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DECEMBER, 1903.]
NOTES ON DRAVIDIAN PHILOLOGY.
451
perfect áttán, I have become), the termination of the first person resembles that in use in most of the other dialects. In the second person (andi, áiti), the t, whatever its origin, disappears altogether, and is replaced by the ordinary Davidian i. I prefer, therefore, to regard then of the first and second persons, in these tenses, as the n of the prononn of the third person singular, ôn, he, forning, when added to the root, a participial noun. Ayat-un-á would then mean, I am one who becomes; dyát-in-i, thou art one who becomes. If this view is correct, nothing can be observed in these forms differing in reality from those in the other dialects."
It is evident that Bishop Caldwell has here found the true explanation of such forms, and, at the same time, of the apparent richness of various tenses in Gôndi. Forms such as kiátond, I do ; kiend, I wish to do, &c., are simply nouns of agency used as verbs.
Similar forms are frequently used in other Dravidian forms of speech.
It is a well-known fact that nouns of agency or composite nouns are freely formed in the Dravidian languages by adding the terminations or the full forms of the demonstrative pronouns to the bases of nouns, adjectives, and relative participles.
In Tamil we find words such as mupp-an, an elder, from nuppu, age ; Tamir-an, a Tamilian, • from Tamir, Tamil; malei-yin-an, a mountaineer, from malet, mountain ; pallinatt-an, a citizen,
from pallaram, city ; vill-an, vill-in-an, vill-ón, vill-avan, a bowman, frown vil, bow; Idinan, one who read, from ôdina, who read.
It will be seen that the pronominal suffix is sometimes added to the base (thus, vill-an, a bowman), and sometimes to the oblique base (thas, paļlin-att-an, a citizen). They are sometimes evea added to the genitive; thus, kon-in-an, he who is the king's.
Similar forms occur in all Dravidian languages. Compare Kanarese maduvavanu, one who does, from madure, who is doing; mddid-avanu, one who did, from mddida, who has done; Telugu mag-andu, a husband ; chinna-vandu, a boy, &c.
Like ordinary nouns, such composite nouns are frequently used as verbs, and the personal terminations of ordinary verbs are then added. This is especially the case in Telugu, the old dialects of Tamil and Kanarese, and the minor languages such as Kurukh, Malto, and Gondi. Thus we find Tamil kôn-cn, I am king; kon-em, we are kings ; Telaga sepakuda-nu, I am a servant ; tammuda-vu, thou art a brother ; brahmanulumu, we are Brahmans ; Kuruhk urban, I am a master ; urbaro, you are masters; Malto en ningadi-s, I am your daughter; Kui áru negganu, I am good; éanju kuenju, he is a Kui, and so forth.
Such composite nouns are very frequently formed from the relative participles. Compare Tamil Seyciranın, he who does; key davan, he who did ; keybavan, he who will do ; Kanarese mádupapanu, he who does; madidavanu, he who did ; Telugu chêstunnapádr, he who does; chésinavádu, he who did; chésévádu, he who does, or, will do. In poetical Tamil such forms are often used as ordinary tenses. Thus, nadandanan, he walked; nadundanam, we walked, &c. This is quite cominon in Telugu. Thus, nénu dyanı inl-ló lekka prdséváda-nu (or ord sê-vdnni), I am an accountant in his house; nivu yếmi pani chésé-ráda-vu, what work do you do ? ; and so forth.
It will be seen from the instances given above that such composite nouns are sometimes formed by adding the fall demonstrative pronoun, and sometimes by simply adding the termination Compare Tamil rill-un and rill-avan, a bowman. It seems probable that forms such as vill-an represent & more ancient stage of development than vill-avan. It will therefore be seen that, for instance, Telugu chésinddu, he did, is essentially the same form as chésina-vádu, one who did. Bishop Caldwell jnstly remarked that a form such as nadandadu, it walked, literally means 'a thing
