve years or so.

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Mahāvira
He went about stark naked and did not even keep such a trifling possession as a bowl for collecting food and preferred to eat in the hollow of his palms. He took no notice that there was something like a body. Insects and worms crawled and crept on his body and gnats and mosquitoes and bees and wasps bit him and stung him People got shocked at his unusually uncouth apperance and they drove him away, beating him with stones and sticks. For days and nights, sometimes for months together, he would remain in silent meditation, starving his body but feas ting his soul, exposing himself to cold and heat and rains. He talked to none, gave no interviews and dropped all sorts of formalities.
29
Absolute selfcontrol of body, speech and mind is the essential part of his conception of Tapas. Mere restraint of the body or only outward austerities could not take one very far. If one wanted to work out a complete annihilation of Karmic forces, the surest and quickest method was to practise the three-fold restraint of body, speech and mind. That is to say, it should be both outwards and inward. Thus the Tapas automatically came to be divided into fasting, absolute chastity, relentless meditation and the most rigid observance of the rules and regulations regarding eating, drinking, sitting, standing, sleeping, speaking.
The Acaränga Sutra has given a soul-stirring account of his Sadhana directed to the attainment of the goal.
Mahavira showed reverence to all forms of life which included among others, the carth-bodies, water-bodies, fire bodies, wind-bodies and the vegetable-bodies. He never accepted what was specially prepared for him. He was circumspect in walking. speaking, begging. placing and in attending to calls of nature. He was guarded in his activities of mind, speech and body He harboured no anger, no pride, no deceit and no greed. He bore no malice and showed no hatred. To none had he any feeling of attachment or aversion. He had no friends and no fees. He was equanimous to one and all. He wanted no support like the firmament and knew no obstacles like the wind. His heart was so clear as an autumnal night and as unaffected as a lotus-leaf. Controlled in senses like a tortoise, alone like a rhinoceros, free like a bird, valorous like an elephant, unassailable like a lion, steady as Meru and deep as ocean, he went through his life of Sadhana. He utilized every moment and every atom of his energy for spiritual advancement and progress. In the course of his travels, he visited many villages, towns and cities where he met many a hostile Parivrajaka who did everything to harass him, and also encountered untold suffering and unbearable persecution at the hands of tempter gods.
In his second rainy season which he spent at Nalanda, he met Gosalaka Makhaliputta who was attracted towards him with ulterior motives. Gośalaka found that Mahavira was popular among people and was practically revered by them. He nurtured an ambition that he too should be an equal to Mahavira, if not a superior. With a view to mastering the art of earning a name and fame, he associated with Mahavira who turned down more than once Gojalaka's respectful offer to be his

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pupil as he doubte!, and rightly too, his bonafides. Gośālaka, who was so thickskinned and practical that he swallowed this insult without a change of mien and stuck fast to Mahāvira as an upwanted associate, if not as a pupil.
Company with the great is never fruitless and Gośālaka did, indeed, learn some occult secrets such as those of fiery power (aaa ) and with the heip of these he impressed the masses and secured a following. He, later, picked up a quarrel with Mahāvira on a flimsy philosophical ground and parted company. He, then, turned out to be one of the greatest adversaries of Mahāvira and even went to the length of using the fiery power against Mahāvīra from whom he had managed to get the secret. He started a propaganda against Mahavira virulently and vehemently, used every means to defame him but ultimately to no avail as it is the Truth and only the Truth that wins in the long run.
When he was breathing his last, he confessed that it was Mahāvīra who was the real Jina and not he and he advised his pupils to believe in him, to accept him as a reliable religious leader and to respect him as such. Thus ended the tragic episode of Gośālakt bringing out in bold relief before the public the spiritual mettle of which Mahāvira was made.
After a strenuous, unparalleled, historical Sadhaa spread over twelve years, Mahāvira attained the unequalled Supreme Knowledge called Kevala on the tenth day of the bright half of the month of Vaigākha outside the city of Jşmbhikagrāma, in the field of Syāmāka under a Sāla tree, on the bank of the river Rjupalikā.
Thus at the age of forty-two he became a Jina who saw everything and knew everything.
After enlightenment, he felt he was justified in propagating the truth he knew. He travelled far and wide; came to villages, cities and towns, mixed and moved with all; preached simple truths in simple language, in a simple manner; held discussions and solved the doubts of all men, women and children, the wealthy and the poor, the educated and the illiterate.
Mahāvira, once came to know of a sacrifice, organized on a grand scale, by a certain Brāhmaṇa named Somilācārya. He rushed to the place and addressed the people who had gathered, enlightening them. While preaching the Gospel, unequivocally he declared that the road leading to final liberation consisted of Right VisioRight Knowledge and Right Character, expounded the principle of Ahimsa and descrbed the nature of the seven Tattvas. The result was that with so many others eleven Brahmin chiefs who had come there with bands of pupils became converts. These eleven chiefs later came to be known as Ganadharas who were heirs -apparent to the spiritual legacy of Mahāvira and whose contribution to the consolidation of Jainism is more valuable than that of any other disciples. Mahavira seized the opportunity and strengthened the position of the tourfold Order reinforcing it with these mass conversions, Mahāvīra's genius for organization was clearly evident. He was now at the zenith of his career as a prophet.

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Mahavira
Mahavira had a following in the princely order also. It is a historical truth that without a royal patronage, direct or indirect, propagation of any religion could not be as speedy and wide as expected, Mahavira had staunch followers in King Udayana, Dadhivabana, Šatanika, Capda Pradyota and Sreņika. In addition to these there were also others such as the Gaṇarājās of Kagi and Kosala, the nine Licchavis and Mallakis. Ten lay followers, no less important than the previous ones, mentioned above, have also been referred to in the Uvasagadasão. Klabhika, Campa, Kampilyapura, Rajagṛha, Śravasti, Vapijagrama are some of the many important places visited by Mahavira. In all of these cities, Mahavira had many devout disciples who had fabulous wealth, enjoyed high social status and were all pious-minded, and they did a great lot to propagate the Jaina religion, which found a ready acceptance among a large section of the people. Mahavira's personality evoked immediate response and respect in his disciples. They found in Mahavira a saviour who had a ready solution for their trials and tribulations, here and beyond. Mahavira's words had the force of law, and his character was irresistible. To his followers he was a beacon light, a sheet-anchor.
31
In the course of his career as an Enlightened Teacher, he passed the rainy seasons in many big cities such as Vaigali, Rajagirha, Pava, Mithila, Alabhika and Bhadrka, He passed his last rainy season at Pava where in the fourth month on the fifteenth day of the dark half of Karttika, in the last quarter of the night, in King Hastipala's office of the writers, the Enlightened Mahavira breathed his last. He got liberation, final bliss and beatitude. This took place in 527 B.C. at the age of seventytwo. This occasion was a matter for pride and honour for the eighteen chieftains of Kasi and Kogala, as also for the nine Mallakis and Licchavis who, as they all had undying devotion for the departed teacher, celebrated the historical event with bonfires and illuminations proclaiming The light of intelligence is gone and we are making an illumination with the material object. According to Jainas, the traces of the origin of the Divali celebrations are to be found here in this programme of illumination by the confederate kings and chieftains.
It is now an acknowledged fact of history that Buddha and Mahavira were contemporaries. Though they never met, they tried to understand each other's point of view and stated their dispassionate opinions before their respective followers, recluses, lay disciples and devotees.
The teachings of Mahavira can be compressed into three significant words, namely. Ahimsa, Karmavāda and Syädväda.
The Ahimsa of Mahavira comprehends Ahimsa in thought, word and action. It is not a negative principle as is sometimes erroneously believed by some. When we do not help a person when we can, it means Himsā. So it is not merely an abstention from injury but a rendering of active service to others, of course, with nonattachment. Though the aim and end of Jainism is consummation par excellence of one's own personality and thas is individualistic in approach, it does not alto

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Some Aspects of lodian Culture
gether exclude the objective side of ethics also, Such a formulation and application of the principle of Ahirsā has sure visible effects in other fields also. Kings who came under the influence of Jainism granted protection to different forms of life by law. It fostered vegetarianism and mitigated the rigour and ruthlessness of the criminal law, prescribing capital punishment for few crimes. To sum up, it contributed a great deal in its own way towards humanising the society. Jainism recog. nizes that Karma by itself and without the intervention of any outside agency, divine or mundane, is adequate to explain the whole world of experience and thus to throw on the inivdidual himself the whole burden of responsibility for what he thinks, speaks and does. The theory of Karma gives absolute religious independence and freedom to an individual. Nothing can interfere with his activities and it is, therefore, the doer who has solely to experience the result, good or bad. It thus saved the individual from being victimized by the autocratic and despotic sections of the society. Syādvada teaches one the art of looking at the other point of view. In Mahavira's day it removed unnecessary controversies, created an atmosphere of tolerance and gave an overall picture of the Supreme Truth.
Mahavira's contribution is distinctly this. He preached : all are potentially capa. ble of attaining perfection. No divine favour is required for this. One is solely responsible for what one does, speaks and thinks. Merit and not the birth is the deter. minant of his status in society. Inherent ability ani not the sex is the stand for admission into the Orber, Snorifice of the animal is to b: substituted by the sacrifice of the brute self, The means is not justified by the end; Mahāvira's Sangha was open to all, irrespective of cats, colour, and sec. Mortify the flesh to develop the Spirit,' he declared. He delivered his message in the tongue of the people. He att acked aristocratic aloofness and Mystifying secrecy of other thinkers of the day. In a nutshell Mahāvira undertook to work out and propagate a veritable spiritual democracy in the form of Jainism.

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THUS SPAKE MAHĀVĪRA
The sixth century B. C. is one of the most outstanding periods in the history of the whole world. It was marked by mental stir and spiratual urge everywhere. Socrates in Greece, Zoroster in Persia, and Confucious in China sparked a revolution in the thoughts of their countries. Mahavira and Buddha did the same thing in their lands of birth. The whole nation in the country was undergoing fundamental transformation. Arbitrary distinctions of caste were openly condemned by Mahāvira and Buddha who asserted that full scope should be given to all human beings to achieve pecce and progress. Admisson of women into their Sanghas followed as a corollary of this basic principle. People were fed up with the excessive devotion to the ritual as it deprived the religion of the element of real ethical values. Mahāvīra and Buddha vigorously voiced their protest against priestly oligarchy which exploited the people for its own ends in the name of chaotic and disturbing ritualism. Such a state of things in all the fields of human activities provided Mahāvira with an additional reason to spell out his message of deliverance with force and frankness. It was in the background of these circumstances that Mahavira, the last and twentyfourth Tirthamkara, who came on the scene fought with vision and vigour more than what Parsva, his predecessor, two hundred fifty years before bad displayed.
Jainism is as old as Time. It sometimes, receded in the background while at other times it occupied the vanguard. This depended on the situations and circumstances developing at particular times. The Tirthamkaras came and went according to the inaxorable law of Karman, of course, leaving the world better.
In the Jaina system the Cārvāka view that perception alone is the valid source of knowledge has no place. It takes perception, inference and testimony as valid. As a matter of fact, it is on the authority of the teachings of the omniscient liberated saints technically called the Jinas that one can have unerring knowledge about certain spiritual matters lying beyond the compass of human perception and reasoning. According to it there are as many souls as there are living bodies. Consciousness in all of them is of a varying degree. However developed the senses may be, the soul inhabiting the body has limited knowledge which becomes infinite with its innate power and happiness increased infinitefold, once the carmic barriers are removed. Liberation is, according to it, a final goal. It is the consummation, secured with the help of the simultaneous and full cultivation of right faith, right knowledge and right conduct. Jainism believes in godhead, though not in one single God. It has
Published in "Mahāvira And his Teachings” brought out by the Bhagvān Mahävira 2500th Nirvana Mahotsava Samiti, Bombay, 1977. AS-5

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34
Some Aspects of Indian Culture respect for all opinions as it believes in every object having infinite aspects. It is a kind of realism as it takes the external world to be real and is pluralistic in nature.
The teachings of Mahāvīra first transmitted in the form of a tradition which was later put into writing. The Angas constituting the canon are the only authoritative source containing them. Despite the occasional accretions, these Angas as also the Upangas present an essentially correct picture of what Mahavira thought, spoke and did.
The foundation on which Jaina Metaphysics rests is formed of nine categories such as Jiva and Ajiva, the subsequent sevan such as Punya, Papa etc. being included in the second, Ajiva. The soul in its pristine purity is possessed of infinite perception, infinite knowledge, infinte bliss and infinite power. Of Jiva, there are many divisions and subdivisions.
It is the union of Jiva with the matter which is responsible for his wanderings in this worldly cycle. Karma and its intensity are the determining factors of this union. It is formed of atomic particles which behave in such a way that every ehange which they undergo leaves and impress which itself becomes the germ of future action. When the soul is completely stripped of the Karmic bondage, it is restored to its original state which is one of eternal bliss and unending calm. This is called Siddhahood in Jaina terminology and it is attainable equally by the non-Jainas also if at all they have disciplined themselves in accordance with the injunctions laid down in Jaina śāstras. This type of catholicity is unparalled in the sense that it is found in no religious system anywhere.
Looking differently, Jainism is a system of ethics much more than a religion. It is characterized by the strictest discipline and severe austerity, not only for the monks and the nuns but also for the leity. To be called a true, bonafide Jaina, one must cultivate faith which should be total. If one has faith, every thing else will come in due course of time but if he has no faith, it is useless if he is Jaina in other respects. This accounts for the fact that Right Faith is the first of the three requisites required to lead one on to the final goal of emancipation,
Right conduct means, in addition to other drills and disciplines, the practising of the Five Vows which are Non-injury, Truth, Nos-tealing, Continence and Non-possessiveness. These vows are not the special features of Jainism only. They are enunciated and enjoined in other faiths also but the point is that their application according to Jainism has the utmost rigours and fine subtleties to be rarely found elsewhere. The way in which the principle of non-injury is elaborated in Jainism bears this out. Ahimsā does not merely mean Ahimsa in action. It means much more than this. It also includes Ahimsa in words and Ahimsa in thoughts even. There is a general misbelief that the Jaina principle of Ahimsā is a negative one. It is not so because it also implies that it is as good as injuring a person if he is not helped when we are in a position to do so but do not do so intentionally. Final aim of an individual being his own redemption, it is true that more accent is put in

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Thus spake Mahavira
Jainism on individualistic aspect than on the social, that is to say, the objective. Purity of mind more than anything else is the sine qua non of the Jaina ethics. Ascetic processes and procedures without it do not take one any further. One can reach it only through the gateway of self-control. Even-mindedness and maditation go hand in hand in Jainism. One is crippled without the other and is effective only when in company. Ethics and metaphysics are not completely divorced from each other in Jainiam as is the case with Hinduism. This is evidenced in the Jaina texts while discussing into details the rationale of Bandha (Bondage) and Moksa (Emancipation)-two of the nine categories referred to before. The anger, egoism, deceit and greed are the four cardinal sins ranking above all the vices in their harmfulness and horribleness. The strangeness about them all is that while committing the one, a person commits the other also automatically and immediately. A person falling and remaining for ever into the clutches of these four sins forfeits. once for all his right to heavens and to emancipation. The significantly moral character of the whole ethical code is clearly brought home when one remembers the fact that Mahavira ruled that both-ascetic and householder-should not only make a daily con ession of the acts of omissions and commissions but also should atone for them. One would be convinced of the hollowness of the argument contained in the accusation that Jainism is a negative creed, if at all he cares to go through a formidable list detailing the pious and positive social duties as part of Punya which one is called up on to perform without demur and deceit. One has to admit "Not in vain is practical ethics wedded to philosophical speculation in Jainism".
35
Five vows referred to above collectively constitute the ethical code of the Jainas. They contribute to the furtherance of the social uplift as much as they do individual's. As said before, the world consists of two kinds of reality, the living and the non-living. Every living being has a soul, however imperfect or insignificant, the body, its habitat may be. Avoidance of injury, even the least, plays, therefore, an important role in Jaina ethics. Ahimsa as enunciated and elaborated by Mahavira, comprehends Ahimsa in thought, word and action. The application of the principle of Ahimsa has sure, visible effects in other fields also. In non-technical language it also means the maximum kindness or reverance towards or for the animate world. Every living being has a sanctity, a dignity, a divinity of its own. Life is sacred, however big or small, a living may be socially or otherwise. Use of brute force implies a standing negation of the worth of personality as personality, the dignity of man. as man. We have witnessed this negation many a time during the last hundred years and it poses a formidable problem. Competition in armaments, secret diplomacy, aggressive nationalism, imperialism, exploitation and blackmailing, recial discrimation etc. etc. What are all these--if not various forms of the negation of principle of Ahimsa ? A tremandous effort, rational and moral is, therefore, needed to bring home to the world that a way out of the present turmoil and trouble leading to real peace and progress lies in installing the Jaina principle of non-injury, non-violence (Ahimsa) in place of violence (Hiths). The principle of non-injury also means that equal

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Some Aspects of Indion Culture
regard may be paid to the welfare and good of every single man, woman or child. In sum, the principle of Abimsā really implies that life should be elevated completely from the plane of force to that of reason and revarance, adjustment and accommodation, service and sacrifice. This can be achieved exclusively through the sincere and solid application of the principle of Abiṁsā, the cornerstone of Jainism, to all the fields of human activities. It should be noted that the principle of Truthfulness is inseparably linked up with the principle of non-injury, non-violence. Truth is the highest divinity and is of the ten types as stated in the Pannavana sutta. Violence begets fraud which is but another form of untruth. We say in our daily talk that truth only conquers. It is true when it means that truth prevails in the long run. But it is a wrong interpretation if it is meant to signify that truthfulness in thought, word and deed is a road to success. The path of truth is strewen with thorns, is beset with difficulties. It demands courage and conviction, stoicism and sacrifice. It is one thing to speak the truth in private but it is quite an another thing to say and stick to it in public. However ideals are ideals and they cannot be tempered with. Lofty aims are the wings of the soul aiding it to soar higher and higher. The wings, therefore, should never be clipped even partially. To those who argue that in a society which is permeated in and out with vice and wickedness, vile and violence, it is well nigh impossible to stick to truth, and therefore the society should be so organized as to facilitate the truth to prevail, it can be with equal force advanced that a society is made up of individuals and if these improve, the society is automatically improved. The principle of non-stealing is but another name of honesty. In Uttarajjhayana, the Lord had said “ To abstain from taking what is not given, even so much as a tooth-pick etc. and to accept only such alms as are free from all faults; this is a difficult vow (to observe)". If the conditions of right living are to be sustained, one has to see that one does not so enjoy the rights as to deprive the others of them. What is a right in regard to oneself is a duty in regard to others. Rights and duties are interdependent. They go hand in hand. If one adheres to this principle strictly and with sincerity, there will be no problem of plunder, or loot, or robbing. The fourth vow is named continence, another form of it being self-control which, like the pruning of a shrub, assists the beauty and flowering of the soul. One must grow in self-control. One must not suppress the instincts but sublimate them and this is what exactly results from the observance of celibacy or continence. Sublimation is the organic device of attaining self-control without disintegrating personality It renders possible the all-round organisation of self which is the mainstay of morality. Celibacy directs the flow of energies into specific channels and helps the person in continually recreating the moral order in which he has his being and in contributing immensely to the moral life of the society of which he is a part. Aparigraha is the last of the five vows. It means absence of acquisitiveness, or a state of Possessionlessness or stoicism. It enjoins on a person to exercise restraint on accumulation. An ideally religious man is totally devoid of a lust for hoarding. His wants are bare and his needs are few. This will save him from getting lost in the pursuit of material gain.

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Thus spake Mahavira
If this vow is observed in strict conformity with the scriptural injunctions it will halt that ruthless and lustful competition for wealth and property which is the curse of the present age and is responsible for its heinous crimes. The attitude of mind resulting from the observance of this vow is perhaps more required today than before. Expressed in slightly different terms, this vow may be described as the right sense of proportion, a perception of the true scale of values. It will be clear from the forgoing description that these vows are interdependent and supplementary. The application of one to human relationships leads necessarily to that of the others. But it must be said that priority goes to Ahimsā, non-injury or non-violence whatever you may call it. This is the very bedrock on which is erected the edifice of higher, nobler life. It is not mere humanitarianism but much more than that because it covers the entire sentient creation. Its comprehensiveness illustrStes that ethical life and it only is the very foundation of mental attitude, outlook and approach. Asteya (Non-stealing) and Aparigraha (Possessionlessness) also like Ahimsa, appear to be negative but they are really positive when applied. The five vows taken together constitute a single, whole conception of life, moral and spiritual.
Mahavira has put the same emphasis on the application of the principle of Ahimsă in regard to Mind as he did in regard to character. He achieved this through his enunciation of the principle of Anekānta or Syādvāda. Different kinds of immediate and mediate knowledge of objects prove only one thing that every object has innumerable aspects. Imperfect beings as we all are cannot comprehend an object in its totallity. Our view of it, therefore, is limited and we are wrong when we say that our view is full and final. This fact is very well brought home by a popular illustration of the blind men who formed their idea of an elephant by severally touching its legs, ears, tail and trunk. Each one of them claimed credibility for his idea and quarrelled when the claim was repudiated by the other. But they laughed over their own folly when every one realized that his knowledge was only of one of the many parts of the animal. This also applies to various systems of philosophy which are dogmatic in their assertions. This created bitterness amongst the followers of different philosophical schools. They never saw eye to eye on many a point and this hostility created factions in society. Seeing that this also is a type of violence in the realm of thought, Mahāvīra advanced his theory of Menifoldness of Aspects, techincally called Syādvāda, and silenced zealots of one school or the other. “Truth, he said, and meant, is not anybody's monopoly with tariff walls of denominational religions". This was the greatest contribution of Mahāvira so far as the mental plane of speculation is concerned alongside his principle of Ahimsā which has done so much as nothing else has done to raise the standard of dignity of every being under the sun, howsoever small and insignificant. This catholicity of outlook is the very soul of Jainism. It harmonises all conflicting interests, sees unity in diversity, rejects absolute arbitrary claims and knits into one whole the seemingly contradictory doctrines. It is, indeed, a way of life aiming at democratization of the processes of thought, word, and act. The fact that

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Some Aspects of Indian Culture
Mahāvira spoke in the tongue of the people is another example proving that he championed the cause of the masses against the totalitarian trends of the society. He spared nothing to take out the wind out of the sails of monopolistic tendencies of the elite.
Jainism as professed and practised by Mahāvira recognized that Karma by itself and without the intervention of any outside agency, divine or mundane, is adequate to explain the whole world of experience. It throws on the individual himself the whole burden of responsibility for what he thinks, speaks and does. He is thus the architect of his own fortune and needs not wait for God's mercy. This Jaina theory of Karma gives unqualified religious independence and freedom to an individual. It also saves the individual from being victimized by the autocratic and despotic sections of the society. It is only merit that counts and not the artificial status symbols based on arbitrary distinctions created by caste, community, colour and sex.
If atheism means an unbelief in a life beyond, then a Jaina is not at all an atheist, If again atheism means an unbelief in the authority of the Vedas, a Jaina is, of course, an atheist. Jainism has no quarter for a creative God, accommodating at the same time the concept of godhead.
Thus spake Mahāvıra. All, excepting the Abhavyas (uaredeemable), are potentiallly capable of attaining perfection without the God's grace or good will. Portals to emancipation are open to all. One is exclusively responsible for what one thinks, speaks, and does. Merit and not the birth is the determinant of status in society. Inherent ability and not the sex is the standard for admission into the order. Reverence for the life of all being howsoever small and insignificant one is, is the first law of ethics, Sacrifice of the animal is to be substituted by the sacrifice of one's own brute self. For the attainment of the end the means cannot be sacrificed. One should be tolerant of the other's point of view. 'Mortify the flesh to develop the spirit'- he declared. Mahāvīra delivered his message in the tongue of the people. He led a frontal attack agianst priestly oligarchy, aristocratic society and mystifying thinkers of the day. In short, he lived and died for working out and propagating a virtual spiritual democracy in the form of Jainism. Without sacrificing substance, Mahavira reoriented the principles of Jainism traditionally received from his predecessor, Pārsva, so as to be an effective weapon with which to counteract successfully the complicated technique employed since long by the spiritual monopolists to perpetuate thier hold on the people who were passing through a crisis of faith Mahavira's contribution, from this point of view, is sound and sizeable. In the world of thought, he ushered a republican era.

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Thus spake Mahāvira
Bibliography I M. Winternitz : History of Indian literature, Vol. II 2 S. Radhakrishnaa : Indian Philosophy. 3 Chatterjee and Datta : An Introduction to Indian Philosophy, University of
Calcutta, Calcutta, 1960. 4 Dr, Bool Chand : Lord Mahavira (A study in Historical Perspective),
Pub. Jaina Cultural Research Society, Parshavanath Vidyasharma
P.O. Banaras Hindu University. 5 Amarchand , Mahāvira, Pub. Jaina Cultural Research Society, Parshvanath
Vidyasharma, P. O. Banaras Hindu University, 6 Jagdishachandra Jain : Mahāvira Vardhamana : Pub. S. S. Jaina Conference,
Bombay-3. 7 Shah and Vaidya : The Teachings of Lord Mahavira : Compiled by Pandit
Dhirajlal Shah and Translated into English by Prof. N. V. Vaidya, Bombay-9. 8 Lord Mahavira and His Teachings, Pub. by Shri Vallabhsari Smāraka Nidhi,
Pydhoni, Bombay-3. 9 Buddha Aur Mahavira (Hindi): by Kishorilal Mashruvala, Bharat Jaina
Mahamandal, Wardha. 10 Acharyashri Vallabhvijayasuri Smaraka Grantha : Published by Mahavira
Jain Vidyalaya, Bombay-7. 11 Shramapa Bhagavān Mahavira by Muni Kalyanavijaya. 12 Jagdishachandra Jain : Society In Ancient Indian As depicted in the Jain Canons. 13 Shubhavarddhana Gani : Vardhamana Desanā, published by Jain Dharma
Prasāraka Sabha, Bhavnagar, 1930. 14 Mohanlal Mehta : Outlines of Jain Philosophy : published by Jain Misson
Society, Banglore, 1954, 15 Dr. A. N. Upathye : Mahavira And His Philosophy of Life; published by Indian
Institute of Culture, Banglore-4. 16 Nathma] Tatia : Studios lo Jain Philosophy: Published by Jain Cultural Research
Society, Banaras-5, 1951.

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HERETICS OF JAINISM
Even though their final aim is the same, the means employed in the Ganadha. ravāda and Nihnavavāda radically differ. Understanding and realization of the truth is the avowed common goal with both of them, while, the methods of approach vary. Gañadharavāda has for its basis the element of curiosity which when ultimately satisfied proves the veracity of the fundamental virtues on which the supreme excellence of Jainism rests while the central core of Nihnavavāda is formed of repudiation and therefore it eventually ended in weakening Jainism. When Gagadharas were not able to understand and interpret certain Vedavācanās without coming into conflict with the acknowledged principles of Jainism, they sought clarification from Mahāvīra. When their minds were cleared ef the doubts, they became more aligned to Jainism than before. The Nihnavas1 doubted the statements of the Jaina Āgamas, dissented and ultimately backed out. They started their creeds independently, got some feable following, survived for a brief period and ultimately vanished. Ganadharas had honest doubts. When these were solved, they became followers of Jainism with increased zeal. The Nihnavas were actuated with a bad motive, perhaps the motive of establishing a new sect though they put up an outward show of attempting at truth. The Ganadharas were the seekers of truth; the Nihnavas were the doubters, dissenters, sceptics. The former contributed to the growth and popularity of Jainism; the latter retarded it. The Gañadharas were all non-Jain persons who wanted to be initiated into Jainism and to be its followers if they could be enlightened and convinced. When Mahāvīra succeeded in removing their doubts, they embraced Jainism without any reservation. The Nihnavas were the Jain monks themselves who, being urged by impious desire for undeserving leadership, found fault with the creed, dissented from and deserted it. Thus they worked for the ruin of Jainsm from within. Though the declared aim of the Nihnavas, as said above, is the understanding and realization of truth, the discussions held by them and the controversy raised and indulged in by them are the clear pointers to their ulterior motives, such as those of jealousy, anger, revenge or vanity. They were egocentric. The Ganadharas did not have doubts simply for the sake of having them. They raised them with a view to getting a logical solution from the Master so that they can make Jainism more invulnerable against the opponents. The Gañadharas, who were all of them non-Jains before they embraced
For the informations contained in this article, I have mainly drawn on the Thānanga Satra, Bhagavati sutra both of the Āgamodaya Samiti, the Viseşāvas yaka Bhäsya edited by Pandita Hargovinddas and Pt. Bechardas, Šramana Bhagavan Mahavira, Vol. IV, Ed. by Muni Ratnaprabha Vijaya, 1947.

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Heretics of Jainism
41
Jainism proved themselves in the end real assets and the Nihnavas who, though they were the Jain monks from the beginning, dug the very grave of Jainism from below. Thanks to the strenuous efforts of the genuine Jain monks of those times, the grave did not turn out to be the real grave but only a crevice that was repaired in a comparatively short time. The fundamental difference, if we so call it, distinguishing the Ganadharas from the Nihnavas is that the Ganadharas, after their doubts were satisfactorily removed by the Master, became perfectly agreeable to the Āgamas while the latter remained always at variance with the same, in part or in toto, for some or whole part of their life.
Thus viewed, the Nihnavavada proved to be mena ce, though temposary, to the expending influence of Jainism. The Nihnavas, the rebels, were indeed highly intellectual. This quality of the head in them should not be denied as it cannot be. But at the same time, they were so head-strong that when logical arguments proved successful in the case of the Ganad haras, they not only failed in that of the Ninavas but made them the bitterest enemies of the Jaina church so much so that they were to be brought round by the corporal puhishment. Any way, this upsurge of intellectual outlawry turned out for Jainism a blessing in disguise. Preachers and followers of Jainism became more cautious and introspective. Whatever degree of hypocrisy had crept in the Samgha was soon driven out. The Samgha took a hint to set its own house in order. Laxity was treated ruthlessly. Discipline was restored and the dignity of Anekanta was once more placed on the firmer footing. It may be remenbered here that the Nihpavas were discomfited mainly through the rigid application of the rules of Anekānta which is the bedrock of Jain logic and philosophy.
Now let us see who these Nihnavas were and what their stand was.
Jamāli, who was both the nephew and so-in-law of Mahavira, was the first Nihnava, He had five hundred monks as his pupils and his wife with one thousand nuns. He was highly intellectual but equally egoistic. Naturally he could not pull on well with the master and therefore separated from him. He was once laid up with high fever and therefore ordered the monks to prepare bed for him as he wanted to rest. As he was feverish, he conld not brook the delay, though the monks actually did not make delay at all. He shouted in the heat of fever whether the bed is being prepared for him or not. The monks replied “yes; it is prepared". Jamāli saw that it was not prepared but was in the process of being prepared. He, therefore, took the monks to task for making a false statement whereupon the monks justified themselves by advancing that what is "kriyamāņam” is, according to the Bhagavatı Sutra, 3 "krtam". Jamāli cut them short by laying down that actual production takes place only after a long time. Thus, he started the theory of "Bahurata"'4 which went counter to the theories of "Nityakstava etc. etc. Mahāvira tried to explain to him in nurr ber of ways but he was hard to be reconciled regarding the transitoriness of the Jiva like loka. Many of his pupils left him out of sheer disgusi AS-6

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Some Aspects of Indian Culture for his stubborness. Neither did he revise his wrongly conceived theory nor did he repent. He was thus Heretic No. 1, who undermined the foundation of the Samgha remaining all through his life in the garb of a Jaina monk.
Tisyagupta was Heretic No. 2. Acarya Vasu, Śrutakevalin, was his teacher. When he was studying the Purvas, he came across a dialogue between a Tirthamkara and his pupil in which the Tirthamkara propounded a theory that a Jiva is not formed of one particular pradeśa-whether it may be the first or the second or the last, but it is formed of all the pradejas taken togther-the first, the second, the intervening and the last. Tilyagupta gave a twist to the theory and formulated instead a new one stating that only the last pradega by which the Jiva comes into existence is the Jiva and no other pradelas. The Acarya spared no pains to explain to him, on the strength of Evambhuta Naya,5 that it is not one particular pradeja only which is responsible for bringing the Jiva into existence. Tisyagupta could not be agreeable to this and he was, as a result expelled from the Gaccha. He started preaching his theory which was styled as Antyapradeśatva". In course of wanderings he comes up to Amalakapa where he gets an invitation for dinner from a Jaina layman, named Mitrairi, who taught him a lesson by offering to him the last portions of the food and drink. His eyes opened and he gave up his theory.
Arya Asadhacarya was Heretic No. 3. His theory was known as Avyakta, He was once teaching the practice of agaḍha yoga to his pupils when all of a sudden he died out of extreme pain in the cardiac region generated by the strenuous labour which he took at the time. He was born as a god in the heaven from where he found through the Avadhi Jñana that his pupils were all engaged in the study of the Yoga to grasp which the need and help of an accomplished like himself were necessary. He therefore came down down from the heaven out of pity for the pupils, entered his dead body and fully explained the aims and commandments of the Holy Writ in the guise of Așadhacarya. Before going away after the teaching work was over, he requested his pupils to excuse him for exacting from them the respect and homage which only a Samyata teacher can, while he was none other than an Asamyata god.
When the pupils were thus disillusioned, they began to think that they on their part were also unable to find out as to who was Samyata and who was Asamyata. They therefore decided not to respect any one. The elder experienced, wise monks tried their best to enlighten these youngsters but as they could not be, they were expelled from the Gaccha.
Now in course of their wanderings, they came to Rajagṛha, the king of which, one Balabhadra, ordered that they should be killed being trampled upon by the elephants under their feet, advancing the reason that he was unable to find out whether they were the Sadhus or the thieves. The Nihnavas told the king that they were the real Sadhus and not the thieves whereupon the king immediately retorted that if they thought themselves to be the real Sadhus, they should have no objectoin

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in treating the other elderly monks also as the real Sadhus. This retort of the king brought back these Nihnavas, called Avyaktas, to their senses and they were regularly taken back in the Gaccha after extortion of apology. 6
Ārya Ašvamitra was Heretic No. 4. He was the pupil of Ācārya Mahāgiri. When he was once absorbed in the studies of Aụupravāda Purva, he found therein a statement to the effect that all that Narakas of the present convention shall parish as also will all the deities. He enlarged the principle underlying the statement, applied to all livings beings and went on openly preaching that there is no need for good or for evil in view of the fact that there was to occur the entire destruction of all beings soon after they were born. He styled this novel theory of his as Ksaņikakşayavāda, the faults and inconsistencies of which were exposed by his Guru on the ground of Rjusutra Naya,? but he could not be brought round. As a punish. meut he was driven out of the Gaccha.
He then went to Rājagrha with his followers where he was held up and bitten by the watchmen who took him to be a burglar. He pleaded that he was a śramaņa whereupon the watchman paid him in the same coin saying that the śramana is dead and gone there and then and now no more. He was thus forced to give up his theory.
Arya Gangácārya was Heretic No. 5. He was once crossing the river in the hot sun. Bald-headed as he was, he felt the heat on his head and coolness on his feet due to cold river water. This practical experience of his own inspired him to enunciate a theory of Dvaik riyas which postulated two experiences at one and the same point of time. But this theory of his went against the teachings of the Agamas. His teacher, one Dhanagiri, tried much to dissuade him, advancing an argument that there was always a thin line of demarcation between the two experiences - upayogas. He was obstinate and did not give up the position which he had taken. When one Manināga threatened him with death he gave up his new attitude and joined back the original school, now with firmness and faith.
Rohagupta is Heretic No. 6. He once defeated a mendicant in debate through his theory of Trairāģikas which he specially invented to serve his purpose at that time. It meant the existence of three categories of Jiva, such as, Jįva, Ajiva, and Nojiva. The teacher warned him against preaching the theory as it was in contravention of the established principles of Jainism. But Rohagupta was so much enamoured of his newly conceived theory that he declined to obey the teacher. The teacher, who was very unhappy at this, tried for six long months to convince him in long drawn debates. Ultimately they both agreed to go to Kutrikāpapa (Universal Store) to ascertain whether anything like a Nojiva was available there. It was of course not and hence Rohagupta was silenced by the teacher. Silenced or not, Rohagupta was not a man to give up his theory. He was eventually disclaimed and therefore, he thereafter founded a new school of his own which later came to be known as Vaigesika8 that believed, unlike Jainism, in six entities, namely, Dravy, Guņaa, Karma, Sāmānya, Visesa and Samavāya.

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Costhā-Māhila was Heretic No 7. He differed from the principle, laid down in the Agamas, that the Karmic particle gets intertwined with every pradeśa of the soul as well as from the rule that the pratyākhyāna was to be observed till the end of the life of a Muktātmā and not affer as he had nothing to atone for due to his final release. He openly preached that the Karmic particle stuck to the upper surface of the soul exactly in the manner of the skin of the serpent and the pratyakhyana should be practised irrespective of any timelimit whatsoever whether one is a Mukta or not. The Acārya produced many proofs and pramānas to wean him from his views. But it was of no avail. He was so intelligently cunning that he interpreted Mahāviras uiterences and pronouncements so as to suit and validate his own beliefs. Therefore, the arbitration through a goddess was sought of Simandhara Swāmi who gave a verdict completely against Gosthā Mahila. When the latter knew this, went to the length of declaring that he was not bound by it and decided more firmly to have his own way. This forfeited his membership of the Gaccha. He remained a heretic throughout his life.
These were the seven Heretics. The first two of them sprang up during the life-time of Mahavira himself and the remaining five after his Nirvāna They differed in one or two principles only and therefore they were called Desa- visaṁvādı. But they were "Heretics" no doubt. Boţika Nihpava 9 which gave rise to the Digambara Sect was Sarva-Visamvādi and a type by itself, The seven Heretics were so to say the leaders of the Opposition Parties with varying denominations under one and the same Government while the Botika Nihnava was a different Government altogether and hence I have excluded it from my survey.
Note
1 Thătanga, Agamodaya Samiti, thara, 7. Ogha Niryukti Bhāşya, Aga modaya Samiti, Ghāthá-40
Vi'seşavasyaka Bhāşya, gāthi -2299. 2 Schubring's Die Lehre der Jainas, English rendering by Wolfgang Beurlen. Ist Edition, 1962,
page-33. 3 Bhagavati Sūtra, Agamodaya Samiti, 1; 1; 1. For details also see Khanda 1; Sataka 9; uddesaka
33 of the same Sūtra. 4 Viseşāvasyaka Bhāşya, gātha 2301. 5 Sanmati Tarka, Eng. trans. by Gopani and Athavale, Pub. Shri Jain Śwetāmbera Education
Board, Bombay-3, 1939; page 8. 6 Viseşāvasyaka Bhāşya, gātha 2388. 7 Sanmati Tarka, Eng trans. by Gopani aud Athavale, pp. 6-7 8 Schubring op. cit, p. 15. 9 Schubring op. cit., page 50

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6
CHARACTERISTICS OF JAINISM *
It has been now conclusively proved that Jinism is not at all an offshoot of Buddhism but it is an independent and original system of thought claiming perhaps more antiquity than what is generally ascribed to it. As a system by itself, it has, like its rival schools of thought, many outstanding characteristics in almost all of its branches, namely, logic, philosophy, physics, metaphysics, cosmology, biology, ethics, astrology, astronomy, etc. It has made a valuable contribution to the development of ancient Aryan thought and culture However, it is not possible for me give in this lecture a detailed sketh of its various characteristics. As I hope that you are already in the know of the fundamental principles of all the leading schools. of thought in India, I shall be content at the moment simply with outlining some. of the prominent features of the Jaina thought and culture.
(1) I shall first of all discuss the Jaina conception of philosophy as it has a direct bearing on the life we ought to live, Philosophy is, unfortunately, such at term, as has the fate of having been ambiguously employed, thereby often giving rise to much confusion even in the scholarly world regarding its significance, aimas. and objects. Aristotle, for example, has defined philosophy to be "the science of the first principle or beginnings". Another Western scholar interprets it in the sense of entirely unified knowledge, while according to the third it is nothing more less than the science of the Absolute. Thus there are as many interpretations placed on the term philosophy as there are authors. Which shows that the West gives us no clear-cut definition of the functions of Philosophy.
In my humble opinion, among the Eastern schools of thought it is Jinism only which offers the practical solution as to what Philosophy stands for. It adopts a matter-of-fact attitude, instead of indulging in wild theories, as other schools have. idly done, and defines philosophy as a harmonious attempt of the head and the heart for the removal of impediments which block the way to Right Vision into the metaphysics of thoughts and things, which vision leads us to Right Knowledge of the whole universe and also of our duties to ourselves, to our neighbours and to the world around. Thus the Jaina definition of it, which is based on such sutras as नागकिरियाहि मोक्खो or सम्यग्दर्शनज्ञानचारित्राणि मोक्षमार्ग: 5 includes in itself an often-too3, much-neglected practical aspect of our life.

Extension Lecture, delivered on September 16, 1939. Published in the Bharatiya Vidya, Vol. I; Port II, May, 1940.

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Taking philosophy then as a means to obtain a condition par excellence through Right Behaviour which arises from Right Knowledge based on Right Vision or Right Belief, we can at once see that the definition of philosophy as advanced by Jinism varies fundamentally from the idle theories of the rival schools of the East and the West.
It is interesting to note at this stage how this practical attitude of the Jainas, as seen from its outlook on definition of philisophy, has affected its views concerning the soul.
This world at once resolves itself into two main groups, to wit, the cogitative substance and the non-cogitative substance. 4 The cogitative substance or the sentient self or the soul which is technically styled Jiva in Jaina terminology differs essentially from the puruşa of Samkhya philosophy which is entirely inert or simply a spectator,5 The latter is neither the agent nor the experiencer, like the Jaina Jiva. It has also the fate to vary from the basic conception of soul of the Vedānta philosophy6 which is technically called Jivätma. It is nothing more or less than Aviksta Brahma confined in this mortal coil through avidya. It is this immutability of the Vedanta soul from which the Jaina conception disagrees. From the phenomenal point of view (paryāyāstika naya) it is ever changing according to Jinism. It has also to record its protest against the Buddhistic idea of soul which is a vijñāna skandha or a santānal dying at every moment, because the Jaina Jiva though always changing; it is nitya from the nomenal standpoint (dravyāstika naya). It amounts, then, to saying that the Jaina Jiva is nityānitya. 8 It is a practical hypothesis inasmuch as it admits of being verified from our everyday experience. It is best fitted to explain rationally and not dogmatically many of the anomalies which accumulate round the conceptions of Jiva or other philosophies which are, it would seem from this, not true to experience. It makes the unobjectonable features of other schools of thought its own and putting its original colour on all of them, tries to soften down the hostile elements existing between one school of thought and the other. Thus we are justified in saying that Jinism makes a valuable contribution to the philosopbic world, which is independent, original and of real worth.
(2) I am now passing on to Syadväda, wbich I believe to be one of the most striking inventions of the Jainas regarding their philosophy. We noted above that the Jaina Jiva is both nitya and anitya. This nityānitya doctrine of the Jaina Jiva is a necessary corollary of syādvāda which, let it be said in justice to Jinism, has received a rough and undeserving treatment at the hands of Sri Sankarácārya.
Syadvāda is the doctrine of Relativity of truth. Jt undertakes to show that every other philosophy, at the most, contains statements of partial truth, while it itself should be accredited with making the exposition of truth in toto. It will appear at the first sight that it makes a bold announcement but it does prove it by devi. sing a network of syäd asti, syān nästi, etc. It must be said in fairness to Jinism that it is really here that Jinism surpasses all other forms of faiths and creeds. It accommodates in its fold both the theoretical and the practical aspects of our life.

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47
Syādvada therefore is a distinctly original contribution of the Jainas to the Indian Logic. Every religion in India has to make room, and to provide at the same time, for perfect knowledge if it wants to live perennially. It has also been the common duty of such a living religion to teach the suffering humanity to go beyond the phenomenon, the mere form, and not to seek solace there. Jidism is by no means an exception to this rule but the method formulated and employed is no less original than different. For the acquisition, then, of such a perfect knowledge, or better say, for one's own realization, it has devised and developei a philosophy of its own which goes under the popular name of Anekāntavāda which is a peculiar feature of the Jaina Logic. "It is obvious that regarding a given Padārtha we can make from a divergent point of view, different and yet contradictory statements." A single statement can never put you in the knowledge of a thing in its entirety. Moreover a thing can also be viewed from ihe standpoints of matter, space, time and mode. In short, a thing cannot be comprehended at one glance or attempt as it has got numberless aspects or qualities or facts. Dr. DAS GUPTA seems to be lending support to this view when he speaks in his History of Indian Philosophy: "Since the most contrary characteristics of infinite variety may be associated with a thing, affirmation made from whatever standpoint cannot be regarded as absolute "1In other words Syadvāda is a synthetic presentation of innumerable viewpoints. In his Religion of India, HOPKINS writes about Syadvāda in the following terms: "In contrast to the Nihilistic Buddhist, the Jaina assumes a doubtful attitude so that he is termed the may be philosopher or a Syādvādin in opposition to the Buddhist philosopber of the void.”11 Can we not say that HOPKINS misrepresents Syadvāda ? Sir RADHAKRISHNAN'S following verdict on Syādvāda can be well qouted against this partial and hence incorrect opinion of the author of Religions of India. Sir RADHAKRISHNAN observes in his Indian Philosophy: “The view is called the Syādvāda since it holds all knowledge to be only probable. Every position gives us only a perhaps, a may be or a Syāt "12
It is never possible for us to affirm or deny in absolute terms about a particular thing the very nature of which consists of endless complexity, is filmy and uncertain. Distinguished scholars have maintained an opinion that Syādvāda is the doctrine of Scepticism. 13 This is also a glaring mistake which needs be corrected by saying that it is the Science of the Assertion of alternative possibilities. 14 It is only through it that one can look at a thing with a wide and liberal view. And it is only through it that one can review a thing in all its bearings and relationships. Ever-progressing character of Reality is always elusive and therefore admits only of relative or conditional predication. The fact is this; it always and under any circumstances recognises the possibility of predication. Every proposition is true but only under certain restrictions.
I will close the discussion of this unique feature of Jaina Logic and Philosophy by saying that it smooths all the apparent differences, which supply the ground to several philosophies, without sacrificing anything of intrinsic and eternal value and

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uproots that vanity- that ego the fruitful soil for those envenomed passions, and finally leads one to emancipation-the summum bonum of life. It makes us what we really ought to be. I recommend Mallişeņa's Syadvadamañjari in this connection to those interested.
(3) I now come to Nayavāda. It should be said at the outset that this also forms a part and parcel of Jaina thought and culture and is older than the highly complicated Syādvāda as will be seen from its simple technique.
Nayavāda is the second means of understanding things, Pramāņa being the first. It must have been clear to you from the foregoing remarks that all things are full of diversities, qualities and relations. To be brief, the reals are such complex entities as can allow being seen from different aspects. And Naya is a technical name given to this specific act of apprehending. Every such act unfolds a part of the infinite meaning to which one is ushered through the gateway of Nayas which are theoretically infinite as the charactristics of the reals are also infinite.15 But the Jaina writers have compressed them into seven groups. These are Naigama, Samgraha, Vyavahāra, Rjusutra, Sabda, Samabhirudha and Evambhūta.
These are further brought under two main divisions, namely, Arthanaya consisting of the first four, and Sabdanaya comprising the remainig three. Then again they are otherwise classed :-The first three coming under Dravyāstika Naya while the remaining four belonging to Paryāyāstika Naya The former class has a reference to the substantial aspects, and the latter to the modificatory.
As there is a close affinity between the outer structures of Syadavād and Nayavāda there is every possibility of mistaking one for the other. But let me sound a warning that such a mistake shall be considered a howler. There is really speaking nothing in common between ther except that they hoth are the expressions of the same point of view. But for this reason it is too much to consider them as two stages of a single process of thought. They should rather be traced to separate sources united in a common point of view.
Jinabhadragaạikşamājramana's Viseşavas yakabhāşya contains an exhaustive and elaborate elucidation of Nayavāda to which I would like you to refer to get a detailed conception of it.
(4) I shall now deal with the Jaina metaphysics. As important as Syādvāda and as original as Nayavāda but occupying a less showy position is its doctrine of Sat (Reality) which is defined as 389176444szyj 17 and which, like other two doctrines mentioned just now, namely, Syadvāda and Nayavāda, is a prominent feature of Jaina Thought and Culture which takes its stand exclusively on golden mean instead of erring on any of the extremes.
Jinism calls that a substance which is Sat and which has not to depend on anything else for its assertion and continuation. It characterizes it (Sat) as that

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which stays on in and through its own qualities or modificatory changes. It (sar) stands under, supports and holds together the qualities and modificatory changes 18 which become manifest through originations and destructions in and through which the substance asserts and maintains its own existence and continuance at the time of its interaction with other things.
Reality or sat according to Jaioa Metaphysics has neither the beginning nor the end. It is always noted for its appearance and disappearance in the midst of permanence. At the first sight it appears to be a very peculiar doctrine, and it is so. According to HEGEL the nature of Reality is dialectical. It consists of thesis and antithesis harmonized and held together by synthesis. It can be, then, fairly admitted that this doctrine of HEGEL is fully reflected in the Jaina doctrine of Sat, which can also be compared to a biological principle of metabolism which asserts through the two opposite forces of anabolism and katabolism. And just so the Jaina Reality has got both the positive and negative aspects held together in a synthetic form by its own complex nature.
Such being the case of Reality according to Jaina metaphysics it follows that it should maintain as it does its identity and stability only through an incessant process of changes consisting of origination and disintegration -- identity in diversity and permanency through change. Stability and change are so interlinked with each other that they cannot be isolated though they can be differentiated from each other in thought and speech.
This triple nature of Reality19 has given rise to various other philosophical doctrines related to Jaina metaphysics according to which the ultimate reals are five in number
These ultimate reals are, to put in different terms, the primary elements which are at the basis of the cosmos. They are jiva, pudgala, dharma, adharma and akāśa, 2 0 or five Astikayas. Astikāya, again, is a technical term meaning spatial relation, which, is different from volume connected with matter. 21 Of these five Astikā yas, pudgala alone is mūrta and the others are amūrta even though they are Astikāyas or existences having spatial relations. So this world, at the foundation of which exist these reals, is neither exclusively composed of disconnected things without any link like the loose parts of a broken chain nor constituted of a single unity without any difference or dualism whatsoever. It is our common experience that it has both the elements of unity and difference. This universe appears merely as an entity when we view it simply from the standpoint of unity, dismissing temporarily from our mind the thoughts of mutual differences which exist between things and knowledge. This standpoint of Unity is no doubt comprehensive, but it does not help us in our practical life. For a solution of it we have to fall back upon the standpoint of difference. This is exactly what we very often say, a quarrei between a fact and a fable. This is also a different side of that great law that there is always unity in AS- 7

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difference and difference in unity. This universe according to Jinism, is a permanent canvas on which are always displayed new compositions and decompositions, unities and disunities, associations and dissociations. Here also, as in the definition of jiva, Jinism takes its stand exclusively on golden mean and instead of erring on any of the extremes tries to reconcile the antagonistic schools of thought which lay exclusive emphasis either on the eternal or the ephemeral aspect of a thing.
The favourite tenet of the Jaina metaphysics is the trinity of Utpado, Vyaya and Dhrauvya. It runs through and under cogitative substance and non-cogitative substance of which this universe is composed. This is very well explained by a line from Syadvādamani.jari: वस्तुत्व चोत्पादव्ययध्रौव्यात्मकम्. This law holds good in both the worlds animate and inanimate. VĀCAKA UMĀSVĀTI also supports this view in his Tattvārtha Sūtra by saying 3811707mutang a' . Here the word Ut pāda does not mean any new product or creation, inasmuch as it does not believe that the world has a beginning or an end. Sat or an Entity is a permanent substratum on which there is an incessant display of Ut pada and Vyaya. The following verse from HARIBHADRASURI's Saddarśanasamuccaya may well be quoted here :
उत्पादव्ययध्रौव्ययुक्त यत्सत्तदिध्यते ।
अनन्तधर्मात्मक वस्तु तेनोक्त मानगोचर:09 ॥ WARREN in his book called Jainism expresses an opinion to the effect that this guna of origination (ut pada) is just to show that in the permanent universe there is always origination of its modes or manifestations.
The sum and substance of the whole discussion regarding Jaina Metaphysics may be said to be that it has made room for the two contradictory phases--eternal and ephemeral Destruction is involved in origination and origination ends into destruction There is an incessant flow of these two on the permanent bed of sat. Being, as it is testified by experience, is that which involves a permanent unit which is incessantly losing some qualities and gaining new ones, 24
(5) Now let us discuss biology. It is well known that the Jinism is a pre-Christian religion and biology is a product of scientific age. So it is not legitimate to expect a well-defined enunciation of biological principles in a system before us. Still however the fragmentary material which is at present available is so decisive as to land us on correct estimation of its principles from which wild and fantastic notions pertaining to gods and goblins, denizens and devils should be safely kept apart.
Original research of Jaina biology consists in assuming and asserting the organic unity in the plant and the animal world. Vegetable kingdom is clearly organic. Its nature has been keenly observed and minutely described.
There are two main divisions, namely, the plant world and the animal world. The first group possesses one sense throughout--the sense of contract.25 The second is sub-divided into four types, starting from insect such as earthworm and ending in man having two, three, four or five senses as the case may be.

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Another innovation, as original as the former, is its spirited exposition of the existence of microscopic beings. These are technically styled sükşma ekendriya jivas or microscopic beings having only one sense. 26 Earth, water, fire and air are the places for them to dwell in. Existence of these organisms in fire is a little too unscientific but we need have no hesitation in the case of other three as they are fully established by modern scientific researches.
(6) Now I am turning to Jaina Physics. When we look at this universe, the very first idea that strikes us is the idea of order which is technically called cosmos. The leaf of the tree does not move; why? It moves; why ? What is the principlethe law underlying and governing its motion and its rest? This is the case everywhere in this universe. There is order, not disorder. There is cosmos, not chaos.
This occupied the mind of the ancient seers. And they attempted to give a philosophic interpretation which was in keeping with the basic elements of their systems. The Vedāntins said that it is Parabrabma which permeates through the animate and the inanimate world. It is the instrumental and the material cause of everything. 9 7 The Sāmkhyas advanced a theory of the evolution of Prakrti which was at the root of everything. 28 The Jainas had also their own say in the matter. 29 Let us see in the following few lines the chain of reasoning adopted by them in order to provide for and justify order in the universe.
They start with a fundamental hypothesis that jiva and pudgala can be at the most a material cause and no more. In order to give adequate place to instrumental cause, they had to devise some other principles controlling and conditioning motion and rest, to which they gave the technical names of dharma and adharma-the essential principles of Jaina Physics.
They have, moreover, invested the jiva and the pudgala with the power of motion by virtue of which they can go to any place even in the world beyond. If they are not made to move, they will stick fast to the place and the point for ever, thereby making progress impossible. So they wanted jiva and pudgala to move and to rest in such a way as to beget order and keep it. It was desirable not to disturb the existing order of things and at the same time to accommodate for progress. They were quite conscious that they had to steer clear of these difficulties which have overtaken and perhaps upset the rival schools of thought.
So they invented the two physical principles called Dharma and Adharma. They have here a distinct and specific implication. In other words, they are not used here in the ordinary sense of religion and irreligion as in Jaina ethics and elsewhere.
Dharma is allotted a duty of supplying free movement to the jiva and pudgala and the function entrusted to adharma is to arrest wanton movements of the flying jiva and pudgala. So they are the regulating factors--the instrumental causes of motion and rest of progress and inertia.

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They are not the absolute principles; they have therefore to move with full regard to and in complete barmony with each other. For if the former alone is to work, the word will be out of joint; its centre will shift and consequently it will be out of its axis. And if the latter is to function alone with complete disregard to the former there will be cosmic paralysis. The long and short of it is that they are not principles-in-themselves.
Now let us see what is the Jaina description of the nature of these principle, and conclude.
They have neither the qualites of jiva nor of pudgala. They are non-physical, non-discrete and non-atomic. They are entirely simple, that is to say, they are a single unit throughout. Their full denominations are Dharmastikāya and Adharmāstikāya. They are neither corporeal nor have they any form. They are neither light nor heavy. They are also not the objects of sense perception. Their existence is merely felt and inferred through their functions. They are hypothetical assumptions. This, in short, is the description of the Jaina physics.
Now I shall discuss Ahimsa. Ahimsa and Jinism are so vitally connected with each other that the real conception of Jaina thought and culture shall for ever remain incomplete without a reference to Ahinsa. The popular belief that Jaina Dharma is Ahimsa Dharma is well-founded. It is the backbone of Jaina Ethics as Anekāntavada is the backbone of Jaina philosophy. Of the three constituents of Jinism Ahismā or non-injury is the first. 3° It is the first and the foremost qualification required by one who wants to walk on the path leading to a land of joy, glory and immortality. It is the first of the five vows and has got to be observed irrespective of Time and Space. It means non-injury to any living organism (moving or non-moving),81 small or great, whether it is a beast or a bird, an insect or animal. Not only should one not practise injury in action but one should not do so even in thought and speech. This much does not suffice. It further stipulates that not only should one directly do injury but one should not make others do it and also should not approve when one is actually doing injury.
This makes all the difference which exists there between the Jaina and the Bauddha conception of Ahimsa. The Bauddhas say that one should not directly deal injury. That is all. This gives them a license, in a way, to buy meat from a butcher and use it, seeking satisfaction that they are exempt from the sin which they might have otherwise incurred.
This is what is preached and actually practised by them. On the contrary the Jainas hold that not only is this not permissible but morally culpable also. It is expressly laid down in the Jaina doctrine of Ahimsā that injury to life should not be inflicted, encouraged and approved in mind, speech and deed. So there is a clear line of demarcation between the same doctrines as conceived by both the rival schools of thought-Jinism and Buddhism. If the principle of Ahimsa is to be rightly and rigidly followed, the nine types of cruelty, as defined above, should be abandoned at any cost.

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MAHAVIRA has, no doubt, intentionally made the principle of Ahimsa as perfect in detail as was possible for him with a view to using it as a successfully counteracting force against the himsa which ran riot in his days. It was his earnest wish-nay, the mission of his life-to humanize the inhuman society, to give tone of the diseased morality of his time. Before a few decades this Jaina principle of Ahimsa was ridiculed. But now we are made to acknowledge, thanks to Mahatma GANDHI, the wide range of its infinite possibilites and applications as a spiritual force. It formerly considered as a weakness of human mind; now it is a colossal force never failing when everything else has failed. The fable of bygone days is assuming to-day the force of a fact. What Jaina Ahimsa is, and can really be, has been amply illustrated by the life of GANDHIJI.
53
(8) Last but not the least is the doctrine of Karma. This doctrine of Karma is the keystone supporting the grand edifice of Jaina Ethics. Karma is neither prior nor posterior to soul but it is attached to it from time immemorial. In other words, its metaphysical entity has neither the beginning nor the end. So the relation between the karma and the soul-the deed and the doer-is one of a phenomenal conjunction. This universe including hells and heavens, solar system and the lunar system, and an ant or an elephant, a microbe or a man, and all the sentient things, is thus subject to this inexorable Law of Causation otherwise called Law of karma, and omnipotent is the effect thereof in this phenomenal universe. The life as we have lived in the hoary past, as we live at the present moment, and as we shall live in the unknown future was, is and shall never be an allotment of a power, unknowable, working upon us from without but was, is and resultant force-a composite effect of the deeds we have done, are doing and shall do in future. The deed without a doer is a non-entity and the doer cinnot escape from the clutches of the deeds he has done, good or bad. 39 The smiles and the frowns of an autocratic ruler do not and cannot mend or mar our future. The prince will be reduced to a state of a pauper if his deeds are not princely; a pauper will elevate himself to the position of a prince if he is princely within. We have to work out our own freedom from within; we should not watch and wait for the favours of a power existing elsewhere outside our soul. It declares at once the dignity and the equality of all the souls in any forms of their existences and teaches that every soul stands erect and independent of the so-called inscrutable will and power of any superior Being. Thus we are the makers and the moulders of our own fate; we are the architects of our own fortune; it is we who do, and that is why it is we who can undo also. This is exactly the position of karma philosophy in the Jaina system, which differs from Vedantic conception inasmuch as it debars the allpervading influence of a Supreme Being from stepping in. For a detailed study of this unique principle one should refer to DEVENDRASURI's Karmagranthas.
By way of concluding remarks I must mention that the important message which Jinism has to convey to the suffering humanity is the attainment of emancipation that can only be effected by successfully and simultaneously employing right bellef,

unquestionable and shall for

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Some Aspects of Indian Culture
right knowledge and right conduct. These three are equally emphasized by Jinism; hence an isolation of any one of the three is denounced outright. There are religious schools which lay most emphasis either op Bhakti such as the Bhāgavata school, or only on Karma such as the Pūrvamimänsa school. But according to Jipism no such onesided emphasis is acceptable as the correct path leading to emancipation.
To effect a cure of a malady, faith in the efficacy of a medicine, knowledge of its use and actual taking of it: these three together are essential, so also to get emancipation, faith in the efficacy of Jinism, its knowledge and actual practising of it : these three are quite indispensable. The universal malady of worldly misery which every soul is suffering from can be cured by this triple panacea - the ratnatraya as it has been technically called.
The high value of Jinism consists in its adopting a practical attitude to philosophy, metaphysics, ethics etc. It always takes its stand, let me say once more, on golden mean, instead of erring on any of the extremes, as we saw in its definition of philosophy of soul and of sat as well as in the discussions about Syadvāda and Nayavada. It tries, wherever possible, to reconcile the antagonistic schools of thought just as we saw while discussing Jaina metaphyscis. It is a favourite dogma of Jinism to evalute a thing in terms of practical utility. It accepts only that which is logically tenable as illustrated through its karmic doctrine which dimisses the autocracy and the interference of a Supreme Being.
From the foregoing remarks it may be seen that Jinism has made a substantial contribution to the development of Aryan thought and culture. Its philosophy is strictly dualistic as it believes in a separate existance of soul and matter. Its ethics is grounded on the principle of Ahimsa. Its attitude towards rival scholars of thought is soley regulated by its philosophy of Anekanta. It is a system really abounding in principle of Peace and Tolerance.
Notes
| E. J. Rapson : The Cambridge History of India, Vol. 1 p. 152. 2 Jinabhadragani Kşamasramana, Visesävasyaka Bhas ya : Gätha 3. 3 Vācaka Umāsvāti : Tattvärthādhigamasutra : Chap. 1, Sūtra 1;
Haribhadrasüri : Saddarsanasamuccaya, versa 53. 4 Nemicandra : Davva-Samgaha, verse 1. 5 Isvarakrsna : Samkhyakārikā, verse 3. 6 Manduk yakarika, verse 2: Madhusudana Sarasvati : Advaitasiddhi (Nirnaya Sagar Edition.
1917), p. 830. 7 Visuddhimagga, p. 585; Bodhicarya, p. 334; Tattvasmgraha, Kärikā, 1877, 1889. 8 Kunda kunda : Samayasāra, verses 349-350. 9 Dr. Belvalkar and Ranade : History of Indian Philosophy, Vol. II p. 112. 10 Dr. Das Gupta : A History of Indian Philosophy, Vol. I, p. 179. 11 Hopkins : The Religions of India, p. 291. 12 Sic S. Radhakrishnan : Indian Philosophy, Vol. I, p. 302.

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13 See particularly E. Hultzsch: Ephigraphia Indica, VII (1902-1903), p. 113.
14 Fleet Indian Antiquary, VII, p. 107.
15 Jinabhadragani Kṣamaśramana: op. cit., verse 2180-2185.
16 Siddhasena Diväkara: Sanmati Prakaraṇa, First chapt., verses 3-4-5; Devasenasūri Nayacakrasamgraha, verse 11
17 Vacaka Umäsväti: op. cit. 5. 29.
18 Vacaka Umasvati: op. cit., 5. 37.
Kundakunda Pañcastikāyasara, verses 12-13; Siddhasena Divakara op. cit., First Chapt., verse 12.
19 Mallişena Syadvadamañjari, commentary on verse 21. Kundakunda: Pañcästikäyasāra, verse 8. 20 Kundakunda: Pañcastikāyasāra, verse 4.
21 Kundakunda ibid., verse 5.
22 Haribhadrasuri Şaḍdar'sanasamuccaya, verse 57.
23 Herbert Warren Jainism, pp. 22-23.
:
24 Dr. Das Gupta: op. cit., Vol. I, p. 175.
25 Pannavana 1, (first Pada); Jivājivābhigama : I (first Pratipatti).
26 Jiväjivabhigama: 1 (first Pratipatti).
27 Madhusudana Sarasvati: Advaitasiddhi (Nirṇayasagara edition, 1917). pp. 760-767. 28 Sripadastri: Dvidaladarianasopanavali (1938), p. 134.
29 Kundakundacārya: Pañcastikāyasāra, vcrses 90-96.
30 Dasavealiya sutta, I, 1.
31 Hemacandra: Yoga'sastra, chapt. I, verse 20.
32 Siddhasena Divakara: Dvātrim'sika, First verse, 26.

55

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JAINISM IN GUJARATA *
From time immemorial Jainsm has not played so important a role in other parts of India as it has in Gujarāta where Aristanemi,' the twenty-second Tirthankara has practised very hard austerities and had at last obtained absolution and where many a Jaina pontiff earned eternal freedom on the famous mountains of Girnar and Satrunjaya. In 980% of the Vira Samvat, a big conference of the Svetambara Jaina monks was held here at Valabhi which drew up for the third time a redaction of the Jaina Canon as it is found to-day. This fact illustrates the remark made above that Jainism enjoyed an eminent position in Gujarāta from very early times. Additional support to this is also furnished by the Kşatrapa inscription number 9 of the Historical Inscriptions of Gujarāta, 3 If the word, "Kevali" used there in that mutilated inscription be taken as referring to the famous Jaina word “Kevali ", it, then proves the existence of the Jainas in Saurastra in the second century A.D.
Rulers of distinguished dynasties who were either converted to Jainism or at least showed a notable aptitude for it are not few. At the cost of his life even, Silagupasūri, a Jaina monk of repute; had sheltered 4 Vanaraja of the Cavadā dynasty in course of his wanderings and had taken special care to see that he was not found out by his foes. Not only that but this Sūri always cheered him up with sweet, sympathetic words when the latter was in low spirits usually due to his hard, chequered and lonely life which would have surely given way had he not found in silaguņasūri, a friend, philosopher and guide When, Vanaraja was made a king, he reciprocated this obligations of silagunasūri, by declaring his implacable faith in Jainism. This sincerity of his increased day by day, and at last found a concrete expression in getting a Jaina temple erected at Aộahilavāļa wherein he has mentioned himself as a pupil of Pārsvanātha. Published in Bharatiya Vidya Vol. 1x, 1948; pp. 229ff.
1 bave based this article entirely on the informations contained in the following articles and books. Footnotes have been attached only to important aud specific statements: (1) Muni Jinavijayaji's article 'Gujarātano Jainadharma' (GJ) pp. 88-119 : Gujarati Grantha
kāra Sammelana Vyākhyānamālä, Pub. Oriental Institute, Baroda 1938. (2) Muni Jinavijayaji's article 'Rijarsi Kumārapäla' (RK) Bharatiya Vidya (Guj.-Hindi) Vol.
I, No. 3, pp. 221-245. (3) Hemacandra's Kävyānušāsana (Vol. II). (HL), Ed. Rasiklal Parikh, Pub. Mahavira Jaina
Vidyalay Bombaya, 1938. (4) Madhyakalno Sahitya Pravāha (MSP), Gujarati Sahitya, Vol. 5, Bombay, 1929, pp. 66-114 (5) Jaina Sahityano Samkşip ta Itihāsa (SSI), M. D Desai, Bombay, 1933. (6) H, V. Glasenapp, 'Der Janismus' (DJ).

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57
Mostly, it is the illustrious kings of the Caulukya dynasty of Gujarāta who patronised Jainism. Mūlarāja, the famous founder of that dynasty was a Saivite by religion. It cannot be denied, however, that he had a fancy for Jainism which materialized in the erection of a Jaina temple. When Bhima I was the ruler, Vimala, a devout Jaina layman, got constructed on Mount Abu, many a Jaina temple of matchless workmanship, collectively called ' Vimalavasahi ' 6 Only on account of these, Mount Ābu has become a symbol of everlasting glory and grace. The inimitable craftsmanship of its lofty summits bestows on them a charm which is freshly felt at every visit. Pilgrims, scholars and architects come from abroad to see and study their wonderous art and beauty but they have not so for succeeded to go at the very root of their original conception and perfect execution responsible for their high spectacular value. They are both a riddle and a challenge and this is no small a share on the part of Jainism in bringing world-wide fame to Gujarata.
But as far as pure scholarship is concerned, the reputation of Gujarāta owes not so much to anything as it does to Hemacandra, a polymath, an encyclopoedist. Hemacandra's original name was Cāộigadeva. He was the son of Cacca by Cahini and was born at Dhandhuka in Gujarāta in about 1088 A.D. In one of his religious tours, Devacandra came across this boy prodigy who was finally initiated, at a young age about nine, in the Jaina order after repeated request of the boy and with the willingness of the parents. He was thereafter known as Somacandra. Within a short time, this gifted monk obtained complete mastery on the Jajna scriptures and his able guru introduced him to the intricacies of the traditions. An amazing output of literary work possessing intrinsic worth is the result of his extensive knowledge purified and balanced by his comparative studies. His precocity and personality made him an Ācārya at the age of 21. He was henceforth known as Hemacandra. His skill and efficiency are markedly evidenced in the fact that he was able to attract Siddharaja who was somewhat fastidious and temperamentally reluctant to grant undue favours to the Jainas. Though Saivism was his religion of choice, he also showed special sympathy to Jainism. This is amply testified by his generous invitations to debates and discussions at the royal court. Siddharāja inspired Hamacandra to draw up a special and an authoritative work on Grammar which was styled by the latter as Siddhahema in token of deep sense of respect and gratitude combining the first of the names of the patron and the protege. Whenever he got opportunities to give instructions to the king he did not lose sight of his sole aim to prove the superiority of Jainism to the rival schools. But Hemacandra could not convert him. However, the king discharged his deep debt to him by getting built a temple of Mahāvira at Siddhapura8 and by going on a pilgrimage with Hemacandra to Girnār to pay respects to Neminātha. An interesting debate held between a Digambara Kumudacandra of Karnāțaka, and a Svetāmbara Devasūri held at the court of Siddharāja is fully indicative of his sincere love for Jainism.
AS-8

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In 1143 A.D.9 Siddharaja died heirless and was succeeded by his brother's son Kunārapāla. He was attracted by the magnetic personality and the winning manners of Hemacandra who gave him spiritual lessons and instructions on Jainism, In the fertile soil of Kumāra pāja's heart, these sowed seeds of Jainism and in course of time, they ripened into unflinching devotion for the same.
Kumārapāla's faith reached consummation when he openly embraced the Jaina religion the practices of which were begun with first giving up meat.10 This was soon followed by his last farewell to bunting.11 His sincerity to Jainism was not limited to himself only. He made it a point to spread it amongst his subjects as much as possible by issuing edicts,prohibiting animal-slaughter, 18 meat, drinking and gambling. These royal firmāns bestowed an ideal Jaina character on the state, in and out. With a view to tempting them to close slaughter-house, their owners were given three years' proceeds in advance and the Brāhmins were strictly enjoined to offer grain, instead of animals, in the sacrifices. 13 It was also stressed therein that they should be observed rigorously. This proves how intensely the king was devoted to Jainism. Hemacandra had also taken every care to see that the king was under his direct control and influence and to achieve his end, he proposed some changes in the traditional methods of administering and managing the state. Rajasekhara's Prabandhakośa describes a vivid instance14 to illustrate this point.
" In the first half of Āsvin, the worshippers of the Kaņțeśvari temple and also of the other temples came to the king to request him to offer to the goddess 700 goats and 7 buffaloes on the 7th day, 800 goats and 8 buffaloes on the 8th day and 900 goats and 9 buffaloes on the 9th day, according to the family conventions. Puzzled at this the king went to Hemacandra for solution which was promptly supplied to him. He then went to the worshippers and accepted to respect the family practice. At night he sent for the animals to be offered to the goddess and placed there in the courtyard of the temples, duly locking them. Next morning, the king came and ordered the gates of the temples to be opened. When he saw the animals comfortably ruminating he made a very caustic remark to the Brahmins conveying that had the goddess so desired, she would have made a relishable meal of them all but as it is not so it is abundantly clear that she has no palate for them. So enough of this fuss and he would henceforth never allow any carnage of this sort. Thus the Brahmins were foiled in their foul and fanatic attempt."
Kumārapala had personally visited several Jaina places of pilgrimage to commemorate which he got erected many Jaina temples thereon. Before he accepted the Jaina religion, he underwent penitence by getting built Jaina temples, thirty-two in number, as the number of the teeth, which ate flesh is also thiry-two. 15
Under a liberal patronage of this king, Hemacandra largely applied himself to writing works of permanent value on almost every branch of general literature. Confining himself within the limit of Jainism, he drew out a volume on Yoga He has written two bulky books entitled the Trișașțisalākāpuruşacaritra and the Kumara

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59 pālacaritra, the first on the universal history and the second on the lives and achievements of the Caulukya kings in general and of the Kumārapāla in particular. He also touched politics, as is evident from the fact that he has also written a small treatise, called Laghvarhanniti, describing within the bounds of Jainism, the art of ruling the state. This is, I think, a first bold example of the Jaina saint trying his hand at secular subjects. This makeshift of sagacious Hemacandra may appear unimportant to us at present but it means much when it is viewed in the light of the then existing social condition which were permeated by the spirit of orthodox Jainism. Hemacandra could foresee that if Jainism was to be popularized it must cater to the public taste without really sacrificing the principles of Jainism. Hemacandra's wisdom and genius are markedly seen in this work which successfully tackles both the diametrically opposed problems. Not only this but he effectively intervened in the administration of the state the policy of which did bear a clear stamp of his irresistable personality. There is also recorded a great number of anecdotes testifying to his having carried out many projects through his sheer supernatural power and to his having made auguries 16 which came out true. In one of these he is described to have guaranteed security to Kumārapāla who was intimidated by the invading enemy. According to it the goddess of Jainism so arranged that necklace of the enemy king got intertwined with the branch of a tree when he was resting on an elephant at night and this resulted in his instantaneous death. Thus the prestige of Hemachandra was anyhow saved.
Hemacandra died in about 1229(V.S.) at the ripe age of 84 by fasting upto death. In a short time of six months, Kumārapāla also followed him in 1230 (V.S.) living a good old age of about 80 years 17. He was succeeded by Ajaypāla, a bigoted Saivite. Jainas, were, on the whole, not well treated by him, 18 The fact that Rāmacandra, a Jaina pandit, was killed by him by placing him on a heated copperplate proves his apathy towards the Jainas.
In the beginning of the 13th Century of the Vikrama era the Caulak yas were suceeded by the Wāghelas. In their regime the two brothers, named Vastupala and Tejapāla strained every nerve to keep Jainism in the front rank. They both rose to the status of ministers 19 and earned good reputation by their unparalled generous deeds. Anupamā, the wife of Tejapala, chiefly inspired these brothers to spend their enormous wealth in such a way that it only can be seen but not looted and hence these two brothers mainly acting on this suggestion, spent a lot on getting Jaina temples erected on Ābu, Girnār and satrunjaya.
The development of Jainism is inseparably linked with certain well known cities of Gujarāta. Broacha • is one of such cities. It has enjoyed a particular privilege of being the seat of Jainism. There was a big temple, in old days, of Munisuvrata named Sakunikāvihāra.81 This city was largely inhabited, in those days, by the Bauddhas and the Jainas. Bhuvana, a 3 a learned pupil of Arya Khapuțācāryaa3, vanquished in debate the Buddhas and their leader, Battukera 8 4 in about 4 (V.S.). Ārya Khapuţăcarya made the image of Buddha bend a little through his supernatural powers which is still there in the same condition at present and is popularly known as 'Nirgranthanāmita 25,

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Satrunjaya, a Jaina place of pilgrimage has from very old days been held in highest esteem. Even the kings went there on a pilgrimage. An anecdote says that Vikrama, who was enlightened by Siddhasena had gone to Satrunjanya, taking four fold Samgha with him. Bhavaḍaśa, a big Jaina marchant also did the same thing at the time when Vikrama, the rular, above-referred to was ruling. These two examples amply testify to the fact that Jainism was a favourite religion eve with the kings. and rich persons in so ancient times as the beginning of the Vikrama era. According to the Śatrunjayamahatmya of Dhanesvara, this Tirtha which had suffered much from the ravages of time was repaired in 108 (V.S.) be Javaḍaśa, the son of Bhavaḍajă.98
Valabhi also has its own importance. It is traditionally believed that a certain Šiladitya once ruled over Valabhi, the modern Vala in Kathiawar. He was converted to Jainism by Dhanejvarasari. In this connection, it is necessary to remember in fairness to Jainism, that the Jaina monks undertook the work of propaganda not exclusively with the zeal of a missionary but they did so being inspired with the intrinsic worth of their creed. In other words, they were solely actuated in their preachings by objective considerations such as sympathy, benevolence, etc. Moreover, Valabhi in Saurastra, as I said before, had the honour of being a place where a conference was held to redact the Jaina Canon. On account of this and also on account of the facts that Neminatha is connected with Girnar and Arya Khapuṭācārya with Bbygukaccha, Gujarata reveals early traces of Jainism.
In V.S. 510, Anandapur, the modern Vadanagar was a very flourishing city. It was ruled over by a certain Dhruvasena. When he was very much grieved at the loss of his son, he was consoled by Dhanešvara, a Jaina Acarya, by reading to him Kalpasūtra, a Jaina work of supreme importance.30 This sufficiently shows that Jainism continuously enjoyed the patronage of kings. Thus when Jainism was patronised and adopted by the royal persons in the south, it was also fostered by the Maitrakas of Valabhi.
Śrīmāla (which was also called Bhinnamala) was called Bhinnamala) was the capital of Gujarata before Patan was recognized as such. It was a big city and a prosperous one on the borders of modern Gujarāta and Marwar. There were no other such cities as can be ranked with Valabht of Saurashtra and Anandapur-Vrddhapur of Gujarat. After some centuries, Valabhi dwindled down and a very long famine that lasted for twelve years destroyed it. This forced the people of the place to migrate to Srimala. From this date the terms Śrimali Brahmins, Srimāli Banias and Śrimalı Sonis began to be employed for those who shifted to Srimala. In about the 9th century of the Vikrama Samvat, almost 700 families were proselytised to Jainism by Santisari of the Pippalgaccha1. Those who came to Śrimala from the east were called Porwaḍas. The history of Gujarata fully supports the view that both the Srimalis and the Porwadas came together to Patag as they are seen together in the administration of the state.

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Vanarāja, a king of the Cávaļā dynasty declared Patan a Capital of Gujarăta in 802 V.S. As mentioned before this Vanarāja was protected, when he wandered incognito, by a Caityavāsı Jain monk named Devacandra38. This very monk celebrated the coronation of Vanaraja at Pancāsara33. This image of Pancāsarā Pārsvanātha was set up by Vanaraja just to discharge a modicum of his deep debt to Jainism. He was a Jaina outright. This is evidenced in his selection of Campā 34, a Jaina Bania, as bis prime minister. In connection with this it is well worth remembering that the present Cāmpāner took its name after him. It was Śrıdeyi35, a Jaina lady, who put mark on the forehead of Vanarāja when he was proclaimed king. Lahir 38, a Jaina, was made a general of the army. One of his ministers was Jamba87 a Srimali Jaina. This Labir occupied the post of a general also in the regime of three kings who succeeded Vanarāja. He had a son named Vira and a grandson named Vimala. All these kings leave no room for doubt that the Jainas were active participants in the administsration of the state, that the Jainas who are stigmatized as cowards could guide military operations and that they could wage wars88 and could successfully effect negotiations. This arrogation of power in every field by the Jainas tempted the Jainas of Mārwar to Gujarāt which had at that time become a bome of the Jainas. Thus there is nothing wrong in saying that Jainism which exercised inescapable influence in the reign of Vanarāja suffered a little set-back when Siddharāja was a ruler, but was at its highest in the time of Kumārapāla. Moreover, there is a great number of references to show that the Cāvadās respected the Jaina yatis so much that they appointed them as their family priests 89.
References are also found to the effect that the kings of Sapadalaksa and of Tribhuvanagiri were converted to Jainism by Pradyuman asuri of Rājagaccha. When Viraganin was raised to the status of an Ācārya, the occasion was celebrated with great eclat and pomp by Cāmundarāja, the son of Mūlarāja. This Ācārya gave the vāsak sepa 40 to the king duly investing it with the māntric power. The queens who had up till now no sons took bath with the water mixed with it and as a result they got sons, Vallabharāja and others. All these incidents lead us to only one conclusion that Jainism was a religion of choice with kings and queens alike. As it was a religion of the ruling power it found a general reception from the public also. The sterling character of the Jaina mooks and the feeling of friendliness of Jiana laity both combined to set a good example on the society. Royal persons were more drawn towards it because it guided dispassionately the course of their conduct. There was a time when the Jaina world kept completely away from the hubbub and the turmoil. But as this indifference to hard realities put an undersirable check to its brisk spread it was soon replaced by living interest in what happened around. This modification of their attitude ensured a greater following. Though the beginnings of this change date back as far as the Vikrama era, they are more markedly seen from the times of the Cāvadās. This is seen in the Kings' adopting it as their favourite religion, in their joining the Jaina Samgha while going to a Jaina

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Some Aspects of Indian Culture place of pilgrimage, in their erecting Jaina temples, setting up Jaina images and repairing the same, in their granting special concessions and privileges to the Jainas and in issuing edicts consistent with the spirit of Jainism.
The significance of Abithsă, a cardinal principle of Jainism, has been largely and for the most part internationally, misunderstood. It has been interpreted as giving rise to or fostering cowardice and has been branded as a theory of the weak. This is certainly a misinterpretation. On the contrary, it is a contrary, it is a creed of the brave, the fittest. It requires more guts, greater stamina for its strict application. And to be brief, it is the only principle which can secure both secular and spiritual wellbeing. Therefore, it has never precluded the brave Jainas from entering into wars when they were sheer necessities. Not going beyond the bounds of Jainism, Silaguna sheltered Vanaraja; Hemacandra actively and ably guided Kumarapala in the administration of the state and Campa, Muñjala and Vimala waged wars. When Bhimadeva I was a ruler, Vimala, the general commander of his army, had defeated the twelve Sultans. He has thus earned designtion of Y04, 41
Gujarata under the Caulukyas is the Gujarata of Jainas. In private and public life, in the harem and outside, in art and architecture, in science and sculpture, the Jaina influence is the only influence that prevailed. So far as architecture is concerned, there is nothing in the world that can well compare with the famous Vimalavasahi. I may also mention one more example of the Jaina monk having been highly respected by the kings. Abhayadevasuri of the Harsapuriyagachha was held in high esteem by Karna who had also given him a nickname of Maladhari. He was equally loved by Khengara, the king of Saurastra. More than once, thousand Brahmins were converted to Jainism by him. 42 By his order King Bhuvanapala exempted the worshippers of the Jaina temples from paying the taxes. Jayasimha of Ajmer and Pṛthviraja of Sakambhari also were attracted to Jainsim by sheer preaching of this Sari. The influence of Jainsm in Gujarata cannot be rightly and completely understood without referring to Santu, Udayana and Sajjana. Udayana was so much popular in the royal household that he was more known as a Rajamäma. He was made a Suba of Cambay. Sajjana had repaired the Jaina temples on Girnar by spending the revenues of Saurastra of which he was the Suba. As the men at the helm of affairs were all Jainas, the people of Śrimala which had on account of famine and otherwise, become unattractive, were drawn towards Gujarata. Gurjaradeja thus became a Jaina State from east to west and south to north. I am once more reiterating the point that every field was practically captured by the Jainas. In Gujarata under the Caulukyas, literary output also was mainly due to the vigorous attampts of the Jainas. Śripala, a blind Jaina, was poet laureate in the court of Siddharaja who loved him so much that he was nicknamed 'Pratipannabandhu', and he was given the title of 'Kavicakravartti'45 by Siddharaja. In appreciation of his high intellectual gifts, Siddharaja declared his desire to give a lack of gold Mohurs to Devasüri when the latter worsted a Digamabra Jaina pandit named Kumudacandra in debate. As money is forbidden to a Jaina monk, it was spent in

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Jainism in Gujarata
building a Jaina temple Rajavihara46 where an image of Rsabhadeva was installed by Siddharaja. He had also honoured Amaracandra and Ananda with the titles of Vyaghrajijuka' and Simbajisuka 48 respectively. The king had such a love for Virarya that he was rendered unable to go away from the city by ordering the gates to be closed when Virarya was about to move out. He was also presented with the Jayapataka by the king when he inflicted a defeat upon Vadisimha, a dialectician, with the help of Govindasari. Siddharaja had also constructed a Jaina temple of Suvidhinatha the 9th Tirthankara. All these actions of Siddharaja prove his deep-seated sympathy for Jainism of which he made no secret.
When Kumarapala came to the throne, Jainism was at its zenith. All the important posts were filled by the Jainas and key positions guarded by them. Thus Jainism found a good deal of convenience for its spread and development when it became a religion of the royal persons openly, the subjects also prided themselves on adopting it. The wisdom of the Jaina monks lay in securing the royal patronage. Moreover, the Jaina saints spared no pains to help the royal persons tide over their difficulties. They brightened their spirits in their gloomy moments; they had led them to light from darkness; in short they doctored them so far as their spiritual health was concerned. Thus when they came to power, they did not forget the real obligation of the Jaina monks and Jainism. They discharged it in a number of ways referred to before and which shall be referred to now.
Udayana was now no more. His place was taken by his illustrious sons. Ambaḍa inflicted a defeat on Mallikarjuna of Konkana and earned for him the title of Rajapitamaha'.5 Vahada was a brave warrior and a brilliant literary mana curious admixture of two incompatible merits. He wrote the Vägbhaṭalankara and was raised to premiership. Cahada and Sollaka, the third and the fourth sons, occupied responsible posts. Thus Jainism found favourable winds in its voyage. It gave the message of deliverance to the suffering humanity. Animal-slaughter and a long train of vices associated with it were prohibited by ordinance. Special grants and concessions were given to the Jainas as per royal firmans. Old Jain temples were repaired, broken images were restored and new ones were set up. Scribes were employed to copy the books on palm-leaves or papers. Bhandars were established and art and architecture were unsurpassingly perfected.
Sakunikavihara Tirtha at Broach was repaired by Ambaka, the son of Rapiga and a pavement of some stone was carved out to the Mount Girnar by the same gentleman.51 Kumarapala's ardent love for Jainism is fully demonstrated by his visits to the Satrunjaya off and on, by his 1600052 reparations of old Jaina temples, and by placing golden jars on 144453 temples of the Jainas. He built quite a good number of new Jaina temples of which "Kumāravihara'54 is the first. It was set up, at Patan under the supervision of Vahada and the sons of Gargajetha. That Vihara (a collective term) contained twenty-four Jaina temples. "Tribhuvanavihara" was the next big Vihara that was formed of seventy-two small Jaina temples, Twenty-four Jaina

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timples representing twenty-four Tirthankaras as well as Vihara called Trivihara 36 were all constructed only at Patan, excluding others that were built elsewhere. This gives us a pretty fair idea of the devotional depth of King Kumārapāla of Jainism.
Most of these magnificent monuments of the Jains succumbed to the iconoclastic whim of the Muslim kings and to the anti-Jaina attitude of Ajayapala.57 Of those that survived, one on the Tārangā bills, symbolically expresses the firm faith of king Kumarapala in Jainism. In addition to those glorious actions of King Kumārapāla, indicating his sincerity of Jainism, he founded twenty-one Jaina Bhāndārs, put a stop to animal-slaughter by a royal declaration technically called 'Amārighoşanā'85 and cancelled the law confiscating the uninherited property.59 It is sufficiently obvious from all these facts that Kumārapala was a confirmed and devout Jaina and therefore he was called a 'Paramārbata', & a staunch follower of Arhat.
Kumarapāla was succeeded by Ajayapala--his cousin. Unlike his worthy predecessors, he was ill-disposed to Jainism which was once more restored to its original dignity and status by the unexceptional generosity of Vastupala and Tejapāla which has no parallel in the history of the whole world. Vastupāla, who was also called ‘Laghu Bhojaraja'61 on account of his bounteous nature, had founded three Bhandaras spending after them a huge amount of eighteen crores of rupees.82 It is also gratifying to note that he, whose wealth reached a mathematical figure, was instead of being a bigoted Jaina, equanimous to non-Jaina schools of thought also. Thus there are clear references to show that he spent lacs of rupees in making arrangements for the worships of the Hindu temples at places like Somesvara, Bhțgukachha, Suklatirtha, Vaidyanātha, Dwārikā, Kāsi-Visvanātha, Prayāga, etc, etc.68 A similar example of the catholicity of the Jainas is also provided by Shāh Sajiga Desalaharā, the brother of Samarāsā, who restored the famous Rudramahalaya at Siddhapur.8 This shows that the considerations of caste, colour and creed did not interfere with their liberalities.65 These two brothers-Saliga and Samarā-stood by the people and served them at the time of the devastating invasion of Allāuddin. It is a truism to say that the charitable dispostion is a racial characteristic of the Jainas. This has been fully dealt with in the foregoing pages while, referring to Udayana, Ambada, Vahada, Bhāyadašā, Vimala and Jāvadašā. Jagadusā is another instance of the point. He was a native of Bhadreśvara in Cutch and he distributed lacs of maunds of grain to the famine-stricken people.&6
To sum up, the administration of the state, in the Caulukyas and the Waghela periods was entirely in the hands of the Jainas. The whole policy regarding it was formulated and shaped by them. Jämbā, Nedha, Vimala, Muñjala, śāntu, Āśuka, Udayana, Ambāka, Vahada, Sajjana, Soma, Dhavala, Pșthvipāla, Vastupala, Tejapāla, Pethada, and Samarāžā67 are some of these distinigushed Jainas of the Caulukya and the Waghelā periods, who were entrusted with the onerous and responsible duty of administering the state. The architecture of these periods is under the deep debt

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to the Jainas for its conception, execution, and perfection.68 Its exquisiteness becoming manifest through the Jaina temples at śatrunjaya, Girnāra, Tarangā, Ābu, Pāvāgadha, Zaghadia, Kāvi, Chhānī, Mātar, Bārejā, Petbāpur, Pānsar, Serisā, Sankbesvara, Bhoyani, Metrānā, and Bhiladia and various other cities and villages of Gujarāta, is Perennial.69 It is they that have kept alive the art and architecture of the Caalukya Gujarāta. And what about literature ? It also bears equally perceptible imprint of the Jaina genius The monks stayed in the Upāśrayas at Apahilapur, Broach, Cambay, Kapadavanja, Dholkā, Dhandhukā, Karnavati, Dabhoi, Baroda, Surat, Pālanpur, Candrāvati, Idar and Vadanagara and turned out a vast amount of literature on almost all the topics is evidenced through a bewildering lot of manuscripts which lie hidden in the Bhāņdārs of those places. 7° It is no less superior in quality and quantity to the Brāhmanical and the Buddhistic literatures in point of originality and imagination. The credit of establishing the Pānjarāpols for breeding the cattle and protecting the crippled animals etc. goes to the Jainas of Gujarāta.71 This was their special innovation. It was, no doubt, an outcome of the extension of the principle of Ahimsa which means non-injurty to man and animals alike. Though the Jainas are wedded to the principle of Ahimsā, they were not cowards necessarily. As I have said before72, this observation is borne out by gallant Jaina warriors such as Vimala, Ambada, Lahir, Udayana, Vastupāla and Sajjana. The equanimous attitude of the Jainas of Gujarāta to all the religions alike is amply testified by their erection of the temples of Siva along with those of the Jina.73 In short, in the Caulukya regime the life and literature, art and architecture, sculpture, politics and the public works, administration and education-everything of human interest and happiness was predominantly governed, conditioned and controlled by the Jaina vision, intellect and common sense.
Notes
1 Hemacandra's Kivyānušāsana, Vol. II, E1. Rasiklal C. Parikh Pub. Mahavira Jaina Vidalaya,
Bombay, 1938 (HK), Introduction p. XXI. 2 Jaina Sahityano Samkşipta Itihasa (ISSI), M. D. Desai, Bombay, 1933, Para 32. 3 HK (cited above), Intr. p. XLIII. 4 JSSI (cited above), Para, 235. 5 Merutunga's Prabandhacintamani, trans, C. H. Tawnay, p. 19. 6 Bombay Gazetteer, I-p. 169 7 G. Buhler, Ueber das Leben des Jaina mouches Hemacandra, Denks cdripten der Kais Akademie
der Wissenschanften in Wien, 1889 8 HK (cited above) Intr. p. CLXXXVIII.
9 G, H, Oza, Rājaputānekā Itihäs, Vol. I, pp. 218-219 10 H. Glassenapp. Der Jainismus (DJ) pp. 61-62. 11 HK (cited above) Intr. p. CX. 12 Muni Jinavijayaji's article Räjarşi Kumirapila' (RK)
Bharatiya Vidyā (Guj.-Hindi), Vol. i. Ny 3, 233. AS-9

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13 DJ (cited above) pp. 61-62.
14 (a) G. Buhler, Uebar da Leben des Jaina monches Hemacan fra, Denkschriften der Kais Akademie der Wisenschaften in Wien, 1889, pp. 45ff.
(b) DJ (cited above), p. 63.
(c) U. S. Tank, Some distinguished Jains, 2nd edition. Agra, 1918, pp. 1 ff (d) RK (cited above) p. 234.
15. DJ (cited above) pp. 63-64.
26. Op. cit, loc. cit.
29. Op. cit; p. 75
16. RK (cited above), page 241..
17. Madhyaka'no Sahitaya Pravaha, Gujarati Sahitya, Vol. 5 (MSP), Bombay 1929 p. 90
18. MSP (cited above) p. 104. 20. MSP (cited above) p. 72.
19. U.S.Tank, Some distinguished Jains, pp. 47ff. 21. MSP (cited above) p. 99
22. MSP (cited above) p. 73. 24. MSP (cited above) p 73
23. MSP (cited above) p. 73 25. Op. cit., loc cit.
27.
Op. cit; loc. cit.
30.
Op, cit; p. 78.
32. The Prabhandhacintamani supports this name. But the präcina Jaina lekha Samgraha, edited by Muni Jinavijayaji, part 2, No. 510, mentions the name Silagunasūri.
33. MSP (cited above), p. 79
34, Op. cit; loc cit.
35. Op. cit; loc. cit.
36. Op. cit; loc. cit.
37.
Op. cit; loc cit.
38. "Gujaratano Jaina dharma" (GJ) by Muni Jinavijayaji, Gujarati Granthakāra Sammelana Vyakhyānamālā, pub. Oriental Institute, Baroda, 1938 p. 111.
39. cf. सिसोदीया संडेसरा, चउदसीआ चोहाण,
MSP (cited above). p. 79. 40. 42. OP. cit; p. 84. 43. Op. cit. p. 85 46. RK (cited above) p. 226. 47. 49. Op. cit. 50. RK (cited above), p. 243. 53. OP. cit; loc. cit. 56. MSP (cited above) p. 90. 59. RK (cited above) p. 228 62. Op. cit; loc, cit,
65
GJ cited above p. 112. compare, 67. Op. cit. p. 93.
70. Op. cit. p. 105
73. Op. cit. p. 112,
Some Aspects of Indian Culture

54. RK (cited above) p. 231
57. Op. cit. p. 104. 60. RK cited above p. 224. 63. GJ cited above p. 113,
चैत्यवासीआ चावडा, कुलगुरु एह वखाण. MSP (cited above), 82.
41. Op. cit; loc. cit. 44. Op. cit, p. 86, 45. Op. cit; loc. cit MSP (cited above) p. 86 48 Op. cit; loc cit. 51. MSP (cited above) p. 89. 52. Op cit; p 90
55. Op. cit. p. 239 58. HK, Inr. p. CCXI,
61. MSP cited above p. 108 64. Op. cit. p. 98
66. Op, cit. 114.
68. Op. cit. p. 104. 71. Op. cit. p. 139.
28.
31.
Op. cit; loc. cit.
Op. cit; p. 79.

69. Op. cit. p. 96. 72 Op. cit. p. 111,

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LIFE AND CULTURE IN JAIN A NARRATIVE LITERATURE * (8th, 9th and 10th Century A.D.)
All aspects of contemporary culture and civilization are delineated in Jaina narrative literature. Ways of life adopted by the people have been so intimately identifled with those of the characters. A Jaina monk in course of his wanderings never missed an opportunity to awaken and enlighten the people with the basic tenets and principles of Jainism. Villages, towns and cities-all were roused from their spiritual slumber by the stimulating touch of these wandering Jaina monks. Even though they were wedded to seclusion and solitariness, the monks did not hesitate to describe in their works the actual life lived by kings, queens, and the people They also gave a graphic account of the wild life of those days, customs and beliefs in the illustrative parables and stories written to emphasize the significance of the vows they undertook and the rites and rituals they performed. Their storieswritten in the dialects of the days, presented the cultural background of the social and political life of the age. Thus the stories of the Jaina writers have an irresistible appeal and charm.
This narrative literature of the Jainas in Prakrit is vast and rich. There was a time when Prakrit was spoken language of the people. This literature served the purpose of folk-literature also. It represents the initial stage of our folk literature. We find the origin of the folk literature in Vasudevahindi for the first time. Gunadhya's Brhatkatha which is Paijaci, is a veritable treasury of folk literature. Hence folk literature and the narrative of the Jainas in Prakrit are inseparably linked. We come across references to the dignity of man, a new meaning and significance of life, hero-worship, etc. It abounds in solutions of serious problems confronting mankind. Prakrt writers adopted the pattern of folk literature for their stories which were held in high esteem by western scholars amongst whom Hertal is the foremost. He says that the Prakrit writers have a technique of their own in the narration of the stories which have faithfully stored informations, regarding trends and tendencies shaping and governing the life of the people belonging to various strata of society. He states further that the stories are not only the source
* Published in the Orient (the cultural organ of Asia), 41-A Sahar Road, Andheri (East) 1974 This article is based exclusively on the informations contained in
a. "Haribhadrake Prakrit Katha Sahityakā Ālocanātmaka Parisilan "by Pandit Ne.michandra Sanstri pub. Research Institute of Parkrit, Muzzafarpur (Bihar), pp, 419; Price Rs. 10-30, and
b. "Jain Kathiomki Sinskritic Adhayayan" by Shri Chandra Jain, pub. Roshanlal Jain and Sons, Jaipur 3, 1971: pp, 160, Price Rs. 13/-.

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of educational wealth of the people, but also contain the elements and data from wbich a dependable history of Indian civilization and culture can be constructed. Spiritualism
Narrative literature of the Jainas is replete with information regarding their beliefs and interpretation of soul, atom, world, emancipation, heaven, hell, vice and virtue. The soul is divided into two categories, namely, worldly or mundane and freed or emancipated. The former is again subdivided into fit-to-get-emancipation (Bhavya) as well as unfit-to-get-emancipation (Abhavya). These stories illustrate through various incidents and characters such as monks, saints, the misery of existence and enjoin the people to work ceaselessly for their redemption. The writers have so devised their stories that religious beliefs and sentiments are automatically inculcated in them and fostered. While expounding in course of the narrative the principles and tenets of Jainism, they lay bare the fallacies and deficiencies of the rival sects with a spirit of impartiality of a judge.
Referring broady to the elemental fact that Jainism is by and large a religion, the sole and final aim of which is total cessation of activities, good and bad, these writers also lay down that the people should not give up in the intervening period the performance of social duties, but on the contrary should so do them that in the process they get gradually purified and ultimately extricate themselves from the snares of passions such as love and hatred. Postulating that the world is without end and the soul independent, a being suffers or enjoys in accordance to his deeds and activities. This is what is adumbrated off and on in the stories. Religious practices and the performance; of rites and rituals purge the soul of its impurities and finally enable it to achieve emancipation. With these writers rebirth is out of question and the hypothetical contingency of an arbitrary, sovereign ruler, called God, is ruled out completely. The chastening effect of the disciplinary vows and moral values is accepted beyond doubt. Thus Nivṛtti is not passivity but activity which does not involve the doer as he keeps awake his awareness that he is neither the doer nor the not-doer. Jaina writers have illustrated these principles in their stories through characters, historical, semi-historical or fictitious. While doing this, they appear at times and on occasions inartistic and unaesthetic but they have never cared for this.
A certain sovereign monarch thinks in his mind that everything in this world is transitory, and the world is a veritable ocean fully packed with miseries. He further thinks that a being is attached to a filthy thing as a hody which is a receptacle of urine and faeces ane is repellent. A wise man is never enchained with such a body. This is what we come across in Arahana Kahäkosa, Ist Part, p. 30. In the same work, on page No. 135 we get an illustrative story of the monk, named Vajra who with unflinching devotion to Jainism explained what fell within the limits of Jainism such as installation of idols, renovation of old and dilapidated Jaina temples etc., and exhorted other monks to emulate his example in preaching the same thing as well as in preaching that chariot-procession, giving alms and instruction etc., are worth doing for the elevation of Jainism, for the attainment of right

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69
faith so that they may become the object of respect and adoration and ultimately be entitled to emancipation. The story of a king, Surata by name, conveys a lesson that he got excellent happiness as he welcomed the monks with total respect and reverence, requested them to take seats higher than the seat on which he was sitting and fed them with innocent alms. The story affirms that distribution of charities, performance of vows and worship of Jain idols etc., form a part of a layman's duty and condemns those who do not do it comparing them with trees havihg no fruits (Loc. cit. p. 75). The same work refers to a woman who though chaste wandered in this worldly cycle due to the sinful activities which she had commited in her previous births (p. 76). Describing what Samyaktva (Right faith) is and means, the Arahaņākosa gives an example of a monk, named Rjumati, who exhorts the people to cultivate right faith because it is verily the seed of emancipation. A monk can go all out for the ascetic life but this being not possible for a layman, progressive development of Right Vision is the goal prescribed to him. It should be practised in all its entirety. But this is possible only if a perverted belief is given up. A misconduct which violates what has been told and done by the Jinas is termed Mithyātva which is the deadliest enemy of the soul destroying its power and potentiality (part 8, page 209). In Punnāsavakahākosa, we come across the story of a Jain monk whose name was Sudarsana. In course of the story, we hear him speaking to a professional prostituse to the effect that this dirty body is the abode of miseries, is abounding in worms and vermins, is a victim of humoral vitiations and is liable to perish. It should be employed, he states there, towards attaining freedom from bondage and never for worldly pleasures which are transitory and ultimately harmful. There is no happiness comparable to salvation and this can be had only if one uses his body for gainful purposes by practising penance and hard austerities (p. 121). Ascetic Vows
Celebration of vows and religious occasions played a major role in activating and intensifying the zeal for spiritualism. These have bearing, direct or indirect, on the cultural life as it was lived in these days. They also produce a feeling of identity between co-religionists and a joy which is so essential for making religious practices which otherwise are dry and disinteresting, an object worth pursuing. They indeed contributed to developing soul's inner and innate capacity and raise the spiritual level without which final release is not possible. Ahjṁsā-oriented Jaina civilization and culture not only does not deny but lays accent on the fact that worldly progress and prosperity is not something which is at logger-head with spiritual integrity and purity. Performance of religious practices and programmes is also enjoined on those days and occasions when birth anniversary falls, the children are about to go to school, bride and bride-groom marry. Spring festivities are arranged and holi is observed because along with worldly pleasures and amusements they provided, happiness of heaven also insured through the merit accumulated by it. Writers of these stories have also recommended certain religious procedures which, if gone through in a strictly prescribed manner, can completely remove or at least redress

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the sufferings of the crippled hardships of the handicapped, dangers and difficulties of the deceased and destitute and mitigate the miseries of those whose desires remain unfulfilled. Rohinivrata, Naga pañcamivrata, Aşṭanhikāvrata, Puspañjalivrata, Sugandhadajamtvrata are some of the instances to the point according to Arahanakahakosa and Punnasavakahakosa. Acceptance of these vratas has proved efficacious without doubt for the attainment of spiritual purity and for shedding the Karmas accumulated in the past as also for mundane and extra-mundane benefits. The Supernatural
The presence of the supernatural element in Jaina narrative literature is a peculiarity of its own. It promotes the general interest of the reader instead of reducing it which is usual with such literary devices. It is pressed into service at a proper time and gives a turn to the narration when no other trick would work Its employment just in the nick of time and in a required degree stimulates curiosity. which is a necessity, if the story is not to miss its purpose. In order to develop the character of a hero or a villian, it is a powerful weapon with the Jaina literary writers.
Humorous stories and the stories abounding in supernatural element are similar to each other in a way. From beginning man is habituated to imagine about the supernatural elements in nature and to invoke it for a help when no other means are at hand. He has been depending upon it to get his desires fulfilled when human effort falls far below to fulfil them or when there is darkness everywhere around, it is this divine element which sends a new ray of hope. Though man knows that it is a figment of his own imagination and there is nothing real in it, still takes delight in conjuring up such illusions so that he can safely escape from reality. It is on the basis of faith and not rational reasoning that the existence of such an element in the constituion of the universe can be defended. Once you grant it you can exploit it for any end good or bad. Thus, its practical utility is unquestioned. A man wants fabulous wealth, a charming wife, who is a paragon of beauty, a fame which spreads far and wide, this thing and that thing and when he knows that human effort is futile and insufficient and that the worldly medium is useless to answer his prayer, it is the belief in this supernatural element that does the trick and saves him from slough of despondency. What brings him to near perfection is his blind faith in this element. Thus let us accept that a ghost, a god, a goblin, a fairy, a magical wand-the constituents of this supernatural universe-have a legitimate place in the narrative literature of the Jains as also they have in non-Jaina literature.
These stories, while clearly illustrating the superhuman power of the Jaina saints and sages also impress upon the followers that the employment of this element is also found in other literature. The twofold purpose of generating faith and making the people shun sinful activities is successfully served through this. People are firmly grounded in faith of Jainism which has remained unshaken for generations to come by these divine and semi-divine characters of Jaina literature.

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Soul and Karmas
Jainism affirms that the soul has got infinite capacity. By shedding the Karmas the soul develops its conscience and omnipotence. It is not possible to comprehend the entire impact of the supernatural agency or power which is but the outcome of this measureless potentiality of the soul. Shall we call the miracles brought about by the spiritual masters through their innate limitless capacity of the soul as merely unreal or imaginary? It is possible that the ordinary man will not be able to grasp it and rationally understand it. But it is as true as the existence itself for a Jaina who has faith in the spirit's unlimited power as declared by the Jaina seers. It is no wonder, therefore, if the miseries due to famine or due to some incurable disease are relieved or removed by this spiritual power as we very often see in the narrative literature of the Jainas. By the systematic and scientific utterance of the mystic formulae which is one of the manifestations of spiritual potentiality many difficult tasks such as taming : ferocious animal, the cure of a fatal disease and the stalling of enemy's attack are accomplished. The stories connected with the power and efficacy of the Bhaktāmara Stotra can be cited as instances to substantiate the above point.
Now let us analysc the purpose for which the supernatural agency has been employed in the Jaina narrative literature. Some of these are definitely the following (a) for displaying the impact and efficiency of Jainism; (b) for making the story more attractive and appealing than what it would have otherwise been; (c) for illustrating the magical power of the mystical formula; (d) for proving the greatness to the great: (e) for developing the main characters of the story; (f) for stimulating curiosity; (g) for creating proper atmosphere in the story; (h) for the maintenance of traditon: (i) to incrcase the bulk and the size of the story; (j) to carry out a specific objective; (k) to give a turn and twist to the narrative; (1) for strengthening a belief etc.
These would not have been carried out effectively without the help of the supernatural element. Mere human agency or effort would have miserably fallen short and the writer's aim would have suffered. The Miracles
Certain incidents and episodes, almust patent, are cited here in support of what has been said above regarding the employment of supernatural agency. There is an episode in the story literature of the Jainas which eulogizes the efficacy of celibacy in lieu of which weapons are turnej into inaction (Sudarshan Seth's story in Punyäsrava Kathäkosa, p. 11). These are some of the phenomena which we very often come across in the story literature. op. cit. p. 195. A fine aerial car comes into existence and air fight is undertaken. op, cit. p. 228. When the four principal Karmas of the would-be Tirthavkara are co npletely anaihilated, ten "excellences" occur as its evidence, namely--no famine visits the area measuring four hundred yojanas when the Tirthankara moves round about; without any vehicle he can float in the air; no one hurts any one in his religious assemblage; he can remain without

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food for ever till death; all his four faces appear in all the four directions, he knows and perceives everything; his body has no shadow etc. (op. p. 348). A sovereign and monarch's material property consisting of eighteen crores of horses, eightyfour lacs of elephants, eightyfour lacs of chariots, eightyfour crores infantry, thirtytwo thousands of semi-divine body-guards, ninety-six thousands of queens, three crores of cows, nine treasures. etc, is amazing. He can have his desires fulfilled at any time and place through many other treasures which are in his possession. He can have any food and fragrance by merely wishing He wills that the sword be present and the sword is present. He wishes anything and it is present. Five miraculous occurrences take place in the case of one who has offered food which confirms to the standard prescribed to an ideal monk (op. cit 257). Plague, epidemic, famnine and accidental death are kept at a distance if the birds called Kinjalka happen to stay in the vicinity. (Arahanakahakosa p. 55). A foulsmelling body becomes scented in a moment by virtue of the mystical formulae and one can attain the power to fly in the air in lieu of the magical spell which he has come to possess (op.cit. p. 95). By special powers acquired through penances and hard austerties one could assume a form, big or small as he liked (op. cit. p. 120). A self-controlled monk could tame hunting hound and turn poisonous arrows into flowers (op. cit. 157). A persons who has been thrown into the lake in the midst of ferocious aquatic animals living in the lake could be saved simply through miraculous power achieved by practising some vows (op. cit. p. 184). Gems and jewels were showered by the heavenly powers when an ideal monk was honoured with innocent alms (op. cit. p. 228). By recitng the Bhaktamara stotra, incurable diseases were cured, a conflagration was quelled, a raging ocean was brought to book, a dangerous storm was stopped, beasts of prey were made lowly like lambs, a poor man got plenty of money, obstacles were warded off and one was saved from the snake-bite. A monk's very sight made one recollect his previous lives. A desire-yielding tree fulfilled wishes. Many difficult works were accomplished through the agency of gods, Goddesses waited upon the mothers of the revered Jinendras whose birth was celebrated by the lord of gods, descended from the heaven specially for that purpose and bathed the lord with the water of the milky ocean on the mountain, Sumeru; they arranged dances of the godesses befitting the auspicious occasion where eulogies were sung by the Gandharvas. Immediately a Tirthankara was born, the conches blew automatically in the houses of the Bhavanapati gods, drums beat in those of the Vyantara gods, a lion's roar issued in those of the Jyotisi gods, and the gongs rang in the reside aces of the Kalpavasis (Punyaśravakathakosa p. 335). In order to fully percieve and enjoy the extraordinary handsomeness of the Tirthankara when he is born, Indra develops his two eyes into thousand and drinks deep his charm and grace and bathes his body enthroned on a gem-bedecked seat with one thousand huge pitchers filled with water of the milky ocean. When a Tirthankara is born, fourteen wonders are created by the gods, namely, (1) Aradhamagadhi language, (2) friendliness to all, (3) decoration of the religious

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assemblage with the best flowers of all seasons; (4) jewelled earth, (5) favourable wind, (6) cooling the dust, (7) rain of scented water, (8) creation of even lotuses round the footprints of the Tirthankara, (9) cheerfulness in the hearts of all people of the world, (10) entrancing joy in the hearts of the people, (11) clear sky, (12) inviting gods for seeing the Tirthankara, (13) Moving of the wheel of Religion in front of Tirthankara whenever and wherever he moves, and (14) creation of eighty auspicious things.
Social life
73
Social picture as reflected in the narrative literature of the Jainas is clear and complete. People lived in happiness and comfort as the ruler was on the whole kind and just. The king took the people as his own children. As such, he always worried and worked for their welfare. People also reciprocated the good will of king with equal, perhaps greater, intensity and integrity. The relation between the ruler and the ruled was of holy character on the political plane also. There was neither exploitation nor extortion, and blackmail was never thought of even. This does not mean that there were no bad kings or wicked rulers. Taken as a whole, the benign far outnumbered the bad.
Indications are found that there were religious conflicts and confrontations, as under these rulers, religious catholicity prevailed accomodating religions of every denomination and persuation. (Aradhana Kathakula, Part I, p. 8). Though there was co-existence of all religions, the Jaina writers in their stories tried to establish the superiority of Jainism and described all the kings figuring in the stories followers of Jainism.
To secure social stability and preserve law and order in the state, the kings mostly resorted to inflicting severe punishment to the miscreants and wrongdoers. This was because the kings accepted in principle and practice that social security was necessary for the maintenance of their own kingship. They could not rule if there was unrest and anarchy. This motivated them for doing everything possible for the good of the society. The anti-social elements were weeded out by all possible means and were brought to book.
Caste system and moral life
Preservation of caste system was a sacred, God-given command with these kings. Rules and regulations governing the caste-system were strictly enforced and any one violating them was severely dealt with and sometimes exiled too (op. cit. p. 143). The kings did not hesitate to involve deterrent capital punishment to teach a lesson. to the offenders. The murderers were sent to the gallows without fail and delay. (Punyasrava Kathakola, p. 82). This type of penal code assured and increased integrity of character and stalled the onward march of crime which shook the social structure from its very foundation.
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It is, indeed, impossible to expect total morality even in monks and saints, much less in ordinary human beings. They were exposed by their very nature to evil influences. This is why we meet in these stories with people who derived pleasure from forbidden things such as gambling etc.
Thefts also were committed, though they were not so frequently indulged ju as in our days (Aradhana Kathakota, part II, p. 112). Even in the atmosphere pervaded a climate of noninjury. Practice of eating human flesh, though very also referred to. (op. cit. p. 179). Though society was infected by the occasional virus of such evil and anti-social practices, it was on the whole very well advanced and progressive and the man turned to the path of renunciation the moment he saw the winds favourable for sail (Punyairavakathakoša, p. 33 and 36; also Aradhanakathakota, part I, p. 147). The fact is that these writers have always stood for preservation of values even in the background of reality. They stated directly and indirectly, that while being pragmatic, one should not neglect the higher, the lofter and the nobler pursuits.
Marriage
The Jaina writers gave adequate weightage to marriage, in the absence of which licentiousness, they feared, would be the only course left open to a person for giving vent to his carnal desires. They have given their verdict in favour of marriage which kept the scale of proclivities in balance. There are two view points governing the institution of marriage. According to one, it is a bargain, pure and simple, in which a duty of looking after children and managing the domestic affairs was assigned to the female partner and that of earning to the male. It has no religious sanctity and sanction which are the elements of the other view point according to which marriage was a sacrament, a pledge which if and when given was not to be broken under any circumstances until death. It is argued that religion fills the void and vacuum in a human being. Religion cannot be faithfully and fully practised. without the help of inspiration derived from marriage. Wife and children are necessary auxiliaries. Family life only could tie the man to a post of moral stability. It is the only institution that saves a being from unbridled conduct and at the same time urges him onward to progress and unfolding his self. It is both, a check and chastening if it is rightly understood. From social point of view, there can be these. objectives behind the concept of marriage, namely, performance of religious duties, progeny, the discharge of one's own responsibility, towards family, towards society. and also unfolding the human character, giving of alms, etc.
The origin of the institution of marriage dates back from time immemorial. Marriage makes it possible to undertake religious performances and practices, to earn money and maintenance and to fulfil the duty assigned to a householder. The real objective of a householder's life is to give alms, to offer worship to gods etc. and to help monks and nuns in carrying out their mission. Without the existence of a householder who alone can provide food to the saints, they will not be able

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accomplish their duty and play the role fixed for them. The man or the woman alone will be ill-equipped to do the job satisfactorily. Therefore, the institution of marriage get sufficient justification, as without it, the preservation of the fourfold samgha and family traditions will not be achieved.
While discussing the necessity and importance of marriage, Adipurana goes so far as to state categorically that progeny is not possible without it and religion is not possible without progeny (Adipuraṇamen Pratipädita Bharata, pp. 160-161).
15
A variety of marriage is referred to in stories. While fixing the marrige, ago, social status and cultural heritage of the bridegroom's and bride's families are duly considered. Even today, this type of special consideration finds acceptance in some form or the other. Caste and community also play predominant part in the matter of selection of the partner.
Marriage has a special place in a man's life and is celebrated with delight and enthusiasm. But according to different castes and communities, there are different customs, traditions, regulations and ceremonies in relation to its celebration. Notwithstanding this variety, the auspicious moment when the marriage is to be solemnized and the bondage of love between the two partners forming the couple are common to all of them (Punyasravakathakoja, p. 37, p. 67, etc.). Many of the stories can be cited, illustrating this point.
In the Jaina narrative literature, references to inter-caste marriages are also found. The story of Nagakumara Kamadeva in the Punyasrava Kathakola (p. 126) is an instance. In the same book, there are clear indications that the bride herself selected the husband being guided by her own judgement based on the description. of the factors and features, provided as a rule of the princes and princely persons invited to attend the Svayamvara by the father of the bride who played host to them all (p. 7; p, 246).
In the days bygone, mostly the brides who had reached maturity, were considered marriageable. It is only because of this that a lady was given an option to stipulate condition of her own the fulfilment of which settled the marriage. The condition laid down by her aimed at the assessment of the would be bridegroom's ability and integrity (op. cit. p. 126; p 371).
In the Jaina story literature, there are accounts of the Vidyadhara brides being married to people of this earth. There are more than one theories regarding origin and the kind of these Vidyadharas. Two theories are commonly advanced. According to one, the Vidyadharas are something of semi-gods who dwelt in the mountainous ranges forming part of Vijayardha and visited in their aerial cars, occasionally this world of ours for pleasures and diversions or for accomplishing some special aim or object. According to the other, the Vidyadharas are human beings but uncommon in spirit and strength (see the story of Vajrakumara in the Aradhanakathakola, part I, p. 121).

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These stories of the Jainas reflecting the atmosphere of the feudal barons and princes do not miss to castigate the amorous nature of those princes, rulers, kings and chieftains, These lords threw off, occasionally, the fetters of marriage and went out of their way to satisfy their lust, sometimes with the brides of the Mlecchas even. Though they had kept monogamy as their ideal, they did not hesitate to go in for polygamy even.
Food and Dress
There are references to be found lo the narrative literature of the Jainas about the fourfold caste system. Sometimes, the Śūdras were divided into two categories, namely touchable and untouchable. On accont of this, food and drink also differed acoording to the kind of the caste. Harmless but substantial food found place in the dietary of the Jainas. Some of the non-Jainas took to meat-eating and fiesh-eating also. They took pourishing food as they were health-conscious (Punyäsravakathakośa, p. 276). Sweetmeats, mostly made up of ghee and sugar were in vogue. In the villages, people subsisted on an article of food called Sattu while the prisoners were given rice of inferior type (see Do Hajat Varsh Purani Kahanian by Dr. J. C. Jain pp, 41, 91, 96, 125). As the financial position permitted, people used to put on costumes. apparel and ornaments of various descriptions and manufacture in order to satisfy their tastes. They also kept their bodies clean and perfumed, applying various types of unguents, anoinments and scented powders. The fashion of chewing beatle-leaves, applying scents and attars, and putting on fancy garments and costly ornaments is sign of the people's prevailng mood to use luxury goods and articles (op. cit., 41). Rich people lavishly dressed themselves, with valuable clothes and put on gems and jewels on their bodies, as they thought they appeared thereby more charming and attractive (Ārādhanā Kathakośa. part II p. 46). Queens and princesses went further and did not spare anything in dressing and decorațing themselves as best as they could, just befitting their status (Pun yastavakathākoša, p. 65). Ordinary people did not bother much and made no fuss about this but pulled on within their own limits.
Games and Amusements
People took holiday from business and occupational activities with a view to removing fatigue and refreshing themselves employing various types of diversion which promised and provided pleasures and amusements. Gambling(Punyästavakathakosa, p. 83), seeing drama (op. cit. p. 197), riding (op. cit. p. 126), playing chess, singing, swimming (op. cit. o. 107), celebration of spring festivities, and dancing are some of the many pastimes, which the people in those days took to for the sake of pleasure. Educated people removed their fatigue by taking an escape into reading, writing, teaching, holding seminars and debates. Those who had no moral scruples and religious inhibitions used hunting as a kill-joy (op. cit. p. 19) Conferences, conversations and talks in which only the elite participated were organized for the pleasure of the kings and princes. Exhibitions of various arts and handicrafts

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77
sometimes did the job. Testing intelligence through riddles and puzzles also afforded pleasure, entertainment and enlightement (Aradhanā Kathakosa, part III pp. 179-77). While giving his judgement in a particular disputed case the king utilized the occasion also for his mental delight and relief (Do Hajār Varsha Purani Kahanian by Dr. Jaina, p. 63).
Maintenance has always been a matter of prime concern for the whole mankind since the beginning of Time. In accordance with the prevailing times and conditions, it has sought to devise ways and means to secure livelihood. Jain story literature generally refers to many a means to eke out one's own livelihood, to name a few of them, agriculture, education, trade and business, arts and architecture, handicrafts, industries, arms and ammunitions, service, etc. (Adipuranamen Prati padita Bhārata by Dr. Jain, p. 337).
Kingship and Bureaucracy
The Jaina story literature is literally littered with references to kings, monarchs and sovereign rulers. Much has been said regarding their rule and administration, wars, battles, border clashes and skirmishes. Warrior's acts of bravery have found proper place in it. From all relevant accounts is clear that the armies played a constructive role in the preservation of security, law and order. The safety of the citizens was protected at all cost. The citizens, properly qualified and trained joined the army and served the state and also their own self.
When oral instructions and orders from the king or the prime minister was enough, there was no question of written directions. But this was not possible and desirable always. There had to be a bureaucracy to ensure prompt execution, accuracy and preservation of recorded evidence. The only difference that existed between the procedures of those days and those of our days at present was that it was never allowed to row indispensable. Bureacratic hold, red-tapism were never allowed to take roots. The officers had no say in the matter. They were employed to do the clerical work and keep the records on hand. There was of course a big section of such officers in every department of the state. The state did not underrate their need and usefulness. Agricultre was no doubt one of the major means of maintenance. The well-being of the people and the state depended very largly on this. Adequate coverage is given to the peasants and farmers in their stories by the writers. In doing so they have not overemphasized their indispensability. The farmers are the real feeders in the final analysis. Doing perspiring labour, it is they who put life in the land, untilled and unsown, barren and wild. This feature is sufficiently underlined by the Jaina writers of these stories. (Punyāsrava Käthākosa, p. 337 and Do Hajár Vavshapuraņi Kahāniyān p. 96).
Trade and Commerce
The traders and businessmen amassed wealth in their business. Boats and vessels

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and ships plied in those days. The enterprising merchants undertook voyages, went to far off countries to earn more wealth. They used to return home with wealth increased and money multiplied. No trouble dampened their spirit and no difficulty ever had an upper hand. They fully illustrated by their example the maxim "fortune favours the brave" and "wealth goes to him who is industrious" (Aradhand Kathakota, part II, p. 35 and p.135; Do Hajar Varsha Purani Kahanian; p. 31 and p. 96).
The learned and literay people also did not lag behind. They employed their scholarships as a means to maintenace. It is said in these stories of the Jaina writers that a musician earned his livlihood through music and a poet through his poems. Lower section of the society fixed its hope of sustenance on their professional activities such as picture-showing, ropewalking, magic, sorcery and sleights of hand.

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POSITION OF WOMEN IN JAINA LITERATURE *
Various broad categories of women have been described in Jaina narrative literature, both religious and secular, by the Jaina writers. Among them, women as bride, wife, mother, widow, nun, prostitute etc. are noteworthy.
In Indian Society, though a woman has been respected, cajoled and cared after, her birth was considered a matter of great misery and mishap for the family. Her parents were always anxious about her physical security and character. They never felt free so long as she was not married with a deserving husband. She was a property of her husband deposited temporarily with the father. A very large amount of money or estate, which guaranteed a good living, was set apart for the princess when her father, the King declared her dowry at the time of her marriage. There was a special provision of a separate comfortable harem for the princesses guarded over by an old chamberlain who was the custodian of her character and virginity. She was reared with care and no pains were spared for her education which included painting, dance and drama. We come across in Haribhadra's Samarā iccakaha, a character, Kusumavati, who was a princess well-grounded in the art of composing poem. 1
We cannot say with exactness, due to paucity of material, about the place where such education was given, the manner in which it was given and the method of actually imparting it. There was no institutional arrangement for the princesses but a provision of private coaching. A purpose that the princess should as far as possible remain out of people's sight was hereby secured while her education was made comprehensive by employing teachers who were experienced, trained and specialized in their own subjects. Female education was encouraged and appreciated. An educated female, it was believed, could strictly observe and adhere to the traditions, customs and conventions of the family while the uneducated and the illiterate could not. This is supported by Haribhadra. A perusal of Haribhadra's narrative works in Prakrit, Udyotana's Kuvalaymala and Gunapala's Jambucariyam makes it at once clear that a girl very well knew reading and writing. She studied scriptures, learnt painting, dance, music and drama and was an expert in the management of household affairs.
Let us now pass on from woman as a girl to woman in her role as a wife. In household matters, the husband and the wife were jointly responsible. According to Rig
For a part of the information contained in the article, I have drawn on Haribhadrake Prakrit Katha Sahitya Alocbanatmak Parisilan by Dr. Nemichandra Shastri to whom I am grateful,
Published in the Oriant (the cultural organ of Asia), 41-A; Sahar Road, Andheri (East); 1974.

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veda, the wife sometimes dominated also. 8 This particular feature of wife's preponderance in matters domestic and temporal was existing in one form or the other and in varying degree from the Vedic times down to Haribhadra's. We got an indication to this in the Samarâiccakaha in which the news of prince Gunacandra's death during the war when he invaded a hostile king was conveyed through a demi-god to his wife who eventually prepares to end her life by self-immolation. Just at this critical moment, the father-in-law steps in and advises her to wait till confirmation is forthcoming. 4 This incident is cited to show that a wife did what she liked and thought. Whenever propitiatory rites were to be performed in the house, she had her own way and say. Though these are solitary examples and no safe conclusion can be drawn, it is a fact that society in those days, indeed, held progressive views in regard to woman as a daughter-in-law.
For the most part, there existed cordial relations between the daughter-in-law and the mother-in-law. The wife did not willingly accept the idea of separation from her husband. Haribhadra's Samarāiccakahā again endorses this conclusion when Dhanasri clearly avows and her mother-in-law gladly allows to accompany her husband in his foreign travels,
Broadminded husbands closed their eyes and ears to their wives' faults and failures. But they made no exception when the question of the wife's loyalty was involved. There are characters in Haribhadra's works who did not stop for a moment to divorce the wife and remarry when they were found prone to a flagrant breach of conduct, conjugal discipline and chastity.. But this was rare as the husband and wife otherwise fully enjoyed and drank the cup of married life to its lees. Marriage was a social, sacred sacrament to which they both were the signatories who swore to stand by it, come what may.
In his works, Haribhadra has also drawn pictures of women who could become vile and wicked, namely, Dhanasri and Lakşmi who caused unhappiness to their husbands through deception. But these were mere exceptions. On the whole the women led exemplary life in Haribhadra's times. Self-effacement and sacrifice guided the wife who did not think worthwhile to live when the husband was no more. Newly married bride was welcome to the husband's house and all the members of the family were happy at her auspscious arrival which brought money and mirth,
Woman as a mother was most adorable. As a matter of fact, a woman found consummation of inner satistaction in becoming a mother. She pined after motherhood so to say. She thought it her great misfortune if she was barren, if she gave birth to still-born children or if she had no son. When she became a mother her status in the family rose and her impotance increased. This is exactly what is upheld in the old Hindu scriptures. The Gautama Dharmasūtra states that a mother is superior to any teachers. This is maintained by Baudhāyana 8 and Āpastamba 9 also. The Mahābhārata is all out for the mother when it declares that there is no shelter and no support as great and as reliable as the mother's 10. If all these literary

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sources point to any thing it is the high position occupied and enjoyed by the mother in the society in days bygone and in the days of Haribhadra. In his Samaräiccakaha, information to this effect is available when Jaya, having handed over the reins of the government to his brother, Vijaya, fall at the mother's feet, sought her permission and became a monk.11 This shows that the mother's say was final and categorical.
81
Prostitution is as old as time. In Haribhadra's times it was in vogue and was practised without much intuition by certain low class women. The animal passion was responsible for this social evil. From time immemorial, man had been hunting after woman to satisfy his unbridled passion and fondness for a variety. Immoral women exploited this weakness of men and exchanged their chastity for money and maintenance. Thus a regular class of prostitutes came into existence and it depended exclusively on rich people for its sustenance. Distinct references to this class are found in Vedas,19 Dharmasatras and Mahakavyas. Haribhadra has used the words. Ganika, Varavilasini or Samanya to denote prostitute. The prostitues did the extra business of dancing and also that of dressing and decorating the bridegroom on the occasion of his marriage.18 Devadatta was a wellreputed courtesan of Ujjayini whom a wealthy man of the same city wanted to make his own giving her all his possessions and property but she was primarily in love with and devoted to one. Maladeva. Prostitutes enjoyed a better social position in the past.
The woman as a nun was much respected and even adored as she was consider. ed a symbol of devotion. She renounced the world to accept a life of self-restraint and sublimation. These nuns formed into groups and communities which were headed by a chief nun. They strictly observed rules and vows which were framed for them. Their aim was salvation which they realized through penance and a prescribed code of conduct. It should be remembered that they accepted this life of rigid discipline out of sheer conviction and not because they wanted to escape from realities.
It seems Haribhadra was not in favour of the system of veil, though it was current in his days. This is clear from the fact that Kusumavati did not object to allowing her friends to remove her veil which she had put on at the time of marriage. But after marriage she never put it. Moreover, there are no references in his works proving that he endorsed the system.
Woman had either been extolled or condemned in the changing context of social conditions. There are references to show that she was treated as a slave while on the other hand she was worshipped as a goduess. It cannot be denied that of the two constituents of the society, namely man society, namely man and woman, the latter was subordinate. This is because of the compulsions of our civilization which, even if it grants equality of soul in both, assigns a subservient role to the woman for practical purposes. It did not stop merely at this but it went beyond and proclaimed that she was verily a gate for the entrance to hell. As against this there had been some women always who were shining symbols of dignity and divinity beating men in every field of human activity and achievements,
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In Jaina narrative literature, we come across many a woman who by their acts of ideal couduct and character provided society at large with ennobling and inspiring examples such as queen Prabhāvati and Nilibai who become objects of worship for gods even on account of their inviolable chastity. Tribhuvanarati, a princess of the king of Kashmir scored success in instrumental music and set a brilliant record. 15 Maināsuodarı had acquired the force of character so much so that she cured her husband of leprosy. 16 While on the other hand there are illustrations of women such as Nagadatta, Abhayavati and the wife of Somagarmā which point to the disaster caused by these women, to themselves, to the family and to the society.17
lo Jaina narrative literature we will come across a number of incidents in illustration of a woman's right to perform religious rites and rituals. Just as man, woman also can wash and worship the images and idols of gods and deities. She, like a man, can practise vows and take to the life of a nun. Reading and studying the scriptures is permitted to her. In this respect particuiarly, Jainism is very broadminded. Unlike in other religions, she is qualified to seek and secure her own salvation in this very life. There are no prohibitions or bans of any type in exercising her rights.
In temporal and social matters also, she was treated with due respect. When the royal assemblies were in session, Jaina kings used to get up from their seats to welcome their queens. Not only this, but they offered their own seats to them to share. Mahavira, the last Tirthankara of the Jaioas, had given a spiritual status to many a deserving women. He did not hesitate to accept alms at the hands of Candana whom he thought to be a woman of purity, though the people had their own unfounded doubts about it. He thus cleared her of the infamous charge levelled against her.
Side by side, I would also like readers to take due note of the scathing and uncharitable invective to be found in Guņapāla's Jambucariyam against woman. In it he says with vehemence that the female of the species is more deadly than the male. Woman's love, he avers, is writ in water and her faith is traced in sand. He condemns them as bad-natured. As if to complete his charge-sheet, he alleges that they can conveniently be hardhearted and also soft; that they are frailty incarnate, and that their minds cannot be known and hearts fully compassed and comprehended. And he lays the last brick when he bemoans that they can go to any length when they want to satisfy their carnal desires. 18
All the religious system of the East, and especially Jainism, had been unkind, more or less, to woman, the reason being their frivolity, frailty and innate capacity to arouse passion in man. Now it is a question of outlook whether of not these traits should be taken as natural to their very constitution of body and mind The East is unwilling to compromise on this point while the West is poised to forgive and be forgiven. The male is unable to face the music or would shy away when the female counter-alleges that it is the male that has kept her suppressed so far. And who can deny the force of her logic ? Given recognition and scope she could have

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certainly risen to the dizzy heights of development and progress like man and it is given to woman only to shine in grandeur more brilliantly than man in her sublime self-sacrifice. She has shown and the history points that she can excel man in any field of human activity under the sun. Now this is suffcient to prove that woman also like man has got infinite potentiality which she can bring to bear fruit given. the opportunity. The onus of proving his own bonafides falls on man. If the woman is frailty incarnate and frivolous, what is man, then? If the woman has the capacity to cash her beauty and grace and charm in terms of physical happiness, why should the man fall a victim to it? It is no crime of the woman if she is so designed as she is. On no ground the attitude of any religious system, much less Jainism, that woman is a gateway leading to hell, is defensible. It is an inhuman approach to the whole problem. To say that wealth and woman are the main hurdles and handicaps hindering the man in his spiritual pursuits and progress is as absurd and ridiculous as a carpenter finding faults with his tools. not for But it is said that if any religious system has condemned a woman it is all her feminine beauty and for all that but for her designs on man. Well, the wind of change is sweeping our globe and the sooner the man becomes alive and alert to the woman's urge for uplift and her equal and rightful place in the sanctuary of spiritualism, the better for both man and woman. If this warning is not heeded, a day is not far off when the religious systems which condemned woman will themselves come forward and condemn man.
Notes
1. Kusumavati herself had composed a couplet depicting the breaved condition of a female swan. She had put it down below the picture which also she herself had prepared for being sent to prince Simha with whom a love-affair had started, pp 87-88. Bibliotheca Indica Edition by Jacobi.
2. Op. cit. p. 922.
3. Rig, 10. 85. 46.
4. Samaraiccakaha, op. cit., p. 814.
5. Op. cit., p. 241.
6. Op. cit., p. 623.
7. Gautama Dharmasutra, 2, 56.
8. Baudhayana, 2, 2, 48.
9. Apastamba. 1. 10, 28, 9.
10. Mahabharata, Santiparvan, 267, 31, 343, 18.
11. Samaraiccakaha, op. cit., p. 485.
12. Rigveda, 1, 167, 4.
13. Samaraiccakaha, Op. cit., pp. 339-340 and 96,
14. to 17-Punyas'ravakatha-Kosa's corresponding stories.
18. El, Jinavjayaji, Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan, Bombay 7. Chap. 11, 18 to 41 and Chap. 16, 8, stz.

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KUVALAYAMĀLĀ * (A. Jaina Story of the 8th Ceatury A.D.)
The story of which the following details and description are given goes under the name of the Kuvalayumala. Its author was a Jaina scholar, named Udyotanasari alias Daksinyacihna. The story was completed on the last day but one of the eighth century of the saka era, i.e., on the latter part of the forurteenth day of the dark half of Caitra of 699th year of the Saka era, in a city called Jabalipura which was at that time included in Gujarat but is at present identified with Jhālor of Mārwar. Śri Vatsaraja then ruled over the city. The language of the text of the story is lainā Mahāraştri-the principal Prākrit, and the manner of its composition reminds one of the style of a Campū in which both prose and poetry had a place. The story consists of 10000 ślokas; the plot is of a diverse character. All these statements are based upon facts gleaned from the prefatory and panegyric remarks made by the author of the story in the introductory and concluding stanzas. The Kuvalayamala, moreover, affords us some important data and hints regarding history and linguistics; these will be dwelt upon, however, in another article.
II. History of the development of Jaina story literature. I am tempted to give a short account of the development of the Jaina story literature before attempting a detailed description of the Kuvala yamala. The Jaina story literature is vast. Several hundreds of story works are available to-day principally written in four languages, viz. Prakrit, Sanskrit, Apabhramsa and Gujarāts. But the large portion of this literature seems to have been written after the 10th century A.D. As we go back, the number of the story works decreases, so much so that in the first millennium we hardly get eyen ten works of this branch of liteature. From this point of view the discovery of the Kuvalayamala is very important.
A particular kind of the Jaina liteature is termed Dharmakathanuyoga, of which Jñātādharmakatha, one of the eleven Angas, is a good representative. Tradition has it that it contained a number of crores of such religious stories out of which only sixteen have survived the ravages of time; at present only nineteen chapters of that Anga are available with changes hither and thither. These religious stories resemble the Ākhyānas of the Vedas, the Brahmanas and the Upanişads. They are of a frag.
Abridged English summary of the original Gujarati article which the author. Prof. Jinavijavii Muni, has publisbed in Vasanta Rajat-mahotsava Smāraka Grantha (Ahmedabad 1927). English Translation is prepared by Prof. A. S. Gopani.
Published in the Bhāratiya Vidya Vol. I1; part I Nov. 1940.

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mentary character. These Akhyānas were traditionally handed down from generation to generation and each successive generation of religious teachers related them in their own style before the general masses. Later on as the composition of th: Puranas and Puranic stories as well as the composition of the epics like Ramayana, Mahabharata and Harivansa attracted the attention of the audience, the practice of creating and narrating such stories was initiated by the Jaina writers also. As time went on, stories of secular character began to replace those of religious contents. The Jaina writers were not slow in producing such stories so that we have now a considerable bulk of thent. It can be safely inferred that the Vasudevacarita, besides the Ramayana and Mahabharata, captured the popular fancy. We have no historical means at our command which can help us in arriving at a decisive conclusion as to the names and title of the biographical compositions current in those times. But as far as the Jaina story literature is concerned a famous and very old work entitled Vasudevahindi is available though in a fragmentary form. This leads us to feel that the story of Vasudeva might have amused the people very much, who held it in high esteem. Devacandra, the guru of Hemacandra, informs us in the introduction of his Šantinathacarita that Vasudevacarita was originally written by Bhadrabāhu, the religious teacher of Candragupta. We also learn from the same source that Vasudevacarita contained one lac and twenty five thousand Slokas!! Bhadrabahu's work seems, however, to bave been lost long ago, for in the Vasudevahindi which was undertaken by Sanghadāsa Kşamājramaņa (C. 7th century A.D.) and supplemented by Dharmasenagani Mahattara, there is a clear mention that in composing it, its author relied on the one hand on the story handed down traditionally through a series of teachers and on the other, on that recorded in scriptures. 3
Similarly when the story of the Rāmāyana was found to be favourite among the masses Vimalsūri, a Jaina Ācārya wrote the Paumacariyam which may be the Jaina Rama vana. It is difficult to say exactly when this Ācārya flourished. According to what is suggested in the work he seems to have flourished in the first century A.D. Considering the style of the composition and the language employed, Dr. JACOBI believes that the work could not be older than the fourth or the fifth century A.D. It is said in the Kuvalayamåla that the same Ācārya was also an author of another Prakrit work viz., Harivamsacariyam similar to the above-mentioned Paumacariyam. But unfortunately it is not as yet available.
Later on the stories of eminent worldly persons such as Udayana Vatsarāja and Naravāhanadatta established, besides the epic stories, their hold on the mass mind. These stories afforded their authors a vast and unbounded field for displaying their literary art and imagination. There soon arose, therefore, several story works such as Vasavadatta, Sumanottara, Urvasi, 3 Bhaimarathi and Naravāhanadutta, 4 in these story works, historical facts and fiction have intermixed and the erotic sentiment has enjoyed a free and unfettered play. This new story literature bad a more ready and direct appeal to the common mass of the audience than the older epic stories in which religious sermons and didactic element occupied a central place. 5

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Generally speaking, the mass mind is more attracted by stories of love and romance full of erotic expressions than by those replete with moral tone and prosaic devotional exhortations. And the Nirgrantha writers were not slow to recognize this tendency of the mass mind. They, therefore, decided to write some Dharmakathas which were not without passages depicting love and romance, although formerly they were prohibited by their Dharmaśästras to write stories whose central theme would be a king, a country, a woman or a foodstuff. Thus on account of their literary gifts and power of imagination and expression they adorned their stories, “which like a new bride would delight the mind of sympathetic audience-they being well decorated, beautiful, graceful, tender, and full of sweet expressions."?
It will be seen that the chief aim of these new Jaina story writers remained the same as before, viz., the spiritual well being of the masses. In order to meet the need of the time they adopted new motifs and new expressions, but the end of the stories always pointed to the fruits of Dharma and Adharma.
III. Padalipta's Tarangavati-katha Among the new story literature Padaliptasuri's Terangavati occupies almost the first place. That monk was a reputed court poet of king Hala of the śātavāhana dynasty. Another great Guņādhya by name, autbor of that exquisite story-work Bịhat katha (in Paisaci language), was also a protégé of that king, who was himself a great poet and had written the famous Gahākośa or Gäthä-saptašati. This poem in Prakrit has made its author, the king Hāla, very famous and is a source of delight to the learned circles. Even at present the author of the Kuvala yamala has given us some description in his preface, about these three poets, as will be seen from the relevant passages to be quoted below in the course of this paper. The original Tarangavati of Padaliptasūri has not been as yet discovered. Only a condensed summary of the same by one Gaņi Veņicandra, pupil of Ācārya Virabhatta or Virabhadra, of unknown date, is available at present, through which we get a glimpse of the original.8 This condensed summary, which is according to its own author only an abbreviated summary, contains 1640 slokas; to gauge the size of the original story must therefore be left to the imagination. The reason of the abridgment of the story is given by the author in the introductory four verses : “ Tarangavati-katha by Padalipta is elaborate, extensive and of a strange character. It abounds in Desi expressions. There are many Kulakas, Gupitayugalakas, and Şațkas which are generally unintelligible to the average reader. Therefore nobody studies it, none listens to it and even inquires about it. Only a few learned persons use it. I am therefore preparing this summary leaving out Padalipta's own Desi expressions, for the benefit of the common masses. There is an additional purpose in this undertaking, viz., the prevention of Padalipta's work form falling into complete oblivion.''9 This description shows that Padalipta's Tarangayati was originally written in Jaina Mahärāștri and its author used a large

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measure of Desi expressions. The story was composed both in prose and poetry and was strewn with long narratives here and there with a huge mass of verses. The author of the Kuvala yamala calls such a story Samkirņa-katha (mixed story).
IV. Other Unavailable Stories This novel type of story-literature initiated by Padaliptasūri, was later reinforced by other five works as Mala yavati, Magadhasena, 10 Bandhumati, Sulocama12 etc. But nothing, except their titles, is unfortunately known about them.
Next in order comes the Dhammilahindi--generally known as Vasudevacariyam or Vasudevahindi-excluding the biographical compositions in the style of the Purānas, e.g., Paumacari yum, Harivamsacariyam; Vasudevacariyam etc. The Dhammilahindi is referred to both by Haribhadrasűri and Udyotanasūri, and must therefore, have been composed before 8th century A.D.
Samarādityakatha of Haribhadrasūri. The most popular and famous of the existing story-works is the Samaradityakatha of Haribhadrasuri. Haribhadrasūri was a preceptor of Udyotansūri, the author of the Kuvalayamåla-a view which I hold and, have tried to prove in my article, "Haribhadra's Date"18 and which is approved of even by Dr. Jacobi. 14 Haribhadrasuri flourished in the first half of the 8th century and was an able writer, especially in Jaina philosophy. According to Jaina historical tradition, he is the author of no less than 1400 or 1444 works, big and small. Nearly 88 works go to his name even to-day.15 The Jaina principles are discussed from various view-points. His works include the commentaries on the Jaina canonical books, the digests of older books, and independent treatises, some of which deal with the philosophical and spiritual subjects. He had, as naturally follows, perfect mastrey of Sanskrit. It is surprising that he became a convert to Jainism by hearing the words of counsel from a nun, Yakini Mahattara, whose sacred memories he ever preserved till his death and whom he revered as 'Religious Mother.' Many of his compositions at the end refer to her with respect.
Haribhadrasūri was not only a great commentator and a writer on logic and philosophy, but according to Jaina tradition, also a pre-eminent poet. From the availableli st of his compositions, enumerating the Kathākosa, Dhurtākhyāna, , Muni. paticarita, Yasodharacarita, Virāngadākatha and Samarádityakathā, only the Dhurtakhyāna and Samarādityakatha are at present existent. The Samaradityakatha is a glaring evidence of his poetic genius. Udyotanasūri in his preface to the Kuvalayamala, Dhanapāla in his Tilakaman jari, Devacandrasuri in his Šantināthacarita 17 and many other scholars have proffered it the laurels of praise, especially as a work abounding in the tranquil sentiment. Hemacandra in bis Kavyānuśäsana refers to the Samaräiccakaha19 as one containing all the requisites of the various types of stories.
Haribhadrasūri has tried in this story to show through fictitious characters as to how a person who has become a victim of anger, desire, avarice, infatuation, jealousy, hatred and such other vices, wanders in incessant cycles of births and deaths, while the one who practises non-injury, self-control, penance, forgiveness and charity accomplishes his spiritual progress.

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Tbis katha is composed in Jaina Mahārāștri -a principal variety of Prakrit, though strewn with Sauraseni forms here and there. It is in prose, occasionally interspersed with verses in various metres. It does not abound in figures of speech or long compounds. The short pithy sentences, a few really inspired metaphors and felicity of phrase keep intact the flow of the story which like that of the Ganges marches onward to its goal with firmness and delicacy-all its own. The language is easily understandable even by an ordinary Prakrit student, a fact that accounts for its popularity.
V. Udyotanasūri's Kuvalayamāla A comparison of this work with the Samarādityakatha pretty well establishes the indebtedness of Udyotanasuri to Haribhadrasuri for its conception.
Only two manuscripts of the original Kuvalayamala in Prakrit are at present available : one, in the Government Library of Poona and the other in the Bhandars of Jesalmere. The first of these, a paper manuscipt, appears to belong to the 15th century A.D., wbile the other is a palm-leaf manuscript and is written on Sunday,the first of the dark-half of Phalguna, 1139 (v.s.). Many important variants in them compel us to conclude that both these bad quite distinct traditions behind them. Dr. Jacobi first raised a doubt about Haribhadrasūri's traditional date i.e. latter half of the 6th century, and in his introduction to Siddharşi's Upamiti. propañcakatha edited by him, ascertained it to be the middle of the 10th century from the fact that Haribbadra and Siddharşi were contemporaries and that the former was the preceptor of the latter. The veracity of the traditional date is ques. tionable, firstly because Haribhadra's own statements go against it and secondly because Siddharşi acknowledges him as his guru. The references by Haribhadra to Dharmakirti and others who definitely flourished in the 7th century made me to discard the traditional date, yet I was not inclined to place him in the 10th century, as a contemporary of Siddharşi.
Ratnaprabhāsūri's (14th century) Sanskrit Kuvalayamala --an abbreviation of Daksinyacinliasūri's Prākrit original - edited by Muni Caturavijayaji mentioned Haribhadra amongst other names of the former poets cited by the auther of the Sanskrit Kuvalayamālā. Dr. Jacobi had misconstrued the reference occuring in the Prabhavak acaritra, and hence his statement in the introduction of his U pamitibhava. prapañcakathā (p. 12, Calcutta Edition).
This aroused my curiosity and the manuscript from the Government Library of Poona was sent for. That, surely, was the original Kuvalayamala of Udyotanasari, The prasasti, date of its composition, the traditional list of the author's preceptorsall were found in it. Reference to Haribhadra, too, was detected, so also the eulogy of Samarādityakatha. I came to the conclusion that Haribhadrasūri, the author of the Samarádit yakatha cannot be Siddharşi's contemporary. In my essay "Haribhadra's Date" at the first All-India Oriental Conference at Poona, I had drawn the attetion of the scholars to tackle the problems concerning the Kuvalayamāla.20

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V. Brief Sketch of Udyotanasūri It is a fact of much historical worth that Udyotanasüri has himself mentioned the time and place of his composition as well as the traditional list of his preceptors. Very few of our ancient writers have thus disclosed their personal history or whereabouts so that the chains of history, in our land, fit together but with great difficulty. An account regarding him runs as under:
(1) अस्थि पुहई सिद्धा दोणि पहा दोणि चेय देसत्ति ।
तत्यत्थि पहं णामेण उत्तरा बुहजणाइण्णं ।। सुइदियचारुसोहा विअसियकमलाणणा विमलदेहा । तत्थरिथ जलहिदइआ सरिआ अह चंदभाअ ति ।। तीरम्मि तीय पयडा पवइया णाम रयणसोहिल्ला । जत्थ टिएण भुत्ता पुहई सिरितोररायेण ॥ तस्स गुरू हरिउत्तो आयरिओ आसि गुत्तवसाओ।
तीए णयरीए दिण्णो जेण णिवेसो तहि काळे ।। (5) तस्स वि सिस्सो पयडो महाकई देवउत्तणामो त्ति ।
......सिवचंद गणी य मयहरो त्ति (2)34 ॥ (6) सो जिणवंदणद्देउ' कहवि भमंतो कमेण संपत्तो ।
सिरिभिल्लमालणयरम्म संठिओ कप्परुक्खो व्व ।। तस्स खमासमणगुणो णामेणं जक्खदत्तगणिणामो।
सीसो महइमहप्पा आसि तिलोए वि पयडजसो ।। (8) तस्स य बहुया सीसा तववीरिअवयणलद्धिसंपण्णा261
रम्मो गुज्जरदेसो जेहिं कओ देवहरएहिं ॥ ७) णागो विंदो मम्मड दुग्गो आयरियअग्गिसम्मो य ।
छट्टो वडेसरो छम्मुहस्स य वयण व्व ते आसि ॥ आगासवप्पणयरे जिणालयं तेण णिम्मविय' रम्म। तस्स मुहदसणे च्चिय अवि पसमा जो अभव्यो विश्॥ ) तस्स वि सीसो अण्णो तत्तायरिओ ति णामपयडगुणो० ।
आसि तवतेयणिज्जियपावतमोहो51 दिणयरो ब्व ॥ (12) जो दूसमसलिलपवाहवेगहीरन्तगुणसहस्साण६३ . सीलंगविउलसालो लक्खणरुक्नो ब्व निक्कंपो छ । (13) सीसेण तस्स एसा हिरिदेवीदिण्णदंसणमणेण ।
रइया कुवलयमाला विलसियदक्खिणइन्धेण ।।
AS-12

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(14) दिण्णजहिच्छियफलओ बहुकित्ती कुसुमरेहिराभोओ।
आयरियवीरभद्दो अथावरो54 कप्परूक्खो व्व ॥ (15) सो सिद्धतेण गुरू जत्तीसत्थेहि जस्स हरिभद्दो ।
बहुसत्थगंथवित्थरपत्यारियपयडसम्वत्थो । (16) आसि तिकम्माभिरओ महादुवारम्मि खत्तिओ पयडो ।
उज्जोअणोत्ति णाम तच्चिय परिभंजिरे तइआ ।। (17) तस्स वि पुत्तो संपइ णामेण वडेसरो ति पयडगुणो ।
तस्सुज्जोअणणामो तणओ अह विरइया तेण ।। (18) तुंगमलच जिणभवणमणहरं सावयाउलं विसमं ।
जाबालिउर 58 अट्ठावयं व अह अत्थि पुहईए ॥ (19) तुंगं धवल मणिहारिरयणपसरंतधयवडाडोयं ।
उसभजिणिदायतणं करावियं वीरभण || । तत्थ ठिएण अह चोहमीए चेत्तस्स कण्हपकखम्मि ।
णिम्मविआ बोहिकरी भव्वाणं होउ सव्वाणं ॥ (21) परभडभिउडिभगो पणईयणरोहणीकलाचंदो ।
सिरिवच्छरायणामो रणहत्थी पत्थिवो नइया ॥ (22) को किर बच्नई तीर जिणवयणमहोयहिस्स दुचार।
थोयमइणावि बद्धा एसा हिरिदेविवयणेण ॥ (23) जिणवयणाओ ऊण अहिय व विरुद्धय व ज बद्ध ।
तं खमसु संठवेज्जसु मिच्छ। अह दुक्कड तस्स ।। (24) चंदकुलावयवेणं आयरियउज्जोअणेण रइया मे।
सिवसतिबोहिमोक्खाण साहिया होउ भवियाण 30॥ (25) एयं कह करेउ' ज. पुण्णं पावियं मए विउल ।
साहुकिरियासु चित्तं भवे भवे होउ मे तेणं ॥ (26) सगकाले वोलिणे वरिसाण सएहि सत्तहि गएहीं।
एकदिणेणूणेहि रइया अवरह वेलाए । (27) ण कइत्तणा हिमाणा ण कव्वबुद्धीए विरइया एचा ।
धम्मकह त्ति णिबद्धा मा दोसे काहिह इमीए ॥ . Summary:-There are only two famous pathas - Damely Daksina patha and Uttarapatha in the world. Out of them both, Uttarāpathe is said to be abounding in learned people. (1) In that patha, there flows a river Candrabhaga-the mistress of the sea. (2) On the bank of that river is situated a famous and a prosperous city called Pavvaia staying in which Sri Torarāya enjoyed the lordship of the world. (3) Harigupta was the preceptor of that King; he belonged to the Gupta family

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and stayed there in that city with the King. (4) His pupil was Devagupta who was well-versed in many arts and sciences, and was a deep student of Siddhāntas besides being great poet. He had a pupil named Sivacandragani who was a Mahattara. (5) When he was out on a pilgrimage he came across Bhinnamāla where he settled for ever. (6) Yakşadatta was his pupil; his fame spread far and wide in the three worlds. (7) This Yakşadatta had many pupils gifted with miraculous powers. They added to the beauty of the Gurjaradesa by getting many Jaina temples erected. (8) Of those pupils, Nāga, Vinda, Mammada, Dugga, Aggisamma, and Vadesara were chief. (9) Vadesara caused a beautiful temple erected in Āgāsavappa. (10) Tattvācārya--one of his many pupils--was much worshipped on account of bis noble character and hard austerities. (11) His pupil whose nom de plume Dāksinyacihna composed an excellent story entitled Kuvalayamala by virtue of a boon from goddess Hr]. (12) Acārya Virabhadra was his religious preceptor who, resembling a Kalpavrkņa (desire-yielding tree), taught him the religious canon. Ācārya Haribhadra, who enunciated clearly the real significance of the canon by writing several works, taught him logic and philosophy. (13-15) Udyotana--a Kşatriya by caste-was the then ruling Prince of Mahaduvāra. He never missed performing three deeds. (16) He had a son named Samprati alias Vađesara; and his son whose name Udyotana has composed this story called Kuvalayamala. (17) In this world, there was once a city named Jabalipura--narrow and abounding in Jaina laymen. It had the Jina templesvery charming, untraversable and as lofty as the Asţāpada mountain, In it Virabhadra had got built a temple of the first Jina. It was very exalted, white-coloured, and decorated with banners. The author says that he completed this story, staying in that temple, on the fourteenth of the dark half of Caitra. (18-20). At the time of completion of this story the ruler of the city was Sri Vatsarāja--like an elephant a terror to the foes and a moon to Rohiņi in the form of lovers. (21).
There is none who can go to the opposite bank of the untraversable ocean of the Jinas' teachings. Though I am dull-witted, I have dared compose this story depending simply on the promise of the goddess--Hri. Therefore let that which I may have, out of mistake, written, against or unwarranted by the Jinas, be undone. (22-23).
Udyotana who is a member of the Candra family has composed this story. Let it be an instrument in securing liberation for the bhavya people. Let my mind remain absorbed in doing good deeds as a result of the merit ensured possibly by the composition of this story. (24-25).
This story was brought to an end on the latter half of the day when the seventh century of the saka Era had only one day less to complete. (26).
Poetic pride or poetic skill is not responsible for the composition of this story. I have composed it simply with an intention of telling what Dharmakatha is and conveys. Let no fault be attached to it. (27).

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Notes
1. See the following gatha occurring in the Santināthacarita :
वंदामि भहबाहुँ जेण य अइरसियं बहुकलाकलियं ।
रइयं सवायलक्खं चरियं वसुदेवरायस्स ।। Peterson's Report in Search of Sanskrit Manuscripts; No 5; p. 73. 2. See the following sentence occurring in the begining of the central part of Vasudevakindi:
तत्वं च किंचि सुयनिवद्ध किंचि आयरियपरंपरेण । शगयं ततो अवधारित मे ।
Peterson's Third Report, p: 199. 3. The reference to these stories is found in the following lines of Patanjali's Vyakaranamahābhâsya (IV, 3,872):
वासवदत्तामधिकृत्य कृताऽऽख्यायिका वासवदत्ता सुमनोत्तरा, अशी । न च भवति मैमरवी ।
4. The reference to this name is found in Jaina works such as Vasudevahindi, etc. 5. A similar reference is found in the introductory Sloka of Merutunga's Prabandhacintamani:
भृशं श्रुतत्वान्न कथा: पुराणा: प्रीणन्ति चेतांसि तथा बुधानाम् ।
6. Compare the following quotation from Vasudevahindi :
सोउण लोइयाणं.....गरवाहनदत्तादीणं कहाओ कामियाओ लोगो एगंतेणं कामकहासु रज्जति सोग्गइपहदेसियं पुण धम्म सोऽपि नेच्छति य जरपित्तवसडडुयमुहो इव गुलसक्करखंडमच्छंडियाइसु विपरीतपरिणामो । धम्मस्थकामकलियाणि य सुहाणि धम्मत्वकामाण च मूलं धम्मो; तम्मि च मंदतरो जणो । तं जह गाम कोई बेज्जो आउरं अमयसहपाणपरंमुहं बोसढमिति उम्विययं मणोभिलसियपाणवधएसेण उसहं त पज्जति कामकहारतहितयस्स जणस्स सिंगारकहावसेण धम्म चेव परिकहेमि ।
Peterson's Third Report, p. 198.
7. सालंकारा सुहया ललियश्या मउयमंजुसलावा । सहियाण देइ हरिस उब्बूढा नववह चेव ॥
Introduction of the Kuvalayamala. 8. Ernst LEUMANN has translated it into German. The Gujarati translation done by Shri
Narasimbabhai PATEL has appeared in the second volume of the Jaina Sahitya Samsodhaka. 9. पालित्तएण रइया विस्थाओ तह य देसिवयणेहि।
नामेण तरंगवई कहा विचित्ता य विउला य ।। कत्थई कुलयाई मणोरमाई अण्णत्थ गुविवजुयलाई । अण्णत्थ छक्कलाई दुप्परिअल्लाइ इयराणं ।

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न य सा कोई सुणेइ नो पुणो पुच्छेई नेव य कहेई । विउसाण नवर जोग्गा; इयरजणो तीए किं कुणउ ।। तो उच्चेऊणं गाहाओ पालित्तएण रइयाओ । देसिपयाई मोत्तुं संखित्तयरी कया एसा ।। इयराण हियट्ठाए मा होही सव्वहा वि वोच्छेओ। एवं विचिंतिऊणं खामेऊणं य तयं सूरि ॥
(From the man uscript of Tarangalolā) 10. A reference to Malayavati and Magadhasena is thus found in the carni on Nisithasūtra : अणेगित्थीहिं जा कामकहा। तत्थ लोइचा णरवाहणदत्तकथा । लोयुत्तरिया तरंगवती, मगधसेणादौणि ।
(Quoted from the manuscript.) 11. A reference to this story is found in Siddhasena's commentary on Tattvārtha :
विकल्पितेऽपि ह्यर्थे स्मृतिष्टा-बन्धुमतीआख्यायिकादौ । 12. A reference to Sulocanā is in the Kuvalayamala itself :
संणिहियजिणवरिंदा धम्मकहाबन्धदिक्खियनरिंदा ।
काहिया जेण सुकीहिया सुलोयणा समवसरणं व । 13. See the Jaina Sahitya Samsodhaka-Part I, No. 1, 14. See inroduction to Samaräicca Kahā, Bibliotheca Indica Series (Calcutta). 15. See Mutli Kalyanavijiya ji's Introducton to Dharmasangrahani (Devacanda Lalbhai Jaina
Pustakoddhara Fund, Surat). 16 निरोद्धु पार्यते केन समरादित्यजन्मनः ।
प्रशमस्य वशीभूतं समरादित्यजन्मनः ।। 17 वंदे सिरिहरिम सूरि विउसयणणिमग्गपया ।
जेण य कहापबंधो समराईच्चो विणिम्मविओ | Peterson's Report, 5, p. 72 18 समस्तफलान्तेतिवृत्तवर्णना समरादित्यवत्सकलकथा । 19. The Samarādityacarita was a work wiđely read among the monks and heard by the laymen.
It was a considered a meritorious deed to give in charity a copy of this to the monks, A Sanskrit palm leaf manuscript of Samvat 1299 is found in the śāntinātha Bhandara of Cambay and Dr. Peterson draws attention to it in the 3rd part of his Report for the Search of Sanskrit Manuscripts (p. 183). In the colophon, a long panegyric poem in honour of the person
who got it written is appended. 20. Vide: Jaina Sahitya Samsodhaka, Part I, No. 1, p. 43. 21. At the time of discussion about the copies of the Kuvalayamāla, I have already said that only
two original copies are available and there are very important variants. An important difference between readings is markedl v seen even in the eulogy (Prasastl) and therefore it has become imperative for me to mention it here. The palm-leaf manuscript of Jesalmere is styed as "J"
and the Poona l'anuscript as "P". 22. First two verses are not found in "P", where the eulogy (Prasasti) begins with the third verse, the first part of which differs from that of the verse in "J". It is as follows:
'अत्थि पयडा पुरीण' । "P" तोरमा मेण ।

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23. In place of this first half, the following verse is found in "P": [तस्स] बहुकलाकुसलो सिद्धान्तवियाणओ कई दक्खो । आयरियदेवगुतो अजवि विवर किती ॥
24, In "J" this latter half is not complete, In "P" it is as follows:सिवचन्दगणी अह महयरोति सो एत्थ आगओ देसा ।
25. This first is missing in “p".
26. “p" has got तववीरियलद्धचरण संपण्णा.
27. In "P" this whole verse is missing.
28. This first half is as under in "P": आगासवप्पनयरे वडेसरो आसि जो खमासमणो ।
29. "p" has got signif
30. This first half is as under in "P"
तस्य य आयरधरो तत्तायरिओति नामसारगुणो ।
Some Aspects of Indian Culture
31. In "J" this later half as seen in the verse is not complete. In "P" it is complete and runs as follows:
आसि तवतेयनिजियपावतमोहो दिणयरव्व ॥
32. The first part of this gātha is missing in "J" and therefore it has been given from “p". 33, “P” has got लग्राणखंभो व्व निक्कंपो ।
34. "p has got अवावरो।
35. It is this very gāthā which has helped me materially in fixing the date of Haribhadra. In "P" this gatha has got a different reading and is of an incomplete nature. It is as follows:
सो सिद्धन्तगुरू प्रमाणनायेण जस्स हरिभद्दो |
म (ब) हुगन्धसत्यविश्रपयसत्यत्यो ।
This gatha is not sufficiently understandable as it is incomplete, looking from the view-point of metrical measurement. After much thought, it occurred to me that the first part of this verse must have connection with Virabhadra referred in the second part of the preceding verse and the remaining three phrases should be taken with reference to Haribhadrasûri. From that I imagined the following version :

सो सिद्धन्त [[म] गुरु (रू): पमाणमा तृण (अ) जस्स हरिमद्दो | बहुगन्यसत्यवित्थरपयड [ समतल ] सम्बत्यो ||
(See Jaina Sahitya Samśodhaka, Part I No. 1 pp. 52 )
Dr. Jacobi has also considered my emendation mentioned above as consistent and he has taken notice to the following effect in the introduction of his Samaraditya katha-"The passage in which Haribhadra is referred to is corrupt as shown by the metre. In the Ms. of the Deccan College, the only that seems to be available, it runs thus :- सो सिद्धन्त (Just as above). Muniraj Jinavijaya has satisfactorily emended the text and supplied the missing syllables as follows: सो सिद्धान्त गुरु० (the whole verse as above). The first Pada is connected with the preceding verse which eulogises

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Udyotana's teacher Virabhadra; and the following verse names his father Vateśvara who was a Ksatriya and became a Kşamāśramana." I was very glad to see that the gatha as found in the old palm-leaf manuscript of Jesalmere argeed with my imaginary emendation and with meaning deducible from it.
Just now Shri KANTIVIJAYAJI Maharaj has been able to get the photographs of Jesalmere copy. I take this opportunity of thanking him for the generosity which he has shown by providing me, at the earliest opportunity, with its photographed copy from which I have also been able to find out a gäthä relating to Jābalipura and Vatsarājaits King. I will discuss the
utility of this gātha at a proper place in another article. 36. "P" has not got this whole gatha. 37. The following first half is found in "P" in place of this :
राया [य] खत्तियाणं वसे जाओ वडेसरो नाम । 38. The name of this historically important place is altogether missing in "P". 39. These four göthās are not to be found in "P".. 40. This is also missing in "P".

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JAMBU-A HISTORICAL PERSON AND THE STORIES ABOUT HIM
WITH THEIR ORIGIN*
A historical tradition of the Jain literature begios form Mahavira who got Nirvana (emancipation) in 527 B.C. equal to 470 Vikrama Samvat (V.S.) according to almost all the Indian and foreign scholars of Indian history and civilization. 1' After Mahavire, the name of Indrabhuti comes next. Mahavira as hinted before, got salvation in the early hours of the 15th of the dark-half of Kārttika and the same day in the evening, his first pupil, Gautama alias Indrabhūti got omniscience. He worked out his final release after twelve years which he spent in preaching the gospel to the people. This incident was immediately followed by another incident of Sudharma's getting omniscience. Sudharma who was another pupil of Mahāvīra next in rank to Gautama, spent eight years in preaching and got emancipation finally, Jambu soon succeeded Sudharma, his spiritual master, He gave a major portion of his life, something like forty four years, to spreading Jainism and thus enlightening the people. It is recorded that he got final freedom in 465 B. C. (408 V.S.). This very Jambu is the hero of the Jambucariyam (JC).
According to tradition, this Jambu is the last pontiff to get omniscience. After him no body got it. It is a historic fact that it is only through tradition successively tranasmitted from one pontiff to another pontiff that we have come to possess the substance of Jainism as preserved and presented in the Jaina Ardhamāgadhi canon. Thus it is obvious that Jambu's position in the Jajn hierarchy is foremost and highest. This also makes it clear that sixty four years (12 + 8 + 44 = 64) passed between the two periods of emancipation, that of Vira and that of Jambu.9 In this manner, the tradition transmitted by one omniscient to the other continued for sixty four years. After Jambu, his co-pupil, Prabhava, assumed the reins of the establishment for eleven years.
Sudharma, Jambu's teacher, attained salvation eighteen years after Jambu's initiation into the order. Jambu got omniscience just on the day on which Sudharma got emanciption. Thus the pupil's getting the omnisiencce coincided with the teachers' obtaining the emancipation. Now, Jambu got emancipation eighteen years after Sudharma's. This makes the total of thirtysix. Now if we
Seetion no 4 of the Introduction of Vira's Ja mbusa micariu, edited by Dr, Vimalaprakash Jain, Bharatiya Jhanapith Prakashan no. 7, 1968, which discusses Jambu as a historical person and which covers pp, 26 sf is the source of the most of material presented here in this article which is a literal translation of the same,

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accept, in accordance with both the Svetambara and Digambara traditions, that Jambu got absolution sixtytwo or sixtyfour years after Mahavira's emancipation, we wil also have to accept the fact that Indrabhuti Gautama got final release twentysix or twentyeight years after Mahavira's but this is entirely against all the acknowledged facts of the history of the Jain church. In the opinions of Yativṛsabha, Virasena, Nericandra, Gugabhadra, and Puspadanta, Indrabhati Gautama got emancipation twelve years after Mahavia's, Sudharma twelve years after Gautama's and Jambu forty years after Sudharma's. This is the conclusion arrived at by almost all.
Now according to another view point, Buddha got Nirvana in 544 B.C. Eight years before this, that is to say in 552 B.C. Ajataśatru sat on the throne and just about this very time, Śrepika's death occurred. It is recorded in all the Jaina literary sources that śrenika had put a question regarding Jaribu's birth to Lord Mahavira or Gautama. This leads us to suppose that Jaribu's birth must have taken place by about the time of Śrepika's death, that is to say, by about 552 B.C. Moreover, it is not improbable that Jambu might have lived for ninety years instead of eighty. Other writers of Jambu's life have said that Jambu took initiation at a time when Śrenika was ruling. Not only that but they have also said that Śrepika celebrated it with great interest and enthusiasm. In the light of these considerations we will have to accept that Jambu's birth took place in 568 B.C., some sixteen years before Śreņika's death in 552 B.C. If we accept this we will have also to accept that Jambu lived for 105 years between 463 B.C. and 568 B.C. This will disturb the hitherto accepted theories about the dates of the attainment of omniscience by the three personages Gautama, Sudharma and Jambu and therefore it is not tenable.
Period of eighteen years of omnisicnece assigned to Sudharma and Jambu each, according to others, is also not supported by historical evidence. Puspadanta's statement that Mahavira got emancipation on the same night on which Jambu was conceived 10 does not stand to reason. Thus we are left with no choice but to rely on the Patavalis of the Svetämbaras in relation to Gauatma, Sudharma and Jambu. According to these Pattavalis Indrabhüti-Gautama was born in 607 B. C. He passed fifty years as a householder and thirty as a monk and got emancipation in 515 B.C. having passed twelve years as an omniscient sage after Mahavira's Nirvana in 527 B. C. Sudharma also was born in 607 B.C. and remained as a househloder for 50 years. He observed monkhood for 30 years, remained as the head of the church for 12 years and as an omniscient sage for 8 years thus completing the age of 100 years. Jambu was born in 543 B.C., was initiated into order at the age of 16, got omniscience in 507 and emancipation in 463 B.C., thus living till the age of 80 years. This theory is the only most accepted theory according to the historical evidence hitherto available relating to Jambu's birth, initiation, omniscience and emancipation.
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Now, we will think about the main sources, the earliest traditions about the stories of Jambu as also about the material concerning the biographical account of Jambu. The principal among the available historical sources is the Ardhamagadhị Jain canon. 11 It clearly points to the fact that Jambu of the Kāsyapa Gotra, was one of the foremost pupils of Arya Sudharma who belonged to the Agni Vaiśyāyana Gotra and who was the fifth of the eleven pontiffs of Lord Mahavira. After taking orders, he requested his teacher, Sudharma, to teach him the Angas one by one in due order as the latter had learnt from Mahāvīra. Sudharma not only did this with pleasure but also solved satisfactorily his doubts about the teachings of Mahavira which he could not fully grasp or unerringly interpret.13 This is how Jambu came to possess the scriptural legacy from Sudharma and his pupils from him. No more information is available in the canon.
In addition to this, there is another source also namely Yativssabhacārya's13 Tiloyapaņnatti, in which from the Jain point of view, are found the biographical data of sixty three legendary persons such as the 24 Tirthankaras, 12 Cakravarttins, 9 Baladevas, 9 Vasudevas, 9 Prativāsudevas as also the information in the form of the lists of names of the Jain Mahāpurānas and biographies which deal with or give merely the names of their parents, families, places of birth, places where they obtained emanciptaion and of the persons who were in one way or the other conected with these big people mentioned above. We come to know from this work of Yativrsabba that Indrabhūti (Gautama) got omniscience on the day on which Mahāvīra got emancipation and so on so forth till Jambu after whom no body got omniscience and that 62 years (12 + 12 + 38) passed between these incidents of the attainment of omniscience and emancipation of the three spiritual leaders, namely, Mahavira, Sudharma, and Jambu.14
SAfter Tiloyapannatti next in antiquity and in importance is the work called Vasudevahindi by Sanghadāsa. This contains sufficient material forming canvas on which to paint the life of Jaṁbu. All the subsequent writers have designed their works on the model of this. Scholars are of the opinion that the Vasudevahindi is the authentic Jain version of Gunādhya's famous Bphatkathā which from linguistic view-point also is in close resemblance with the former. 1. In the first chapter titled "The Genesis of the Story", Vasudevahindi starts after the benedictory stanza with saying that Sudharma acquainted Jambu with the story of Vasudeva at the time of the descriptions of Tirthankaras, Cakravarttis and of the Dasar dynasty while teaching him the Prathamānuyoga. Thus providing the ground for the narration of the stories of Jambu and Prabhava, the author of the Vasudevahindi, proceeds, before describing the Vasudevacarita in this manner :
In the city of Rajagrha in the country called Magadha, there lived king Śrenika who had a queen named Chillaņā. They had a son whose name was Kunika. In this very city, there also lived a merchant and his wife named Rşabhadattā and Dharini. Once this Dhāriņi, having seen five dreams in a half-awakened state,

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awoke. These were the dreams: (1) Smokeless fire; (2) Lake of lotuses; (3) Field of rice with trees laden with fruits; (4) Elephant as white as a white cloud, with four tusks; (5) Jujube fruit having pleasant colour, smell and taste. On this very night, the soul of a god named Vidyunmali descending from the heaven was conceived in the womb of Dharini. Just after completing nine months-the full period of pregnancy -a boy was born to her. As he began to grow, the fragrance of his fame and virtues began to spread far and wide.
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Just at this time, Sudharama, in course of his peregrinations, came over this city and encamped in the temple named Gunajila. Along with people of all communities and castes, Jambu also went out to pay respects to Sudharma. Having heard' Sudharma's religious sermon delivered to the feeling of detachment and dejection. While returning home having firmly made up his mind to renounce the world and undertake monkhood with explicit consent of the parents, he saw on the way a large crowd of sepoys and soldiers near one of the gates of the city. Thereupon. he asked the charioteer to divert the chariot and take him home via another route. On his way home, he was seized with a terrible feeling of death as he thought he would be no more in a moment if even one of the destructive weapons wielded by the soldiers to finish the foes, fell on his head and in that case he would meet his end without the benefit of an ascetic life and therefore he ordered the charioteer to take him back to Sudharma instead of taking him home. Having gone to Sudharma again and having paid him full respect again he implored him to give. him the vow of complete celibacy till death which he did. Now as a total celibate he repaired home and requested his parents to give consent to him to renounce the world and become a monk. The parents replied with one voice that people do hear. the religious sermon but they do not take to monkhood. Jambu was not impressed. by what the parents said. He on the contrary advanced a counter-argument saying that some take time in understanding the import and implications of the scriptural injunctions while the others are quick to imbibe their meaning and significance. In support of his contention Jambu described to the parents the story of those five friends. who went to the garden where in a solitray corner the Tirthankara had fixed up bis quarter. They, Jambu continued, bowed to the Tirthankara, heard the sermon on the law, exchanged their views, made up their mind to renounce and finally got omniscience' and became emancipated. Finishing the story and exphasizing the moral on their minds, Jambu repeated his resolve. Seeing Jambu unmoved they submitted a compromise formula that Jambu should first lead a normal life of a householder, enjoy marital pleasures and then become a monk. Against this proposal of the parents, Jambu narrated the story of a monkey who being fond of pleasures met with a tragic death getting stuck into the bitumen. Seeing Jambu unbudging in the stand he had taken, the parents thought it wise to inform the parents of the eight brides namely Samudragri, Sindhumati and others with whom Jambu was earlier enagaged. The brides through their parents conveyed that Jambu's resolve was their resolve because they have given over their hearts to him. As the marriage

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Some Aspects of Indian Culture
did not now come into conflict with his vow of celibacy, Jambu went in for it. The marriage was celebrated with pomp and grandeur on an auspicious day and at an auspicious moment.
Just at this time, there lived a man named Prabhava who happened to be the son, well-versed in arts and sciences, of a king called Vindhya of Jaipur. Being enraged with his father who gave away the kingdom to his younger brother, Prabhu, he used to pass his life in the foot of the mountain, Vindhya, looting and plundering with the assistance of thieves and robbers. This Prabhava who got the news of Jambu's marriage and the costly dowry, entered the city at night along with five hundred. fellow thieves to rob Jambu.
Applying the two magical formulae, Prabhava who, first of all, threw open the locks and send all the inmates into deep sleep began to remove the valuables from the bodies of the inmates. Seeing this, Jambu on whom the power of magical formulae did not work uttered a stern warning not to touch the bodies of the invitees. Hearing these words, the thieves became standstill. Acquainting Jambu about him, Prabhava made an offer to exchange the two magical formulae which he knew for those such as Stambhini and Mochani which Jambu knew. Jambu replied that he had no use for the worldly magical formulae. He knew only that lore which extricated the people from the bondage of the world and added that he would be leaving the world tomorrow morning. Prabhava, who was surprised to hear this, admonished Jambu not to renounce this world at such a young age. But Jambu did not give way to him also giving an illustration of the "Man in the well" to bring home to him the futility of the enjoyment of worldly pleasures. Again, Jamba, on being asked by Prabhava about the reason that goaded him to part company with his kith and kind so immediately and so early, told him that the intensity of immeasurable misery and tormentation which the would-be child experiences in the womb has made him resort to a line of action that eventually puts a stop to taking birth and cited in support of his stand. an example popularly known as Lalitangakatha.
In order to enlighten Prabhava on the point of the worthlessness of the world, Jambu narrated to him a number of stories especially the story of Kuberadatta and Kuberadatta proving the futility of worldly relationships, that of Maheshwaradatta emphasizing the inconsistency of the popular custom of giving oblation to the manes, that of a Bania who forfeited everything he had for the sake of a cowrie stressing the untenability of the comparison between worldly happiness and the bliss of emancipation, that of a cowherd boy conveying the lesson of the good use to which. money can be put etc. etc. Hearing these stories, Prabhava became converted. In the morning Jambu made aa exit for the big goal to which he had set himself. Anadhiya, the ruling diety of Jambudvip celebrated the occasion. Jambu was baptized and Sudharma named Prabhava as his pupil. Jambu's mother and wives joined him in his undertaking. In a very brief time Jambu became Śratakevali.

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10)
After some time Sudharma in course of his peregrinations came to Campā with his retinue of monks and fixed up his headquarters in the temple, Purnabhadra. Kuņika came to pay his obeissance and there seeing the penance practised by Jambu as also his charitable disposition, munificence and character, he asked for more information about him. Thereupon, Sudharma wished him to listen attentively to a story which was told to his father, Sreņik, in the past by Mahavira and which is now being narrated presently to him by him. With these prefatory remarks, Sudharma described into details the narrative of Prasannacandra to Kuņika, Mahāvira on being further requested continued. Sreņika disclosed that Vidyunmali who had come to pay regards to him will be born as a human being on this earth and related a story justifying Vidyunamāli's achievement of such an extradordinary brilliance. That story I am repeating to you, oh Kuņika! which you hear - said Sudharma and he began.
"In this very country, in a village called Sugrāma, there dwelt a chieftain named Aryava who had a wife named Revati, They had two sons, Bhavadatta and Bhavadeva. The elder, Bhavadatta, accepted monkhood even when he was young. After some time, a community of monks, during their wanderings, came over to the very village. The monk, Bhavadatta, seeking his Guru's permission, came to Bhavadeva with a view to Enlightening him. Bhavadeva was a married man at that time and in accordanc with the family traditions and customs he was, at that time, engaged in decorating Nāgila, his wife. Learning that his brother had come, he came out leaving Nāgilā half decorated. Bhavadatta, having finished his meal there at his brother's, left tbe home, giving back the vessel full of ghee to his brother, Bhavadeva. Bhavadeva accompanied Bhavadatta who had come to him to specially enlighten him. After a long time, Bhavadatta went to heaven having embraced death with a calm and cool mind.
Bhavadeva who had become a monk observed celibacy but with the thoughts of his wife. Once when the community of monks came to his own former village, he went in the direction of his house without seeking the Guru's permission and sat to take rest in the temple outside. At that time, his former wife, Nagilā, emaciated due to observance of vows etc. came to offer worship to gods in the very temple accompanied with one Brahmin lady. Bhavadeva could not recognize her and be asked her only about his parents and wife to see whom he expressed his desire. Nāgila at once recognized him and acquainted him about her. She brought him round citing an example of a Brahmin's son who had to take birth as a he-buffalo because of his craving for carnal desires. Just when Nagilā was enlightening him, a son of the Brahmin woman who had accompanied her came to the mother and asked for a vessel in which he wanted to vomit the rice-pudding which he had eaten because he had got an invitation for dinner from some other place, his desire being to store the vomitted rice-pudding for the next day. It was explained to the boy that it was a bad proposal and he will not be allowed to implement it. Even Bhavadeda joined her in dissuading the boy whereupon Nagila retorted that he also

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was no better than the boy in expressing a desire to enjoy sexual pleasures with her who has been abondoned once for all. Bhavadeva was thus brought back to monkhood.
Afterwards, Bhavadeva practised hard penance and went to heavan having fasted unto death. Having finished his life as a god, Bhavadatta also, was born as a son, named Sagaradatta, to a sovereign monarch, Vajradanta by his queen, Yasodhara, in a city called Pundarikini in the country, named, Puşkalāvati. Once seeing a massive cloud disappearing in the sky and taking it as a pointer to the transitoriness Sagardatta left the world and took to monkhood even when he was young. Bhavadeva also was born as a son named Sivakumāra to a kiog Padmaratha by his queen, Vanamala in the same country but in a different city called Vitasokā, having lived the full span of life as a god in the heaven. He was later married with many royal brides and passed his life in pleasures and comforts.
Monk Sagardatta along with a party of monks came over in course of his rambles once to Vitasoka. Seeing him, a huge wave of intense love and affection arose in the heart of Sivakumāra. When he asked Sagardatta the reason of this, he described to him the two previous births in which they both were related to each other as Bhavadatta and Bhavadeva and as gods. This created in him an upcontrollable feeling of disaffection for the world in the heart of sivakumāra who, as he was not allowed by his parents to accept monkhood, practised austerities subsisting on frugal food for twelve years under the supervision of Drdhadharma, minister's son turned monk and died in a pious frame of mind. As a result of this he was born as a god named Vidyun māli. After seven days from today, Vidyunmāli's life as a god will come to an end will be born as a son to Rşabhadatta by his wife Dhārini in Rājagrha. Hearing this, Anadhiya, the ruling god of Jambudvipa, began to dance. Śreņika asked the reason of this and revered Mahāvira thus began :
In this very city, there dwelt a merchant's son, named Guptimati who had two sons of the names of Rşabhadatta and Jinadāsa, the former being virtuous while the latter wicked. This urged Rşabhadatta to dissociate himself from Jinadāsa. Once Jinadāsa who was playing gambling with the army commander tried some underhand tricks on account of which he was severely punished by him so much so that the news of this event, when Rşabhadeva got, forced him to run to the succour of Jinadāsa. This obligation on an unworthy person like himself made Jinadasa fully repentent. A transformation came over him who abandoned everything, undertook fast unto death, and went to heaven having died a religious death. This Anadhiya is the soul of that very Jinadasa-revealed Mahāvira to Śrenika. Out of extreme joy, he is dancing, added Mahavira, knowing that the prestige of his family will be heightened by the birth of the last omniscient in the family. Having heard this, Anadhiya went back to heaven and so also Vidyunmāli. Afterwards, the four goddess wives put a question to the omniscient sage, Prasannacandra whereupon he prophesied that they will become separated from Vidyunamāli and having been born as the four brides of the merchants, will become united with Vidyunmāli when he

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will be born as Jambu and they will be born as gods as a logical outome of ascteicism which they will undertake alongwith Jambu. The four goddess wives then left.
We have another theory also different from that found in Vasudevahindi which is derailed above. Uttarapurana of Gunabhadra who flourished in 897 A.D. is its source. The story of Jainbu is outlined there in the 76th Parvan beginning from the 1st stanza right upto 213. Its summary is given below :
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Once upon a time, Mahavira came over to Rajagṛha in course of his peregrinations and settled on the mountain, Vipulacala, with a party of his pupils. King Śrepika as was usual with him went out to pay his regards to Mahavira and he did the same thing to Gautama also. To the latter, Śrenika put a question about the reason of the distorted expression that was visible on the face of monk Dharmaruci15 even though he was absorbed outwardly in the religious meditation and whom he saw as such on the way when he was coming to him. Gautama described to Śreņika the whole account of Dharmaruci as he knew and commanded him to go back to him and quell the rising tempo of his wicked thoughts. The king did as he was ordered and came back to Gautama. Some moments after, Dharmaruci got omniscience. Indra came down from the heaven to offer worships to Dharmaruci and so did Śrenika also. Śrepika again came back to Mahavira and Gautama and put a question as to who would be the next omniscient sage after Dharmaruci? Just at this very moment, god Vidyunmalı along with his four goddess wives with his four goddess wives came over there, bowed to them and took his seat. Pointing to Vidyunmalı, Gautama answered to Śrenika that he (Vidyunmält) would be the next omniscient being. On the seventh day from today he will end up as a god and will be born in the womb of Jinadasi, the wife of Aiddas in this very city but before conceiving him, she will see five dreams in her sleep, namely, the dream of elephant, lake, a field of corn, smokeless fire with flames moving upward and jujube fruits Jambu will be the name given to him who will be lustrous, lucky, proficient and passionless. I for my part will come back again on this very mountain, Vipula, with Sudharma. Kunika, the son of Cillană and the king of this city, Rajagrht, will come religious sermon and Jambu having heard lecture on religious instructions will desire to take initiation but will not be able to do so due to the importunity of his dear and near ones. Jambu's marriage with the four brides of Sagardatta and others will be regularly solemnized. He will stay, thereafter, with his wives in the residential palace but without any sexual desire. In order to know whether Jambu has persuaded himself to love his wives or not, his mother will hide herself in his residential palace. Just at this time, a thief named Vidyutprabha, the son of Vimalamati by Vidyutraj of Potanpur, who knew many mystical lores such as those of becoming invisible etc. etc. will come to the house of Arhaddasa to loot. Seeing Jambu's mother keeping awake for so long at night there, the thief having introduced himself will ask her the reason for doing so. Having been impressed by the mother's narration of the whole story, the thief who will be penitent for his nefarious activities and appreciative of Jambu's marvellous character will undertake to visit the bed chamber of Jambu with

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a view to bringing him round to accept worldly life. In order to carry out his mission he will come to the bed chamber and see Jambu unaffected by passion or any such worldly desire and surrounded by his newly married wives. The thief will try to stress on his mind that if he did not make up his mind for the enjoyment of worldly pleasures and banked upon heavenly ones, he will meet with the same fate as that camel which died after having eaten sweet grass. In order to silence him Jambu told a counter-story of a bania afflicted with a burning fever. Finally, by the souna arguments of Jambu, the thief will lose the battle and become converted to Jambu's point of view. So also will the wives and mother of Jambu. Knowing Jambu's fully developed detachment, his relatives, king Kuņika with his army and god Añadhiya - all - will come to celebrate Jambu's initiation ceremony. Then, seated in a divine vehicle, Jambu will come over to me on this very mountain while Vidyutprabha and his 500 fellow thieves will go to Sudharma. After passing a period of 12 years of omniscience, I shall achieve emancipation and Sudharma will get omniscience. After twelve years Sudharma will get emancipation and Jambu, omniscience. For 40 years Jambu will move about preaching and enlightening. Hearing this narration which is in a way an eulogy of his own family, god Anadhiya got up and began to dance. On being requested by Śrenika, Gautam briefly outlined the previous births of Añadhiya. Arhaddāsa's brother, Jinadasa, ruined himself due to addiccions but as he repented afterwards he got god hood.
Having heard these things, Srenika expressed his desire to hear something about the previous lives of the god, Vidyunmāli and they were told.
Now, the whole narrative told before, births of sivakumara. Sagardatta, Bhavadatta, Bhavadeva-and that concerning the four goddesses who would become the four wives of Jambu in the birth to come follows closely the account found in the Vasudevahindi, the only diffirence being one of the proper nouns e.g. the village Vțddha, the village chieftain Rāştrakūta and the wife Nāgasri. The additional character of the nun to enlighten Bhavadeva is also there.
Besides the Vasudevahiņời and Uttarapurāņa, the story which is found in the ninth chapter of Haribhadra's Samarāiccakahā resembles in structure the story dealing with the last birth of Jambu. It is as follows:
Prince Samarāditya, according to the Samarāiccakahā, was brilliant, learned, brave, and courageous. But he developed aversion to the pleasures of the world from his very infancy due to the effect of the Karmas done in the previous births. As the parents insisted, he had to go in for marriage with two very beautiful brides. But instead of falling into the trap of their amorous gestures and all that, the prince started talking with the two female friends of the brides at whom he did not even care so much as to look. On the contrary, the prince who thought of putting the two brides on the right track, told them the story the motif of which was illicit love that was formed between Rati and Subhankarakumara just analogous to that which the queen Vibhramā had for Lalitanga in the Jambusāmicariu.

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Being influeaced by the story told by śubhankara, the two wives retraced from the pleasures of the sex and senses, while śubhankara earned superhuman knowledge even remaining in the home because of intensely auspicious meditation. Thus prince Sama. rāicca, who showed to the parants the right course to be adopted by them through the description of such and the other stories, utlimately took initiation into the Jain order. The gods celebrated the occation. In a brief period after this, Samarāicca, through hard austerities and penance, secured omniscience and finally emancipation also. This story and Jambu's story are obviously indentical.
In the Dharmopadeśamālāvivaraṇa written by Jayasimha, 16 the stories of Napura pandita, Madhubindu-kapa-narakathā and of Dhansārthavaha are found in their entirety. Probably, these very stories of the Dharmopadešamālāvivaraṇa have formed the basis of the stories found in Gunapāla's Jambucariyam (JC). 17 The story of Jambu is very briefly referred to in this work.18
So far as Jambu's story is concerned, Gunapala's Jambucariyam comes next after the three works discussed before, namely, the Vasudevahiņdi, Uttarapurāņa, and Dharmopadešamālāvivarana. This Jambucariyam of Gumapala is an excellent work abounding in literary flavour, written in prose and verse, just like a necklace of pearls studded in between with gems of great value. Though the date of its composition is not finally settled, its editor veteran scholar Muni Jinavijayaji has put it somewhere in the 19th century or even before it of the Vikrama era. Pandita Nemicandraji has tried to assign the 9th century V.S. to it, two centuries earlier than Jinavijayaji's suggested date, 19 A comparative study of both Jambucariyam and Jambusāmicariu of Vira will help us to settle with greater certainty the problem of the date of Gunapala's Jambucariyam. We will be very near due truth if we say that Jambucariyam must have been composed a little earlier than Jambusāmicariu, that is to say, in 1096 (V.S.). Being drawn towards it due to its unquestioned prestige and popularity at that time, Vira must have studied it seriously in all its aspects and from all points of view and perhaps seeing Jambucariyam written in a difficult language in a prosaic style abounding in religious sermons and moral exhortations at eyery stage and on any opportunity and breeding boredom due to a staggering number of symbolic parables and illustrative examples to bring home a minor point, Vira would have thought of trying his hand at writing a unique work, having Jambu's story as its subject in the people's language such as the Apabhramga in a simple unsophisticated style making it as enchanting and attractive as possible.
When we study Jambucariyaṁ keeping in view Vasudevahiņdi and Uttarapurāņa, from the view-point of its presenation of the main story and the conception of various substories we find that it has an original, excellent, and extra-ordinarty theme to offer. In the first two Uddegyas we come across in it a fourfold division of the stories such as Dharmakathā, Arthakathā, Kāmakathā and Sankirna kathā just as we find in the Samirāiccık hi. The author, Gumapala, then proceeds with the narration of
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the main story but not before mentioning that it is the Dharmakathā and that only which brings good to the man and therefore he also has set before him the goal of writing a work based on it. The work proper then starts,
In the island called Jambudvipa and there in the city named Rājagrha, there rules king Śreņika who had a queen named Cillaņā. Once on the mountain, Vipulācala, revered Lord Mahāvıra came with the assemblage of his pupils. King Śreņika, hearing it, started with his retinue to pay his regards to Mahavira. On the way, he saw mook Prasannacandra in meditation but his facial expression betrayed the struggle of thoughts which was going on in his mind with intensity. Reaching his destination, Śreņika out of sheer curiosity put a question to Mahāvira about what he had seen regarding monk, Prasannacandra. Mahavira told the whole account. Just at this time, Prasannacandra got oma iscience to celebrate which the gods descended from the heaven. To the question "who would be next and the last omniscient sage after Prasannacandra ?" put by Śreņika to Mahāvira, the latter replied that Vidyunmali who has come to pay respects to Prasannaccandra with his four goddess wives will be the next and the last omniscicnt sage after Prasannacandra. The revered Mahāvīra narrated the story of Vidyunmāli beginning from his first birth when he was asked questions about that as also about the lustrousness of Vidyunmāli. In the village, Sugrāma, two brothers having the names of Bhavadatta and Bhavadeva lived. Doing inspired by the contact and religious sermon of a monk named Susthita, Bhavadatta became detached and took to renunciation. After sometime, the monk, Bhavadatta, once came back to his own village in the company of his brother-monks, and came to his old home with a view to inspiring his brother to take a monkhood. He drew Bhavadeva to the party of the monks by a trick when he was actually taking circumbulations round the fire during the marriage ceremony. He could not resist Bhavadatta and anyhow became a monk ruminating over the past enjoyments. After Bhavadatta's demise, Bhavadeva monk threw off monkhood and returned in the direction of his home. On his way, outside his home-town, in the temple of Jina, he met Nāgilā who enlightened him through the two parables in the first of which she said how a person who was a victim of sensual pleasures was born as a he-buffalo and in the second she said how a Brahmin's boy who wanted to eat back the vomitted food was prevented from doing so. The Bhavadeva, having practised hard penance, was born as a god in the heaven. Bhavadatta having finished his life as a god becomes Sagaradatta and Bhavadeva is born in the form of prince Sivakumara. By the sight of a contact with Sāgaradatta, Sivakumara had recollections of his previous birth and became dejected. Not being able to disobey his parents, he remained as a householder practising hard austerities (Romantic relationship between Sivakumara and Kanakāvati is, indeed, entertaining and interesting). Monk Sāgardatta in course of time secured salvation and Sivakumāra became Vidyunmāli with four very loving goddess wives. This Vidyunmāli, after seven days, will be conceived in the womb of Dhārini, the wife of Rşabhaddatta and will be born in course of time as a son who will be with the passage of time very popular and famous. At the age of bare sixteen he will be

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baptised into the order and will eventually be the last omniscient. These four goddesses will be his wives and in addition he will marry other four wives also. A brief narrātive of Anadhiya was also told in this context.
Jambu was born in normal course. Sudharma's sermons engendered in him feelings of aversion towards the world. Parents dissuaded him from undertaking asceticism but he was unshakeable. Then a compromise was arrived at in the form that Jambu should at least marry the brides with whom he was engaged before detachment so that they can feast their eyes on their married son at least temporarily. Jambu accepted. On the very first day of his marriage, when he was sitting unperturbed and with his vow of celibacy unbroken in the company of his eight married wives, the notorious thief, Prabhava, with 500 accomplices, came over there to loot and plunder ascertaining that all were fast asleep. But finding Jambu fully awake, he entered into conversation with Jambu. In order to stress the dangerous nature of the sensuous pleasures of the world on the mind of Prabhava, Jambu cited parables such as that of Madhu. bindu and of Mahesvaradattā. The sound of the talk which took place between Jambu and Prabhava awakened the newly married eight wives. Now follows a very interesting and edifying interlude. As many as eighteen parables and counterparables were advanced for calm and impartial consideration by both the parties, Jambu on one side and all the eight wives on the other side, the first pointing to the insignificance of the mundane life of pleasures and enjoyments and the other proving that a bird in band is worth two in the bush, that is to say, the worldly pleasures must be enjoyed to the full. The parables and the counter-parables are as follows :
(1) Foolish Farmer; (2) Crow; (3) A couple of Monkeys; (4) Fuel-carrier; (5) Napurapaņạitā; (6) Megharatha-Vidyunmāli; (7) Conch-blower; (8) The Leader of the Monkeys (9) Buddhi-Siddhi; (10) Noble Steed; (11) Village Chieftain's son; (12) Mare-Master; (13) Mā-Šahasa Bird; (14) Three Friends; (15) Clever Brabmin Girl; (16) Queen Lalitā; (17) Bania and Diggers; (19) Dravyatva-Bhāvatva. The last three parables are from the mouth of Jambu.
Jambu scored his point. All got light removing darkness of ignorance. Kunika celebrated with pomp and grandour the initiation ceremony of Jambu. Jambu's parents, eight wives, their parents, Prabhava the Thief and his five hundred co-thieves-all joined Jambu in undertaking initiation.
Sudharma got omniscience and emancipation. Jambu became the chief pontiff and in course of time he also earned emancipation. All the other co-religionists practised hard penance and went to heaven after death. Thus ends Guņapāla's Jambucariyar (JC).
A close look over the design of the original story of Jambu and thc employment of the intervening parables occuring in Guņapāla's Jambucariyam (JC) will make it immediately clear that Vira, the author of Jambusāmichariu has largely kept Jambucariyam as his model in many respects while giving to his Jambusāmicariu a shape and colour justifying it as a Mahākāvya and including in it additional features characterizing it as such. Of course, it must be straightway admitted that Vira has drawn

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Some Aspects of Indian Culture on Gunabhadra's Uttarapurana material as much as it was necessary. Moreover, five of the intervening parables which are there in Vira's Jambusamicariu are nowhere to be found except in Guhapala's Jambucariyam. This leads us to the only probable conclusion that Gupapala seems to have come into possession of these five parables from the commentarial literature on the Ardhamăgadhi cannon or perhaps from oral transmission of the literary traditions. Be that as it may, we do not know about any other previous scurce from which they would have come down to Gunapala. This is all the more supported by the perusal of all the parables found in all the works of Jambu in all the languages. It is a unique phenomenon confined to Gunapala's Jaribucariyad only. In conclusion, we are in a position to state from the previous discussion that the upper limit of the date of composition of Gunapala's Jambucariyam should be 1076 of the Vikram Samvat which is the date of composition of Vira's Jambusamicariu.
Let me also note that the biographical notices of Jambu are also found in the 100th Sandhi of the Uttarakhanda of the Mahapurana of Mahakavi Puspadanta titled Jambusamidikkhavagnana, besides the works of the earlier writers mentioned in the preceding paragraphs, though Puspandan'a, it is clear, had for his model, the 76th Parva of Gunabhadra's Uttarapurapa.
In point of time, Vira's Jaribusämicariu so far as the story of Jambu is concerned, comes after Vasudavahiods, Uttarapurapa and Jambucariyam. In Digambara literature there are two more works of the two authors, Jinadasa and Rājamalla who have written Jambusvamicaritra in Sanskrit verse based on Vira's Jambusamicariu. They are, no doubt, excellent treatises standing on their own merits but more or less they are Sanskrit renderings of Vira's said work. There are many more in vernacular lang. uages also.
In the literature of the Svetambara Jains, the traditional transmission of the story. of Jambu has continued non-stop. It has found concrete form in four principal works. namely, Bhadresvara's Prakrit Kathavalı (the 1st half of the 12th century V.S.), Nemicandrasari's Prakrit Akhyanakamanikoja (1229 V.S. only two intervening stories, that of Prasannacandra and of Nupurapandita is found); Hemceandra's Sanskrit Pariistaparvan (1229 V S.) and Udayaprabha's Dharmabhyudaya Maha-Kavya in Sanskrit (1279-1290 V.S.) etc.
Notes
1 Doctor Hiralal Jain Bharatiya Samskritimen Jaina-Dharmka Yogadāna, pp. 25-56; Pandit Kailasachandraji: Jaina Sahitaya Aur Itihasa Pūrva-pițhikā, pp. 287-330.
2 According to Digambara tradition 62, years (12+12+38).
3 See his Tiloyapannatti' (Jivaraj Jain Granthmälä Sholapur, nos. 1 and 2. [V.S. 2000, 2007).
4 See his "Dhavala" commentary.

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5 See his "Gommatasära". 6 See his Uttarapurana'' (of Gunabbadra, trans, Papnalal Sahityacārya, Bharatiya Jñan apith,
Banaras, 1954. 7 See his "Mahāpuräna". 8 See "Buddhadharmake 2500 years". 9 Pandit K. C. Shastri; Jain Sahityaka Itihasā, Preface : pp. 303-312. Digaribar Jain Granthmala,
Vārāṇasi. 10 Mahapurāna : pp. 300-302. 11 Aya : 1, 1, 1 : Süya, (Jaina Sāhitya Samiti, Ujjain; Sūya, by Puppha Bhikkhu.) 12 Süya, 5, 1, 1-2 (op. cit.). 13 2nd-3rd Century A. D. 14 There is one curious statement in Tiloyapannatti that of all the omniscient sages, Sridhara was
the last. 4, 1479. 15 In Vasudevahindi, the name is Prasannacandra. Jaina Atmānanda Sabhä, Phavnagar. 16 V. S. 915. 17 Before at least the 11th century of the Vikrama era. 18 सुपुरिसचे? ददलु बुझंते नूण कूरकम्मा, मुणिजंबुदंसणाओ चिलाय -प्रभवा जहा बुद्धा ।।
(Dharmopadeśamālāvivaraṇa, Singhi Jaina Granthamälā). 19. Prakrit bhāşa aur Sahityaka Ālocanātmaka Itihāsa (Tara Prakashan. Benares).

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COMPARATIVE STUDY OF THE TRADITIONS RELATING TO JAMBU AND
THE STORIES ABOUT HIM *
It is now clear that according to the Vasudevahindi the story of Jambu starts right from his conception, birth, youth, Guru's exhortation, detachment, marriage with eight brides because of parents' insistence, Prabhava's arrival for looting, intervening sub-stories told by Jambu and the wives to the enlightennent of all ending in initiation. Till now the story has proceeded further but now it takes a backward turn as Kunika expressed his desire to know something about the previous birth of Jambu. Thus we come across the story of Vidyunmāli and going still downward the stories of Bhavadatta-Bhavadeva, and Sagardatta-Sivakumāra are told. The account of Jambu in Vasudevahindi ends here.
In Guņabhadra's Uttarapuraņa also, the story of Jambu, as above in Vasudevahiqdi, starts with Jambu himself and then to provide a logical metaphysical ground for his life as such the stories of his earlier births are recounted in the order of Vidyunmali, Sagardatta-Sivakumāra, Bhavadatta-Bhavadeva. The story comes to a stop when Bhavadeva, returns home and undertakes hard purificatory penance seeing the wretched condition due to poverty, his wife, Nagasri was reduced to.
The difference between the two versions as found above in the two works, namely, Vasudevahindi and Uttarapurāņa, is almost negligible except in the constitution of the two works as well as the employment of the intervening stories and their size which varies without any specific reason.
The earliest traces of the story of Jambu are no doubt there in the canon. It then went on being transmitted according to the common phenomenon applying to all literatures. Thus in course of time it become crystalised in semi-legendary, semimytbological literature and this particular form was taken as basic by Vasudevahindi and Uttarapurāpa, though the form was too crude to be woven into a well-knit fabric. Even casually looking at both these works, it becames immediately clear that there is no real connection between the story of the last birth and those of the previous births where and in the shape they are referred to in the works. Merely, the relevence of the story of Vidyunmali is somewhat, not much, visible. The readers' curiosity to know more about Jambu's previous births diminishes after having • The contents of this article have been collected from the Introduction, besides other sources,
of Vira's Jarabusamicariu (edited by Dr. Vimalaprakash Jain, Bharatiya Jñanapith Prakasan, No. 7, 1968) the relevant portion of which, as on pages 37 to 39 is reproduced here in English.

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Comparative study of the traditions ..
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heard the story of Jambu proper. The curiosity is kept alive through the story of Vidyunmali and thus, through it, about other birth also to a very little extent.
The narrative relating to Prasannacandra and Dharmaruci which is found in these works, has no bearing on the central theme-the story of Jaibu.
It is clearly obvious that the stories of sivakumāra-Sāgardatta, Bhavadeva-Bhavadatta, look like super-imposed because the desire of knowing more about Jambu's previous lives takes leave after having known about his present life. In other words it appears that there is no appreciable cannection between the stories of the five births and that, on the contrary, they have been taken from different sources and and have been somehow or other fitted in with the brief and main story of Jambu.
In both the works, the order also is not uniform. In Vasudevahiņdi, first comes Jambu, then Vidyunmāli, then Bhavadatta-Bhavadeva, and ultimately having said the stories of Sāgardatta-Śivakumara, the connection between Jambu and Vidyunmāli is shown. In Uttarapuräna, the order is even more strange. First comes god Vidyunmāli, then follows the account of Jambu's life after this the account of sivakumāraSagardatta's life as a previous birth of Vidyunmāli and in this very birth the narrative of the previous life of Bhavadatta-Bhavadeva is told through the mouth of Sāgardatta. Thus some looseness in the story is evident and on account of this the reader's interest suffers.
In Uttarapurāņa, Bhavadeva is enlightened, not by deserted wife but by the nun. This is a flaw.
No account of the previous lives of eight or four brides of Jambu is given.
No relationship between Sudharama and Jambu pertaining to their previous lives is shown. Nothing more is found besides the relationship existing between an elder and a younger brother in the birth of Bhavadatta-Bhavadeva as besides the accedental love due to association in the previons birth and the resulting recollection of previous lives.
The authors of the above mentioned two works, Vasudevahiņdi and Uttarapurana, have not seen to it that the nature of Jambu as a hero most be clearly brought out. They have seized no opportunity to do this.
Thinking over all these above points it becomes very clear that there is no inseparable link between the main story and the intervening stories in the other. Therefore, all these-the main story and the sub-stories taken together do not deserve to be called a coherent, well-designed and well-executed, biography of Jambu but they have been utilized with the only purpose of telling some story. At best, they are like short tales found together in a book.
One very import historical fact is available in these works, namely the absence of any sign pointing to the schism between the two sects, Svetāmbara and Digambara, so far as pure literature, not the canonical, is concerned. This has additional proof also in Vimalsūri's Paumacariyam and Jinasena's Padmapurāņa representing Svetāmbara line of thought and Digambara respectively.

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Some Aspects of Indian Culture Now let us see what Gunapala's Jambucariyam has to say on these points. Gupapala has reversed the order entirely. He has begun with Vidyunmält and goesd escribing the privious births of Bhavadatta-Bhavadeva, Devagati and SagaradattaŚivakumara. He has related Sagaradatta as getting emancipation and Sivakumara as being born as god, Vidyunmalı From these onwards, the narrative proper dealing with Jambu takes its start and it strikes a superior note as it is couched in interesting and erudite language and told in a style which is coherent and well-constituted. This puts it on a par with any highly rated Mabākavya.
Gunapala's also has not been able to extricate himself from the compulsions of tradition as he also has referred in detail to the story of Prasannacandra Rajarşi in his Jarhbucariyam.
He has so incorporated the stories of Sivakumara-Sagaradatta and BhavadevaBhavadatta that they easily become the integral part of the work and enhance as well as elucidate the motiff. The romantic of dialogue between Sivakumara and Kanakavati is sufficiently stimulating and is a special feature of Gupapala's Jambucariyam only. The basis and model of this episode seems to be the love story of Simhakumara and Kanakävati occurring in the second Bhava of Haribhadra's Samaraiccakaha.
112
The whole story in Gupapala's Jambucariyam is well presented that the sequence does not seem to be, even for a moment, illogical and out of place. This makes the reading pleasant and understanding easy.
Bhavadeva is brought back to the right path by his abandoned wife, Nägila, as in Vasudevahindi.
The narration of the previous births of all the eight wives of Jambu is not thought proper to be treated in this work a lso.
No relationship between Sudharma and Jambu during their previous births is established in this work by Guņapāla also.
No episodes, proving the heroic mattle and merits of the main character Jambu, have been introduced or invented in this work.
From all the above observations, a legitimate conclusion can easily by drawn that Vira's Jambusamicariu was designed after the pattern of Gupapala's Jambucariyam which in ts turn took the form and colour from the two previous works, namely, Vasudevahindi and Uttarapuraṇa. Some alterations and innovations have no doubt been made by every one of the three authors in order to make a display, good or bad, of their power of imagination and depiction. The striking ability of both, Gupapala and Vira, becomes mainfest when they make every conscious effort to prevent the reader's interest from flagging. It has also been secured through co-ordinated presentation in both, Gunapala's Jambucariyamh no doubt suffers from an indiseriminate use of religious sermonising as also from his visible effort to attach a symbolic significance to every intervening story which generally becomes boring and thus defeats its own purpose. Guṇapala's mistake has become a lesson for Vira who has weeded out these unproductive elements from his work.

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Comparative study of the traditions...
113
In accordance with the past tradition, Guņapāla has not gone beyond the third birth of Bhavadatta-Bhavadeva in which he, born as Sägaradatta, has been described as acquiring emancipation. But Vira stretched the fabric upto the fifth birth in which he made Sudharma related in brief all the four earlier births, thus maintaining connection without a break that had started from the first birth. Similarly, Vira has, in pursuance of artistic standards, tried to show that the four goddess wives of Vidyunmāly were born as the four brides given in marriage to Jambu, justifying the rebirths on the ground of meritorious lives they all four lived when they were goddesses. Just as other previous writers, Vira has not painted, his hero, Jambu, as given over to dejection and detachment but he has invested him with all the qualities and characteristics which a hero normally possesses or should possess in order to be true to his being a hero. In Vira's Jaṁbusāmicariu, we see Jambu moving about freely and enjoying pleasures in the company of his friends with ladies in the swimming pool, though of course without any tinge of passion or amorousness. Jambu is also presented here in Jambusāmicariu as having patience, strength, courage, boldness and all such strong points as a hero should have. In order to illustrate the presence of this potentiality in Jambu, the author, Vira, has invented episodes and events in which an infuriated elephant is brough to book by Jambu without much or special efforts as also the war in Keral. These are author's own innovations but they have been so nicely mixed up with the central theme that they do not appear as isolated. On the contrary, they have become part and parcel of the main subject. Short narratives such as those of Prasannacandra ( or Dharmaruci) have been dropped by Vira and their place is given to other fresh and fitting talkes. The long stories of a treacherous quoen and the daughter-in-law of Bania which, consisting of two stories but presented as one, has been curtailed and cut so as to appear as believable and untiresome.
In sum, Sanghadāsa, Guņabhadra and Guņapāla appear at best as preachers who have to say something religious to the people and while doing so they have sacrificed pure art to compelling exigency but Vira has followed strictly the principal of Art for the sake of Art only and not for any purpose. The first three are preachers pure and simple while Vira is a poet of outstanding ability and a genius.

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13
GUNAPĀLA AND HIS JAMBUCARIYAM (JC) *
The edition of Jambucariyam which I have used for this article is based on the only palm-leaf Manuscript which its learned editor Ācārya Jinavijayji Muni came across in the Bhāndāra at Jesalmere during his stay there from December 1942 to April 1943 occasioned by a zeal for search of Manuscripts.
The life of Jambu which is the central theme of the Jambucariyam has always been a source of perennial inspiration in Jaina literature. There is a great number of Manuscripts availabe in the Bhāņdāras narrating Jambu's life. Not only is there a vast number of published works, big and small, written in ancient and modern languages of the Indo-Aryan family such as Prākrit, Sanskrit, Apabhramga, Old Hindi, Gujarati, Rajasthāni, etc. but also is there a good number of them available in the Drāvidjan languages such as Kannad and Tamil.
According to the history of Jainism, Jaribu who was a chief pupil of Arya Sudharma, himself a distinguished dignitary and a religious heir of Mahavira, was a historical personage. He occupies a front rank position in the Jaina hierarchy, being a leader of the Order of Monks after Mahavira, the last Tirihan kara of the Jainas. Of the thousands of Mahāvīra's monks, Jambu is the last patriarch to obtain omniscience and salvation. It is traditionally accepted that none got them after him. Jambu got salvation sixtyfour years after Mahāvira's and thus he is considered the acknowledged and authoritative recepient and interpreter of Mahavira's teachings constituting the present Jaina canon which has come down to us through an unbroken succession of his pupils.
Soon after Mahavira's salvation, Jainism got divided into two sects one of which came to be known as Svetāṁbara and the other as Digambara. In both these, Jambu is equally accepted and respected. Writers belonging to both these sects have fully utilized the theme of Jambu for a variety of their literary writings. In the canon of the Svetambara Jains, Jambu is constantly mentioned. Jambu had no accepted initiation into the monk's order during Mahāvira's life time but he did so at the hands of Sudharma after Mahavira's Nivāņa (Salvation). Mahāvira's teachings and the substance of what he said, meant and practised was conveyed verbatim to Jambu by Sudharma and this is why we come across very often the names of these two as the hearer and the speaker respectively.
This article contains, in addition to other things, the verbatim translation of the entire preface written by Acarya Jinavijayji and attached to his edition of the Jambucariaam, No. 44 of the Singhi Jaina Series.

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Gunapäla and His Jambucariyam
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Mahāvıra had eleven Pontiffs, technically called Gaņad baras. Of these eleven, pine had passed away during his lifetime leaving only two, the first and the fifth, Indrabūti and Sudharma respectively, who were living when the Prophet breathed his last. Indrabhati, more commonly known as Gautama, got emancipation soon after the Master's final exit from the stage of the world. Thus the rains of managing, administering, supervising and guiding the Monk's Order fell into the hands of Sudharma, the only surviving pupil. Jambu, a princely son of very wealthly merchant named Rşabhadatta, an inhabitant of the historic, celebrated city of Rājagļhi became the pupil of this Sudharma when he had only entered the prime of his life. The entire story of Jambu's initiation is throbbing with thrill and is so much inspiring and enlightening and the lession of his amazing asceticism and sublime self-control, especially when his youth was in full bloom, was so telling that he soon became the apple of people's eyes. It was but meet that such an illustrious dignitary should be put in the charge of the whole Order and he was put, indeed.
Sudharma carried the burden of leadership for full twelve years after the Master's final exists from the scene due to death. During this period, Jambu became the pupil of Sudharma, By sheer dint of character, strict observance of rules and regulations and penetrating, through knowledge, he slowly but firmly established himself in the minds and hearts of the people. He was proving worthy of the leadership that was about to come to him. Sudharma became the pupil of Mahāvira at the age of fifty. He served him in this state for thirty years. Twelve yearts after the Lord's passing away, he got omniscience in which condition he lived for eight years, thus dying at the ripe old age of full one hundred years.
Sudbarma died twenty years after Mahavira's death and Jambu's death followed fortyfour years after Sudharma's. According to this calculation, Jambu occupied the the Pontifical chair for fiftytwo years. There is no evidence available pointing to the total duration of Jambu's life. But it can be inferred that he must have lived for about eightytwo to eightyfour years. Jaribu was placed in charge of the Monk's Order when Sudharma got omniscience just twelve years after Mahavira's death. Supposedly it can be the tenth year of his initiation and he should be at least twenty years old when he took initiation leading to renunciation are not possible in
w younger than this. This brings us to the conclusion that he must have lived for about eightytwo to eightyfour years as stated above just now.
Barliest references to the narrative account of Jaribu's life are available in a voluminous Prakrit work named Vasudevahindi by a Jaina writer of the Svetämhara sect. Some independent works in Prakrit bearing the titled of Jambua iihava Jambu painnaya etc. etc. are also there but nothing can be decisively stated about the probable dates of their composition. Guņapāla's Jambucariyan is a big Prakrit work dealing with the account of Jambu's life and possessing distinct features of its own Gunapala, a Jaina Monk, was the pupil or the grand-pupil of one Virabhadra belon ing to the Nailagaccha of the Svetāmbara sect. Though there is no significant

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Some Aspects of Indian Culture
mention of the exact date of its composition in the entire work, it can be surmised from its style etc. that he must have been composed at least in the eleventh century of the Vikram era or even before that. A look at the palm-leaf Manuscript of the Jambucariyan which is there in the Bhandara at Jesalmere makes it clear that the Manuscript belongs to a period not later than the fourteenth century of the Vikarm era at most.
The form and style of the Jambucari yan are very similar to those of the famous Kuvala yamala of Udyotana. Description also has close resemblance. It is just possible that Guņapala must have been well aware of the wide popularity of the Kuvalayamala when he was attempting the compositio ! of the Jambucariyam. Udyotana learnt the canon from a certain Ācārya named Virabhadra whom he has described as another wish-yielding tree (one is in the heaven) that gives fruits as desired according to this line दिन्न जहिच्छियफलओ अथावरो कप्परुक्खो व्व । which is found in the Kuvalyamala. Gunapala describes Pradyumnasūri, his guru, as the pupil of Virabhadra, in his Jambucariyam. Now the line परिचितियदिन्नफलो आसी सो कप्परुक्खो त्ति । which is found in it used with reference to him agrees almost fully in letter and spirit with the line in the Kuvalayamāla cited above. It is to be considered and tested with fresh evidence whether we are correct in framing a hypothesis that Virabhadra Acarya of the Kuvalayamala and Virabhadrasari of the Jambucariyam were one and the same person. If this comes out to be true, Guņapāla, the author of Jambucariyam should have flourished at the end of the ninth century of the Vikrama era. This accounts to a certain extent for the striking likeness between the Kuvalayamala and the Jambucariyan so far as form, style, and narration are concerned. This tentative conclusion has got to be substantiated with a further corroborative proof wbich has not been so far avilable.
As stated above, Guņapāla belonged to Nāilagaccha which is one of the old names as referred to in the ancient Sthavira alis. Though Gunapāla is silent in the Jambucariyam regarding this Gaccha to which he belonged, it is clear from another excellent work written by him in Prakrit in addition to present work.
There is a well-preserved palm-leaf Manuscript of the Risidatta-cariyam by Guņapala in the Government collection housed in the Bhādārkar Oriental Research Institute of Poona. This seems to have been obtained from one of the Bhandārs either at Pāšan or Jesalmere and housed here. During bis stay at Jesalmere, Ācārya Jinavijayaji Muni came across a multilated copy of this. Some of the opening and concluding portion of this Risidattācariyar which was copied by him from the said palm-leaf Manuscript at Poona is given below. There are about one hundred fiftyseven palm leaves of this Manuscript at Poona the last three of which are in a part destroyed condition responsible for the breaks, gaps and lacunae here and there in the concluding portion.

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Gunapala and His Jambucariyam
117
Beginning
नमिऊण चलणजुयल पढमजिणिदस्य भुवननाहस्स । अवसप्पिणीए धम्मो पयासिओ जेण इह पढम ।। बालत्तणमि जेण' सुमेरुसिहरेऽभिसेयकालंमि । वामचलणंगुलीए लीलाए डोलिया पुहवी ॥ त' वरकमलदलच्छ जिणचंद मत्तपीलुगइगमण । नमिऊण महावीर सुरगणसयसंथुयं वीर ।। सेसे वि य बावीसे नमिऊण नटुरागमयमोहे । सुरमणुया सुरमहिए जीवाइपयत्थओब्भासे ॥ नभिउ अणाइनिहणे सिद्धिगए अट्टकम्ममलमुक्के । सिद्धे सासयनाणे अव्वाबाह सुह [पत्र-२, B] पत्ते ।। वरकमलसरिसवयणा कमलदलच्छी य चारुकमलकरा । वियसियकमलनिसण्णा सुयमयदेवी नमिऊण ।। आयरिएउवज्झाए साहुजण गुरुजण च नमिऊण ।
जइ वि हु एयौं बहुसो अणेयसाहहिं आगमे भणिय । तह वि य फुडवियडस्थ संखेवेण अहं भणिमो ।। सुयणो सोऊण इम' गुणगहण कुणइ जइ वि ते नरिण । गुणभूसिए बि कब्वे दोसे गिण्हइ खलो चेव ।। सुयणाण किं न नमिहह जे वि य दोसे वि[पत्र २, A]
पेच्छहिं गुणोहे । पियजणविरहे जह कोइ पिअयण पेच्छइ वण' पि ॥ न हनिम्मला वि किरणा रविणो पेच्छइ कोसिओ तमसे । तह चेव गुणा इह दुज्जणो वि पेच्छेइ विवरीए । जइ वि हु बीहामि अहं खलाण एमेव तह वि कुवियाण । तह वि महंत वसण नो तीरइ छव्हिय एयं ॥ अह वा जो च्चिय एककस्य खलो सोच्चिय अण्णस्स सज्जणो होइ। कह सुयणदुज्जणाण' पसंसनिंदा अह' करिमो ? ॥ जेण भणिय:रता पेच्छंति गुणा दोसा पेच्छंति जे विरति । मज्झत्था पुण पुरिसा[षत्र २, B] दोसे य गुणे य पेच्छति ॥ ता मज्झत्था तुम्हे दोसे परिहरह तह वि दट्टण । गिण्हइ विरले वि गुणे सुयणसहाव पि मा मुयह ॥

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118

एत्थ य चारि कहाओ पण्णत्ताओ जिणेहि सन्देहि । अत्थकहा कामकहा धम्मकहा मीसगकहा || अत्थकहाए अत्यो कामो तह तह चैव कामुयकहाए । भण्इ धम्मकहाए चउव्विहो होइ जह धम्मो ॥ सो पुग एसो मणिभोजिनेहि जयरामोस [पत्र ३, A] मोहि तब-सील दाणभावणमेएन' होइ ओ ॥ अगसनमाई य तवो सील पुण होई चरण- करणं तु । जीवदा दाण अधुवाई भावणा ॥
धम्मो अत्यो कामो भण्णइ मोक्खो वि मीसगकहाए । एसा सा मीसकहा भणामि ह जिणवरे नमिठ ॥२०॥
END
इव रिसिदत्ताचरिए परखरविर][ पत्र २५४ A] ए वरे रम्मे । गुणपालविरयमिम पंचम प सम्मत ति ॥ जह सेणियपुट्ठेण जगगुरुगा साहिब ति वीरेण । तह किं पि समासेण मए वि किल साहिय एयं ॥ सोक तुम एवं पालह जिणवीरभा खियं वपण । पावेह जेण अइरा कम्म डहिऊण मोकख ति ॥ इव कुणमाणेग हम पजं कि पि एत्थ मे पुण्ण' । पुण्णेण तेण वह तुम्हे अयरामर ठाण' ।।
इस वीरभद्दसूरी माइल
[१११५४ B]
The Right hand half of the folio No. 155 of this palm-leaf Manuscript is mutilated. The left hand half has got on the front part the broken lines mentioned below in the following order;
पंक्ति १
पिं
पंचि ३
पंक्ति ४
Some Aspects of Indian Culture
संसारि भमंतेण दुक्खद् दुएण रइ
[गुणपा०]केण विरइयति ॥
जिणवयण पाविकण एयं नु ।
.
•
• वहीणेण तह य लंकारवज्जिएण मह । किल किंपि मए रहय जिणपवयणभ
• रोग तवमियम्य मह सुबहरेद्दि
.
•

॥
किंपि विवरीय' । सुयश्यणक लिहिं ॥
जिणपवयण ताव
बरपउमपत्तरयणा पड...

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Ganapala and His Jambucariyam
119 On the reverses of the left hand half of this folio the following broken lines are found :
पफि १ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . मम नाणं ॥
हाइयउरंभि नयरे वासारत्तमि विर[इय एय? 1] पंक्ति २ . . . तीसाए अहियाई गाहग्गेण तु बारससयाइ. ।
एयाई जो निसुणइ सो पावई . . . . . . . ।। पंक्ति ३ संवत् १२०८ वषे अद्येह श्रीमदणहिलपाटके श्रीभीमदेवराज्ये प्रवर्तमाने *
Gunapala's authorship of the Risidattācariyaṁ becomes immediately known from these mutilated lines even of this palm-leaf Manuscript of which the opening and the closing portion especially are in a fragmentary condition as noticed above. References to Virabhadrasuri and Nailagaccha are also found there. In addition to this, there is also a reference to a city named Haiyapura where, during the stay in monsoon, this Risidattācari yam was composed,
This makes this inference possible that the mention of the data of the composition also must have been there in the mutilated portion of the Manuscript because this was almost always the practice with the Jaina writers of this age as will be seen from the fact that Udyotana süri in his Kuvalayamalakaihā, Siddharşi in his Upamitibhavaprapancakatha and Jayasimhasūri in his Dharmopadeśamälāk athasangraha
* On the last folio of this palm-leaf Manurcript, there is a panegyric of ten stanzas in Sanskrit giving details of the family etc. of that man who gave money to have this palmleaf Manuscript of the Risidattacari yam written. This panegyric, which also is in a mutilated condition because half of the right-hand portion of this last folio is in a fragmentary condition, runs as under : पंक्ति १ A . . . . . प्रभोः पान्तु नखेन्दुद्यतयोऽमलाः, प्रणणज्जन्तुसंघात कर्मतापभयात् भृशम् ।१॥ प्राग्वाटवंशमाणिक्य पंक्ति २ A . . . . वणिक् सोलुकानामतस्तस्य पत्नी शीलगुणावृता ॥२॥ तत्पुत्री बस्तिणि म रावणप्रियपत्न्यभूत् दंप . . . . पंक्ति ३ A . . . . . जज्ञेऽपत्ययुग्म मनोहरम् ।।३।। चाचाभिधः सुतः श्रेयान् विद्यते विपुलाशयः । देहच्छायेव वशगा प्रिया त ... . पंक्ति A
. . . . लक्ष्मणी ॥४॥ पुत्रिका मोहिणिर्नाम, तमोऽनुष्ठानतत्वरा । दयादाक्षिण्यदानादिगुणरत्नरलं. कृता ॥ पंक्ति , B अन्येा श्चितयामास, श्रीमती साऽप्यनित्यता । संसारे शाश्वत नास्ति. विना धर्म जिनोदितम् ॥६॥ पंक्ति २ B . . . . समाख्यातः श्रुतचरित्रभदेतः । श्रुतं हि दीपकं प्रायो। वस्तुतत्त्वावलोकने ।।७। बिबं श्री पार्श्वनाथस्य स्व . . . . पक्ति ३नु . . . . विवेकलोचनाका ज्ञात्वा जीर्णोद्धारे महत्फलम् ॥८॥ अस्य च लेखयामास मोहिणि: श्राविकोत्तमा । चरित रिषिदताया: पुस्तकं सुमनोहरम ।।९।। पंक्ति ४ B . . . . श्री नेमिचन्द्रसूरेविनेय . .. .॥१०॥
A Jain lady named Mohini who was the daughter of Rāvani by his wife Bastini belonging to the Pragvăț community of the Jainas had got this copy made at the instructions of Nemicandrasuri in order to inake good use of her money. This is the substance of a'l the ten stanzas comprising the Panegyric. It is also added there that this copy was got made in the year 1288 of the Vikrama era at Apahilpur Patan when Bhimadeva ruled over it.

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have made unambiguous mention of the dates of their compositions, But this can be decided without any doubt only if a complete Manuscript of the Risidattácaritam comes to our notice from some Jaina Bhāņdāra.
The serial no. of the palm-leaf Manuscript of the Jambucari yam which is there in a big Bhāņdār at Jesalmere is 245 according to the catalogue of the palm-leaf Manuscripts in the Jaina Bhāņdāras at Jesalmere compiled by Punyavijayaji. It has got according to it, the total number of 326 palm-leaves. The length and breadth of each palm-leaf is thirteen and two inches respectively. At some places, some lines have become illegible due to deterioration in the quality of ink with the passage of time. These places have been indicated with dots such as on pages 98 and 180 etc.
As the editor, Ācārya Jinavijayji Muni, says in the Preface, some errors have crept in the printed text because the transcribed copy could not be carefully tallied with the original Manuscript due to want of time and also because the copy could not be compared with it before rushing it to the Press. The only relief is that they have been shown in the errata of which the reader is advised to make use while reading the book.
The story of Jambu is famous and familiar in Jaina literature. A great number of compositions written in Sanskrit, Prākrit, Apabhramsa, Rajasthavi, Hindi and Gujarāti is availabte. Of these, many have been published as said before.
There is a detailed biographical account of Jambu in the first four cantos of an excellent composition, named Sthaviravalicarita in the form of Parisista parva appended to Trişaştisalākāpuruşa written in the purāṇic style by a renowned writer named Hemacandra. Here the account follows substantially the present Jambucariyan. This Sthaviråvalicarita has been published by the Asiatic Society at Calcutta. Critically edited hy a very great Sanskrit Scholar of international reputation named Dr. Jacobi who has also included in it lengthy English translation of the substance of the account of Jambu's life and tried to show therein where and in what form the intervening stories, in the account of Jambu's life, as found in the Sthaviravalicarita occur. From the viewpoint of the comparative study of these intervening stories, Dr. Jacobi's said edition is indispensable.
On account of the distinct feature of its critical value and importance, Dr. Johannes Hertel, an international scholar of equal stature and fame, has translated in appropriate German language these intervening stories and has produced a deep study incorporating results based on more exensive and varied comparisions which deserve the critical attention of each and every student and scholar, *
The full title of this book by Johannes Hertel is "Ausgewahete Erzablungen ous Hemacandra's Parisiştaparvan Deutschmit Einalaitung und Anmerkungen von Johannes Hertel, Leipzig, 1908. The first three chapters of the Preface to this book consist respectively of the biographical account of Hemacandra, Hemacandra's Parisistaparva and the mission of Jaina Sampradaya. These are followed by a chapterwise summary of the Parisisçaparva. At the end of the Preface is found a comparative study of the intervening stories characterised by a mention of the parallel references to the stories found in the Jaipa, Bauddha, and Prahmin works as well as in a variety of literatures of Europe.

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It is a problem of research as to when and how these intervening stories came to be associated with the main story of Jambu. How many earliest stories of the biographical account of Jambu are there and how many intervening stories made way into the main story and when ? these are the problems and exhaustive study of which is possible only if a comparative assessment of all the stories regarding the life of Jambu is made available and a thorough examination into the background of the history o their growth is undertaken.
When Prof. Jacobi brought out his edition of the Parisiştaparva, he had, perhaps not complete information about a huge member of Manuscripts mostly unpublished, dealing with the life of Jambu. This accounts for the fact that he has focussed his attention on those intervening stories only which occur in the biographical account of Jambu that is described and dealt with in the Parisistaparva of Hemacandra. It is not a bold presumption if it is said that the biographical account of Jambu in the Parigiştaparvan is designed on the model of Guņapāla's Jambucariyan.
The language employed in Gunapāla's Jambucariyam is easy and elegant and the style forceful and fascinating. It is in prose and verse. Narration runs on fi uently and forcefally and the description is accurate and unaffected. The author does uot miss a single oppertunity to enunciate and elaborate the principles of Jainism even when he is preoccupied with the main topić, He fulfils his religious mission effectively and impratially. The transitoriness of the life, the worthlessness of the world and the commendability of the moral and ethical behaviour form the refrain of all his didactic, outpourings, exhortations and sermons.
The publication of this Jambucariyam of Guņapāla is one step forward in the direction of the Narrative literature of the Jainas in Prakrit published so far.
AS-16

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RELIGIOUS AND MORAL ELEMENT IN *
GUNAPĀLA'S JAMBUCARIYAM
Principles of Jainism, especially the principles of Jaina ethics, have been described and discussed by Guņapāla on so many occasions and at so much length in Jambucariyam (IC) that it can aptly be called an epitome of Jaina Ethics. “Art with a purpose" had been the primary aim of all the Jaina writers of secular literature, Their outlook and approach being this, they essentially differed from the non-Jaina writers. Any excuse, even flimsy, was sufficient to arouse in them a sense of moral values which found vent into lengthy sermons and exhortations sometimes out of proportion and even context. Take any work of the Jaina writers of secular literature and you will find the didactic undertone running right from the beginning to the end. But this was not unintentional and accidental. This was deliberate and purposeful. Their goal of life was not this world but the world beyond. Their attention was wholly fixed on the permanent and not on the ephemeral. Nothing which did not contribute to the cultivation of moral habits and elevation of the spirit had a room in their mental make-up. Now this being a question of one's aim-and the aim is, indeed, good-we have no right to adversely criticise the want of artistic sense in them, as alleged by some. They merely gave different direction to their talent as was contingent to their being spiritual teachers, first and last. They were capable and qualified. Gorgeous descriptions of cities, mountains, and rivers, of harems and royal assemblies; of kings and queens; of natural scene and scenery; of men and women, of monks and nuns; of merchants and moneyed men; of battles and wars; of army and weapons; of arts and sciences showed that they were masters of the language in which they wrote. These happended to be boring and dry as dust' as the descriptions were fused with moral substance and they harped on the same string for a pretty long time in order to plant the truth in the minds of the readers. Their style suffered only because of this.
Now in this background let us try to see what Gunapala has to say regarding Jaina ethics in the JC. N.B.-First figure in the brackets indicates the number of the Uddesa and the
second points to that of the stanza. The edition used is the one brought out by Acharya Jinavijayaji in the Bhavan's Singhi Jaina Series as No. 44.
(1) World The world is large and unfordable like an ocean. The only fence against the world is a thorough and real knowledge of it and this can be had from the Jaina • Bharatiya Vidya, Vol. XXIX, Nos. 1 to 4, 1969.

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scriptures only. Wealth, woman, youth, sensual pleasures, relatives, friends, body and all the other things of this world and in this world are as transitory as the flash of a lighting or the drop of a dew. The only thing that saves a man from getting lost into it is non-attachment the maximum fruit of which is emancipation. (5. 28-36). All the beings in this world—the father, the mother, the brother, the son, the wife the relatives and the friends--are tied with each other through affection which is the result of the Karmas only. This affection serves only as the fetter. Death follows a man wherever he goes. Nothing shields him from death. He encounters bereavements and separations every moment. The world being such should be shunned (8. 41-62), Also never entertain a fascination for the world in which the beings are overpowered with diseases, privations and penury. (4. page 21 lines 3-11). He should on the contrary hanker after a place in the eternal abode which one can reach if he takes upon himself to practise the five vows and the religion of a monk having first of all acquired the Right Faith which results as perverted belief, sinful activities, ignorance, the three fold operation of mind, speech and body and a quaternary of passions are avoided. So long as the eightfold Karmas are not completely annihilated, the wanderings in this world never end. (6. 25-52),
(2) Body Having accepted the world as a necessary evil the author proceeds to enlighten the reader about the real nature of the body according to the Jaina scriptures. The body is a mere liability if it is not put to the use and benefit of others. It is evanescent like the dew-drop. Sometimes it appears promising while at other times it looks disappointing. Deprivation and disease are the usual attendants. It is beautiful outside and ugly inside. Its internal foulness is simply frightening. It is but dust. It is a bag of bones and blood, fat and flesh. How can you have love for such a body from which filth flows constantly? A paste which is fragrant becomes foul-smelling when it comes into contact with the body. Youthfulness is a sheer delusion. It vanishes when the body becomes old. The head shakes, the hands tremble and the nose exudes a stinking fluid. Hairs which were once pitchy black turn grey. The eyes which were formerly lotus-like ooze incessantly. Ears which were sharp become deaf and teeth become sparse and shaky. The same is the case with tongue, feet and mouth. As the body is such, one should make the best of a bad bargain. That is to say, it should be so used that it can become the cause of a better life hereafter (16. 302, 303, 304; 16. 308-336). Howsoever much, the body is condemned in Jainism, it has also given some credit to it in the sense that it can be turned into a vehicle for performing piety and religious practices. Thus a streak of goodness is not wholly denied to it. For its upkeep, pure and innocent food is also allowed. It is the cause, though remote, of final liberation. This is the raison d'etre of the body. (5. 250-251).
(3) Four Requisites Four things enriching the existence and difficult to be obtained are in order of

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excellence, human existence, scriptural knowledge, faith and capacity for self-control (16. 545-555). These four should be fully riade use of knowing well that this life is as fleeting as foam, as momentary as lightning, as decaying as a ripe fruit and as melting as a dew-drop (3. 112).
Religion can best invest the life with meaning and purpose. It is constituted of cessasion from injury to any living being, avoidance of falsehood, of stealing, of sexual contact and of possession. To these constituents, taking supper at night, eating meat and honey and drinking wine are also added. The reverse of this is irreligion (3. 24; 4. 12, 13, 14). Moreover, the so-called worldly pleasures, comforts and amenities which one gets in this world are also solely due to his having practised religion in the past. This provides him with all the more justification for further religious practices in this world so that he may get a greater amount and variety of them. But this is nothing compared with the bliss it brings (4. 43-56). It is with very great difficulty that a human existence is obtained and even after obtaining it, it is with increasing difficulty that its various concomitants such as good and noble country, community, family, perfect body, inclination to the religion of the Jainas, ideal teacher, faith and capacity for self-control, etc. etc. are got (3. 79-92).
(4) Religious Practices Referring to the fruits derived from the practices of religion and irreligion, Gunapala gives various examples of the persons who have got all sorts of comforts and pleasures and who have not got, showing that the seeds of disparity lay in the moral and immoral practices done in the previous births. Some are wealthy, while some are not. Some are in the position to satisfy the needs of their dear and near, while some themselves have to go begging. Some move about in vehicles, while some have no shoes even. Some indulge in the use of scents and perfumes, while some are happy by only putting a forehead-mark of saffron. This being due to the unchecked play of the Karmas, one should practise the religion of the Jina which only is efficient in destroying the various Karmas. Because one did not adopt the religion of the Jina, one had to wander through the cycles of births and deaths for times without number. Of all the religions, Jaina religion only is the panacea for all ills to which human flesh is beir. But here also it is difficult for human beings who are in the clutches of wrong and perverted belief, to distingulsh the right and ideal religion-which, of course Jaina religion is-from the wrong and misleading one. Due to this fundamental error, one adopts a religion which eventually degrades him instead of elevating him. He thus takes to eating meat and drinking wine. He gives in charities those things which involve him in a number of bad karmas. Really speaking he is a high-souled man who is trying to put an end to the karmas and who is free from love and hatred. Worship to such a savants is emancipating while to others it imprisons the being. Denouncing the charities as given by the followers of other religious systems, such as gold, ground, cow, etc. etc. Guņapala states that a promise or an act of security to those who are in danger of their lives as also

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things bereft of living organisms are best forms of charity according to the Jaina scriptures. Condemning the worship of the gods of inferior type, Guņapāla pleads that those ordinary, unideal gods who themselves are not free can never teach others lessons on freedom. The Tirthamkaras, who have cut off the knots of love and hatred, are in a position to give gifts and charities in the form of emancipation. Worship to them only and to none else is the only worship, ideal and fruitful and climaxing into final release, (16. 87-160).
(5) Faith As is the flower before the fruit, so is faith before good works. Belief is power. It is not reason's labour but repose. There is no obligation that can be returned to those who have generated faith in us. In other words, it cannot be adequately and sufficiently returned. Hellish and animal life are stalled and emancipation is brought near (1. 35-37). It is a boat carrying one safely to the shore (2. lines 1 to 4). Having obtained this priceless jewel one should cultivate response and receptivity for the religious stories eulogizing the merits and achievements of the Jaina pontiffs, patriarchs and seers.
(6) Duty and Discipline Non-injury, Truth, Non-stealing, continence and possessionlessness are the five vows. Forgiveness, protection of mind, speech and body, tenderness, straight-forward. ness, freedom from greed, penance, self-control, truth, voluntary poverty and continence constitute the monk's religion. Desisting from five fold Karmic influx, control of five senses, victory over passions, cessation from bad employment of mind, speech, and body are collectively called self-control. Offering food and drink to the monks is named 'service'. There are nioe hedges protecting continence. The correct knowledge of thing as it is Right Knowledge. Unquestioned belief is Right Faith. Conduct means practice which is both permissive and prohibitive. Penance is classified into two, external and internal. Each of the two is again sub-divided into six. Tapa gets its name because it heats the eightfold Karmas into destruction. Passion is categorized into four, to wit, Anger, Ego, Deceit and Greed. Monks should beg for pure alms, which it is, if it is devoid of forty two faults usually attending it. Fivefold carefulness relatiog to walking, speaking etc. must always be observed. A monk should brood over twelve basic ideal reflections such as the transitory nature of the things in the world, his own helplessness, the physical impurity etc. etc. New Karmas should not be incurred and the old ones should be liquidated. This can be achieved by stopping the Karmic flow as also by exhausting those which are accumulated. A monk should also observe twelve special vows, technically called Padimas (5. 176247; 12. 51-61). It is not destined for the unlucky to come across and get a jewel in the form of self-control. Even if it is, per chance, obtained it is further difficult to develop strength sufficient for its practice. The long and short of the whole discussion on 'Duty and Discipline' is that one should not hesitate in putting forth

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his best effort in doing what is good, pious and noble and avoiding what is bad, impious and ignoble. Twofold penance is the indispensable requisite. Desist from sinful activities and be absorbed in the acquisition of Right Knowledge and faith. Meditate and do not neglet even the smallest details of bona fide conduct. Observe the five Samitis and three Guptis. Undertake five major Vows, cultivate Self-control, and brood over twelve ideal Reflections. Notwithstanding its complicated nature, put into practice the whole ethical code with all your might and thus work out complete annihilation of the Karmic forest which comes in the way of your entry into city supreme (16, 574-593).
(7) Futility of material prosperity Fascination for things that are worldly blocks the path leading to righteous conduct. Referring to this Guņapāla says that wealth and unions with relatives are as flitting as the autumnal cloud, that love is like a dream and beauty resembles lightning. Youth is as swift as the mountain river and life is as vanishing as the rainbow, Sensual pleasures are like Kimpāka fruits, sweet in taste but deadly in effect. Wife is a prison-house and the children are fetters. Relatives are as good as bondages and the friends are no more than thieves. The body is a veritable house for the diseases and life is always in danger of death. Human birth is difficult to be obtained and untold suffering awaits a being in the hell. The world as said before is untraversible. It is only through good luck that knowledge of Jaina scriptures can be bad. Abstention from sinful activities is like a wish-yielding jewel which people of meagre luck cannot have. None of the dear and near can give shelter to those who are about to go to hells. Neither the elephents nor the horses can save one who is consigned to hells. Gold, jewels and pearls cannot stop one who is already booked for hells. Bath and drinking of holy water holds out no promise to one who is destined to hells. It is wonder, Guņapāla concludes, that one does not realize that the possession of material prosperity is not worth even a straw. Pursuit after pleasures culminates only in one's forfeiting this birth and also the next. Pleasure must have a warrant that it is without sin. But, is it possible? Guņapāla gives emphatic 'no'. And what is the use of having that pleasure that bites tomorrow? It is no exaggeration that pleasure's couch is virtue's grave. Pleasures are bought for the heavy price of virtue. Who will do this bad business, uoprofitable and foolish ? Only, he who is under the spell of delusion (Moha). (5. 37 to 50 and 8. 56 to 61). This lust for sensual pleasures lands one into troubles. An aspirant should set not store by body, wealth, relatives and dear ones (4. 41-42). In this connection Guņa. päla brings in the topic of woman. Compared with other religions, Jainism is less charitable to woman. It is due to woman's innate power to attract and entrap a man and this comes in the way of his acquring right koowledge and also of developing right conduct. Therefore, Jainism is unsparing in its tirade against woman. According to it, the female of the species is more deadly than the male. Woman's love is writ in water and her faith is traced in sand. They have been condemned

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as badnatured. They can conveniently be hard-hearted and also soft. They ase frailty incarnate. Theirs minds cannot be known and heart cannot be comprehended. For the sake of satisfying their carnal desires, they will go to any length. (11. 19 ro 41 and 48; 16. 8).
(8) Dis parity explained One dwells in a palatial building while the other has no hut even. One passes the night in the company of his beloved playing pranks, cutting jokes and in amorous enjoyments while the other has neither the beloved nor even the bare amenities of life. One has costly ornaments to adorn his body, wbile the other has no shoes even. One is in a position to satisfy all the desires of his kith and kin, while the other cannot fill his belly even by begging. One has eternal festivity in his house, while the other has all the seven days in a week for weeping. One is awakened with panegyrics, while the other with abuses and rebukes. Drawing the moral, Gunapala says that this disparity is due to Karmas and therefore one should so behave that he becomes free for ever (16. 87-103).
(9) Vow of Even-mindedness (Sama yika) Having established the conclusion that the Karmas are responsible for what we experience or enjoy, Guņapāla proceeds to define and elaborate the rationale of Sāmāyika by undertaking and observing which one can effectively put a stop to Karmic flow. Samayika is even-mindedness and also includes the abstention from all types of activities which are sinful. It is an item of daily spiritual programme to be carried out by one and all alike. One of this disposition is not dejected in adversity nor elated in prosperity. If one dies while in the process of performance of this vow, he attains godhood of a higher type. One should observe it without committing transgressions numbering five, if one wants to harvest a rich crop of good luck therefrom. With this vow in hand, if one thinks of worldly things, he forfeits the dues of luck accruing from it. The performance of this vow losos much of its sanctity, if one who has undertaken it brings it to a close much before the due time. (16. 697-720).
(10) Four Passions Equilibrium of mind just referred to is disturbed if one is swayed by four passions, namely, Anger, Egoism, Deceit and Greed. To rule over anger is good but to prevent it is better. When passion is on the throne, reason is out of doors. The fire kindled for the enemy burns himself more than the enemy. The wealth of luck collected with care and effort through penance, self-control and austerities is lost in a moment under the evil effect of anger (3. 83, 84, 85). Egoism destroys knowledge and those devoid of knowledge walk with their heads in the sky like animals of the forest. They are like empty vessels having no water and still making more noise. (3. 86), A hypocrite is a saint abroad and a devil at home. A serpent may not bite but produces fright when seen. A hypocrite is like such a serpent (3. 87). A greedy man loses discrimination and puts on shelf the duty and discipline. He risks his life even, to gain only a trifle. Greed increases with the increasing pile of gold. Poverty

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wants some things, luxury many, avarice all things. (3; 88). There is no enemy greater and no foe more fierce tban these four passions each of which even destroys the aspirant's initiative and ardour to bring out fully his spiritual potentiality and property-concludes Guņapāla.
(11) Six Entities and Nine Categories Guņapāla, in accordance with the Jaina scriptures, states that there are nine categories, namely, Soul (jiva), Non-Soul (a jiva), Merit (punya ), Demerit (papa ), Karmic Influx (aśrava), Karmic Stoppage (samvara), Karmic Shedding (nir jara), Bondage (bandha) and Liberation (mokşa). Jivas are classified into liberated and mundane. The mundane are again subdivided into many classes and species. Consciousness (upayoga) is the distinguishing characteristic of the Jivas. Principle of Motion (dharma), Principle of Stability (adharma), Matter, soul, Time and Ether are the six Entities .(16 772-783).
(12) Time There are six epochs in an aeon of decrease such as the epoch of Total Happi. ness (susamasusama); of Happiness (susama); of Happiness mixed with Unhappiness (susamadusama), of Unhapinessp mixed with Happiness(dusamasusama), of Unhappiness (dusama) and of Total Happiness (dusamadusama). Happiness reigns supreme in the first and goes on decreasing till in the last there is only total unhappiness (6, page 72; lines 5 to 23).
Summary Right Faith is the sine qua non of emancipation which should be the aim and end of all beings. This Right Faith means that the life, birth, death, world, body, sensual pleasures etc. etc. instead of serving any one in any way, only block the path leading to salvation, that they have got to be completely dispensed with and that one should remain absorbed in his own soul which is an abode of bliss, pure and perennial. All souls have an equal clajm on emancipation. There is no denial to this. There is no distinction of caste, colour, and creed. One may get it early while the other late, this being dependent on one's own Karmic store. His progress is regulated by his spiritual potentialities. Anyhow the Karmic flow is to be stopped and the old Karmas are to be annihilated. The balance restored after this is emancipation. Thus it is upto one whether he wants to be doomed or delivered. It has been shown in the preceding paragraphs how one should discipline himself so that his hands may be strengthened. Right Faith, Right Knowledge and Right conduct are the three jewels which if once procured and preserved with care will enrich and equip the soul with unfailing spiritual armoury with which to fight and finish his Karmic enemies
The above is the outline of the religious and moral element as enunciated and emphasized by Guņapala in the Jambucariyam (JO).

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SUBHA SITAS IN GUNAPĀLA'S JAMBUCARIYAM *
I bave given in this article some selected Subhāṣitas employed by Munivara Guņapāla in bis Jambucariyam (JC) which is a Prākrit work, in prose and verse, having sixteen Uddegas and giving a narrative account of the life of Jambu, the first patriarch of Jaina church after the last Tirthamkara Mahavira. The work, which is No. 44 of the Bhavan's Singhi Jain Series, was for the first time brought out by Acharya Jinavijayaji Muni in 1959. Guņapāla flourised, tentatively, in the eleventh century of the Vikram Era or even before that and was the pupil of Pradyumna Suri, who was himself the pupil of Virabhadra Sūri of the Nājla Gaccha.
The Subhāşitas employed in the JC are like short sayings of wise and good men, and therefore they are of great value. They are portable wisdom, the quint-essence of thought and feeling. They are so pointed that they hit harder and stick longer in the memory. Their excellence is particularly due to the comprehension of some useful truth in few words rather than to the expression of some rare or abstruse sentiment. A perusal of the Subhasitas given here in this article will immediately make it clear that they have got in them the germs of morals which can be developed further and to a large extent and that they are deep in significance as they are wide in range. There may be some exceptions but most of them, as will be seen, are drawn from experience itself which is, indeed, the mother of all sciences. If noble actions are the substance of life, good sayings are its ornament and guide. This is amply illustrated by the Subbāşitas given here.
N.B. The first figure indicates the number of the Uddeśa and the second stands for that of the stanza.
Tato (Ignorance) १ अन्नाणेधो जीवो, जत्थ भयं तत्थ ममाए सरणं । Bafit 15970, qefat 39
H (.8) 1. A person blinded with ignorance asks for shelter or help wherever there is fear. It is only out of ignorance that the insects and butterflies fall into fire. (8. 68,)
safat (Inability) २ तिणमेत विहु कज्ज, गिरिवरसरिसं असत्तिमंताणं ।
होइ गिरि वि तिणसभो, अहिओगसकककसे पुरिसे ॥ (५.७) 2. For a person who is unable, a work which is as insignificant as a blade of grass appears as big as a mountain, while for a person who is intensely persistent, even the mountain is as trifling as a blade of grass. (5. 7). • Bharatiya Vidya, Vol. XXVIII, Nos. 1 to 4. 1968 and Vol. XXXI Nos. 1-4 SA-17

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कापुरिस (Coward) ३ वसि चडंति, धुणंति करा, धूलीधोया हुति ।
पोट्टह कारणि कापुरिसा के कं जं न कुणंति ॥ (१.६७) 3. The cowards climb a pole, shake the hands, and become soiled with dust. What is it that they do not do for the sake of their bellies ? (4. 67).
कोह (Anger) ४ धम्माधम्म न याणइ, कज्जाकज्जं च सुक्यदुकयं वा ।
कोहघ(ग्घ)त्थो पुरिसो भक्खाभकखं च कुसलो वि ॥ 4. A person, though wise, but possessed with anger cannot distinguish between religion and irreligion, a good deed and a bad deed and good behaviour and bad behaviour. (3; 82).
९
खल (Villain) ५ दोजीह वक्कगई', परछिहालोयणमि तल्लिन्छ ।
बहुकोह भयजणणं, पिसुणभुयंग व संठविउ ॥ संते नासेइ गुणे, आरोवइ अवगुणे असंते वि । विहिविलसियस्स व खलस्स पुणो किल का न बोहेइ ।। खणरत्तखणविरत, खणेण मम्माणि तह य भगत ।
दुट्ठकलतं व खलं, विवज्जणीयं सयाकाल ।। ८ सुग्गेज्झा मत्तगया, भुयगा सीहा य तह य वग्धा य ।
मम्मानेसणपउणं, दुग्गेझं चेव खलहिययं ॥ सायरजलपरिमाण' सुरगिरिमाण च भुयणसम्भावं ।
जाणंति बुद्धिमंता, खलस्स हिययं न याति ।। (१.८-१२) 5. A villain is like a serpent as he is d ouble-tonged, is moving in a zigzag manner, is intent upon looking at the loopholes in others, is prone to much anger, is producing fright, and is difficult to be pacified,
6, Like the wanton movement of Fate, who is not afraid of a villain who destroys the merits whichever may be there and acquires the demerits which are not there ?
7. A villain who is pleased at one moment and displeased at another and cuts the vital parts in an instant, is, like a bad wife, always to be abandoned.
8. One can understand the (working of) wild elephents, snakes, lion and tigers, but one cannot understand the villian's heart engaged in finding out the weak points (in others).
9. The intelligent people can know the quantity of the waters of the ocean, the dimension of the mountain Meru and the nature of the people of the whole world even. But they cannot comprehend the heart of the villain. (1; 8-12).

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1757 (Great) १० जाव न दिति हिययं, गरया विहति ताव कज्जाइ।
भवदिन्न चिय हियर्थ, गुरु पि कज्ज परिसमत्तं ॥ (५.३) 10 The works do not get accomplished so long as the mind of the great is not applied (to them). The work, even big, is finished, (the moment their) mind is is devoted (to it). (5; 6).
गुणि (Virtuous) ११ वियरंति जत्थ गुणिणो, पसर न लहति निग्गुणा तत्थ ।
सुरंसूर्ण पुरओ, खज्जोओ कुणउ किं वराओ ? ॥ १२ अहवा गुणवंताण, मग्गच्चारेण होइ गुणनियरो।
रविसंगेण पजायइ, कसिण पि हु निम्मल गयण ॥ (१.४४-४५)
11. Persons, devoid of virtees, do not get any notice or attention where the persons, full of virtues, move about. For what does an insignificant sword stand in front of sun's rays ?
12. Or a multitude of virtues develops on following the path of the virtuous. A dark sky becomes clean when it comes into contact with the sun. (1. 44-45).
जुव
जुबई (Woman) १३ अथिराइच चलाई, असंठियाई सम्भावनेहरहियाई । ___जुवईण हिययाइ, खणे खणे होंति अन्नाइ ॥ (१९५)
13. The hearts of the young ladies are unstable, fickle and inconstant. They are devoid of good intentions and affection. They change every moment. (8. 105).
दुक्कय-सुकय (Bad Deed; Good Deed) १४ सकका सीहस्स वणा, पलाई हत्थिणो य मत्तस्स !
सुकयस्स दुक्कयस्स व, भण कत्थ पलाइउ सक्का ? ॥ १५ जे जेण पावियव. सुह' व दुक्ख व जीवलोमि ।
अप्पाणेण य वच्चइ, निज्जइ य बला कयंतेण ॥ (११.४)
14. The elephents are able to run away from the forest of the intoxicated lions. But tell (me) where are the people able to run away to from the effect of) the good and the bad deeds ?
___15. Whatever happiness or misery is to be obtained (by one) in the world goes along with the soul as it is led forcibly by the god of death. (11. 44-45).

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दुल्लह (Rare) १६ अकए व्व कए व्व पिए पियकारे ता जमि दीसति ।
कयविप्पिए पियं जे, करें ति दुल्लहा होति ।। (७.३३) 16. Those who do good (to others), even though good has not been done or done (to them), are found amongst people. But those people are rare who do good (to others) even though bad is done (to them). (7; 33).
धुव-अधुव (Certain; Uncertain) १७ संसइयस्स कए ण, निस्संसइयं कहं इम चयसि ? | ___ मूढो तुममच्चत्थं, न मुणसि कज्ज अकज्ज वा ।। १८ ता जह सो संतत्तो, पच्छायावेण तह तुम पेच्छि ।
संतमसंतस्स कए, चयमाणो नाह ! तपिहिसि ।। (९.५-६). १९ मंस चइऊण धुर्ब अधुव पत्थेसि कोल्हुया ! मीणं ।
धुवमधुवाणं चुक्को, अप्पमइ एत्थ तं मुद्ध | ॥ (१९.५५) 17. Why dost thou throw away this (thing) which is certain for the sake of a thing which is uncertain? Thou art exceedingly stupid as thou dogt not know what is fit to be done and what is not fit to be done.
18. Therefore, just as he was aggrieved with remorse, thou wilt also, oh! lord ! as thou hast seen, be aggrieved with remorse, abandoning a thing which is existing, for a thing which is not existing. (9. 5-6).
19. Giving up this piece of mutton which is certain, thou art oh! jackal! hankering after a fish which is not certain, Thou wilt be proving thyself, oh ! fool ! of meagre intellect as thou wilt thereby be deprived of both the certain and uncer. tain things. (11. 55).
परदार (Other's Wife) २० परदार चिय अइभीमबिसमदोसायर महापाव ।
उभओवकखदुहयरं भवनिग्गमवज्जपायार' ।। (1६.७०) 20. (Contact with) other's wife is a mine of very terrific and varied vices, is highly sinful, is a cause of unhappiness for both the parties and is part of adamant (blocking the way) to get out of existence. (16. 70).
पियजण (Dear One) २१ ताव च्चिय होइ सुह', जाव न कीरइ पिओ जणो को वि
पियसंगो जेण कओ, दुक्खाण सममपिओ अप्पा ।। (१६.१) 21. One remains happy so long as one does not make any one dear to himself or herself. One who has established contact with one who is dear to himself or berself, hands over himself or herself to miseries. (16. 66).

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पिसुण (Backbiter) २२ पुरओ जंपइ अन्नं, अन्नं पढ़िए हिययए अन्नं ।
वेसायणो व पिसुणो, न सव्वहा जाइ सम्भावं ।। (१.१३)
22. A bakebiter speaks one thing in the presence, another behind back and thinks of a third thing in the mind. He, like a prostitute, is never well-intentioned,
(1. 13). पुत्तहीणपिया (Sonless father) २६ जस्स किर नत्थि पुत्तो, विज्जाविक्कमधणस्स पुरिसस्स ।
सो तह कुसुमसमिद्धो, फलरहिओ पाक्वो चेव ।। (५.८)
23. A man who has learning, valour and wealth but has no son, is, indeed, like a tree which, abounding in flowers has no fruits. (5. 8).
बाल and विद्ध (Child and Old Man) २४ बालो वि सुइसयन्नो, आएओ होइ बुद्धिमंताण ।
बिद्धो वि होई हेओ, सत्थत्थविवजिओ पुरिसो।। (१३.५)
24. A child even is respectable for the intelligent if he is well versed in hundreds of scriptures, while an old man, having no knowledge of the meaning of the scriptures, is fit to be left well alone. (16. 5).
मच्छर (Malice) २५ न य मच्छरेण गहियस्स, पाणिणो कि पि अत्थिऽवत्तव्यं ।
साहिज्जते य फुडे, न को वि दोसो इह दिठो ।। (१३.१६) 25. There is nothing that cannot be said to a person who is in the clutches of malice; therfore, there is no fault if such a person is told what is clear. (13. 16).
refour (Woman) २६ विसमसहावो मयणो, विसमसहावाओ महिलियाओ य ।
__गुरुरागधमणाओ, कजाकज्ज न याति ॥ २७ रोविति स्यावति य, अलिथं जपंति, पित्तयावति ।
कवडेण य खंति विसं, मरंति, नो जति सम्भावं ॥ (११. १८-१९) 26-27. Cupid is crooked by nature and so are women. They do not know what is a deed and what is a misdeed, being blinded in their minds due to intense passion. They weep and also make others weep. They tell lies and also produce eonfidence (in others), They eat poison but of deceit. They die but never cntertiain good thoughts (about others). (11. 18-19).

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२८ छति जणणिजणए, भत्तारं तह कुलं च सीलं च ।
न मुणंति सुकयदुकयं, मयणपसत्ताओ महिलाओ ।। २९ लंघं ति फुल्लिसयसंकुलाओ, अडवीओ सीहपउराओ ।
रति दियहे नूणं, कायाण वि हुंति भीयाओ ।। ३० मयणानलतवियाओ, निच्च परपुरिसबद्धरागाओ ।
लंघति जलनिहिं पि य, दीसंति य मुद्धवयणाओ ।। ३१ गिरिसिहरे दुग्गमकंदरे य लंघति मयणमूढाओ ।
बिसमं पि कयग्घाओ, मन्नति समं सकज्जमि ॥ ३२ अह करिमइ दसप्पे, फुल्लिपिसाए य चोरवंद्रे य ।
न गणति महारुठे, नारीओ अन्नसत्ताओ ।। (११.२०-२४) 28. Women, attached to cupid, abandon mother and father, husband, family, and character. They do not know, what is a good and what is a bad deed.
29. They (are able to) cross, by night, the forest abounding in hundreds of demons (?) and full of lions, while by day, they are afraid of the crows even.
30. Heated by the fire of passion and attrahed to men orher than their husbands, they (are able to) cross ocean and (at the same time)they wear innocent faces also.
31. These ungrateful women, deprived of their senses due to passion, (areable to cross the summits of mountais and the unenterable caves even. So far as their own purpose is concerned, they take difificult (work) to be easy (work.)
32. Women attached to others do not care for highly angry elephants, lords of lions, serpents, expanded (?) devils and multitudes of thieves. (11. 20-24),
३३ इंधणरहिया महिला, नून जालावली सुपज्जलिया ।
सत्थं च सल्लहीण, पंको घणसमयपरिहीणो । ३४ कसणिरहिया भयंगी, विज्जनिवाओ य जलहरविहीणो।
गोत्ति व्व अणवराहा, निल्लोही खग्गधारा य ।। ३५ महिलाण असंगयसीलयाण अन्नान्नदिन्नहिययाण । ___ अन्ने कुणंति तत्ति, अन्ने पुण वल्लहा हुति ।। ३६ घेष्पइ जलंमि मच्छो, पक्खी गयणमि, विज्झए राहा ।
गहियं पि विहडइच्चिय, दुग्गेज्झ महिलियाहिययं ।।
३७ वेस पि सिणेहेण व, रमंति अइवल्लह पि निन्नेहा ।
कारणवसेण नेह, करिति निकारणे नेय ॥
३८ रमयंति विरूव पि हु, रूव पुण परिहरंति दूरेण ।
रूयविरूयवियप्पो, किं हियए होज्ज एयाण ? ॥

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३९ दुज्जणमेत्तीओ इव, जाओ निच्चं पि चणपराओ ।
लंघिय नियमज्जाओ, संज्झाराउव्व अथिराओ ॥ ४० मयणग्गिपलित्ताओ, जाओ निच्च पि कलुसियमणाओ।
बहुमायाभरियाओ, कुललंछणदाणपउणाओ ।। ४१ बुद्धिमया पुरिसेण, ताओ निच्च पि वज्जणीयाओ ।
जो पुण न बज्झइ च्चिय, ण सो बज्झिज्जइ इमाहिं ।। ४२ इय दिटूठनठतडिविलसियाण निच्च पि अथिररायाण ।
Afgau 179335, 41a' a'20197101? 11 (19.84-38)
33-34. Woman is, indeed, a well-lit flame of fire without fuel; a weapon without point or spike mud without the rainy season; a female serpent without a fang (?); the fall of lightning without cloud; a prison house without crime; a sword without iron.
35. The women, who are of inconsistent behaviour and who are devoted at a time to many in their hearts have some as the objects of talk only while they have others as objects of love.
36. A fish in a lake can be angled and a bird in the sky can also be caught. Even a revolving doll can olso be pierced. But the heart of a woman, which is captured at one time goes off at another. Thus it is difficult to be understood.
37. Women play lovingiy with one who is fit only to be hated while with one who was (formerly) the object of their love, they behave as if they have no affection for him. They love only when there is a cause (to do so) and they do not, when no reason exists.
38. They dance and dally with the ugly and avoid the handsome from a distance. How can there be a distinction between the ugly and the handsome in the hearts of these women ?
39. Like the friendship of the wicked, they are always intent on deceiving others and cross the bounds. They are as changing as the colour of the twilight.
40. Inflamed as they are with the fire of passion, they are always of impure minds and fully filled with deceit. They are able only to cast slur and slander on their families.
41. They should always be bidden good bye by an intelligent man. One who cannot be trapped at all, is trapped by these (women).
42, Who can go to (the very root of) real nature of these women who are given to cheating and who are of unstable love like the the movements of lightning which appears and disappears? (11. 25-34).

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तह
रमतम्भ |
४३ एवं मिति इमा, अन्न सुति अन्नेण सम नेहो, पयडंति य तह अन्ने' || ४४ मारिति न पिय, अम्मस्त कए मूढहिययाओ ।
तं पिय अम्मस्स कए, अन्न पुर्ण अन्नकरण ।। १५ मारे भत्तार', मरति तह अप्पणा पुणो चेन ।
चरियं न याणिमो च्चिय, एसि कह निम्मियं विहिणा || ४६ मारिति पई पुतं पियर तह भायर च माय च । अता च परचिय विख्याण करण मूढाओ ॥
४७ इय वकं वकं चिय, चरिय महिलाण सप्पगइस रिस' ।
द्विवयवज्जसम, महुरतं किं पिबायाए । (११.३७-४१ )
,
43. These (women) catch hold of one, leave the other and dally with the third, They avow affection for one and practise it with the other,
44. For the sake of other, these deluded in their minds, do away with their husbands. Thev kill that very man for the sake of the third man whom also they finish off under different pretext.
45. Having killed their husbands, they themselves also dic. We do not kuow what type of character of these women has been made by the Fate.
46. These women of stupid minds kill, for the sake of passions, their husbands. son, fathers, brothers, mother, their own selves and also others.
47. The character of (these) women is exceedingly as crooked as the movements of the serpents. their hearts are as hard as adamants, while sweetness resides (only) in their speech. (11. 37-41).
४८ एत्थ कह व पडिमोइया विं अन्नत्थ लग्गइ खणेण ।
दूरेण होत सुहिया ! महिला कंथारिसाह व्य ।। (११.४८)
48. Like the branch of the Krnthari tree, the women clings to the other when she is left by one. Oh! friend! be away from her.
(11. 48).

४९ निष्यततिज चियर्स चिय नेच्छति नूण महिलाओ।
कपि कवरिय, दुल्लकखच्च होड़ नारीणं ॥ (१.६८ )
49. The woman do not want him whom they have formerly made their own. The most crooked character of the women is difficult to be detected. (16, 8)
माण (Egoism)
५० मन्नइ य तणसमाण, पि परिहव मेरुमंदरसरिच्छ । को वि जणी माणधणो, अवर अवरो च्चिय वराओ ||
५१ अवि उड़द चिय फुट्ठ ंति, माणिणो न य सहति अवमाण अत्यमणे वियरविणो, फिरणा उड चिय फुरंति ॥ ( ७.१८-१९ )

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50. One. whose wealth is self-respect considers the insult as resembling the mountains Meru though it may be as slight as a blade of grass; the wretched man considers it otherwise.
51. The self-respecting people would brust upwurds rather than put up with the ins'ilt. The rays of sun rise upwards even when the sun is setting. (7. 18 19).
मित्त (Friend) ५२ सो अत्थो जो हत्थे, त मित्त निरंतर वसणे ।
तं व जत्य गुणा, त विन्नाणं जहिं धम्मो ।।
५३ असढहियओ सलज्जो, सुसहावो धच्छलो कयन्नू य ।
विहलधरणधणो वि हु, मित्तो इह होइ धन्नाण।। (१५.२६-२७) 52. That is (real) wealth which is at hand; that is a (real) friend who always stands (by one's side) in adversity; that is (real) beauty where there are virtues, and that is (real) knowledge where there is religion.
53. Only the lucky get such a friend who is innocent in heart, is bashful, is good-natured, is affectionate, is grateful.and who has got wealth for merly uplifting the destitute. (15. 26-27).
रायणीइ (Politics) ५४ तुरमाणेहिं न सका, अत्थो विज्जा य रायलच्छी य ।
हियइच्छिया य भज्जा, विपियकरण च सतूण ।। (१३.३१) 54. Wealth, learning, kingship and the desired wife cannot be got lay those who are in haste (always). Nor can they do any harm to the enemies, (13.31).
कंक्रया (Crookedness) ५५ उवधारसहस्सेहि वि, वंक को तरइ उजु काउ ।
सीसेण वि वुन्भ'तो, हरेण वंको चिय मयंको ।। (१५.३४) 55. Even through thousands of obligations, who is able to convert a crooked person into a straightforward one? The moon is always curved even though it is carried no his head by god Siva. (15.34)
बसण (Adversity) ५६ अत्थो हीइ भणत्यो, सयणो वि य परजणो, हियं अहिय
मित्त पि हवई सत्त आसन्ने वसणका लंमि ॥ (६.९४) 56. At the time. of adversity, money is (the cause of) harm; a kinsman becomes stranger; a well-wisher turns out to be injurious; and a friend assumes hostility. (6.94) AS-18

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५७ वसणावडिओ वि नरो, मच्चुमुहदसणविवरपत्तो वि ।
पुन्नापुन्नाण फल, पावइ अइरेण सव्वो वि ।। (८.६६) 57. Every person, even at the time when he is overtaken by adversity and has fallen into the mouth of death, full of teeth, gets soon the fruits of his own merit or demerit. (8. 66).
विहि (Fate) ५८ अबह परिचितिज्जइ, सहरिसकंदुज्जुएण हियएण ।
___परिणमइ अन्नह च्चिय, कज्जारंभो विहिवसेण ।। (६.६६) (७.३) 58. The beginning of any activity, which might have been thought of in a particular manner by one with a heart impelled by enthusiasm, results in a different manner due to Destiny. (6. 66) and (7.3).
सज्जण (Good Man) ५९ चइ दोससमूह, विरल पिय गुणलव पि गिण्हति ।
सुयणा सहावउ च्चिय, परदोसपरम्मुहा जेण ।। ६. सुयणो न रूसइच्चिय, अह रूसइ मंगुल'न चिंतेइ ।
अह चितेइ न जंपइ, अह जंपइ लज्जिओ होइ ।। ६१ अलमेत्थ वित्थरेण', पज्जत सज्जणेहिं सव्व पि ।
___ जेण गुणगिण्हणरया, वेरीण वि नियसहावाउ ।। (११.१८-२०) 59. Leaving aside vices, the good men receive even a modicum of virtue, though rare, because they are, by nature, averse to the vices in others.
60. A good man does not get angry; if he gets angry, he does not think ill (of others): if he thinks ill, he does not speak (about it); and if (at all) he speaks, he feels ashamed of it.
61. Enough of prolixity here. Everything (that is there) has been obtained by good men, because they are, by nature, intent on acquiring virtues even from the enemies. (1. 18, 19, 20).
६२ वसणबिउओ इयरो वि, उज्झिउ नेय तीरइ भडाण ।
कि पुण सहोयरो वच्छलो य जेठो पियातुल्लो ।। ६३ सुयणस्स विहलियस्स वि, पुणो वि सुयणेण हो[] उद्धरण ।
पंकपु(प)डिय गइदं, को कढइ वरगय मोतु ?।। (५.२ १३-२९४) 62. It is not good for good men to leave aside the other person in adversity. Then, what to talk of that person who is his own brother, loving, elderly and fatherlike?
63. A helpless good man can be uplifted by a good man only. Excepting a more powerful elephant who is able to drag out a powerful elephant that has stuck to the mud ? (5. 293, 294),

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६४ सुयणो सुसहाबो अणुसासिज्ज तो वि दुज्ञणजणेण । छारेण दुप्पणी इव अहिययर निम्मलो जाओ ।। ( ७.३४)
"
64. A good man of a pure nature, being ruled by a wicked man, becomes all the more pure like a mirror rubbed with ashes. (7. 34)
६५. दुज्जगजगवणकिलामिओ वि पराई न सज्जनो मुबइ । सरद राहुमुहडिओ वि अमय थिय मयंको ॥ ( ७.३५)
65. A good man does not give up his (good) nature though afflicted by the words of a wicked man, just like a moon which sheds nectar even though it is engulfed in the mouth by Rahu (7, 35 ).
६६ सुयणो सरलसहावो, अप्पाण पिव पर पिमन्नेव । न मुणइ कुलिपि मगं परस्स निवसच्छहावेण ॥

६७ सुयणो न याण च्चिय, खलस्स हिययाई हुंति विसमाई । अताणहिययमुग्रचणेग हिवय समप्पेई । ( १२.३५-३६)
139
66. A good man of pure nature takes the other as he takes himsel. Due to his own good nature, he is not able to detect the crooked mind of the other.
67. A good man does not know that the hearts of the villains are not straight. On account of the purity of his own heart, he dedicates it to others. (13. 35-36).
सुयजन्म (Son's birth)
६८ जह य पईवो डइ, सयल पि घरोयर सुपज्जलिओ । तह फिर कुल मुवम्मो एत्थ लोग नि ।। (९४)
68. The birth of a son brings lustre to family here in this world just as a well-lit lamp illumines the whole interior of the house. ( 9. 4).
पइण्ण (Miscellaneous )
६९ जी जलविदुसम, संपतीओ तरंगलोलाओ ।
सुमिणसम' च पेम्म' जं जाणह तं कुणिमाह । ( ८.५६ )
3
69, Life is like a drop of water and the wealth as transcient as the waving waves. Love resembles dream. Behave (then) in the light of your knowledge. (856)
७० मचुमुहतिक्खददासमूहकोडीविवरवडिय पि
जई रक्खिज्जई पुरिसं नूणं जावाउयं दीह ॥
७) अणुपुखमादहंता, [य] अणस्था तस्स बहुगुणा हु'ति । मुहदुक्खकन्छ, जस्स कयंतो वह पक्ख' ।। (११.४२ - ३ )

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70. A man is saved if he has a long life, even though he might have fallen into crores of pits resembling the mouth of the god of death having sharp teeth.. 71. Evils, following one after the other, turn out as good things in the case of one whose side is supported by the god of death who keeps with him both happiness and misery? (11. 42-43)
140
७२ यसमा नत्थि जरा दारिसमो पराभवो नत्थि । मरणसम' मंत्थि भय
>
72. There is no old age worse than a long way: no humiliation worse than death; and no pain worse than hunger. (1.5. 28)
७१ रूषेण किं गुणवराम वज्जिएण,
अत्थेण किं किविणहत्थगएण लोए ।
नाणेण किं बहुजणाणुवगारएण, मित्रेण किं वसणकज्जपर मुद्देण ? ।। (१६.२१८ )
73. Of what use is that beauty which is not accompanied with merits and valour? What is the good in (this) world of that wealth which is in the hands of a miser? Of what advantage is that knowledge which does not do any benefit to many people? And what is the meaning of having such a friend as is averse to duty at the time of adversity? (16. 218). अपुण्णया (Ill Luck )
७४ aoes जत्थ अपुन्नो, अडविं दरि गुह समुद्द बा ।
पावह तर्हि सहि सो, पुन्नेर्हि विणा परिकिले ॥ (४.७६)
74. An unlucky person meets with trouble, due to lack of luck, wherevr he goes either to the forest, or to the den or to the cave or to the sea. आसाबंध (Hope's Bondage )
(4.76).
हासमा वेयणा नत्थि ।। ( १५.२८)
७५

75. It is onlyt he Hope's bondage that sustains the life of a man who has gone to a distant country and hankers after the union with his own dear and near. (4. 28). कम्म (Aation)
दूर देखपरिटियस्स संग पियसंग महंतस्थ
आसाबंधो च्चिय माणुसस्स परिक्खए जीय' ।। (४.२८)
७६
पुण्यकयक्रम्म एण में जस्स किंपि उक्किस्थि
,
निवसनिडाने दुक्ख छह व रोग भोतम् ॥ ( ८.६७)
76. Whatever misery or happiness is writ on (the plank of) one's forehead with
a pen in the form of deeds done in the past, is, indeed, to be experienced by him (867).
गुणसुट्टिय-गुणहीण (Virtuous & Vicious)
७७ गुणवुडियस वयण मनुषयसितो व पाक्सो भाई
,
गुणहीणस्सन सोहर, नेहविहुणो जह पईचो ।। (२.२२)
77. The words of a virtuous person are like rice-pudding mixed with honey and ghee while those of a vicious person are like a lamp without oil.
(2. 22)

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जिणवयण (Jina's words) ७८ जुत्तिखमच चयण कोहकसायाइसूडणं परम ।
हिंसाइदोसरहिय परमपयनिसेवण' गुजन ।। (१.६.२६९)
78. The words of a Jina are logical; are (in effeot) the destroyer of the passion such as anger etc.; are devoid of the fault of injury to any ķiving organisms; are able to goad one on to the highest abode (salvation) and are mystical in significance (16.269)
तव (Penance) ७९ सो य तवो कायम्वो, जेण मणो मंगुल न नितेइ ।
जेण य न इंदियहाणी, जेण य जोगा न सीयति ॥ (१६.७२०)
79. That penance should be practised due to which the mind does not harbour (any) bad thoughts; due to which the streugth of sense-organs doos not decrease and due to which the activities are not adversely affected. (16.7.28)
।
दुल्लह (Rare) उकत्तिमण कवयं दिन्न करनेण तिमसनाहस्स । सप्पुरिसपस्थणा ले करिति ते दुल्लहा हुति ।। (१५.४९)
80. Taking off his own armour, Karna gave it to the lord of the gods. Those who grant the request of the good are rare. (15. 49)
TEH (Religion; Duty) ८१ धम्मो रिचय चारभडो घेत्तव्वो पंडिएण पुरिसेण । __ जो ठाइ अग्गओ पासओ य वासे पयासे य ॥ (१५.६३)
81. A wise man should undertake religion which is as if it were a man of arm who stands in front, and by his side and when he is in his residence or is on a-travel. 15.63)
धीर (Brave man) ८२ ववसाउ च्चिय धन्नाण होइ एसो न चेव वाणं ।
ता धीर ! उज्जमिज्जल, इमेण चवलेण देहेण ।। (५.६७)
82. This is the activity of the lucky only. It cannot be of those who are never destined to get emancipation. Therefore, oh ! brave man! do as much religious activity as you can with this body which is (after all) frail. (5. 64).

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८३ पवणाहयजलकल्लोलसच्छह विहवसंपय दलु।
धीरच्चिय केइ कुणति एत्थ पुन्नज्जण' पुरिसा ॥ (६६) ८४ खरपवणविहुयतामरसचंचल' जीविय करेऊण |
धीर च्चिय सुहविमुह करेंति तवसंजमुज्जाय ।। (६७) ८५ पवणुद्धयजलहितर गभंगुर जो धण' कि नाऊण ।
न हु धीरयरहिया उच्छति तवभरधुरुव्वहणे ।। (६८) ८६ घणविवर तरखणदिट्टनदृविज्जुसमंमि सयणमि ।
रज्जति न सप्पुरिसा परलोयकएण जे धीरा ।। ६९।। ८७ कुसकोडिबिंदुसंठियसुचंचल स्वसपय नाउ ।
धीरा गिण्हंति जए विरईरयणं अणग्धेय ॥७॥ ८८ इय जीवियघणजोव्वणसयणसमागमकयाई सोक्खाइ।
मन्नति असाराई धीर च्चिय संजमभिमुहा ।।७१॥ (५.६४; ५.६६-७१) 83. Seeing the prosperity and wealth as resembling the waves of water thrown above by the (breezes of) wind, it is only the brave persons who (try to) earn merit on this earth. (66).
84. Considering life as transient as the flower shaken by a strong gale, it is only the brave persons who make effort for penance and self-control becoming averse to happiness (67).
85. Knowing the youth to be as fleeting as the waves of the ocean pushed up by the blasts of the wind, the persons who are devoid of bravery do not become enthusiastic for carrying the yoke in the form of the burden of penance. (68).
86. Good persons who are brave do not become attached, for the sake of the next world, to the relatives who are as fickle as the lightning which becomes visible and invisible by turns every moment as it is seen in the interior of the clouds. (69).
87. Taking the abundance of beauty to be as evanescent as the drop of water resting on the tip of the blade of Durva grass, the brave persons accept the priceless jewel in the form of nonattachment. (70).
88. Thus the brave persons who have become inclined to selfcontrol consider as worthless all the forms of happiness accruing from life, wealth, youth and the association with the the relatives. (71). (5.64, 66, 67, 68, 69, 70, 71].
नाण (Knowledge) ९० न य नाणदीवरहिओ कज्जाज्जाइं जाणई पुरिसो।
सो तस्स जाणणत्थं पढम नाणं बियाणेज्जा ।। (२.३) 90. A man who has no lamp of knowledge, does not distinguish between a deed and a misdeed. Therefore, one must get the knowledge in order to know this, (2,3).

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पारद्ध (Fate )
९१ ज जेण जत्थ जइया, सुह' व दुक्ख व जीवलोयमि । सं सोऽवस्स' पावद, जइ वि स देवरा ति ॥ (११.५४ )
91. Whatever amout of happiness or misery one is destined to get in this world, he gets only that though he himself may be the lord of gods. (11. 54) ९२ पहल लियभूम' गतरलता राई | नयगाई गलति विद्दिवसेण जर जगेह ॥
( १६.११७)
92. Such eyes as are bright and tremulous; as have knitted amorous gestures; as are white and bushy and the ending parts of even ooze, due to fate, like a house having dilapidated ceiling. (16. 317)
पेम्म (Love)
९३ परिभई खोप वलेद्र हियय जणेइ महमोह |
पेम्म विसंगत दिस व तंतरनिहित ॥ (१६.१२)

93. When love looses harmony, it blocks the ears, makes the heart spasmodic and produces delusion in the mind like poison placed between the teeth. (16. 13).
dyfate (Bereavement from a relative) ९४ अच्छा अपुणागमपरभवसंकमणजणियसंतावो ।
सुमणे वि बंधुविरहो दुस्सही होड़ लोगमि । ( ६.१०२ )
143
eye-brows and which are red,
94. The bereavement from a relative even in dream is immensely unbearable in this world. What to talk, then of that grief which is brought about when (the bereaved) one has gone to the other world from which there is no coming back ? ( 6. 202 )
९ धणिय कुलिणी परि सरह
अन्नु भूषणि जसु पहहु वज्ज
एत्य समप्पइ मोक्खहु, मोक्सि सोक्लु किं कनकेहि सज्जइ ॥ ( १५.१५)
95. The bliss of emancipation is realized here in toto in this world even, if and when an extremely noble housewife moves about in the house and fame is drummed about in the other world also. Why then should the bliss of emancipation be enjoyed by morsels (by stages)? Or can the bliss of emancipation be ever enjoyed in stages or at intervals ! ( 15. 15).
राग दोस (Love & Hatred )
९६ रामाओ दोसाओ मोहाओ या भणेइ अलियाई ।
जस्सन एए दोसा भग अलिए तस्स को जोगो ! ( १६.२६८)
96. One tells lies because of love, hatred, or infatuation. If one has not got these faults, where is the occasion for lies, tell? (16. 268).

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fasa (Detay) ९७ ज कल्ले कायवं अज्ज चिय त करेह तुरमाणा ।
बहुविधो च मुहतो. मा अवरह पडिक्खेह ।। (६.२०४) 97. Quickly. do today what is to be done tomorrow. A good occasion is beset with many obstacles. Do not wait for the latter half of the day. (6. 204).
वेसा (Prostitute) ९८ चोप्पड्य (?) भसिमडिय' पि रामति अत्थलुद्धाओ।
सिरिवच्छ कियवच्छ मुहाए विण्डु पि नेजति ।। ९९ अत्थस्स कारणवा मुहाइचुंब ति वंकविरसाई। .
अप्पा पो च्चिय वेसो कह ताण पिओ परो होउ ।। १०. अन्नेण गहियमुक्का वज्जियनेहा पण?सब्भावा ।
उच्चिट्टपुत्तलिं शिव भण को वेस समल्लियइ ? ।। १.१ को नाम नरा चुंबे वेसामुखप कय मणि(ण)भिराम ।
जुयकरचेउतकरनरभडनिद्दहण (निट्ठवण) मल्ल व ॥ (१४.२५-२८) 98. (The Prostitutes) who are greedy of money, play or dally with a man whose face is besmeared with grease and tarnished with jet. But they do not, even in mistake, desire Vişņu who has a bosom adorned with Sirivatsa.
99. For the sake of wealth, they kiss the faces which are crooked and unlikeable. How can others be the object of love, when they have got to love their own self only?
100. Tell, who would like to go near to a prostitute who is accepted and then abandoned, who is bereft of love and noble intentions as if she were a doll which is given up having been played with ?
101: What man would like to kiss the face of a prostitute, which, thongh lotus like and pleasing to the mind, is not fit for being spitted at by a gambler, servant, thief and sepoy even ? (14°25-28)

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SOME INTERVENING STORIES IN GUNAPĀLA'S JAMBUCARIYAM *
Boxing a tale into tale has been the practice with the Jaina writers whether of secular or religious literature. Sometimes it so happens that the main narrative recedes in the background and the intervening story or the illustrative parable becomes all in all as for example in Dhanesvara's Surasundaricariyam. This, of course, offends the artistic sense and sensibility but the Jaina writers are not worried about this. Even when they write, they preach and the role of a preacher cannot normally fall in line with that of an artist, pure and simple. Nothing which did not contribute to the cultivation of moral habits and elevation of the spirit could be accommodated in the dormitory of their mind and soul. Therefore, they allowed their moral muse to run her own course and sometimes she ran unfettered. But we should never forget that their goal in writing as in life was to enlighten, not to entertain; was to edify, not to amuse. Viewed as such, their literary works shone, despite the contrary opinions of the purists, as rich ornaments embellished with line jewels and gems of intervening stories and illustrative parables fitted in with finesse at places where they should. They merely gave different direction to their talent as was cantigent to their being spiritual teachers, first and last. Otherwise they were capable and qualified as artists nonpareil. This is evident in their very works from the gorgeous descriptions of cities, mountains, and rivers; of harems and royal courts; of natural scenes and sceneries; of man, women and children; of monks and puns; of merchants and moneyed men; of battles and wars; of army and armaments; of arts and sciences and of parks and and pavillions.
Gunapala's Jarnbucariyam edited for the first time by Acharya Jinavijayaji Muni in 1959 and published in the Bhavan's Singhi Jaina Series as No. 44 has got a number of illustrative stories and parables-as many as twentyfour. They are much more instructive than real history and also the most effective means of presenting and impressing both truth and duty. Though they are drawn from the passing scenes of life, Gunapala's genius is seen at its best in the judicious selection and effective employment of these small tales and parables. What would have been achieved by walking, has been achieved in strides. Gunapala flourished, almost certainly, in the eighth decade of the eleventh century of the Vikram Era. His Jambucariyam is a Prakrit Dharmakatha, in prose and verse, having sixteen uddegas and giving a narrative account of the life of Jambu, the first patriarch of Jain Church after the last and the twenty-fourth Tirthamkara, Mahāvira.
* Bharatiya Vidya, Vol. XXX, 1970. AS-19

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Though not a prince, Jambu was princely in form and figure. He was handsome and attractive, symmetrical and proportionate. He was a standard for everything good and noble. His loveliness and grace were not unaccompanied by virtue. Thus he was a symbol of charm within and charm without. Hearing Sudharman's religious sermon, he makes up his mind to renounce the world and declares his determination to his parents who become simply stunned and stupefied. Parents' arguments and entreaties follow but they have no effort on Jambu who stands in his resolve az firm as a rock. Ultimately, the parents and the son meet half way. The parents propose that they would be satisfied and would not be further insistent if at least Jambu marries for a day even. Jambu agrees but at the same time announces in unmistakeale terms that he would renounce the world soon after the marriage and without breaking the vow of celibacy. Eight brides-all of matchless beauty are selected. Marriage takes place and soon after it is over Jambu makes ready for the final exist as planned. Now all eight wives, one by one, put forward pleas through parables dissuading Jambu from taking the contemplated step. Jambu puts forward arguments in defence of his decision to quit through an opposite set of parables. Thus a feast of parables, differing in contents and consequence, but on the whole, relishable, is served to us and we do enjoy. Ultimately Jambu has his own way and he starts on a soul's pilgrimage, accompanied by his wives who are convinced and converted his point of view and also by others. The whole episode, throbbing with thrill, is over by the night's end.
The parables which I have given below from Guņapala's Jambucariyam are, though found elsewhere afterwards, not found in any of the two works, so far, namely Vasudevahindi and Uttarapurana which also deal with the account of Jambu's life and are earlier than Gunapala's Jambucariyam. The fact that they have been employed by Gunapala in his Jambucariyam for the first time is significant from more than one point of view though they have been availed of by the subsequent writers. And now the stories :
(1) The story of a Foolish Farmer Sindhumai, the first of the eight wives, come forward and warned Jambu against thoughtlessly renouncing the world lest he might come to grief like the farmer.
As Jambu wanted to know about the farmer, Sindhumat began to relate the story as under :
There was in bygone days an excellent city named Nandana in the country, called Magaha. There dwelt in that city a very poor' farmer having a devoted wife. In course of time, he had a son by this wife. They both were extremely delighted at having a son as they both hoped that he would be a reliable prop in their old age. As the farmer's bad luck would have it, his wife died making the farmer and the son very unhappy. As there was none to look after the household affairs, the son requested the father to go in for a second marriage. But no one came forward to offer him a daughter firstly as it was feared that the farmer being well advanced in

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age will not be able to procreate a son and secondly the farmer's son was a young man and so the daughter, if given in marriage, had no prospects to be happy at all.
The farmer wrongly thought that it was his son who blocked his way to second marriage. He, therefore, planned to do away with him so that no one would find a hitch to come forward to offer him his daugher. He fancied that he would, then, have a son by her.
As the farmer was preoccupied, while tilling the field, with the thoughts of killing his son, he, out of absentmindedness, cleared by ploughing that portion of the field also where the grains had already been sown. Seeing this senseless act of the father, the son mildly rebuked him saying "You have destroyed, father! what was already there for the sake of what is not there at all” and cited a stanza, in support of what he said, the meaning and significance of which was that one should not throw away what is already in band in the hope of what is not in hand. A bird in hand is worth two in the bush-the son meant to say.
The farmer suspected that he was fouod out by his son because what the son said by way of mere observation had a veild hint at what was passing in his mind at that time. He just collected himself and began to think with coolheadedness when he saw the field and found that he had, indeed, committed a mistake in ploughing that part of the field which was already sown with the seeds.
The farmer thanked his son in his mind for indirectly bringing him to his senses inasmuch as he now dropped the devilish design of putting an end to his son's life. The farmer thought wisely now that he would prove himself a fool by bargaining for a thing that was not existing at all 10 exchange for a thing which was already there in hand.
Sindhumi concluded advising Jambu that he should not veto the present happi. ness, promised by a conjugal life which is a dead certainty for the sake of a future happiness of the next world which is problematic. (JC, Uddesa, 9; pp. 96-197).
(2) The Story of a Mindless Monkey Dattasiri, the second of the eight wives, hearing Jambu's plea for renunciation, sounds a warning to him that he would meet the fate of the miserable monkey if he throws away what is in hand for a thing which is uncertain. : On hearing Dattasiri, Jambu become curious and asked her to relate the story of the mindless monkey to illustrate what she meant.
She, then said ;
There was a river, overflowing with water, named Bhāgirahi on one of the banks of which there was a big cane tree. On one of its branches, a couple of monkeys was sporting.
Somehow due to inadvertence, the male monkey fell down in the river and was soon transformed into a very handsome young man due to the magical virtue of the river's waters.

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Not satisfied with what he has got already, the mindless monkey gambled second time to get a better deal but failed. After a second jump, he was reduced to his original condition of a monkey instead of getting a godhood for which he had aspired while making a second bid.
The king who was on a hunting expedition chanced to come across the beautiful young lady (the female monkey) whom he took away and made her his queen.
Having forfeited the human existence which he has so luckily got and having also lost his wife, the only object of his happiness and solace, the monkey began to beat bosom and weep and wail his lonely sorry plight to which he was by his own shortsightedness and folly consigned.
Dattasiri pointedly drew the attention of Jambu not to throw away to winds the present promising life which is a dead certainly for the sake of a better life hereafter in the foolish manner of the mindless monkey of the story. The monkey, she summed up, was not content with what he has already got and staked, for a hypotbetical better life which existed in imagination only.
So my dear! may you also not go to monkey's way and fare ill as that-remonstrated Dattasiri. (JC, Uddesa, 10, pp. 99, 100).
(3) The story of a Monkey and the Bitumen · Jambu did not budge an inch even from the stand he had taken. Sindhumai, Dattasiri. Paumasiri and Paumasenā reiterated their views and arguments about the untenability of Jambu's resolve and cited illustrative parables to bring hone to Jambu the fact of the matter.
Jambu stieking to his angle of thought with unshakeable faith rejoined forcefully that he was not as senseless, to be caught up into the snare of worldly pleasures, as that monkey who got his face, hands, and feet, one by one, immersed into the bitumen.
As Paumaseña requested Jambu to explain in details the significance of what he said, Jambu began :
In the Vindhya mountain, there lived a very strong monkey which alone enjoyed with female monkeys driving away other male rivals. Once a young and a strong monkey came over there who proved more than a match to the old one. A battle royal ensued between them both with the result that the former was routed away. Resigning to his fate, the old monkey fled away exhausted and wounded. He came over to a cave in the mountain thicket and there on one of the rocks he found bitumen (Silajatu) oozing which he mistook as water and began to lick it to allay his thirst. Bitumen clung stickily to his face which he could not remove. He tried to remove it with his hands and feet but they too got stuck up. Finally he met his doom being inextricably involved in the bitumen.

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I am not stupid like that monkey, oh lady! who ultimately got irretrievably lost in that liquid-affirmed Jambu. Good bye to the sensual pleasures once and for all (JC, Uddesa, 12; pp 120-121).
149
Concluding I would like to point out again that these illustrative parables are not found in the Vasudevahiods of Sanghadasa and Uttarapurana of Gunabhadra. They are also not found in any other works previous to Gugapala's Jambucariyam (JC). The source of Gugapala thus remaining untraceable, the only possible inference is that he might have availed himself of the vast canonical and commentarial literature as also the Nijjuttis, Cuppis and Bhassas.

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SOMETHING ABOUT ARDHAMĀGADHI *
According to the Ceylonese tradition, Māgadhi was the language in which Buddha conversed his preachings and teachings. Māgadbi, one of the Aryan group of languages, was the language of Magadha. It bad provincialisms in it and was developed from the language of the Rgveda which also had a number of varieties. Not only was it used by Buddha, but by Pārsvanātha and Mahavira also.
Though Buddha and Mahavira employed Māgadbi, it is a little difficult to state what exact form of Māgadhi, they both used for their purposes. According to the general consensus of opinions among scholars, the Pali Tripitakas represented the oldest form of the language of Magadha. But here also it is open to doubt as too how far the Pali of the Tripitakas was the spoken language of one and all in Magadha. Buddha's religious wanderings were mainly confined to the central part of Magadha where he orally conveyed his message. Buddha's pupils belonged to various casts, communities, and creeds before they were attracted to him. They came from different places and naturally enough they spoke different languages characterized with provincialisms. This phenomenou led to one inevitable result that the language employed by Buddha himself lost its original form and colour in course of time. This process of change went a step farther when the Bhikkhus assembled after about three centuries after the Nirvana of Buddha to compile the preachings of Buddha. The compilation took its final shape in the reign of Asoka and it is this very compilation that marched forth to Ceylon.
The preachings of Pārsva and Mahavira also fared almost the same fate. According to Jaina, the words of the Apta are the Canon and this Apta of the Jainas is none other than the omniscient Jina, the Conqueror, par excellence, of love and hatred. In orher words, the words of the canon, pure and simple. This is the broad definition and it, therefore, refers exclusively to the spirit and not to the form. Though there are statements in the cannon itself that Mahavira preached and conveyed his Gospel in Ardhamagadhi, the statements are to be strictly figuratively interpreted in the light of the most un-orthodox character of the language he used.
Now, there are, as we saw above, two traditions. One is the Bauddha and the other, the Jaina. According to the first, the Pali of the Tripitakas and according to the second, the Ardbamāgadbi of the Jaina canon, is the real representative of fhe original language of Magadha. It is obvious that both cannot be true. Let us examine the point.
• Bharati" 12th Annual Number of the Bhavan's College Magazine, 1958.

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151 Mahavira's preachings went down unchanged to Sudharma and then to Jambu and lastly in this fashion to Svaymbhava. The first Vācană took place in Pataliputra after one hundred sixty years after Mabāvira's Nirvāṇa. It put the canon in an orderly form. Sthulabhadra was the last of the pontifs to preserve this form of the canon particularly. He died in about two hundred fifteen years after Mahāyira's Nirvana, that is to say, in about three hundred twelve years before Chirst. Till his death, the canon remained almost unchanged. Vikrama Samvat year, five hundred and ten, witnessed the last redaction of the canon at Valabhi.
Buddha's preachings received a final shape in the reign of Agoka, in about three hundred and seven years before Christ. Regarding this tradition, there is some difference among scholars and even if we discount this tradition, there are two other proofs also which are historical. One is Asoka's Inscriptions the language of which is Pali and the date of which is uncontraversially fixed. The other is Vatragāmapi Abhaya in whose time. one eentury before Christ, the Tripitakas were subjected to writing in a Pali language in Ceylon. There is no proof available about the antiquity of the Ardhamagadhi language used in the Jaina canon as much as it is found adout that of the Pali language used in the Tripitakas or even in Ağoka's Inscriptions On the strength of the form of the Ardhamagadhi language found used in the Jaina Canon, what most we can say is that it is a developed form of the Pali. Nothing more than this is warranted. There are, indeed similarities between the two in some respects but this cannot entitle us to postulate a theory that Ardhamāgadhi is prior to Pāli. On the contrary, the reverse is the truth.
At the same time, Pali also was not the national language of the whole of Magadha really speaking, Pāli sprang up from the provincial language spoken in the central part of Magadha. This very provincial language, the mother of the Pāli, in which Tripitakas are found written, was chosen by Buddha as a medium of his message. This is exactly what should be named as Māgadhi whose more developed form is the Magadhi of Agoka's Inscriptions which is also styled as Pāli. This Pali had the honour of being employed as a national language in the reigns of the Nandas and the Mauryas as well as a language of the Baubdha scriptures and literature.
The conclution is that Ardhamāgadhi is later and not older than Pāli.
Some of the facts leading us to the above conclusion can be briefly stated as follows: (1) Both Pāli and Ardhamāgadhi can be called by the general name “ Prakrit” (2) Both Pali and Ardbamagadhi have their roots in the language called "Māgadhi"
which was, at the time of both Buddha and Mahāvira, the spoken language of Magadha (3) Both Pali and Ardbamāgadhi had in them the provincialisms of their own; (4) Both can be supposed to be connected through Māgadhi with the Rgveda; (5) Pāli was employed as a medium by Buddha and Ardhamāgadhị by Mahāvira;

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(6) Ardhamagadhi got its name because it was either the spoken language of half
of the Magadha or it had in it an admixture of Magadbi, half to half; (7) Tripitakas were subjected to writing before the Jaina Canon was subjected to writing; (8) therefore, Pali of the Tripitakas is older than Ardhamagadhi of the Jaina Canon.
Both the languages have their own Grammars, Lexicons, and vast literatures both sacred and secular. In assessing the value of Aryan culture and civilization, the study of these two languages also is as indispensable as that of Sanskrit.

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A NOTE ON PRAKRITS, APABHRAMŠA AND GUJARATI
The Indo-Aryan languages can be conveniently classified into three categories, namely, ancient, medieval and modeın. The language that was spoken during the old Indo-Aryan period is represented by the languages of the Rgveda and also of the later Vedic literature. The language of the Epics, the language of Pāņini and Patanjali as also the languages used by Kalidasa and the writers who followed him took their shape after the various vernaculars spoken in this period.
Middle Indo-Aryan period is represented by Pali and Prākrit which appeared on the stage from the time marked by phonetic and grammatical changes which, occuring as usual with the passage of time, produced a language which was not essentially different from the language of the aforesaid old Indo-Aryan period. These pali and Prākrits sustained its continuance upto about 1100 A.D. When, due to the natural phenomenon of phonetic and grammatical transformations, this time almost complete, a new type of language was born. It was just similar to the language of the modern vernaculars. For our knowledge of these Prāktit of the Middle Indo-Aryan periods we are, more or less, dependent on the records, in the form of the Inscriptions and literary works, preserved at different times and places and chiefly consisting of Asokan Edicts, Pāli canon of the Hinayāna Buddhists, Prākrit canon of the Jains, Prakrita of the plays, and the Prākrita grammers.
It is difficult to trace the beginning of the third or modern period. However it can be assumed with some reason that it lay roughly somewhere between the latest form of Prākrita, named Apabbramğa by Hemcandra (twelfth century A.D.), and the earliest poetry of the Old Verpaculars.
The middle Indo-Aryan period consists of three stages : (1) Old Prāksta; (2) Middle Prāksta; (3) Late Prakrta or Apabhramsa. The Inscriptions from the 3rd century B.C. to the 2nd century A.D., Pāli of the Hinayana cannon, the Jatakas, the canon of the Jainas and the Prākrita of the early plays of Asvaghosa, form the planks of the Old Prākrta stage, with the dialects varying only in form in accordance with time and place. We know of the Middle Prākrta stage as consisting of Mahārāştri, the language of the lyrics of the Deccan, the Dramatic Prakṣits, namely, Sauraseni, Māgadhi etc. found in the plays of Kālidāsa and his successors as also in the Prākşta Granimars, the dialect of the post-canonical Jaina works and of Paišācı employed in the Byhatkathā of Guņāļhya, and lastly of the Apabhramsas standing for the old colloquial speech that supplanted the Prākrta type of speech used in the plays as it had become already archaic.
AS-20

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We use the word 'Prākrt' to mean two things. One is that which is derived from or belongs to 'Praksti'. This is its primary meaning and is exactly opposed to 'Viksti'. The other is that which is 'common', 'unpolished'. This is its secondary meaning and hence it has a loose sense. It is possible that it is in this second and loose sense that the Sauraseni work 'pauda' and the Māhārāştri word 'paua' were first used to indicate the ordinary common speech which is distinctly different from Samsksta which, as we know, means highly polished and perfected language.
But the main question was “Wbat is or should be called 'Prakrti'?” The Grammarians of the later days took 'Prakti' to mean "Samsksta'. This meaning of theirs, though historically untenable, is perfectly understandable on the ground that they trace Prakrit forms to Sanskrit forms. But the Aryan form saggested to explain a Prakrit form is not found in Sanskrit at all or is found in a work of a later origin where it becomes immediately and also abundantly clear that it had been directly borrowed from Prakrit.
If we mean by Sanskrit the Vedic language and all the dialects of the old IndoAryan period, we are more than justified in saying that all the Prākrits have their origin ultimately in Sanskrit. But on the other hand if it is meant that Sanskrit stands here only for the classical Sanskrit we are hopelessly wrong in hazarding sueh a hypothesis.
The early grammarians and rhetoricians as also the modern scholars no doubt compared the Prakrit word with the Sanskrit word. In doing so, their only intention was to draw our attention to the striking similarity existing between both. They never meant thereby that Prākrit originated from Sanskrit.
Considering that the word Prakrit has been used to mean a natural spoken language, quite distinct from the literary learned language, some writers have classified it into three divisions, namely, Primary, Secondary and Tertiary and all these together mean the natural spoken dialects of the three great periods, referred to above.
The Oldest Prakrit recorded is found in the Inscriptions of Asoka. Pali originally meaning a “line" was applied to the canon of the Hidayāna Buddhists. Thence it is used of the language of that canon and is found in some non-canoncial books also. It retains more of the old grammatical system than Ardhamagadhi. The atmanepada is commoner and Aorists abound. The Buddha was supposed by tradition to have preached in Magadhi. Therefore, Pāli should be Māgadhi. As a matter of fact it is not. The Nom. sing. in o' and the presence of sa, ra, ja show this clearly. Whatever may be the truth, it is clear that Pali contains serveral different strands in its composition the oldest being what is seen in the Gāthas.
The Dramatic Prakrits, namely, Māhārāsțri, Sauraseoi and Māgadbi as also the Prākrits of the Jaina canon, namely, Ardh-Māgadhi, Jaina Mahārāștri and Jains Sauraseni as well as the Late Prākrit also called Apabbrainga are more important literary Prakrits.

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Mahārāştri is regarded as the Prākrit par excellence, Prakrit Grammarians formulated rules for this Prakrit, first. For others, they made special sūtras and then said . The rest is like the Māhārastri'. The lyrical poetry written in this Prakrit became famous even beyond the limits of Maharāşțra. This Prakrit carries farther than other Prakrits the general rule of omitting single consonants between vowels. This Prākrit is not the mere invention of the poets but it is based on its predecessors, the old spoken language of the country lying round about the river, Godāvari. The origin of the peculiarities of the modern Marathi can be found in this Prakrit. It was employed in Prakrit epics such as the Gaudavaho as well as in Setubandha, GàthaSaptašati, Kumarapalacarita and such other works.
Śauraseni got its name from Sūrasena, the country round about Mathurā in the Madhyadeśa and is used as an ordinary Prākrit in the Sanskrit drama by the ladies and the jester and in Kar püraman jari even by the king. It should be noted that this Prākrit is the nearest to Classical Sanskrit. Its habitat is the same country and is, thefore, the direct descendent of the spoken language on which Classical Sanskrit was generally based. It is thus an intermedate stage eoming between Sanskrit and western Hindi on which Literary Hindi is based. It has been referred to by Rhetoricians like Dandip, Rudrata. Vägbhata and others and examples illustruting it are found in the Prākrita Grammars of Vararuci, Hemacandra, Kramadisvara. Lakşmidhara and Mārkaņdeya.
Magadh, is the Prākrit of the East. It hails from ancient Magadha not far from the land of modern Magahi, a variation of Bihāri. It is usually employed by the low characters in the plays. Dhakki is a variety of Māgadhi occuring in the Mịcchakatika. Special phonetic changes mark it out from other Prakrits. # is substituted by 7 and 7 by %. Usually remains and the nominative singular of--a stems ends almost in -e.
Ardhamāgadhi is a variety of Prākrits based on the dialect spoken between Sqrasena and Magadha. The oldest available Jaina canon is written in this Prakrit. Its phonetic character is similar to that of Māgadhi in certain respects. Traces of old grammar are detected more in it than in Sauraseny and its independence from Sanskrit is much more marked. The name of this language is explained as having half the nature of Magadbi or also as current in half the country of Magadha. Both are equally probable. Hemacandra calls this language as Arşa which means 'belonging to the sages'. The main distinguishing features of this Prakrit are that it preserves like Magadhi, at least in its oldar phase as far as it can be ascertained, the change of r to l and the Nom. Sing, in-e, Hemacandra's Kumārapālacarita and Kavyānušāsana as also Hammiramadamardana and sadbhāṣāstotras have got specimens of this Prākrit in them.
The non-canonical books of the Svetambara Jains were written in a form of Mābāräștri that has been termed Jaina Mahārāștri. Vast literature dealing with the lines of the lives of the Tirthakraras, stories, logic, philosophy, metaphysics and even

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geography is found written in this Prākrit. While referring to this Jain Māhārāļțrı by name, the old Grammarians did not mean to say that it was a different Prakrit but it was the modern scholars who differentiated it from the Māhārāştri in the sense that there was found a little change in the Mābāsāștri used in the Svetāṁbara Jain works and this justified them to give it the name of Jain Māhārāștri. Paumacariya, Upadeśamala, Samardiccakaha and Supasanahacariya are some of the Jain works written in this Prakrit.
The lauguage of the works of the Digambara Jains is Jain Saurasenj. Pravacanasara, Dravyasangraha etc. are written in this Prākrit. It has got mixed characteristics of Ardhamagadhi employed in the Svetambara Jain canon and Saurasen referred to by Prakrit Grammarians.
A pabhramga has been used in India for anything differing from Sanskrit as the standard of correct speech or for spoken languages as distinct from literary Prākiit, with Āryan as well as Non-Aryan languages included or as a literary form of any such varnacular. Apabhramsa was used as a medium for bardic poetry from Bengal in the East to Rajputānā in the West. Voluminous epics such as Mahapurāna etc. are available in Apabhramga. It would be a mistake to believe that there was no secular literature in Apabhramga as is now proved by the publication of the Sandesarasaka. Its regional varieties are seen in the Räsas in western India and in the works of Vidyāpati in the east. It is this Apabhramsa language wherein lies concealed the key to the origin and development of mediaeval languages. Indications of its use are found in the dramas such as Vikramoryasiya, Dharmabhyuda ya etc; in Harivansa Purana, Paumacariya and others and in Bhavissayattakahä, Karakanducariyam etc., etc. Earlier authorities recognize there varieties of Apabhrarsa, namely, Vrācada, Nāgara and Upanāgara. The only literary Apabhramša described in detail by the grammarians is the Nāgara which appears to have belonged to Gujarat. Vrācada which is generally associated with Sindh, was comparatively more arcbaic. Hemacandra has preserved many quotations from the Apabhramsa literature of the earlier centuries. A perusal of them makes it clear that the literature of the time was mythological, religious, didactic, erotic and heroic.
As stated by the late Dr. K. M. Munshi in his "Gujarat and Its Literature", “Old Gujarati is the language spoken in Gujarata since 1088 A.D. as we find the earliest reference to it in Bilhana's Vikramankadevacarita. Hemacandra had it ia mind too when in Kavyānuśà sana he mentioned the gramya or the vulgar variety possessing literature of its own as distinguished from Apabhramga proper. Its earliest available literature which dates back to the twelfth century clearly indicates pre-existing literature. Old Gujarāti exhibits a progressive tendency to become acalytic. It develops a phonetic change by which a double consonant is simplified and the preceding vowel lengthened. The indistinctly pronounced vowel at the beginning of a word is dropped. A positive tendency to substitute the Apabhramsa form of words by its Sanskrit equivalent comes into existence pointing out that Old Gujarāti was developing into

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a literary language. Bharatesvarabahubali Rasa, Jambusvāmicarita, Revantagiri Rāsa are some of the earliest available typical works written in Old Gujarātı. Mugdhavabodha, a text-book of Sanskrit Grammar with explanations in Old Gujarāti and belonging to the first decade of second half of the 14th century deserves special mention. The earliest folk literature of the Indo-Aryans was associated with the dance called Räsa. The Saptakşetrirasa, an Old Gujarāti work of 1271 refers to two kinds of Rasa, namely, Tala Rasa and Lakuta Rasa. The Rāsa sung in the spring festival describing its glories was called Phaga. The earliest available Phāga is the Sthulibhadraphaga of 1324. A love poem, set to popular tunes, was another poetic form, the earliest specimen of which is Nemināthacatus padika (C. 1269). Somasundara, a Jain Sadhu of great literary eminance (1374-1446) wrote one Rangasagara Nemiphaga which is a charming poem. This was followed by Ranamallachanda of Sridhara (C. 1390) which celebrates the heroic deeds of Ranamalla of Idar and Kanhadadeprabhandha (C. 1456) of Padmanābha of Visalanagar and a poet-laureate of Akherāj which deals with the struggle which Gujarāt made for self-preservation, in a style, though not as elegant as Bhālan's and which maintains a high level of expressiveness. This was later on followed by the Akhyāna literature of which Bhālap may be called the father. The Kādambari is perheps the best of his works. In the fourteenth eentury, the classics and the philosophies receded in the background and the cult of Bhakti became the most potent factor. This Bhakti was invested with all the attributes of earthly love. It spread from Vrandavan into Gujarāt in the sixteenth century and perhaps the two greatest poets Mirā and Narasimha were influenced by the Sadhus and Bhaktas of this sect. Mirā is claimed by Gujarāt, Rajputānā and the whole of the Mathura region and recently by the Hindi-speaking world as a Hindi Poet. But during the century in which she lived there was only one language in these parts, old Gujarāti or Old Western Rajasthadi, and it is no wonder that her padas are now found in all the different present day varieties of that language. In the sixteenth century, Narasimha Mahetā voices the new impulse of Bhakti in Gujarat. His padas and prabhatias are too well known. This was followed by Popular Fiction at which many noted amongst whom are Lāvanyasamaya and Nayasundara, tried their hands. In the sixteenth and the seventeenth centuries restricted life drove restive minds to harp upon the worthlessness of the world. Akho voiced this gospel through his chappas and other philosophical works. His Akhegità expounds the Advaita philosophy in a telling manner. He did not claim to be a poet but a Jñâni, a student of philosophy. This class of Cheerless literature of which he is the recongnized representative consists of monotonous padas, mostly on Jñana and Vairagya praising other-worldliness and despising the joys of life. The beginning of the seventeenth century witnessed a new literary tradition in which the form, the expression and the technique together with its framework were made a medium for a realistic treatment of life. Premānand is the greatest literary figure of the age. His Okhaharana, Māmerun and Nalākhyāna are the typical examples. The sect of Svārinārāyaṇ greatly influenced the life as it was lived in the last quarter of the eighteenth century. The speciality of the literature

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produced in this century lay in its antagonism to epicurianism. Weariness was its predominent note. This was later removed by Dayarām (1767), a genuine poet whose wings were unclipped by convention and who roared high in search of real art and emotion. His genius was lyrical and found a suitable vehicle in the garabis in which he has so arranged his words that sense and sound and meaning blended in harmony to express one brief experience with perfect art. With him practically comes to a close the period of Old Gujarati.
Bibliography
1. "Pajasad amahannavo': By Pandit Hargovind das 2. Introduction to Ardhamāgadhi' : By Dr. A. M. Ghatage 3. 'Introduction to Prakrit' : By Dr. A. C. Woolner 4. "Prakrit Languages and their contribution to Indian Culture' By Dr. S. M. Katce 5. 'Encyclopaedia Britannica', XIth Edition : By Dr. George Grierson 6. Jaina Sahityano Samkşipta Itihasa' : By M. D. Desai 7. 'Bhavissayattakahā of Dhanapāla' : Ed. C. D. Dalal and P. D. Gune 8. 'Early Aryans in Gujarat' : Dr. K. M. Munshi 9. 'Glory That Was Gurjaradesa' : By Dr. K. M. Munshi 10. 'Imperial Gurjaras' : By Dr. K. M. Munshi 11. 'Gujarat And Its Literature' : By Dr. K. M. Munshi 12. 'Pre-Narasimha Literature' : By Dr. K. M. Munshi 13. 'Indo-Aryan and Hindi Part I'. By Dr. S. K, Chatterji 14. "Comparative Grammar of Middie Indo-Aryan And Historical Syntax of Middle
Indo-Aryan' By S. Sen

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MUNI JINAVIJAYAJI-MY TRIBUTE AND REMINISCENCES *
Ācārya Muni Jinavijayaji breathed his last in the early hours of Thursday, the 3rd June, 1976 at the ripe age of about eighty-nine, in Ahmedabad, in his own bungalow, named Anekanta Viber. He left this mortal body, only to become immortal.
He was a ksatriya by caste and belonged to a famous Rajput clan of farmers of Rajasthan. His original name was Kishan Singh and the names of his mother and father were Rajkumari and VỊddhisimbaji respectively. He was born in 1888 A.D. in the small village called Rupahalı in Mewar in the erstwhile Udayapur State. The lost his father at the tender age of eleven. A certain Yati, Devisimhji knew from his external physical signs that the boy was going to be extraordinary and this prompted him to put up a demand to Kisan's father that he be offered to him as pupil. This contact with the old, experienced Yati who was well-versed in Ayurveda and Astrology planted in the mind of Kisan the seeds of detachment which naturally drove him to join the sect of the naked Baba who was the head of a holy place which was in those days known as Sukhānandji. In course of time, he came across a Mārwarı Jain monk whom he eventually accepted as his Garu leaving the Baba in the hope that he would thereby be able to quench his thirst for knowledge. But it proved to be his delusion because the restraints of tradition turned out to be too unbearable and in one of his crucial moments he decided to bid goodbye to the customary costume of a Jain monk and he actually threw it away in the ruins on the banks of the river Kșiprd round about Ujjain. After this, he became a free bird and wandering here and there he came over to Gujarat. From here, he again went back to Marwar and accepted initiation at the hands of Muni Sundervijayaji, a Jain monk, at Poh, who hamed him as Jinavijayaji. Since he lost his father, bis pursuit for knowledge went on una bated and with full vigour during all his wanderings from one place to another. He'read as much as he could also committed to memory as much as he could. Without wasting one moment even, his worship of Goddess of Learning continued non. stop with faith, devotion and interest. From here onwards he developed and maintained throughout the test for research and editing. This devotee of learning was able and lucky enough to get in full measure, the co-operation and good will of such savants as Pandit Sukhlalji and Muni Kanti Vijayaji. Those are, ipdead, fortunate who have seen Panditji and Muniji, the two stalwarts in their own lines, talking, laughing and cracking.jokes and Folishing them. Titan is only one, but here we see two. Muniji's struggle and strenuous
Puðlished in the Bharatiya Vidyā, Vol. XXXV; (Nos. 1 to 4), 1978.

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effort to satisfy his great hunger for koowledge are such as can well match with those of Rāhulji and Kosāmbiji and it is gladdening to note that all the three achieved as much as they aspired. Jain Monks are forbidden to read at night but Muniji thought that if he followed this prohibitory order in its letter and spirit, it is he who will be the worst sufferer and loser. So he found a way out to read at night with the help of a battery keeping it concealed under the cover of a blanket with which he wrapped bimself at night when other co-pupils who were sleeping by the side did not even get a glimpse of it. And who supplied such a battery to a beggar monk ? It was none other but Pandit Sukhlālji who is noted for his balanced reformist views. We realize that there is no limit to labour and human endeavour, when we see the photo of Muniji taken at a time when he came out with a beard and no hair-cut, adding digaity and majesty to his frail frame, from the Bhāndār at Jesalmer where he had gone to see the manuscripts and to make notes therefrom which he did sustaining himself throughout with bread and tea. During the period of monk-hood, when he came to Pätan in course of his wanderings, not a single manuscript from the Bhāņdār at Pāțan was left out uninspected. Other scholars had to depend on Aufrecht's catalogus catalagorum for the information about the manuscripts such as the date, author and subject while we, his pupils, found in him a living Aufrecht in body and soul. From Patan, Muniji went to Baroda where he read out and made notes from all relevant books which were avilable to him from the Central Library and others also. From Baroda he came over to Bombay and then to Poona where he met Tilak and Gandhiji for the first time. It was here that the views were exchanged between Gandhiji and Muniji about the opening, in the Gujarāt Vidyāpith, of a department of Oriental Studies and Antiquities (Puratattva) the charge of which he ultimately had to take As he had to undergo a number of hardships and handicaps which a monk as faithful and conscientious as Muniji has to without a grumble, he decided once for all to give up the costume, paraphernalia and the way of a monk's life. Ultimately reason prevailed on sentiments and he had perhaps with great hesitation a diyorce from external monkhood, remaining a real monk at heart, and got wedded with research. From here he went to Ahmedabad, not on foot but by train for the first time, to see Gandhji on his invitation in connection with the opening of and managing the aforesaid department of Oriental Studies and Antiquities. This change-over from the life of a Jain monk to that of a Jain layman was not occasioned out of any disgust for or disregard to monkhood but merely out of genuine devotion to research and literary activities which he has subsequently and abundantly proved beyond doubt, living every moment of his life for the cause and even dying for it. From this moment till the end, his worship to the Goddess of Learning was total as nothing literally nothing could deflect him from the path he had chosen. During the period of about eight years here, he edited and published eight very important and original works. His fame spread far and wide, in and outside Iodia. In about 1928, he left the shores of India for Germany, in response to an invitation which he had the good luck to get from Dr. Herman Jacobi, an internationally reputed scholar of Jainism. With a

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plenty of material bearing on problems of research which he had the good and great opportunity to collect and having fully exploited the situation for giving a scientific form and colour for which German scholarship is noted to his knowledge and experience about research, when he came back to India, he heard the irresistible clarion call of Gandhiji to participate in his march to Dāņņi. He then at once decided to join it and also went to jail. After this he went to Shanti Niketan on Tagore's invitation which he was very much pleased to accept. Here Muniji was asked by Tagore to lay the foundation of the Institute of Oriental Studies as a part of Shanti Niketan which was named as Jain Jnanapith. He also availed himself here of enriching his knowledge and experience by constant contact with such giants in research as Vidhushekhar Bhattāchārya and Kshitimohan Sen. Just at this time K. M. Munshiji was thinking to found an institution for Post-graduate research and studies in Bombay on an all-India basis. Munshiji found in Muniji the only appropriate person for implementing his gigantic scheme. Moreover, they had been earlier known to each other. So Munshiji immediately sent an invitation full of love and regard to Muniji wbo soon rushed to Bombay and laid the foundation of the present Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan in 1938 in an atmosphere of very high hopes which, we are in a position to say, have been fully fulfilled. Remaining throughout his stay here as its Hon. Director and the Head of the Department of Jain Studies, Muniji carried out in full swing the work of publishing as editor very bulky and important volumes relating mainly to Jainology under the auspices of unique Singhi Jain Series which forms an integral part of the Bhavan so far as its publishing activities are concerned. Muniji left nothing undone to be of use and assistance to Munshiji in building up and consolidating the reputation of the Bhavan, Muniji had always cherished a desire to do something of everlasting value in his native place. The urge was becoming keener day by day and as he was never in the habit of sticking to one place for ever, he went to Jaipur from here at the request of the then Chief Minister, Shri Hirālalji Shastri, to found yet another Institute of Research there. He planned and put it on a sound basis and remained till his end its virtual head. He, thereafter, went to Chanderia in Chittor and founded Sarvodaya Sadhana Ashram. At Chittor he laid the foundation of Bhāmasha Bhārati Bhavan and the Kirtimandir of Haribhadra Suri, thereby discharging his debt to Haribhadra Suri who was a symbol of love and regard to him throughout his life. With the Sarvodaya Sadhana Ashram he was so much identified that while dying at Ahmedabad he had expressed his desire that his funeral rites should be performed and he should be laid to rest at Chanderia. Muniji was instrumental in establishing for the preservation, progress and propagation of Oriental learning and literature, four centres at Ahmedabad, Shanti Niketan, Bombay and Jodhpur in the manner of Adi Shankaracharya who did so fort he preservation of Hinduism in East, West, South and North. He brought thousands of books, valuable and rare, in donations for the Oriental Institute at Poona and Bhāratiya Vidya Bhavan at Bombay. To the scholars of future generations, he provided ample material
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for research by editing and publishing, single-handed, very big, original and important volumes as many as hundred. A lone, lanky man named Muniji did this stupendous work without any assistance from anywhere which no Institute would have been able to do in course of twenty-five years even and with the assistance of a dozen scholars.
As I was his close associate, I had a number of occasions to see him with my own eyes working in the chair, with proof-reading or making a copy of the original manuscript or consulting books or looking into the manuscript with the help of a magnifying glass or settling the varients of the manuscripts, weighing pros and cons in his mind. If he found even a small mistake of a comma or a colon, he would run to the Press and take the people in charge to task, but would not be satisfied by doing this on 'phone'. If he saw that there was an error in the printed form, he would sometimes cancel the whole printed form without minding the additional expenses. Such was his definition of perfection, punctiliousness or conscieatiousness, whatever we may call it !
Muniji had throughout been the chief Editor of a Gujarati quarterly, named Purātattva dealing with Indology and started by the Gujarāt Vidyapith and also a Hindi quarterly named Bhāratiya Vidyā, instituted by the Bhavan. We come across references to Muniji's earlier contribution which consisted of the publication of about twenty-two works beginning from Jain Tattva Sāra to Prabandha Kosa according to the volume in the series called Grantha Ane Granthakāra brought out by the Gujarat Vidya Sabhā. Besides having published most authoritative literature On and about Rājarși Kumārapāla, which is the last word, he had been either the author or the editor of a hundred and odd bulky and indispensable volumes such as Purātativa Samgodhaka Purva Itihās', 'Haribhadrācāryasya Samayanirņaya' in Sanskrit (this was eloquently praised by Herman Jacobi who took it as a reliable basis to settle the chronology of the 8th and 9th century), Prabandha Koša, Prabhāvaka Caritra, Vijñapti, Triveņi, Bharateśvara Bahubali Rasa, Sandesa Rāsaka, Kuvalayamālā, Bhoja's Sțngāramañjarı, the unavailabie conmentary of Yogghama on Kautilya's Arthasastra, etc. etc. It should also be noted that most of Muniji's publications have seen the light of the day for the first time. It was Muniji who employed his will, skill ani zeal for publishing important Phāgus and Rāsas which contain unavoidably useful material that can help us in reconstructing the history of the medieval Gujarāt from the viewpoints of linguistics and philosophy.
In order to increase and enrich his knowledge and methodology of research he tried to get the working knowledge of German language as much of fundamental and original research in Jainology has been done by the German scholars. He was a co-worker of such distinguisheds scholar as Kosambiji, Kalelkar and Kripalaniji in the Gujarat Vidyāpith and a very intimate friend of Pandit Sukhlalji ( who sed recently), Pandit Becherdasji, Ramnarayan Pathak and Rasiklal Parikh. It was at his bands that a number of pupils like myself were trained.

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Under the auspices of Thakkar Vasanji Madhavji Vyakhyanamaja, he had delivered a series of lectures at the invitation of the Bombay University. He was awarded Padmagri by the Government of India in 1963. He had the rare honour of presiding over the Religion and Philosophy section in the conference organized by the Gujarat Sahitya Parishad and held under the Presidentship of Gandhiji. He conducted ably the proceedings of the Gujarat Itihasa Parishad as its honoured President. But the greatest honour ever done to an Indian was given to him by the German Oriental Society by nominating him as its member when the seat fell vacant by the demise of the previous member. The society has thirty members selected from different countries holding worldwide reputation as scholars who have outstanding contributions to their credit and they are nominated by a panel unanimously when the demise of a member occurs and the seat falls vacant. Being his close associate, pupil and assistant, I was the first recipient of this information from him which while giving, he had tears of gratitude and joy in his eyes, I fully remember.
Muniji was requested by the late Shri Bahadur Sinhji Singhi to be in sole. charge of the Singhi Jain Series which was inaugurated at Muniji's suggestion to commemorate the sacred memory of his departed pious father, Shri Dalchandji Singhi. The late Babu Bahadur Sinhji who was generous beyond limit not only never asked Muniji to submit an account but on the contrary, he insisted and permitted him to spend as much as he liked for the betterment of the Series.
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Muniji used to tell me a number of personal anecdotes and experiences interspersed here and there with the events and episodes of his life when we sat together in the evening, in a relaxed mood, after the day's work was over. He became suddenly so silent and did not utter even a syllable for a moment as he was so overpowered with emotion when he referred to the supremely munificent and enlightened nature of the late Babu Bahadur Sinhji. Field of research would not have so excellently developed had Muniji a gifted scholar of eminence and an indefatigable. worker and Babuji, an abridged edition of Ford and Rockfeller in India not been combined together by the benign and benevolent Destiny just in the manner of Jupiter and Moon a combination of which augurs well for the native in astrological terms.
Muniji's exteriors fully matched his royal interior. He had inspiring, dignified and respectable outside as he had pure, emotional aad forgiving inside. He was six feet and a little more in height and was neither fat nor lean though, of course he had a tilt towards lankiness. He could be fully seen only if we raised our head a little skyward. He wore a Khaddar dhoti going fairly beyond his kness but not reaching the ankles. He put on usually a silken Kafni but very rarely a shirt also. He wore black glasses having a fine frame, which enhanced his majesty. With advancing age he had introduced two more things; one, a woollen Jawahar jacket or some

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thing like a Bandi and the other, a Mujjhafferpuri cane. The footwear (chappals) Was simple but while taking a stroll in the house black-coloured Mojadis adorned his feet. When he suffered from cold or cough he protected his head, in the manner of Vinobaji, with something like a wollen scarf that hung over his shoulders and applied Mentholatum Balm (and none other) to his nostrils and inhaled down deep. He was so much in love with this balm that he strongly and often recommended it to me. My habit of using it till today is a relic of his sincere feelings for me. Powdered Quinine Hydrocholoride (not tablets and that also of P. D. & Co.) was always there in his pocket. He told me that it was the only drug that was a panacia for all his physical ills and ailments. While going out he put a little change of money in his pocket. but not more. He was very fond, I may be excused if I say, rather mad after fine fountain pens and furniture. Fountain pens with fine nibs, finer nibs, still finer nibs filled with inks of different colours always adorned his writiing table. Red and blue pencils well mended were ready on the stand to serve him when he wanted. He called the carpenter at his place, gave him measurements to an inch of the articles of furniture to be made and saw to it that they were fully carried out. Even then if anything went against his want and wish he had them remade and the process went on three or four times. When the furniture was finally made to his requirements, there was a glow on his face which cannot be described in words. He was truly inspired in his literary activities when he used the tools and articles of his choice. He was simple, if anything, inside and outside. He gave up monkhood not because he wanted to live a luxurious life but because he wanted certain concessions and latitude without which no one can do any literary activity worth the name. I had never seen him sleeping on a cotton bed. A bare wooden cot in which a cotton sheet was spread, was sufficient. I had never seen him spending more than necessary for himself, though he was liberal in giving to others. Thus we are justified in saying that he remained a monk at heart though he abandoned monkhood which is formal and external
He was very fond of tea and the powder he used was superfine. The manner of preparing it was also artistic. Many a time he offered tea to me prepared by him. self saying "Gopaniji! take it." I remember these words ringing in my ears and it brings tears in my eyes even when I am writing these words. It was, indeed, very kind of him that he always addressed me as “Gopaniji" and not bare "Gopani” even though I was an assistant under him, younger in age and many times inferior to him so far as reseasch and art of editing are concerned and even otherwise. What a tender and soft heart he had! He was every inch royal, cultured and forgiving. One could go easily and fearlessly to Muniji. With Pandit Sukhlalji the case was different. Before going to Panditji one had to prepare one's self. To Mupiji, one could do so even offhand. This is not meant to emply anything but temperamental peculiarity. Muniji was emotional, Panditji rational.

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Once Muniji was travelling in a local train in Bombay. Passengers surrounding him began to talk amongst themselves that he was Rajaji. Some expressed a doubt arguing that Rajaji was in jail. Maniji overheard this talk, and said with a laugh that he was, indeed, Rajaji, but only externally as he was tall, lean with black spectacles and wearing khadar Dhoti aad a Kurta like Rajaji. While narrating this incident to me he laughed so heartily that even at this moment I have not forgotten it. He was as quickly reconcilded as he was excited. He could never tolerate non-sense when hard facts of research and history were concerned. He had no axe to grind nor had he a partisan attitude in purely historical matters. To him truth was, truth once and for ever. If any one distorted or twisted it, he would erupt like a volcano without caring who the other person was. But he would clam down the next moment with words : "Oh! it is not that but it is like this".
The first occasion on which I had the good luck of meetting Muniji occured at Ahmedabad when I was staying just in the vicinity of Bharati Nivas Society where he stayed. I was reading at that time for my M.A., I had many occasions since then to go to Pandit Sukhlalji and Muniji both of whom stayed together in the same bungalow. I used to read English books on philosophy to Panditji who wanted to get a smattering kaowledge of English this way. I was really surprised at the phenomenal memory of Panditji who, without any schooling, any tuition, and knowledge of grammar etc. etc. picked up so much in such a short time that he was able to understand any book in English after six months. This paved the way for me to almost become an inmate of their household. It was a sight for the god even to sea when our late Rashtrapatiji, Dr. Radhakrishnan and the late Dr. A. B. Dhruva came to see Panditji with a view to getting some decisive clarifications on kootty philosophical problems. I was an eye-witness to this. It was indeed, soul-stirring,
In June, 1939, I came to Bombay on an advice from Muniji to join him as his assistant, leaving Rajkot where I was serving in the Dharmendra Sinhji Arts College and it was here under him that I got my Ph.D. It was he who initiated me into the intricacies of research and the art of editing himself being a past master in both these. The seeds of my future academic careeer were sown here at this time by Muniji. My contact and association with him has a ring of intimacy which was maintained till his death. I am not able to discharge even a fraction of the deep debt of obligation which he conferred on me. In my rise and fall, happiness and misery, prosperity and adversity, he always stood by my side sharing in my joy and substaining in my sorrow. His affectionate regard and sympathy for me are the plus side of my life. Today he is no more and I feel helpless and orphaned. There cannot be a greator tragedy and also a greater fun played by providence. But life is like that and we have to face it with courage and confidence.

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My thousands of salutations to Muniji who created a band of workers like myself! My thousands of obeissance to Muniji who gave without stint to his pupils what he possessed, who worshipped and adored the goddess of learning till he permanently closed his eyes! But the mourning disappears before the indescribable feelling of joy which we experience when we take into account his colossal output, his unflinching and uninterrupted devotion to the goddess of learning, his generosity, culture and adherence to truth and nothing but truth. His whole life was a saga of sacrifice at the altar of scholarship, erupition and learning. He was a mobile institution by himself and created one wherever he went. Death has made him deathless. My Pranamas to him!

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FEMALE EDUCATION AS EVIDENCED IN BUDDHIST LITERATURE *
In every respect, the period of Buddhism is marked with allround development, Buddhistic philosophy and theology had something quite conspicuous and specific in it that gave impetus and encouragement to education. It furnished a dynamic force which is so essential for any civilization if it wants to establish supremacy and gain ground.
We are dumbfound while reading the accounts of Universities like those of Vik. ramasila, Ajanta, Saranātha, Nālonda and the last but not the least Taxila, which poured out a colossal force of Buddhistic culture and civilization. These Universities were so generously conducted that not only Indians but the peoples of Asia and Europe also received instruction on all the branches of literature, art. and science, Damely, philosophy, politics, painting, rhetoric, medicine, astrology, archery, architecture, and also alchemy.
Besides Taxilā and Nalanda, Chinese travellers in their travel accounts have mentioned quite a number of minor institutions which shaped and circulated Aryan Culture and civilization, far and wide. These were exclusively financed by the rich and the reigning princes of India. The most noteworthy feature quite characteristic of India's catholicity was that they imparted tuition free of charge to all and alike without observing distinction in caste, colour, and creed
Prasenajit, the king of Kosala, and Jivakas received instruction sitting together, A prince and a pauper were treated alike. It is written in one of the Jātakagranthas Damed Mahāsūtasoma that hundreds of princes were instructed in the uses of weapons and missiles on the lines of strict equality. All these accounts and the historical records lead us to the conclusion that there were very big Universities in Buddhistic times, which provided ample scope for education to males : but they are comparatively and teasingiy silent as regards female education. To get an adequate idea on the point we will have to fall back upon the Buddhist Capon and the works allied to it because we are not at all prepared to believe that the nuas who wandered in the nook and corner of the country, leaving aside Lakşm; and luxury to scatter the seeds of Buddhism, with a fanatic's zeal, were almost illiterate.
On the contrary, the splendid missionary work which they have so ably put forth is itself a good and reliable commentary on the broad outlook, clear vision, practical wisdom, unfailing foresight, intellectual width and what not. These and a train of merits did neither come to them as mere windfalls, nor were they Nature's
• New Indian Antiquary, Vol. III, No. 11, February, 1941

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bounties conferred so lavishly and thoughtlessly on them; but they were the outcome of the closest application and the unflinching devotion to the Goddess of Learning Let us see in the following paragraphs what light we get and gather in this connection from the Buddhistic Liteature. It cannot of course, be definitely asserted whether they received education after the fashion of the present day girls going to the educational instiutions or by way of private Tuition. This much can be culled that they got first-rate training, both academic and spiritual.
It is now an admitted fact that the gathas of the work styled Therigathas were composed by nuns of those times. 4 Religious sermons of Sukka and philosophic discussion of Dhammadinnā and Kşemā entitle us to hypothesize that they were given a techanical training regarding those subjects. We come across a reference of a learned lady named Sukka in Sannuttanikāya. She was a nun and had delivered an illuminating lecture in a great assemblage at Rājagcha. This lecture of Sukka was so impressive that a certain man of Yaksa caste wandered in every street and proclaimed to the effect that every one should go and hear her nectarine words. A nun named Kşema was very famous for reciting Vinayagranthas. She had crammed the Vinayagrathas and her melodious recital of those granthas was simply engaging.
It was considered a privilege to her here singing. Her erudition also is brought out in high relief by the dialogue about the theory of rebirth between her and the king Prasenajit who was so convinced by her brief, bold and cogent arguments that there was not a single vestige of doubt left in his mind when he departed. Another brilliant star in the person of Kuntalakesa shines resplendent in the whole galaxy. In Logic, she was discomfited only by one Sāriputta and pone else. She ruled supreme in the intellectual world of those days. We get an account in Vimanavatthu of one of the learned nuns named Latā who had mastered the art of magic. She had a wonderful command on Vinayapitakas, which she taught according to Dipavamsa not only to nuns in Anuradhapura but to monks also. Estimate of her scholarship will remain incomplete if we neglect to take into consideration the fact that she had a chance to bring out masterly edition of some of the Pitakagranthas. Uttara had undertaken to teach seven works bearing upon Vinaya Sutta, and Abhidhamma in the University of Anuradhāpura. Anjali had gone to Anuradhāpura taking sixteen thousand monks with her, to teach especially the Tripitakas, Is it not a privilege to lord over monks as large in number as sixteen thousands ? And is not a glorious achievement for a man (what to talk of a woman) to be appointed as the senior professor in a University like that of Anurādhāpnra, Nalanda and Taxilā' which is decidedly ten times bigger than any of the present day Universities of the word. It was considered red letter day in the History of Indian on which Sir Radhakrishnan's appointment as Spalding Professor of Eastern Philosphy in the Oxford University was announced. It was considered the highest pinnacle for wbich an Indian can aspire in an academic line. What to talk of those times then, in which even the ladies ruled the academic world ? It means there is a long history of female education which has still got to

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be constructed out of the fragments lying hither and thither in Vedic, Buddhistic and Jinistic literatures. This proves that female education was not only in vogue in those days but was appreciated and encouraged. It is also true that it was imparted on a more solid and sound basis because it could produce scholars of intrinsic worth and deep study. It is also manifest from the foregoing pages that female education was of a diverse character including instructions on magic, sculpture etc. Latā mastered the art of magic and Nanduttarā and Vidya were adepts in the art of sculpture. This is also evident that it was considered more a duty rather than a matter of pride to educate the females because we have seen above that it was open to all. Besides those mentioned above, there is quite a good number of other ladies also no less superior. Their worthy names are Kali, Channā, Sayallā, Vāli, Revati, Sivalā, Mahārubā, Culabhāgā, Dhannā, Sonā, Mahātissā, Culasumana, Mahāsumanā and Hemā. It will be a long list of the female professors who actually worked in the University of Anurādhāpurab which also like Nalanda fulfilled the dictum of Carlyle that a true University is a collection of books as well as that of Newman that it is a school of Universal learning, the alma mater of a host of distinguished logicians, grammarians and philosophers. I leave it to the scholars to find out whether there were separate institutions for female education or there was a system of coeducation or they were privately tutored.
Notes
1 In the North and North-West of India there were great centres of learning such as the
Universities of Nalanda and Taxila where for hundreds of years not only all branches of secular knowledge, especially, medicine, but also the philosophical and theological literature of Buddhism, were cultivated with great zeal. Chinese pilgrims like Heuen Tsang learned Sanskrit at Nalanda and translated Buddhist texts into Chinese. See Phanindra Nath BOSE :
Indian Teachers of Buddhist Universities. 2 Jivaka was the son of courtezan, named Salavati. Mahavagga VIII, I. 3 Therigätha forms part of the Khuddaka Nikaya which is again included in Suttapitaka.
See OLDENBERG : Literatur des aluth Indien, Page 101.

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21
SATYASAMHITA AND GANDHIJI'S HOROSCOPE *
I. The Satyasamhita and Satyācārya:
The Satyasamhita is a stupendous work consisting of 125 volumes. Each volume in its turn, has got 300 palm-leaves. It is in Sanskrit and written in a Tamil script called Grantham. One Madrasi Pandit named Srinivasacharya IYENGAR has got it.
The work deals with the predictive portion of Astrology. Its reputed author is Satyacārya who, as he says in the text of the Satyasamhita attached at the end of the article, was one of the many stars that shone in the court of one Vikramaditya.1 At the latter's repeated request Satyacārya described the futures of all the people, living on the earth. Thus it is legitimate to hope that every one's future is mirrored in this huge work.
Nothing can be said regarding the historicity of this marvellous work and its divine author. But looking to the fact that such words as Nyayavadi and Nyayadarii are used to denote modern distinctions existing between an Advocate and a Solicitor as well as the words like Samācārayantra and Kalasala for Press and College respectively, I am inclined not to attach much antiquity to this work as its extraordinary divine nature would tempt me to. A part of the work may be genuine and there are certain elements with the flavour of the Moslem age interpolations.
I would not have put faith at all in this work as I know there are, now-a-day so many counterfeit Samhitas afloat in the market. But the reading of GANDHIJI'S horoscope as published, according to it, in the December issue of Gujarat 1931, refers to such incidents and episodes of GANDHIJI'S life as actually took place in years later than 1931,5 I am encourged to make a scientific study of this work which is decidedly on a higher level and which requires a reasonable explanation, though I must admit that my researches have not yielded sufficiently satisfactory results on account of the fact that I do not claim to be the regular student of Astrology as other Śastris, who have learnt at the feet of the master this occult science.
II. Argument:
In this work, the Lagna is described as consisting of 150 Amias; and 150 predictions, all different in details, are allotted to each Lagna. Each prediction is divided into two main groups, namely, Prathama Bhava and Dvadasa Bhava. It takes some
Published in the Bharatya Vidya (Bharatya Vidya Bhavan, Kulpati Munshi Marg, Bombay-7)' Vol. IV. Pl. I and II,

A part of the text of the Satyasamhita containing the reading of Gandhiji's life is attached at the end of the article.

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time in ascertaining a particular Amsa in which the native might have been born. That Amba which gives approximately correct description of the previous history of the native's life should be considered his Amśa. The first group named Prathama Bhāva sketches the native's life only in bold outlines while the second group enters into every possible details. I draw the attention of the readers to this special feature that the predictions contained in this work are not merely based on the author's knowledge of astrology but also on his yogic powers. 6 Different technical names are given to different Ambas. They are not known to any recognized books on astrology. The Amsa in which GANDHIJI was born is styled Kunjară msa of the Tula Lagna by the author. 7
III. Summary :
The following is a summary of the reading of GANDHIJI'S horoscope according to Satyasamhita.
The native will be born in a holy city situated on the coast of the ocean His father will be a Devān and he himself will be a part of Vişņu born on this earth.. At the age of 20, he will go to a foreign country. 1. At 32 he will be a lawyer. 11 He will consider the whole world as his family1%; will always speak the truth 18 and will be pure-hearted. 14 He will himself put and will also make others put on cloths manufactured in his own country.15 He will be friendly to all.16 Pride and arrogance will not touch him.17 There will be no distinction, whatsoever, between his thoughts, words and deeds. 18 While living as a house-holder, he will live as a hermit at heart. 19 He will many times go to prison, especially before 45 and 55.9• At 62, he will be very unhappy, when running through the direction of Rahu.21 At 66 he will fare well and shall achieve some success in his mission. 22 He will resort to fast for the good of the world 9 8 and will live above 70.24 Before 65, he will profitably meet the Emperor of the white people. 2 5 His father will have more than one wife; and he will be born of the last wife. 26 His mother will die at 22 in his absence when he will be away from his native land. 2 7 His father will die wben he is 16.28 He will have four sons three of whom will be engaged, like him. self, in the service of the country and the fourth will be so so. a 9 He will marry at 13.8•
IV. Some Observations ;
No knowledge is perfect. It is a continual process of development which some. times slows down and other times speeds up with the ever-varying needs of times. A thing that is decisively proved to-day is shaken down the other day from its very foundation. Thus every branch of human knowledge has got its own market value which goes up or down on account of certain specific reasons. So also with respect to astrology which is not at all a perfect science. 31 Still however it should be said in fairness to every empirical science that it does not easily prove false if it has the experience of thousands of years to back. When I make these remarks I have those people in my mind who are out and out governed and guided by astrological

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predictions, even in the minutest detail of their lives from shaving to shopping In fact this is a misapplication of the science in question. The ultimate result of this is fatalism which is not wanted. On the contrary its judicious use consists in taking its help where it can reasonably give, because it reveals but a part of the truth which is infinite. There are a thousand and one pitfalls. Its mathematics is incomparably complex. In the hands of amateurs there is more possibility for mistakes rather than accuracy. It is so very flexible that it can be bent any way. To harmonize a variety of the seemingly conflicting theories requires a disinterested, balanced fortune-teller who is not only a master of his subject but an equally practical man who only has the right to interpret this holy science of the planetary movements in terms of good or bad for us-the human beings below. In short it is but a partial manifestation of the supreme cosmic law which is in operation in this universe and which is bound to remain unknowable as a whole. Thus it is not merely blasphemous but also unprofitable to put unwarranted faith on its forecasts. It is permissable and also better to prognosticate the appearance of a comet and its possible effect because it will surely do no bad if no good. Thus I have always seen that mundane astrology rather than horary has a better chance to be rightly used—at least in this age.
Satyasanhita is a mystic work. It is less human and more divine. GANDHIJI'S horoscope like others' can be astrologically explained, as shown above, but the graphic delineation of Gandhiji's mental and spiritual characteristics, fact of time and place, robust outpourings regarding his life, mission and achievements evincing majestic self-confidence are such that they simply fall far beyond even extraordinary human intelligence.
V. Gandhi ji's Horoscope 8 a and its reading according to Orthodox School :
ht. 9. 9.
90 mg
Mars in the first in Libra aspected by Jupiter has given GANDHIJI tenacity of purpose. It is also responsible for his appendicular operation. 83 Venus in the first in Libra aspected by Jupiter has made him fond of sexual pleasure and women's company. 34 It has given him health and long life also.35 His innocent humour, legal acumen and exceptional persuasive power are all due to Mercury in the first

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in Libra aspected by Jupiter. 8 6 His spiritualism is largely on account of a conjunction of Mercury and Venus in the first aspected by Jupiter and no other malefics. This Yoga is, to a certain extent, marred by Mars with them in the first. His disease of blood-pressure is the effect of Mars in the first; 37 while his getting away soon from it, by his sheer self-control, is the result of the aspect of Jupiter which holds it in leash. Saturn in the second in Scorpio has made him a slow but steady speaker and has made him travel far and wide. Saturn in the second and sun in the twelfth have made him short-sighted. 38 This Saturn is making a Vişayoga by its aspect on Moon in the eleventh. It comes in the way of his achieving the ends. This Vişayoga is counterbalanced by Moon's being is Leo, under the benign influence of Jupiter which makes with it a Navapañcamayoga responsible for his being known to the whole world. Mars aspecting Jupiter in the seventh in Aries, his own Raši, has made him an uncrowned king. Jupiter in the seventh has given him an intensely devoted wife. Rahu in the tenth in Cancer has made him a superb Sthitaprajña, 39 Moon in the eleventh in Leo accounts for his blind love for parents and Sun in the twelfth has created enemics and killed them. 40 This also explains his imprisonment. The lord of the second in the first with the Lagnesa and Mercury aspected by Jupiter have placed the country's wealth at his feet. 41 He has cars at his disposal because Saturn aspects Ketu in the fourth in Capricon which is his own Raši.
VI. Criticism :
Had I not known that it is GANDHIJI'S horoscope, I would have differently interpreted it. Why? The reason is obvious. Astrological knowledge does not make its possessor an omniscient being. More persons than one are born at one and the same time in this world. Still no two are alike. For the most part they turn out fundamentally different. Take the example of twins. Thus astrology cannot probe deep. Its claims should not be exaggerated. As it has its origin in human experience and observations, it has its own crudities and limitations.
Mars in the first in GANDHIJI'S horoscope could have as well produced a scar on the forehead 49 and Saturn would have made the native quarrelsome. 43 He could not have cherished a dying love for his parents, with Ketu and Rahu in the fourth and tenth respectively. Jupiter in the seventh ought to have rather given him a wife of distinguished academic qualifications. With Moon in the eleventh he would naturally have more daughters than sons 4 He would not have been able to make two ends meet with Sun in the twelfth inclined to declination.45 But we see it is not so. I do not mean to say that no astrological reasons can be attached. On the contrary, astrology can be made to support and justyfy the Satyas amhitā reading of GANDHIJI'S horoscope. But here the vital question is that of foretelling and not of supporting or justifying.
VII. Conclusion :
I have therefore come to believe that Satyasamhità
is not a work of purely

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astrological character. It shows its author has a vision which sees objects beyond time and space, 48 though the Satysamhita reading also is inaccurate at times. 4 T Or there is another conclusion also possible. And it is this that there was in ancient times a plenty of Samhita literature with an elaborate technique which gave only the results leaving to the arthodox school of astrology to explain. In other words, the Samhitās were supplementary, and not antagonistic, to Jätakas and Siddhantas of the established schools of astrology. The principles on which these Samhitas might be ultimately resting, cannot be found out by inerely comparing different readings of only one Samhita. For that, one should collect different Samhita readings of one and the same horoscope and study them. Then and the only their stand can be rightly understood. Normally these Samhita works are found in the Deccan. I have heard of the Bhadrabahusamhita, Bhrgusamhita and Sat yasanhita, but I have also heard that there are still more Nādigranthas. I am sure an attempt to unearth these Samhitas will yield rich results.
सत्यसंहितोत्पत्ति:48 उज्जयिन्यां महाराजः पूर्व शत्रुविशोधनः । विक्रमादित्यभूपालो भूम्यां शक्र इवापरः ॥१॥ दाने कर्णो गुणैः पूर्णो गाम्भीर्य वार्णवोपमः । पण्डितानाञ्च पोषी स्यातू पूर्वभाषी प्रियंवदः ॥२॥
काव्यनाटकवेत्ता च महाकविरपि स्वयम् । मोदवान् गुणवान् लोके शास्त्रज्ञान विनोदवान् ॥३॥
चतुःषष्टिकलाभूमिः राजनीतिमहादक्षो
सर्वभुमिपसेवितः । रिपुराजसुशिक्षण: ॥४॥
गुणवान् गुणपक्षी च श्रितरक्षां विवेद यः । तत्सभायां सभातारा बहवश्च तदाऽभवन् ॥५॥
कुशाग्रधिषणः प्राज्ञो विषणेन समो भुवि । गणितज्ञो महाप्राज्ञो ज्योति:शास्त्रविशारदः ॥६॥
तेष्वेकोऽभून्महाबुद्धिः सत्याचार्य इति श्रुतः । नानातन्त्रेषु कुशलो ज्योतिःशास्त्रविचक्षणः ॥७॥
महायोगी महाज्ञानी सर्वसिदान्तवेत्ता च
देवतागुरुभक्तिमान् । तत्त्ववित्तत्त्वबोधकः ॥४॥

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भृतं भाव्यं वर्तमान प्रत्यक्ष वेत्ति बुद्धिमान् । सखा कविमहामन्त्री पण्डितो हितबोधकः ॥९॥ सत्याचार्यों महामेधाः तस्य राज्ञस्तदाऽभवत् । विक्रमार्कमहीपस्य सर्व भावीफलन्तदा ।।१०॥ करामलकवत् प्राज्ञो दर्शयामास सत्तमः । अभिमानप्रद राज्ञा तन्मूलात्स तु पण्डितः ।।११।।
एवं बहुतिथे भाविनाम्च
काले समतीते कदाचन । मनुष्याणां सर्वजातिजुषामपि ॥१२॥
सर्ववृत्त विजानासि तन्मे ब्रूहि महामते । विक्रमार्के विनीते व श्रद्धया परिपृच्छति ॥१३॥ सत्याचार्यों महामेधाः प्रत्युवाच शुचिस्मितः । भृगुर्गुरुग्रहाः सर्वे चन्द्रसूर्यानयोऽनिलः ॥१४॥ हरो हरिस्तथा सृष्टा नैव ते विफल' विदुः । अतीत्यैतान्भवेद्ब्रह्मः त्वदधीनं जगभवेत् ॥१५॥ तस्यानुग्रहमूलेन यस्य कस्यापि सम्भवेत् । तव प्रीत्या विवक्ष्येऽहं थम यवुद्धिगोचरम् ॥१६॥ सत्याचार्यों महामेधा अबकाशे दिने दिने । विक्रमार्कमहीपस्य शास्त्रमेतजगौ पुरा ॥१७॥
ज्योति:शास्त्रतरो/ज लोकज्ञानस्य जन्मभूः । ज्योतिर्विदाश्च जीवातुः कवीनां विश्रमस्थलम् ॥१८॥
अर्थार्जने सहायश्च आपदोंमिविप्लवः । सत्याचार्यवचो हित्वा किमन्यदभुवि विद्यते ॥१९॥ होरामूलात् क्वचिहान गणितादिनाम्च मूलतः । योगप्रभावमूलेन
शास्त्रमेतद्विनिश्चितम् ॥२०॥
(२)
प्रथमभाव:
श्रीपती प्रणिपत्याहं प्रणम्य च नवग्रहान् । लोकानामुपकाराय वक्ष्येऽहं सत्यसंहिताम् ॥२१॥

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कुश्वराशे वैश्यज-मा
पूर्वभागे तुलालग्नस्य जातके । भवेज्जातः विष्णुभक्तमताश्रयी ॥२२॥
पश्चिमप्रान्तगे पुण्यनगरे
देशे
पुण्यक्षेत्रे
अर्णवप्रान्तदेशगे ।
भविष्यति ॥२३॥
जननं
स्वपिता सुखजीवी च राजमन्त्री भवेदपि । माता गुणवती साध्वी मध्यायुष्का भविष्यति ।।२४।।
जातक: सुन्दराजश्व किचित्श्यामशरीरवान । सात्त्विको भविता जातः सदाचारो भविष्यति ॥२५।।
लोकानां हितकारी व स्वकार्यन्च परित्यजेत् । जन्मभूमि परित्यज्य नातिदूरे निवासवान् ।।२६॥ महानदीतीरभूमौ सुखवासी भविष्यति । विशपूर्वोपरिकाले विदेशे पठन भवेत् ॥२७॥ नीतिशास्त्रप्रसङ्गादौ बुद्धिमेति पदे पदे । द्वात्रींशे वत्सरे काले द्वीपान्तरनिवासवान् ॥२८॥
न्यायदर्शी च भविता प्रसिद्धश्च भविष्यति । विद्यावान् भविता जातो नाना विद्या विशारदः ।।२९।। पूर्वभाषी च भविता मृदुभाषी भविष्यति । सर्वा भूमिः कुटुम्बञ्च लोकानां हितमाचरेत् ॥१०॥ सत्यभाषी यशस्वी च सर्वैश्वादरणीयवाक् । सर्वे जनाः बभूबुश्च अस्यैव वचने स्थिताः ॥३१॥
स्वदेशवस्त्रधारी च अन्यानपि धारयेत् । महाजनसभामध्ये मृदुभाषी प्रियंवदः ॥३२॥ न गवी नाभिमानी च सुगुणी च भवेन्नरः । विष्णोरंशो भवेज्जातो रक्षणार्थ भुवं गतः ॥३३॥ बहुमैत्री च जायते जगन्मित्रं भवेदयम् । बहिरन्त:समाकारो विशुद्धोऽयं भविष्यति ॥३४॥
विशालहृदयो
जातो
विशुद्धहृदयस्तथा ।
.......... ॥३५॥

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देवांशो यो भवेज्जातस्तन्निवृत्त्यै गृहस्थाश्रमवासी च आश्रमे प्रीतिमान्
भविष्यति ।। भवेत् ॥३६॥
न तथा सौख्यभाग जातो जगदर्थे च कष्टभाक् । कारागारनिवेशादि बहुवार भविष्यति ।।३७॥ पम्वचत्वारिके पूर्व पञ्चपञ्चाशते पुरा । कारागार प्रवेशश्च ज्वरपीडा भविष्यति ॥३८॥
द्विषष्टो पटपष्टौ
राहुदाये च बहुकष्टच जायते । वत्सरे याते यत्नकार्शानुकूलनम् ||३९॥
राज्ये सौकर्यमादेश्या स्वातन्त्र्य कुत्रचिद् भवेत् । यत्नकार्य सिद्धकल्पो जातकस्य भविष्यति ॥४०॥
ज्ञानमार्ग प्रवृत्तिश्च जगदथे कष्टमाग्
नीतिमागे प्रवृत्तिमान् । च उपवासच चरेदपि ॥११॥
पर
दीर्घजीवी भविता सप्तत्यतीत षष्टिपूर्वे कष्टता च जातकस्य
वयः । भवष्यति ॥४॥
सप्ततौ वत्सरे पूर्व महान्गण्डश्च जायते । महामृत्युजयजा तस्मिन्काले समाचरेत् ॥४३॥ जनभारविनम्रा च भूमिविष्णुमुपेयुषी । • • • • • • . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ||१४|| गच्छ शीच ममांशेन तव स्वास्थ्य करोमि च । पचचत्वारिके पश्चाद् स्वदेशे वासवान् भवेत् ।।१५।।
जगद्धितार्थे कार्यच वर्षे वर्षे भविष्यति । पञ्चषष्टौ गते काले यत्नकार्यस्य सिद्धिमान् ॥४६॥ तत्पूर्व विघ्नमादेश्य मनसि क्लेशवान् भवेत् । राजपक्षे स्वपक्षे च विरोधश्च भविष्यति ॥४७॥
एकषष्टौ तदा वर्षे विरोधश्च
महान्भवेत् ॥१८॥
द्विषष्टौ वत्सरे काले किञ्चिद् शमनमादिशेत् । किच्चिदू स्वातन्त्र्यमादेश्यमस्वस्थश्च भवेन्नरः ॥१९॥
AS-23

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विदेशगमनचैव
पम्चषष्टिकपूर्वके । श्वेतप्रभुःसार्वभौमस्तस्य दर्शनमादिशेत् ॥५०॥ तस्य मूलात्कार्यसिद्धिर्जातकस्य भविष्यति । पश्चात्स्वदेशवासी च आश्रमे वासवान् भवेत् ॥५१॥
ज्ञानमार्गप्रवृत्तिश्च जातकस्य भविष्यति । सप्ततिवत्सरे पूर्व योगसिद्धिश्च जायते ॥५२।। नसझवकलिसंख्ये शुक्लवर्षे च सूर्य गतवति ललनांशे मन्दवारे मघाभे । भवति च तुललग्ने जायमानश्च जातः भवति च गुणशाली भाग्यवान् वैश्यजाति: ॥५३॥
कालदेशविपर्यासान्म्यूनाधिकफलमिदम् । को वक्ता तारतम्यस्य तमेक' वेधस बिना ॥५४॥
द्वादशभावफलं लिख्यते
श्रीपती प्रणीपत्याहं प्रणम्य च नवग्रहान् । लोकानामुपकाराय वक्ष्येऽह सत्यसंहिताम् ।।५५।। बुधे भृगौ भूमिसूते च लग्ने मम्देऽलिगे मेषगते सुरेज्ये । कन्या दिनेशे मृगनाथचन्द्रे राही कुलीरे तुललग्नजातः ।।५६।।
(कुण्डलिका लोकः)
कुम्जरांशे पूर्वभागे तुलालानस्य जातके । वेश्यजम्म। सुखी जातो विष्णभक्तो मताश्रयी ।।७।।
नानाजातिजनाकीणे
पश्चिमप्राम्तदेशगे । नगरे जननम्चैव पुण्यक्षेत्रे भविष्यति ।।५।। जातको दीर्घजीवी च प्रसन्नमुखनेत्रवात् । समांशः समदेही च किञ्चित् श्यामशरीरवान् ॥५९।। सात्त्विको धर्मशाली च साक्षात्सत्त्व शरीरभाक् । जन्मावनि परित्यज्य द्वित्रिस्थलनिवासवान् ॥६॥

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विशत्यब्दे परे काले विदेशे वासमादिशेत् । कष्टभाग् भविता जातो लोकार्थे बहुकष्टकृत् ॥६॥
देशभाषादेवभाषा..........................भाषाविशारदः । मृदुभाषी सत्यभाषी सारभाषी भदेन्नरः ॥६॥
तस्य वाक्यानुसारी च लोको लोकहितैषिणः । स्वदेशवस्त्रधारी च सर्वानपि च धारयेत् ॥६२॥
बहुभार्यापतिः स्वप्राबल्यविशेषेण
स्यात् पश्चाभार्यासमुद्भवः ।
लोके प्रख्यातकीर्तिमान् ॥६॥
क्षमी शीली च भविता न कदापि च कोपवान् । वस्त्रालधारसौख्यश्च न तथा रुचिमान् भवेत् ॥६५॥ जगन्मित्रं भवेज्जातो जगतामुपकारकृत् । माता गुणवती साध्वी मध्यायुध्यवती भवेत् ॥६६॥
विदेशवासे जातस्य नेत्रे नेत्रे तदा वर्षे
परोक्षे मातृनाशकृत् । मातृकष्टम्च जायते ।।६७॥
स्वपिता राजमंत्री च राजम्यजनमित्रवान् । षोडशाब्दे तदा काले पितृनाशव जायते ॥६॥
विशुद्धहृदयो बहिरन्त:समाकारः
जातो सज्जनो
विशालहृदयस्तथा ।
भविता गुणी ॥६॥
यदेव हृदये तिष्ठेत् तत्तदेवाचरेत् सुधीः । लोकमान्यो भवेतन्यो नेहशोऽन्यो जनिष्यति ॥७॥
निस्समाभ्यधिको जातो देवांशोऽयं भविष्यति । लोककल्याणहेतुश्च देवोऽय मर्त्यरूपतः ७१॥ गुणबाहुल्यपात्रञ्च गणितु' नैव शक्यते । यथा ताराच गगने तथा मत्ये गुणाः स्थिताः ॥७॥ वेदपुत्राश्च जायेरन् तेऽपि लोकहितैषिणः । पुत्रवगे भवेदेको मध्यवृश्चि जायते ।।७३॥ न गवी नाभिमानी च विनयी सुनयी नरः । बुद्धिमान् भविता जातः सन्मागॅऽय प्रवृत्तिभाक ॥७॥

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आगामिसूचनाबुद्धिः धीरः साहसवान्
परेषां बुद्धिदायकः । जात: कार्याकार्यविवेकवान् ॥७५।।
महाविध्ने च सम्प्राप्ते स्वकार्य न परित्यजेत् । असाध्यमपि कार्यञ्च स्वबुद्धया साधयेदपि ॥७॥
अनृणो भविता जातः सुखजीवी मवेन्नरः । मध्ये मध्ये कापि पीडा दशानाथस्य शान्तिकृत् ॥७७॥ दीर्घजीवी च भविता इति सत्यस्य सम्मतम् । बाणे रसे पुरा पश्चात् कष्टभाग मृत्युहोमकृत् ॥७॥
भाय का भविता साध्वी रूपशीलगुणान्विता । पतिव्रता महाभागा छायेवानुगता सदा ॥७९॥
जातकष्ठे कष्टभागा जातसौख्ये सुखान्विता । बाल्ये विवाहसिद्धिश्च त्रयोदशकवत्सरे ॥८॥
मातृतुल्यपरस्त्रीकः
एकपत्निव्रतञ्चरेत् । भाग्यवान् भविता जातो न तथा भूरिभाग्यवान् ।।८।।
मध्ये मध्ये कष्टभाग च भाग्यभङ्गश्च जायते । धर्म मागे मतिश्चैव साक्षाद्धर्म इवापरः ॥८२।। सुकर्मा मानवान् जातः कर्मकौशल्यवान् भवेत् । न्यायदर्शी न्यायवादी द्वीपान्तरनिवासवानू ॥८॥
जनोपकारकरणो
वन्धनादिककष्टभाक् ॥८४॥
पम्चचत्वारिके देशसेवी
वर्षे भवेज्जातो
स्वदेशागमन भवेत् ।
देशानामुपकारकृत् ॥८५॥
राज्ञा सह विरोधश्च कारागारनिवेशादिबहुकष्ट
राजभीतिश्च जायते ।
भविष्यति ॥८६॥
वयोऽन्ते ज्ञानशाली च देवतागुरुभक्तिमान् । योगानुष्ठानकुशलो योगसिद्धिश्च जायते ॥८७॥
धनलाभो विशेषेण धर्ममार्ग व्ययो भवेत् । पम्चमे वत्सरे पूर्वे पितामातासुखावहः ॥८॥

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दशमाब्दे परे काले विद्याभ्यासन्च
कुर्वीत
विंशत्यब्दे पूर्वकाले विदेशगमन वासो
त्रिपूर्वे तु जातश्व स्वदेशागमन जात न
हि
चाद् द्वीपान्तरे बासो चत्वारिंवत्सरे पूर्वे
पचाद् विसर्जनचैव बहुकष्ठञ्च जायते
यत्नकार्ये
बन्धन' मरणञ्चैव
पञ्चषष्टौ तदा काले
सुखदाये
पञ्चत्वारिके काले देशानां हितकारी
कारागारनिवेशादिबहुकष्टच महाविघ्नो
एकषष्टौ वत्सरे द्विषष्टौ वत्सरे
भार्यासौख्यसुखोद्भवः । नीतिशास्त्रप्रसङ्गकृत् ॥९०॥
द्वित्रिस्थल निवासवान् । न्यायदर्शी प्रसिद्धिमान् ||१२||
तदा पुनः । पठिष्यति ॥ ८९॥
कृते
नृसिंहरूपेण द्वापरे कृष्णरूपेण
नीतिशास्त्रविशारदः । सौकर्यजीवनम् ॥९१॥
देशसेवादिमूलतः । चतुश्चत्वारिके पुरा ||१३||
स्वदेशगमन
भगेत् ।
च बहूना मुपदेशकृत् ॥१४॥
श्वेतप्रभु तन्मूलात्कार्यसिद्धिश्च जातकस्य
जायते । राजभीतिर्महत्यपि ॥९५॥
बहूनाश्च भविष्यति । जातकस्य तदा परे ||९६ ॥
विरोधश्च महान् भवेत् । काले विदेशगमनं भवेत् ॥ ९७ ॥
सार्वभौमस्तस्य दर्शनमादिशेत् ।
देवांशोऽय भवेज्जातो मानुष विष्णोरंशब्च जायते इति सत्यस्य
क्वचिदूभवेत् ॥९८॥
रूपमास्थितः ।
सम्मतम् ॥९९॥
प्रवृत्तिकृद् ।
पश्चादपि च जातश्व ज्ञानमार्गे कृष्णदेवे च भक्तिश्च विरक्तिश्च भविष्यति ॥ १०० ॥
त्रेतायां रघुरूपतः । कलावंशेन जायते ॥१०१॥
आदौ केतुदशा पिता च सुखवान् शुक्रे च विद्यापटुः वैवाहादिशुभव पुत्रजनन'
पित्रोर्विनष्टं भवेत् ।

181

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स्ये शीतकरे गुणी समसुखी भौमे स्वदेशे वसेत् राहो यत्नविरोधनश्च विमना अन्ते भदेत् सिद्धिगः ॥१०२॥
इदृशानाञ्च महतां विरल जन्म जायते । पञ्चसाहसिके पूर्व कलौ वर्षे भवन्ति च ॥१०॥
यथा नभसि ताराच नद्यां वै सिकता यथा । एवं गुणगणांस्तस्य गणितु नैव शक्यते ॥१०४॥
गुणारामे यथा रामे प्रजा आसन्कृते युगे । कलाबपि गुणाम्भोधौ तत्र . . . . . . . च ।।१०५।।
कालदेशविपर्यासान्न्यूनाधिकफलमिदम् । का वक्ता तारतम्यस्य तमेक वेधस विना ।।१०६।।
इति सत्यसंहितायां तुलालानजातके कुञ्जरांशफल । शुभं भूयात् ।।
Recapitulation
I had already made a statement to the effect that the Satyasamhitā was not a work of purely astrological nature but that its author, Satyācārya, had a divine vision which also helped him in his predictions. 49 This statement though warranted by Satyasamhita itself 5. has an obivious danger of being misinterpreted in the sense that one should not be enthusiastic about undertaking the scientific studies of the horoscopes interpreted according to the Satyasamhita. The main purpose of this article is to remove such a misunderstanding and to inspire those interested to justify, on purely astrological grounds, the readings of the horoscopes done by Satyācārya in his Satyasamhitā. This attitude towards the Satyasambita will at least have a sure practical advantage of intensifying our studies and making them as comprehensive as possible. I admit, I had somewhat underrated, in the former part of this article, the serious character of the Satyasamhita.51 But after dispassionate study of the problem of Samhita branch of the Jyotish literature, I find I will have to revise my judgment.
The subject of the studies which I have presented here in this article is furnished by the Satyasambitā reading of the horoscope given below. With a view to forming an impartial estimate of the Satyasambitā, I intend to discuss it here in the light of my knowledge and experience as regards Predictive Astrology.
A plea for Astrology The question of questions is whether life is an accident or it is governed, shaped and regulated by laws ? Suppose we grant that life is ordered, what about its bewildering intricacies and complications ? Man has been always attempting to find out

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some semblance of government behind this strange drama, though every time he really did nothing more than look at the infinite through a minute hole in the wall. It is a paradox that sciences must make mistakes, must have pitfalls. must grope in the darkness and still must persistently go on. Discoveries and speculations; errors and corrections; formulations and revisions-these must eternally go on.
No one is wise enough to criticise or comment. Time is not still ripe to compare that results of various sciences and if astrology has anything to say on the point, let us not discard it.
Law of Causation is the Law of laws. There is cosmos, order. Our knowledge of the universe bears testimony to the facts that it is a whole and that there is an amazing co-ordination between its various parts, The Solår system also is no exception to this and the Earth we live on is controlled and conditioned by the actions and interactions. Thus there is complete rhythm between our affairs on this earth and the movements of the planets in the Solar system. These coincidences were fully investigated and the rules were deduced. They enable us to forecast events and occurrences. Inasmuch as we are parts and parcels of the Earth, these laws apply to us also. This establishes the only conclusion that our life can pass without any hitch so long as it moves in unison with the universe. It is the claim of Astrology to find out rules and laws that can help us in achieviog this uniformity, call it coordination, rhythm or harmony.
Astrology is a science and not an art. This is my main deduction in this article as opposed to one assayed in the former part ol this article. I am sure this will not find ready acceptance from some who still maintain, as I formerly did, that the practice of Astrology depends upon the possession of supernatural powers and that only on this account it should better remain a sealed book to those not privileged. Satyācārya himself ha's stated that he has based his prediction partly on Yoga. I deny this claim and try to pursue the subject with a more scientific precision and thoroughness. It is now my conviction-and all will agree that it is a right one--that any subject which does not stand scientific scrutiny should not be deemed worthy of even a moment's thought at least in this age.
The talk about the origin and development of this science is bound to be idle and uninteresting. We should be modest to admit that such a fullfledged science has its roots in pre-historic times. It is not out of place to quote here the opinion of Dr. Richard Garnett, the famous director of the British Museum, who once declared regarding the precision of Astrology that “Astrology, with the single exception of Astronomy, as regards the certainty of its data, is the most exact science.”
At the same time it also must be cleared that Astrology is not a cent per cent correct science. Like other sister sciences it has also a leeway of error. Astrologers have a great distance still to cover. Test of actual experience weighs in favour of Astrology the claim of which is more than answered by a demand, increasing day by day that it should, because it can, make forecasts and estimates.

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Its scope and limitations It is with the involuntary settling of the individual frame, called Birth, that we are concernod here. Thus the much-needed requirement is a chart in Astrology : the Natal chart. There are other kinds of charts, analogous in appearance but differing in objects because Astrology is not merely concerned with the man; it endeavours to legislate for all men. There are actually five principal divisions and many moro subsidiary ones. Natal Astrology is confined with the Individual. Horary Astrology is concerned with the answering of quistions of immediate interest and import. Mundane Astrology is devoted to communities, races and nations. Astro-meteorology deals' with weather problems and Astro-Therapeutics with medical science.
The horoscope 53 and the Summary of the Satyasambitā reading
३ चन्द्र
19.2.
६ भौम
Summary
The native is born in the Druvāmga of the Minalagna in a city which is situated on the bank of a river. He will be a Brahmin by birth and a devotee of Hari and Shapkar. His birth will be a cause of happiness to his parents. He will be white-complexioned and skilled in the knowledge of the ways of the world. He will neither be very fat nor very lean. He will settle in a very big town (See the 451 appended at the end, Sts. 1-7).
He will be a multi-millionaire because Mars, the lord of the second is in Virgo in the seventh and the Dhanesa is in the Kendra and the Lagaega is in the ninth. From twenty-fifth onwards he will begin to earn and his average annual income will then be nearly a lac. He will be raising the status of Sanskrit and the vernaculars. His family members and dependants will always be protected by him. He will be adept in the art of debates and a first-rate literary man and the second house is aspected by its lord (Sts. 8-14).
Because Venus, the lord of the third, is in Scorpio, he will have no brothers though he will have two sisters, one elder and the other, younger. He will be enterprising, bold and shrewd and will be occasionally angry also but his actions will never be activacted by anger. He will be virtuous, patriotic, will serve the country,
. Sanskrit
will alwa
lord
sites and a

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will have kings and king like people as his friends and will be of wide fame (Sts. 15-21).
His mother will be meritorious and long lived as Mercury, the lord of the fourth is in Sagittarius in the Ukşamsa. He will be associated with his maternal uncle and be happy through him. When he will be passing through the direction of Mercury, he will have bungalows, good gardens, cars etc. and will also fly in aeroplanes. He will be broad-minded, pure-hearted and generous; will mean what he thinks and will act as he thinks. He will not be surpassed by any members of his family (Sts. 22-26).
He will have a plenty of sons and daughters, six in all, as Moon, the lord of the fifth, is in Gemini in the Kumbhaṁsa. Two sons and three daughters will survive; the rest will die while passing through the directions of the wicked planets (Sts. 27-31).
He will get occasional sicknesses but will have no enemies as Sun, the lord of the sixth, is in Sagittarius (St. 32).
The lord of the seventh which is in the Kendra and Mars which is in the seventh indicate that he will have two wives, one from his own caste and the other from the other. The second wife will be a learned and a famous lady. Both will have children. He will marry the second wife after the death of the first (Sts. 33-36).
The native will neither be short-lived nor long-lived as Venus, the lord of the sevonth, is in Scorpio with Jupiter. He will get abscess at the age of sixty when running through the direction of Mercury. At about the age of fifty also, he will be attacked with illness (Sts. 37-40).
As Jupiter is in the ninth, he will be cent per cent lucky. His fate, which will begin to operate after twenty-five, will go on progressing thence forth. He will be religious-minded, merciful and will possess some knowledge of clairvoyances (Sts. 41-42).
He will be a solicitor or a barrister (or an advocate) or a magistrate; will devote himself to doing good deeds for the country and will be instrumental in removing troubles and tribulations of the country (Sts. 43-44).
He will live within his means (Sts. 45-47).
He will be born when the direction of Rahu had six years and four months to complete. In this Dağā, he will be somewhat afflicted with illness; will have one sister and will be put to school (Sts. 48-50).
The direction of Jupiter will be marked by his progress in studies at school, marriage, father's death in the sub-period of Ketu followed later by his son's death in the sub-period of Rabu (Sts. 51-56).
In the direction of Saturn, he will be well-versed in alfa stea at twenty-two; will AS-24

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study law at twenty-five and before thirty he will be a famous advocate. He will get monetary benefits, bungalows and cars and will enjoy life like anything. He will get sons and daughters, fame and leadership and become a very flourishing advocate in the sub-periods of Mercury and Ketu. In the sub-period of Rahu, his wife will die while in delivery. He will take to second marriage very soon (Sts. 57-67).
Following events will take place in his life when he will be running through the Dašā of Mercury :
(a) Before forty-five in the sub-period of Ketu his wife will get illness. (6) He will be suddenly thrown in prison as a result of his taking part in the
national movement. (c) When runoing through the sub-periods of Venus, Sun and Moon, he, his
wife and children will all be happy. (d) Before fifty-two when he will be passing through the sub-periods of Mars
and Rāhu and when Jupiter will be in Aquarius or Pisces, he will be made
a Minister of Law and Order. (e) Before fifty-five he will again be a minister. (f) Before sixty, he will get a son. (8) After sixty he will take to gati. (Sts. 68-85).
His Rahudašā will be good for his parents; in Gurudaśā, he will show strong aptitude for arts and literature and get happiness of his wife, la sanidaśā, there will be all round prosperity and in Buddhadašā there will be happiness and unhappi 'ess both (Sts. 86 and 87).
W SOD.
Basis
I have analysed below the Satyasamhitā reading given abɔve and have deduced the following basic principles which are generally true and which I have divided into planetary and directional :
(a) Planetary (1) The Dhruvāmsa of the Minalagna makes the native happy, generally.
(2) The lord of the first, if it be Jupiter in the Kanyārija situated in the ninth, makes the native attractive in outward appearance.
(3) One gets a plenty of wealth if Mars be in Virgo in the seventh in his horoscope. Morover, if the lord of the second be in a Kendra or a Koņa and the lord of the first be in a Koņa, the native is bound to be a multi-millionaire.
(4) If the lord of the third be Venus in Scorpio in the ninth, the native has no brothers, elder or younger.
(5) If the lord of the fourth be Mercury in Sagittarius in the Ukşamsa, the native has a virtuous mother, who is usually long-lived. He is under compliments of his maternal uncle. This also indicates him pure-hearted.

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(6) He will haye six issues out of which sons will be two and daughters, three. One will die. The Yoga responsible for this is Moon in Gemini in the Kumbhāmga.
(7) There will be no enemies if Sun is the lord of sixth and if it is in Sagittarius, though diseases he will have.
(8) If the lord of seventh is in a Kendra and Mars in the seventh, the phenomenon results in two wives, the first सजाति and the second विजाति.
(9) The native is neither short-lived nor long-lived if the lord of the eight is Venus in Scorpio.
(10) If the ninth house be occupied by Jupiter, the native has a superfine luck which begins to bloom from after twenty-five.
(b) Directional (1) The Daša of Rāhu in the case of this native will become a source of happiness for parents and get occasional illnesses in childhood.
(3) The Daša of Jupiter will arrange for education and marriage and bring about his father's death in the sub-period of Ketu and his son's death in that of Rāhu.
(3) The Daja of Saturn in the case of this native, shall procure abundant wealth and enviable status. The native will realize his dreams. There will be only one unhappy incident in the form of his wife's death in the sub-period of Rahu.
(4) The Dašā of Mercury, 80 far as this native is concerned, will be of a mixed character. He will court imprisonment while working for the nation, He will be a Minister of Law and Order and will get a son in the sub-period of Jupiter.
(5) The Daśī of Ketu will prove fatal for this native. Reading according to Orthodox School
If at a birth time, Meena be the Lagna, the person will have a proportionate and a lustrous body. He will be fond of his wife 53 and fortunate 54 The aspect of Mars on the Lagna gives courage, combative spirit, energy and vigour. Jupiter, the ruler of the first, aspecting his own house, indicates long life with good health.
The ruler of the second house is Mars which is located in a Kendra and aspects his own Rasi It gives rise to a gazt which is lessened to some extent by the aspect of Saturn. Ordinarily, Mars in Virgo alone is good so far as wealth is concerned.
The lord of the third is Venus which is in the ninth in Scorpio in conjunction with Jupiter. In view of this Yoga, the native must have brother and sisters both younger and elder. The aspect of Venus on his own house strengthened by that of Jupiter inspires the native to take to a legal career which turns out immensely flourishing. It also makes the native highly cultured and a literary man of exceptional power.
Moon in the fourth promises extreme happiness.55 It may be in the form of bungalows and cars. The effect is intensified to a very great degree by the aspect of its own lord over it.

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The conjuction of Saturn and Rahu in the fifth in an inimical sign is undisputedly bad. The only saving grace so far as this house is concerned is the Jupiter's aspect over it. The malefics must have, however, produced obstacles in the ways of native's prosecuting his studies. They also signify feeble digestion. The Navaparcama Yoga formed by Jupiter and Saturn is clearly responsible for the native's selecting a lawyer's career 50. The Yoga would have been quite a perfect Yoga had any of the two planets been in Aries, Gemini, Leo, Libra, Sagittarius or Aquarius.
The ruler of the sixth, being in a Kendra, creates enemies but the native effectively brings them round as it is Sua in Sagittarius aspected by Moon.
Mars in the seventh aspected by Saturn positively makes a #191219,67 As Venus is in conjunction with Jupiter in the ninth, there is romantic attachment and a possibility of marriage with a genius and an original character 58. Mars in the seventh may create hindrances in realizing dreams of conjugal happiness. This Mars is in a way responsible for occasionally causing loss of esteem through precipitate or aggressive actions. It aiso accounts for frequent clashes with people.
If the ruler of the first, eighth and tenth be in a Kendra or a Kona, the Yoga produced is one of दीर्घायुस्.50 According to the Jaiminisutra it is अल्पायुर्योग..
The conjunction of Jupitor and Venus in the ninth is a strong indicator of excellent luck.81 A powerful Jupiter in the ninth makes the native a minister.63 Moreover, Jupiter in the ninth is an ideal position for philosophis thoughts; it gives genuine intuition, and is favourable for legal and philanthropic affairs; the native realizes his dreams and cojoys a very peaceful condition of the higher mind. Venus in the ninth stands for a very refined and artistic mind and end)ws the native with a power of appreciating culture. It also makes the native very sympathetic and humane though its value is somewhat lessened by its being the ruler of the eighth and at the same time this bad effect is more than compensated by its being in conjuction with Jupiter-a benefic of the highest order.
Sun in the tenth is powerful by its very position and shines all the more resplendently as it is ia Sagittarious. It brings success and honour, power and governmental position.6 8 It is in conjunction with Mercury which has given the native eloquence, literary abilities, versatility and a keen sease of humor.64 It also makes him generous, ambitious and even religious. It is noted for giving great freedom of speech and ability for undertaking several things at a time. It is also responsible for giving wonderful suppleness, a clear vision and a fertile imagination. If the ruler of the tenth is in the ninth, it shows that the native will have a wide circle of very famous friends as well as a mother of noble and truth-speaking nature 85 The luner opposition with the sun, according to Western school of Astrology. creates hitches, makes delays, shows low vitality and a want of recuperative powers; while, according to Eastern School of Astrology, it heightens the good effect.

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The ruler of the eleventh which is Saturn in Cancer in a Kona and aspects its own house, promises a plenty of wealth and riches..
Saturn is also a lord of the twelth as of the eleyenth and hence a regulator of income and expenditure, both. It works out imprisonments though no bad will follow therefrom as Jupiter fully aspects Saturn. At the basis of these imprisonments, there will always be good actions, say, services in the cause of country.
Discussion On comparison it is obvious that, there is no essential difference between the two readings. The reason is not far to seek. What has been categorically stated by Satyācārya can also be rationally explained. Scientific approach is the only thing requirod. Satyacārya has merely given the results without reasons which are there and which are left to us to find out. So the scientific approach to which I have just now referred consists of the following fundamentals of a correct prediction :
(1) The key of a horoscope lies in finding out the predominant Yoga which governs the life of the native throughout. All other considerations are merely subsidiary. There is a very great number of Yogas66 incidentally discussed in any standard work on Astrology. Thus, to illustrate my point, if a 4a91417 is taking place in the horoscope of a particular person, all other considerations have got to be made in view of this main point; so also in the case of a woman if a Q9791 be taking place in her horoscope. With regard to the horoscope under study, the main Yoga taking place is the a fagle which will get fulfilled, whatever good activities the native may take to. It is, no doubt, true that the Yoga gets more scope to be fulfilled if the Daga and the Bhakti are favourablo; and less, if not. The present rotation also affects it to a certain degree, this way or that way. This 46 of the orthodox school tallies cent per cent with the prophetic predictions of Satyacarya regarding the horoscope under review.
I am sorry to admit my inability to fully grasp the point of B1138 because Satyācārya has predicted the galata while according to the reading given by me based on the recognized principles, it is atalgatt.67 There is also another interesting thing which requires some explanation and it is the question of the caste of the two wives. Satycārya definitely lays down that the first wife will be la and the second will be facrife It is really beyond comprehension though I am glad to state that the Manasägart also says the same thing. 68 Mars aspected by Saturn clearly shows conjugal unhappiness which may be in the form of the native's having more than one wife or of mutual discord or of the native's getting a sickly or a deformed wife or a wife, more masculine than feminine. There is another consideration also and that is of the well-placed Venus which is a #11 Fue of the wife. It is, moreover, in combination with Jupiter-a benefic and a sast as well as a 18. This must give extreme happiness of a married life. Thus, to sum up, it can be predicted that

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Some Aspects of Indian Culture the native will not be so happy by bis first wife as he is destined to be by his second wife. Whether his first wife will make him happay or the second is principally dependant on what planets influencing the seventh are more powerful-malefics or benefics. The question of the wife of the wives is beyond my power to understand, though the verdict of the Manasagari, a respected book of the orthodox school, should not be ignored. One more point equally important and elusive is that of the native'sa becoming a Minster of Law and Order. The horoscope is, indeed, a first-rate horoscope.
The position of Jupiter and Venus in the ninth warrants, more than sufficiently, conclusion that the native will be a minister. But to say that he will be a miniseerā of Law and Order requires a more searching and accurate study. The reason, I think,
is that the martial planet, namely, Sun in the tenth in Sigittarius aspected by Mars outweighs Jupiter and Venus in the ninth. Had it not been so, the native would have been a minister of Eduction. Thus this last factor is somewhat more explicable than the preceding two mentioned just now.
(2) The next important fundamental is the ascertainment of the areas of the planets. It can bo estimated through a number of ways, namely, the rata, atcaife. 247491, 35afta, sena, 129, , fara, feras, T1, yrki, a etc. or all these, I have found the 1795 to be more weighty. The fact that a particular planet is powerful only in the Natal Chart does not enable us to predict correctly only on that consideration because I have seen a beggar's natal chart containing exalted Jupiter and an Emperor's having nothing extraordinrry in it.& in the horoscope under consideration, there is no exalted planet, no svagrahi planet. Still, however, the horoseope is superfine because the planets excepting Rahu and, to a certain extent, Saturn, are all powerful in most of the other nine charts. This is a consideration that should preclude a professional from risking prediction simply from the natal chart as it is uasafe and it is only by chance that it comes out true.
Conclusion Some predictions might not have come true and some may not come also, but we could see from the above discussion that a reconciliation between the reading of the orthodox school and that of the Samhita can be satisfactorily effected. The phrase 19194194877• used by Satyācārya is to be taken in a figurative sense, meaning thereby, that an asrtologer should attempt a forecast Only with the deepest knowledge and also keeping and 13 in view.
37:71 सुरासुरेज्यौ यदि कोणयाती दिनाधिपे सोमसुते धनुष्ये । वधूधराजे मिथुने शशाके मंदे कुलीरे झषलग्रजातः ॥ ग्रहरववसुशशांके याति शाके च वर्षे दिवकृतिगतचापे पूर्णिमायां तिथौ च ।

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Satyasamhita
भूगुसुतदिवसे वै मीनलग्ने प्रजातः बहुधनबहुभोगी न्यायदर्शी समर्थः ।। श्रीपति प्रणिपत्याहं प्रणम्य च नवग्रहान् । लोकानामुपकाराय वक्ष्येऽह सत्यसंहिताम् ॥
भावफलम् ध्रुवांशे तु परे भावे मीनलमस्य जातके । वित्रजन्मा सुखी जातः हरिशंकरभक्तिमान् ॥१॥
च
नगरे
नदीतीरे जननं
नानाजातिजनान्विते । पितृमातृसुखावहः ॥२॥
पूर्वभागे तु संभूतः नानाव्यापारकार्याणि
वैश्यजातिश्च बहुलक्षधनी
धार्मिकः ।
भवेत् ॥३॥
तनुनाथे जातकः
प्रथमो भावः ॥ सुरपूज्ये भाग्ये कन्यांशमागते । सुंदरांगश्च सुमुखश्च सुलोचनः ॥४॥
गौरवर्णशरीरश्च सर्वाकृतिश्न
लोकरीतिविचक्षणः । सर्वोषामुषकारवान् ॥५॥
जायेत
नातिस्थूलो नातिकशः मध्यगात्रो भविष्यति । सात्त्विक प्रकृतिर्जातो राजसप्रकृतिः कचित् ॥६॥
जन्मभूमि सुखजीवी
परित्यज्य महानगरवासकुत् ।
भविता व्यापारी प्रभु:... ॥७॥
च
द्वितीयो भावः धनस्थानाधिपे भौमे कन्यासप्तमकेन्द्रगे । धनवान् भविता जातः इति सत्यस्य निश्चयः ॥८॥ धनेशे केन्द्रकोणस्थे लग्ने शे यदि कोणगे । बहुलक्षधनी जातः भविष्यति न संशयः ॥९॥ पित्राजित क्वचिच्चेति स्वार्जित धनमश्नुते । पञ्चविश समारभ्य वर्षे वर्षे च लक्षभाक् ॥१०॥
विद्यावान् भविता जात: नीचविद्याविशारदः । देशभाषादेवभाषाद्वित्रिभाषाभिवृद्धिकृत्

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सर्वा भूभिः कुटुम्ब च कुटुम्बीश्रितरक्षकः । स्पष्टोच्चारव........साहित्ये सारविद् भवेत् ।।१२।। वाक्ये वाक्यपदृष्टे च वाक्ये गौरवमा दिशेत् । महाजनसभामध्ये वाग्मी पटुतरो भवेत् ॥१३॥
.......... ......... । भुक्तिसौकर्यवान् जातः - काले मुक्ति समाचरेत् ॥१४॥
तृतीयो भावः
भ्रातृस्थानाधिपे शुक्र कीटस्थाने स्थिते यदि । एक एव सुतो मातुः न भ्राता विद्यतेऽपि च ।।१५।।
स्वसा ज्येष्ठा च भविता पश्चादेका स्वसा भवेत् । पराक्रमी पटुर्जातः धीरः साहसवान् भवेत् ॥१६॥
कार्याकार्य च जानाति सम्यक् कार्य करोति च । यदि कोपी भवेच्चांतो न कोपफलकर्मकृत् ॥१७॥
वस्त्रालंकारसौख्यं च देशाभिमानी जायेत
जातकस्य देशसेवी
भविष्यति । सुनीतिमान् ॥१८॥
विद्याविनोदी जायेत स्वकार्य च परित्यज्य
लेखकच विचक्षणः । परकायें प्रयत्नभाक् ॥१९॥
बहुमैत्री च व्यापारिप्रभुणा
जायेत राजन्यजनमित्रवान् । सख्यं धनलाभश्च जायते ॥२०॥
गौराकृतिबहुधनी
वचने
पटुत्वं भ्राता न कोऽपि भगिनी सुखिनी च पश्चात् ।
नित्यं धनी सुनयनी सुखभोजनी च मानी गुणी च भविता दिशि दिव्यकीर्तिः ॥२१॥
चतुर्थो भावः मातृस्थानाधिपे सौम्ये चापे उक्षांशमागते । माता गुणवती व बहुकाल' व जीवति ॥२२॥
मातुलादियुतो गृहवाहादिसौख्यं
जातः
च
मातृबंधुवशात्सुखम् । विचित्रगृहवासकृत् ॥२३॥

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बुधदाये तदाकाले
विचित्रारामवासवान् । विशेषवाहादिसौख्य च विमानादिषु संचरेत् ॥२४॥ विशुद्धहृदयो जातः विशलहृदयस्तथा । बहिरंत:समाकारः सत्संगी साधुशीलवान् ॥२५॥
उदारोऽय भवेज्जातः न कार्पण्य भजेदपि । न भूतो न भावी च स्वजातौ इदृशः पुमान् ॥२६॥
पुत्रस्थानाधिपे पुत्रपुत्रीविवृद्धिश्च
पञ्चमो भावः ।। चन्द्र मिथुने कुंभांशमागते ।
जातकस्य भविष्यति ॥२७॥
रससंख्या च पुत्रनेत्रं गुण
संतान सौख्यं
पुत्रपुत्रीसुखावह । पुत्रीगुणमुदीरयेत् ॥२८॥
शेष नष्ट २ जायेत पुत्रप्राबल्यमादेश्य राजद्वारे
करगोचरकालके ।
महत्सुख ॥२९॥
तस्य जातकविस्तारः तत्र तत्र प्रदर्यते । बुद्धिमान् नीतिमान जातः दयायुक्तो भविष्यति ॥३०॥
मंत्रालोचनकाये च महामंत्रीपद लभेत् । आगामिसूचिनी बुद्धिः परेषां बुद्धिदायकः ॥३१॥
षष्ठो भावः शत्रस्थानाधिपे सूर्ये चापे स्थाने स्थिते यदि । शत्रुवृद्धिविहीनश्च रोगपीडा क्वचिदूमवेत् ॥३२॥
सप्तमो भावः दारपतौ केन्द्रगतेदारस्थान धरासुते । दारद्वयी भवित्री च भविता दारोऽनुदारश्च ॥३३॥ सजातिश्च विजातिश्च भार्याद्वयमुदीरयेत् । पूर्वभार्या ससंताना परा भार्या ससंतती ॥३४॥ विद्याकीर्तिमती चैव परा भार्या भविष्यति । ... ... ... ... ... ...॥३५॥ पूर्वभार्या विनष्टा च परा भार्या भविष्यति ।

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अष्टमो भावः आयु:स्थानाधिपे शुक्रे कीटे मध्यजीवी च भविता सुखजीवी केतुदायांतिमे काले कीर्तिशेषो बुधदाये गंडता च षष्ठीवर्षे
गुरुसमन्विते । भवेन्नरः ॥३७॥
भविष्यति । पुरापरे ॥३८॥
महामृत्युंजय जाप तस्मिन् काले समाचरेत् । पञ्चाशद्वत्सरे पूवे कापि पीडा च जायते ॥३९॥
साधूनामन्नदानं च तस्मिन् काले रसे रसे तदा काले कीर्तिशेषो
समाचरेत् । भवेन्नरः ॥१०॥
नवमो भावः भाग्ये गुरुसमायोगे संपूर्णभाग्यमादिशेत् । पञ्चविंशाभाग्यवृद्धिः उपर्युपरि वृद्धिमान् ।।११।। धर्ममागे मति चैव दाता दीनदयापरः । अदृष्टशाली भविता स्वकुले योगवान् भवेत् ॥४२॥ धर्मकार्य च कुर्वीत धर्ममागे प्रवृत्तिमान् । सुकर्मा मानवान् जातः कर्मकौशलवान् भवेत् ॥४३॥ न्यायदर्शी न्यायवादी न्यायाधीशो भविष्यति । देशोपकारकरण:
देशोपद्रवनोदन: ॥४३॥ वयोऽन्ते ज्ञानशाली च देवतागुरुभक्तिभाक् । विविक्तसेवी भविता सदाचारो भविष्यति ॥४४॥
गेह च तात
वाहनमुख
भविता
समोहासुख च भविता तनयाभिवृद्धिः ॥४५॥
च पूर्णविभवः बहुभाग्यशाली । मतिश्च भविताऽऽयसमव्ययी च ॥४६॥
नाण' धमे
इत्थं द्वादशभावानां दशाभुक्तिप्रकारस्तु
फलमुक्त दिइमात्रमिह
समासतः । सूच्यते ॥४॥

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आर्द्रानक्षत्रे जन्म ॥ राहु दशा ॥ रसवर्षाद्दशाशेषः वेदमासश्च जायते । तद्दशायां च जातस्य पितामातासुखावहम् ॥४८॥
बाल्यपीडा च जायेत पश्चात्सोख्य च जायते । पश्चात् स्वसा च जायेत जातकस्य सुख तथा ॥४९॥
अक्षरारंभसिद्धिश्च
जातकस्य भविष्यति ।
......................॥५०॥
गुरुदशा ऋषिवर्ष समारभ्य गुरुदाये समागते । दशमे वत्सरे पूर्व विद्याभ्यासच कारयेत् ॥५॥
सौम्यभुक्तौ द्वादशाब्दे विद्याभ्यासश्च जायेत
विवाहादिशुभं भवेत् । वृद्धिमेति पदे पदे ॥५२॥
केतुभुक्तौ पितुर्नष्ट पंचपंक्तौ तदा पुनः । पितृरिष्टात् पर चैव मातृबधुवशात् सुखम् ॥५३॥ षोडशाब्दे पूर्वकाले विद्याभ्यासश्च जायते | शुक्रसूर्याजकाले तु विशदर्षकपूर्वके । ५४ा विद्याभ्यासो विशेषेण नीचविद्याविवृद्धिकृत् ।
............. ॥५॥
स्थानान्तरनिवासी च विद्याभ्यासविशारदः । भार्यया सह सौख्य च पुत्रसंताननष्टकृत् ॥५६॥
शनिदशा
द्वाविंशे वत्सरे काले नीतिशास्त्रप्रसंगकृत् । पंचविशे तदा काले न्यायस्थाने गतागतिः ॥५७।।
न्यायदर्शी समर्थ च व्यवहारसमर्थकः । त्रिंशपू» सौम्यकेतौ न्यायदशी प्रसिद्धिमान् ॥५८॥
विशेषाद् धनलाभ च गृहवाहादिसौख्यवान् । भार्यया सह सौख्य च भोगभोग्य महत्सुखं ।।५।।

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पुत्रपुत्रीविवृद्धिश्च दिशायां दिव्यकीर्तिभाकू । पुरे गण्यत्वमाप्नोति व्यापारिजनसख्यकृत् ॥६॥
क्वापि पीडा च जायेत हरिगेहे प्रदीपकृत् । शुक्रसूर्याब्जकाले तु पचत्रिशकपूर्वके ॥६१।।
न्यायदशी समर्थश्च व्यवहारसमर्थकः । धनलाभश्च जायेत राजन्यजनमैत्रीवान् ॥६२॥
बहुलक्षधनी जात: गृहवाहादिसौख्यकृत् । पञ्चत्रिंशे तदा काले पुत्रीवृद्धिश्च जायते ।।६।। सुतिदोषवशाच्चेति भर्या नष्ट च जायते । अचिरेणैवकालेन पुनरुद्वाहयोगवान् ॥६४॥ क्वापि कष्ट मन:कष्ट सुब्रह्मण्याभिषेककृत् ।
वसुरा मे राहुभुक्तौ पुत्रवृद्धिश्च जायते । दशांते च महत्सौख्य पुत्रपुत्रीसुखावहम् ॥६६॥
भार्यया सह सौख्य च न्यायदर्शी प्रसिद्धिमान् ॥६७॥
बुधदशा द्विचत्वारिककाले तु सौम्यदाये समागते । सौम्यकेतौ तदा काले पञ्चचत्वारिके पुरा ॥६॥
संतानादिविवृद्धिश्च 'पुत्रीपुत्रसुखावहम् । कचित्पीडा कुटुम्बे च भार्यया सह कष्टकृत् ॥६॥ न तथा धनलाभाच व्ययाधिक्य च जायते । अकस्माद् बंधन कष्ट देशसेवाविशेषतः ॥७०।। पश्चान्मोचनभादेश्य धनलाभ: क्वचिद्भवेत् । मंडल हरिसेवां च विष्णुसाहस्रक जपेत् ७१॥ पुत्रपुत्रीसुखी भोगी दिशायां दिव्यकीर्तिमाकू । शुक्रसूर्याब्जकाले तु पंचाशद्वत्सरे पुरा ॥७२॥
देशानां हितकारी च सौकर्य कुत्रचिभवेत् । भार्यादीनां सुख चैव सतानादिविवृद्धिकृत् ॥७३॥

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य
वर्षे वर्षे धन चैव गृहमहादिवृद्धिमान् । गेहे च शुभकार्याणि शुभकार्ये व्ययो महान् ॥७॥ गौरवी भक्तिा जातो देशे प्रख्यातकीर्तिमान् । यत्नकार्यानुकूलं च जातकस्य भविष्यति ॥७५।। अकस्मात् पीडन कष्ट' कुटुम्बे पीडनं भवेत् । कुर्यात् सूर्यनमस्कार द्वादशादित्यपूजनम् ॥७६॥ पञ्चपञ्चाशके पूर्व कुजे राहौ तदा पुनः । बहूना सहायमूलेन वेतराजन्यसख्यतः ।।७।। महाराजसभामध्ये
न्यायदंडाधिकारवान् । द्विपश्चाशककाले वा कुंभे वा मीनगे गुरौ ७७|| राजन्यजनसहाय्य च बहुगौरवमेयिवान् । सुतदारात्मपीडा च रक्तवस्त्रान्नदानकृत् ॥७॥ विचित्रारामवासी चा विचित्रशकटीगतिः । पंचपंचाशके काले प्रधानत्वं च विदते ॥८॥ मंत्रालोचनकार्य च शुभाशुभफल तदा । विशेषसुखभाग जातः राजन्यजनमैत्रीवान् ॥८॥ षष्टिपूर्व सुखी जात: राजकार्य करोति च । पुत्रप्राबल्ययोगश्च राजद्वारे महत्सुखम् ॥८२॥ षष्टिवर्षातू पर चैव ज्ञानमागे प्रवृत्तिमान । देशानां हितकारी च जातकस्य भविष्यति ।।०३॥ षष्टिपूर्व देहकष्ट मृत्युहोमादि कारयेत् । पञ्चषष्ठौ गते काले कीर्तिशेषो भवेन्नरः ॥८४॥ यावत्काल स्थिरां कीति: जातकस्य भविष्यति । -अनायासातू कीर्तिशेषः पुत्रपुत्रीसमीपगे ॥८५॥
आदौ राहुदशा पितु: सुखकरी पाश्वात्मवेत् सोदरो जीवे चैव कलारतिः पटुमतिः भार्यासुखं जायते ।
मंदे भाग्यविवर्धन बहुधन संतानसंवर्धन सौम्ये स्वाच्च सुखासुखे च मिलिते जातीभवेत् कीर्तिमान् ।८६।
कालदेशविपर्यासान्न्यूनाधिकफलमिदम् । को वका तारतम्यस्य तमेकं वेधस
॥ इति शुभम ।।
विना ॥८७॥

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Notes
See the text of the Satyasamhita (SS), attached at the end of the article, stanza 1. 2 SS, stanzas 29, 83, and 92. 3 This word is found used in the Satyasamhitā reading of a certain well-known journalist. 4 This word is found used in the Satyasamhitā reading of a highly qualified Professor. 5 SS. sts. 50 and 51, 6 SS, st. 20. 7 SS, st. 22. 8 SS, sts, 23 and 58.9 SS, st. 33. 10 SS, st. 27. 11 SS, st. 29. 12 ss. st. 34. 13 ss, st. 31, 14 ss, st. 35. 15 ss, st. 32. 16 SS, st. 34. 17 SS, st. 33. 18 SS, st. 34. 19 SS, st. 36. 20 SS, st. 38. 21 SS, st. 39, 22 SS, st. 39 2 3 Ss, st. 41. 24 SS, st. 42. 25 SS, sts 50 and 51. 26 SS, st. 64. 27 SS, st. 67. 28 SS, st. 68, 29 Ss, st. 73. 30 SS, st. 80. 31 Cf, SS, st 54. 32 SS, st, 56. The Istaghatikā of GANDHIJI'S horoscope is not known to me. I have cast the
horoscope according to the Kundalika śloka (st. 56) of the Satyasamhit, and it is the generally
accepted horoscope of GANDHIJI. 33 Mänasagari Paddhati, Pub, Khemraj Shrikrishnadas, Vyankateshvar Press, Bombay, 1961 (V.S.),
p. 20, Bhaumaphalam, sloka 1. 34 Bhavisya Bhava Phala, Pub. Talakchand Shirachand, Roopal, 2nd edition, 1932, p. 208, śl. 6. 35 Sarvārthacintamani, Pub. Khemraj Shrikrishandas, Vyankateshvar Press, Bombay, 1961 (v.s.) P.
11, s. 69. 36 Bhavisya Bhāva Phala (cited above), p. 207, śl. 4. 37 Camatkaracintamani, Pub. Khemraj Shrikishandas, Vyankateshvar Press, Bombay, 1995 (v.s.)
p. 23, 31. 1. 38 Op. cit., p. 14, $1. 12. 39 Manasāgari Paddhati (cited above), p. 23, Rahuphalam, si, 10. 40 Bhavisya Bhāva Phala (cited above), p. 262, 51. 1. 42 Manasāgari Paddhat i (cited above), p. 28. Dviti yabhavanesaphalam, sl, 1. 43 Manasägari Paddhati (cited above) p. 41, śl. 8. 44 Bhavisya Bhāva Phala (cited above), p. 251, śl. 2; p. 307, śl, 2. 45 Mānasāgari Paddhati (cited above), p. 31, śl. 12. 46 SS, st, 20.
47 Cf. Ss, st. 52. 48 I have taken this from the December issue of the Gujarat, 1931 a now defunct monthly magazine in Gujarati-edited by Shri K. M. MUNSHI, President of the Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan.
To give just the correct idea of the nature and characteristics of thc Samhita text, no attempt at emendation has been made. It is, doubtless, incorrect materially, metrically, grammatically at more places than one. The stanzas are so simple that even a layman can understand them at the first reading. 49 See pp. 174. 50 See p. 175, St. 20.
51 See p. 170. 52 This is the horoscope of one who is one of the makers of the modern Gujarat as well
as a luminary in a legal profession and the literary field. He is also one of the first-rate political
leader. The date of birth is 30-12-1887 and the time of birth is 12.7 noon (Madras Time). 53 Mantreśvara's Phaladi pika, (Ed, V. Subrahmanya SHASTRI, Bangalore, 1937) 9, 12. 54 Mahadeva SHARMA'S Jätakatatvam, (Pup, Rutlam, 1937), p. 102.

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55 Op. cit. p. 183.
60 Op. cil. p. 196. 56 Op. cit. p, 252.
61 Op. cit, p. 256. 57 Op. cit. pp. 275 and 282. 62 Op. cit. p. 278, 58 Op. cit. p. 337.
63 Op. cit. p. 354. 59 Op. cit. p. 366.
64 Op. cit. p. 390, 65. Op. cit. p. 401. 66. There are many Yogas namely, नाभस Yoga, सुनफा Yoga,अनफा Yoga, वेशी Yoga, चंद्र Yoga
etc. etc. Moreover, there is quite a good number of Yogas produced by the positions of the
planets, their aspects, conjunctions etc, etc. 67. See footnote 57 above. 68. Mänasagari paddhati» (Pub. Bombay, 1939), 3,9 69. See the horoscopes printed at the end of Jyotiskalpataru and discussed incidentally in the
Sulabhajät aka. 70. See footnote 50 above. 71. The text is corrup, indeed. It must be so on account of scribal errors. I have not emended
it as the meaning is clear even without it; I also admit that it is somewhat unwarranted to deduce any conclusions regarding the Satyasamhita and its nature on a scanty
evidence of half a dozen readings, 72 Lacunas of this type are placed here as they are found in the original,
educe any conclusieven without it; I alsot of scribal erro

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