Indian Antiquary Vol 12

Author(s): Jas Burgess
Publisher: Swati Publications
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/032504/1

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY A JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH IN ARCHAEOLOGY, EPIGRAPHY, ETHNOLOGY, GEOGRAPHY, HISTORY, FOLKLORE, LANGUAGES, LITERATURE, NUMISMATICS, PHILOSOPHY, RELIGION, &C., &C. EDITED BY JAS. BURGESS, LL.D., F.R.G.S., M.R.A.S. VOL. XII-1883 Swati Publications Delhi 1984

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Published by Swati Publications, 34, Central Market, Ashok Vihar, Delhi-110052 Ph. 7113395 and Printed by S.K. Mehra at Mehra Offset Press, Delhi.

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CONTENTS. Names of Contributors are arranged alphabetically. PAGE Rev. J. D. BATE, M.R.A.S., Allahabad :THE ORACLE of HUBAL .. ... ... 1 The Nomenclature of Tawaf ... ... ... ... 87 Rev. S. BEAL, Wark, Northumberland : Kukkutapadagiri and Kokkuta fangharAma ... 327 PROF. RAMCHANDRA GOPAL BHANDARKAR, M.A., Pusa :On Dr. HOERNLE'S version of a NABIE INSCRIP TION and the GATH DIALECT (see p. 27) ... 139 The RASHIRAKUTA KING KRISHNARAJA and ELAPURA ... ... ... ... ... *** PROF. G. BUHLER, C.I.E., Vienna : DHINIKI GRANT of King JAIKADEVA RATHOR GRANTS No. III.-A grant of DARUVA III. of Bharoch, by Dr. Buhler and Dr. E. Hultzech. 179 GRANT of DHARANIVARAHA of VADHVAN... ... 190 ILICHPUR GRANT of PRAVARASENA II. of V&k taka............. On the RELATIONSHIP between the ANDHRAS and the WESTERN KSHATRAPAS An INSCRIBED ROYAL SEAL from Wall... S. R. BUNSHAH, Bombay : The Date of Abdu'l-Wahhab ... .... ... R. F. CHISHOLM, M.R.I.B.A., Madras : The OLD PALACE of CHANDRAGIRI... ... . 295 RATIRAM DURGARAM DAVE, Bombay RAJAPITAMATA, the Sulara title (see p. 230) ... 150 H. H. DHRUVA, B.A., LL.B.SANSKRIT GRANTS and Inscriptions of Gujarat kings. No. 7.-Grant of TRILOCHANAPALA CHAULUKYA of LATADA, Saka 972 ... ... 196 THE EDITOR: The RITUAL of the TEMPLE of RAMAVARAM ... 315 SIR WALTER ELLIOT, K.C.S.I., Wolfelee, Scotland - NOTICE of a BUDDHIST TOPs in the Pittapur Zamindari ... ... ... ... ... 34 DONALD FERGUSON, Ceylon :Prof. E. KUHN on the OLDEST ARYAN ELEMENT in the SINHALESE VOCABULARY (translated) ... 53 Notes on the preceding paper . .. 65 J. F. FLEET, Bo.C.S., M.R.A.S., &o. - PADINENT-AGRAHARA ... ... ... .. SANSKRIT and OLD-CANAREBX INSCRIPTIONS : No. CXXVI.--Eastern Chalukya, of Vijayaditya or Amma II. ... ... ... 91 CXXVII.-RAshtrakuta grant of Karka-Su varhavarsha, 8.734, 156 > of Amoghavarsha I. 215 CXXIX.- > Krishna II. S. 824... 220 CXXX.- , , Krishna II. S. 833... 222 PAGE No. CXXXI.-BAshtrakuta grant of Prabhuta varsha III. 8. 841. 222 CXXXII. - >> >> Indra IV. 8. 888 ... 224 CXXXIII.- Govinda-Suvarna Varsha, S. 855 ... 247 CXXXIV.- , , Kottiga-Nityavar sha, S. 893 ... 255 CXXXV.- ,, ,,Krishna IV. S. 873. 256 CXXXVI.- Kakka II1. 8. 894... 269 CXXXVII. - S. 896... 270 NISIDEI and GUDDA ... ... ** NELEVIDU ** ... . .. " The Gangas ... ... ... ... ... ... RAJAPITAMAHA ... ... ... ... 230 KIRTTANA ... ... ... ... 289 On the NOMENCLATURE of the PRINCIPAL HINDU ERAs and the use of the word Sarhvateara and its abbreviations ... ... 207, 291 the Saka Era ... ... 208 the Samvat Era ... ... 291 N. B. GODABOLE, Bombay: Proper names in the Thana District ... ... ... 259 DR. A. F. RUDOLF HOERNLE, Caloutta :REVISED TRANSLATIONS of TWO KSHATRAPA INSCRIPTIONS ... ... ... ... ... ... 27 The Date of Trivikrams ... ... 150 Professor Ramahandra G. Bhandarkar and the Gatha dialect (see p. 139) ... .. .. ... 205 H. H. HOWORTH, F.S.A., &c., Ecoles, Manchester :CHINGHIZ KHAN and his Ancestors (continued from vol. XI.), No. XVIII. ... 35 No. XIX. ... 75 No. XX. ... 129 No. XXI. ... 165 No. XXII. ... 278 No. XXIII. ... 297 E. HULTZSCH, PH.D., Vienna :The first plate of a VALABHI GRANT of unknown dato ... ... ... ... ... .. 148 (See Prof. BUHLER). THE LATE D. B. HUTCHEON, Stonehaven :TABLES for the CONVERSION of MUHAMMADAN into EUROPEAN DATES and the CONVERSE ... 47 Book Notice: Albiruni's Chronology of Ancient Nations, translated by Dr. C. Ed. Sachau ... 116 PANDIT BHAGVANLAL INDRAJI, Bombay : A NEW YADAVA DYNASTY ... ... ... ... PROF. F. KIELHORN, PH.D., Gottingen - On the GRAMMARLAN BHABTBIHARI en OXXVIII.- " " As II. S. 824... 24

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CONTENTS. . .. 175 PAGE Dr. E. LEUMANN, Oxford : Samvat and Maurya eras ... ... ... ... 87 M. LEON DE MILLOUE, Lyon : On the Nagapattanam Buddhist Images ... ... K. B. PATHAK, B.A., Belgaum :PUJYAPADA and the authorship of the JAINENDRA VYAKARAN ... ... ... ... ... ... 19 The DATE of MAHAVIRA'S NIRVANA as determined in Saka 1175 ... ... ... ... ... ... 21 An Old-CANARESE INSCRIPTION at TORAGAL ... 96 On the date of Trivikrama, in reply to Hoornle... ... ... ... ... ... E. REHATSEK, M.C.E., Bombay : Aden epitaph (see p. 88) ... .. ... LEWIS RICE, M.R.A.S., Bangalor : A RASHTRAKCTA GRANT from Maisur R. SEWELL, M.C.S. : A Buddhist Tope in the Pittapuram Zamindari ... 258 PAGE MRS. F. A. STEEL :FOLKLORE in the PANJAB, with notes by Capt. R. C. TEMPLE, M.R.A.S., &c. (continued from vol. XI.) : 18 Little Ankle Bone ... ... ... ... 103 19 Lambikin 20 The tiger, the Brahman and the jackal ... The vixen and the tiger CAPT. R. C. TEMPLE, B.S.C., F.R.G.S., M.R.A.S. Ampitsar :-- Corruptions of English... . ... ... 26 FOLKLORE in the PANJAB (see Mrs. STEEL). Awan: a derivation Durrani: a Note... .. Note on the story of Malraj and his son ... ... 289 Some Notes about RAJA RASALO ... ... ... 302 (See Mrs. STEEL). E. THOMAS, F.R.S., M. de l'Inst. Fran., London : INDO-SKYTHIAN COINS with HINDI Legends ... 6 ... 11 SELECTIONS AND MISCELLANEA. The Whole Duty of the Buddhist Layman, by the late Prof. R. C. Childers ... ... ... ... 23 M. Senart on the Column Inscriptions of Piyadasi, (translated from the French) ... ... ... 71, 275 An Aden Epitaph ... ... ... ... ... ... 88 Earnestness in Chinese Buddhism, by the Rev. J. Edkins, D.D. ... ... .. ... ... ... 104 The Vikramaditya Era, by Prof. Max Muller ... 230 The identification of the Pygmies, the Martikhora, the Grifins and the Dikarion, by Prof. V. Ball, Dublin 234 The Seamy Side of the Vedic Religion, by A. Lang.. 236 Sir E. C. Bayley on coin-dates of the Hindu kings of Kabul .. ... ... ... 260 Buddha and Josaphat, by Col. H. Yule, C.B. ... 289 Translations of two brief Buddhist Sutras, by W. W. Rocklill ... The Tiger and the Cat ... ... ... ... ... 329 Polvill .. . *** ** .. 308 ASIATIC SOCIETIES. Madras Journal of Literature and Science, 1881 ... 50 Jourual of Ceylon Branch Royal Asiatic Society, Jourual of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, No. 2, for 1882 ... 88 Proceedings of the , , , July-Aug., 1882 ... 88 Journal of the >> >> No. 3, for 1882 ... 90 Journal Asiatique, Aout.-Sept., 1882 ... ... ... 113 Journal Bombay Br. R. Asiatic Society, 1881-82 ... 178 Journal Royal Asiatic Society, Oct. 1882 and Jan.. April, 1883... ... ... ... ... ... ... 261 Journal Asiatic Society of Bengal, No. 1, 1883, and Extra No. for 1882 ... ... ... ... ... 262 BOOK NOTICES. Pandit BhagwAnlal Indraji on the Antiquarian Remains at Sup&r& and Padan ... ... ... 114 Dr. C. E. Sachan's Translation of Albirani's Chrono logy of Ancient Nations, by the late D. B. Hutcheon ... .. ... ... .. ... 116 Bunyiu Nanjio's Catalogue of the Buddhist Tripi Beal's Fo-sko-hing-tsan-king, a life of Buddha by Asvaghosha ... ... ... ... ... ... 818 Rockhill's UdAnsvarga ... . . .... ... 314 Whinfield's Quatrains of Omar Khayyam .... ... 314 M. de Milloue's Catalogue du Musee Guimet-Inde, Chine et Japon; and Dr. Anderson's Catalogue and Handbook of the Archeological Collections in the Indian Museum ... ... ... ... ... 329 Take . .. . .. .. . .. .. ...20

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ERRATA. . LIST OF PLATES. PAGE PAGE 1. Ashtrakata grant of Prabhutavarsha II., S. 12. VAk&taka grant of Pravarasena II., sides I-III.242-3 735, sides I-IIIa. 1413. Ditto sides IIIb-Va. 244 2. Ditto III-V, and seal. 1514. Ditto sides V-VII. 245 3. Relics from a Stupa at Timavaram in the Pitta- 15. RAshtrakuta grant of Govinda-Suvarnavarsha, puram Zamindari ... S. 855, sides I-IIa. 250 4. Eastern Chalukya grant of Amma II., 16. Ditto sides IIb and III 251 sides I-IIIb ... 92 17. Rashtrakata grant of Amoghavarsha Kakka III., IVe-Vb and seal. 93 S. 894, sides I and IIa..264-5 6. Yadava inscription dated Saka 1063 ... ... 126 18. Ditto IIb and seal. 266-7 7. Dhiniki Copperplate grant, (two pages) ... 154- 5 19. Chandragiri Palace : South elevation and longi8. Rashtrakuta grant of Karka-Suvarnavarsha, tudinal section... ... 296 S. 784, sides I and Ila 158-9 20. North elevation and two 9. Ditto videv P'-ShI', and transverse sections ... 296 seal ....... 160-1 Ground plan and plan of 10. Chaulukya grant of Trilochanap la, S. 972, second storey ... ... 296 sides I and IIa... 202 West elevation, section and 11. Ditto sides IIb and III. 2031 plan of third storey ... 296 5. 9

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY, A JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH. THE ORACLE OF HUBAL. BY THE REV. J. D. BATE, M.R.A.S. TT is still a moot point whether the vow of the Khuza'aites in the Hijaz the One only 'Abdu'l-Muttalib, grandfather of God was worshipped at the Ka'ba, and that Muhammad, to devote one of his ten sons, meant Hubal was imported by their chief 'Amr bin that the son should be devoted to Allah or to Luhai. The point, however, is not one on Hubal, and whether the devotement meant which they all agree. Thus, Waqidi states that he should be slain in sacrifice or merely that Hubal was the chief representative idol of that he should be dedicated to the office of the Kinana tribes; and that it was anciently priest. As no monograph, that we know of, has called the idol of Khuzaima, the supposed ever been published giving a detailed account father of the Kinana and some tribes related to of this curious idol of the pre-Islamite Arabians, them. These more ancient worshippers of we have thought that some notes, gleaned from Hubal were nomadic tribes, and lived to the a variety of sources, might serve as a contribu- west of the Sacred Territory, and on the high tion to the subject. road that leads to the north. Al Fasi also But there is the usual discordancy between dissents from the common view, and calls authorities. Some points, however, seem clearly Hubal emphatically an idol of the Quraishites. agreed upon in reference to the matter. In the He says that the idols imported by 'Amr bin first place, all writers agree that the idol was Luhai were three-viz., Al Khala sa an importation; and the fact is used to explain (which was worshipped to the south of Makka) how image-worship came to supersede, in the Nahik (also called Mahadzir), and Muta'm. Hijaz that Religion of Abraham,' which, ac The general opinion, however, credits 'Amr cording to the Islamic creed, was the ances- bin Luhai with having introduced the idol tral religion of that territory. The man who among the worshippers at the Ka'ba. The is credited with having thus first introduced unsoundness of this opinion we have shown idolatry there is 'Amr bin Luha i, called by elsewhere, where we prove that the idolatrous Sale 'Amru,' and by Burckhardt Ammar." He institutions of Makka were ancient in his time. is said by Burckhardt to have been of the tribe of This man 'Amr, or 'Amru, flourished at the Qussai, and by Osborn to have belonged to the commencement of the third century of the Bani Khuz'a.' Shabrastani and most Arabian Christian era, and was king in the Hijaz, on authors assert that prior to the ascendancy of which account the term 'Malik' is also applied Sale, Preliminary Discourse, p. 14; Burckhardt, 3 Sprenger, Life of Mohammad, p. 7 (edn. Allahabad, Travels in Arabia vol. I, 298-9; De Percival, Essai sur 1851). l'Histoire des Arabes, tome I, p. 293 (edn, Paris, 1847). Bate, Origin and History of the Ka'ba (a work that * Burckhardt, Arabia, vol. 1, p298; Osborn, Islam will appear shortly). under the Arabs, p. 75(edn. Lond. 1876).

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JANUARY, 1883. to him, and frequent allusion is made to him in were within the Ka'ba, and others round about the Arabian historians. There is difference it. But De Percival renders the phrase, sur of statement as to the place whence the idol la Caba, an expression that can have but one was brought. Azraki says that Amru imported meaning-the one given it by Sayyid Ahmad it from Hyt in Mesopotamia, Abu'l-Fida, how. Khan who records that this idol was placed on ever, tells us that it was brought from Balqa, the summit of the Kaaba.' 1* It seems a curious in the province of Damascus, in Syria.' Accor circumstance that the idol should have been ding to the Meracid-al-ittila, Balqa is situated placed in such a position; yet we learn on good between Damascus and Wadi-il-Kora; and is the authority that prior to its attaining the honour locality of the ancient Moabites, to the east of of supremacy among the idols of the Ka'ba, it Judaea, near the Dead Sea'. De Percival repassed through a term of probation, --standmarks that the name 'Balqa' recalls that ofing for a considerable period outside the Ka'ba, Balak, the son of Zippor, king of the Moabites.' patiently awaiting admission. 16 The informaAt the time of Amru's visit, the district was tion of Dr. Crichton regarding this point seems occupied by Amalekites-viz., by the Bani rather 'mixed.' Speaking of the fate of Hubal Samaid a, or Bani Amila-al-Amalik.10 on the occasion of Muhammad's conquest of This man made a journey into Syria, and on his the city, he says, -Mounted on the shoulders return he passed by Ma'a b, the town of Moab of the Prophet, Ali pulled down the great idol or Areopolis, in the district of Balqa, where he of the Khozaites from the top of the Kaaba."6 saw the people worshipping images." He asked If it was on the outside of the Ka'ba at that the meaning and object of the homage thus time, it must have been degraded after its rendered, and was informed, -These are our promotion. Yet the statement of Muir is tantagods, formed in imitation of the celestial bodies; mount to the same thing: he speaks of Hubal and of human figures. When we ask of them as having been on that occasion 'in front of victory, they give it us ; when, in times of the Kaaba, as the tatelary deity of Mecca." drought, we ask for rain, they send it ; wealth, As the matter was "referred to the arrows of --they bestow it ; in danger they accord us Habal within the Kaaba,' and those arrows their succour. In short, all the prayers we were thrown in front of the image.--there address to them are heard and granted.' "How seems to be some oversight here. Sprenger, well," exclaims the learned Pocock, "does the who gets the information from Waqidi, says, name of the idol, which may be derived from the that after the time of Qussai at least, this idol Hebrew 7 hevel, breath,' wind,' paffing,' stood behind the Ka'ba over a well." The vanity,' suit such a figment as this ? " 'Amr, only well there in our day is Zamzam." Dr. however, was much rejoiced at this intelligence, Sprenger calls attention to a fact that is adand asked that one of the idols might be given verse to Abu'l-Fida's theory as to the Syrian to him. They gave him Hubal; and he carried origin of the idol. He notes that the inhabitants it away to Makka, and placed it in the Ka'ba. of Syria and Arabia Petraea had, long before the Such is the rendering given by Pocock to the time of Amru, embraced the Christian religion." expression 'ala' wahru'l-ka'ba, used by Shahras- It is not improbable that this particular idol tani, which Pocock translates, Ad posteriorem was chosen by Amru for the Ka'ba, for it was (seu exteriorem) Caabae partem. He explains supposed to have the power of giving rain," that some writers relate that some of the images -the great desideratum of Arabia. The king * Pocock, Specimen Historie Arabum, p. 82 (edn. Oxon. 1806)Osborn, Islam under the Arabs, p. 75; Syed Ahmed Khan, Historical Geography of Arabia, p. 54. * Burckhardt, Arabia, vol. I, p. 299. Sale, Prel. Dinc. p. 14; Pocock, Specimen, p. 97. De Percival, Histoire des Arabes, tome 1, p. 394. Numb. xxii. 10; Josh. xxiv. 9. 10 De Percival, Histoire des Arabes, tomo I, pp. 223, 224 ; Ibn Khaldun, fol. 12, 130; Osborn, Islom under the Arabs, p. 75. "Pocock, Specimen, p. 97 ; De Percival, Histoire des Arabes, tome I, p. 224; Osborn, Islam under the Arabs, p. 75. 1 Pocock, Specimen, p. 97. 13 Pocock, Specimen, p. 97: Osborn, Islam under the Arabe, p. 75; Sprenger, Life of Mohammad, 57. De Percival, Histoire des Arabes, tome I, p. 224; Syed Ahmed Khan, Customs of the pre-Islamic Arabians, p. 12, and his Historical Geography of Arabia, p. 54. 15 Arnold, Islam and Christianity, p. 26 (edn. Lond. 1874); Do Percival, Histoire des Arabes, tome I, p. 250. 10 Crichton, History of Arabia, vol. I, p. 977 (edn. Edinburgh, 1834). " Muir, Trife of Mahomet, vol. VI, p. 127. 15 Spronger, Life of Mohammad, p. 7. 19 Bate, The Well ZAMZAM ( work that will appear shortly). 10 Sprenger, Life of Mohammad, p. 57. "Pocock, Specimen, p. 97, Sale, Prel. Disc. p. 14; Irving, Life of Mahomet, pp. 30, 151 (edn. Lond. 1876). nf. Sprenger, Life of Muhammad, 56-7.

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JANUARY, 1883.] THE ORACLE OF HUBAL. who had thus imported the idol proceeded to engage in worshipping it and offering sacrifices to it exercises in which he was followed by his compatriots." Hubal became eventually the chief among the idols of the Ka'ba,--the presiding god in the temple, and the principal deity of the Quraishites, who were the guardians of the temple, "-the man to whom it was eventually indebted for its promotion being the same man that had introduced it from Syria." This pre-eminence of Hubal was evinced by the fact that in front of it the casting of lots with arrows took place." Its exaltation to this sapremacy among the idols of the Ka'ba took place probably at the time when that sanctuary of the Bani Quraish came to be the pantheon for the whole of Arabia." If so, we have here a noteworthy exemplification of the truth of the proverb, Facilis descensus Averni;' for the degeneration of the endless congeries of tribes in that immense country from the Religion of Abraham' to fetichism in some of its coarsest forms must have taken place within a mere fraction of the lifetime of one man,-'Amr bin Luhai, to whom it owed its elevation to the supreme status among the idols, being said to have been the first to introduce idolatry among his fellow-countrymen." The historian Masa'udi gives specimens of the manner in which the Jushumite poets admoni. shed him to uphold the religion of Abraham. He records that their admonitions were all in vain, --he imported idols without number into the Sacred Territory." De Percival, however, shows that idol worship in the Hijaz existed long before this time, and he is of opinion that the crime of which the Musalman authorities accuse Amru is that he first introduced into the Ka'b a images already held in veneration by the Arabs." Such a fact would help to remove the difficulty of making out how, if Hubal was the first idol introduced into the Ka'ba, it can be understood to have been elevated to supremacy among the idols there. There is no doubt that in subsequent times it was chief. It is important, however, to qualify this by saying that it was chief among what might be termed the moveable or adventitious idols of the Ka'ba, - for an exception must always be made in favour of the Black Stone, which has from time immemorial been the fixed and permanent idol of the Ka'ba." Waqidi, speaking of the dignity of Hubal, says that it received almost as much homage as the Black Stone." This could never be second to Hubal or any other idol,-- being a bona fide bit of the celestial paradise, which is destined to escape the final conflagration by returning bodily, on the Day of Resurrection, to the place where it came 13 Hubal, whose name as is sometimes spelt Hebal' and generally "Hobal,' was a huge image made of red agate (Arab. 'aqiq) in the shape of an old man with a long heavy beard. One of his hands having by some accident been broken off, was replaced by the Quraish by a hand of gold." In connection with this idol there are seven arrows of the kind that were used by the Arabs for the purpose of divination. There is no agreement among writers as to whether, ordinarily, it was the custom to place the whole seven arrows in one hand, or in both, or whether they were not rather placed in front of him, and therefore between his hands, but not in either of them." De Percival says that they were consecrated to the idol and kept near it pres d'elle')." The arrows that were kept for this kind of ceremony were, like those with which the Arabs were wont to cast lots,--that is, they were without heads, points, or wings; and they were distinguished from other arrows by the technical designations Azlam (pl. of zalam or xulam) and Qidah (pl. of gidh) 'arrows of divination." These curious arrows were kept in the temple Ibid. >> Abulfida, Historia ante-Islamicr(edn. Fleischer, Leipsig, 1881), p. 136; Sirata'r Rasal, fol. 12; Do PerciVal, Histoire des Arabes, tomo I, p. 994. 15 Arnola, Islam and Christianity, p. 26. 34 Ibid. Ibid. 91 Burckhardt, Arabia, vol. I, p. 299; De Percival, Histoire des Arabes, tome I, p. 228-4. * Sprenger, Life of Mohammad, p. 57. De Percival, Histoire des Arabes, tome I, p. 224. 30 Pocock, Sperimen, p. 97; Arnold, Islm and Christianity, 28 Macbride, Mohammedan Religion Explain. ed, p. 37 (edn. Lond. 1857) s Bate, The Black Stone (a work that will appear shortly). Sprenger, Life of Mohammad, p.1.. >> Burton, Pilgrimage to EV Medinah and Meccah, vol. II. p. 65 (edn. Lond. 1855). Pocock, Specimen, p. 98 Reinaud, Monumenta V ulminica, tome I, p. 246; Sale, Prel. Disc. p. 14 ; De Percival, Histoire des Arabes, tome I, 224, 225 ; Dods, Mohammed, Buddha, and Christ, P. 74 (odn. Lond. 1877), Crichton, History of Arabia, vol. I, p. 277. ss Pocock, Specimen, p. 98; Sala, Prel. Disc. p. 14. 30 Sale, Prel. Disc, p. 14. >> Pocock, Specimen, p. 98. >> De Percival, Histoire des Arabes, tome I, p. 265; and II, 310. Pocock, Specimen, pp. 98-99; De Percival, Histoire des Arabes, tome I. pp. 281,265 : Sale, Prel. Disc. p. 14; Syed Ahmed Khan, Customs of the pre-Islamic Arabians, p. 12; The Christian Remembrancer (Jan. 1855) p. 118.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. JANUARY, 1883. of the idol in whose presence they were con- sulted.*0 Seven such arrows as we have described were accordingly kept in the Ka'ba." There was inside the Ka'ba a hollow or cavity in which were preserved the offerings and other treasures belonging to the temple : the image of Hubal was situated over this hollow." Sale says that though seven arrows were kept for divination before this idol, yet in actual divination three only were made use of." On one of these were written the words My Lord hath commanded me;' on another -My Lord hath forbidden me;' and the third was blank. If the arrow containing the first of these inscriptions was drawn, it was deemed an indication of the Divine approval of the enterprise concerning which the oracle had been resorted to the arrow containing the second inscription indicated the reverse of this; but if the blank one happened to be drawn, the arrows were mixed and thrown over again till a decisive answer was obtained by one of the others appear. ing twice out of the three throws." Though it is usually a most unsafe thing to differ with Sale, yet it is not easy to escape the suspicion that there is some slip in the account he thus gives. If three arrows only were used, how came there to be so many as seven ? It is not sufficient to reply that seven was the perfect number, for we shall presently see that each of these seven arrows bore an inscription indicating that it was designed for actual Use in divination. Besides, in the case of 'Abdu'l-Muttalib, now under consideration, it is expressly said that six arrows were used, in pairs, it is true; but still six, and not three.' Now, besides Hubal, there was an other idol at Tebala which was much venerated among the Arabs and was used for exactly the same purposes as Hubal, and consulted by means of the wingless and unpointed arrows." It was called "Ziu'l-Khulusa.' This is the form given it by De Percival. It is also spelt by Arabian writers Zu'l-Khalusa, Za'l-Khalsa, Za'l-Khalasa, -this last being the form most commonly used. The form applied by De Percival Sale, Prel. Diac. p. 90. Burckhardt, Arabia vol. I, 300; De Percival, His. toire des Arabes, tome I, p. 250: Muir, Life of Mahomet, vol. 1, p. oclvi." Bale, Prel. Diac. pp. 14,90. Ibid. " De Porcival, Histoire des Arabes, tome I, p. 261; Muir, Life of Mahomet, vol. I. p. cclvi. De Percival, Histoire des Arabes, tome II, p. 310; D'Herbelat, Bibliotheque Orientale, Art. ACDAH ; Reinaud, Monumenta Mwalmanica, tome II, P 14. to the idol is not very commonly so applied-it being not usual to prefix the relative pronoun to any but generic names. The most usual designation for the idol is. Al Khalasa,' and for the temple Ziu'l-Khala sa,'--the name being by some attributed to the fact that the tree called Khalas' (a kind of clinging tree, like the vine) grew in the locality. The temple was also called 'Ka'bata'l. Yamama' or 'Al Ka'batu'l. Yamaniyya,' from its geographical position; and Al Ka'bata'sh-Shamiyya,' because its door faced the north (Syria = Sham). The temple belonged to several different tribes, among which were the Bani Khatha'm, the Bani Daus, and the Bani Bijila. This idol, Al Khala sa, was eventually demolished by command of Muhammad after his conquest of Makka." In consulting it three arrows only were used, on each of which was written one of the words Command, Prohibition, Delay.' - The correspondence both in number and in sense, of these two sets of oracles, suggests the possibility that Sale may have overlooked the distinction between the two idols. Among the pagans of pre-Islamite Arabia, there were ordinarily seven arrows used in consulting the oracle of Hubal. On these arrows were written certain fixed responses, from which some sort of oracle could be gathered in any matter whatever that might be referred to the idol. On each of the arrows of Habal was inscribed one of the following seven terms, - The price of blood ;'Yes;' 'No;' It is yours;' Assistant;' 'Stranger;' Water. " The arrows were thrown into a bag, and drawn by an official of the Ka'ba specially charged with that duty, for which he received one hundred dirhams and a camel." The technical designation of this official was Sahib alAzlam or Sahib al-Qidah Master of the Arrows' Master of Divination, or "The Diviner' par excellence). Generally speaking, the oracle was consulted before anything of moment was undertaken-domestic, commercial, political. As examples we may mention the circumcision of a lad, the fixing of a child's paternity, going "Lane, Arabic Lexicon, p. 786, col. 2 (edn. Lond. 1868); Richardson, Persian and Arabic Dictionary, p. 589, col. 2 (edn. Johnson, Lond. 1859). De Percival, Histoire des Arabes, tome II, p. 310; The Christian Remembrancer (Jan. 1856) p. 119; Dods, Mohammed, Buddha, and Christ, p. 82. * Mtir, Life of Mahomet, vol. I, p. oclvi. so De Percival, Histoire des Arabes, tome I, p. 26. Ibid. Ibid.

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JANUARY, 1883.) THE ORACLE OF HUBAL. to war, concluding & treaty, starting on a was believed to have the power of sending rain. journey, entering a state of matrimony, ascer. Once more, Pocock mentions that this idol is taining the guilty party in a murder, tracinga! supposed by some to have been the one known person's genealogy, and such-like." Before in Arabian literature as 'the Image of Abraham,' the operation of drawing the arrows began, the which was among the idols demolished by applicants had to offer to Hubal the following Muhammad when he cleansed the Ka'ba' of petition :- O divinity, the desire to know such idolatry in the eighth year of the Hajira. or such a thing has brought us to thee. Make This was the opinion of Abu'l-Fida, who expressus to know the truth !" Having consulted ly states that the image of Abraham occupied the oracle, persons were expected to take action the chief place in the Ka'ba, and that he was upon the information or advice thus received. represented by Huba 1. Hishami says that The question as to whom this idol Hubal among the images and pictures that covered was supposed to represent, elicits information of the walls of the Ka'ba was a figure of Abraham some interest. The learned Dr. Pocock, whose in the act of divining by arrows. If this was Specimen Historic Arabum has not yet been not Hubal, there were more deities than one surpassed as the ultimate authority in critical who divined by arrows; and if it was, how questions relating to Arabia and Islam, derives happens it that this image was inside the Ka'ba, the name of it from the Hebrew by habba'al and the image of Hubal outside ? It has to be or 57 habbel, -and, by ignoring the vowel borne in mind, however, that much of this, points, suggests the appropriateness of 5 rinteness of ban though it is all of it from the best sources, is in hevel, vanity !" Among the Arabe, H u bal great measure conjectural, -H u bal remains appears to have had a double character, in a mystery :" as to the actual identity of the which respect he resembled the Syrian idol idol, its history and origin, and the etymology Baal (properly, Ba'al), who was regarded both of its name, no satisfactory knowledge exists." as the founder of the Babylonian empire, and We may add that this practice of divining as the Sun personified as a deity. The by arrows was followed not only by the Arabe, opinion that Hubal was the same as the Baby. but also by the ancient Greeks and other lonian or Syrian idol Ba'al or Bel, or synony- nations of ancient times. It is, moreover, mous with it, is in fact supported by the particularly mentioned in Scripture: for eramtestimony of the Arabian authorities, who relate ple, in Exck. xxi. 21-23 we read, that it was originally brought from Syria or | The king of Babylon stood at the parting Mesopotamia. Of course, the Arabian writers of the way, at the head of the two ways, to do not maintain that H u bal was identical with use divination. He made bright his arrows," he Ba'al: they admit, however, that it was an consulted with images, he looked into the liver. astronomical deity, which Ba'al also is believed At his right hand was the divination for to have been,-whose designation, by the way, Jerusalem, -to appoint captains, to open the like that of the sun' among ourselves, always mouth in the slaughter, to lift up the voice appears with the article-Habba'a l.' with shouting, to appoint battering-rams against Further, Herodotus (and after him, Rawlinson), the gates, to cast up & mound, to build a fort. held the opinion that I abal was the Jupiter And it shall be unto them as a false divination of the Arabians, '* -presumably because he in their sight --to them that have sworn oaths : * Pocock, Specimen, p. 327 seqq. ; D'Herbelot, Biblio.. **Rawlinson, Herodotus, vol. I, p. 318; Smith, Dictionthique Orientale, Art. ACDAH Sale, Prel. Disc. p. 90; ary of the Bible, Art. BAAL ; Burokhardt, Arabia, vol. I, De Percival, Histoire des Arabes, tome I, p. 265; Muir, p. 300; Lenormant, Chaldean Magic, p. 184. Life of Mahomet, vol. I, p. oclvi. W&qidi and Abd Hatim * Pocock, Specimen, pp. 98-9. severally mention a tradition of Ibn Zama'ah to the effect 60 Arnold, Iolim and Christianity, p. 27; conf. Forster, that when Muhammad was an infant, his grandfather Mohammetaniem Unveiled, vol. II, p. 409. Abdu'l-Muttalib took him into the interior of the Ka'ba 1 Muir, Life of Mahomet, vol. IV, p. 128; Hishamt, and standing before the idol Hubal, thanked God and in- p. 364. Arnold, Islam and Christianity, p. 97. voked His blessing upon the infant. (Conf. Sprenger, Life 6 Pocock, Specimen, p. 98. The curious reader may of Mohammad, p. 76.) We thus learn another of the uses follow up the subject in Lenormant, Chaldean Magic and of Hubal, and what was its position in Mubammad's time. Sorcery, pp. 133-4 (edn. Lond. 1877) and his Letters As - De Percival, Histoire des Arabes, tome I, p. 266; syriologiques, tome II, pp. 164-178. Strata-r-Rash, fol. 23; Journal Asiatique (Sept. 1838), * Potter, Antiquities of Greece, vol. I, p. 384; Sale, p. 297. Pocock, Specimen, pp. 97-8. Prel. Disc. p. 90. " Arnold, Islam and Christianity, p. 17. Ibid. Made bright his arrow,' that is, the Vulgate " Smith, Dictionary of the Bible, Art. BAAL (edn. has it, mixed them together or shook them (preparatory Lond. 1863) to throwing).

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JANUARY, 1883. but he will call to remembrance the iniquity, that they may be taken.' The allusion to Babylon recalls the statement that it was from Mesopotamia that the idol H u bal was imported into Makka." The comment of Jerome on this passage is in remarkable agreement with what we are told of the custom as it existed among the ancient Arabs. He writes, -He shall stand in the highway and consult the oracle after the manner of his nation, that he may cast arrows into a quiver and mix them together, being written upon or marked with the names of such people, that he may see whose arrow will come forth, and which city he ought first to attack.' * The superstitious practice of divination was forbidden by the author of the Qur'an. Thus, in Sura v (Maida) 4, we read, - Ye are forbidden to make division by casting lots with arrows: this is an impiety!' See also ver. 92 of that same Sura. Notwithstanding this very plain prohibition, Burton came upon what he believes to be a relic of this practice of the pagan times of Arabia. At no less a place than Madina he found a religions performance called 'Istikhara,' or more commonly Khira,' in which the will of the Divine Being is consulted by praying for & dream in one's sleep, revealing to those concerned how any affair (such as a marriage, etc.) ought best to be settled. But they consult God not by prayer alone, but also by the rosary, by opening the Qur'an, and other devices of a similar nature, which devices bear blame if a negative be deemed necessary. Burton atteste that this kind of superstition obtains throughout the Muhammadan world." His great predecessor, Burckhardt, found the very same practice in vogue at Madina half a century earlier. INDO-SCYTHIAN COINS, WITH HINDI LEGENDS. BY EDWARD THOMAS, F.R.S., &c. LONDON. When editing James Prinsep's Essays, in Indo-Scythians after their apparent establish1858-I was unable to add to his early lists of ment in India, which I must refer to in some "Indo-Scythic and Hindu link.coins," or to detail, before. I proceed to describe the coins advance beyond his highly suggestive readings themselves. of the second series of imitations from the 1-THE SAKAS. Ardokro type." The Sa kas seem to have formed so recogSince that period, however, I have never nised a part of the Indian body-politic, in olden lost sight of the subject, and have lately had days, that we find them noticed in three several time to re-examine my old notes and facsimiles passages in the Mahabharata associated with and been favoured with the additional advantage various other tribes of more or less uncertain of referring to the recent acquisitions of Sir origin and geographical location. Man u, also E. C. Bayley and Mr. A. Grant. In like manner, gives them a place in his restricted survey of I have been permitted to study, somewhat at more central lands and the Vishnu Purana my leisure, the large accumulations in the pretends to define their serial succession, in British Museum, which now include the old relation to other apparently contemporaneous India House Collection. From these combined dynasties--to the effect that "after these (the sources I have been able to compile the sub- Andhras) various races will reign; as, 7 A bhijoined list of coins, which will, I trust, materi- ras, 10 Gardabhilas, (Gardabhars), 16 ally assist my fellow numismatists in their Sa kae, 8 Yavanas, 14 Tasha ras (Tukmore ample and extended investigations in situ. haras), * . One of the most curious results obtained in Then "Pauras will be kings for 300 years. this direction, however, is the discovery of no When they are destroyed, the Kaila kila less than four several tribal designations of the Yavanas will be kings." Burckhardt, Arabia, vol. I, p. 299. Pocock, Specimen, 329; Sale, Prel. Disc. pp. 90-91. e Burton, Pilgrimage, vol. II, p. 287. 6 Burckhardt, Arabia, II, 260. 1 Plate Ixii, page 227, Journal Asiatic Soc. Bengal, vol. IV, 1835, Plate xxxviil, page 630. Plate , page 376, Journal of the Ariatic Soc. Bengal, vol. V, 1856. Plate IIIviii, page 643. Quoted in Wilson's Vishnu Purana. Hall's Edition, vol. II, pp. 165, 171, 179. Chapter X, Sec. 44" K&mbojas, Yavansa, and Sakas. Vishnu Purana vol. IV, p. 202, see also pp. 205 note 1, 208-9, &e,

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JANUARY, 1883.] INDO-SCYTHIAN COINS, WITH HINDI LEGENDS. This is not the place to follow out, at large, writing not yet deciphered: then the alphaany of the curious coincidences, even this bare bet taught them by the Nestorians (and outline might suggest. But to revert to our communicated afterwards to the Mongols), numismatic documents, the number of mono- and last the Arabic."18 syllabic names in this series is singularly signi. From all that we can gather by the juxtaficant, in pointing to a Non-Aryan or Turanian position of imitative coin legends, it would and quasi-Chinese system of nomenclature. seem that the first official effort towards the II-KUSHANS. creation of a special alphabet commenced, in this Mr. H. Rawlinson considers that the capital case, with a reproduction of the old Greek of the Kushans, in the time of Alexander, capital letters which had become fixed quanwas located at Nishapur-the then classical tities, in so many of the mechanical traditions Zouria. If so, this section of the tribe must of the Eastern mints. The next onward movehave already moved downwards from one ment seems to imply a parallel resort to the of their acknowledged centres at Kushan small capitals, or current Greek-hand, which (Kabushan) on the Atreck-near which the was more likely to appeal in facility of expresfirst Arsa kes established his new citadel, at sion to the every day transections of a people Asa k-bad (Agaax).' who were only learning to write-the adoption We need not seek to follow the progress of of the Greek alphabet, in the first instance, by the leading camps in their southern course, but these untutored races must necessarily have may accept the main results, so far as their been encouraged by the fact that the official records on Indian soil extend. Their local language of their neighbours, the Parthians, inscriptions range geographically from Pinj- was simply Greek, the use of which so largely tar, in the Yusafzai country, to the celebrated intruded upon the language of the Romans in tope of Maniky Ala,' and to the eastward, as their eastern dominions. far as Mathura on the Jumna.10 It is in this state of transition that we have Their aboriginal race and their language, to encounter the stray marginal legends of our in its adapted forms of writing, are also of the coins couched in an unknown tongue-which highest importance in the present enquiry. As we have still to seek to interpret." to the former, modern testimony, severed from III-GADHIA BRANCH. antiquarian tendencies-distinctly points to a simple identification of the Kushang with the The designation of this section of the Scythic Uguirs" ("Kaotchang rendu par Oueigour"). tribes seems to coincide, on the one part, with If we may accept this evidence as retrospective the opening portion of the name of Gondomany of the difficulties still surrounding the phores the GONDOPhAROS of the early Christian decipherment and interpretation of the coin writers" and the synonymous Goda-phara legends will disappear. But, on the other of the Semitic version on the Baktrian coins. hand, there is still much that is necessarily On the other hand, the sept appellation appears vague and obscure in this direction. to have been preserved in the conventional form The Rev. J. Edkins, an acknowledged of the Gadhia-pysa of later times. So, also, authority under the Chinese aspect, tells us : Gadhia itself is affirmed to have been a "The Turks of Ili live in large cities, and cognomen of Vikramaditya, and in like have flourishing silk manufactures. They re manner we have traces of the name in the tradipresent the Weigurs of the middle ages, tional Gund-gurk, on the Indus," and may possiwho, in their literature, employed, first & bly extend identifications from other sources. 13 The SakArt seems to have been recognised dialect J.R.A. 8. vol. XV, 0. 8. p. 239. The stel of the in India. See Muir, Sane. Texts, vol. II, pp. 65-50. Persians. Isidore of Charay, chapter 11, J. R. A. Soc. 1871, "The Latin Gundoferus, Legenda Aurea, p. 33, Yule's Oathay, pp. 376-7. p. 15. Canningham Arch. Reports, vol. V, p. 61. 15 Variously written Gadaphara, Gandaphrata, and * Prinsep Essays, vol. I, p. 146. Gudupha, Prinsep's Essays vol. II, p. 214, Pl. xliii. fig. 10 J. R. A, 8. vol. XX, p. 251. 15, Ariana Antiqua, p. 340. 11 Mahometiam en Chine, Paris, 1878, p. 7. Ibn 10 Auriana Antiqua, p. 410, Prinsep's Eanaye, vol. I, Khordadbah, in the IXth century speaks of the king of P. 841, Jour. As. Soc. Bengal, 1835, p. 687; Ariatic Maverulnahr m still bearing the name of Kushan-shAh. Remarches, vol. IX, p. 155. Journal Asiatique, 1865, p. 41. "Abbott, J. 1. doc. Bengal, 1854, pp. 152-8 130-3, 145, The Phania, London July 1870, p. 5. 1 and 1888, pp. 217.

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8 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. IV-SHANDA BRANCH. The last of the Scythian tribes we have to notice is the Shandhas or Khandas, for the initial is legitimately convertible into -kh. It is a matter worthy of notice, in this place, of how largely these intrusive races clung to the group of lingual or cerebral letters, which are understood so specially to belong to Tartar languages. Bishop Caldwell stated the case, in the first instance, in the following terms: "None of the lingual consonants has ever been discovered in any of the primitive languages which are related to Sanskrit." Mr. Norris, in deciphering the Scythic tablets of Darius at Behistun, placed upon record his conviction "that the sounds called cerebral are peculiar to the Tartar or Finnish class of languages; that the really Indian languages are all of Tartar origin, or at least that their phonetic and grammatical affinities are Tartar." Professor Benfey conceded that the mute "cerebrals have probably been introduced from the phonetic system of the Indian aborigines into Sanskrit."20 Dr. Buhler, on the other hand, contends at some length against these conclusions, as also does Mr. Beames." These objections are stated in full in Dr. Caldwell's 2nd Edition," but they do not seem to have altogether carried conviction to his mind. Mr. John Muir has collected and criticised with his usual fairness, all that has been advanced for and against these varying theories. His resume will be found in the volume II. of his Sanskrit Texts published in 1871." To return to our Tribal question: I find the solution in this instance ready done to my hand in Professor Wilson's translation of a portion of the Mahabharata (Bhisma Parvan), which he incorporated in his edition of the Vishnu Purana. The passage is to the following effect, the speaker being supposed to be Sanjaya : "Next hear from me, descendant of Bharata," the names of the inhabitants of the different countries. They are the Kurus, Panchalas, Salwas, dwellers in the Madra thickets, 18 Comparative Grammar of South Indian Languages, 2nd Edit., Trubner, 1875, p. 32; see also Bopp's Grammar, vol. I, p. 14; Burnouf, Yasna, p. cxlv. 19 J. R. A. 8. vol. XV, pp. 6, 19. Incidentally Molesworth, in the preface to his Marathi Dictionary, p. xxii, says,Independently of the Arabic and Persian words which have found their way into the Marathi language it has two distinct lingual elements, the Scythian (or Turanian) and the Sanskrit." 20 Muir's Sanskrit Texts, vol. II, p. 460. [JANUARY, 1883. Sarasenas, &c. (the list continues in irregular order) Avantis, Aparakuntis, Goghnatas, Mandakas, Shandas." Professor Wilson remarks the more usual reading is Khandas, one MS. has Parnas." COINS-VASU-DEVA. No. 1.-Gold. 1. Cunningham, Numismatic Chronicle, vol. VI, o. s. (1843) Plate I. fig, 2; 2. Tresor de Numismatique (Paris), Plate LXXX., figs. 10-11; 3. Burgess, Arch. Report, vol. II, 1874. Gupta series, No. 1. Obverse. King standing to the front-with a full suit of bossed armour. The right hand casts incense into a small Scythic altar, in the hand rests on a standard adorned with flowing background is seen a decorated trident, the left pennons. Marginal legend, in Greek, a more or less imperfect rendering of the conventional standard inscription of PAO NANO PAO XOPANO; Hindi legend in the field, to the left Bh, to the right vasu. Reverse. Seated figure of Parvati with a Roman cornucopia in the left, and a pasu or noose in the right hand. Scythic monogram (No. 160 Ariana Antiqua) to the left: to the right, in imperfect Greek APAOKPO, And-Ugra (Ardha-Nari). I-SAKA BRANCH, No. 2. Gold B.M. ME Shaka. Obverse. The usual type of the erect figure of the king. Below the arm, me, outside the standard Shaka. Reverse. The usual device, with traces of debased Greek letters. The legitimate Sanskrit, & does not find a place in these legends, the mint authorities following local speech, seem to have recognised nothing but the , sh. PA-Shaka. No. 3. Gold. B. M. Unique. Obverse. Usual device. Below the arm q, pa. Outside the standard, Shaka. Reverse. The usual seated figure with OPAOX. "Madras Journal of Literature, 1884, pp. 116-136. "Comparative Grammar of the Modern Aryan Lamguages of India. Pp. 33n, 438, 440, 468, 487-8. Vishnu Purana. Hall's edit. vol. II, p. 163. 5 It will be remembered that Strabo has preserved the name of the Parni Dahee, Book xi. o. vii. 1 and viii. 2. Ptolemy vi. 10. 2. Iapro-Aaas. See also Wilson, Ariana Antigua, p. 141.

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JANUARY, 1883.] INDO-SCYTHIAN COINS, WITH HINDI LEGENDS. BHRI Shaka. No. 4 B.M. Gen. Cunningham's collection. Obverse. Below the army Bhri. Outside the spear Shaka, with traces of Scythic letters on the margin. Reverse. As usual. Mr. Theobald has a second specimen with this name. BHU Shaka. No. 5. Gold. Unique ? India Office collection. Obverse. Below the army Bhu. Outside the spear, Shaka. Margin. Scythic legend. Below, to the right of the figure f bhi or a ti? Beverse. Seated female, with cornucopia and Scythic monogram. Margin, legend in Scythic or corrupt Greek? Sayam Shaka. No. 6. Gold. Common. Obverse. Below the arm, Sayam. To the left Bh. Outside the spear, Shaka. Some specimens have, ch in lieu of bh. Reverse. The usual figure with Scythic legend. Senam Shaka. No. 7. Gold. Common. Obverse. Below the arm, Senam. Outside the spear, Shaka. To the left ch, Bh. Reverse. As usual. There is always a degree of doubt, in these perpendicular legends, not only as to where the top vowel should come in, amid the down line or group of consonants, but likewise what the circular flourish of the vowel itself should stand for, the more frequent i, or the less common e ? the a is definite enough in the coin legends, which is not always the case in some of the Mathura Inscriptions." I have assumed that when the vowel is placed over the first limb of an open consonant it implies e. But this theory is quite open to correction. General Cunningham in 1843 read the name, on this class of coins, as "Sita Palaka or Sita-maka" 35 J. R. A. 8. vol. V, N. S. (1871), Professor Dowson's article, p. 182 and Plates 1, 2, 3. Numismatic Chronicle, vol. VI, o. s., p. 22, Plate figure 3. Prinsep's Essays, alphabets, plate xxxviii, vol. II, page 40; Burgess' Alphabets, in Report Arch. Surv. West 9 The , t, however, on the large number of specimens now available, seems to be cut more or less flat on the lower limb, which converts it preferentially into : the previous interpretation, moreover, took no note of the obvious anusudra at the foot of the name. The , of the Girnar Bridge Inscription so far assimilates to the t, that its lower limb is curved, but the curve of the t in the same series is much more pronounced; covering, indeed, nearly threefourths of a circle." Some objection might be taken to the indifferent use of the two forms of for one and the same consonant, but in the MathuraInscriptions this apparent inconvenience seems to have been altogether disregarded." II-KUSHAN BRANCH. No. 8. Very common. Prinsep's Essays, Pl. xxii, fig. 13, p. 227 and Pl. xxx. fig. 19, p. 376. Ariana Antiqua, Pl. xviii, figs. 27-28, p. 427. Obverse. The name on these very numerous mintages may be variously rendered from the earliest, kad, to an apparent, kadi-the old Persian kadi, king, lord ?-and onwards to kidu, or, kidara. The earlier renderings might be doubtfully associated with the celebrated Panjab king Hodi."" Beyond the spear, kashan. Then in these instances takes the form of the Allahabad and Kutila types of n, rather than the severe Asoka form noticed in No. 7. The letters to the right hand of the standing figure near the small altar vary extensively, and no very definite classification can be arrived at at present. III-GADAHA BRANCH. No. 9. Gold, rare, unpublished. Coins in B. M. Obverse. Below the arm, a name very similar to those found on the coins classed under No. 8.. There is, however, this marked distinction that an T, r, is inserted, in the central line, below India, vol. IV, pl V, No. 13, Kehatrapa; and the RudradAma Inscriptions, plate xiv, Archeological Survey of Western India, vol. II, 1874-75. J. R. A. S. aupra cit. Inscriptions IX, X, &c. 29 J. A. 8. B. 1863, p. 17.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JANUARY, 1888. Vishnu. the * k and above the i d, which would make the name appear as liekirda, or i kardi. Outside the spear are the letters indicating the tribal name, which read, Gadaha. Letters to the right of the standing figure on a line with the small altar TU, kshana ? The ksh is formed by joining the k to the sh, in line, and the cross of the k serves for its own definition, as well as the joint discrimination of the sh from an ordinary 4, p. In some cases these letters seem to read Kshadan. Reverse. Seated female figure, as usual. Mono. gram, No. 162 Ariana Antiqua. Letters to the right, yapta ! IV-SHANDAI BRANCH. No. 10. Gold. Common. Obverse. Below the arm , Shandhi. Outside the spear , Bastan? To the right of the standing figure , j, 7, n, &c. Reverse. As usual. No. 11. Gold. Rare. Obverse. Below the army Bhadra, Outside the spear, Shandhi. Reverse. As usual. V-Lower GUPTA BRANCH. NARA (Gupta). The subjoined later Gupta coins may seem somewhat out of place in this Scythic series, but they bear upon the general system of the perpendicular definition of the Hindi alphabet in loco, and No. 13 has to be introduced, as a new piece, by a reproduction of its already published direct prototype. Ariana Antiqua. Pl. xviii. 22 (3 coins in the British Museum.) No. 12. Gold. Rare. Obverse. King standing, to the front, with Garuda standard to the right, and bow in the left hand, general device similar to those of Samudra Gupta's*' but greatly deteriorated in artistic execution. Below the left arm H, Nara, between the legs , gu. Reverse. The usual type of Parvati seated on lotas leaves. Marginal legend. FM Baladitya. VISHNU (Gupta). No. 13. Gold. Rare. Ariana Antiqua, Pl. xviii. fig. 24, (Willock Collection, India Office). Obverse. Similar devices to No. 12. Below the arm, inside the bo at the bottom J, gu at times y, h. Reverse. The usual device. Legend of tact Sri Chandraditya. Since writing the above I have discovered a new coin of a Scythic chief, entitled Pu, and bearing the tribal designation of Mahi. Pao was seemingly a common name enough among central Asian peoples. It is mer tioned by De Guignes as the appellation of the Hun" Chef des hordes-d'Orient," called Lieou-chi, the father of the great LieouYu en-Hai, in the 3rd century A. D. So also, we find a Pou-sa, son of Chi-kien-ki-kin, of the Hoei-ke race, in A. D. 629. With regard to the tribal name, or subsectional nomenclature of the horde," which is clear and definite on the coin, in old Hindi characters, as Mahi-several possible identifications present themselves among the race lists of the Mahabharata-ranging from the Mahyas and Suhmas to the eastward, Mahikas or MAhishas to the south, and Ma heyas, who were supposed to be settled on the Mahi river in Malw&" which last seems to afford the most probable association in the present instance. It would be a great point to be able to establish this latter connection, in coincidence with the strong Scythic element generally prevailing on the Indas and the Western coast: Of course, there is no pretext for making the reference to the Mahey as, or other previously cited races named in Indian records, to imply that they were in any way co-existent in their new homes with the great war" of the Pandus, &c. But, as regards the text of the Mahabharata 30 Ariana Antiqua, Pl. xviii. Nos. 7, 8, 12. Marsden's Numismata Orientalia, Nos. ML and MLVII. Prinsep's Eneays; Burgess's Arch. Reports, vol. II, No. 4. 3. De Guignes (Paris 1756) Part 2, vol I, p. 145. 51 Ibid, vol I, p. 231. * Strabo expressly_says: "On the left hand (on advancing from the S. E. of the Hyrcanian Ses towards the Earth Translator's note) opposite to these parts are situated the Scythian and nomadic nations the rost have the common appellation of Scythians, but each separato tribe has its peculiar name:-Book XI, c. vili, nec. 2. (Bohn's edition vol. II, p. 245). See also Pliny, Book vi, cap. 19. 3. Mahabharata, quoted in the Vishnu Purana, Hall's Edition, vol. II, p. 165 n. 11. * Ibid. vol. II, p. 166 N. 8. 8; and also Vishnu Purina itself, Book IV. cap. xxiv, vol. IV, p. 220. 30 V. P., vol. II, page 169 n. 6 and 154, n. 7. Hiones Theang, tome III, p. 155; Cunningham, Geography, p. 400.

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JANUARY, 1883.) A RASHTRAKUTA GRANT FROM MYSORE. 11 Pa. Do. Do. itself, modern criticism discovers so many vital Reverse. Seated figure of Parvati with after-incorporations, that we need scarcely debased Greek legend (APAOXPO). Monogram regard a few extra Barbarian nations thrown No. 160, Ariana Antiqua. in at hazard by later revisers, as meaning any- Finally, to recapitulate our recent acquisitions thing more than that the authorized version -we have five definite Scythic tribal subwas written up to the knowledge of the day! divisions, and no less than eleven names of And it has, in this sense, a meaning which kings or military chiefs located in India, more has preserved to modern enquirers a fresh or less unknown to history, of whom the geographical circle, from whence to test the following is a preliminary outline :location and possible date of the intrusion of Saka's No. 2 Me. these alien tribes into India. Do. - 3 MAHI BRANCH. Pa Mahi. Bhri No. 11. a Gold. Unique. British Museum. Bha Obverse. The usual standing figure of the Do. Sayam king with trident and small incense altar on his Do. Senam right: the left hand rests upon a standard Kushans , 8 Kidara (Kady) Hodi? with flowing pennons. Gadaha 9 Kirda, or Kardi. Legend below the arm, g Pu; outside the Shandhis, 10 Basanam or Bastan. staff of the standard Mahi. Do. , 11 Bhadri Margin, Scythic legend ? Mahi 11 a. Pu. A RASHTRAKUTA GRANT FROM MYSORE. BY LEWIS RICE, M.R.A.S. The accompanying grant, dated Saka 735, The grant is one made by Prabhutawas found at Ka daba in the Tumkur District Varsha, living at May ura-Khandi, on the of Maisar. It is engraved on five copper plates, application of Chaki Raja, of the village of about 91 inches by 5, strung on a metal ring Ja la mangalam in the I dig ur district, to which is secured with a seal 2 inches in diame- a Muni named Arka kirtti, on behalf of the ter, bearing the device of a human figure in a Jaina temple of Silagrama on the west of M&sitting posture, with the hands held up on nyapura. The reason for this donation was each side of the chest. that the Muni had been suecessful in removing Old traditions, as in the chronicle of the some adverse influence of Saturn (SanesvaraKongudesa,' indicate the rule of R&shtra- pida) from a prince named Vimaladitya, kuta or Ratta kings in Maisur ir very governor of the Kanungil country, who was early times, before the rise of the Ganga a son of Ya so varmma and grandson of power; and during their ascendancy over the Bala varmma of the Chalukya family, his Western Chalukyas in the 9th and 10th mother being the sister of Chaki Raja, the centuries, their dominion must have extended to sovereign of Ganga-mandala. this country. Buty so far as I am aware, none The locality of the grant is evidently, from of their grants have hitherto been found here." the names, in the Karnataka country, but I The present inscription is in the Parvada Hale have not been able to identify it with any of Kannada character and in the Sanskrit lan- the places bearing the same name in Maisur. guage; but in describing the boundaries and wit- Possibly, from the source whence the grant nesses Hale Kannada is introduced. The four has been produced, Kunungil might be the forms of l are more frequently and systema- modern Kunigal, but this is only conjecture. tically used than in any specimen which has May ra-k handi, it is said, may be Mor. come under my notice. khand, an old hill-fort in the Nasik district. The figure bears & general resemblance to the one on Agrant made in Maisur during the Ratta supremacy, but the Kharepatan plates J. Bo. Br. R. A. 8., vol. I., P. 209), where it was found is not stated.. but the attitude and details are not the same. * In the grant, it is called Janendra-bhavana, but this Mad. Jour. L. and 8., vol. XIV. is no doubt a mistake for Jinendra-bhavana. * The inscription given in Plate uvi. of Burnell's South The same place however was suggested by me for Indian Palaeography, a transcript and translation of Konikal of the Ambera inscription, Ind. Ant., vol. VIII, which will be found at p. lvii of Mysore Inscriptions, is pp. 89, 96 ; vol. IX, p. 304. Ind. Ant., vol. VI, p. 64.

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12 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JANUARY, 1883. Manya para would naturally suggest Ma three years which prevails between different nya khe ta the Ratta capital of other grants, parts in reckoning the Saka years. identified with the modern Malkhed in the In regard to the relations at this time Nizam's territory : but it does not appear that subsisting between the Rattas, the Chalukyas, Manyakheta is ever described as Manyapura, and the Gangas, it would appear that they were while, on the other hand, Ma nyapura is the friendly also, that although Chaki Raja is name of a large city and residence of the styled the Adhiraja or supreme king of the Ganga kings in the 8th century,' situated entire (asesha) Ganga country, yet that he near Chamrajanagar in the south of applied to the Ratta king to make the grant. Maisur, the site of which is known on the spot Either therefore the village given was in purely as Manipura. The Jainas were in former Ratta territory, or if it was in the Ganga terri. times settled in great numbers in that neigh. tory the king of the latter was subordinate to bourhood, and are still numerous there : the Ratta king. Of any Chaki Raja among whether this is the case around Manya- the Ganga kings no previous record has been kheta or Malkhed, I am not aware. found. But at the time of this grant their The interest of this inscription in connection succession is not clear, while of the Ratta with the Rashtra kutas is confined to the kings it is stated that Dharavarska" overgenealogy of the kings, and the date; for came the impetuous Ganga who had never nothing of historical importance is related of been conquered before,"loand that Prabhutathem, except apparently an invasion of some varsha or Govinda "released Ganga from island by Dhar a varsha, which is only refer- his long and painful captivity, and sent him to red to in general terms. The succession is his country. But when Ganga nevertheless thus given : in his great pride opposed him, he conquered 1. Govinda Raja. and swiftly fettered him again." 2. Kakka Raja, his son. In Saka 735, the date of the present grant, or 3. Inda Raja, son of the last. five years after these statements, the Ganga 4. Vairamegha, son of Inda. king was evidently free and on the throne; 5. Kannesvara, Akalavarsha, his uncle. and not long after, the attention of the Rattas 6. Prabhutavarsha, son of the above. must have been occupied in establishing their 7. Dharavarsha, Vallabha, his brother. lost ascendancy over the Chalukyas. The 8. Prabhutavarsha, II, son of the last, members of the latter family here named perhaps ruling in Saka 735. belonged to some subordinate branch. On comparing this list with Dr. Buhler's But as a further reference to the Rattas, the pedigree of the Rathors," it will be seen that application of whose titles was unknown to me the first three correspond, Kakka being his when translating the Merkara plates," I would Karka, and Inda his Indra. But the fourth now offer the following revised reading of the king, here called Vairamegha, is there Danti- passage in that inscription describing the gift:durga or Dantivarma: while the fifth, whose (Pl. II, 1. 5.) Avinita-namadheya-dattasya name is here said to be Kannesvara, with Desiga-ganam - Kondakund-anvaya - Gunachanthe title Akalavarsha, is there simply Krishoa. dra-bhatara-sishyasya Abhanandi-bhaC/ara-tasya The sixth, Prabhuta varsha I, is with him Go- sishyasya Silabhadra-bhatara-sishyasya Janavinda. The remainder correspond, but the mandi-bhatara-sishyasya Gunanandi-bhataradate of the grant is three years beyond the sishyasya Vandanandi-bhatarargge ashta-asitilatest year assigned by him to the second uttarasya trayo-satasya samvatsarasya MaghaPrabh u ta varsha. Not only so, but it is masam Somavaram Svati nakshatra suddha panapparently one year later than the date of a chami Akalavarsha-prithuvi-vallabha-mantri grant by his successor. This however may be Talavana-nagara-Sri-Vijaya-Jinalakke Panadu due to the well known difference of two or 10 sahasra-Edenadu-saptari.''madhye Badane Mysore Inscriptions, p. 286; Madras Journal for 1878, 11 Ind. Ant., vol. I, p. 363. p. 141. Ind. Ant., vol. VI, p. 72. 13 That this was a cave numeral was pointed out by Journal R. A. 8. Bengal, vol. VIII, p. 302. Dr. Burnell, 8. Ind. Pal., p. 67. 10 Ind. Ant., vol. VI, p. 69. "Sattari is the Prakrit form of saptati. See Glossary 11. Ind. Ant., vol. VI, p. 70. to Jacobi's Kalpa-vitra.

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JANUARY, 1883.] A RASHTRAKUTA GRANT FROM MYSORE. guppe-nama Avinita-mahadhiraja cha1 dattena padiye ar-odam-uru (pl. III)rol pannir-kkandugan geydu ambalimannum Talavanapurado! talavittiyaman Pogarigeleyol pannir-kkan dugam Pirikereyolam rajamanam-anumodana-pannirkkandugai manoharam dattam. (The village) named Badaneguppe, situated in the Edenad Seventy of the Panad Ten Thousand, which (the king) named Avinita had given to Vandanandi Bhattara, disciple, &c. &c., of the Desika-gana and Kondakunda-anvaya, the minister of Akalavarsha, favourite of the earth, in the year 388, the month Magha, Monday, the asterism being Svati, the 5th of the bright fortnight, having obtained, the gift being also (confirmed) by Avinita Mahadhiraja, presented the charming (village) to the Sri-Vijaya Jina temple of Talavananagara; having assigned twelve kandugas in each of the six associated villages, the ambali, the tala-vritti in Talavanapura, twelve kandugas in Pogarigele and twelve kandugas with enjoyment of the royal rights in Pirikere. The grant was therefore one made by the minister of A ka lavarsha, with the sanction of the Ganga king Avinita. Now it scarcely admits of doubt that Akala varsha must have been a Ratta monarch: and from the silence of the minister regarding his own name, and the absence of all particulars as to himself and his sovereign, it may be conjectured that this Mantri was in exile in the Ganga territories. And if from the fact that nearly all the Govindas, and only the Govindas, among the Rattas were called Prabhutavarsha, it may be inferred that the relations between the peculiar titles and certain names of the kings of that line were constant, A ka 13 lavarsha would indicate a Krishna Raja. But this is the name of the Ratta. king whose son Indra was destroyed by the Chalukya king Jayasimha on the first invasion by the Chalukyas. On such grounds this event might be placed early in the 5th century. With regard to the Punadu Ten Thousand, it may be pointed out that it corresponds with the Padi-nad, or Ten Nad country of the 16th century. The name survives in the existing Hadina du, now corrupted into Hadinaru, a village on the Kabbani river not far from its junction with the Kaveri, and the scene of the romantic adventure to which the royal family of Maisur trace their origin." Punadu, Punnadu or Punnata, as it is variously written, seems also to be indicated by the Pannuta in Lassen's map of Ancient India according to Ptolemy;" and by the Pannata of Colonel Yule's map of Ancient India, "ubi beryllus."" Since writing the above, I have through the kindness of Mr. R: Sewell seen a grant of the Punnata Rajas which must belong to early in the 6th century. In it their succession is thus given : 1. Kasyappa Rashtravarmma. 2. Nagadatta, his son. Singa Varmma, son of the last. His son (not named). Skandavarmma, son of the last. Transcript. otsav-otpadana-param 15 This seems to be bha in the fac-simile: but as that gives no intelligible meaning I have read it cha. 16 In the original it is Jinalakke, which literally means for the Jinawar (ala): but it seems more probable that it is a mistake for Jinalayakke. 17 And this in the Gujarat branch as well as in the main line. The Kannesvara of the present inscription may be 3. 4. 5. 6. Ravidatta, his son. The addition to the first name may point to a suzerainty of the Rashtrakutas. But from other inscriptions we know that in the time of Skandavarmma the Punnad kingdom was annexed to the Ganga dominions by Avinita who married the king's daughter. 1. Svasti vistrita-visada-yaso vitana-visadikrit-sa-chakravala-karavala-praval-avatamsa-virajita Jayalakshmi-samalin gita-daksha-dakehipa-bhuri-bhnjarggalah galita-sara-sauryya-rasa-visara-vikhalikrit-agra ri-varggal vargga-traya-varggan-aika-nipunachala-bharav-orvvi-visesha-nirjjit-orvvi-manda! reconciled with Krishna. 19 Mysore Inscriptions, Yelandur Inscription, No. 175. so Wilks: also Mysore Gazetteer, vol. I, p. 239. 1 Indische Alterthumskunde, vol. III. Dr. Smith's Atlas of Ancient Geography. 3 Ind. Ant. vol. V, p. 140, vol. VII, p. 175; Mys. Ine. pp. 292, 295.

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14 [JANUARY, 1883. Govinda-Rajah tasya su nuh sutaruna-bhavodaya-daya-din-adinetara-guna-gana-samarppita-bandhu-janah saka Rashtrakuta-kula o THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. para-bhupala-mauli-mala-lidd-anghri-dvandv-aravindo la-kal-agama-jaladhi-Kalasayonil nri Manu-darsita-margg-anugami mala-gagana-mrigalanchhanal budha-jana-mukha-kamal-amsumal! manohara-guna-gap-Alankara-bharah Kakka-Raja-namadheyah tasya putrah sva-vame-Aneka pa-saighata-parapar-Abhyudaya-kiranah parama-rishi-brahmana-bhakti-tatparyya kusalah samasta-guna-gan-adhi-dhvano vikhyata-sarvva-loka-nirupama-sthira-bhava-ni(r)jitari-mandalah yasyemam asit jitva-bhupari-varggan-naya-kusalataya yena ra jyam kritam yah kashte Manvadi-margga-stuta-dhavala-yasa-na-kvachid-yaga-purvvah saugrame yasya seshasva-bhuja-karabala-prapitaya-Jayasri yasmin jate sva-vameobhyudaya-dhavalatam yata dan arkka-tejah a sav Inda-Raja-namadheyah tasya putrah sva-kula-lalamayamauo mana-dhano dinana2a. tha-jan-ahladanakara-dana-nirata-mano-vrittih himakara iva sukhakara-karah kulachala-samudaya iva sudha-dhara-gana-nipunah himasaila-kuta-tata-stha pita-yasa-stambam likhitaneka-vikrama-gunam agha-sangata-vinasaka-surapaga yasya sad-yaso-visadam gayantiva || tariga-prabhata ravair-vvahati-jana-mahita || asau Vairamegha-namadheyah tasya pitrivyah hridaya-padm-asanastha-paramesvara-siras-sisirakara-nikara-nirakrita-tamo-vrittih sa-viseshasya jaga-traya akmroddhayen-eva virachitasys chaturtha-Jok-odaya-maminasyn krita-yoga-fatnir iva nishtitasya yasya yasasah-punjam iva virajamanah pradagdha-kalagaru-dhupa dhimaih pravarddhamin-opachayir-payodah yaay-kjirah-avachcha-angandha-toyai sinchanti siddh-odtta-kutabhagah || na-ched risam prapyamiti pralobhat bhavodbhavo' bhaviyugavatare avaimi yasya sthitaye svayan tat kalpantarannaiva cha bhavyatiti || tara-ganesh unnata-kata-koti-tatarppitasu jala-dipikisu momuhyate ratri-vibheda-bhivah nisatyayah paura-janer nnisayam || adhara-bhut-aham idam vyatityam avarddhate ch-ayam atiprasangah yasy-avakasartham itiva prithvim prithviva bhuteti cha me vitarkah || vichitra-pataka-sahasra-sanchhaditam apari-parichamna-bhayat lokaika-chudamanina mani-kuttima-sankranta-pratibimba-vyajena svayam avatiryya 26. paramesvara-bhakti-yuktena namaskrayamanam eva virajamanam prahata-pushkara-mandra ninad-a karppan-odit Anurigail privyid-Arambha-kala-janit-otaav-irambhaib maydraih prirabdha vritta nri ttantam dhumavela-lil-agata vilasini-jananam karatala-kisalaya-rasa-bhava-sadbhava-prakatana-kusala-sasi-vadan-angana-narttan-ahrita-paura-yavati-jana-chittantaram samasta siddhanta-saga ra-paraga-muni-sata-sankulam deva-kulam asit Kannesvaran-nama-sva-namadhey-ankita asav Akala-varsha iti vikhyatah tasya sunuh anata-nripa-makuta-mani-gana-kirana-jala-ranjita pada-yugala-nak ha-mayukha-prabhabhasita-simhasan-opantal O chara-chan ta-padmariga-didhiti-visara-fumbhat-kusumbha-rasa-ranjita-nija-dhavala- vijyamka mara-vichaya-vikhyatam-prajya-rajyabhishek-antar-aikaisvaryya-sukha-samanubhava-sthi tih nija-turagam-aika-vijayanita-raja-lakshmi-sanatho mahinatho yah kalpanghripah" sas eva chintamanir-iti-dhrudham yam vadanty arthinah nitya-pritya-praptartha-sampad asau Prabhuta-varsha iti vi kanta-jana-kataka-khachi 24 In the original kalyanghmipah.

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JANUARY, 1883.] A RASHTRAKULA GRANT FROM MYSORE. Khyato bhQpa-chakra-chudamanih tanyanujah Dhard varsha-sri-prithvi-vallabha-maharliadhiraja-paramesvarah khandit-ari-mandal-Asi-bhasita-dorddandah pudarika iva bali-ripu marddana. kranta-sa kala-bhuvana-talah sukrit-aneka-rajyabhara-bhar-odvahana-samarthah himasaila-vi allorasthalina raja-lakshmi-viharana-mani-kuttimena chatur-angan-alingana-tuuga-kucha 3a. sanga-sukhodrek-odita-romancha-yojitena sva-bhuj-asidhara-dalita-samasta-galita-muktapbala visara-virauit-Aribala-hasti-hast-asphalana-danta-koti-ghattita-ghani-kritena virajamanah tripurahara-vrishabha-kakud-akar-onnata-vikat-Amsa-tata-nikata-dodhuyamana-charu-chamara-chayah phena-pinda pandara-prabhav-odita-chchhavina vritten-api chatur-i karena sit-atapatren-achchhadita samasta-digvivaro ripu-jana-hridaya-vidarana-darunaina sakala-bhutal-adhipatya-lakshmi-lilam-utpadayati prahata-pada-dhaka-gambhira-dhvanena g hanaghana-garjjan-nukarina asyachito-vinoda nirggamah svakiyam sanchalatam para-nripa-cheto-vrittishu datum ivo vvaira-vilola-prakatita-rajya-chi hnal t uraigama-khara-khur-otthita-pa mau-patala-mas rinita-jalada-sanchaya aneka-matta-dvipa-karata-tata-galita-dana-dhara-pratana-prasamita-mahiparagah yasya fri-chapal-odaya-khuratarang-Ali-samisphalanat nirbhinna-dvipa-yanapatra-gatayo ye sanchala-chchetasah tasminn eva sametya sara-vibhavam sa-tyajya-rajyam rane bhagna mohavasat svayam khalu disamantam bhajante 'rayah || idam kiyad-bhatalam atra samyak sthatum mahat-sankatam ity udagram svasy-avakasam nakaroti yasya yaso disar bhitti vibhedanani || anavarata-dana-dhara-varsh-agamena tripta-janatayah Dhi ra-varsha iti jagati-vikhya tas sarvva-loka-vallabhataya vallabha iti | tasy-ktmaja nija-bhu36.ja-bala-samanita-paranripa-lakshmi-kare-dhrita - dhava! - atapatra - nala - pratikula - ripu - kula charana-nibaddha khalakhaliyamana-dhavala-srinkhala-rava-badhirikrita-paryyanta-jano nirupama-guna-gan akarnnana-sama hladita-manasa-sadhu-janena sada-sanniyamana-sasi-visada-yaso-rabirab-avashtabdha-jana-manah-parikalpana-trigunikrita-svakiy-Anushthano nishthita-karttavyah Prabhuta-varsha sri-prithvi-vallabha-rajadhiraja-paramesvarasya pravarddhamana-sri-rajya-vijaya-samvatsareshu vadatsu charu Chaluky-anvaya-gagana-tala-harina-lanchhanayamana-sri-Bala-varmma-narendra sya sunu sva-vikram-avajjita-sa kala-ripu-n ripa-siras-sekhar-archchita-charana-yuga lo Yaso-varmma-namadheyo raja-vyara jata-tasya-putras su-putrah kula-dipika iti purana-vachanam avitadham iha kurvvan atitaram dhi-rajamano manojata iva minini jana-mana-sthaliyali rana-chaturas chatura-janasrayal, sri-samaliugita-visala-vaksha-sthalo ni. taram-asobhata asau mahatma || kamal- ochita "sad-bhujantara sri-Vimaladitya i. ti pratita-na ma kamaniya-vapur vvilasinine bhramad-akshi-bhramar-ati-vaktra-padmah yar prachandatara-karavala dalita-ripu-ntipara-karighata-kumbha-mukta-muktaphala- vikirnita-ruchirak-abdhi-kanti-ruchira-parita-nija-kala-trikandhah sitikantha iva mahita-mahim-amodyamana ruchira 4a. kirttir asesha-Ganga-mandal-adhiraja-sri-Chaki-Rajasya bhagineyah bhuvi-prakasatay-asmi Ku nungil-nama-desam ayasar-paranmukha Manu-marggena palayati sati briy-apaniya Nandi-sangha-punniga-vriksha-mula-game sri-Kity?'acharyy-invaye bahushv acharyyeshv atikra* In the original kapalochita. These names have been filled in afterwards in a rude manner.

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16 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. nteshu tasy-antevasi O samupanata-jana-parisram-aharah sva-dana-santarppita-samasta-vidvajjano janita-mahodaya Vijaya-kirti-nama-muni-prabhur abhad || Arkakirttir iti khyatim-atanvan-muni-sattamah tasya sishyatvam ayato nayato vasam enasa || tasme munivaraya tasya Vimalidityasya apesvara-pid-kpanodaya Mayurakhandim Mayurakhandim adhivasati vijaya-skandhivio Chiki-Rajena vijnapito Vallabhendral Idigur-vvishaya-madhya-varttina Jalamangalam namadheya-gramam Saka-nripa-samvatsareshu sara-sikhi-munishu vyatiteshu Jeshtha-masa-sukla-paksha-dasamyam Pushya-nakshatre Chandra-vare Manyapura-var dig-vibhag-alankara-bhuta-Silagrama-Jan endra-bhavanaya dattavan tasya purvva-dakshi -iper-ottars-dig-vibhigeshn Svastimangala-Bellinda-Gaddanur-Ttaripal-iti prasiddhi gri. mah evam chaturnuam gramanam madhye vyavasthitasya Jalamangalasy-ayam chaturaya46. dhikramah punastasya sima-vibhagah isanatal mukudal-dakshina-digvibhagam avalokya eltaga apara eva kile kodala-mudaga-kela-bandu irppeya-koshade-pallad-olagana uli-alariye kodeyali-belane-saykane-bandu pola ante poyi-e Bidirur-ggere mukudal tatar-paschimatah puli-padiya tenkana per-olbeye per-bilike elagala-kar-andalo mukudal ante saykane pogi naymani-gereya taygandi mukudal tatah uttaratah Ballagereya paduva gajagoda palambe pupuseye anedalo-gere-e pulpadiye elagalle puligarada gere mukudal tatah purvvatah nidu vilinkke .. davina pulpadiye kanchagara galle pola elle punusa-e batta-punusaye belane bandu isanada mukudajo kudi nindattu. Racha-malla-gamundanum Siranum Ganga-gamundanum Mareyanum Belgerey-odeyorum Modabage-elpadimbarum Kunungil-aysarbarum sakshiyage kottattu namah adbhir ddattam tribhir bhuktam shadbhish cha paripalitain etani na nivarttante purvva-raja kritani cha || svan-datum sumach-chhakyam duhkham anyasya palanam danam va palanam vetti danach o [JANUARY, 1883. vrata-samiti-Guptigupta-muni-vrinda-vandita-charana-Kuvilacharyyanam punase May it be well! Of widespread fame, holding the Lakshmi of victory in the strong embrace of his powerful long right arm, adorned with a sword whose flashes like a full-blown flower lit up all the points of the compass, by his power and valour having destroyed the groups of great enemies, the one clever one in three generations, his two lotus feet weighed down with the crowns of the lines of kings of countries subdued by him in acquiring the dominion of the world, was Govinda Raja. His son, in his youth delighting his relatives by the union of the qualities of kindness, generosity and bravery, an Agastya in drinking up the ocean of all learning and science, walking in the path pointed out by Manu, a asit chhreye nupalanam|| svadattam paradattam va yo hareti vasundharam shashtim varsha sahasrani vishthaya jayate krimih | devasvam visham ghoram kalakutasam aprabham visham eka= 5. kinam hanti devasvam putra-pautrakam || Translation. moon in the clear sky of the Rashtrakuta kula, a sun to the lotus the face of the learned, adorned with a cluster of pleasing qualities, was named Kakka Raja. His son, the cause of the continued prosperity of the group of the numerous kings of his line, rejoicing in reverence to rishis and Brahmans, proclaimed aloud by the collection of all qualities, famed in all the world for the matchless firmness with which he subdued his enemies, thus did he act:-having subdued the host of hostile kings by policy and skill, he formed the kingdom; in trouble, offering unceasing sacrifices according to the directions of Manu he thus acquired pure fame; in war, forcing the Lakshmi of victory to desert others, he won her with the sword in his own hand; on 27 The words in this line, from pola, have been rudely engraved over the original description, which has been beaten down.

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JANUARY, 1883.) A RASHTRAKUTA GRANT FROM MYSORE. 17 his birth obtaining prosperity and glory for his own line, a bright sun in giving, he was named Inda RAja. His son, an ornament to his race, his honour, his wealth, ever desiring to bestow gifts rejoicing the hearts of the poor and helpless, like the moon in giving pleasure, like the chains of mountains able in bestowing streams of nectar; having set up the pillar of his fame on the slope of the Himalaya mountains written over with his many victorious qualities; in having puri- fied himself from allsin, a Ganga whose sound. ing waves are the voices of the multitudes of people singing his widespread glory; was hie widespread glory: was named Vairamegha. His uncle, the Paramesvara, seated on the lotus of whose heart had dispelled all darkness by the light of the moon on his head, the great- ness of whose glory was such that it was like a fourth world to the three worlds united, or like a hundred Kritayugas, the clouds formed by the fragrant smoke arising from whose burning of aloeso moistened with showers of sweet perfume his own abode and the places inhabited by ascetics. Let none else obtain this,' thus me- thinks did Brahma from desire ordain in past ages, and that it should not happen in future ages except during his lifetime. Like clusters of stars the bright lamps he placed on all the high places deceived the people of the city, making them doubt whether it was night or whether the day had dawned. "I am the support of all," thus in the past, and yet it grows; perhaps to provide room for him was the earth in long continuance made wide of old. The sun, through fear of moving through the upper regions covered up with a thousand flags, under pretence of seeing his reflection in the jewelled floor, having descended and shining low as if in obeisance through reverence for Parames- vara; the peacocks, hearing with delight the sounds of the tramping and trumpeting ele- phants, and thinking that the rainy season had commenced, beginning to rejoice and dance; the young women of the city, with their attention fixed on the movements of the dancing girls on the south-east displaying with the sprouts of their hands the sentiments of love and passion; the line of a hundred Munis who had traversed all the ocean of the Siddhanta :-his was like a house of the gods. Thus celebrated was that AkAlavarsha, whose own name was Kannesvara. His son, whose throne was illuminated on all sides by the rays from the toe nails of his two lotus feet which were irradiated with the brilliance from the jewels in the crowns of prostrate kings, maintaining a state suitable to the great wealth obtained at his coronation, being fanned by chamaras whose whiteness was tinged like safflower by the lustre from the rubies set in the anklets of the beautiful women who held them, a great king who was the husband of the Lakshmi of victory won by the triumphs of his own single horse, he who is the Kalpa tree, he whom petitioners truly call the Chintamani, daily acquiring by love whatever he desired, thus famous was Prabhuta varsha, the head jewel of the kings of the earth. His brother, Dharavarsha, favourite of earth and fortune, great king of kings, supreme ruler, bearing in his arms a flashing sword which had destroyed all the hostile kings, like a tiger in having slain his mighty enemies and taken possession of all lands, by his merit bearing the burden of the government of many countries; glorious--with a chest as broad as Himasaila, a jewelled floor on which royal fortune might rest-with the hair on his body standing up with ecstasy from contact with the high bosoms of the cunning fair ones who embraced him-and with the sounds of the groups of the elephants in the enemies' forces striking their tusks with the swinging of their trunks, adorned with clusters of pearls scattered by the blows of the sword in his hand; groups of beautiful chamaras fanning his shoulders, which were as high and round as the hump of Siva's bull; all points of the compass covered by his white umbrella, brilliant as the white foam of the ocean, round yet appearing square otherwise, skilfully shaped); rejoicing his heart-with the terror with which he filled the minds of hostile kings from the sport which he gave to fortune in the government of all countries, -and with the deep sound of the beaten pada and dhakka (drums) resembling the thunder of the clouds; distinguished by the royal sign that his mere moving was to give a sufficient display of valour to the minds of * Kaldgaru is said to be a kind of aloe wood, agallo chum, used as incense.

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18 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. foreign kings; the dust raised by the hard hoofs of whose horses formed groups of clouds which were laid by the streams of nectar from the foreheads of his numerous rutting elephants. When moved by fortune, by the charge of the lines of his prancing horsemen the hostile kings were scattered and went in boats to the island, with minds full of alarm, on his approaching there also, forsaking their glory and kingdom, with the distraction of defeat in battle, they fled alone to the farthest regions. As if saying This world is too small: to stay here is too confined: sufficient room cannot be obtained here,' his fame burst into all the points of the compass. From satisfying the people with the increasing showers of his daily gifts was he called Dhara varsha, and from having the lordship of the world, Vallabha. His son, whose attendants were deafened with the noise of the clanging of the white chains bound to the feet of the lines of hostile kings holding in their hands the rods of the white umbrellas taken by his own power from the Lakshmi of foreign kings, of clustered fame resembling the pure moon from association with the good whose hearts were rejoiced with hearing of his unequalled good qualities, by satisfying the desires of the hearts of the people trebling his own virtues, doer of the right, was Prabhutavarsha, favourite of earth and fortune, king of kings, supreme ruler. During the years of whose victorious reign: The son of Sri Bala varmma Narendra the moon in the sky of the beautiful Chalukya race, his two feet worshipped by the crowns on the heads of all the kings subdued by his own power, was named Yasovarmma. His son, reverenced by kings, as if to make good here the old saying "a good son is a light to his family" shining with wisdom in every aspect, like Manmatha enshrined in the hearts of women, skilled in war, protector of the skilful, of a broad chest embraced by fortune, that great one shining with such glory; of good wide-spreading arms worthy of Lakshmi, having the celebrated name Sri Vimaladitya, of a lovely form, of a lotus face in which the bees, his eyes, quiver about with joy, a luminary whose own rays spread a light like that of the ocean caused by the brilliance [JANUARY, 1883. of the pearls scattered from the foreheads of the elephants of hostile kings cut down by his terrible sword, possessing a brilliant fame like that of Siva causing joy by its greatness, the sister's son of Sri Chaki Raja the sovereign ruler of the entire Gangamandala, while, as if saying 'I am a light to the world,' governing the country called Kunangil without incurring disgrace and in the way of Manu:-- When many Acharis in the line of Sri Kityachari of the auspicious Nandi-sangha and Punnaga-vriksha-mula-gana had passed away, there was Kuvilachari, whose feet were reverenced by the company of Guptigupta Munis united in penance. His house-disciple, whose food was the offerings of the people who did him reverence, famous for his own gifts with which he gratified the learned, was the great Muni named Vijayakirtti. The wide-renowned high Muni, Arkakirtti, took upon him his discipleship but not his desires. To that chief muni, on removing the painful influence of Saturn from that Vimaladity a, the Vallabhendra, on the application of C haki Raja, residing in Mayurakhan di in his victorious camp, gave the village named Jalamangalam, situated within the Idigur district, the years sara, sikhi, muni (735) of the Saka king having passed, on the 10th of the bright fortnight of the month Jeshtha, in the constellation Pushya, Monday, presented for the temple of Jinendra at Silagrama, the ornament of the western side of the great Manyapura. On its east, south, west and north are the well-known villages Svastimangala, Bellinda, Guddanur and Taripal. These four define Jalamangalam which is situated in the middle of the four villages. Again its boundaries:From the north-east angle, looking south, coming down east of the rising and falling ground within the hollow of the irppe trees, the uli plants; coming straight to the Kodeyali cultivation, the field and the tamarind tree; thence going down, the angle of the Bidarur tank. Then west:-on the south of the tiger path [per olbeye] the big waste, the boundary stone, the big shelter at that angle; then going straight to the taygandi" of the Naymapi tank. It may possibly here mean the temple of some Sakti. Tayganda, mother's husband, is a term of low abuse.

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JANUARY, 1883.) PUJYAPADA. 19 Then north :the elephant cashew-nut tree on the west of Ballagere, some plants, the elephant tank, the grazing land, the boundary stone, the angle of the Puligara tank. Then Past :-to the tall betel plants, the grass plain, the brazier's stone, the boundary of a field, a tamarind tree, a circular tamarind tree, cul. tivated ground : thus coming, it joins the angle on the north-east. Given with the witness of Racha-malla gamunda, Sira, Ganga-gamunda, Mareya, Belgere Odeyar, the Modabage Seventy, the whole of Kunungil. Obeisance. That which has been given with pouring of water, that which has been enjoyed for three generations, or maintained for six generations, such may not be resumed, nor the gifts of former kings. To make a gift oneself is easy, to maintain another's difficult; but of making a gift or maintaining another's, the maintaining is the most meritorious. Whoso resumes a gift made by himself or by another, shall be born a worm in ordure for sixty thousand years. The property of the gods is a terrible poison, a secret poison : poison kills one man, the property of the gods (if usurped) kills sons and grandsons. PUJYAPADA AND THE AUTHORSHIP OF THE JAINENDRA-VYAKARANA. BY K. B. PATHAK, B.A., BELGAUM HIGH SCHOOL In the tenth volume of this journal, pp. 75- the worthlessness of such traditions, when he 79, Dr. Kielhorn has contributed a paper on abandons the Tirthaikara, and feels it necessary the Sanskrit Grammar called Jainendram. i to "look for an ordinary human author of the After reviewing at some length the text of the work." He then fixes upon De vanandi, work as preserved in the commentaries of another name given by Somadeva and SrutaAbhayanandi,' Srutakirti, and Somaddva, the kirti, as the author of the Jainandram. learned Doctor proceeds to deal with the 1 I now propose to settle the question by the interesting question, who was the author of the light of the Jaina literature of the Karnataka. work? He finds that Somadova attributes it To arrive at a satisfactory conclusion on this to Pujya pada; and his own opinion is that point, we have to answer three questions :-(1) Pujya pa da is an honorific epithet, and that whether there was any author named Pujyawe are to understand by the term, "Mahavira, pada, who flourished in Southern India; (2) the last of the Jinas, to whom the title Jinendra whether he wrote the Jainendram; and (3) is applied not infrequently." It may not be whether he was known by any other name. foreign to the subject to mention here that In answer to the first question I would first Samantabhadra applies this title indifferently point out that it is a custom among the Karnato almost all the Tirthanikaras. taka Jaina poets to praise their illustrious In order to prove that P u jy ap ada is no predecessors in the prasastis of their works. other than Vardhamana hintself, Dr. The importance of these prasastis, from Kielhorn next quotes at length a tradition, an historical point of view, can bardly be exagwhich represents Mahavira as having revealed gerated. In some cases they are as important the science of grammar. I may remark here as inscriptions. Now the poems that have that this and similar other traditions, so often appeared since the beginning of the 8th century met with in Jaina literature, which represent A.D., as a rule open with verses praising everything under the sun as far frata Pujya pa da. Arhaddasa says: can hardly bave any pretensions to historical importance. Sakalakirti, a writer of the 13th samaMtabhadrAdapi pUjyapAdAt / / century, tells us, in his life of Mahavira, that the vacokalaMkaM guNabhadramastu dialects, Magadhi and Ardha-Magadhi, flowed HITTE THAT I--Munisuvratakavya, 1, 10. from the lips of the last Jina! And Ekasardhi. Indrabhuti, in his Samayabhushana, deplores bhattaraka says in his work on architecture, that the decline of the Jaina faith : the Silpasastra was, for the first time, revealed by Mahavira to the last of the Ganadharas. svarga gate vikramAMke bhadrabAhIca yogini / Dr. Kielhorn, however, seems to admit tacitly prajAH svacchaMdacAriNyo babhUvuH paapmohitaaH||3|| I havo adopted the Canarese form of mannes ending in a

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20 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JANUARY, 1883 kiyatyapi tatotIte kAle zvetAMbarI bhavat / I now proceed to answer the next question, did ATTET Tfter 18 HTTG:11 811 Pujyapada write the Jainendram P There After denouncing the Y & paniya and other is a Sanskrit work called Dharmapariksha, sects, which had once been converted to Bud- composed by Amitagati. It must have been dhism and then reclaimed to Jainism, as written some time after the star of Buddhism jainAbhAsAH prakIrtitAH had ceased to shine, and Brahmanism bad reIndrabhuti recommends, as the genuine ex. vived under Sankaracharya. It was exponent of Jaina principles, the writings of tremely popular with the Jainas, by reason of zrIbhadrabAhuH zrIcaMdro jinacaMdro mhaamtiH|| its attacks on Brahmanism; and it was rendered gRbhrapiMchaguruH zrImAn lohAcAryoM jiteNdriyH|| 67 // into Canarese verse by. Vrittavilasa in the 13th elAcAryaH pUjyapAdo siMhanaMdI mahAkaviH // century. In the prasasti of this Canarese Nagachandra, a Canarese poet, says: Dharmaparikshe, we are toldKavi-Parameshthigala guna Bharadim Jainendramam bhasuramenale stavanamga!=Pajyapada-yatipatiya guna oredam Paniniyakke tikum stavanamga!=orme nalage baredam Tatvarthamam tippanadip=aripidam ge vamda manavana vag-malam nindapudo || malam nirdapuda 11 | yamtra-maintr-adi-bistr-. "Can any defect remain in the speech of the tkaramam bhu-rakshan-artha virachisi jasaman whose tongue once utters the praises of mum taldidam visva-vidy-- the virtues of Kavi-Paramesh thi, and bharanam bhavy-Aliy-aradhita-pada-kamalar Puj yapada, the chief of ascetics?" Pajyapadam vratindram || The Sabdamanidarpana, besides many frag. "Pujya pa da, the chief of ascetics, whose ments of Kalidasa, Subandhu, and Bhartsi- lotus-like feet were worshipped by a multitude hari in Canarese dress, introduces the following of good people, and who was the pride of all passage - learning, composed quickly the Jainendram Srimat-Samantabhadra which was, as it were, shining, --wrote a comsvamigala jagat-prasiddha Kavi-Parameshthi- mentary on the grammar of Panini, and ex. svamigala Pujyapada plained the Tatvartha' by comments; [he] svamigala padamga!=ige sasvata-padamam || achieved a reputation, [by] writing [a work on] "May the feet of the venerable Pujya pa da, the great science of spells and enchanted instruof Kavi-Para meshthi, possessing a world- ments for the protection of the world," wido fame, and of the venerable Samanta- From this it is clear that Pujya pada was bhadra, confer (on me) immortal life." the author of the Jainendram. And from an This author, the holy Pajya pada, is inscription at Laksh theswar, we learn that described by a later Canarese poet as "a philo- Sri-Pujya pada was a native of Raktasopher's stone, which converted the Buddhist pora, or Alaktak apura, and flourished Nagarjuna to Jainism." I apologize to the in Saka 651, in the palmiest days of Jaina reader for inflicting so many quotations upon him. literature. But I have been forced to do so, with a view to The last question, whether Pajya pada counteract the effects of Dr. Kielhorn's review, was known by any other name, still remains to which explains away the very existence of an be answered. Somadova attributes the authorauthor who occupies so distinguished a place in ship of the Jainendram, in one place to Pujyathe ranks of Jaina literature, and who has played 1 pada, and in another to Devanandi. Now an important part in the annals of Southern India. these two contradictory statements made by This word, Yaponiya, has puzzled many scholars. vedAbhyAsajaDaH kathaM nu viSayavyAvRttakautUhalo The citation given above confirms Mr. Fleet's explanation of it; Ind. Ant., vol. VII, p. 34. nirmAtuM prabhavanmanoharamidaM rUpaM purANo muniH|| As this has escaped the attention of Mr. Kittel, I KAlid Asa (quoted from the Kavyapraklisa). shall quote one instance from his own edition, pp. 127, 128. --Ivala srimgara-garam Kusumasarane men madidam * Rojatarargint, vol. I, p. 173. prollanat-pallava-pushpam mei Bantam baysse * In the commontary on Samantabhadra, the word padedan ettam budhi-saudhamam susuva Chandran Er is rendered by bhavyarasis; hence bhavyar - good Ano men puttisidan-atijadan ohh Amdanam Padmajan people. nikkuvamallam kartritay-ardad-init-ati ayan- . Literally," said or uttered." tA?dud-t kanneysimdami The work of Umgevati, or Syati, born at GirinaasyAH sargavidhau prajApatirabhUcaMdro nu kAntipradaH gara near the Ujayantagiri in Saurahtra. * He also wrote the Samadhisataka. zRGgAraikarasa: svayaM nu madano mAso nu pussyaakrH| Mr. Fleet; Ind. Ant. vol. VII, p. 112.

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DATE OF MAHAVIRA'S NIRVANA. JANUARY, 1883.] one and the same writer may be accounted for by supposing either that they must be due to carelessness on the part of Somadeva, or that the author of the Jainendram may have borne two names, Pujyapada and Devanandi. The latter supposition turns out to be the correct explanation, as we learn from a pattavali : yaza: kIrtiryazonaMdI devanaMdI mahAyatiH zrI pUjyapAdAparAkhyo guNanaMdI guNAkaraH // 8 // Nandisaighagurvavali. To support my conclusions still further, I give below the names of some authors, who mention Pujya pa da, with dates. 10 (Pujyapada, Saka 651) Abhayanandi.. 700 In the second volume of this journal, p. 140, in quoting several different authorities as to the date of the Nirvana of Mahavira, Vira, or Vardhamana, the last of the Jaina Tirthankaras, the editor remarks that the Jainas of Maisur place it 607 years before the era of Vikrama. He suggests, however, that this is a mistake for the Saka era. And I propose to show now that, with the difference of 605 for 607 years, this suggestion contains the correct truth, and that the resulting date of B. C. 527 is the one given in the Jaina books of these parts for the event in question. The mistake arose in the misinterpretation, by the native commentator, of a well-known passage in the Trilokasara, which says:chavasa paNamAsajudaM gamiya vIraNibudI sagarAjo "Six-hundred and five years, joined to five months, having passed away since the nirvana of Vira, the Saka king (was born.)" This is the literal rendering of the text as written by Nemichandra. But the commentator, Madhavachandra, takes the expression Sagarajo in the sense of Vikramanka-Sakaraja. In the text itself there is nothing to warrant this view. And the misinterpretation, which has puzzled many oriental scholars,' is not countenanced by the numerous Canarese commentaries on the Trilokasara, which are found in the Jaina bastis. I shall transcribe THE DATE OF MAHAVIRA'S NIRVANA, AS DETERMINED IN SAKA 1175. BY K. B. PATHAK, BELGAUM HIGH SCHOOL. 10 See Maghavandi's Srunkacharo, Meghachandra's commentary on the Samadhisatako, and an inscription at Terdal, which will be published shortly. 21 Trivikrama Saka 800 (A Prakrit grammar) Chamundaraja,, 900 (Chamundarejapurana) Srutakirti " 1045 Meghachandra,, 1070 The Arya Srutakirti mentioned in the Panchavastuka, and praised in a pattavali as traividyaH zrutakIrtyAkhyo vaiyAkaraNabhAskaraH was the author of the Raghavapandaviya. Having thus shown, by satisfactory proofs, that Pujyapada was the author of the Jainen dram, and that he was also called De vanandi, I would add, in conclusion, that many of the works of this illustrious author have survived the wear and tear of twelve centuries, and are still to be found in the great bastis of Southern India. below a passage from a work on Sravakachara, or the conduct of the laity, which calculates Vira's nirvana according to the Saka era, and enables us to arrive at 527 B. C. as the date of that event. This exactly coincides with the view of the Svetambaras of the north, who place the event 470 years before Vikrama. Like the Jainemdram, the Trilokasara is regarded as an authority by the Digambaras of Delhi and Jaipur, although Nemichandra flourished in Southern India 200 years later than the illustrious Pujya pada. In the passage in question we are told that 1780 years from Vira had elapsed when this work on Sravakachara was established for worship, on the fifth day called the Srutapanchami, in the bright half of Jyeshtha, in the Paridhavi samvatsara. And we read further on that the Saka king was born 605 years after Vira. Now, deducting 605 from 1780, we get 1175. And the author says expressly that the year in which his work was worshipped was the Paridhavi samvatsara. By the Tables in Brown's Carnatic Chronology, the Paridhavi samvatsara fell in Saka 1174. And Mr. Fleet, in his Dynasties of the Kanarese Districts, p. 69, has quoted an inscription in which the Paridhavi samvatsara is allotted to Saka 1175,-for 1174, according to Brown. Hence it is evident that 1780 years since Vira's nirvana had passed away in Saka 1175, the Paridhavi samvatsara. Con 11 Pampa-Ramayana. e. g. Burnell, So.-Ind. Palaography, p. 72,

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JANUARY, 1883. sequently, the " ornament of the Nathakula" attained moksha 605 years before the Saka era. The Svetambaras place this event 470 years before the era of Vikrama. And the difference between the two eras is 135 years. And 470 + 135 = 605 (before the Saka era) 605 - 78=527 B. C. 470 + 57 = 527 B.C. I have omitted the fractions, as they do not affect my general conclusions. I have thus proved that the Digambaras of the Karnataka are perfectly at one with the Svetambaras on this important point. I must say just a word in regard to the Sravakachara. It is called Maghanandi-Sravakachara, because Maghanandi wrote the first chapter. The remaining chapters, however, were composed by different authors whose names are mentioned. At the beginning of the fifth chapter, Maghanandi himself is thus praised :_ namo natrajanAnaMdasyaMdine mAghaNaM dine jagatyasiddhasiddhAMtavedine citpramodine / But the question of the authorship of the Sravakach dra has no bearing whatever on the date of Mahavira himself. Transcription. Mattam=i Vardhamana-tirthakara-kalado! Gautama-Sudharma-Ja mbunathar = erb zivaranubaddha-kevaligala kalam aruvatt-eradu varsham 62 | Namdi-Namdimitra-AparajitaGovardhana - Bhadraba hugal-emb rayvara sruta-kevaligala kalam nura varsham | 100 || Mattam Visakhanom | Proshthilanum Kshatriyanum | Jayanum | Naganum | Siddharthanum | Dhritishenanum | Vijayanum | Buddhilanum Gamgadevanum Sadharmanum=erba dasa-purva-dhara'r-aikadasara kalam nur-em- bhatta-mura varsham=akkum Mattam Nakshatranum | Jayapalanum Pamduvum | Drumase. nanum Kusumbacharyanum-end-Okadas-Arnga-dhara-pamchakara kala-pramaram=imur. ippattu varisam 220 | Mattam=i-tirthakarasamtinadolu Subhadranum | Yasobhadranur Yakobi huvum Lohabha-namanum=embechar. Arnga[-dhara)-chatushtayada kalan | nuru-hadinemtu varisan | 118 Imt=i Gautam-Adigala kalam-ellam kudi aru'nur-embhatta-muru varisam-akkuin | Mattam=char-amgadharim balikka sasirada tombhatt-elaneya Paridhavi sam * An additional ra is inserted here by mistake. * This is the only instance in which the old Canarese rooours in this passage. batsarada Jyeshtha suddha Sruta-pamchamiya dinam=i Sravakachara-srutam pratishthitam= Aytu || Antu sasirad=elu-nur-embhatta varisam akkum || 1780 Mumd=imnu Vira-sva miya kala hattombhattu sasiradim ur-ippattu varisam || 19220 || pravarttisagu || ....... ..............|| Mattam Vira-Jina muktan-kdim balikkam-arunur-aydu varisam aydu tirgal-amdu | 605 | tim 5 Sakarajam puttidam. Maghanandi-Sravakachara, Chap. II. Translation. And in the period of this Tirthankara Vardhamana, there flourished the Kevalis named Gautama, Sudbarma, and Jambunatha; their time was sixty-two years,-62. Then there were five Srutakevafis named Nandi, Nandimitra, Aparajita, Govardhana, and Bhadraba hu ; their time was a hundred years,-100. And (then) there were eleven masters of the ten purvas, named Visakha, Proshthila, Kshatriya, Jaya, Naga, Siddhartha, Dhritishona, Vijaya, Buddhila, Gangadeva, and Sudharma ; their time was a hundred and eighty-three years. And (then) there were five masters of the eleven angas, named Nakshatra, Jayapala, Pandu, Drumasena, and Kusumbae harya; their time was two hundred and twenty years, -220. And during the period assigned to this tirthakara, there flourished also Subhadra, Yasobhadra, Yasobahu, and Lohabha, the four masters of the acharanga; their time was a hundred and eighteen years,-118. Thus the whole period, including the time of Gautama and others, was six hundred and eighty-three years. And on the Srutapanchami, in the bright half of Jyeshtha, in the Paridhavi sariwatsara, being the thousand and ninety-seventh year from the time of the masters of the acharanga, this work on the conduct of the laity was worshipped. Thus from Vira) there were a thousand seven hundred and eighty years,-1780. The time which the era of Virasvami (will) yet (continue) is nineteen thousand two hundred and twenty years, 19220 And the Saka king was born when six hundred and five years and five months, -605 (years) five months-had passed away since ViraJin a attained moksha. The whole period of Vira's era, therefore is 19220 + 178021000 years. Conf. Tata Tate E OF TH.-Trilokasdra.

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JANUARY, 1883.] THE WHOLE DUTY OF THE BUDDHIST LAYMAN. THE WHOLE DUTY OF THE BUDDHIST LAYMAN. A SERMON OF BUDDHA.' BY THE LATE PROF. R. C. CHILDERS. The Sermon I have selected bears in the Pali canon the name Sigalovada or "the admonition of Sigala," but it is popularly known to South Buddhists by the descriptive title of Gihivinaya, or "the Layman's Rule of Life," because it deals with the moral conduct of the Buddhist layman, as the Vinaya, or ecclesiastical code, deals with the conduct of the Buddhist monk. It was translated thirty years ago by the famous Wesleyan missionary Gogerly, but his version is only known to the fortunate few who have access to that rare work, the Journal of the Ceylon Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society for 1847. My own translation is a new one, made from a collated copy of the Pali text and commentary. I have been able to correct a great number of errors in Gogerly's translation; but I have pleasure in saying that on the whole I have found it a material help, and I have not hesitated here and there to adopt a rendering of his which struck me as an unusually happy one. I have endeavoured to be strictly literal, though in a few places I have somewhat varied the wording in order to preserve the spirit of the original. I have also omitted a few unimportant repetitions of formal phrases belonging only to the framework of the sermon, and not affecting its substance. The Sermon. Thus I have heard. On a certain day Bad. dha dwelt at Rajagaha in a grove called Veluvana. And the same day the young householder Sigala rose early in the morning, and went forth from Rajagaha, and standing with wet hair and streaming garments, and clasped hands uplifted, worshipped the various quarters, the east, the west, the south, the north, the nadir, and the zenith. And Buddha rose early in the morning and put on his raiment, and taking his bowl and robe went to Rajagaha to seek alms. And the Blessed One beheld the young householder, as with streaming hair and garments and clasped hands uplifted he worshipped the various quarters, and beholding he thus addressed him : 1 From the Contemporary Review, Feb. 1876. We have omitted most of the author's own remarks as not required in these pages.ED. From the Pali Tripitaka, or the Three Baskets; which 23 Wherefore, young man, dost thou rise betimes, and leaving Rajagaha, with wet hair and streaming garments dost worship the various quarters, the east quarter, the south, the west, and the north, the nadir and the zenith ? Master, my father, when he lay on his deathbed said to me, My son, do thou worship the quarters. Honouring, therefore my father's words, reverencing, revering, and holding them sacred, I rise early in the morning, and going forth from Rajagaha, with wet hair and streaming garments, and clasped hands uplifted, I worship the various quarters-the east, the south, the west, and the north, the nadir and the zenith. Not thus, young man, should the six quarters be worshipped according to the teaching of holy sages. How then, master, should the six quarters be worshipped? May it please thee, Master, so to teach me thy truth that I may know how the six quarters should be worshipped according to the teaching of the holy sages. Hear then, young man, give heed to my words, and I will speak. And the young householder Sigala answered, Even so, Lord; and thus the Buddha spoke : Young man, inasmuch as the holy disciple has forsaken the four polluting actions, inasmuch as he is uninfluenced by four evil states to commit sin, inasmuch as he eschews the six means of dissipating wealth, therefore freed from fourteen evils, and guarding the six quarters, he walks victorious over both worlds; for him this world is blest and the next also, and on the dissolution of the body after death he is reborn in heavenly mansions. What are the four polluting actions forsaken by him? The destruction of life is a polluting act, theft is a polluting act, impurity is a pollating act, lying is a polluting act-these four polluting actions are forsaken by him.. And what are the four evil states that tempt men to sin? Through partiality men commit sin, through anger men commit sin, through are Vinaya, Setra and Abhidharma-Monastic discipline, Discourses, and Metaphysics. The sermon here translated is taken from the Sutra Pitaka, which consista chiefly of moral discourses.

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24 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JANUARY, 1883. ignorance men commit sin, through fear men commit sin. But inasmuch as the holy dis- ciple lives uninfluenced by partiality or wrath or folly or fear, therefore these four evil states tempt him not to sin. Whoso from partiality, wrath, folly, or fear is tempted to pervert justice, his glory shall fade like the waning moon. But whoso, untempted by these, re frains from perverting justice, his glory shall be made fall, like the glory of the increasing moon. And what are the six means of dissipating wealth? Strong drink, young man, and theatre-going, and evil companions, and dicing, and wandering about the streets at night, and idleness-these six bring a man to poverty. There are six evils, young man, in being ad- dicted to strong drink,--poverty, strife, disease, 1088 of character, shameless exposure of the person, and impaired faculties. Six evils attend on him who wanders about the streets at night. His life is in danger, his wife and ehildren are uncared for, his property is unguarded, he falls under the suspicion of frequenting places of evil resort, false rumours circulate conceruing him, and sorrow and remorse follow in his train. Six evils wait upon him who thirsts after worldly amusements. He is ever crying, Where is there dancing ? where is there singing P where is there music? where recitation ? where conjuring ? where public shows ? Six evils wait upon the gambler. If he win, he begets hatred ; if he lose, his heart is sor- rowful. His substance is wasted, his word has no weight in a court of justice, his friends and his kinsmen despise him, and he is looked upon as ineligible for marriage - for men say, A gambler is unfit to support a wife. Six evils attend on him who associates with bad companions. Every gambler, every liber. tine, every cheat, every rogue, every outlaw is his friend and companion. Six evils attend upon the sluggard. He says it is too cold, and does not work; he says it is too hot, and does not work; he says it is too early, and does not work; he says it is too late, and does not work; he says, I am hungry, and does not work; he says, I am full, and does not work; and while he thus lives, ever neglecting his duties, he both fails to acquire new property, and that which he possesses dwindles away. Some friends are only boon companions, some are hollow friends ; the true friend is the friend in need. Sleeping after the sun has risen, adultery, revenge, malevolence, evil communications, and avarice--these six things bring a man to ruin. He who has sinful friends and sinful companions, who is devoted to sinful practices, the same is ruined in this world and the next. | Gambling, debauchery, dancing and singing, sleeping by day and wandering about at night, bad companions, and avarice--these six things bring a man to ruin. Woe to the dicers, to them that drink strong drink, that go in unto their neighbour's wife : whoso follows wickedness and honours not the wise, he shall fade like the waning moon. He that drinks strong drink is needy and destitute, ever thirsting with unquenchable thirst, he plunges into debt as one plunges into water, and will quickly bring his family to nothing; he who sleeps by day and rises at night, who is ever full of wine and whoredoms, is unfit to maintain a family. Poverty overtakes him who says, 'Tis too cold, 'tis too hot, 'tis too late, and neglects his work; but he who, performing his duties, recks not a straw for heat or cold, his happiness shall not decay. There are four, young man, who, seeming to be friends, are enemies in disguise--the rapacious friend, the man of much profession, the flatterer, and the dissolute companion. In four ways the rapacious man may be known to be a false friend :-He enriches himself at your expense ; he expects much in return for little; he does what is right only under the impulse of fear; and he serves you from selfinterested motives. In four ways the man of much profession may be known to be a false friend :-He boasts of what he meant to do for you ; he boasts of what he means to do for you; he is profase in anprofitable compliments, but in the hour of need he protests his inability to serve you. In four ways the flatterer may be known to be a false friend :-He assents when you do wrong; he assents when you do right;: he praises you to your face; and speaks ill of you behind your back. In four ways the dissolute companion may be known to be a false friend :-He is your friend if you follow after strong drink, if you

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JANUARY, 1883.1 THE WHOLE DUTY OF THE BUDDHIST LAYMAN. 25 wander about the streets at night; he is your companion in theatre-going, he is your companion in dicing. The rapacious friend, the insincere friend, the friend who speaks only to please, and he who is a companion in vicions pleasures-recognizing these four to be false friends, the wise man flees far from them as he would from a road beset with danger. These four, young man, are true friends-the watchful friend, the friend who is the same in prosperity and adversity, the friend who gives good advice, and the sympathizing friend. In four ways the watchful may be known to be a true friend :-He protects you when you are off your guard; he watches over your property when you are careless; he offers you an asylum in time of danger; and when work has to be done, he gives you the means of doubling your wealth. In four ways the friend who is the same in prosperity and adversity may be known to be a true friend :-He confides to you his own secrets; he faithfully keeps yours; he forsakes you not in trouble; and he will lay down his life for your sake. In four ways the good counsellor may be known to be a true friend :-He restrains you from vice; he exhorts you to virtue; he imparts instruction, and points the way to heaven. In four ways the sympathizing friend may be known to be a true friend :-He grieves over your misfortunes; he rejoices in your happiness; he restrains those who speak ill of you. The watchful friend, the steadfast friend, the good counsellor, and the sympathizing friendrecognizing those four to be true friends, the wise man cleaves to them as the mother cleaves to her infant son. The wise man endowed with righteousness, shines like a flaming fire. He who gathors wealth as the bee gathers honey, his wealth shall accumulate as the ant's nest is built up; and with wealth thus acquired he will bring no dishonour upon his family. Let him apportion his property into four, and so let him cement friendships. With one portion let him maintain himself; with two let him carry on his business; the fourth let him treasure up, it will serve him in time of trouble. But in what way does the disciple of holy sages guard the six quarters P Know, young man, that these are the six quarters. Parents are the east quarter, teachers are the south quarter, wife and children are the west quarter, friends and companions are the north quarter, spiritual pastors are the zenith, and servants and dependents are the nadir. In five ways, young man, a son should minister to his parents, who are the east quarter. He should say I will support them who have supported me, I will perform their duties, I will guard their possessions, I will make myself worthy to be their heir, and when they are gone I will pay honour to their memory. And in five ways the parents show their affection for their son. They keep him from vice, they train him in virtue, they provide him with a good education, they unite him to a suitable wife, and in due time make over to him the family heritage. And thus is the east quarter guarded and free from danger. In five ways the pupil should honour his teachers, who are the south quarter: By rising in their presence, by ministering to them, by obeying them, by supplying their wants, and by attentively receiving their instruction. And in five ways the teachers show their affection for their pupil. They train him up in all that is good, they teach him to hold fast knowledge, they instruct him in science and lore, they speak well of him to his friends and companions, and protect him from danger in every quarter. In five ways should the wife, who is the west quarter, be cherished by her husband. By treating her with respect, by treating her with kindness, by being faithful to her, by causing her to be honoured by others, and by furnishing her with suitable apparel. And in five ways the wife shows her affection for her husband. She orders her household aright, she is hospitable to kinsmen and friends, she is a chaste wife, a thrifty housekeeper, and skiful and diligent in all her duties. In five ways should the honourable man minister to his friends and companions, who are the north quarter. By liberality, courtesy and benevolence, by doing to them as he would be done by, and by sharing with them his prosperity. And in five ways do they in turn show their attachment for their friend. They watch over him when he is off his guard, they watch over his property when he is careless, they offer him a refuge in danger, they forsake him not in misfortune, and show kindness to his family. In five ways the master should provide for

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26 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JANUARY, 1883. the welfare of his servants and dependents and prudent, lowly and teachable-such a one who are the nadir. By apportioning work to shall be exalted. If he be resolute and diligent, them according to their powers, by supplying unshaken in misfortune, persevering and wise, them with food and wages, by tending them in such a one shall be exalted. Benevolent, friend. sickness, by sharing with them unusual delicacies, ly, grateful, liberal, a guide, instructor and and by granting them occasional relaxation. trainer of mensuch a one shall attain honour. And in five ways do they in return testify their | Liberality, courtesy, benevolence, unselfishaffection for their master. They rise before ness, under all circumstances and toward all him and retire after him, they are content with men-these qualities are to the world what the what is given them, they do their work tho- linchpin is to the rolling chariot. And when rougbly, and they speak well of their masters. these qualities are wanting, neither father nor In five ways should the honourable man minis- mother will receive honour and support from a ter to his spiritual masters, who are the zenith. son And because wise men foster these qualiBy friendly acts, by friendly words, by friendly ties, therefore do they prosper and receive praise. thoughts, by giving them a ready welcome and When Buddha had thus spoken the young by supplying their temporal wants. And in six householder Sigala addressed him as follows: ways do they show their affection in return. It is wonderful, Master! It is wonderful, They restrain him from vice, they exhort him Master! 'Tis as if one should set up again to virtue, they are kindly affectioned toward that which is overthrown, or should reveal that him, they instruct him in religious truth, clear which is hidden, or should direct the wanderer up his doubts and point the way to heaven. into the right path, or hold out a lamp in the Parents are the east quarter, teachers are the darkness--so that they that have eyes to see south, wife and children are the west, friends shall see. Yea, even thus has the Blessed and companions the north, servants and depenLord made known the Truth to me in many a dents are the nadir, the zenith are spiritual figure. And I, even I, do put my trust in Thee, pastors : let a man worship these quarters, and and in thy Law and in thy Church-receive he will bring no dishonour upon his family. I me, Lord, as thy disciple and true believer The wise man who lives a virtuous life, gentle from this time forth as long as life endures. MISCELLANEA. NOTES. tion of "clout," which is defined by Ogilvie as 1. CORRUPTIONS OF ENGLISH-Kallaf - "a rag, a piece of cloth for mean purposes." Kalot Club. Kallab and gallab for the English club is used only as above, and never to designate any are not uncommon in India, and in the North kind of native garment. the word ghar, house, is ordinarily added. The Santar-centre-a main street in a Canton, accent in kallab and gallab is usually on the ment Bazar. Santar is also used for the first syllable. In Lahor Kallaf ghar is sommon Chauk or Central point in a Bazar, whence the for the Club." Here b becomes f. See Ind. Ant. principal streets diverge, and this seems to ante vol. XI, p. 297 for a similar change. have been its original sense, whence its apSafinaz Sub-paena is very common in the plication extended to the main streets them Panjab Courts and in misals and 'arzis one selves. Natives generally divide the streets in a often meets with at as the Here the b and p Cantonment Bazar into santars, kuchds and are changed into f. galls, or main streets, lanes and alleys. Santar is Ajitart=Registry, is a curious corruption, and not known in towns, outside Cantonments, and one constantly in the mouths of Panjabi chuprdels, corresponds to the kuchd or street, but as a e.g. ek ajstarf hai," it is a registered letter." matter of fact the broad streets of a Cantonment Gudyi-kalot, or either separately, used for an Bazar do not exist in a native town, and hence English baby's napkins, and frequently used by probably the invention of the word santar to ayahs and English ladies in Northern India. The distinguish them. It is very common and its two words mean precisely the same thing. Gudrfis sense beyond dispute; e.g. 'woh dusre santar Hindi, meaning a ragged quilt, a ragged garment, men rahta hai, he lives in another street.' a rag, and kalot is, I am nearly sure, a corrup R. O. TEMPLE. - Is it not rather s corruption of cloth -Ed.

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FEBRUARY, 1883.] TWO KSHATRAPA INSCRIPTIONS 27 REVISED TRANSLATIONS OF TWO KSHATRAPA INSCRIPTIONS. By Dr. A. F. RUDOLF HOERNLE. TY enquiries connected with the Bakhshalinaligera-mula-sahasra-pradena Govardhane M MS. which is written in the so-called Trirasmishu parvateshu dharmatmana idam Gatha dialect, lately led me to re-examine the lena ) karitam imd cha podhiyo bhattarakaKshatrapa Inscriptions. On doing so, I disco- natiya cha gato'smi varsha-raturi Malayeki vered that some of the points in them which ru[d]dham Ut[t]amabhadram mochayitum hitherto have remained obscure are at once te cha Malayd pranddeneva apayata Uttacleared up, when those documents are taken as mabhadrakanan cha kshatriyanai sarve written in the "G-AthA." At the same time I also parigrah kerita tato'smi gato Polcsharani tatra found that in some places they are still misread cha maya abhiseko krito tini cha gosahasrani and mis-translated. Accordingly I venture to dat[t]ani gramo cha | submit herewith revised readings and transla New TRANSLATION. tions of two of the Kshatrapa Inscriptions, May it be well! By the son-in-law of King The first Inscription treated in this paper is the Kshaharata Satrap Nahapana, the son of Dinika, Nasik Inscription, West's No. 17.' It was first Ushavadata, who gave (as alms) three hundred read and translated (in 1853) by Dr. Stevenson thousand cows, gave gold to build a sacred in the Journal of the Bombay Br. R. Asiat. bathing place on the river Barnasa, gave sixteen Society, vol. V, pp. 49 ff., afterwards by Prof. villages to the gods and Brahmans, fed a hunBhandarkar in the Transactions of the Interna dred thousand Brahmans every year, presented tional Congress of Orientalists, of 1874 (pp. 326 (the means of marrying) eight wives to Brahff.), and, as already mentioned, by Prof. Buhler mans at the sacred bathing place of Prabhasa, in the Report of the Archaeological Survey of presented quadrangular rest-houses at BharuWestern India, vol. IV, pp. 99, 100. kachha, Dasapara, Govardhana, and Sorparaga, REVISED READING. made gardens, tanks and wells, placed sacred Siddham rajnah kshaharatasya kshatra ferry-boats on the rivers Iba, Parada, Damana, pasya Nahapanasya jamatra Dinikapatrena | Tapi, Karabena, Dahanuka, provided on the Ushavadatena trigosatasahasradena nadya[m] bank, on both sides of those same rivers, places Varnisayam suvarnadanatirthakarena devata- for the distribution of water to those who bhyah brahmanebhyas cha shodasagramadena assembled (for the purpose of crossing), (and) anuvarsha[m] brahmanasatasahasri[m] bhoja- presented in the village of Nanamgola thirty-two payitra cocoanut trees, worth a thousand (karshapanas), Prabhase punyatirthe brahmanebhyah to the congregations in Pinditakavada, Govarashtabharyapradena Bharukachhe Dasapure dhana, Suvarnamukha, and Sorparaga, (who are Govardhane Sorparage cha chatusalavasa- in the habit of) frequenting Ramatirtha-on dha-pratisraya-pradena arama-tadaga-udapana. the mount Trirasmi in Govardhana, out of relikarena Iba-Parada-Damana-Tapi-Karabeni-Da- gious principle, this cave has been caused to hanuku nava-punyatara-karena eta sam cha be made as well as these cisterns. And by the nadinam ubhato tirash sabha command of the noble Lord I went, in the prapa-karena Pirditakavade Govardhane Su- rainy season, to deliver the Uttamabhadra who Varnamukhe Sorpkrage cha Ramatirthe charaka was beset by the MAlayas, and those Malayas, parshabhyah grdme Nananngole dvdtriaat- at the mere noise (of my approach) fled away See Proceedings of the As. Soc. of Bengal for August Journal Bombay Br. R. Ariat. Soc. vol. V. No. IV, PP. 1882. 8-10; Mr. West's eye-oopy, ibid., vol. VII, p. 50; and * This paper was written and, indeed, was already in the facsimile of the new impression in Arch. Survey of type, when I learned that Prof. Buhler had lately re-read Western India, vol. IV, pl. lii. the Nasik Inscriptions from beautiful new impressions. Dr. Burgess kindly supplied me with MS. copy of Prof. * The anusuras and double consonants within brackets are not in the original. All or some of the Buhler's revision, and the references to the latter which omissions of the anupudra may be due to the Gatha I have inserted are based on them. It is necessary to explain this, as in many cases my emendations agreed character of the record, All Prakritio elements are in with those of Prof. Buhler. In the main object of this italics. paper, however, which is to point out the fact that these . From the new impression read-1. 1, anuvarsha, for records are written in the so-called Gath dialect, I have sham; 1.3, Nanangole.dvdtrat na ligera, for Nonagols not been anticipated. . dvdtrivat nad higera; lona for loanh; 1. 4, utamabha. * See reduced copy of Liont. P. F. Brett's copy indrakande, for Onanh.

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28 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [FEBRUARY, 1883. and were all made subjects of the Uttamabha- Sanskrit rules of sandhi, according to which it dra Kshatriyas. Thence I went to the Push- should be devatabhyo. Another instance ockaras, and there by me ablutions were made, curs, lower down, in parshabhyah for Sansk. and three thousand cows were given as well parshadbhyo. Of course, where the omission of as a village. sandhi coincides with a pause, and serves as As regards the language of this Inscription, & sort of interpunctuation, no stress can be it is usually said that the first portion is San- laid on it as a mark of Gathe usage; for a skrit, while the latter part is a mixture of similar practice may be met with in Sanskrit Sanskrit and Prakrit. This description is not writing. But it is different with cases like quite correct; thu first portion is not exactly devatabhyah, parshabhyah, which occur in the Sanskrit; forms like bhojapayitra or ubhato are midst of the flow of a sentence. The case is certainly not Sanskrit, but Prakrit (or Pali). still more striking, if the omission of sandhi Again, the latter portion, if Prakrit, is, at all occurs in the middle of a compound, as in the events, a very peculiar sort of Prakrit, seeing third line, in dvdtrisatnaligera", which, by the that it admits the vowel ri, the conjunct conso- Gatha standard is quite correct, but which nant ksh and other peculiarities unknown to the according to Sanskrit rule should be dvdtriordinary Pali-Prakrit, but distinctive of San- sannaligerao. skrit. The fact is, the Inscription is composed The meaning of the first line is clear, with in one kind of language throughout, and that the exception of the compound suvarnadanatirlanguage is the so-called Gatha dialect, one of thakarena. Professor Bhandarkar translates it, the distinctive features of which is a curious "he presented gold and constructed flights of mixture of Sanskritic and Prakritic elements. steps," treating it as a dvandva-compound;' lit. The only peculiarity of this Inscription is, that "by the maker of presents of gold and of in the earlier part the Sanskritic element pre- steps." This would be a curious juxtaposition dominates, bat in the latter part the Prakritic. of work done, and 'danakarena would be, I This will be seen at once by a glance at my imagine, a rather anidiomatic expression. Dr. revised text, where I have distinguished the Pra- Stevenson's translation," he established for the kritic elements by printing them in italics. I presenting of gold a holy place on the river employ the term "Gathi dialect," as a mere Barnasa," is possible; but Prof. Buhler's matter of convenience, being the name hitherto version, which I have adopted, is undoubtedly generally used. The term is, however, a mis- the most probable ; lit., the phrase means "who nomer, since it has become known that the made a Tirtha by the gift of gold." Bhoja. dialect, or rather language, is employed not only payitra is a Prakritised form of the Causal in verse, but also in prose writings of the verb, very common in the Gath&; the Sanskrit Buddhists. I cannot here further enter into would be bhojayitru. the question of the Gatha dialect; but the In the second line, there are again three subject will be found fully discussed in the instances of sandhi, or rather disregard of sandhi, Introduction to my edition of the Bakhshali characteristic of the Gatha. We have brahmaneManuscript which will shortly be published by bhyah ashtao for Sanskrit brahmanebhyo'shtao; order of the Panjab Government. I shall, bow- again the hiatus in the compound 'tadagaever, in the course of the following remarks, udapanao for Sanskrit otadagodapanao; lastly point out most of the Gatha characteristics that ubhato tiraiit for Sanskrit ubhayatas tiran. Prooccur in this inscription. fessor Bhandarkar, under the impression that In the first line Ushavadata, I suppose, is a the record is in Sanskrit, naturally was stagPrakritic form of the Sanskrit Rishabhadatta.? gered by the anomalous form ubhato, and hence In devatabhyah, we have an instance of the he proposes to substitute ubhaya, forming a characteristic Gatha disregard of the ordinary compound with tiran. The original, however, See, e.g., the excellent edition of the Mandvastu, Dr. Stevenson read devatebhyah after Lieut. Brett's lately published by M. Senart. copy. The latter is a true Gatha form, and, therefore In this Prof. Buhler agrees with me. In the Veda, might be genuine, data is said to occur for datta. Or dita might have been In Sanskrit: 5ater * 7:lla gare "purified by Rishabha. after: 11 * Prof. Buhler reads devatabhyah, but in the new im. 10 At least, so I understand the bracketed ya in his prossion the top of the letter and vowel siga are chipped. text; suggesting ubhayatiranh.

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FEBRUARY, 1883.) TWO KSHATRAPA INSCRIPTIONS. 29 which has very clearly to, affords no ground for such a correction; and as the record is not in Sanskrit but in Gatha, there is no need for it. This line, indeed, is particularly full of marks of the Gath. Thus tiran presents an instance of the Gath a characteristic of confusing the cases, the accusative being used for the locative tire. Another instance occars, lower down, where we have the accusative varsha-ratun "in the rainy season", for the locative varsharato (Skr. varshartau). In the Mahavastu and Lalita Vistara there are numerous examples of this confusion, those of substituting the accusative for the locative being particularly frequent." Again the two words chatusald and avasadha, the Sanskrit forms of which would be chatuhsala (as given in Prof. Bhandarkar's Note 4) and avasatha, are spelt in Prakritising fashion". In the ancient Prakrit, as mentioned in one of Chanda's special rules, the aspirates were occasionally softened." Both Dr. Stevenson and Prof. Bhandarkar read dvasatha, but in defiance of the original which unmistakably has dvasudha. The meaning of the first portion of this line is clear; but I am inclined to agree with Prof. Buhler, that only one kind of building is intended by the whole compound chatusalavasadhapratisraya." The second portion has puzzled Prof. Bhandarkar, whose interpretation seems to have been adopted by Prof. Buhler. They divide the passage, from Iba to karena into three separate words, Iba-Parada-Damana-TapiKarabend-Dhanukd and nava and punyatarakarena, taking nava as the instrumental singular of the Sanskrit word nau, and Dahanukd as an error for Dahanukanain. Their difficulty, however, only arose from the persuasion that the record was in Sanskrit: If we remember that it is in Gatha, all difficulty disappears. Navalt is simply the Prakrit-Pali equivalent, of the Sans krit word nau, the whole, nava-punyatarakurena, forming one compound; and 'Ddhanuka is the accusative plural used for the locative Dahanukasu, after the Gatha fashion, of which other instances have been already noticed. The meaning of the word punya is somewhat obscure. Dr. Stevenson translates the phrase punyatarakarena, "he placed, charitable ferry-boats," and Prof. Bhandarkar similarly, "he charitably enabled men to cross." Prof. Buhler translates it somewhat differently," he established, for the sake of religious merit, ferries." I take punya to be used here in the same sense "sacred," as before in punyatirthe, lit. "maker of a sacred ferry of boats." The ferry-boats are called sacred, because they were set apart for a special sacred purpose, viz., to carry pilgrims across. The act of providing them was, of course, an act of religious merit, but no more so than the other acts specified in this record. The words etasan cha nadindin ubhato tirai Prof. Bhandarkar has omitted to translate; perhaps by a mere oversight, for there is no difficulty whatsoever in them. He translates sabhd-prapa-karena by "he constructed Dharmasalas and endowed places for the distribution of water;" construing it as a dvandva-compound. So also Prof. Buhler, who translates : "he has erected resthouses (for travellers) and places for the (gratuitous) distribution of water." But the compound may be explained much more simply as a common tatparusha, meaning "watering-places for the assemblies," i.e., for those assembled to cross over the rivers by the ferry-boats which Ushavadata had provided. Of these "wateringplaces" he had naturally provided one on each side of the river, for the use of all those who wished to cross from either bank. The third line opens with a very long and complicated sentence, in which we have clearly three distinct sets of names, with distinct grammatical references. Ramatirthe stands in immediate relation to charaka, "wandering to Ramatirtha"; Nanangola stands in immediate relation to Ndligera, "cocoanut trees in Nanagola"; and Punditakavada, Govardhana, Suvarnamukha, Sorparaga stand in relation to parshabhyah," the congregations in those four places." The meaning of the whole is, that Ushavadata 11. E.g., Mahdv., p. 26, 1. 14, avichin ; ibid., p. 220, 1. 9, dharanins; Lal. Vist., p. 869, 1.1, Rajagriham: ibid., P. 467, 1. 14, mansari. 1 PAli chatusdia, Prakrit chaus111; like chatuvagga, Skr. chaturvarga. Prof. Buhler, in his notes, also mentions both Sanskrit forms, by way of emendations. 18 See my edition of Chanda's Grammar of the Ancient Prakrit, the Prikrita Lakshanam, III, ii, and my notes on the Bharhut Stupa Inscriptions, Part I, No. 5. (Ind. Ant. vol. X, p. 119). Thus we have Madhurd for Mathurd, nadho fornitho, Maghadeva for Makhadeva. 14 See Childers' Dictionary. The word oocurs in the aco. sing. niuans, in the Gath of the Lalita Vistara, p. 264, line 6. It also occurs in the Jaina PrAkrit, see Weber, Bhagawati, p. 419. Prof. Bhandarkar's difficulty about the singular number of ndyd, of course, disappears under this view of the text; for ndod, being a mere stem in a compound, can have either a singular or plural meaning, according to circumstances.

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30 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. FEBRUARY, 1883. gave thirty-two cocoanut trees, situated in term charaka. It may mean, as Prof. Buhler the village of Nanamgola, to the congregations notes, either "congregations of (wandering resident in Pinditakavada, etc., who were in Brahmanical) students," or "assemblies of the habit of going to the Ramatirtha. These Bramanas studying the charaka bdkhd." The cocoanut trees are said to have represented a former meaning appears to me the more procapital of one thousand Karshapanas.'' I sup- bable. There were Brahmanical schools at pose their annual produce was devoted to the the four places mentioned, the students of objects of those Parshads. There may have which, according to a common practice, used been some special (religious or other) use to to visit the, at that time apparently famous, which it was applied. The word naligera"" has Thirtha. Ramatirtha cannot have been very greatly puzzled Dr. Stevenson and Prof. Bhan- far from any of those four places. There darkar who read it nandigera and nadhigera are some more Gatha forms in this clause, respectively; but the other form nadigera, in Both Dr. Stevenson and Prof. Bhandarkar which the same word occurs in No. 16 of the read parshadbhyah (given also in Prof. BuhNasik Inscriptions, at once suggests its identity. ler's notes, as an emendation); but the oriIt is simply a Prakritising form of the Sanskrit ginal has parshabhyah (without d), and this nadikela or nadikela or nalikera, and the Pali requires no alteration, as it is a true Gatha nadikela or nadikera or nalikera. The soften- form. Strictly it should be parshabhyah (Pali ing of unaspirate consonants, especially of k, is parisabhi), but the Gathi is not particular not uncommon in the ancient Prakrit ; Chanda about the length of vowels in inflection. On has a special rule regarding it, and gives the the characteristic disregard of sandhi in examples titthagaro = Sanskrit tirthakarah, egain parshabhyah and dvatrisatnd I have already Sanskrit ekam." The Gatha form of the name remarked. But dvastrisat itself is a PrakriSorparaga, for Sanskrit Surparaka, shows the tising Gatha form for Sanskrit dvatrimsat ; same softening of l. Prof. Bhandarkar thinks the corresponding Pali form is dvattinsa or that we must read charana for charaka; but the battinsa, Prakrit battisa, and compare the original has very clearly charaka, and there is Gajarati batrika and Sindhi batrih. There is no need to assume an error, seeing that charaka another Gatha form in the disruption and ingives a very good sense; it qualifies parshabhyah version of the compound in grame Nanarhgole, with reference to Ramatirthe, "the Parshads which in Sanskrit would be Nanaingolagrame. going to Ramatirtha." In Sanskrit we should Instances of this practice are not uncommon, expect the accusative Ramatirthari; but the in both the Lalita Vistara and the Mahavastu." substitution of the locative fr the accusative The second clause of the third line is plain. is very common in Gath.1 Prof. Buhler's But I do not think my predecessors are correct view, I think, does not materially differ from in constructing dharmatmana as agreeing with mine, except that he constructs Ramaterthe with Ushavadatena, "by the benevolent (orcharitable) Sorparage, "at Ramathirtha near Sorparaga." Ushavadata." There are two objections to this He translates: "who has given, in the village construction. In the first place, if the writer of Nanamgola, one thousand as the price of had meant to express what they assume, it is thirty-two cocoanut trees (destined) for (the not likely that he would have separated the benefit of the Charaka congregations at | two words so widely; but secondly, what is Pinditakavada, Govardhana, Suvarnamukha, much more conclusive--the same expression and at Ramatirtha near Sorparaga." The dharmatmand again occurs in the Inscription main difficulty is as to the meaning of the No. 19 (West's No. 4)" (the last word of 16 I understand kirshupanas, as this is the money 19 See Ind. Ant. vol. XI, p. 237; Govardhana was near mentioned in most of the N isik Inscriptions. Nasik.-Ed. I. A. . 10 That this is the true reading is proved by the new 90 Thus asmabhir, for asmabhir, in the Lalita Vistara, impression. Dr. Buhler also translates it p. 415, 1. 11. See also E. Muller's Dialect der Gathas, correctly pp. 13, 20. "cocoanut tree." **E. g., in the Mahavastu, on page 29, line 3, we read 11 See my edition of Chanda's Prakrita Takahanath, loke pretasmish for pretaloke; see also M. Senart's remarks III, 12. Also Hemachandra (ed. Pischel) I, 177. on pp. 398.896. Prof. Buhler's new impression, I am told, >> So in the Mahdvastu (ed. Senart), p. 150, 1. 13, dvdre has grama Nanavigole; this, if genuine, is an inversion of wpagamya for dvaran; see also p. 145, 1. 2 et passim, the compound no less characteristic of the Gath. ddau for Adith. This usage is specially noticed by Hema Rep. Arch. Surv. West. India, vol. IV, p. 114. The chandra in his rule III, 135. now reading is Idagnidatasa dhammdtmana.-Ed. I. A.

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FEBRUARY, 1883.) TWO KSHATRAPA INSCRIPTIONS. the first line), where it is impossible to the Rudradama Inscription, on the same rock, construct it with the person named (Indragni- in the 7th line, aset chatvario with subscribed t. datta); for the latter is in the genitive case, while In our present Inscription the second t of dharmatmana is in the instrumental." I think, dvatrisat naligera should be subscribed, and therefore, that dharmatmana must be taken the compound must be read dvatrisatnaligera as an independent phrase, in which apparently (not dvdtriaatanasigera, as Prof. Buhler appathe motive of the act of excavation is intended to rently reads). For the latter form, dvatrisata, be expressed : "(moved) by religious principle." there is no support in either Sanskrit or I am inclined to think that it is probably a Prakrit ; and it may easily be understood that Buddhist technical term of this, or a similar, in such rock Inscription the "subscription" was signification. The word podhiyo (Marathi podhi not always done accurately. Instances of or podi) is the Prakrit equivalent of the Sanskrit inaccurate subscription occur in the Skandaprotha "an excavation;" the feminine proths or gupta Inscription, in lines 9, 17, 21". The prothika would mean "a cistern"; hence the word varshd-raturn is again a Prakritising Gatha Prakrit podhi(plaral podhiyo) and podhiya; both form; ratuan being, as already suggested by forms occur in Inscription, West's No. 1 (do Prof. Bhandarkar, the equivalent of Sansktit podhiyo and eku podhiya). The change of the ritun. In the ordinary Pali-Prakrit the vowel dental surd th to cerebral sonant dh is not without ri of this word changes to u, (Pali utu, Praksit analogues in Prakrit; e.g., padhama "first" (H. udu or ut or riu H. C. I., 141.) The Gatha C. I, 55), for Pali pathama, Sanskrit prathama. use of the accusative for the locative has In the third clause of the third line Professor already been noticed. Bhandarkar reads bhaftaraka annatiya where The last clause of the third line has been the final a of bhattaraka is unintelligible. altogether misunderstood by Dr. Stevenson and The original, however, has very clearly Prof. Bhandarkar. They were misled by a bhatarakanatiya as a compound, and its gap which occurs between Malaye and hi division is indicated by a subscribed a under rudhan, into thinking that a portion of the okan. The compound, therefore, must be Inscription was lost. Accordingly they read divided bhattaraka anatiya or annatiya (by Malaye and Hirudhain as two words, of which the command of the noble lord"), which is they make the former to be the name of a place, perfectly correct. Anatiya or annatiya is the constructing it (apparently as a locative sinSanskrit djnaptyd, the Pali arattiya (or annat- gular) with gato'smi, while they make the tiyd). latter the name of a person called Hirudha, of The following is Prof. Buhler's note on this the Uttamabhadra race of Kshatriyas. But word: "The a of anatiya stands below the line the fact is that nothing is lost, and that the and is a correction which only causes confusion. words must be divided Malayhi ruthair "beIt ought to be either bhatarakanatiya or bha- set by the Malayas." Reading Malayehi not taraka anatiya, i.e., bhatdrakajnaptyd." The only produces the correct form of a word, but inscription, however, has quite correctly bhald- it also completes the sense of the sentence; for Takikatiya, and the subscribed a is not meant in the next line we are told that the Malayas as a correction, but as a help to the right divi- fled at the approach of Ushavadata who was sion of the compound. Such subscribed letters sent to the rescue of the Uttamabhadra. In are not uncommonly met with in MSS. where this view, I find, I am supported by Prof. they serve to elucidate the sandhi. We have an- | Buhler. other instance in this very Inscription in siddham I have followed my predecessors in taking where m is subscribed. In the Skandagupta Uttamabhadra as the name of a Kshatriya race Inscription on the Junagadh rock many examples which, as Prof. Buhler notes, in the singular occur; e. g., in line 2, in sasvat Sripario the t is number refers to the chief of the race, and in subscribed, to avoid the complicated sandhi the plural to the members of the race generally. sasvachchripari". A similar instance occurs in This undoubtedly is a common usage with regard >> Professor Bhandarkar himself saw this in translat- the facsimile is quite clearly dharumdtmand. ing that Inscription. But he gets over the difficulty by * See the photographic facsimile in Burgess' Archaeo. arbitrarily changing the reading to the genitive dhar. logical Suruen of Wastarn India. Vol. I. PL. XV. indtmano, so as to agree with Indragnidattassa; though

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32 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBRUARY, 1883. to such names; but I do not know that the exist- were in Sanskrit, is not so in the Gatha; the ence of a Kshatriya race called Uttamabhadra, same peculiarity occurs in pranddena, obhadrahas been otherwise verified. This being so, kandin, Kshatriyanan, for Sanskrit pranadena, might not Uttamabhadra be the name of a place, bhadrakandi, Kshatriyandin. The facsimile has and Uttamabhadraka Kshatriya mean "the tini, not tini as in Prof. Bhandarkar's Text. Kshatriyas of, or resident in, Uttamabhadra P" The spelling utamabhadra with one t does not The ablution mentioned in the fourth line make the word Prakrit. Even in acknowwas performed in Poksharant. This word looks ledged Sanskrit. Inscriptions & homogenous uncommonly like pokharani, and I cannot help double-consonant is not always written in full; thinking that it is really nothing else but a thas in Skandagupta's Inscription at Girnar, Gatha form of it. The reference is evidently the last word in the seventh line is spelled to some well-known place of sacred tanks to pravritah for pravrittah; in the 14th line which Ushavadata went after his victory to we have stachandrao for ositachchandra, et pay his " thank-offerings." There are several passim. places of this sort, known under the name I now proceed to the Jasdhan Inscription, of Pokhar, the best known being that near Ajmir, i which a facsimile, Nagari Transcript and English which is suggested by Prof. Buhler. The translation has been given by the late Mr. name is spelt with the dental " which Bhau Daji in the Journal of the Bombay Asiatic though it would be anomalous if the record Society, vol. VIII, pp. 234, 235." REVISED READING. Mr: BHAU DAJI'S TRANSCRIPT. Varshe 127 bhadrapadabahulasa 5 rajoo maha. Varshe 127 bhadrapadabahula sa 5 rajno mahakshatrapalgal bhadramukhasya svani-Chash- kshatrapasya bhadramukhasya sami-Chashtana-putra-papautrasya rajno kshatrapasya tana patrapapautrasya rajno Ksha ...... sya sva mi-Jayadama-putra-pautrasya rajao maha- svami-Jayadama-putrapautrasya rajno mahikshatrapasya [vami)-Rudradama-pautrasya kshatrapasya bha .. .-Rudradima-paatrasya rajia mahakshatra]pasya bhadramukhasya rajno mahikshatrapasya bhadramukhasvami-Radrasiha-(putra]sya rajno mahakshatra- svami-Rudrasimhagya rajio mahakshatrapasya sva mi-Rudrasenasya idam satra-mana[m] pasya svami-Rudrasenasya idam satram Manatu Turngotras y la Prata ra]thaka-putrasya Kha- sasagotra-Supranathaka-putrasya sasagotra-Supranathaka.nntARVA Khara-pautrasya bhatri[bhi]hutthavitast[]. rapautrasya bhratribhih utthavitasva (2) NEW TRANSLATION. Mr. Bhau DAJI'S VERSION. On the 5th (day) of the dark half of the In the year 127 Bhadrapada (month) dark month) Bhadrapada in the 127th year of the half-7th (day) of the moon, this Satra (tank) king, the great satrap, Lord Rudrasena, [the of Raja Maha Kshatrapa Bhadramukha Swami son of the king, the great satrap, the gracious" Rudra Sena, the great grandson of the son of Lord Rudrasiha, the grandson of the king, the RAM Maha Kshatrapa Swami Chashtana the great satrap, Lord Rudradama, the great-grand- grandson of the Raja Ksha(trapa) Swami Jaya son of the king, the great satrap Lord Jaya- daman, the grandson of Raja Maha Kshatrapa. dama, the great-great-grandson of the king, the ......... Rudra Dama, (son of) Raja Maha gracious Lord Chashtana--this memorial of the Kshatrapa Bhadramukha Swami Rudra. Of munificence of Tuugotra, the son of Pratarathaka, the son of Supra Nathaka of Manasagotra, the the grandson of Khara has been erected by his grandson of Khara, with brothers ......... brothers. (some letters not well made out). The old translation is very unsatisfactory; perhaps are due to mere carelessness. The it is greatly confused throughout, and in some epithet Bhadramukha is given to Rudrasena, respects altogether wrong. To mention, first, whereas, according to the text, it belongs to his some of the minor points of confusion, which father Rudrasiha; the latter's name moreover is 25 Prof. Bhandarkar reads abhisekah krito, misled appa- Seefacsimile in Jour. Bom. Br. R. As. Soc. vol. VII'; rently by two strokes which are shown in Mr. West's and in Burgess' Archeological Survey of Western India, copy between abhineko and krito. But these strokes could vol. I, p. 134, Plate iv. not be the sign of the visurga, but of the numeral two, 11 See also Burgess' Archaological Survey of Western meaning " he made two ablutions. Their genuineness, India, vol. I, pp. 15, 43. however, is very doubtful, as the new impression has no 16 lit., "the good-faced," benign. lines after abhiseko, nor any room for them.

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FEBRUARY, 1883.] TWO KSHATRAPA INSCRIPTIONS. simply given as Rudra instead of Rudra- which precede the name of his father. Mr. si ha, as the text has it. Rudrasena is also | Bhau Dajt reads those letters manasagotra, and said to be the "grandson" of Jay ad Ama, makes this apparently, the name of the family while the text calls him his great-grandson. (or perhaps, the place), to which the unknown In the translation the date is given as the individual's father belonged. In his reading, seventh day; the reason of which I am some- however, he has omitted one sa (or rather sani, what puzzled to understand, seeing that in his as the facsimile has an anusvara over the Nagari transcript Mr. Bhau Daji gives the date second letter); for the text has manasasavicorrectly as the 5th, as the facsimile clearly has it. gotra, which I think would make it impossible The only explanation that occurs to me, is, that to translate in the way Mr. Bhin Daji has he may possibly have divided bahala and sa into done. Bat the two letters which he transcribes two words, and taken the letter (sa) as an abbre- sasasi, are clearly not sasam in the facsimile viation of saptame "seventh. There would but rather tutun. We have therefore manathen be, however, a discrepancy between the tutungotra. This I would divide into two date in words and in figures, and bahula would words, and read mana with satralo as a combe uninflected. However, as he gave no explana- pound, satramanann i.e.," memorial of the munifition of this point in his translation, his reason for cence" (lit., "honouring of his satra"). Satra translating 7th may have been a different one. is properly "a kind of expensive Soma sacrifice Mr. Bhau Daji constructs the genitive of the extending over many days;" hence it comes to royal names as dependent on satra "the tank of mean" liberality" or "munificence" generally. * Raja, etc." which causes the genitives following It might possibly be here used in its proper satra to remain unconnected and unintelli- sense. Satra is the correct spelling; here it is gible. But it is plain from the whole context spelled satra, after the Gatha fashion, which is that the first genitives are connected with apt to interchange the sibilants. In tutungotra, varshe, " in the year of the king, etc.", while I think, we have the name of the individual, the genitives belonging to satra are contained whose satra is commemorated. As the name in the names following it. The date 127, of must be in the genitive, I think, the following course, is not the year of the reign of Rudra- letter must be taken with it and read syli. sena, but of the era of his reign. There is an indistinct mark under the letter, To satra Mr. Bhau Daji gives the meaning which Mr. Bhau Daji takes to be the vowel u; "tank." There are two objections to this trans- bat it is more probably the remnant of # lation. First, the predicate, utthavita, belong- subscribed ya; the whole letter, accordingly, ing to it, and which means " erected," shows that is sya; and the whole word is Tungotrasya the object referred to cannot have been a "tank," "of Tungotra." I omit one tu, because I but most probably the "stone-pillar" itself on think it was most probably repeated by the which the inscription is borne. Secondly, to carelessness of the writer. There is absolute judge from the Petersburg Dictionary it is very evidence of the inscription having been incised doubtful whether the word satra has the with much carelessness; e.g., in the fourth line meaning of "tank" at all. we have Kshapasya, instead of Kshatrapasya ; in The last line, as Mr. Bhau Daji translates it, the fifth line we have sihasya instead of sihapumentions the brothers of an individual who is the trasya. If the writer was careless enough to omit grandson and son of two men who are named, syllables, he was also likely to add them where but the individual himself is not named. This they were not required. Next follows the would be a very extraordinary proceeding, and name of the father of Tangotra, which Mr. certainly one which has not been found in any Bhau Dajt reads supra-nathaka; but "sa" is other inscription. It is evident that the name no part of the word; the second consonant.is of the individual must be contained in the letters not nd, but tu,88 and after it there is a lacuna * At all events, whatever they may be, they are cer: tainly not two 808 ; for the sign for at occurs about twenty times in the inscription and is very different. 30 Mr. Bhu Daji reads satranh, but the facsimile has no anusvara; to mina an anusvara must be supplied, but that makes no difficulty, as the inscription is written in the Gatha, which is careless about angav fras. 31 If it is genuine, it might be the expletive particle tu; or, of course, the name itself might be Tatu ringotra. * As I have not seen the original, it is just possible that these mistakes may be due to the copyist. >> The facsimile has clearly ti; the letter is precisely the same as in the last word utthavitasti.

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34 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBRUARY, 1883. of one letter, which was probably ra, as the genitive singular bahulasa (or bahulassa, for space is small. Hence I read the whole name Sanskrit bahulasya); so also in the last word of Prataratha ka." Then follows the name the same line Kshatrapasa. (or Kshatrapassa) of the grandfather Khara. Finally the bro- for Sanskrit Kshatrapasya. It is true, the last thers" of Tungotra are named as the persons letter, according to the facsimile is doubtful; who erected the memorial; the reading is bha- but, at any rate, the traces shown in it suggest tribhih "by the brothers" (not "with the sa, not sya as Mr. Bhau Daji transcribes. brothers"). Mr. Bhau Daji reads bhratsibhih; The end of the second and third lines is not but the facsimile shows no initial compound; well preserved. I would suggest that the we have a similar omission of the conjunct r, in last letter of the third line is not bha, but a the second line, in papautrasya for prapautrasya; badly drawn sa (compare svami, the first word such omissions are not unknown in the Gatha. in the same line); and that originally it had a The last word is doubtfully read thavitasva by va subscribed, which is now lost"; further Mr. Bhau Daji. There can be little doubt that that this sva was originally followed by the it must be read utthavitasti. The last line is not letter mi (or mi), of which however nothing very well preserved, which easily accounts for remains except the superscribed large curve the loss of the final i, and the apparent similarity of the vowel i (or i), and which the copyist has of sta to svd. Utthavitasti stands for utthavitar represented as attached to the foot of the letter asti, according to a well-known practice of Pali above it in the second line. This letter in the sandhi.'' Utthavita is a thoroughly Pali-Prakrit second line is the letter pa, badly drawn by form; the Sanskrit would be utthapita; but in the copyist, but clearly required by the word both Pali and Prakrit the long a may be short- Kshatrapasya, which is the last of the second ened, and the softening of p to v is already line, and of which the letter tra is altogether known to the ancient Prakrit." lost. The last word of the third line, then, is Besides the Pali-Prakrit forms, already svami or sva mi, or if two letters be missing at noticed incidentally, there are some others in the end of that line, it might have been this inscription which show that it is not svamisya. Another way to fill up the lacuna written in Sanskrit, but in the so-called Gatha would be to supply bhadramukha at the end dialect. Thus we have the an-sanskritic of the third line, and svami at the beginning of sandhi rajno kshao (line 2), rajna mahao (line the fourth line ; but this would not explain the 4)." Again in the first line we have the PAlicurious letter, last but one of the second line. NOTICE OF A BUDDHIST TOPE IN THE PITTAPUR ZAMINDARI. BY SIR WALTER ELLIOT, K.C.S.I. The recent discovery of the Stupa at some curious relics had been found near PittaJaggayyapota, the inscriptions from which pur by the Zamindar, I at once applied through were described in the Indian Antiquary the Collector for information about them. In vol. XI, p. 156, furnishes another proof of reply Mr. Forbes sent me & report by the the hold taken by the Buddhist faith in the native head of police, from which I gathered Doab of the Krishna and Godavari. I desire the following particulars :- In the beginning of now to place on record a similar example 1848 RAja Venkata Suryaran, Zamindar of which fell under my observation some years Pittpur, having occasion for some bricks in a ago, but which might otherwise come to be work he was then constructing, directed them overlooked. to be taken from a ruined structure near the In 1848 the late Sir Henry Montgomery, who village of Timavaram. In the course of the had been employed on special duty five years excavation the workmen discovered five stone before in Rajahmundry, having told me that vessels with covers of the same material 3. Perhaps it might be patAnAthaka "the lord of PatA." See my edition of Chanda's Prikrita Lakshanash, 35 See Childers' on Sandhi in Pali in Jour. R. Asiat. III, 12. Soc., vol. XI, p. 112, No. 60; e.g, tisdharis for theamh 3 Mr. Bhdu Dajt reads rijno mahdo, misled by the ahale (Kachh. p. 28, sutra 8; ed. Senart). prejudice that it must be Sanskrit; but the facsimile has Tajfio, a kind of sandhi, not uncommon in the GthA. Sae Childers' Dict., utthapeti; Hemchandra, I., 67, >> This is the well-known form on the Kahatrapa coins. saisthuvio; Kuhn's Beitrage, p. 118. 1 Posibly the PAli form sami stood here.

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. D "wwww 0 + WDR che hanno WS ROTTA 09 RELICS FROM A STUPA AT TINAVARAM IN THE PITTAPUR ZANINDARI 1848.

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CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. FEBRUARY, 1883.] each containing a small crystal box or casket. The latter contained each a splinter of precious stone (ruby, emerald, &c.), a small pearl, a bit of coral and a piece of gold leaf. An inventory was made of the whole, and they were sent to the Zilla Court, in conformity with the regulations for Treasure Trove. On the expiry of the prescribed period of six months they were claimed by the Raja, who at my request presented them to the Madras Literary Society, from which they were afterwards transferred to the Government Central Museum. I intended to CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. BY HENRY H. HOWORTH, F.S.A. (Continued from vol. XI., p. 282). XVIII. Before describing Chinghiz Khan's campaign in China the Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi inserts one or two curious notices which we will now illustrate. One of them refers to the Shaman Kokochi or Kukju whom we have previously mentioned as taking an active part in proclaiming Chinghiz as Khakan. It tells us that Munlik, of the tribe Khuankhotadai, had seven sons, the fourth of whom, Kokochi, was a sorcerer,1and was surnamed Tep-tengri (i. e. one who can mount in the air to heaven). In the Arabic text of Abulfaraj, though not in the Syriac, the incident about Chinghiz Khan's being named by the Shaman is mentioned, being no doubt derived from the Jehan Kushai. The Shaman is here called a distinguished prince, and we are told the name he gave his patron was Jingiz Khan Tubt Tangri, in which his own appellation, which it will be noticed, is here given as in the Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi, is confused with that of Chinghiz himself. Rashidu'd-din says that Kukju's people credited him with the power of mounting up to heaven on a dappled grey horse; he adds that they called him But Tengri. In regard to the claim to mount in the air, Colonel Yule has collected some curious facts. Father Ricold reports that "there are certain men whom the Tartars honour above all in the world, viz. the Baxitae They are 1 The accompanying plate is a reproduction of the one in the Journal of the Madras Lit. Society. The subject was incidentally referred to, but without any particulars, in a subsequent Volume. 4. e. a Shaman. Op. cit., ed. Pocock, p. 281. 35 have published a notice of this transaction in the Journal of the Literary Society, and caused a lithograph to be prepared for the purpose, but having been sent to the Northern Sarkars on special duty, where I remained five years, the matter was overlooked and the management of the Journal, which had been under my care, passed into other hands. The consequence was that the illustration appeared in the next number, where it stands at page 225 of Volume XIX,' without any explanation whatever to show what it means." usually acquainted with magic arts, and depend on the counsel and aid of demons; they exhibit many delusions, and predict some future events. For instance, one of eminence among them was said to fly; the truth however was (as it proved) that he did not fly, but did walk close to the surface of the ground without touching it; and would seem to sit down without having any substance to support him." Ssanang Setzen reports similar feats, including restoring the dead to life, turning a dead body into gold, penetrating everywhere as air does, flying, catching wild beasts, reading thoughts, making water flow backwards, eating tiles, sitting in the air with the legs doubled under, etc. As Colonel Yule says, these are the very kind of performances which the old legends assign to Simon Magus. He made statues to walk; leapt into the fire without being burnt; flew in the air; made bread of stones; etc. etc." In regard to the name But Tengri, it is curious that the Tukiu or Turks of the 6th century are reported to have worshipped a spirit which they called Po Tengri, meaning God of the Earth (? God of heaven). Von Hammer suggests that this Po Tengri is no other than the But Tengri of Rashidu'd-din, Mirkhavend and Khuandemir, which Abulghazi gives as Tangrining-Buti.' To revert to the Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi, we read D'Ohsson, vol. I, p. 99; Erdmann, p. 204. i. e. Bakhshis. Yule's Marco Polo, vol. I, pp. 306 and 307. Abel Remusat, Recherches sur les Langues Tartares, p. 297. 'Abulghazi, p. 88 and note 1.

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36 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBRUARY, 1883. that Tep-tengri and his six brothers were when she heard of this, and shortly after died. truoulent persons, and on one occasion assaulted Jebke, who had been attached to Khazar as Khazar, Chinghiz Khan's brother, who come we have seen, went to the country of Barkhujin. plained to him about it, but Chinghiz replied, This saga is apparently reported nowhere else. "Once you boasted that no one could contend The Altan Topchi and Ssanang Setzen, without with you, how then did you permit them to detailing the cause report the quarrel beilluse you ?" Khazar went out much distress- tween Chinghiz and Khazar. The latter author ed at this answer. We are told he shed tears, says that Khazar united in a revolt with and did not not see his brother for three days. the Dologhon Khongkhotan (i. e. with the Tep-tengri then went to the Great Conqueror, seven brothers of the tribe Khongkhotan menand said that the Spirit had revealed to him the tioned in the Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi.)' Both the will of heaven, which was that he, Chinghiz, Altan Topchi and Ssanang-Setzen report that was first to reign over the nations and after Chinghiz sent an army under Subegetai in him Khazar, and if he did not put Khazar aside pursuit of his brother, and report also Chinghix he might become dangerous. Chinghiz set out Khan's instructions to him, but in different the same night to seize his brother. Meanwhile language. The former says that Chinghiz Guchu, who, as we have seen, was an adopted addressed the troops as follows: "You, my son and protege of hers, informed Khoilun, the soldiers, who are like herds rushing forwards mother of Chinghiz, who had married Munlikheadlong. You who are like the precious stone the father of Tep-tengri, of what had occurred, which decks the front of a moon-shaped headHaving harnessed & white camel in a kibitka dress. You who are like a cairn of stones. You she set out, and at night arrived at Khazar's who are strong and manly; who are like a cane camp at the very time when Chingbiz had taken brake, a trench girdling me about. You, my off his brother's cap and belt, and tied his sleeves, obedient soldiers, listen :-In your everyday and was questioning him. On seeing his mother life behave like two year old calves, but in Chinghiz was much confused and afraid. She attacks on the enemy sweep down like hawks. descended from the kibitka, unbound Khazar, In games and feasts be playful as young stallions, and gave him back his cap and belt, then with but in battle attack the enemy like falcons. rising anger she sat down, and crossing her legs ... Imitate the hungry tiger and the fierce took out her two breasts and placed them on her badger. Be watchfal like the cautious wolf on knees, and said: "Do you perceive ? These & sunny day, and patient as a black raven on a are the paps which you have sucked. What dark night, constant and jealous as a queen." crime has Khazar committed that you should Subegetai Baghatur replied "We will pursue destroy your own flesh and blood ? When you with all our might and fulfil your commands. were & child you used to suck this breast. May we have in all things the lack of our comKhachiun and Ochigin could neither of them mander." He thereupon set out and overtook Buck it. Khazar alone could sack both my Khazar, to whom he said, "To depart from paps and ease my breast. Therefore it is that friends is to become the prey of strangers. the mind of Temujin is gifted, while Khazar To part from relatives is to sacrifice oneself. has strength and skill in shooting. Whenever To leave a large family is to make oneself the peoples have rebelled he has subdued them an orphan. A small nation may overwhelm with his bow and arrows. Now that the enemy a large family when dispersed. You may peris destroyed, Khazar's services are no longer chance find subjects, but not relatives." Khazar, needed." When Chinghiz saw that his mother's we are told, approved of these words. anger was cooled down, he said, "I am afraid, Ssanang Setzen reports Chinghiz Khan's and I am ashamed," with these words he left. speech on this occasion thus: "You, my faithful Afterwards, unknown to his mother, he deprived army leaders, each one like a moon at the head Khazar of some of his people, leaving him only of an army. You like the ornam 1400 households. Khoilun was sorely troubled dress. You the pink of honour: Yon, inflexible * Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi, pp. 135 and 136. Op. cit., p. 71. 10 1. e. With gentleness and simplicity.

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FEBRUARY, 1883.) CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. 37 as stone, and you my army who environ me like wall, and whose files are like a field of reeds, hear my words:- In times of peaceful play, be united like the fingers of a hand; but in times of war, pounce like a falcon which is over its prey. When at sport rove about like flies, but in the day of battle rush down like an eagle which is striking its quarry. What we can do or not do the future will tell. Whether we shall accomplish it the tutelary spirit of our raler will inform him." He then went after Khazar, and when he had overtaken him he sent him the following message, -"He who breaks with his relatives will only have small share of the booty. If kinsmen fall out they will be as strangers when the enemy has to be spoiled. You may get together a party, but you cannot bind them with ties of blood. You may secure subjects, but not a brother." These words reconciled Khazar, who made peace with his elder brother." This is not the only Saga reported by these authorities in reference to the quarrels of Chinghiz with his brothers. In the Altan Topchi we read how on one occasion Jingir Bukhi, of the Taijiut tribe, having dug a hole in his tent, covered it with felt, and invited Chinghiz, with sinister intentions, to go and see him, saying to him, why should we strive against one another, we are not strangers. When Chinghiz set out, his mother, Ukgelen Eke, said to him, -"Do not despise the poisonous snake because it is thin, nor make light of deceitful friends. One must not be too confiding, one must be vigilant." Thereupon Chinghiz said to his brothers,--"You Khabatu Khazar guard the bow and arrows, and you Buke Belgetei look after the drink. You Khochiga watch the horses, and you Oitu-Ochikhu keep by my side: we do not know what awaits us." When they reached the camp of the Taijiut, Chinghiz, having entered the tent, would have sat down in the midst of the piece of felt covering the pitfall, but Ochikhu stopped him, and planted him on the edge of it. Belgetei having noticed a crippled woman cutting off the left stirrup of his horse he broke her leg, while she cut open his shoulder. A struggle now ensued, Khazar's arrows did not miss their mark, while Belgetei, laying about him with a basin of airak or spirit, helped Chinghiz on to the back of a white stallion belonging to Toktogakhu, the Khorchin, for which service the latter was afterwards created a terkhan." Ssanang Setzen also tells the story. He makes out that on this occasion Chinghiz was asked to a feast by the Taijiut, Buke Chilger, with the words, "For. merly we knew not thine excellence, and lived at strife with thee. We have now learnt that thou art not deceitful, and that thy tutelary spirit is in fact a Bogda of the race of the gods. Our old hatred is stifled and gone, condescend to enter our small house." In this edition of the story, Chinghiz, in addition to the instructions he gives his brothers to look after him, is also said to have ordered his nine orloks to go in with him and his three hundred and nine body-guards to surround the yurt. It also says that after Belgetei had punished the old woman who cut off the stirrup by striking her on the leg, one Buri Buke wounded his horse with his sword, while it makes the nine orloks gather round their master and help him to mount the white mare of Toktangha Taiji of the Khorchin, whereupon a struggle began, which ended in the subjugation of the enemy." While the Saga is told in this detached way by the author just quoted, the Altan Topchi links it on to another which is told me a separate incident by Seanang Setzen. To revert to the Altan Topchi, we read that after his escape from the Taijiut,Chinghiz blamed Khazar for having allowed the stirrup to be cut off. Belgetei was also charged by Chinghiz with having deliberately taken him by the left hand when mounting him on his horse. He was seized and pinioned to a one horse araba or waggon. When all had lain down to sleep he moved away carrying this on his back, "and had a conference with Khazar. "Chinghiz," he said, "punishes us unjastly, he subjugated the four foreign countries and the five peoples with the help of Belgetei's strength and Khazar's skilful archery." When Chingbiz heard of their conversation, wishing to quell their pride, he dressed himself as an aged peasant engaged in selling long yellow bows. The two brothers said to him-"Whence art thon old man, we have not seen thee before ?" He replied -"I am a poor 11 Suanang Setzen, pp. 71-73. Op. cit., pp. 181 and 182. Sanang Setaon, p. 81.

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38 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. FEBRUARY, 1883. man who sells bows." They did not approve of having afterwards gone in person, Teb-tengri his wares, whereupon he replied, "Although my with his brothers surrounded him, and said, bows are not pretty, try to draw the string of "How did you dare to send men to take our people one." Belgetei took one, and tried to bend it, and from us?" They were going to beat him, when attach the string, but he could not, whereupon Ochigin, growing afraid, said he ought not to the old man did it for him, and then handed have sent them, upon which they replied, -- it to Khazar, but Khazar could not draw it. " As you are guilty you must ask forgiveness The hoary old man, who was seated on a light from us." They accordingly made him crawl grey horse, thereupon put his arrow (Altan-to- out backwards on his hands and knees. Next khok) to the string, and shot so that it penetrated morning, before Chinghiz rose, Ochigin entered into a cliff, saying, "Are you not brothers his tent, knelt down, and related how he had of the Bogdo Erdeni, Khazar the famous archer been treated, and wept. Chinghiz did not speak, and Belgetei the strong. The proverb says it but his wife Bortieujin, sitting up in bed and is better to fill the mouth full than to try and covering her breasts with the clothes, broke speak from a great height." He then dis- into tears and said, "What does this mean? appeared, and the brothers who were in fear said, The Khuankhotan have already beaten Khazar, -"In truth this must have been Bogdo Erdeni and now they have made Ochigin kneel down himself."14 Ssanang Setzen also tells this story, to them. If while you are still alive they assail but he makes it a separate incident, and not an your brothers, who are majestic as cedars, episode in the adventure with the Taijiut. In how will a people which resembles agitated his account the old man offered the two brothers grass and a flock of birds (? without much a long bow. They jeered him, saying, -"Ab, cohesion) submit to your children who are old man, your bow would do well enough as a small and ungainly." Chinghiz thereapon snap bow to kill moles with !" He replied, said to Ochigin, "When Teb-tengri comes -"How can you young people be so scornful here to day you may do what you please with before you have tried it, the old man may teach him." Ochigin went out and engaged three you differently." When each had tried in vain very strong men. Presently Munlik arrived to string and bend it, the old man changed him- with his 'seven sons, among whom was Tebself in their presence into a hoary and decrepittengri. Hardly had the latter seated himself person, riding on a blind mule, and fired an on the western side of the drink store when arrow at a rock which he clove in pieces. Ochigin, taking him by the collar, said, - Then turning to them he said: "Boasting "Yesterday you made me ask pardon. To-day stinks, says the proverb. You know it as I will try how strong I am." While they were well as the old man." They then agreed that wrestling the cap fell from Teb-tengri's head, this could be no ordinary man, but an incarnation and was picked up by his father, who having ugnan of their ruler and elder brother. smelt it put it inside his coat." Chinghiz Thenceforward they were afraid and obedient.'s now ordered them to go and wrestle outside. Let us now revert again to the Yuan-ch'ao- As they went out, holding each other, the pi-shi. It reports another saga about the three strong men who had been posted behind Shaman Kokochi or Teb-tengri, which is not the threshold of the door seized Teb-tengri, preserved elsewhere so far as I know. We read broke his back bone, and threw his body joined him people of nine different to the left towards the kibitkas. Ochigin languages, as many as were with Chinghiz now went into the tent and delivered himself Khan himself. Among others were some of the in enigmatical phrases." Yesterday," he said, subjects of Ochigin, Chinghiz' brother. Ochigin "Teb-tengri forced me to ask forgiveness. ToBent Sokhora to bring them back, but Teb-tengriday, when I wished to measure strength with beat him, and sent him back again with a him he lay down and refuses to get up. It is horse saddle fastened on his back. Ochigin clear he is a person of the ordinary kind."** Op. cit., pp. 132 and 133. 15 Ssanang Setzen, pp. 73 and 75. 16 Burte Fujin. 11 Palladius explains that among the Mongols, as with the Chinese, smelling is equivalent to kissing with us. Op. cit. note 524. 11. e, not supernaturally endowed.

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FEBRUARY, 1833. CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. 39 Munlik understood the words, and shedding that by this contrivance the evil consequences tears said "Khan, I helped you before you are escaped that might ensue, were it carried began to rise, and have remained faithful to this through the ordinary, and, so to say, andisguised day." While he was speaking his other six sons house door!" Again, speaking of China, blocked up the doorway, and gathering them- Mr. Williamson says, "It may interest the selves about the hearth began to roll their sleeves. reader to know that a small square opening It was now the turn of Chingbiz to be afraid, on the tomb is purposely left for the more and he .rose and said "I will go out." convenient ingress and egress of the spirit." He accordingly went out, and was immediately In regard to the end of the Shaman surrounded by a Sanban of his archers. Kokochi, or Kukju, Rashida'd-din tells us that Seeing that Teb-tengri was already dead he became very tiresome, and used to come into Chinghiz ordered a tent to be erected over his the Imperial Orda, and make boastful and body. He then rose and went away. The door noisy harangues. Chinghiz thereupon ordered and smoke-hole of this tent were closed. On his brother Juchi Khazar to kill him when he the third day at dawn the smoke hole opened by came again boasting into the camp. Khazar itself, and the corpse passed out through it. was very strong, and when he gripped a man Chinghiz thercupon remarked, "Teb-tengri beat round the waist he could break his back like my brothers, and wrongfully slandered them, breaking a stick. He gave him two or three on this account heaven has not favoured him, kicks and then killed him. His father remained but has taken away both his body and his life." sitting and picked up his cap, not knowing at Then addressiug Munlik he said "You were first that anything was meant. On discovering not able to control your sons properly. He the truth he still remained quiet." Erdmann wished to be my equal, for this reason I have says the same notice, but in a more epitomized destroyed him. If I had known these qualities form, is found in the Jihan Kushai. Mirkhaof yours before, I should long ago have vend says, that as Kukju had secured a number destroyed you as I did Jamukhu, Altan and of followers he began to dispute with Khazar Khuchar. But if, having pledged my word in about affairs of state, whereapon he grew the morning I break it at night, or having angry, caught him by the neck, and threw pledged it at night I break it in the morning, him down so violently that he killed him." I shall be aslamed of men's judgment upon Rashidu'd-din says that three of his brothers me. I have already undertaken to absolve you became great Amirs, and commanders of hafrom the penalty of death." Thereapon the zarehs, namely, Tulun Jerbi and Sugtu Jerbi, anger of Chinghiz cooled down, and we are who were attached to the right wing, and told the self-sufficiency of Munlik and his sons Sutun," who was attached to the left. diminished greatly." Thestories reported of Kukochi the Shaman in The curious reference to the disappearance the Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi remind us that the religion of the Shaman through the smoke-hole of of the Mongols at this time was Shamanism, the yurt may be illustrated from other sources. that form of nature worship which is so widely Thus Colonel Yule, quoting the Rev. Mr. spread throughout Northern Asia, which seems Jaeschke, says, -"Our Lamao tells us that to have been the primitive faith out of which the the owner of a house and the members of various Asiatic religions of a more philosophical his family when they die are carried through and rational character have developed by way the house-door; but if another person dies in of reform, and to have been further the backthe house his body is removed by some other ground of much of the early religion of China, aperture, such as the window, or the smoke- of Egypt, and of the West. It will be a convenient hole in the roof, or a hole in the wall dug place to collect here such notices as we can expressly for the purpose. Or a wooden frame find about the Shamanism of the Mongols. The is made, fitting into the door-way, and the body greater portion of the race is now and has long is then carried through; it being considered | been converted to Lamaism, the form of Bud10 Op. cit., pp. 137 and 138. * Erdmann, p. 204. 10 From Central Tibet. * Id. - Yule's Marco Polo, vol. I, p. 211. * Journeys in North China, vol. I, p. 322 >> Erdmann, pp. 204 and 205.

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40 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (FEBRUARY, 1883. dhism prevailing in Tibet, but the Lamas were day, as those found at Mintisinsk in 1846, an accommodating class, and incorporated into another found in 1845 at Grotichovka on the their system a good deal of the earlier faith. Dnieper in the Government of Ekaterinoslaf, In addition to this, Shamanism still prevails and a third found in 1853 in the district of and prevailed much more extensively in the last Verkhneudinsk, all of which commence with century among the Kalmuks and the Buriats, the phrase Munke tengri yin kuchundur. The while the medieval travellers have preserved same phrase, as Banzarof says, is found in the some valuable notices about it. From these Shaman prayers, in the various yarlighs issued various sources it is quite possible to collect by the Mongol sovereigns, and in the historical a fair account of the Shamanism which was works of the Mongols. The phrase tengri yin professed by Chinghiz Khan and his ancestors. kuchundur is a translation of the Chinese sacra The supreme being among the Mongols was mental phrase Foang thiin yun, by the will or styled Tangri or Tegri." grace of heaven. Carpini tells us the Mongols As Remusat says, among the early Chinese believed in one God, whom they held to be the the name, for heaven, Thian, was ambiguous, creator of all things visible and invisible, and and meant equally the spiritual and the that he was the distributor of good and ill in material heaven-God, and the grandest of his this world. They did not offer him any works. This was the case also apparently | prayers however, nor did they worship him with with the Turks and Mongols, with whom any religious rites. They called him Itoga. Tangri or Tegri had apparently the same The Comans (i.e. the Kipchak Turks) called him ambiguous meaning. The word Tangri is Kamor Cham." Mandeville gives this name apparently of Mongol origin, and Remusat as Iroga." Itoga is probably preserved in the suggests that it is derived from the word tagera Kalmuk name for God, Bukhan At Zaici, i.e., the meaning "elevated'. The Chinese emperors Creator. Although this Supreme Being was styled themselves song of heaven, which was acknowledged as the Creator and Master of the style used by the chiefs of the Hiongau, the Universe, the system of Shamanism, which who called themselves Tangri-kutu." is in fact a form of pantheism, supplemented The Tukiu or Turks of the 6th century, used him by a crowd of spirits, each mountain, to offer an annual sacrifice between the 10th rock, river, brook, spring and tree having its and 20th days of the 5th month to the spirit own special spirit dwelling in it. These were of the sky. We are also told they reverenced a not only deemed to be the authors of the spirit whom they went to worship at a distance various revolutions and changes in nature, but of 500 li to the west of their chief's camp. also to control the fortunes of men, and to This spirit, as we have seen, they called Po bring them prosperity and happiness on the one tengri. Michael the Syrian tells us the hand, and disease and pain on the other. To Seljuks before their conversion to Muhammad conciliate or appease these spirits was the special anism called their god Kauk Tangri, meaning office of the medicine men, who were called the Blue God or the god of heaven. Koke Kami and Boge by the Mongols, H laba by means blue in Mongol, while koek in Turkish the Tibetans and Samans by the Manchus.** means the sky." Carpini tells us the Mongols adored the sun, The Georgian history says that the Mongols moon, fire, earth and air, and offered them some placed at the head of their books the phrase meat and drink before partaking themselves. Mangu Tangri Kuchundur, meaning "by the They began their undertakings at new and full power of the immortal God." This statement moon, whence they styled the moon the Great is literally trae, as has been verified by Schmidt, Emperor, and bowed the knees and prayed to Banzarof, &c. who found that the paisahs or it. They called the sun the moon's mother, natal tablets of office which have reached our since the latter derived its light from the 90 Guirago's Vocabulary, Journ. Asiat. Sieme ser. Op. cit., vol I, p. 487. tome XI, p. 251. Anonymous Georgian History, edited by 30 See Grigorief, Journ. Asiat. 5 ieme ser. tome XVII, Brosset, vol. I, p. 487, Seanang Setzen, p. 303 note 16. P. 522, &c., and the works there cited. "Remusat, Recherches sur les Langues Tartares, 31 D'Avezac, p. 626. pp. 296-7. Id., p. 525, note 3. ** Id., pp. 206 and 297; Von Hammer, Golden Horde, Stollenwerck, Recherches Historiques, eto. p. 65. p. 202. Sohmidt, Seanang Setzen, p. 353.

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FEBRUARY, 1883.] CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. former. They purified everything by fire, and when envoys, princes or others went to them it was the custom to pass them, and the gifts they brought between two fires, which was supposed to be a protection from any attempts they might make to poison, and to be an antidote to any poison they might have with them. It will be noted that this form of purification was very ancient. The Turks according to Menander worshipped fire, air, earth and water, and their priests obtained milk and fertility in their flocks.. The felt idols are very important elements of Shaman caste. Carpini says of them,-" But nevertheless they have certain idols made of felt, in the shape of men, and these they put on each side of the door, and below them they placed something shaped like a teat, and they deemed these to be the guardians of their flocks, and that by their aid they were soothsayers or medicine men. These medicine men were noticed by Zemarchus in the Altai. They made the Byzantine officers purify themselves by passing through the fire just as the Mongols made the Franciscan missionaries and the Russian princes do so. Others of these idols they made of silk and reverenced them greatly, placed them in a beautiful covered cart in front of the door, and whoever stole anything from the cart. was put to death. When they made these idols they assembled all the elders, and made the figures reverently, and when they had them they killed a sheep and ate it and burnt its bones, and whenever even a boy was ill, they made an idol in this way and fastened it to his bed. They offered to these idols the first milk of all their cattle, and when they ate or drank anything they first offered them some of the food or drink, and whenever they killed an animal they similarly offered its heart to the idol in the cart as above men. tioned, and left it there till the next day, after "530 The Mongols, like the early Turks, paid divine honours to the sun, and we read how at the accession of Mangku Khan the princes, in doing homage to him, made a sevenfold prostration to the sun, an obeisance which was also demanded from the Russian princes. In saying their prayers they unloosed their girdles, and threw them over their shoulders." Marco Polo says of the Mongol religion, "They say there is a most High God of Heaven whom they worship daily with thurible and incense, but they pray to him only for health of mind and body. But they have also a certain other god of theirs called Natigay, and they say he is the god of the earth, who watches over their children, cattle and crops. They show him great wor ship and honour, and every man hath a figure of him in his house made of felt and cloth, and. they also make in the same way images of his wife and children. The wife they put on the left hand and the children in the front, and when they eat they take the fat of the meat and grease the god's mouth as well as the mouths of his wife and children. Then they take off the broth and sprinkle it before the door of the house, and that done they deem that their god and his family have had their share of the dinner.""" In regard to the name Nategay given to these dolls, Von Hammer suggests that a very slight alteration would identify it with Naghusha or Nighushak, the name by which some Persian writers call the religion of the fire which they cooked and ate it." Rubruquis, who names the idols, says, "One of these felt figures was always suspended over the head of the house, and was known as the lord's brother. Another over the mistress was called the mistress's brother, and higher and between the two was a small very meagre one, which was deemed the guardian of the whole house. The mistress of the house placed on her left side at the feet of the bed in an elevated place a small skin of some animal filled with wool or other material, and beside it a small idol looking towards the maid servants and women. Close to the door in the women's quarter was another image with a cow's teat, for the women who milked the cows, and on the other side of the door among the men was another image with a mare's teat for the men who milked the mares. When they met together to drink, they first sprinkled the image above the master of the house with the drink and after 3 Carpini, pp. 627 and 628. 30 Von Hammer, Gesch. der Gold. Horde, pp. 202 and 203. 37 Yule's Marco Polo, vol. I, pp. 248 and 249. Von Hammer, op. cit., p. 204, note 3. 41 worshippers," a suggestion which is surely far fetched. 30 D'Avezac, pp. 618-620. 60 Pappa vel Statuuncula de feltro. Pelliculam hedinam?

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42 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. FEBRUARY, 1883 wards the others in order. Thereupon an attendant went out with some food and drink and sprinkled three times towards the south while bending the knee. This was to adore the fire; then he did the same towards the east which was to adore the air; then towards the west in adora- tion of water, and lastly towards the north in memory of the dead. When the lord of the house was about to drink he threw some of the liquid upon the ground. If he drank while seated on horseback he poured some of it over the horse's neck or mane, and then poured some out to the four quarters of the world." In the discourse which Rubruquis had through an interpreter with the great Khan Mangu, when the latter said what his people believed only in one God, the friar asked him why therefore they made these images. The reply was that they were not images of God, but that when a rich 'man died or his son or wife or someone dear to him, it was customary to make an image and to reverence the memory of the dead one. This, as we shall see, was either a misleading statement on the part of the interpreter, or was misunderstood. by the friar. He goes on to say that the images were dressed in very precious clothes, and placed in special carts, which were placed in charge of their priests. These priests were always about Mangu's tent, and those of other rich men. The poor, unless they belonged to the family of Chinghiz, had not any. The carts with the images preceded the camp when on the march, "like the cloud preceded the camp of Israel." These guardians selected the new camping ground, and the idols were first housed, after which the rest of the camp was pitohed. On feast days they were taken out and ranged round the tent; into which the Mongols entered and did obeisance; no stranger was permitted to go in. On one occasion Rubruquis having entered was greatly upbraided for doing so." In his illustrative notes on Carpini, the Buriat Lama Galsang Gomboyef, speaking of these felt penates, says, that we can still recover their names from the traditions prevailing among the Buriats. The one placed in the toiddle of the kibitka, and therefore found in the foremost part of the Khoimor, was called Dsayaghachi, i. e. the chief author of fortune. The one placed at the door was probably the Emegelji, the guardian of the herds, especially of the young cattle; be was dressed in sheep skins. Outside the kibitka was placed Chandaghata, meaning one possessed of a (white) hare. Part of his dress consisted of a white hare skin. He also was decked in other costly furg. He had the supervision of the chase and also apparently of war. Besides these there were also other gods as Khayaghanaiki, i.e. the one placed on the side wall (the door), Nokhaitu, to whom it was customary to offer dogs in sacrifice ; Bars-ebugen, i. e. the old tiger, which was deemed a glutton, etc. etc. These various gods have been displaced by Buddhism, with the exception of Dsayaghachi who is surnamed Tenggeri (Heaven-dweller), and who has been incorporated into the Buddhist Pantheon." The Russian traveller Georgispent a considerable time among the Buriats, and has recorded a number of valuable details about their religion. He tells us this is substantially the same as that of the Tunguses, except among the Buriats of Dauria, whose Shamanism is much mixed with Lamaism. He says they call their supreme god Oktorgon Burkhan,--and also Tingiri Burkhan. The names and occupations of the subordinate gods are as complicated as those of the Tunguses. The sun (Nara), the moon (Hara), and the earth (Gasar) are the principal and best. They have more evil spirits than the Tunguses, and employ many ceremonies to exorcise them. Each Shaman has one however as his friend, without whom he is helpless. The chief of the evil spirits is called O kodil. They deem both male and female Shamans when dead to be holy. They have no coherent belief about the future, but they pray that God will take the dead to himself, and not let the evil spirits take them : their inferior gods they called Ongon, and they are made of wood, naked or dressed; of felt, tin or lambskin, and often only made up of cloth. They are all made by the Shamans, who give them arbitrary names. The most usual god, who is present even in the humblest hat, is made from a piece of birchwood, a span long and about three inches broad. Its upper part is shaped something like a man's head with coral or lead eyes, Melanges Asiatiques of the St. Peterburgh Academy, vol. II, pp. 652 and 653. * Id., pp. 223 and 224. * Id., PP. 286-288.

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FEBRUARY, 1883.) CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. and ornamented with carved work and stumps towards the sacrifice, and especially towards for arms and legs. It generally stands in an oval the sun, which he salutes at all times towards the frame of birch three inches wide, the former south. He goes through similar ceremonies at rim of a magical trumpet; at other times it feast times. Nothing of the feminine gender is merely placed in a box. Sometimes it is may, in going in or out of the yurt, pass on the dressed in the ordinary Bariat dress, sometimes west side of the hearth fire. They must also only the face is cushioned over, and sometimes turn their backs to the fire, however near it it is quite naked. happens to be to the gods. They hold all females Felt or woilok gods are made as shapely to be unclean, and are greatly embarrassed when as the Shaman's skill permits, some of them strange women approach the gods, nor will they being stuffed like dolls. Both kinds have glass sit down on seats or in saddles where women or lead eyes. Painted rag gods, which they have sat, until they have been fumigated with merely call Nogit," are the most abun- smoke from the white pine. Gmelin in describdant. The Shaman draws with red chalk on a | ing the interior of a Buriat yurt which he entered small rag, a span square, the outline of one says that on the right of the entrance was a or generally of three men's figures. The eyes cloth sack of a square shape, on this sack was the are made of coral or of small shot. Often there ' skin of a wild animal (iltis ?), to which was is fixed on the head of such a god a small tuft attached a kind of idol called Onkhon about three of hawk's feathers. inches in length, made of brass beaten very "The lamb gods" are made from the skin thin. The sack contained many other Onkhons, of a black lamb without the feet, and where the the greater part of which were made of Chinese head should be a small board is introduced silk brocade, embroidered with metal thread shaped like & man's head, with coral eyes; called Solomka, and each of them had a sometimes the figure is stuffed, sometimes there head designed in a brown colour in which is merely the skin. small leaden pellets were inserted to imitate The various gods are hung in a bundle on eyes, some were single, others were 'united the west side, i.e. the left on entering the yurt; in threes or fours, others again having one the felt and lamb gods often with strings fas- body and several legs fastened together with tened to their necks or passed through their bands. To the greater part of these figures heads. The lamb gods are placed in small four- was attached an Onkhon of thin brass." cornered bags and thus hung up. They are Pallas, speaking of the Shaman idols which always dressed in a black dress. are still in use among the Kalmuks says, one With the Ongons are generally hung some class is called Onggoi by them, and consists dedicated things, such as bunches of hair in a kind of figures cut out of pieces of cloth, from the manes of consecrated horses, remains which are held to protect the household from of the burnt shinbones of sheep which disease and other misfortunes, and are hung in have been sacrificed, deers' hoofs, weasel and the huts on the left of the bed, and before them hare skins, and especially a Iryekei, i.e. a piece are generally two lamps and a bowl of water. of stiff leather, which is cut into strips except They generally consist of four pieces of cloth at one end, about a span square in size. As fastened upon one another, the lowest being attendants on the lamb gods, which they call the longest, and the others falling in stops, Imegilchin, they hang small tin gods shaped and represent rudely the figure of a man; to like men, a finger long in size. During the the apper-most are fastened two long bands summer they hang the whole bundle of gods and a quantity of floss silk of different on a post in front of the yurt on the right of colours. the sacrificial pale (Tirgan). A more important god is the one called When & Buriat first leaves his yurt in the Jmmegiljin" by the Mongols and Buriate, who morning, when he is going on a journey or is the protector of sheep and other cattle. returning home, he bows towards the gods, He is represented by two figures, one of which The origin of the Natigai of Marco Polo. - Pinus Picea, Georgi, Reison, vol. I, pp. 313-315. " Reise durch Siberien, ed. 1751, vol. I, pp. 428-9. Among the Kalmuks this is the name of the shrub eronimus.

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44 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (FEBRUARY, 1883. is called his wife. They are nothing more than two flat long bolsters with the apper part shaped into a round disk, and the body hung with a long woolly fleece: eyes, nose, breasts and navel being indicated by leathern knobs stitched on. The male figure generally has at his girdle the rope with which the horses are tethered when pasturing, while the female, which is generally accompanied with smaller figures representing her children, bms all kinds of little nick-nacks for sewing implements hanging to her." Rubruquis tells us the priests, i.e. the Shamans, abounded at the Mongol court, and that there was a leader or pontiff among them, whose tent was pitched near that of Mangu Khan. Some of them had charge of the sacred carts containing the images, others had quarters assigned them in another part of the camp. People came to them from all parts. Some of them were proficients in astronomy (astrology), especially their leader, and they used to predict eclipses of the sun and moon, and when this was announced everybody prepared food, since it was not deemed right on such occasions to leave their houges. When the eclipse was in progress they sounded drums and pipes (timpana et organa), and made a great noise. This is precisely what the Chinese do still. When it was over, they ate and drank largely, and were full of joy. These medicine men fixed lucky and unlucky days for undertaking anything, and the Mongols would not begin a war nor engage in battle without consulting them as to a propi- tious season. They undertook the purification of various objects by fire, and received a portion as their due. They also purified the household furniture, &c. of the dead, and Rubraquis says that Brother Andrew and his companions had to be passed twice through the fire. In the first place because they bore presents, and secondly because they had looked at one who was already dead, namely, Ken Khan. Rubruquis himself escaped this ordeal as he took no presents. If any animal or thing fell during the purification ceremony, it was claimed by the medicine man or Shaman. On the 9th of May they collected all the white mares, and con- secrated them. At this ceremony even the Christian priests who were at Mangu's court * Pallas, Baml. Hist. Nach. vol. II, pp. 346 and 347; Yule's Marco Polo, vol. I, p. 250. had to join with their thuribles. On that day they sprinkled new kamiz on the ground, and made a grand feast. When a boy was born, the Shamans were summoned to predict his fate, and if anyone was ill they were also summoned and sang songs, and decided whether his sickness was natural or caused by witchcraft. Rubruquis reports a curious story be heard from a European slave in the service of a Christian Mongol lady. On one occasion the latter was presented with some rich furs which had to be duly purified, and the Shamans took more than they were entitled to. Thereapon her servant, who had charge of her wardrobe, reported the matter to ber mistress, who duly reprimanded the medicine men. Presently the lady was taken ill, and had severe pains in her limbs. The Shamans being summoned, sat some distance away, and asked one of her maidens (who was doubtless one of their confederates) to put her hand where the pain was, and to snatchaway witatever she found. She did so, and found in her hand a piece of felt, or gomething else. They told her to put it on the ground, when it began to crawl about like a live animal. It was then put in some water, and was changed into something like a leech. They thereupon declared the lady had been bewitched by the person who had told her of their peculations. The latter was accordingly taken out of the camp and bastinadoed during seven days. Meanwhile the lady died; the woman who had been punished asked to be put to death also, that she might accompany her mistress, to whom she had never done any harm, butas nothing could be proved against her, Mangu ordered her life to be spared. They then accused the nurse of the lady's daughter, who was a Christian and the wife of one of the principal Nestorian priests. Her servant confessed that she had been sent by her mistress to consult a certain horse-loqui cum quodam equo,--and obtain answers from him, and she declared what she had done was to obtain the lord's favour for her mistress, and not to do her any harm. Her husband who had burnt some of the magical characters and letters she had made was declared by her to be blameless. She was put to death. Presently Mangu had a son of whom the Shamans prophesied wonderful things, but 1... Kuyuk Khln.

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FEBRUARY, 1883.) CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. when he shortly after died, the boy's mother, drum, and to get excited, and then bound who was furious, summoned them, and demand himself. The spirit then came in the dark, and ed an explanation. They laid the blame on gave him some of the meat to eat and also the nurse, Chirine, or Thirine, who had been gave him answers. On a certain occasion, as put to death. The outraged mother there- Rubruquis was told by the famous Parisian upon seized upon the son and daughter of silversmith, Magister Willelmus, who was at the accused nurse, and had them killed by a Manga's Court, a certain Hungarian ventured man and woman of her household. Mangu de- to secrete himself in the tent where this invocamanded where the children were, for he declared tion was going on, whereupon the spirit stood they visited him in his sleep. When he learnt on the outside of the tent, and shouted out that what had occurred he had the man decapitated he could not enter, inasmuch as a Christian who had killed the boy, and having hung his was present. He thereupon speedily withdrew head round the neck of the woman who had as they began to search for him." All this is killed the girl, had her beaten with heated assuredly exceedingly like what takes place at scourges, and put to death. He denounced his a spiritualist seance in the middle of the ninewife for daring to put a man to death without teenth century in the superior atmosphere of consulting him, had her confined, and put on London. short commons for seven days, and would have If fire fell from heaven apon any of their put her to death only that she was the mother of cattle or upon men, which often happened, some of his children. The Shamans professed to they deemed it was necessary to have recourse be able to control the weather, and Rubruquis to incantations for the purpose of purification. tells us that whert the cold became very great, They believed that, after death men lived in and their remedies were of no avail, they sought another world, and tended their flocks and ato out someone in the camp whom they accused and drank and lived otherwise as men do here. of witchcraft, and put him to death without When any one among them was mortally ill, scruple. On one occasion one of Mangu's con- they placed a spear in his tent, and wrapped cubines having fallen ill, the Shamans said their some black felt about it, and no stranger was incantations over a Teutonic slave belonging to thereupon to enter, and when & rich man her, which caused her to sleep for three days. On began to die, all left him, for no one who was awaking they asked her whom she had seen. She present at his death might enter the ordu of ventioned several people, whom they judged any chief or of the Emperor until the succeedwere in consequence about to die, but as she had ing new moon." The relatives and other not seen her mistress, they considered that she residents in the tent of a person who died had would recover from her illness. Rubruquis says to be duly purified after his death. This was he saw the slave when she was still suffering done by means of fire. They made two fires, from a headache caused by her three days and planted a spear by each, and hung a cord sleep. Rubruquis reports how on visiting a across, upon which they tied some pieces princess he found four swords half-drawn from of cloth (scissuras de bucarano). They then their sheathes, one at the head, the other passed the men, cattle, and tents, which reat the feet of the bed, and two others on quired purification underneath. Meanwhile a each side of the door; while hanging from the woman stood on either side sprinkling water and roof was a silver chalice, which he suggests chanting songs. If any one's cart was broken, had been plundered from a church in Hungary. or if any one fell, they had recourse to inThis was filled with ashes, on which was placed cantations. If any one was killed by lightning a black stone. All this was part of the hocus everybody and everything, including the tent, pocus of the Shamans. Some of these medicine beds, carts, felt, clothes, etc. had to be purified, men invoked spirits (demons), and assembled nor could any one touch them until this had those who wished to have an answer from them been done." Rubruquis also says that when any in a tent where they placed some cooked one was ill, a mark was put upon his tent so that meat. The Shaman then began to recite his no one might enter; and if it was a grandee, songs, to strike the ground violently with his sentries were posted round it at some distance, Rubraquis, pp. 325, 362-367. " Carpini, pp. 627 and 628. - Carpini, pp. 632 and 633.

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46 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBRUARY, 1883. for they feared that bad spirits or winds might enter with the intruder." In regard to the Buriat Shamans, Giorgi tells us they were dressed very much as the Shamans of the Tunguses are. Of these latter he says that when a child has convulsions, or is in the habit of bleeding at the nose or mouth, whether of the male or female sex, he is deemed to be marked out or distinguished as & Shaman, such & boy is called Hudildon among the Tunguses. When two years old, he is adopted by an old Shaman, who performs certain ceremonies over him, which are a kind of confirmation. He is thenceforward styled Yukedyeren, and is taught by the old man what he knows. As a Shaman he wears the Shaman coat (Shamasi), a cap (kuru), and a doublet made of armour, and similar stockings. His chief instrument is his drum (Ningandi or Kachan), sometimes only some staves or arrows. The coat worn by the Shamans is not like that of the ordinary Tunguses, but long and wide and made of leather. In the sleeves are gauntlets, and along the arms iron plates like splints. In front and about the neck is a t the neck is a wide collar, which is all hung with little metal gods (Hanen). These are also hung about the doublet (Grubtun). Across the back are three or five iron plates, to which there hang from rings, over fifty metal gods shaped like men or animals. The whole of these trinkets are known as Arkalan. Metal plates are fastened to the leggings as well as the sleeves. Some times there hang from the back serpents made of leather or kitaik (? silk) with coral eyes. The cap (kuru) has its rim decorated with metal gods, and instead of a knot at the top is the figure of a large spider or rather scorpion called Ataki. From the rim of the cap there also hang stuffed snakes made of kitaik which are called kulish." This was doubtless the old dress of the Shamans among the Mongols. Now it has become much simpler, the Shamans among them having a very secondary roll to the Lamas, and being now poor. Many of them have neither a Shaman's coat nor drum, but perform their part in ordinary costume merely with a staff. Some of those in Dauria are clad in silver tissue. On the staff (horbu) there hang sometimes small bells and tin gods. Id. pp. 237 and 238. * Id. pp. 280-281. Sometimes they use a small branch of larch to which some leaves are still attached, to which they fasten a banner which they are continually moving about. This they called Yodo. Giorgi tells us further that the Shamans prefer to worship in the open air rather than in their yurts, and especially favour mountain tops for their sacrifices. Some of these mountains, which they call Tailga, are deemed holy, and are not to be approached without an offering. The prayers used by the Shamans are short, and the long chants of an hour or two long, in which they sometimes indulge, consist generally either of repetitions or of an enumeration of their many Burkbans or gods, and of dead Shamans, as Burkhan-tingeri or Khomley khan-tengeri, God of the heaven, defend the Empress; Barkhan khairla, God give children, Uguch, grass, &c. Tengeri Burkha na mudu Sagaish, God have pity on the sick one. Adahun eineg kheirla, bless our cattle, etc. To these ejaculations the congregation reply-Have mercy. They use many amulets, consisting of little tin figures of gods which the Shamans sew on leather, and children who are epileptic or otherwise ailing hang them about them. There are certain curious rules about women: thus a woman who has had three husbands may not marry again, and becomes a 80-called bilbyrhune mu. A widow, when she has lost one or two husbands, can, if she likes, foreswear further matrimony, and join the celebate sisterhood. The mark of the sisterhood consists of a band & palm wide of silk, silver tissue or sammet, decked with corals worn over the shoulders. Underneath the band are three round disks, the size of a rouble ; from it are also suspended coins. All the hair which falls from these devoted people is plaited into cords, which are embroidered on the bags containing the gods. The greater part of the Shamans profess to discover thieves, and to see into the past and future, to interpret dreams, and to divine by means of the burnt shoulder-blades of sheep. They are generally paid for their services by gifts of cattle, the amount being however arbitrary." . Id., p. 316. " Giorgi, vol. I, pp. 322 and 323.

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FEBRUARY, 1883.) CONVERSION OF MUHAMMADAN DATES. PADINENT-AGRAHARA. BY J. F. FLEET, Bo. C.S., M.R.A.S. In vol. X, pp. 185ff, I published the fully acquired beauty; (and) among them there Damba! Buddhist inscription, which records is the famous agrahara that has the name of grants that were made in Saka 1017 (A.D. Narugunda, the pleasure-garden of the goddess) 1095-6), the Yuva sarivatsara, while Lakshma- Lakshmi." dovi, one of the queens of the Western And, in a slightly different form, viz:Chalukya king Vikramaditya VI, was govern- Vara-Jambadvipadolu ramjisuvudu Bharataing the Padinent- Agrahara, or Eighteen | kshtrama kshetrado! bardh[uram-amte Agraharas, and the city of Dharmapura, Dhar- Kuntalam tad-vishayado!-atisobh-aspadam inavolal, or Damba!. And I remarked that Belvalam chittaram=amta (nadol-oppam"The Eighteen Agraharas appear to have been ba]dedudu Padinemt-Agraharakkam-olpim a group of towns somewhere in the north of sira - - - - - - - - - - - - Maisur or in the south of the Dharwad District; anupama Puli-puay-igraharam || but I think that they have not yet been The same verse occurs in 11. 7-10 of a actually identified." fragment of an inscription of the eleventh or An inscription of Saka 1069 (A.D. 1147-8), twelfth century A.D. at Huli in the Parasgad the Prabhava sariwatsara, in the front of the Taluka of the Belgaum District. tempie of Joda-Hanumanta at Nargund in the These two verses show that Narugund, the Nawalgund Taluka of the Dharwad District, modern Nargund, and Puli, the modern Huli, contains in Il. 13-15, the following verse :- were two of the Padinent- Agrahdra, Hadinen! Transcription. Agrahara, or Eighteen Agraharas; and thereVara-Jambudvipado! ramjisuvudu Bharata- fpre that the Eighteen Agraharas were not a kshetramua kshetrado!u bandhuram=anta collection of eighteen contiguous townships, Kuntalam tad-vishayado!-atieobh-aspadam but eighteen towns of importance in different Belvalar chittaradimd=a nadoloppam- parts of the Belvola Three-hundred district. badedudu Padinemt-Agraharam tad- Doubtless other inscriptions, as they come to abhyantarado! Lakshmi-viharam negarddu- notice, will give us the names of the remaining (rdu)du Narugund-abhidhan-agrahara[m] || sixteen towns. Damba! itself may perhaps be Translation. one of them; but the passage in the Buddhist "In the excellent Jambudvspa, the country of inscription spoken of above is not quite clear Bharata is charming; in that country there is on this point: it may mean "the Eighteen the beautiful Kuntala ;' in that region there is Agraharas and (also) Dharmapura"; or it Belvala,' the abode of extreme lustre ; in that may mean "the Eighteen Agraharas and district the Eighteen Agraharas have wonder- (therefore) Dharmaprau." TABLES FOR THE CONVERSION OF MUHAMMADAN INTO EUROPEAN DATES, AND THE CONVERSE. BY D. B. HUTCHEON, STONEHAVEN. The examples given below will sufficiently | Ferie and days for the given month, and also explain the use of these tables. The column of the day of the month. The Feriae for days are Ferie (F) indicates the day of the week, the days themselves, rejecting 'sevens. counting Sunday = 1, Monday = 2, &c. and 2.-If Table I does not contain the given Saturday = 7 or 0. year, take from that Table the year immediately I. To find the Christian date corresponding less, and from Table II such a number of years to any given Muhammadan date. as together with it will be equal to the given Rule 1.-If Table I contains the given Hijra Hijra year, with the corresponding Christian year, take from it the Hijra and Christian years, Feriae, and days. Proceed as in Rule 1 years, Feria, and days, and from Table III the for months and days. See Dynasties of the Kanaren note 1. Districts, p. 42, See id. p. 53, note 3. The older and original form of the name was Belvols.

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48 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBRUARY, 1883. 3.- Add together the years, &c., now found. When one is carried from the decimals to days, it must also be added to the Feriae, and if the Ferix in adding exceed 7, the sevens' are to be rejected. 4.-From the sum deduct the numbers in Table TABLE I. Julian Calendar. Gregorian Calendar. A.H. A.D.F. Days. A.H.A.D. F. Days. 622 5 197-47988 1580 3 57.37 623 218683 1009 1600 4 194:07 3 624 7 175-20 | 1042 1632 1 200-17 u 632 7 88.13 1075 1664 5 206-27 6644 94.23 1112 1700 5 169-83 7004 56801145 1732 2175-93 7321 62.90 || 1178 1764 71 182.03 7646 69.00 1215 1800 7 145-60 8006 31.571248 1832 4 151.70 832 3 37.67 1281 1864 1 157-80 864 7 43.77 1818 1900 2 121:37 900 11 6:33 1351 1932 6 127.47 3201 932 51 12:43 | 1384 | 1964 3 13357 353 964 2 18:53 | 142120004 96.13 391 1000 7 335 471454 2032 1 102.23 424 1032 4 341:57 1487 2064 5 108-33 457 1064 1 347.67 1524 2100 5 71.90 49411002 310-23 1557 2132 3 78.00 527 1132 6 316-331590 2164 7| 8410 560 1164 3 32243 i 1627 2200 7 4767 12004 285.00 1232 1 291-10 297-20 259-77 1332 2 265-87 1364 6 271.97 803 1400 7 234:53 836 14324 240-63 869 1464 1 24673 906 1500 2 209-30 939 15326 215 40 972 1564 3 221.50 1009 | 1600 4 184.07 1042 1632 1 190-17 1075 1664 5 196-27 11121700 5 158-83 1145 1732 2 164-93 IV, adding to the Christian years, for the days deducted, their equivalent in years. The month and day of the month will now be readily found. In the final result the decimals are to be cancelled. If they are 63 or more the Hijra year is intercalary, or Zil-hijja has 30 days. TABLE II. TABLE III. Either Calendar. Months. F. D. A.H. A.D. F. Days. Muharram. 0 0 Safar ...... 2 04 354.37 Rabi I. ... 11.343.73 Rabi II ... 6333-10 Jumada I... 6 118 3 322-47 Jumada II. 0 310-83 Rajab...... 5 300-20 Shaban ... 4 207 2 289-57 Ramazan. 5 236 6 278-93 Shawwal... 0 266 267-30 Zil ka'da... 1 295 25667 Zil hijja... 3 325 24603 235-40 1 year ... 354.36 223-77 2 years ... 708.73 5 213.13 3 ... 1063-10 2 202.50 6 191-87 4 180-23 1 169-60 TABLE IV. 5 158-97 3 148 33 Months. D. 0 136-70 Com. 1 5 126-07 2 11543 Com. 6 104.80 Feb. Bis.. 93:17 March 82.53 April May... June .... 49-63 July Aug. 244 Sept. 1773 Oct.. 274 4 6:10 Nov.... 305 1 360-47 335 5 349-83 3 339-20 1 year, 365, 3661 35 0 328:57 2 years, 730, 731' OTOCO 2898892889285GEFORCO Jan. Bis, 0 C C 71.90 61-27 C ROTOCO 39.00 28:37 Dec...... Examples. 1. To find the Christian date corresponding 2. To find the European date (N.S.) correto 29th Zilhijja A.H. 492. sponding to 1st Rabi I. A.H. 1190. 457 1064 1 347-67 Table I. 1178 1764 7 182.03 Table I. 35 335 349-83 II. 12 11 3 235-40 , II. - 3 325 Zil-Hij., III. - 3 59 Rab. I. , A.H. 492 10971 29 A.H. 1190 1775 1 1 4 1051.50 7 477-43 2......... 730 IV. 1 366 (Bis.) , IV. A.D. 1099 321 A.D. 1776 111 305 91 IV. A.D. 1099, Wed., Nov. 16 A.D. 1776, Sat., April 20 IV. * Use 866 when passing into a Bissextilo year. Use 731 wbon passing over or into a Bissextile year.

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FEBRUARY, 1883.] CONVERSION OF MUNAMMADAN DATES. 49 -1 53 I eft 3. Find the Christian date corresponding 3. Find the Hijra date = 28 March 1822. to 12 Safar, A.H. 1300. 1215 1800 7 145-60 60 (March). 1281 1864 1 157-80 Table I. 23 22 2 115 43 28 19 1 8 5 158.97 >> II. 2 1063 365 - 2 30 Safar >> III. A.H. 1300 A.D. 1882 5 12 A.H. 1237 1822 5 271-66 453 271 7 358-77 335 , IV. .... 182 177 1882, Sat., -Dec. 23 II. To convert dates in the Christian Calendar A.H. 1237, Thur., Rajab 5 into the corresponding Muhammadan dates, 4. Find the Muhammadam date = 21 January 1. Find from Tables I. and II. the Christian |936 A.D. year in the same way as the Hijra year was found. 320 932 5 12:43 0 (Jan. Bis.) In addition to the columns in the Tables add a fifth 40 310-83 21 for the Christian month and the day of the month. 2 10-63 365 2. If the integers in col. 4th be less than those 1 333-89 386 in Col. 5th, subtract the former from the latter, 333 the remainder will give the day of the Hijra year, from which the month and day may be easily found by Table III. The remainder, with the gevens in it rejected, is to be added to the Feriae A.H. 324, Thur., Safar. 23 already found. Ex. 1, 2, 6, 7. 5. Find the Hijra date = 16 Nov. 1099 A.D. 3. If the integers in col. 4th are not less than 457 1064 1 347-67 305 (Nov.) the number in col. 5th subtract 1 from col. 1st and 37 35 0 328 57 16 add 2 to col. 3rd, 10-63 to col. 4th, and 365 to col. 5 21-27 730 5th and with the several sums proceed as before. 492 1099 7 697-51 1051 Ex. 3, 4 and 8. 697 Sometimes it may be necessary to go back into the second Hijra year from the date given. In 325 that case subtract 2 from col. 1st, and add 5, 21-27, and 730 to columns 3, 4, and 5 respectively. A.H. 492, Wed., Zil Hijja 29 Ex. 5. 6. Find the Hijra date = 30 Jan. 931 A.D. When one is carried from decimals to days, it 287 900 1 6 :33 1(Jan.com.) must also be added to the Feriae, the same as in 32 31 6 17-7330 expounding Hijra dates. . 319 931 1 2406 Examples 24 1. Find the Hijra date corresponding to 5 Oct. 0 715 A.D. A.H. 319, Sun. (1) Muh. 7 Table I. 81 700 4 5680 274 (Oct.) 7. Find the Hijra date = 30 Jan. 932 A.D. II. 16 15 6 191.87 5 320 932 5 12:43 0(Jan. Bis.) 30 A.H. 97 715 4 248.67 279 248 ****.. 354 31 30 12 31 Sat. 7 A.H. 97, Sat. Safar 1 2. Find the Hijra date = 22 Dec., 1882 A.D. 1281 1864 1 157.80 335 (Dec.) 1918 5 15897 22 A.H. 1300 1882 7 316-77 357 A.H. 320, Mon. (2) Muh. 18 8. Find the Moslem date = Tues., 26 Sept. 1882 A.D. 1281 1864 1 157-80 244 (Sep.) 1918 5 158097 26 - 1 2 10-63 365 1299 1882 3 327-40 635 327 colo 316 41 30 Then .......... 308 295 13 A.H. 1300, Fri., Safar 11 A.H. 1299, Tues., Zil-ka'da

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50 Otherwise. In converting Christian into Hijra dates we may also proceed as directed in the rules for the converse process, but use Tables V, VI, IV and III, instead of Tables I, II, III and IV. TABLE V. Julian Calendar. A.D. A.H. Days. 622 623 624 648 672 700 80 0 I 2 27 51 157.87 168.50 180.13 86-97 1564 971 1600 1008 1632 1041 1634 1074 1700 1111 1720 1132 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. 159-07 196:50 59.80 Gregorian Calendar. A.D. A.H. Days. 348.17 298.58 732 113 292.43 764 146 286.33 800 183 323.77 832 216 317-67 864 249 311-57 900 286 349.00 932 319 342-90 964 352 336.80 1000 390 19-87 1032 423 13.77 1064 456 7-67 1100 493 45:10 1920 1132 526 39.00 1940 1358 1164 559 32.90 1960 1379 1200 596 70-33 1232 629 64-23 1264 662 58.13 1338 1300 699 95.57 1332 732 1364 765 89.47 83.37 1400 802 120.80. 1432 835 114-70 1464 868 108.60 1500 905 146-03 1532 938 139.93 133.83 171-27 165 17 161-27 24:57 1580 987 297.97 1600 1008 1620 1029 1640 1049 242.23 1660 1070 105.53 1680 1090 323-20 1700 1111 185.50 1720 1132 48.80 1740 1152 266.47 1760 1173 129.77 1780 1193 347:43 1800 1214 209-73 1820 1235 73.09 1840 1255 290-70 1860 1276 154.00 1880 1297 17:30 1900 233.97 1317 9"-27 311.93 173.23 1980 1400 41.53 2000 1420 259.20 A.D. A.H. The Madras Journal of Literature and Science had for many years ceased to exist; its old supporters had left India or died out, and the Madras members of the Society had added more novels to the old library than works on Oriental literature when some five years ago-Dr. Oppert made an attempt to revive the old Journal. The first volume was almost entirely written by himself, and this failure to find contributors STBROERRERRTE 11 12 13 14 15 16 16 18 19945867 17 17 11 12 13 14 15 A.D. ASIATIC SOCIETIES. TABLE VI. Days. = [FEBRUARY, 1883. 10-63 21-27 19 20 31.90 21 21 43.53 22 22 54.17 23 23 64.80 24 24 75:43 25 87-07 26 174.13 184.77 97.70 27 108.33 28 118.97 130.60 141.23 151.87 162.50 A.D.A.H. 18 195:40 36 1299 32 2 A.H. 386 A.H. 1299 Ramazan 2. To find the Hijra date Monday 2nd March A.D. 996. A.D. 964 A.H. 35232 32 996 1989gtittkitt Examples. 1. To find the Hijra date corresponding to Tuesday 1st August 1882, A.D. 1880 A.H. 1297 2 2 1882 1 252-57 Ramazan 236. Days. 206.03 217.67 228:30 238.93 249.57 261-20 271-83 282:47 293-10 304.73 315.37 326.00 336-63 348.27 17:30 Table V. 21.27 VI. Aug. 213. >> IV. 4.53 15-17 25.80 37.43 Safar 30 A.H. 386, Safar 8th, 16th. corresponding to 336-80 Table V. 348-27", VI. March 60 33 IV. 2 747:07 708-73", 38.34 III. 33 III. III. | might have convinced him that his attempt was futile; but he had materials of his own to print and was not particular as to the character of the papers he got to insert. The second volume (1879), of which Dr. Oppert wrote considerably more than half, contained a long paper of his own: "On the Weapons, Army Organization, and Political Maxims of the Ancient Hindus," at which Orientalists were amused, for

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FEBRUARY, 1883.] the author had accepted as very ancient the Sukraniti-a work which is well known to be a very modern one. ASIATIC SOCIETIES. The Editor was more fortunate in 1880, and was able to publish in vol. III. four papers. Of these, "Hindu Law in Madras in 1714," by J. H. Nelson, M.A., and "The predecessors of the High Court in Madras, by J. Shaw, both interesting enough papers to legal and historical readers, -seem somehow out of place in the Journal of an Oriental Scientific Society, as was also the third article-" The Madras Harbour," by W. Parkes, C.E. The only paper in keeping with the name of the Journal was one by Lieut.-Col. Branfill" Descriptive Remarks on the Seven Pagodas." A fourth volume, for 1881, appeared late in 1882, and contains a 77 page continuation of Mr. Shaw's paper on "The predecessors of the Madras High Court," and a paper of 50 pages on the work of the Geological Survey in Southern India, by R. B. Foote, neither paper being of the sort one expects. The volume, however, is redeemed by a very excellent article on 'Ilm-iTajwid (the rules and regulations to be observed by Muhammadans in reading or reciting the Quran) by the Rev. Edward Sell, an article which ought to have appeared in better company. The remaining three papers are Dr. Oppert's own. The first, which opens the volume, is on the Nitiprakdeikd, which ascribes itself, and Dr. Oppert believes rightly so, to Vaisampayana the pupil of Vyasa. That passages in this work also occur in the Harivamea, Manavadharmasastra, and Kamandaktya, is no proof in Dr. Oppert's opinion that they have been copied. As Vaisampayana is also the narrator of the Mahabharata and Harivamsa, the Nitiprakasika must belong to the same class; and Dr. Oppert informs us it "was till now utterly unknown," and indeed is perhaps never mentioned in any other Sanskrit work. The principal part of its contents consists of the Dhanurveda, or science of weapons, of which he gives a translation with the text. Dr. Oppert believes on its evidence that the sataghnt and surmi of this work are the same as the surmi of the Rig-veda (vii. i. 3) and the bataghni of the Harivansa (227, 20) and therefore that guns and gunpowder were in use in Vedic times! The same work also mentions not only saddles, bridle-bits, and stirrups, but pensions of half former pay (!)-which are surely an invention much more modern even than guns and gunpowder. The fourth paper in the volume is one of 74 pages, (205-278), also by the Editor, on Inscriptions, the first being one on the inner wall of Raichur Fort, in ten long lines, but which he has transliterated 51 in 30, and refers to his own lines rather than those of the original. The translation is followed by historical enquiries about Gore Gangaya Reddivaru and king Vithala, mentioned in the inscription, in which he adduces some extracts from the volumes of local records kept at Madras. In this paper Dr. Oppert has undertaken to bring to light for the first time a new line of Narapati princes of Vijayanagar, older than, and preceding, the well-known dynasty that sprung into existence at the end of the fourteenth century. In this we consider that he has not only signally failed, but that he has been guilty of most unscientific carelessness in the deductions he has drawn from the various writings and inscriptions he has consulted. So confused and bewildering are his statements, and so difficult to follow his reasoning, that it is hard to know how to analyse it. Appended to the paper is a "Genealogical Tree of the Narapatis." flourished before us as the final outcome of all the investigations which precede it, and as now for the first time showing-what has never been shown before, the complete pedigree of the family. In this Dr. Oppert gives us, as the essence of his "discovery," the three well-known brothers, Rama, Tirumal (or Tirumala), and Venkata, who fought the disastrous battle of Talikota in 1564 A.D., preceded, four generations earlier, by another trio of brothers of the same name, each batch of three being in the same order, and the Rama in each case being son-in-law of Krishnaraja. Dr. Oppert undertakes to prove that these are not one and the same, but quite different sections of the family, and that while it is well known that the latter flourished towards the close of the sixteenth century, the former lived at the close of the thirteenth. If this is not of itself sufficient to condemn the theory as wholly unscientific, we turn to the text, pp. 229, &c. and find the origin of the Narapati family clearly and complacently stated. Tatapinnamaraja was the great-grandson of Vijjala of Kalyana, the Kalachuri, who was a descendant of the Chalukyas!! This man founded the Narapati family. His great-great-grandson was Bukka, who had a son Rama. Among this Rama's grandsons were, (1) Vithala, who is mentioned in an inscription of A.D. 1294 at Raichur; and (2) the trio of brothers mentioned above, viz.-Rama, Tirumala, and Venkata. These three brothers then, flourished at the close of the thirteenth century. This very same Rama, Dr. Oppert gravely asserts, fought successfully against a number of Muhammadan kings or chiefs. Luckily their names are given. This is interesting, because we had always believed the historians who say that the Muhammadan armies had not

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBRUARY, 1883. penetrated so far south as the Southern Dekhan at the period alluded to. The names, as no doubt rightly interpreted by Dr. Oppert, are "Fazl-Khan," "Adil Khan," "Nizam-ul-mulk," "Imad-ul-mulk," "Kutb-ul-mulk," " Vali-Khan," and " Barid." Dr. Oppert himself quotes these names from the "Narapativijayam," which, (p. 243), he tells us, was composed "towards the end of the sixteenth century." at the special command of Rama Raja, who was killed at Talikota. Can it be possible that Dr. Oppert does not recognize amongst those names the combination of Muhammadan States of the Dekhan ;--the 'Adil Shahi, Nizam Shahi, Imad Shahi, Kutb Shahi, and Barid Shahi dynasties-which overthrew the later Rama Raja of Vijayanagar and his brethren at Tilikota in A.D. 1564, and which dynasties were not in existence in the thirteenth century, a time when no Muham. madan had set foot armed for battle on soil so far south as the territory of the Narapatis P On p. 243 we have the Ramaraja of the Narapativijayam represented as "commander-inchief of Pratapa-Rudra's army," a difference, again, of three centuries. Even if we suppose that Dr. Oppert has carried us back to a former Ramaraja of the thirteenth century, he does not explain how this sovereign of Vijayanagar could be a commander-in-chief under Pratapa-Rudra ;nor how his (R&ma's) brother, Tirumala, could * in battles fought near Penugonda," defeat "the Nizam" (!!) (p. 244). All this being given with the most perfect belief in its authenticity, and a dogmatic assurance which does not hesitate to rebuke such writers as H. H. Wilson for "wrong assertions" (p. 245), we can only assume that Dr. Oppert is so completely ignorant of history as to believe, either that in the time of Pratapa-Rudra "the Nizam" was fighting battles near Penugonda against the kings of Vijayanagar; or that at the period of Talikota (A.D. 1564) Pratapa-Rudra of Orukalk was still tighting the Muhammadans !! Nothing short of this will satisfy his text. All this confusion arises apparently from the fact that Dr. Oppert assumes as sound basis for historical accuracy the rubbish written by a court- poet for the express purpose of bolstering up an usurping dynasty; for such undoubtedly was the dynasty of the three brethren which were tyrants." Dr. Burnell, from whose excellent table of the Vijayanagar dynasty (South Indian Palaeography, p. 55), the quotation just made is taken, never wrote truer words than when he issued this warning (id. Introd., p. vii.) :-"From the beginning of this century (when Buchanan executed the only archaeological survey that has ever been done in even a part of the south of India) up to the present time, a number of well-meaning persons have gone about with much simplicity and faith, collecting a mass of rubbish which they term traditions and accept as history. There is some excuse for Buchanan, but none for his followers; the persistent retailing of this lying gabble' (as General Cimningham aptly terms it) has well. nigh ruined the progress of Indian research, and caused the utter neglect of a subject that evidently promises much." This scathing condemnation of Indian traditions is even more applicable to the historical" (1) narratives of Brahman court-poets than to the ordinary traditions of the country. In the latter there is often a germ of truth. In the former a studious avoidance thereof for the most part. Dr. Oppert has done nothing to assist us in the unravelment of the tangled skein of Vijayanagar genealogies, and those who wish to study the subject would do well to avoid altogether his confusing and uncritical essay. To this long paper he adds an Appendix on Chronology, in which he promulgates opinions which, if adopted, would lead to much needless confusion. Every one knows that the Hindus are, and have been for a thousand years at least, in the habit of dating by the elapsed year, while in civil matters European nations date by the current year. Europeans, like Dr. Oppert, conclude that the Hindus are wrong in this, and ought to conform to their ideas of chronology, or if this cannot be secured, that at least writers like Col. Warren and J. Prinsep ought to represent the Hindu chronology in their Tables on the European system. But Europeans would only introduce confusion into Indian Chronology were they to allow their habits and prepossessions 80 to influence them as to act differently in this respect from what the Hindus themselves do. Their system is really quite as rational as ours. Warren is censured by this would be chronologist for his" injudicious caution" in stating that . In 1878, the Madras Government sanctioned a proposal from c. Raghunath Acharya, Assistant in the Madras Observatory, to introduce into the Calendar a reformed system of dates based on European astronomical science, in supercession of that previously employed and founded on the old false reckoning" of the Hindu astronomical works. This however seems to have had reference only to the oommencement of the months, and perhaps the tithis. The interference of Government in matters of this kind is to be strongly deprecated. See Madras Gor. Ord. 26 March, 1878, No. 531. 1 "Thirty years was this kingdome governed by three brethren which were Tyrants, the which keeping the rightfull King in prison, it was their use every yeere once to show him to the people, and they at their pleasures ruled as they listed. These brethren were three Captaines belonging to the father of the King they kept in prison, which when he died, loft his sonne very young, and then they tooke the gouernment to themselves." (Caesar Frederick in " Parehas his Pilgrimes" vol. II, p. 1704).

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FEBRUARY, 1883.] ARYAN ELEMENT IN SINHALESE. 53 the Hindu years were expired ones, which, he says, "was to a certain extent the cause of all the inaccuracies to be met with in subsequent works on Indian chronology and history." -This we think needs some proof. Prinsep's note on the subject is condemned as "not accurate throughout," though the mistake seems to be in Dr. Oppert's mind rather than in the note, which means that for most ordinary calculations it matters not whether e.g. we call the present year Saka 1804 expired, or treat it as if it were the numerical of the current year, if only we regard all the others in the same way. Dr. Oppert then gives a table of the cycle of 60 years from 1867 to 1927 according to his notions, which table is wrong throughout in the numerals of the years for the Saka and Kaliyuga dates, and is only correct in the Sarwatsara names as com pared with the European dates. These names he has collected from some slokas in Kamalakara's Nirnayasindhu ascribed to Gargya, gratuitously informing the reader thrice in footnotes that "all the nouns in in take the nom. sing. in (." The last paper in the volume is a List of Saura Words, collected by W. F. Grahame, C.S., and arranged by the editor. This volume has no index. The papers with which Dr. Oppert has to such a large extent filled this and the preceding volumes of this revived Journal, show how unsafe it is for the reputation of a professedly scientific society, one affiliated to the Royal Asiatic Society,--to leave its Journal entirely in the hands of a man who cannot command the help of scholars, and whose information and opinions are so inaccurate and uncritical. Is it not a waste of money too on the part of Government to subsidize this Journal under its present management ? The Journal of the Ceylon Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. VII, part ii. (for 1881) has been long in the press, but contrasts most favourably with its Madras contemporary. In the first paper Mr. Nevill, Ceylon Civil Service, contests the accuracy of Sir Emerson Tennant's identification of the ancient emporium of Kalah, which was under the kings of Zabej, the Sultans of the Isles, with the port of Galle. He adduces several authorities and considerations that it w probably one of the islands along the north-east coast, perhaps near Kalaputti or Kalpitiya (Calpentyn). In the notes, we think, Mr. Nevill's reasoning and theories are sometimes a little fanciful, in support of hypotheses of his own. The second and fourth papers are by M. L. Nell, - one on the observance of Kaldwa, a superstition among the Simhalese that certain parts of the body are peculiarly liable to accidents with very dangerous results on certain days of the lunar calendar; the other on a Huniyam image used in sorcery. To the latter a long and interesting note is added by the Secretary, on the charms, &c., used in the superstitious practices of the Maldive islanders. The third paper is by Luis de Zoysa, Mahs-mudaliyar, on the origin of the Veddas, with fourteen of their songs, charms, and lullabies. The author shows, by the Aryan character of the words in these, and the traditions still preserved respecting their origin, that there is every reason to believe they are of Indian descent. The fifth paper is on the Mfra Kantiri festival held by the Ceylon Muhammadans at Colombo during the month of Jumad-al-akhir, in memory of Mira Saheb, who is esteemed a Walt by them, and who is buried at Nagar near Nagapattanam. To this the Secretary has also added valuable notes. Dr. J. L. Vanderstraaten contributes a short paper on the rearing of silk-worms in Ceylon. And lastly, S. Jayatilaka, Mudaliyar, contributes a paper on Sinhalese omens or supersti. tions meanings attached to common appearances, such as meeting a cow or a peacock, &c. With this part is also issued the first fasciculus of an edition of Panini, by Mr. W. Gunatilaka, published with the assistance of the Society. ON THE OLDEST ARYAN ELEMENT OF THE SINHALESE VOCABULARY. BY PROFESSOR E. KUHN. Among the more prominent languages of India F. Muller in the linguistic portion of the work of which have had a literary culture, the Sinhalese is the Novara, p. 203, is inclined to assume a remote the only one to which it has not yet been possible family relationship to the Dravidian idioms, and to assign a fixed place in one of the great families in the Allgemeine Ethnographie,' p. 466, even of language. While Rask, without adducing more decidedly indicates the basis of the Sinhaany reasons, assigns it a place in the Dravidian lese as Dravidian, and Haas (Z. d. M.G. 30, p. 668) family (Singalesisk Skriftlaere, Preface, p. 1), and maintains at least an influence by the Tamil on the 1 Translated from the Munich Sitzungsberichte der halese language is based on the dialect spoken by the whilos.-philol. hist. Classe der k. Akademie der Wis- colony from Sinhapura in Lala, on the west coast of India, senschaften, 1879, vol. II. pt. iii, pp. 399-434. who drove into the remote parts of the island the former ? Cf. the same writer in the Transactions of the inhabitants, borrowing very little indeed from their Philological Society, 1875-6, Part i, p. 73:-"The Sin- language."

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBRUARY, 1883. development of the language, any direct relation Sing. 1. karam Pl. 1. karamu between Tamil and Sinhalese is brusquely set aside karami keremu by such a scholar as Caldwell (Comp. Gramm., kerem karamo (2d. ed.) p. 111 of the Preface). More recently keremi karamha the opinion that Sinhalese deserves a place among karamhu the Aryan dialects is that which has received 2. kerehi 2. karahu most favour. This view, first propounded ably karav by Alwis (Journal of the Ceylon Branch of the 3. kere 3. karat Royal Asiatic Society, 1865-6, p. 143-156; 1867-70, karati p. 1-86), has been scientifically established by keret Childers (Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, kereti N. S. VII, pp. 35-48;9 VIII, p. 131-155), and has agrees closely enough with an Aryan been accepted by the inquirers in the province of Sing. 1. karami Pl. 1. karimas Sinhalese inscriptions, Rhys Davids, P. Gold 2. karasi 2. karatha schmidt (especially in his first report on the sub 3. karati 3. karanti ject, printed int. al. in Trubner's Record, X, pp. 21. -and finally that a whole number of derived verbal 22)," and Ed. Muller--the first mentioned with & forms and participial formations have been traced wise caution, the other two not without allowing back by Childers with undoubted correctaess to themselves to be led into hasty explanations of Aryan sources, the view of a purely Aryan characsome words. As a curiosity, which deserves ter of the language has certainly something mention only on account of the highly honoured uncommonly attractive about it. But the pleas. name of its author, it may also be mentioned, that ing impression.vanishes if we look closer into the Lassen (Ind. Alterthumsk. (2a. ed.) vol. I, p. 557) language actually in use. Forms like those of the considered the language as entirely a Malayo- paradigm just quoted, while not over-abundant in Polynesian one; the Maldivian, which had its the so-called Elu of the old poetry, disappear origin in Ceylon, and to which he appeals in sup in the modern prose as good as entirely before port of this view, is however not at all Malayan, karanand for all persons alike, and the proper but an undoubted dialect of the current Sinhalese formation of tenses and moods shows only a dis(though indeed perhaps mixed with foreign ele- tant connection with that to which we are accusments), which will probably throw more light on tomed in the modern Aryan languages. it than it is able of itself to do." Here we may appropriately consider more closely Of the different views expressed only that relat- the historical argument of the view in question. ing to the Aryan character of the language can be Its supporters, Rhys Davids and Childers in loc. subjected to a critical examination : for it alone | cit. 'supra, and P. Goldschmidt in his Report on can on satisfactory ground be brought forward, all Inscriptions found in the North Central Provine the others rest upon bare assertions. Let us first and in the Hambantota District, 1876, p. 3, rightly examine the subject independently of all historical take as their starting point the popular local tradisuppositions. Setting aside all Sanskrit tatsamas tion, that Vijaya, a king's son of Lala, about the and casual loans from the Pali for religious and time of Buddha's death conquered Ceylon, and suchlike ideas, there remains in the Sinhalese of thus caused an extensive colonization of the island all periods and classes of literature a remarkable by Aryan settlers (cf. the succinct description in stock of Aryan words, among them all the numerals Lassen's Ind. Alterthumsk, (2d. ed.) vol. II, p. and a good part of the pronouns and particles. 103 ff.). This Lala, Rhys Davids looks for on If to this be added the fact that the declension the west coast of India, evidently following is morphologically scarcely distinct from that of Lassen, who wished to identify it with the prethe modern Aryan languages of India, also that vince of Lata or Latika, the Aapki of the a paradigm like that given in Alwis's edition of Greeks. According to the acoount given in the the Sidat Sangard, p. 191 Mahdvarsa, however, which must be here con . See note 2, p. 52. * Cf. loc. cit, p. 35:-"The Sinhalese is one of the Aryan vernaculars of India, and is spoken by the deHoendants of people who migrated from Magadht to Ceylon at a very remoto period." Cf. loc. cit. p. 22 - "Sinhalese is now proved to be a thorough Aryan dialect, having its nearest relations in some of the dialects used in King Asoka's inscriptions, as well as in the Maharlahtri Prekrit of the Indian middle-age, while it differs from Pali in very essential I refer partioularly to the adoption by E. Muller (Report on the Inscriptions in the Hambantota District, 1878, p. 5; Ind. Ant. vol. VIII, p. 224), following the example of Goldschmidt, of the conjunctive asati from the root as. See Vocabulary of the Maldivian Language, compiled by W. Christopher, Journal of the R. As. Soc. VI, p. 42-76, and Dictionaire de quelques mots de la Langue des Maldives interpretes en Francois : supplement to the Seconde Partie de Voyage de Francois Pyrard, Paris, 1669; cf. A. Gray in loc. cit., N. S. X, pp. 173-209.Alwis has also left an essay on this subject : 800 Trubner's Record, XI, p. 132. pointa."

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FEBRUARY, 1883.) ARYAN ELEMENT IN SINHALESE. 55 sidered, and from the importance of which extension and acceptance among the natives as a Lassen himself (loc. cit. vol. I, p. 679, note 2) common means of communication. The indicould not detract, La la lies undoubtedly in the genous population gave up almost entirely their neighbourhood of Vanga and Magadha: hence own stock of words, and accustomed themselves Childers and 'P. Goldschmidt with much greater to the new Aryan appellations. Only, however, 80 reason considered it as a division or a border state far as it was possible: the phonetic system of their of Magadha. We may also with Kiepert(Lehrbuch own tongue had become much weaker than that of der alten Geographie, pp.41-2) attribute the geogra- its penetrating victorious rival, and it is the afterphical homonyms to the fact of a direct intercourse effects of this that first gave to the Prakrit dialect between Ceylon and the Ganges region. At any its peculiar Sinhalese colouring. Such a thorough rate there can be no good reason for casting doubt disorganization of the original phonetic system, on the fact of such an Aryan immigration, in spite Buch exceedingly strange changes of certain of the uncertainty of the Sinhalese chronology and words, are only possible where a language has been the mythical colouring of the narrative in question. grafted on an entirely new stock, which is not in the However considerable may have been the num- least prepared for its reception. The heterogeneous ber of these settlers, they are not to be compared elements in the composition of forms complete the with that immense stream of immigrants which characteristio. Sinhalese is therefore, in spite of at a former period brought the whole of the Ganges its preponderating Aryan aspect, a mixed speech, region under the power of the Aryan language. whose deeperlying peculiarities remain inexplicable A mixed language is what might be expected at so long as its non-Aryan element is denied. first in our case. We are at once reminded of the To what linguistic family this non-Aryan subanalogous example in Java, by which, through stratum of Sinhalese belongs, must for the present lexical influence of the Sanskrit on the Javanese, be left undecided. That 'the original population the oldest literary dialect of the island, the Kawi, of Ceylon was of Dravidian race, as Caldwell was formed. But on a closer inspection matters indeed more than once maintains, certainly seems will be found quite otherwise in Ceylon. The evident from anthropological and ethnological Kawi was indeed only the language of literature, stand-points, as well as from the horrible demon which was first built up by the learned, to whom the worship (cf. on this subject Dandris de Silva Sanskrit, as the sacred language of their religious Gooneratne, in the Journ. of the Ceylon Branch of culture, was more or less familiar: characteristic the R. As. Soc. 1865-6, pp. 1-117) reminding one of this is the mingling of Sanskrit words, 80 as entirely of the Dekhan, and might find a sort of to invest it with a peculiar dress. The Prakrit confirmation in many morphological and syntactidialects, which the immigrants undoubtedly spoke cal as well as various phonetic analogies of the among themselves, would soon be exchanged for languages. But, since in the word-forming elements the idiom of their new fellow-countrymen, which themselves a closer relationship cannot be proved, for its part could borrow Sanskrit words only a careful comparison of that portion of the vocafrom the literary dialect. The grammar of the bulary which cannot be explained from an Aryan Kawi, like that of the popular language, remain- stand-point with that of the Dravidian dialects is ed absolutely unaffected by Aryan influences. | the only means of securing broader explanations In Ceylon, on the contrary, the true popular in this direction. Moreover, the dialects of the speech is, even in respect of the grammar itself, wild races, or those that have become wild, in the largely permeated by Aryan elements, and even interior, appear to have been partly influenced by if no certain conclusions can be drawn from these the Aryan, in the same manner exactly as Sinhalese for a more exact determination of the origin, the proper. Of the language of the Vaedd & at least oldest elements of the greatly preponderating this may be considered certain, according to Aryan vocabulary, through their phonetic rela- Max Muller's statement at the London Oriental tions, exhibit, as the only possible basis, an old Congress (vide Special Number to vol. IX, of Prakpit dialect, which must have passed wholly Tribner's Record, p. 21, and the remarks of and'entirely through similar phonetic changes to Bertram F. Hartshorne, Indian Antiquary, vol. the Pali. The immigrants were therefore numer- VIII, p. 320 : according to the latter the language, ous enough to use the language spoken by them, in whose vocabulary decidedly Dravidian elements not simply in their intercourse among themselves, are entirely wanting, must be undoubtedly Aryan, but also to ensure to it in the course of years an and stand in even closer relationship to Elu"). . cf. Kern in Cuat's Modern Languages of the East 11 Cf. also sidat Sangard, ed. Alwis, p. cclxi of the Indies, p. 18. Introduction. Casie Chitty's Vooabulary of the, as it . Cf. Caldwell's Comp. Gram. (2nd ed.) p. 578. appears, very peculiar Rodiya dialect, quoted by Alwis, 10 Cf. for the present Childers in Journ of the R.As. Journ. of the Ceylon Branch R. A. Soc. 1865-6, p. 149, is Soc. N. S. VII, p. 37. unfortunately not accessible to me.

Page #68
56 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. The victory of the Aryan element had evidently taken place long before the island was won over to Buddhism by Mahendra's successful missionary labours. What influence Pa may then have been able to have had on the language, can scarcely be ascertained, on account of their cominon Prakrit character. Further inquiry may perhaps succeed, by the fixing of certain peculiarities here and there, in defining the original Sinhalese Prakrit as distinguished from the Pali-it shows us for example in the Sinhalese anga, horn, for an original sanga: Skr. eringa, a as against i of the Pali singa and corresponding forms of the modern Aryan dialects of the Indian Continent, including the Gipsy (Beames, Comp. Gram., I, p. 161; Miklosich, Uber die Mundarten und die Wanderungen der Zigeuner Europa's, vol. VIII, p. 72; cf. Hemachandra, I, 130)-but that this will ever take place to any great extent cannot yet be maintained with any certainty. It is certainly not in the Buddhist circle of ideas and the language of the religio-philosophical works, the literature of the higher style, that we should now as a rule look for the proofs of the Aryan character of the oldest vocabulary. It is the common round of every-day life, as it finds expression in the present language of conversation, the modern prose,. so far as it does not attempt to use Sanskrit words in the place of pure Sinhalese ones, which give us the first certain standpoints in respect of the peculiarities of Indian literary languages in spite of their lesser antiquity. Afterwards, indeed, the inscriptions and the language of the old poetry, the so-called Elu, must also be brought forward and compared with great caution, and some more particular remarks on the character of these therefore will not be out of place. The inscriptions, according to Goldschmidt's view, begin soon after the introduction of Buddh. ism. But their value for lexical investigations is not so great as could be wished just at the oldest period, on account of the small number of the remains and the frequent identity of the contents. Mistakes increase more and more from careless execution, fragmentary tradition, numerous diffi. ficulties in the details, and a deplorable lacuna between the fourth and ninth centuries. Only from the end of the tenth century is there available a material at the same time more extensive and more certain, and from amongst this the inscriptions of the end of the twelfth century published by Rhys Davids (Journ. of the R. A. Soc. N. S. vol. VII, 12 Goldschmidt in his Report on Inscriptions, &c. 1876, has endeavoured to prove closer connections between the Sinhalese and the Magadhi dialect of the Acoka inscriptions. Rhys Davids (Transactions of the Philol. Soc. 1875-6, Part I, p. 75) is inclined to estimate the lexical influence of the Pali as extremely small. 13 Edited and translated with a lengthy introduction by [FEBRUARY, 1883. pp. 152 ff., 353 ff.) are to be noted as specially useful. The name Elu, older Helu, is nothing but a transformation of the Prakrit Sihala (Sidat Sangard, ed. Alwis, p. xxxii. of the Introduction; cf. the author of Visuddhi Marga Sanne, ibid. p. clxxi), and signifies therefore first Sinhalese in general, then old Sinhalese, and finally in a special manner the language of the old poetry (cf. Childers, Journ. of the R. A. Soc. N. S. vol. VII, p. 36; Rhys Davids, ibid. p. 158) which is set forth grammatically in the Sidat Sangard, lexically in the Namavaliya, and is used now-a-days solely for poetical works. True, this language, like all in India that fell into the hands of poets and scholars, is more or less an artificial production, and its artificial character is expressly shown with the greatest distinctness by Rhys Davids (loc. cit. and Transactions of the Philol. Soc. 1875-6, Part I, p. 74 f.). But the phonetic phenomena upon which he lays so much stress, the shortening of the vowels and the rejection of the consonantal groups, must from first to last be considered as a proof of artificiality. The principal changes caused by this and an allied tendency as well as the reduction of polysyllabic words to a single syllable, of which Alwis (SS. p. xlvii) notes some characteristic examples,is shared by the Elu with the popular speech, as is evidenced by an overwhelming number of the very commonest words. With much more reason Goldschmidt refers the artificial character of the later Elu-and it is to this alone almost that the available linguistic relics are to be ascribed-to the influence of the Sanskrit vocabulary, and the extremely heterogeneous adaptation of it to the Sinhalese phonetic laws. From the comparison of inscriptions of the kings Mahinda III (997-1013) and Parakramabahu I (1153-1186), he shows in the time of the first the numerous though still (Report on Inscriptions, &c. 1876, p. 10) how, while limited Sanskrit (and Pali) loan words take a Sinhalese phonetic form, in the time of the latter they find an entrance into the language wholly unaltered, and he then continues:" Shortly after that time Simhalese literature, as far as it is now extant, must have commenced, its language carrying with it the spoils of many foregoing centuries. To these the poets and pandits added their own inventions: Sanskrit (and Pali) words artificially, but often with great skill, turned into Sinhalese, and modern Sinhalese words put back into what were supposed to be the ancient forms of them. James Alwis, Colombo, 1859-referred to hereafter as SS. 1 Edited and translated by C. Alwis, Colombo, 1858referred to hereafter as N. The use of this and of several other books which appeared serviceable for my task I owe to the kindness of Professor R. Rost, of London, who has placed at my disposal in the most generous manner the rich stores of works of reference from his library.

Page #69
FEBRUARY, 1883.) ARYAN ELEMENT IN SINHALESE. 57 Hence the present Sinhalese style has come to be vowels :-a, d; i, &; , ; e, &; 9,0; and twenty a strange medley of Sinhalese forms of almost all consonants :-k,g, j; $, d, n; t, d, n, p, b, m; y, T, ages, of thoroughly Sinhalised Sanskpit and Pali 1, 3, 8, h, !, aris (cf. the remarks of Alwis, 88. pp. words, of the same semi-Simhalized, of unchanged lviii-lxii, 142-146, and Table III), and this is Sanskpit and Pali words, and of the random in fact, with the addition of e, considered by inventions of poets and pandits. It is this variety the author as nothing but modifications of a, d), of forms of the same words which Sinhalese and after deducting the (as we shall see) doubtful writers take advantage of to render their style j, the sum of the original phonetic system. Let elegant, although this custom very little accords us now consider the vowels and consonants more with what European readers would consider good in detail. taste." In spite of this artificiality the Elu often . In this department, so long as we look purely enough makes use of the only possible true Sinha- at the vowels by themselves in single syllables, lese form, where the modern language of the remarkable preference for short vowels strikes conversation favours exclusively the pure Sansksit us as a special characteristic. We may with form; in such cases, especially whenever the some reason compare it with the Dravidian Maldive steps in in corroboration, we think we may custom of shortening the long vowels of Sanskrit regard the Elu form entirely without suspicion words (Caldwell's Comp. Gramm. p. 87), but (cf. also Hartshorne's statement regarding the with still greater justice may we infer from it a language of the Vaedda, ante p. 55b). condition of language in which just as in the Let us now turn to a short sketch of the phonetic Tibetan a sharp distinction between short and system. long vowels had not generally taken place. This That a Prakrit dialect of that older phonetic condition appears to have been universally carried stage, represented substantially by the Pali, out in radical syllables, so far as more encroaching really forms the basis of the Sinhalese, follows, changes did not step in: ka-navd, khdd, Prikr. as already remarked above, from the whole pres.khdi(Hemachandra IV,228; cf.Pali khayita= appearance of the genuine national words. We are Skr. khddita, et. al. in Kuhn, Beitr... Pali Gramm. constrained to refer them all back to a phonetic p. 56), kanuva = khanu; kahinavd, Vkda; gama system in which the r vowel of the Sanskrit found =gama; dana=janu; nama =ndma; ya-nand, its representation in a, i, u, the diphthonga ai, au, Vyd; rada, raja, rdjd; isa, hisa, = slaa; dum in e, o, the sibilants c, sh, in the dental 8; in which =dhuma, &c; moreover the Sanskrit-Prakrit e, o, moreover the assimilation of coincident heterogene. have in Sinhalese always the corresponding short ous consonants had the greatest latitude of power. Bound. Secondarily, long vowels are developed Later loan words from the Sanskrit, even if they through contraction after a preceding omission of have undergone the above-mentioned phonetio consonants :-amd (Elu) = amata, Skr. amrita ;" changes, are at once to be recognized, especially udd = udaya (Rhys Davids, Journ. of the by the presence of consonants assimilated accord R. As. Soc. N. S. vol. VII, p. 356); v = vthi; ing to Prakrit phonetic rules: thus samudura mlyd from *mihiyd = musika; muda from (Elu: modern tatsama samudra-ya)=Skr. sama- muhuda = samudda; band from baehaend= dra as contrasted with the pure Sinhalese muhuda thagineyya (Rhys Davids, loc. cit.); g& from (modern muda) from *hamuda=Prakrit samudda, geya = geha, &c.; but these lengthenings themor miturd (together with the tatsama mitra-yd in selves not infrequently give place to still further the modern language of conversation) ==Skr. contraction : dola from dela = dohala (Childers, mitra as compared with the Elu mit = mitta, Journ of the R. As. Soc. N. S. vol. VII, p. 36); il formed in a genuine Sinhalese manner. for hilla), in the name of the month ilmasa," cold After this preliminary observation on the Prakrit month," from hihila (vide Goldschmidt's first basis it is necessary first of all to determine the Report in Trubner's Record X, p. 22) = fibira. extent of the specific Sinhalese phonetio system. In suffixal syllables long vowels, hitherto inexplicThe Sidat Sangard-to quote first the chief native able, are not infrequent, but even here, according authority-in & 1 ascribes to the old Sinhalese ten to Childers' testimony (loc. cit., VIII, p. 143), the 18 In the following remarks, after the sign of equation is placed, except where something else is etpressly indicated, the Prakrit original of the Sinhalese word in question, for which, on account of the similar phonetio basis, reference may generally be made to Childers' Pali Dictionary. Moreover, where only the phonetics have been considered, I have not hesitated to take onsual words from the poetic disleet. 1 According to Csoma (Gram of the Tibetan Language $ 2) the vowels in that tongue are spoken" without any distinction into short and long, but observing middle sound." 11 In connection with vatura, water, this forms the title of the well-known book Amivatura, which we can not, with Jacobi (Kalpastra, p. 6), Sanskritize as Atmavatra. 16 By contraction are also produced in the modern pronunciation secondary diphthongs also: auva, aurudda, for avuva, avurudda, and many more.

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58 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBRUARY, 1883. long 4 of the animate masculine, as minihd, puta, ing examination. In the oldest inscriptions the = manusa, puta, points back to an older a, just as well-known peculiarly Magadhio nominative of the fof the feminine does to an older i. In the the masculine and neuter in e appears to be Elu prosody the preponderating shortness of pretty common (Goldschmidt's Report on Inscripvowel appears also with the condition that every tions, &c. 1876, p. 3); in Elu the which recals syllable ending in a consonant be considered as the Prakrit o is much more frequent than in the long (Alwis, SS. p. xci, xcii, cxx). modern language, which appears to make use Very extensive and multiform is the vowel more of the a. Of various exceptions, like kiri change produced by a following i, f, by virtue of =khira, dana =jdne, vesi = vassa, and many which the umlaut vowels e, e; i, 1; e, e; are others, there is no lack. In the last part of a produced from a, &: u, u: 0,0; transitions which, compound the non-radical terminal a is mostly in the formation of the feminine with f, of the dropped (Childers, Journ of the R. As. Soc. N. S. passive with original iya, of the participial) pre- VII, pp. 45, 47); many forms of originally dissylterite with ita, have obtained a widespread labic words contracted in this manner may then grammatical acceptance. As Childers has (loc. cit. have been also employed independently, and p. 143, 148 ff.) discussed exhaustively all three would thus have not immaterially increased the cases, I can refer generally to his examples, and number of monosyllables, especially numerous in wish only to call attention to the fact that in Elu (vide supra p. 566). We have already passive forms like kerenava, from karanava, spoken above of the lengthening of non-radical tertibenavd from tabanand, as against the regularly minal a and i in words denoting animate being. formed kodenavd from kadanavd, greater trans- | In' regard to the constitution of the consonant formations have taken place, the true cause of system the want of aspirates and the incompletewhich has yet to be discovered. Of other cases of ness of the palatal series are peculiarities which * umlaut I would also especially mention the strike one immediately. abstract suffix (ma and the suffix of possession i: The representation of the former, whether in devima from dovinava, v duh; gaemi from gama= tenues or mediae aspiratae, by the corresponding gama. In words like kili = kuti; pirisa = unaspirated consonants is the rule; besides this purisa; iru, hiru, from *hiriyu = suriya, the we have the separation of the aspiration from the umlaut cannot with full certainty be separated more permanent consonantal element, and transifrom the complete vowel assimilation, which is tion into simple h. The former was a special well attested by such examples as pili= pati; peculiarity of the Elu, and is sufficiently supported piri = pari; dunu = dhonu; lunu from luhunu in SS 22 of the Sidat Sangard by such characteristic for lahuna = lasuna; muhuda from *mahuda for examples as saedehae, also saedce, = saddhd (Skr. *hamda = samudda, and many others. The i graddha), sadaham, also sadam, = saddhamma, also, which was produced first by the weakening of &c. The latter is clearly proved in the case of the other vowels, can, it seems, be produced by popular speech by such a form as bihird=badhira, umlaut : modiya = mandaka; baema from Mald. biru (Ch.); for this reason also luhu==laghre *baemiya = bhamuka (cf. scela = Skr. sdrika); (also lutkundu) may with justice claim the privilege in the last example the i which gave rise to the of nationality over the less disfigured lagu. umlaut has since disappeared, as it was removed by With the loss of the aspiration may well be contraction in id = lohita and the example classed the dropping of the h in nasal quoted by Childers kd = khdyita, khad. combinations: bamunu from the Prakrit form A large number of remarkable vowel changes bamhana for Skr. and Pali brahmana (Hema. are closely connected with certain consonantial chandra I, 67; 11, 74; cf. E. Kuhn, Beitr. xur Palimutations. An I, which has been produced from Gramm. p. 5 f.); gim = gimha (Elu--in the a cerebral or a dental, appears to have often modern language completely supplanted by the changed a neighbouring a into o: ekolaha, dolaha, tatsamas from the Skr. and Pali grishma-ya and pahaloha = ekddasa, dvddasa, pasichadasa; polova gimhdna-ya); unu, hot,=unha, Mald, hunu; in = pathavf or pathavf; molova, brain, perhaps = the same manner uh to o: diva =jivha. Besides #mattha, Skr. *masta, in the sense of Skr. mastishka forms are freely found like banba for the name and mastulunga = Pali matthalunga. Instead of of the god Brahmd and the Pali adjective brahma ca in Sanskrit tatsamas we find se (Clough's (E. Kuhn, loc. cit. p. 18) on the one hand, and the Singhalese and English Dictionary, p. 686). Of the derived unuh-um, unuh-uma, heat, on the other, change of consonant produced by the dropping which however appear to belong more to the of vowels we shall have more to say further on. literary dialect. The subject of the non-radical terminal vowels As to the palatal series, c and naturally ch will render necessary in the future a more search appear only in later loan words. Their ordinary

Page #71
MARCH, 1883.) ARYAN ELEMENT IN SINHALESE. 59 substitute in pure Sinhalese words is , which like the other & is subject to the change into h: isinara, ihinaud, from hisinard, sich (Childers, Journ of the R. 48. Soc. N. S. vol. VIII, p. 147); pisanavd, pihanavd, pach; saka, haka,=chakka; sitnbinavd, chumb; gasa, gaha, tree, pl. gas, gachchha; gos, gohin, gihin, to pres. gachchhati; sindinand, chhid, pres. chhindati; &c. More. over, compensation is found in d, which-in view of Sinhalese d for j, to be mentioned immediately had immediately- presupposes a transition into the media: mudanava, much; da=cha (Alwis, SS. p. liv); yadi. nava, Vydch; aeduru=dchariya (N. v. 178, 278), which the Mald. aydru (P.), eduru (Ch.), shows to be a popular form. The retention of the media j amongst the Sinhalese vocables in opposition to this universal rejection of the palatal terms is extremely curious. It is true that is found in the older inscriptions, but almost every really native word, as diva = jivha; dana = janu, dinanava, vji, pres. jinati; dunudiya = dhanu. jiya : vidinava, Voyach, pres. vijjhati, has d for 3. Forms like the proper name Bujas = Buddha. dasa, or vajeriyi, which E. Muller (Report on Inscriptions, &c. 1878, p. 6) following Goldschmidt rightly derives from vadaranaud, are correctiy explained by the fact that original j was represent. ed chiefly by d and was first restored anew as j by the gradual acquisition of later tatsamas: indeed, in the striving after exaggerated elegance of speech it would sometimes be appropriated in cases where d alone could be correct, just as the low Germans, when they wish to speak high German, substitute a Trepfe for Treppe. Words with j = Skr. and Pali j must also be considered and Pali i must also be considered as more or less remodelled tatsamas, and the rada, radu, of the Elu is indeed earlier than the raja =rdjd of most of the inscriptions, as the analogous rad, fem. redna, of the inscriptions (Goldschmidt, Report on Inscriptions, &c. 1876, p. 10) and the maha radung = maharaja in the title of the Sultan of the Maldives (Journ. of the R. As. Soc. vol. VI, p. 73) amply testify. Of the cerebrals and d alone appear to maintain inflexibly their peculiar character, on the other hand being in modern conversation as little distinguished from as? from 1 (Singhalese Grammar, Cotta, 1825, p. 4; Carter, Singhalese Lesson Book, Colombo, 1873, p. 8. f.). The Maldivian has distinct characters for n and !, and also distinguishes 1 and ! in conversation with great clearness; modern Sinhalese authors regulate the use of them in writing almost entirely by etymology. Moreover, 1 is in many cases to be traced back to older cerebrals or dental explosives: kili= kuti, pili=pati; for other examples, see above, p. 58a. The nasals require a succinct investigation. And here in the first place we must mention as a special peculiarity a weak nasal sound before the explosives of all four classes, which, following the example of Childers, we represent by v before gutturale, cerebrals, and dentals, and by it before labials, and for further information respecting which Rask, Singhalesisk Skriftlaere $ 19; Singhalese Grammar, Cotta, 1825, p. 6; Alwis, SS. p. liv, lxi. f. 145-149 passim; Alwis. Descriptive Catalogue of Literary Works of Ceylon, Colombo, 1870, p. 235 f., may be consulted. Unfortunately all these authorities give little information as to the exact articulation, but we may infer from the plurals ano, lin, derived from anga, linga. by Childers (Journ. of the R. As. Soc. N. S. vol. VII, p. 45), that it is closely related to the anusvara, i.e.. to the nasal vowel. In fact, this weak nasal sound takes the place of the original consonantal nasal before explosive sounds, exactly in the same manner as the anusvara of the modern Aryan languages of the Continent (Kellogg, Gramn. of the Hindi Language, $ 14; Beames, Comp. Gromm. vol. I, p. 296 f.). This explains the want, on which Alwis lays such particular stress, of a guttural nasal, which indeed is always conditional on a following guttural. The independent nasal palatal of the Prakrit becomes dental n: panaha = panidsc (Skr. panchasat), nde=nati; of those due to a following palatal the typical examples are kasun = kanchana, andun (Elu) = anjana. Further weakenings of the nasal element leads to entire loss: mas = mansa, vas = varsa, maediya = manduka, sapayanand from sampadavati (Childers, Journ. R. As. Soc. N. S. vol. VIII, p. 145), stapenava, to rest, sleep in respectful language)-according to Goldschmidfrom sam + tapp=Skr, tarp; particularly in Elu: ak = aika (N. v. 39), laka = lanka, lakara (N. v. 168) =alankdra, yatura =Skr. yantra, and many more: we find also in the older inscriptions saga used throughout for sangha (Rhys Davids, Indian Antiquary, vol. I, p. 140). The reverse of this in the nasalization of andunanard from pres. djandti (Childers, Journ. R. As. Soc. N. S. vol. VIII, p. 145) is remarkable, while by an opposite process the nasal has been strengthened by an explosive in vardurd=ndnara, kindurd=kinnara, &c. It is also to be noticed that through phonetic strengthening a combination nd was developed at a later period from nd; for example, from the old singular haendi (with short first syllable p-see Alwis, SS.p. cxx), which is now used as plural, a new singular form haenda (with first syllable long from position) has sprung, and both stand in the same relation as dunu pl. to dunna sg.(see Singhalese Grammar, Cotta, 1825, p. 9; Childers, Jouri. R. 48. Soc. N. S. vol. VII., p. 46 f.).

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60 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1883. The old h seems to have originally completely dropping of h referred to above, it is noteworthy dropped off : ata=hattha and aetd = *hatthika, that in cases like ahasa = dkdea, baehaend, boend, - aran past pret. (strictly pres.) act. from Vhri bhagineyya, h also appears as a hiatus-destroyer. (Childers, Journ. R. A. Soc. N. S. vol. VIII, p. 150); In analogous manner the substitution of for with a hiatus-destroying semivowel; geya=geha, radical p is to be explained, in case the transidovinavd from v duh, pres. dohati. In the oldest tion of p into b and of b into v is not preferred; inscriptions two characters are found for the sibi. cf. tabanard to *thapayati, Pali thapeti; kasubund lant (Rhys Davids, Indian Antiquary, vol. I, p. 140; = kachchhapa-ka; bonavd, part. pret. act. bi, to Goldschmidt, Report on Inscriptions, &c., 1876, pd; venavd; old part. pres. act.vu, to bhu; pos. P. 4); as however these interchange arbitrarily sibly also vadanavd, if this is connected with paja, they soon became as at present a single letter in pajdyate, and vaeterava, if with Goldschmidt in opplace of the Skr. &, sh, 8. Besides 8 interchanges position to Childers (Journ. R. A. Soc. N. S. vol. often with h (Alwis, SS. $ 22), and may like the VIII, p. 148) we venture to trace it to pat (on latter be completely lost: anga with the Elu forms for t, cf. Hindi padna &c. Beames, Comp. Gramm. sangu, hangu, = *sanga, Skr. bringa; isinavd. vol. I, p. 225). The opposite to this transition of the Vsich; hisa, isa, iha, = sisa, Skr. ffrsha; but tenuis into the media is seen in *kurulu, kurulld, miniha = manussa, pl. minissu, and similarly which has been rightly identified by Goldschmilt gasa, gaha, tree,=gachchha, pl. gas (cf. Singhalese with garuda (other examples of k for g in E. Grammar, Cotta, 1825, p. 5, 8 f.). Muller, Report on Inscriptions, &c. 1878, p. 6). There remain some more phonetic peculiarities, Finally the not infrequent metathesis is to be which could not be directly included in the review noted: mahand = samana, muhuda for *hamuda of the phonetic system. =samudda (cf. Alwis, ss. $ 14). Double consonants appear to be originally as Into the disturbing operations which are the foreign to the language as long vowels. The cause of a number of coincident phonetic laws we double consonance of the Praksit, including the cannot enter further in this short sketch. combinations of tenuis and media with their There follow now a number of Sinhalese sul. aspirates, is usually replaced by the simple con- stantives, arranged in natural order, whose Aryan Bonante. Actual gemination is to be explained in etymology does not readily yield to the developed most instances either by letter borrowing or as in principles of well-matured inquiry. In considering the case of the plural forms already cited by these we shall make use of the list of words of the special grammatical processes. Original simple modern tongue in S. Lambrick's Vocabulary of explosives between vowels are on the other hand the Singhalese Language, Fourth Edition, Cotta, in the generality of cases dropped, and are 1840 (L.), as compared with B. Clough's Dictionary replaced by the hiatus destroying y, v, whereby of the English and Singhalese, and Singhalexe a contiguous a is exposed to the transition into il and English Languages, Two Volumes, Colombo, and u; a further step in the vowel change is not 1821-1830 (0.). For the Elu, besides the Namd. infrequently the contraction referred to above: valiya(N., see above p. 586), W. C.Macready's Glosmuva = mukha, lova = loka, liyanavd, likh, sary to his edition of the Saelalihini Sandesayi kevili, kevilld, and *kovulu, kovulla, = kokili, (MR.) has been utilized. The Maldivian words I naya = ndga, avuva=dtapa, nuvara = nagara, give as far as possible in their original spelling with the derived niyari, towns, siyalu = sakala according to Pyrard (P.) and Christopher (Ch.)? siyuru (Elu)=chakora, giya=gata, riya=ratha, Living existence in general: satd=satta, Skr. kiyanavd to kathayati, miyuru = madhura, sattva. with mihi=madhu (cf. above p. 586) and thence Man: miniha-manussa, pl. minissu; Mald. with mi in mi-maessd (bee, lit. honey.fly), mi-peni greater contraction mihung (Ch.), in P. miou, (honey, lit. honey-water). So also the -ya, -va, "personne." The words for man, manly: pirimicharacterizing the later tatsamas-samudra-ya, yd, Mald.pyrienne (P.), firihenung (Ch.), are closely vastru-a-originally arose from -ka, cf. taruva = related to purisa, as proved by the Mald. piris tdraka, &c.; in the same manner also are to be (P.), firimiha (Ch.), husband, and Elu pirisa, explained many old tadbhavas like otuvd = "a train, retinue." For women the modern langu. ottha-ka, havd for *hahavd = sasa-ka, vdya, age has not infrequently according to Rhys Davids are, = *vdsi-kd for udel. As opposed to the (Transactions of the Philol. Soc. 1875-6, Part 1, That this dropping must have belonged to the 10 I have replaced the italics with which Ch. represents Prakrit dialect which lies at its basis does not on account the cerebrals by the transliteration now commonly of the early period of ita introduction into Ceylon, seem adopted. It is far from my present purpose to go to me quito probable. The occurrence of word like further into the phonetic relations of the Maldivian : bati in the oldest inscription, supposing that it really I only remark of it that Ch. has replaced the old p means brother (vide E. Muller, Report on Inscriptions, throughout by f. &o. 1878, p. 3), would also decide against it.

Page #73
ARYAN ELEMENT IN SINHALESE. MARCH, 1883.] p. 74) the little altered tatsama istri (in Elu modelled into itiri, N. v. 151), by the side of the more usual geni, which must be derived from *gahine Skr. grhint (on the forms of the Pali and Prakrit cf. E. Kuhn, Beitr. zur Pali-Gramm. p. 16); Mald. anghaine (P.), anghenung (Ch.), is clearly identical with angand (cf. angana N. v. 151). 46 Among terms of relationship we meet with some which like appd for father and ammd for mother recal the Dravidian, but possibly are only borrowed from languages of this family; besides these there are good Aryan words in living use. A relation in general is no nati, besides the further developed nyd, with which is to be connected perhaps also nend, female cousin, cousin german. For father and mother the Aryan terms are piyd pita, and mavu, mav, Elu mava, = matd. For son and daughter we have puta putta and duva, de, duhita (cf.k Mald, mapoutte, mon fils," and mandie, fille," in P., futu, "boy," in Ch.). A more general word for child is daruvd = daraka (Mald, dary P., daring Ch.) For brother and sister the modern speech simply (without difference of age) knows of the tatsamas sahodara-yd and sahodart; the bob, brother, quoted by Rhys Davids (Journ. R. 48. Soc. N. S. vol. VII, p. 366), goes back to the bati of the inscriptions, and is identical with the Mald. be (bee P., bebe Ch.) for elder brother. Bahand, bend, nephew (said to be originally also elder brother: of. Rhys Davids loc. cit.), is from bhagineyya. To munuburd, grandson, with the fem. minibirt, we find neither in Skr. nor in Pali or Prakrit anything exactly corresponding, but it is identified by P. Goldschmidt (Report on Inscriptions, &c. 1876, p. 4) with the manumaraka of the inscriptions, and, by a comparison with the wellknown example of nandana, son, is derived by him from manorama, which is certainly not absolutely impossible. For father-in-law and mother-in-law the Mald. has according to Pyrard hours and housse, which are of course identical with Pali sasura and sass. The modern Sinhalese employs mama and naendd (older naendi), also nadi, which signify strictly avunculus and amita; naendd is, like Skr. nandndy Pali nananda, to be traced tonand. The Elu has besides nandi the word suhul, related to sassura, sassu, and for father-in-law, with the like transference of meaning, mayil beside the tatsama matula (N. v. 154); cf. nadimayilo as the explanation of the plural sasurd in Subhuti, Abhidhanappadipika v. 250. For son-in-law Pyrard gives damy, which is manifestly to be identified with jamata. = we have radala ("gentleman," L., "husband," headman," "chief," C.), and its contraction rala ("yeoman," L., "husband," "master," "lord," "a term affixed to names or titles, implying respect," C.), which appear to be connected. Biso, bisava, queen, is according to Clough to be derived from abhiseka. The oft-recurring pd of the inscriptions as a designation of a high officer of state is from adhipa (vide Rhys Davids, Indian Antiquary, vol. II, p. 248; Journ. R. A. Soc. N. S. vol. VII, p. 365). Kamburd, smith ("ironsmith"), Pali kammdra, and is used to explain this word by Subhati in Abhidh. v. 509. Kumbala, potter, kumbhakara, and similarly sommaru tanner, doubtless assimilated from the Elu samvaru with samkaru chammakara, cf. Hindi chamar; in lokuruvd, smith (brazier, L., N.), = lohakaraka, which as a compound is much more intelligible, has been preserved. Radavd, washerman, = valdhaki. Vedd. rajaka. Vaduva, carpenter, = ma doctor, vejja, Skr. vaidya. Vaedda (older vaedi)= vyddha (Childers, Journ. of the R. As. Soc. N. S. VIII, p. 131). Hord, thief cora. Eduru, teacher, dcariya, mahand samana, bamunu to Skr. and Pali brahmana, have already been mentioned above. = Castes, classes, &c.-We have already spoken of the terms for king, raja, rada, rajd. Besides 1 61 On mit, mitura, mitra-yd, friend, see ante p. 57a. The word is the same in Mald., as is seen from demitourou, "compagnons" P. (i. e., de mitourou, two friends), and rahumaiteri, "friend," (Ch.); another popular word is yahalu-va, yalu-vd, in Elu (N. v. 189) without diminutive ending yahala, yahalu, which may be a somewhat irregular form of a theme identical with Pali sakhdra.20 For enemy the little altered tatsama saturd Skr. catru is in use. = The words of Aryan origin for animals are tolerably numerous. Among cattle we have first gond, bull, ox, gona, and with the same meaning geriyd (cf. Mald. guery P., geri Ch. ox), a diminutive of Hindi goru and its allies, which like gona itself are, as Pischel says (Bezzenberger's Beitragenz. Kunde der indogerm. Sprachen, III, p. 237), to be derived from a root gur. Vassd, calf, older vasu, is of course = vachchha, Skr. vatsa. On dena dhenu, which figures directly as a feminine suffix, Childers (Journ. R. A. Soc. N. S. vol. VIII, p. 144) may be consulted. The monosyllable m in the compounds mi-haraka (Mald. migunu, Ch.), buffalo, and mi-dena, buffalo cow, is, as Childers has already rightly stated, to be identified with mahisa; the Elu has besides a fuller mivu, which however may also possibly be identical with the diminutive amplified modern mi-vd. Eluva, sheep, goat, elaka. Urd, pig (Mald. oure P. uru Ch.), for hurd, sukara. Otuvd, camel (cf. Mald. ol, 30 The forms sakhi and eakhd answer to the Elu words saki and saha given in loc. cit.

Page #74
62 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1883. P. og, Ch. with the peculiar final g sound), ottha. (compounded with donny P., duni Ch., bird). For ka. For horse the Skr. tatsama asvayd, aspayd, is kokd, crane, the phonetic equivalent is Skr. koka, now-a-days used; the popular form is in Elu as which indeed means a bird of the duck or goose (Mald. asse, P. as, Ch.) and is retained in the com- family. pound asvaelemba, mare, the second part of which From D. H. Pereira's treatise on the snakes of Childers rightly traces to vadava. Balala, cat (Mald. Ceylon in the Ceylon Friend (see ser. II, p. 81 ff), boulau, P. bulau, Ch.), = bilala. Miyd rat, = it seems that nayd and polangd are the common musika. AEta, elephant,="hatthika(ef. above p.58a), terms for cobra and viper respectively. The fem. tinni from older aetini; we also find aliyd former is clearly = naga. In the latter I conjecwith noteworthy a (Mald. however el P., eg. Ch., ture the Skr. patanga, Pali patanga or patanga, beside matang = matanga), which is possibly also with special modification of meaning (with respect derived from *hatthika. Of the terms for raven to the phonetic relations cf. supra p. 58a, and the ing beast the Skr. tatsamas simha-yd (also Mald word to be noticed soon, polangaetiyd): the word singa P.) and vyaghra-ya have entirely superseded in itself means only an animal darting hither and the popular appellations; for the latter a form thither with great swiftness. The female cobra more consonant with the original phonetic rules is now called, according to Pereira (loc. cit. p. 85. is the Elu vaga, which is clearly established by 86) haepinna, in Elu saepini, = sappins; the tatthe Mald, ragou (P).." leopart"; another word for sama sarpa-yd is also found a harufa (Ch.) in panther, leopard, is diviyd, Elu divi, = dipt, Skr. Mald. For other reptiles I only mention kiribula, dvipin. Valaha, valasa, bear, has been aptly explain- alligator, = kumbhila (with evident metathesis of ed by Childers (Journ. R. A. Soc. N. S. vol. VIII, the vowels), goyd, iguana, = godha, mcediyd, frog, p. 144) as a compound of vana + accha=Skr. = mandaka, and kaesba, kasubuvd, tortoise, = kariksha, thus literally forest bear. The jackal is chchhapa(ka) (Mald, kahabu Ch.). called int. al. hivala = sigala (Mald. hiyalu Ch.); Fish was originally mas = machchha, as the Elu with this is perhaps connected kenahil (N. v. 141) mas (N. v. 83), Mald. masse (P.), mas (Ch.), show; or kaenahild (Subhuti, Abhidh. v. 615). The two to avoid confusion with mas, flesh, the modern varieties of apes indigenous to Ceylon are dis- language makes me of the Sanskrit tateama tinguished by the obscure rilavd and by vandurd = matsya-yd; there is also a more elaborated word vanara. For the deer and ante pe family we malue from #mahalu #machchhala (cf. Hindi have muva miga and gond, a very contracted machhlt). form of gokanna. Hare: havd = sasa-ka. Of other animals we may also mention kakuBirdsin general,kurulla, older kurulu, garuda luvd, crab, -kakkataka. For spider we have (see above p. 586); the mythical bird king is called makuluvd = makkataka and makuna -*makkuna in Elu gurulu (N. v. 14). Cock: kukuld = kukor PAli mankuna, Skr. mattuna (Mald. makunu kuta, fem. kikilt; in Mald. we find coucoulou (P.), Ch.). Ukund and ikink, louse, to Pali aka, Skr.yuka; kukufu (Ch.), curiously enough for the fem., while cf. Childers Journ. of the R. 48. Soc. N. S. VIII, for the masc. a puzzling aule (P.), hau (Ch.), is p. 143. Polangetiyd, grasshopper, is undoubtedly used. Monard, peacock, may be connected in some connected with Pali patanga, Skr. patanga ; the way with mora = Skr. mayura; for the Mald. Ch. last part is however not clear to me. Barbard, gives nimeri. Dove: paraviyd = Skr. pardvata, wasp,=bhamara. Massd, fly, older *mosi, *mehi Pali pdrapata. From kokila come kovulla, older (Mald. mehi Ch.), with its compound mi-maessd, *kovulu, and kevilla, older kevili (cf. Mald. honey-fly, i.e. bee, may be connected either with kowoli), fem, kevill. The word for parrot, girand, #machchhikd for Pali makkhika, Skr. makshika, Mald. gouray (P.), may be an irregular form of or with Skr. masaka, Pali makasa. kira-ka. From kaputa, kaputuvd, crow, also kavu. The names of parts of the body yield an imda, kavudund, with which perhaps Mald. caule (P.), portant contingent of Aryan words. Head 'is kalu (Ch.), is to be connected, we might perhaps, iha, isa, Elu hisa (N. v. 199, MR.), = sisa; I do taking balipushta, balibhuj, as a parallel case, not know how to treat oluva, which is also in use, draw the inference of the existence of a somewhat any more than I do Mald. bolle (P.), bo (Ch.). irregular ka-pushta(ka). Hawk: uused, older Skull: kabala = kapala. For the hair of the * ukusu, still further contracted to usad, ukusa. head L. gives iska, in which kd for "keha = kesa. Skr. utkroba. That the old hansa was transferred From mukha(- Elu muva) comes mu-na, face, Elu to the Sinhalese as *asa is clearly enough proved muhu-nu (Mald. manu). Nalala, forehead,=nalata by the Elu hasa, Mald. radaas, goose (Ch.), Elu Skr. laldta (Mald. ni Ch.P): cf. Pischel's Hemaradahasa (N. v.1 44), and Mald, asduni, duck, Ch. chandra 147. For eye esa = achchhi-ka (cf. supra 1 According to Subhati in Abhidh. v. 651 it meant the traced to the Skr. tira cha and the Skr. form tilitoa may same as tilichchha in Pali; therefore the latter may be rest upon a mistaken Sanskritization.

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MARCH, 1883.) ARYAN ELEMENT IN SINHALESE. 63 p. 586) is the popular word, Mald. in esfiya (Ch.), is int. al. used, which may have been derived eyelid, - Sinh. espihatta; Mald. lols (P.), lo (Ch.), from uppala = Skr, utpala and then have acquired is to be connected with loch, lochana. Brow: a more general meaning of this word. Leaf: pata bama =bhamuka (Mald. bouman P., buma Ch.). =patta, Skr. pattra (Mald. fai Ch.); the popular Har. kana = kanna (Mald. campat P., kangfax Ch., use of pan or pan = panna is shown by pansala strictly ear-hole, ear-cavity). That the Elu for or parsala, leaf hut, ascetic's abode, and Mald. nose naehae= ndsikt is the genuine Sinhalese word pan (P.). Flower: mala = mald (Mald. maoe P., may be inferred from the allied Mald. nepat (P.), mau Ch.). nada, kernel, inside of a fruit, may be nefai (Ch.) (ef. Sinh. Maputaga, maspunktd, derived from majha (cf. Skr. madhyamd for the nostril P); new Sinh. nahe, ndse, is nothing but the seed capsule of the lotus flower). I shall not at tateama ndsa-ya. Tooth: data =danta (Mald. dat present enter further into the names of particular P., dai Ch.). Tongue: diva jivha (Mald, douls plants, though there is here no lack of Aryan P., du Ch.P). An interesting word is ugura for terms like vi, rice, - vihi; miris, pepper, =marica throat, which in contrast with the Skr.-Pali gala (Mald. mirus Ch.); lunu, onion, garlic, from luhunu presupposes a form with r: Prakr. *uggura or (cf. Subhuti in Abhidh. v. 595), = lasuna (Mald. *uggara from ava + gar (in Mald. karu Ch. the in lonumedu Ch., garlic). old prefix may possibly have fallen off at a later World: lova = loka, in Elu often contracted to period). Arm and hand : ata = hattha (Mald. at 18 (cf. the Index to N. and MR. p. 75). Heaven: P., aitila Ch.). Fist: mita = mutthika (cf. supra ahasa = Akdea. Sun: ira, iru, in Elu also hiru p. 58a). Finger : engilla, older engili(N. v. 163), (MR. p. 100), hiri (N. v. 280), =suriya (Mald. = anguli (Mald, inguily P., agili Ch.). Nail : niya yrous P., iru Oh.); sunshine avuva dtapa. Moon: = nakha, new Sinh, usually niyapotta = Mald. handa, sanda,=canda (Mald. hadu Ch.; as regards niapaty P., niafati Ch. (is the second part of the the phonetic relation cf. Mald. condou, kodu, compound potta, husk, scale P). Back: pita = Sinh. kanda, see supra p. 63a). Star: taruva=tdrakd pittha. The Elu kanda, shoulder (N. v. 162), (Mald. tary P., tari Ch). Ray: rosa, generally pl. khandha, Skr. skandha, receives a welcome con- res, to Skr. rasmi, Pali ramsi, rasmi. Eliya, light, firmation in the Mald. condou (P.), kodu (Ch.). brightness, is, according to Childers (Journ. R. Foot, leg : paya = pdda, in Elu also contracted 4. Soc. N. S. vol. VIII, p. 145), together with to pd (N. v. 158) (Mald. pad P., fa, "leg," fiyolu, the tatsama dloka-ya having the same meaning, to "foot," Ch.). Knee: dana = janu; the Mald. be connected with Skr.-Pali aloka (Mald. aly, P. 1888 cacoulou (P.), kaku (Ch.), for this, whilst in ali Ch.). Darkness, obscurity: ardura (Mald. endiry Sinh. kakula is synonymous with paya. P., andiri Ch.) doubtless = andhakdra ; cf. also Of parts of the body peculiar to beasts I only Prakr. andhala, Marathi andhala, Pischel in mention anga, Elu sangu, hangu,= *sanga, Skr. Hemacandra II, 173, and the Hindi forms andhald, fringa (Ch. has for this tung, which may be derived andhdrd, &c., in Bate's Dictionary of the Hindi from the well-known adjective turiga, high), and Language, p. 22. naguta, or with true Sinh hardening nakuta, as one Rain : vassa, older vasi (N. v. 34), from vassa, of the common words for tail = Pali nanguttha as Skr. varsha; Mald, vare (P.), ware (Ch.), belong compared with Skr. langula. Skin, leather: hama, probably rather to vdri, water. The old word for sama, = camma (Mald. ans P., hang Ch.). Flesh : lightning must be retained in the Elu vidu (N. v. mas = mansa (Mald. the same Ch.). Bone: aetaya to 34), Mald. vidi P. (widani Ch.). For the only word atthi, Skr. asthi; eta-mola, marrow. Muscle, sinew : at present in use, as it appears, viz., viduliya, is naharaya to Pali naharu, Skr, snayu (Mald. nare according to Clough's explanation 8.0. = Skr. P., ndru Ch.). Brain: mola, no doubt going back vidyullatd or more correctly = Pali vijjullata, to an old mattha, #masta (cf. supra p. 58a). Heart, consequently probably a word belonging originally hada to hadaya, Skr. hrd, hrdaya, in Elu also to the poetic dialect, and which at any rate has hida (N. v. 161) (Mald. il P., hing Ch.P). Blood : no closer connection with Prakr. vijjult and its &= lohita (Mald. Lets P., le Ch.). Tears : kandulu new Indian cognates like bijli, &c. (cf. Pischel in to kand, Skr. lerand in the sense of weep. Milk: Hemacandra I, 15, Bate, loc. cit. p. 521). Giguruma, kiri =khfra, Skr. kshira (Mald, kiru Ch.). also giguru, gigiru, gigiri, thunder (Mald. gougouIn the two terms gaha, gasa, = gachchha (Mald. rou P., guguri Ch.), belongs to the gur, mentioned gats P., gas Ch.), and vaela vallika (cf. supra by Pischel in the Beitr... Kunde d. indo-germ. p. 586), the whole vegetable kingdom is according Spr. III, p. 237; cf. the Sinh. verb. guguranand to L. included. Root: mula = mula (Mald, mou and gorapanaod, to thunder. Rainbow : dedunna - P.). Stem: kanda=khandha, Skr. skandha (Mald. devadhanu (but Mald, warodyni in Ch.). tandi Ch.P). Atta, branch, with its double t may be | Fire: ginna, older gini (N. v. 22), gini; also differentiated from ata, hand. For small twiga ipala connected gindara, originally perhaps fire-poe.

Page #76
64 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1883. Bessor or the like, so that the second part would Ch.), a greatly contracted form of hiranna = be derived from dhar (cf. also gedara with ge, Skr. hiranya; at the present time, it seems. house). ratran, i. e. red gold, is mostly spoken of. Silver : The current words for water are diya - daka ridi, in Elu also ridiya - rajata (N. v. 219), (Mald. for udaka (Mald. diya, "juice or sap," Ch.), peni riky, P. rihi Ch.). The Pali words kalatipu and - pantya (Mald. penne P., feng Ch.), and vatura, sisa are explained by Subhati in Abhidh. v. 493 by whose Aryan origin appears to me by no means English "tin and lead" and Sinh, kalutumba; for impossible, in spite of an etymology being still tumba Clough gives the meaning "lead." Now wanting. Bubble: bubula = bubbula. Foam : as tipu is clearly Skr. trapu," and Sinh. kalu like pena=phena. Sea: muda, muhuda, for hamuda Pali kala means black, it necessarily follows that = samudda (Mald. entirely different candoue P., tumba - tipu is the name for lead and tin alike, kadu Ch.). Here the following marine products and the kind characterized by the epithet "black" naturally arrange themselves :-hak, sak, chhank, can only be lead. This assumption is entirely sarkha; mutu, pearl, = mutta; pabalu, pavals, borne out by the Mald., for according to P. callo. coral, = Pali pavdla, Skr. prabdba. Lake and pond thimara is lead, oudutimara tin (Sinh, hudu, sudu, vova, in inscriptions vaviya = vdpikd (Mald. were = saddha, white). The resemblance of timara to Ch.), and pokuna, in inscriptions pukana, to tumba is strange. Perhaps a confusion with Skr. pokkharini, Skr. pushkarini (E. Muller, Report tamra, Pali and Sinh, tamba, copper, has taken on Inscriptions, &c., 1879, pp. 5-6). That ganga is place. Or should the reading trapra in Amarak. the common appellation for river is in the highest II. 9, 106, gain credence from this P The word degree characteristic, and Kiepert has rightly also given for lead, iyan or Syam, might very given prominence to it, loc. cit. supra, 55a. For plausibly be connected with sisaka, but in that smaller rivers and streams I find oya, which in case I should at present not know how to explain spite of Elu hoya (MR.), ho (N. v. 88 pond, 90 the m. Non-Aryan certainly is the word for iron river), I would identify with ogha. yakada = Mald. dagande (P.), dagadu (Ch.). The Earth, ground, land: bima=bhumika (Mald. name for quicksilver is Aryan however : Mald. bin P., bing Ch., - Elu bim, N. v. 35), and polava raha (P., Ch.)=rasa, Sinh. mostly united with related to pathavi, pathavi. Island was original- diya water: rahadiya, rasadiya. ly diva, as the name Maldiva, &c., and Elu divu Human settlements, &c., village: gama=gama; (N. v. 282) show clearly enough; the modern town: wuvara = nagara; both of frequent occur. language appears to prefer the longer divayina, rence in names of places. For road, street, we and I find also noted duva, duva. For mountain, have: maga = magga (Mald. magu) and mdvata hill, the authorities give besides kanda more mahavata, = mahapatha (Childers, Journ. R. 4. especially hela, sel, = sela, Skr. Saila; Skr. parvata Soc. N. S. vol. VII, p. 43). Vitiya (also in Elu, N. (modern tatsama parvata-ya) appears (N. v. 107) v. 106) and vidiya are only remodelling, of the as paruvata (Mald. farubada Ch.), Pali pabbata tatsama vsthiya. House : ge, geya,=geha (Mald. (in the same place) as pavu. Sand: vala- vdluka, que P., ge Ch.), and in the compound already men valika (Mald. vely P., weli Ch.). Salt: lunu= tioned above gedara. Gate, door: dora=dvdra lona, Skr. lavana (Mald. lone P., lonu Ch.). For (Mald. dore P., doru Ch.); bolt: agula = aggala. gem L. gives monika, which is met with in Post, pillar : kanuva khanuka (Mald, kani Ch.) this sense as monil in inscriptions as early as Field : keta = khetta. the end of the twelfth century (Journ. of the Of implemente, useful articles, &c., with Aryan R.As. Soc. N. S. VII, p. 161, 165) and must be appellations I mention only the following:-Ship : looked upon as a remodelling of Skr. manikya; naeva =*ndvika for ndvd (Mald. nau Ch.). Raft, the Elu word ruvan, gold, gem (N. v. 219, 221), boat: oruva = Skr. udupa, Pali ulumpa (Mald. in inscriptions gem, Journ. R. As. Soc., N. S., vol. ody, P. odi Ch.) (Childers, Journ. R. A. Soc. N. S. VII, p. 166), = ratana, was however apparently vol. VII, p. 45). Mast: kumbaya = kumbhaka at one time not unknown to the popular speech. cf. kupaka (Mald. kubu Ch.). Net: daela = "jalika Thegeneral name for ore, metal, is 18 = loha: vide for jdla (cf. Mald. dae Ch.P). For the cart and its Clough 8. v. and cf. Mald. loe, "cuivre," P., ratulo, parts riya, cart, = ratha, haka, saka, wheel, copper, Ch.(i.e. red ore, ratu = ratta), ramvanloe, cakka; naeba, nave,=ndbhikd for nabhi; nim, felloe, "airain," P., = rangwanlo, "brass," Ch. i. e. | Enemi, are the forms of the respective words wbich gold-colored ore, van-vanna). Gold was originally conform to phonetic laws; although at present ran, thus in inscriptions in loc. cit. supra and Elu I am only able to give them on the authority of ran, ran, rana (N. v. 219), (Mald. Than, P. rang | the Elu of the Sinhalese-English volume of Kajatipu, which has been overlooked by Childers, also confirms the correctness of the reading, doubted by him, tipu in Abhidh. v. 1046.

Page #77
MARCH, 1889.) ARYAN ELEMENT IN SINHALESE. Clough, and of Subhati's notes to Abhid. v. 373 f., to the Pali sve, suve, the td reminds one of the yet I consider it in every way probable that they homologous dative ending; anikdd and assimilated belonged at one time to the popular speech. anidda, day-after-tomorrow, from anika, the other, Instead of the first two now-a-days the tatsamas an extension of anna, Skr. anya (cf. Skr. anyedyus). rathaya (besides gaela) and chakraya are current. The foregoing comparison may give a fair idea Plough; nagula=nangala, Skr. langala. Axe: vaeya as to how largely diffused is the Aryan element = *vdsikd for udsk. Hammer: mitiya=*mutthika among the most essential words of the language. for mutthi (cf. Mald. muri Ch.). as the Elu form C. In the case of the pronouns, numerals, particles, gives algo mugura muggara. Bow: dunna, older and verbs Childers has pointed out a like predunu, dharu; with diya, bowstring, = jiya, ponderance of this element. In his full treatise and the compound dumudiya which appears to be no on this subject the author of this sketch will longer used in the modern everyday language, cf. compare the undoubtedly Aryan element of the Mald. dd, "string" (Ch.). Iya, arrow, I would, in entire ancient vocabulary as fully as possible, at the spite of the secondary form given by C. hiya, derive same time, however, seeking to approach closer to from ihiya = *isuka for Skr. ishu, Pali usu. Of the subject of the non-Aryan remainder. articles of clothing I may mention only pili, pill, Notes by the Translator. = pati (cf. Mald. pelle, " de la toile," P., feli, The above paper was read by Dr. Kuhn at the "cotton cloth," feli "waist-cloths of native session of the Philos.-Philol. class of Munich on manufacture," Ch.), and kapu, cotton, probably 5th July 1879. As far as I am aware he has not for kapahu = kappdsa (of. Mald. capa P., kafa yet read or published the fuller essay to which Ch.). Boiled rice: bat = bhatta (Mald. bae Ch., this is only preliminary: the delay is fortunate, as cf. also perhaps Mald, bate" meal," Ch.P) Flour: Dr. Kuhn will thereby be enabled to make use of piti = pittha (cf. Mald fa," flour," Ch.P). Book: the valuable paper by Dr. Ed. Muller, entitled pota to potthaka = Skr. pustaka (Mald. for Ch.). "Contributions to Simhalese Grainmar," publish Time. The word for year, avurudda, older |ed by the Ceylon Government in 1880." I shall avurudu, Goldschmidt would derive from Skr. proceed to notice a few instancea where Dr. Muller's sanatsara; if this is correct we must go back to conclusions agree with Prof. Kuhn's and vice verad. an older "havaradu #sa(h)varachchha for sam- With regard to the colonization of Ceylon Dr. vachchhara (cf. the examples given above, p. 59a Muller accepts the Sinhalese traditions respecting of d from ch); the Mald. aharu (Ch.) is possibly a L&la, "not," he says, "because I am of opinion still further contraction. For month the old form that more faith ought to be placed in the legends of is maha, masa, mdoa, which is also used in com- the Sinhalese than other Hindus, but because I see pounds like ilmasa, the cold month (vide supra no reason whatever why they should choose a small p. 576) (Mald. masse P., hadumas, "lunar month, and insignificant kingdom as the native country Ch.); in the modern speech the tatsama masa-ya of their ancestors." To this he appends the fol. prevails. Day: davaha, darasa, = divasa (Mald. lowing note: -"Lassen (Ind. Alterth., vol. II, p. duas Ch., cf. in P. eyouduas, "le temps passe," 105) identifies Lala with Lata (Greek Larike and paon duas " le temps auenir"), and derived -Gujarat). The whole context of the Mahdo. from this davala, davala, daytime (L.), from however shows that this cannot be meant. King * davahala; cf. davahal (Ch.), Elu daval (N. v. 45), Nissanka Malla, a prince of the Kalinga, and Mald. duale (P.). Night: re, which must be who has left many inscriptions in different parts of derived from a rdti for Pali ratti, Skr. rdtri Ceylon, was born in a city called Simhapura, which (Mald.ro Ch., regande, "nuict," reuegue, "il est he maintains to be the same as Simhapura nuict" P.). To this I add the adverbs of time: where Wijaya was born. If so L & la was part day-before-yesterday peredd, from pera, before, of the later kingdom Kalinga, a not unlikely earlier, which is connected in some way with Skr. place to suppose the Aryan conquerors of Ceylon priva (cf. Skr. purvedyus); iyiye, tyd, yesterday, to to have started from. This seems also to be the hiyyo Skr. hyas (Mald. & P., tyye Ch.); ada, opinion of Burnouf (Recherches sur la Geographie to-day, = ajja (Mald. adu P.); heta, seta, to Ancienne de Ceylan, p. 61), as he identifies Lala morrow, which I would derive from a se answering with Radha-la partie basse du Bengale actuel, * In certain particulars his first sketches can now be considerably amplified and corrected. His derivation of the pronoun ml, this, from the stem ima is supported by the nom, ima of the inscriptions (e.g. E. Muller, Report on Inscriptions, &c. 1879, p. 4). Api, we, and topi, you, are according to P. Goldschmidt (Report, &c. 1876, p. 4) and E. Muller (Report, &o. 1878, p. 6) to be traced to the PrAkpit amha and tumhe. Sitinavd, stand, be, must be derived not from Pali sanchana but from the well-known Prakrit present chitthati. It may here be incidentally mentioned that the root sth has produced another derivative as a verb substantive, namely tibenaud, strictly passive of tabanavd, "to put, to place," which we have above (p. 60b) derived from a thapayati = Skr. atha payati. # And since reprinted, with correction of misprinta, &c., in the Ind. Ant. July August 1882.-D. F.

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66 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1883. qui s'etend sur la rive droite de la riviere Hougli, not to be found in Sinhalese literature for many et comprend les districts de Tamlouk et de centuries back. It is much to be regretted that Midnapour.' This country then must have been the ill-health of this able scholar prevents his thoroughly Aryan at so remote a time as the 5th accomplishing the task which he had in view of a century B. C. at the latest, for not only is the monograph on the Vaeddo and their language." Sinhalese language Sanskrit but the vast majo. As to the Rodiyas, Alwis in the paper referred to rity of the higher castes of the Sinhalese have in note 8 says that from amongst 128 words given unmistakeably the Aryan type of faces, and, as by Casie Chitty he could only identify 6 Sinhalese for the lower castes, they neither look like Dravi. words, but even of these six more than one of his dians, but resemble the Veddas." It would seem identifications is erroneous. As Casie Chitty's from this last sentence that Dr. Muller does not list is not generally available to scholars, I give it believe the original inhabitants of Ceylon to have here, in the hope that Dr. Kuhn and other been Dravidian, though he does not propose any orientalists may succeed in clearing up the other theory of their origin. With regard to the mystery which enshrouds the origin of some of Vredd 8 (not Vaedda, as Prof. Kuhn has it), from the words. I have in the third column given some the scanty materials available it would appear that suggestions as to the derivation of the words: their language is a dialect of Sinhalese: Mahathese in many instances will no doubt be proved Mudaliyar Louis De Zoysa has informed me that the to be wrong. The Dravidian and Malayan words Vaedd o use words of Sanskrit origin which are I owe to my brother, Mr. A. M. Ferguson, Jr. (1) God bakure cf. batara, used by all the Malayan dialeots for "God," from avatdra. (2) heaven teriyange teri v. 104; anga appears to be a general affix, meaning "thing," = anga P (3) earth bintalavuva S. bin = bhumi; taldva = tala. (Identified by Alwis.) (4) sun Ilayata teriyange layata, cf. S. eliya = dloka; cf. Punan Dayakelo; teriyange v. 2. (5) moon hapateriyange hdpa (?); teriyange v. 2. (6) stars hapangaval hapa v. 5; anga v. 2; val=S. val, plur. termination P; cf. Buku tan Dayak apai-andar. (7) light gigiri cf. S. gigiri, thunder. (8) darkness kaluvalla Identified by Alwis as = S. kaluvara. (9) fire duluma cf. S. dala = jdid. (10) water nilatu (P-18-) cf. Tamil nir, Telugu w u, water; cf. Malay laut, sea. (11) sea terilatu v. 104, 10. (12) river nilatuva v. 10. (18) tank nilatukattinna nilatu, v. 10; kattinna, cf. Tamil aneikkattu, dam, anicut. (14) mountain teriboraluvange v. 104, 18, 2. (15) village dumuna (16) field panguralla (P-rae.) S. panguva, a division (from Tamil pangu), = bhaga; ralla, a fold, yard. (17) jungle raluva (18) sand, dust, boraluva mud, stone S. boralu, gravel. (Identified by Alwis.) (19) man (20) woman gaevi cf. S. geni. (21) boy bilaenda S. bilindt. (Identified by Alwis.) (22) girl bilaendi v. 21. (23) body muruti S. murtti. (24) hair kaluvali S. kalu, black; vaeli, cf. S. vola, creeper, vaelape, the hair of the head; cf. Bugis veluak, hair ; cf. 8. (25) head keradiya gaeve * Ind. Ant. vol. XI, p. 198, note. Since this was written a paper has been published in the Journal of the Ceylon Branch R. A.S., vol. VII, part II, by Mr. De Zoysa, "On the Origin of the Veddas," which contains interesting specimens of their language. A notable feature is the retention of the palatalc which the Sinhalese has changed to sor h. The same issue of the 0. B. R. A. S. Journal contains some valuable notes on the Maldive language, by Mr. H.C. P. Bell, whose report to the Ceylon Government, now passing through the press, will form a weloome addition to the mongo information existing concerning the inhabitants of the Maldives. Prof. Virchow has also recently published a most valuable essay on the Vaeddo (Berlin, 1881), dealing with their origin from an ethnological rather than a philological stand-point, his conclusion being that they are the aborigines of Ceylon and of non-Aryan race.-D. F.

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MARCH, 1883.] ARYAN ELEMENT IN SINHALESE. 67. (26) eye (27) face (28) ears (29) nose (30) mouth (31) tongue (32) hand (33) breast (34) belly (35) flesh lavate iravuva iravuve angaval iravuva galla galagevunu dagula hidulu pekaritta murutu v. 27, 2, 6. v. 27. cf. S. kata ; cf. Ruinga gall. v. 30. cf. Pali anguti, finger, anguttha, thumb. cf. S. hida, heart. cf. S. pekaniya, navel; rikta, rit, vacuity. v. 23. (Alwis identifies with S. mulutan, which he says means "that which is cooked": this is clearly untenable.) v. 33, 2, 6. cf. 8. latu, lao dye, us, blood, = lohita. v. 30, 37. V. 40; kevenni, cf. S.geni. v. 33, 19. v. 33, 20. v. 39, 21. V. 39, 22. (36) milk hiduluangaval (37) blood latu (38) spittle galle latu (39) husband gadiya (40) wife gadi kevenni (41) father bidulu gaeva (42) mother hidulu gaevi (43) grandfather flayak hidulu geva (44) grandmother ilayak hidulu gaevi (45) brother eka amge gadiya (46) sister eka ange gadi (47) sor gadi bilaenda (48) daughter gadi bilandi (49) priest navate (50) elephant palanuva (51) cheetah raluvabuss (52) bear mratimiganangaya (53) wild hoggal mrataye (54) domestie pig hapa mrataya (55) deer, elk raluvaludd& (56) dog busse (57) bitch bivvit (58) cat buhkavanna (59) jackal pangurulla bussl. (60) vandura balva (61) rilava natuve (62) bull ludds (63) cow liddi (64) calf ludubflaend& (65) bull buffalo panguru ludda (66) cow buffalo panguru liddi (67) iguana bimpallo of. Tamil pal, tooth; dnei, elephant. v. 17, 56. v. 35, 118, 2. v. 17, 62. of. Muller's derivation of. S. balla from Skr. bhdsha and affix la. v. 56. v. 56. v. 16, 56. V. 62, 21. v. 16, 62. v. 16, 63. S. bim bhdmi; pallo, cf. S. palli, "a small house lizard" (C1.) Tamil palli. v. 10, 104, 105. nflata terih&pays pelava aheru buluva. ilaya of. Tamil ilu, to drag. (68) alligator (69) tortoise (70) lizard (71) snake (72) cock (79) hen (74) chicken (75) fish (76) tree (77) flower (78) fruit (79) cocoanut (80) jak patflaya patili keta patili bilaenda nil&tuvam uhaella uhulilange luna matu lA uns vetti amgaval 7.78, 21. v. 10. cf. 8. uha, high. v. 76, 2. of. Tagbenta laun. of Tamil mattu, toddy, maffei, husk; v. 78. .

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68 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1883. (81) plantain pabburukan cf. S. puvdlu, plantain, ruk, a tree. (82) areka nut pongalam cf. S. puvak = piga. (83) betel tebald (P tobala) cf. Pali tambuli. (84) tobacco rebut (85) paddy atumadu atu (P); madu, v. 86. (86) rice madu (87) kurakkan hinkevuna 8. hin, small, used as prefix to many names of plants. (88) straw pangaran (89) temple bakuruange v. 1, 2. (90) house dumuna v. 15. (91) door matilla (92) cloth potiya cf. Tamil potti. (93) mat pitavanna (94) pot vame (95) water pot nilatu veme v. 10, 94. (96) rice pot migiti vame v. 118, 94. (97) mortar and pestle lukkana angaval v. 119, 2, 6. (98) knife naduva (99) honey uhaella latu v. 76, 37. (100) jaggery gal miri cf. S. gula, jaggery; Amihiri, sweet. (101) salt hurubu (102) lime aharu bulu (103) oil matubu matu, cf. 79. (104) good teri (This must also mean "great," v. 2, 11, 14. &c.) cf. Tamil tiri, holy, teri, to select. Also Tamil periya, great ? (105) bad- hapayi cf. Pali pdpa. (106) no navati cf. S. nata. (107) to go, walk dissenava (108) to come tevinava cf. Kian Dayak tevah. (109) to sit yaepinnava (110) to sleep Avatanatvenava v. 16; cf. S. navatvanavd, to cease, to stop, to hinder. (111) to dance kuttandupanava cf. Tamil kuttadu, to dance, panni, to make. (112) to sing kaellani igilenava cf. S. kaelum, gladness, Kelani=Kdlydni, kelinavd, to sport; gita, song, Gipay gili. (113) to laugh galu pahinava v. 30 : (114) to weep iraval lukkanava v. 27; 119. (115) to see pekanava Pali pekkhati. (Alwis identifies with S. penenard, to appear.) (116) to open hapakaranava (117) to cook navatkaranava (118) to eat migannava cf. Malay mdkan. (119) to beat lukkanava (120) to kill ralukaranava (121) to die l ikkenava (122) to bury tavanava (123) to give yappanava In a letter to the Indian Antiquary (vol. I, p. connecte, besides the Rodiya, the Abkhass of 258), Dr. Hyde Clarke states that the Rodiya Caucasia, and the Galela of the Eastern Archi"belongs to the same general family as the pelago, a Siberian class and two American classes Kajunah." He further says :-" There is little being also related. Dr. Clarke concludes his direct resemblance between the Kajunah and the letter by saying:-"The group which I have namAbkhass, or between the Kajunah and the ed at present-the Siberio-Nubian-must have Rodiya, but the relationship of each is rather had possession of the whole of India before the with the Abyssinian class." This Abyssinian Dravidians." Unfortunately, Dr. Hyde Clarke class, he says, comprises the languages of the gives no proofs for his statements, and, as I have Agaws, Waags, Falashas (Black Jews), Fertits, no vocabularies of the languages mentioned, I am Dizzelas and Shankalis; and with these he unable to compare them with the Rodiya. The

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ARYAN ELEMENT IN SINHALESE. MARCH, 1883.] Treasury of Languages (1873) pronounces Rodiya to be allied to Hindi, but this book, though it has the authority of some eminent names, is not altogether reliable, e. g. its statement that "Elu or high Sinhalese is Dravidian and closely resembles Tamil." With reference to note" I may mention that Dr. Muller (loc. cit.) gives a number of comparisons of Sinhalese words with the corresponding forms in the Asoka, Dramatic and Jaina Magadhi, the resemblances being sometimes very close. The word hamuda should have no asterisk: it is found in several inscriptions. With regard to the Sinhalese phonetic system, Dr. Muller states that the original Sinhalese alphabet had only the three short vowels a, i, u, besides e and o, the original quantity of which is still uncertain. The oldest Sinhalese also possessed the consonant c, of which Dr. Muller says:" I have met with in inscriptions till the fourth century, afterwards it immigrated into 8, and in the ninth century has quite disappeared." On the other hand, the original alphabet lacked the cerebral and anusvara. With reference to the latter Dr. Muller says:" Although the anusvara does not appear in Sinhalese words up to the fourth century A. D., it is doubtful whether it was not pronounced; for we later find many words written with anusvara or a nasal before a consonant which had the same in Skt. but not in ancient Sinhalese, while it would be difficult to consider them all as tatsamas; for instance Skt. chandra. A. S. chada, modern Sinhalese kanda, Maldivian hadu (hadu is a mistake), besides Skt. anga mod. Sin. anga, Skt. mandala, M. S. mandul, etc." He says further:-"It is true the Sinhalese in ancient times wrote the anusvara and nasal, before strong consonants in Pali words, and besides without assuming the questionable words to be tatsamas' they might have been altered by the influence of the priesthood, the powerful instructors of the people. And on the other hand there are instances where the nasal has been lost for ever. I therefore consider it best to assume that the Sinhalese had lost anusvara and the nasal before other consonants." According to Dr. Muller, vowel lengthening is due to (1) contraction and (2) accent. As instances of the latter he mentions boho(ma) = bahu, asuva 80, anuva 90, and verbal forms like galima (from gala-nard, gal) &c., as against older senim, sitim (10th century), and still older palisatarikama for pratisamskaritakarma. Childers' theory to account for the terminal d of animate nouns is shown by Dr. Muller to be incorrect. He says:-"The lengthening of the final vowel in animates as d in minisd, I believe is due to a former termination 69 in ak, affix ka, now used to indicate indefinition in inanimates. In modern Indian vernaculars, too, we find a as a masculine termination, comp. Beames vol. II, p. 160." He also says:-"Originally every Sinhalese word terminated in a vowel: between the 7th and 9th century the tendency of the language was so much changed that most nouns came to terminate in a consonant; later, a short a was appended to inanimates, animate males partly contracted the syll. ak to d (so at least I comprehend this process at present), and if they ended in u or i, this had been changed into wak and yak. W and y assimilated with the preceding consonants, and we thus find double consonants with d in the nominative singular (for instance kurulu, kurulwak, kurulla)." On the subject of the vowel sound ce (long ) Dr. Muller says: "A further important addition to the vowel system was made by the two characters peculiar to Sinhalese a and its lengthening d. They are not found yet in the 4th century but are firmly established in the 9th (about the interval I am unable to judge) yet, though not written they may have been pronounced long ago." He then quotes from Beames' Comp. Gram. vol. I, p. 141 ff, the following (as he justly terms it) "interesting note":"The Bengali language, as actually spoken by all classes, from the highest to the lowest, differs in many respects from the language as written in books. Especially is this noticeable in the treatment of the vowel d, which in colloquial usage is frequently, in fact almost universally, corrupted into e." But, curiously enough, the latter part of Mr. Beames' note, which is the most interesting with reference to the point under discussion, Dr. Muller omits, but, as his remarks refer to this very part, I think the omission must be due to the printer. Mr. Beames says:-"This Bengali e is pronounced more like the English a in mat, rat, etc., than like the full Italian e in veno, avete, etc., and seems to be a lineal descendant of the short e of Prakrit." "Now," Dr. Muller says, "this is exactly the sound of the Sinhalese ce, and as the Sinhalese probably came from a part of Bengal, they might have brought this sound with them. There is another reason to suppose that these sounds are older than the invention of characters proper to them. The Sinhalese vaddranava is a corrupted tats. from Pali avadhareti; the verbal noun at present is vaedaeruma, older vaejoruma. Now, in an inscription of the second or third century A. D. at Badagiriya we find vajeriyi 'he declares,' i.e., e used to express the sound d which is a modification of d." I may just remark in passing that the representation of this sound by the Roman diphthong ae may be considered very fairly satis

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1883. factory, the ae having the same sound in Anglo- in Sinhalese it is very slightly nasal. When final Saxon, and the Sinhalese character itself being a or preceding a sibilant, the m, as Childers has modification of the symbol for a. Prof. Kuhn's re- remarked, is pronounced like ng in German gang. marks on the palatals need some modification, owing (I would in passing raise a protest against the to the fact which I have already mentioned of c introduction by Rhys Davids in his translation being found in the oldest Sinhalese. With reference of the Jataka of the unsightly symbol invented to the weak nasal sounds before the explosives by Pitman for the ng sound. The TM or m has g, d, d, and b, it is certainly curious that writers now obtained a recognised standing as the Roman on the Sinhalese language have said so little on equivalent of the anus dra.) Prof. Kahn does not the subject. Even Childers has not, so far as speak of the pronunciation given to jn in modern I am aware, described the exact pronunciation of Sinhalese, but Dr. Muller says :-"The oldest these sounds. In fact, Alwis, in the places form of this combination is ny in savanyutopete referred to by Dr. Kuhn (SS. p.lxi, and Descript. (inscription at Kirinde) where the y is marked by Cat. p. 236), is the only one who gives any sort of a separate sign below the line. The group is explanation of these nasals. He says they are still pronounced though not written in this way "very soft," "very faint," and,"metrically, one in Ceylon." Now this is certainly wrong: jn syllabic instant." But, according to him, this is always pronounced by the Sinhalese as gn, weak nasal is also found before j in Sinhalese. just as it is pronounced gy in Hindi, &c. The This I very much doubt: I believe the n has its asterisk before kurulu should be omitted, the full sound before j in Sinhalese as in Sanskrit or word being genuine. According to Muller yahala Pali. Childers' representation of this weak nasal - sahaya. The reason why tal= vana was prefix sound by before g, d, d, and by it before bis ed to asa achchha was, as Goldschmidt has pointed very satisfactory. In Alwis' Descript. Cat. the out, to distinguish it from as=assa. The origin combined nasal and explosives are represented by of rilavd is certainly obscure. Can it be a con(ng, (n)j, (w), (n)d, (m)b-a very awkward method traction from reli-muda, wrinkled-face P. Cf. certainly; and in the Rev. C. Alwis' Sinhalese vaeli-mukha with the same meaning as a name Handbook they are printed n-g, n-d, n-d, m-b. In for the whito-faced monkey (Clough). Muller a review of this latter book in the Ceylon Observer explains monard as being for morana, i.e., mora+ of 14th July 1880 Dr. Muller made some na, and this na he believes to be due (as well as remarks on the representation of these combi. the nd in ukund=ukd and in gond=go) to a nations which led me to think that he had feminine in nt: the nimeri of the Maldive he failed to notice this peculiity of the Sinhalese thinks confirms this. Muller's derivation of oya language, but from a passage in his Contributions from Skr. srotas, Pali sotto, is I think the right to Sinhalese Grammar I find I did him injustice. one, and not ogha. The word for hill is kanda, He there says :-"At present there is a difference not kanda, and is, as Muller shows, from Skr. in pronunciation between the real bindu and those skhanna: the older form is kana. Sand is vaeli, weak nasals before other consonants. I doubt not vaela. The word for iron, yakada, which Prof. whether any two kinds of nasals existed in the Kuhn says is certainly non-Aryan, is as Aryan as twelfth century, for we find the bindu used with it can be: it is a compound, (a)ya-kada-ayo. k and ligatures with all the other nasalized conso- kandam; cf. in Clough yakula, yagula, yadanda, nants." The real sound of such words as anga, yadama, yapata, yapaluva, yabora, yavula, handa, haida, anba, may be learnt by pronouncing yahanduva, yahada, yahala, all compounds from them as aga, hada, hada, aba, but in each case inter. ya-aya. Muller says that it is doubtful if oruva jecting a slight nasal before the explosive. I may is derived from udapa or direct from the Tamil. mention that though in Ceylon manuscripts the He derives (ya, older hfya, from pita, and compound characters which in the Sinhalese explains the by the following transitions: sita, alphabet are used to represent the above sounds hiya, hi, hiya. The origin of oluva is certainly are made to represent the Paling, nd, and mb puzzling: cf. Javanese ulu with the synonymous (id is never so used), the best native scholars at mastika. Can it be that oluva = matthaka with present carefully distinguish them in writing, loss of initial P Perhaps the Maldive bolle, bo, the letters being joined in Pali words but never supports this. With the word for leg, kakula, cf. combined. The anusvara in the north Indian Malay kaki and Tamil kdl. dialects is spoken with a strong nasal, whereas Colombo, Ceylon. DONALD FERGUSON, I am glad to learn from Prof. Fausbill that he and Dr. Trenckner at least intend to adhere to the signs And t, -D. .

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MARCH, 1883.] PIYADASI INSCRIPTIONS. THE COLUMN INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADASI. BY M. EMILE SENART. Abstract. history of these monuments ; It will be suffi. Till the present we know of five columns cient to remind the reader that the different or lats inscribed with edicts of Piyadasi. The texts are, in all the parts in common, essentially most important and oldest known is the Dehli identical. I therefore take for a basis the longest column, commonly known as "the lat of Firuz version, the only complete one, that of the Shah" (D), because it was that prince who pillar of Firuz Shah. The text of it I transcribe caused it to be brought to Dehli from its original and give in the notes all the different readings position. It is the one which embraces the one which embraces the of the other versions, where they exist. most complete series. I think it most convenient The orthographical or palaeographical pecufor the present to arrange them in the way liarities which this series presents are not such General Cunningham has done. This pillar, as to offer peculiar difficulties to the translation. then, contains seven edicts, inscribed in four First Edict. groupe, one on each of its sides, and an eighth Prinsep, Journ. Asiat. Soc. of Beng. vol. VI, below, occupies several lines round the shaft. 1837, p. 581 (conf. p. 965); Burnouf, Lotus de There is another pillar at Dehli which was la bonne Loi, p. 654 ff. also transported thither by Firuz (D'); this (1) Devanampiye piyadasi lajahevam Aba'[.] is the one that General Cunningham calls the sadvisati pillar of Mirat, from the name of its original () vasaabhisitenameiyam dhammalipi likhaposition. It contains only a short fragment of pitAdeg C.) the 1st edict, edicts II and III entire ; edicts () hidatapalate dusampatipadaye amnata agaIV and V are only in part preserved, and ya' dhammakamataya edicts VI and VII are wanting on it. (1) agaya palikhaya agaya sususaya" agena" The Allahabad column (A) contains edicts I bhayena to IV; the two first are alone intact; there () agena usahena [.] esa chu kho mama anugaremains only a line of the IIIrd; of the others thiya longer or shorter portions. It is characterised O dhammapekha" dhammakamata cha15 suve by the presence of two additional fragments save vadhita vadhisati cheva [] which we do not find elsewhere, and which are (*) pulisi pi cha meo Akasa cha goveya cha unfortunately spoilt. The one, already known majhima cha anuvidhiyanti from Prinsep, has been named by General sampatipadayamti chalam chapala Cunningham "the Queen's edict"; the other, samadapayitave hemeva sinta which appeared for the first time in the Corpus, mahamata" pi [.] esa hi" vidhi ya iyar is addressed to the officers of Kausambi. They dhammena" palank" dhammena vidhane" form a necessary addition in our revision of (1) dhammena sukhiyanaEUR dharmena gothis class of edicts. titi" (.) : The two last columns have been found again Translation. in positions not far distant from one another; "King Piyadasi, dear to the gods, says thus : both contain the first six tablets. One is that of In the twenty-seventh year of my anointing I Radhiah (R), which General Cunningham prefers caused this edict to be inscribed. Happiness to call that of Lauriya Araraj; the other, the in this world and in the next is difficult to column of Mathiah (M), which receives in the procure, without (on the part of my officers) Corpus the name of Lauriya Navandgarh. extreme zeal for religion, rigorous supervision, I need not enlarge on the description and extreme obedience, a very lively sense of respon1 Journal Asiatique, Septieme ser. tome XIX, pp. 395- W RM.Rahita vadhisati cha va pu", A. vadhisati cha va 460. For the other edicts, see vol. X, p. 273. 11 ARM.deg& pi meo. 1 A.odasi lAja heo * RM.Aha sa. 2 ARM. vidhiyatitiyatnti che so. * ARM.rarAbhio. * A. na ma is. 19 ARM.samsda.. * RM.opita hio. * A.RdAsampatipAdaye. 30 A.'hemmeva so, RM. hemeva so. * RM. gaya dha * ARM.mataya ao * Doamgamahama'. MAR. esa hi(r), M. es pivo. M. gayain palikhlya, A.palikhaya adeg, R palikhaye ao 23 A.omens p&o. A. lana dhe 10 A. Agaya RM.Bus yn 1 R. ya Age. >> A. na madhane dha, M.ovidhane. >> A.Ces cha kho think dha, RM.degthiya dha * A.omenam sokhiya, R.'yana dha, M.degsukhiyana dha. 1. BM. pekha dha. 15 A.kamata cha suo. " A.dhammana ganitechi, B.getiti.

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72 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1883. sibility, and extreme activity. But, thanks to my instructions, this care for religion, the zeal for religion grows and will grow (among them) from day to day. And my officers, superiors, subalterns and those of middle rank, conform to it and guide (the people) in the good way, the way so as to keep light spirits; the overseers of the frontier countries, the same. Because the rule is: government by religion, law by religion, progress by religion, security by religion. Second Edict. Prinsep, ut sup. p. 582 ff., Burnouf, ut sup. p. 666 f. (10) Devanampiye piyadasilaja. (11) hevam ah& [.] dhamme sadha (.) kayam cha dharme til. apasinave bahukayane ("") daya' dane sache sochaye cha kha[.] dane pi me bahuvidhe dimne dupada (18) chatupadesu" pakhivalichaleser vividhes me anugahe kate apana (14) dAkhin vel annani pi cha me bahni- s kayanani katani[.) etaye me (15) athayeo iyam dharmalipi"' likhopita's hevam anupatipajamtu chilam (16) thitika'' cha potuti ti" (.) ye cha hevam sampatipajisati" se" sukatan kachhatiti" (.] "King Piyadasi, dear to the gods, speaks thus : Religion is excellent. But, one will say, what is that religion? [It consists in committing] the least evil possible, [ in doing ] much good, [in practising) pity, charity, veracity and also purity of life. Therefore I have given alms of all kinds; to men and quadrupeds, birds and aquatic animals, I have distributed diverse favours, even to securing drinkable water for them; I have besides done good in other meritorious actions. It is for this that I have caused this edict to be inscribed, in order that, conforming to it, they may walk in the same good way, and my word may endure. Whoever acts thus, he will do well. Third Edict. Prinsep, ut sup. p. 584 ; Burnouf, ut sup. p. 669ff. ('') Devanampiye piyadasi laja hevar aha'C.] kayanammeva' dekhati* iyam me (5) kayane kateti nomine papamo dakhati iyam me pa pa' kateti iya va Asinave (*) namati [.) dupativekhe chu kho ese he vamo chu kho esa dekhiye imani (*) Asinavagamini nama" atha chamdiye ni thaliye" kodhe mane[-] isya (*) kalalena ya hakam ma palibhasayisani" esa badha" dekhiye iyan me (9) hidatikaye iyam ma name palatikaye!'[.] "King Piyadasi, dear to the gods, speaks thus : We see only our good actions, we say, I have done such a good action. In return we do not see the evil that we commit, we do not say, I have committed such a bad action, such an action is a sin. It is true that this examination is hard ; nevertheless, it is necessary to watch ourselves, and to say: such and such actions constitute sins, as passion, cruelty, anger, pride. It is necessary to watch ourselves with care and say: I will not yield to envy and calumniate ; that will be for my greater good here below; that will be for my greater good in the future." Fourth Edict. Prinsep, ut susp. p. 585 ff. ; Lassen, Ind. Alterth. bd. II, p. 258, n. 2; p. 272, n. 1; p. 274 n. 1; Burnouf, Lotus, p. 740. ff.; Kern Jaartelling der zuydelijke Buddhisten, p. 94 ff. (1) Deva nampiye piyadasi laja hevam aha (.] sadvisativasa () abhisitena' me iya dhammalipi likha pita [.) lajuka me ) bahusu panasatasahasesu janasi ayata* tesam ye abhihale va () dainde va atapatiye me kate kimti lajuka' asvatha abhita 1D.das, A."dasto. AR."14jA. SRM Aha * ARM.Eddhuo. * D'. ok by Arn oha dha', A. Okiyat, RM.Okiyam cha.. * A.oma ti. Modaya. . A.dane. A."sachayo, RM."socheye ti chao. 10 RM.odine. HD'. 'dup Ads, A.degpadarnchao. 15 D'R.Ovidha meo. 13 D'.deg panerdAkhanAyo, ARM. dakhio. 1. D'..&n&ni pi che me. 16 R. bahunio. 18 AR.'athkye,Mathayao. " R. dhamao. 16 BM. pita. 1 D'. chilAtht, A.'chflathittukao. R. thitika, M. thi- tks. * D!. opota sd ye", ARM.deg cha hotati ye. SI D'.chs-tipajisa, ABM. pajisa A.'s nuo 1 D. katha kachhati tio, R. 'kachha ti, M. kachhatideg. 1 A.'dusi 14jA. D'AM. AAC, R. Aha. 3 A.nameva A.khavi ideg, RM, "dekhauntii'. A. p&pakamo, RM,"dekhamtio. | DRM.(r)pape", A.'p&pake". D vao. * The lacuna in A. commences here and extends into the following edict. 10 R. esa havat. D'M.og&minio. 15 RM.&mati ao. 13 RM.'nithali 16 KM. isyaklo. 15 DISA RM.yisarnti e. 1 M.'sa thadhat de, B.dharia de * D*. "iyam me plo. RM.kkyo ti. 1 R.As. * Rosada RM. pita * RM.yata * RM. Ar. * M. bhipale. RM.jakso. EM. bhita.

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MARCH, 1883.] PIYADASI INSCRIPTIONS. 73 CE C CE E (c) (c) (c) (c) ( kammani pavatayevu o janasa janapadaskochastisement against them, in order that these hitasukari upadaheva" rdjukas may with entire confidence and security () anugahineva cha[.] sukhiyanadukhiya- attend to their duties, to establish and develop nan" janisati dhammayutena cha the welfare and usefulness of the population (') viyovadisamti jana janapadam kimti of my states. They will observe the progress hidatam cha palatam cha or the sufferings, and together with the faithful ) alddhayeva". ti[.] lajuka pi lagharati" they will exhort the entire) population of my patichalitave mam palisani pi me states, in view of assuring to them happiness (9 chhadamnania patichalisamti tepi cha keni here below and salvation in the future. The viyovadisamti" yena mam lajuka" rajukas apply themselves to obey me; the (C) chaghati AlAdhayitave [.] atha" hi purushas too will follow my wishes and orders, pajam" viyataye" dhatiye nisijita" and they will spread the exhortations so that ("') asvathe hoti viyatadhati chaghati me the rujukas may apply themselves to satisfying pajam sakham palihatave me. Just as after having confided your child to a (") hevam" mama" lajuka" kata janapa- skilful nurse you feel secure, saying to yourself: dasa" hitasukhaye"[.]yena" eta abhitas a skilful nurse cares well for my child, even so asvatha samtam avimana kammani I have created rajukas for the good and utility pavatayevati etena me lajukana" of my subjects. So that they may with con(*) abhihale ve damde va" atapatiye fidence and security, free from pre-occupation, kate [-] ichhitaviye hi esa kimti attend to their duties, I have reserved to my(*) viyohalasamata" cha siya damdasamata self personally all proceedings and chastisements cha [.) ava * ite pi cha me' &vutio against them. It is, in fact, desirable that bardhanabadhanam" muniganan tilita- there should obtain perfect equality in prodarndana" patavadhanamtimni diva- ceedings and penalties. Dating from this day sani me (I introduce) the following) rule: to the yote dimne natikavakani" nijhapayisanti" prisoners who have been judged and condemned jivitaye" tanam [.] to death, I grant a reprieve of three days before nasaitan vao nijhapayitipo danam dau execution). They will be warned that they have hati palatikam upavasamo va" kach- no longer or shorter to live. Thus warned of the harti . term of their existence, they will give alms in () ichha hi me heva niludhasi pi kalagi view of the future life, or will practice fasting. I palatam aladhayevutis janasa cha desire in fact that, even shut up in prison, they (9) vadhati vividhadhammachalane sayame may make themselves sure of the other world. I danasavibhage ti? [:] desire the various practices of religion, the domiKing Piyadasi, dear to the gods, speaks nion over the senses, the distribution of alms, thus :-In the twenty-seventh year of my to spread more and more among the people. anointing I caused this edict to be inscribed. Fifth Edict. Among many hundreds of thousands of inhabi- Prinsep, p. 590 ff. (cf p. 965) tants, I instituted rajukas over the people. I re- (") Devananpiye piyadasi' laja' hevam ahal.] served to myself personally all proceedings or all sadvisativasa * RM."yevati ja 20 M."Adasa, B. dasa. " D.' 've, ARM,ovao RM.Carntapao. 11 B.Cheva, M. dapevdo. Dichitam viyo. - D' sa tio, RM.esao. 1 Roneva cha sukhiya, M.Oyanadakhto. " D.Oviysh&, A.opatiye aji chachhatavaya ha lesikita 13 M.degmayate. * R. yevu la', 18 RM.opi chaghaino. chi viyah, A. samand cha siylo, 10 D'.cham damna", RM. chhamdamna, * D* mata oha. " A.Carva', M.Svao. 11 D'. 'yovadesano . RM.ojuka. 4 D.: orao * A.degmao 10 A. "Svatio. 19 D' ghartt. 80 D!. lAdha. yi, B.1Adheyatave. 51 R. nabamdha", MonAbamdhao. 11 D. oaths hideg. HD.paja. * D'ARM.Otilita', D'. odamdanao 13 R. viy Amta - D. nisajituo " D.' 'vadhanam A. tini divasinio. >> D'B.'chaghamti, M.Rohaghatim me'. 55 A."kavank&nio. - A.nisapayio. >> D. paja sukhAhklihamtave, M.otaveti heo. " A.Ojavi', M.degjivi', B. vitayo. Mra. ST D. hevso. $'D'RM'mama'. . * R. yitave D. dahem. * RM.ojakao 30 D'RM. kate. 61 D. ovlea, A. pavasan", R.vlauro A, A 31 D. 10 ana - Do.tasa khaye ,BM.sukkhaye. 43 A. kachhati 13 D'. yana 3. D'R eteo, M. eta. " D.yevati, A.1Adhayathiti, m. gerata >> D'B. abhitd. >>. D'RM.degmana kao - A.Svadhats A .dene savibhigeti, D. Bevabhi. D'. Eema. D'RM.OkAnam, A.-nata M.piya, Adast. A. 1A >> D. abhAhALA, A.abbi. ls. D' dada, 4.dadda A. AhA. R. Aha, M.Cheva Aha. 61 D. Bea, A. pavasam. M.opala .

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74 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. MARCE, 1883. alle E O ESO E @ EUR (c) () abhisitena* me imani jatani avadhiyani katani seyatha' () suke sklike alune chakavake hamse nam dimukheo gelate ( jatuka" arba kapilike dadi anathikama- chhe" vedaveyake" () gamgapuputake" samkujamachhe kapha tasayake' pamnasase simale" () samdake okapimde palasate setakapote gamakapote" (') save chatupade yepatibhogar" no eti na cha khadiyati" (.) ajakana. a. 13 ( edakA" cha sukali" ch gabhini va payamina" va" avadhaya" patakes (*) pi chao kani asaumasike(r)"(.) vadhikukute no kataviye[.) tase sajive (") no jhapetavyeo ]dive anathayes va vihiskye" va no jhapetaviye (.] (") jivena jive no(r) pusitaviye [.) tisu chatun masisu tiskyan purnamasiyan" timni divas&ni chavudasar parnadasa" patipadaye dhavaye cha anuposatha" mache avadhiye" no pi viketaviye [.] etani" yeva divasani () nagavanasi kevatabhogasi yani annani pi jivanikayani (**) no hamtaviyani[.) athamipakhaye ch& vudasiye pamnadaskye tiskye (") pank vasune tisu chatummasigu sudiva saye gone no nflakhitaviye" ('') ajake edake sukale e vapi atne nilakhiyati no nilakhitaviye [] tiskyo puna vasune chatummasiye chatam masipakhaye asvasa gonas" ("") lakhuneo 'no kataviye [] yava sadvis sativasaabhisitename etaye ("9) amtalikaye pamnavisati bamdhanamokhani katani [.] Translation. King Piyadasi, dear to the gods, speaks thus - In the twenty-seventh year of my anoint* A.ovisativaslbhio, R. M. vasabhisitasa. * RM.omani pijk. * RM. vadhy Anio. A. saya . A.Plikio, RM.Slika'. A. kachike hamsa 10 A. namdimu. 1 A.jitike, RM.Ptaka. * A.klpilika dubht. RM pilika dadio. 13 A.Panathika." A davayaka.A.papatao. * A. kapata.. kao, R aneya pa. WA.panasane pimale (a blank to (neta kao). WA-kapova gamaka'. "A.sava chatapada yao. 0 A. bhoga (a blink of thirteen characters) na (blank to sajtve), R.tipogumo. 11 RM.Syntio. Di ajakandni e,RM.ajakakani e'. # D.* dakao "D. kalio 18 M cha. o D' .bhina, M.deggambhi.. " D'payamenao. >> Divo. *Divadhisio, EM vadhyao. 20 BM.opata 31 RM.oke sha ka. * Disammanike >> R.degtuse ing I forbade the killing of animals belonging to the following species, namely : parrote, barikas, arunas, chakravakas, flamingos, nandimukhas, gairatas, bate, water-ants(P) tortoises called dudi, the fishes named anasthikas, vaidarveyakas, the pupputas of the Ganges, the fish called sannkuja, tortoises and porcupines, parnasasas, (P) simalas, (?) the bulls that wander at liberty, foxes, (?) turtle doves, white pigeons, village pigeons and all quadrupeds which are not used or eaten; as for she-goats, sheep and swine, they are not to be killed whilst suckling, nor when with young, nor their young whilst under six months; capons must not be made, no creature must be burned alive, a wood must not be fired either for mischief or to kill the animals which dwell in it. Living creatures must not be made use of to feed living creatures. On the three full moons of the chaturmasyas, on the full moon which is in conjunction with the nakshatra Tishya, on that which is in conjunction with the nakshatra Punarvasu, the 14th, 15th and the day which follows the full moon, and, in general, each day of uposatha, fish must not be caught nor offered for sale. In these same days animals shut up in parks for game must not be destroyed, nor those in the reservoirs for fishing, nor any other class of living creatures. The 8th, 14th and 15th of each half-moon, and the day which follows the fall moon of Tishya, of Punarvasa and of the three chaturmasyas, oxen, goats, rams or swine, must not be mutilated, nor any other animal that it is usual to mutilate. The day of the full moon of Tishya, of Punarvasu, and of the chaturmasyas, and the first day of the fortnight that follows a full moon of chaturmasya, neither oxen nor horses must be marked. In the course of the twenty-six years since my anointing I have set at liberty twentysix (condemned to death).-(To be continued.) * A.Ojhs (blank to chovuda), RM.jhApayita. 35 D ana, 3 D. vipino." RM.Ojhapayitao. *D ojivem no R.Otisyao, M.otisiyam. * Ropunava. A. parchada (blank to tani yava). * RM.padam dhuv&. D'..cha". ** D'. gatham, R.satharo Domeche. - D' CavAdhiR, RM.degvadhyeo.D.tAnko. * R."yeva, A.'yava (blank to sudivaal) * D ykni. 80 D'RM.hamipa. 51 D'RN. pun&otisuo. * M.omfefsa 63 A.'nilakhitAvio. A.Ceda (blank tolakhane). 5 D. okhiyati. D.: "khitazhvio. 67 D'RM.ch&turmi. R. vasa gonathan, M.OVAS 59 A.-lakhane, R.M. lakhanoo. D. Ono khata "D virati, M. vasabhio, R. vasabhisiasa A.ovisativa" (The remainder is wanting to the end). segonasao.

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MARCH, 1883.) CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. BY HENRY H. HOWORTH, F.S.A. (Continued from p. 47.) XIX. Mongol. The former had on each shoulder Gmelin tells us that when at Udinskoiostrog two pointed iron horns. To their dress were he sent for three Shamans. They were dressed hung two iron rings, one under the other, to differently to any Siberian Shamans he had each of which was fastened a leather strap, and hitherto seen. They wore a leathern dress to each of these a piece of thin iron eight inches strewn with iron trinkets, and with the claws long and one broad, having teeth like a saw of eagles and owls. These ornaments made on one side; at the end of the leather strap which the dress very heavy, and made a great noise reached to the bottom of the dress was a bell when its wearer moved," much to the distress of without a clapper. Here and there hung small the evil spirits." The cap was pointed at the iron rings, and below all two Chinese locks. top like that of the old grenadiers, and was also The Shamaness had no horns on her shoulders. covered with the claws of eagles and owls. Her dress was hung with a number of discs The three Shamans went to visit our traveller which Gmelin says were like the so-called at night, since they declared that they could mirrors which are found in the graves; they had not perform their sorceries in the daylight. Chinese characters on one side. Behind her hung They chose the open place where Gmelin was several long bands and a great rusty iron lock, for their performance, and there made a fire. She also had a Shaman's drum or tambourine, Our traveller wished them all to do their hocus which the men had not. It was made as usual of pocus together, but they said this could not be. leather or parchment stretched over a wooden One of them accordingly took his drum, The frame. The drumstick was made of a crooked drumstick was made like a brush, a squirrel's piece of wood, on one side of which was fastened skin being substituted for the bristles. The a squirrel's skin. Instead of caps all four had a performance was the usual one. Gmelin tried head ornament made of a number of bands to test them by asking if a man whom he knew fastened together crosswise, forming a kind of at Moscow was still living. After making several bridle. One of the Shamans, who was 70 years contortions the Shaman 'replied that the devil old, and who had practised his art for over 50 could not travel as far as Moscow, an answer years, professed to be able to pass arrows through which again recalls some of those of the Western his body. A Saissan or prince urged Gmelin Mediums. The Shamans distorted their faces, that he should see the Shamans perform. He, writhed and threw about their bodies, screamed wishing to test them, persuaded one of his comas if raving, and generally excited themselves panions to feign that he was sometimes attacked until under the load of their heavy dress they | with sudden faintness. The Shamans requested perspired profusely. Their compatriots, says him to sit down with his friends, and then began Gmelin, paid handsomely for their perform- their usual dancing and screaming, while the ances, but we had them gratis, and had Shamaness beat her tambourine. The performthe comedy repeated more than once. The ers pretended that a whole army of devils were one who had been consulted about the man among the strangers, and this byplay, it was at Moscow offered to inquire again, and said, was to see whose particular devils were the after more contortions asked if the men in strongest. The lot fell upon the old Shaman question had grey hair. Gmelin having replied already mentioned. He said that when he was in the affirmative the Shaman again beat his in the bloom of his strength he controlled a drum, and jumped about vigorously, and even body of 120 devils, but now that he had grown tually replied that the man was dead. He had old he could no longer bear their caresses, in fact been dead for 50 years, says Gmelin. On and bad lost his power accordingly. He was the Serednaia Borsa, Gmelin met three Shamans now asked to try and diagnose the disease anda Shamaness. The Shanians were apparently of the man who was feigning illness, and Tungusian, but the Shamaness claimed to be after jumping and screaming for a while he * Op. cit. vol. 1, pp. 807-400.

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76 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1883. placed one of his hands above the other and pointed at him. He presently declared that the disease came from that locality, and said that it might be cured by the use of certain herbs. The Shamaness followed with her performances, and after similarly jumping and screaming for a while, she stretched her right hand towards the left of the patient and felt it above the place where the pulse is generally felt. She declared, however, she could see no disease. Another of the Shamans also felt him with both hands, after a similar performance and smiled," says Gmelin, "as if he knew he was an impostor." He ended by giving a similar opinion to the Shamaness. Gmelin was asked to see the performance of the passage of the arrow, whereupon the old Shaman confessed before a number of Tunguses that he had in fact duped them, and had not passed it through his, flesh but only through his robe, colouring it with blood he kept in a bladder, and that he could not have misled them if they had not been so credulous and stupid, and he repeated the performance before Gmelin himself." Similar performances were witnessed by our traveller, whose humour never deserts him, on the Unga river, where he met with a Shamaness who professed to thrust a knife into her desh and to draw it out again, without leaving a wound, but she did her work so clumsily that the trick was patent enough save to the won- dering Buriats. Here he was also introduced to a famous Shaman, who inter alia claimed to be able to move his body instantaneously to another place. This he did not see done, but he saw him walk about a fire on his bare feet which he explains by the fact that through their habitual dancing and going barefoot the Shamans' feet become very hard. He also saw him take up live coals and apparently wash himself with them, but he remarked the dex. terity with which he surrounded the living coal with ashes as he did this. When Gmelin visited the Buriats, near Udinsk, an old Shamaness, the grand-mother of one of their chiefs, had become paralysed, and could no longer perform her sorceries. This was deemed a great loss by them, as she used to discover thieves and to recover lost herds, and she not only claimed to have intercourse with Gmelin, op. cit. vol. II, pp. 82-87. op. VOL. III, pp. 70-73. the god of the nether regions, but also with the Infinite Being. On one occasion he informed her that he meant to descend to the earth on a certain mountain. She told her compatriots, and on the day appointed they assembled before day-break, and she marched at their head, addressing them in language likely to arouse their piety. When the first rays of the sun gilded the mountain top she said that the critical moment was at hand, that she felt a divine afflatus, and that those who wished to share her vision must keep close to her. The sun rose higher and higher, and presently some flashes of light came from the mountain top such as the Buriats had never before seen. They fell on the ground on their faces, and the old woman raised a cry of joy. She received a number of sables, pieces of cloth and silk, as presents, and she returned to her yurt amid the shouts and acclamations of the crowd. It was afterwards discovered that she had placed an image of polished metal on the mountain which had reflected the unusual light. This destroyed her credit with some, but not with the majority of her people. He describes the sacrifices made by the Shamans, much as Giorgi does, and tells us they offered such sacrifices to the god of the sky and to the devil. To the former in his honour; to the latter to appease his wrath. He says the Buriats were in great fear of their Shamans, and believed that they could, with the help of the devil, do them infinite harm, that when dead they returned to torment them in their sleep and threatened them with a violent death. When they had terrible dreams of this kind they repaired to the place where the Shaman had been buried with all his panoply, and tried to appease him by some sacrifice prescribed by a living Shaman. The sacrificed animal having been eaten, the skeleton was laid on the grave. Pallas has described for us the traces of Shamanism that still remained among the Kalmuks when he wrote. He tells us their Shamans are despised and punished when discovered by the Lamas performing their hocus pocus. The male Shamans are called Boh and the female Udugun. When the Lamas failed to bring relief in trouble or danger, the common people still have recourse to them. Op. cit. vol. II, pp. 136-137. * Id., vol. II, pp. 1824.

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MARCH, 1883.) CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. 77 They belong for the most part to the poorest female Shaman among the Buriats. While class of the community. They offer sacrifices at the Stanitza of Sharantzkoi one of these ladies, (galtaikho) according to the old practice, a cus- named Labantsiksa, belonging to the Khorintzi tom which the Lamas, to conciliate the people, tribe, was introduced to him. She was accomhave adopted. This is a concession of prin. panied by her husband and two other Buriats. ciple, since the Buddhists object altogether to Each one had a magical drum. She told him the taking away life. The consecration of animals number of her companions was not complete. is also a custom which passed from the old There ought to be nine drums in order that Shamanism into the form of Lamaism adopted the ceremony should have its proper solemnity. by the Kalmuks. Pallas mentions the custom She bore two sorbis or batons which were of consecrating a sheep which was part of the herit- covered like a horseman's sword sheath and age from the Shamans as still prevailing when ornamented at the top with a horse's head, a he wrote. He tells us that the rich Kalmuks little bell and a number of small metal plates were in the habit of choosing out a ram from (kholbuga, a word meaning, really a spoon). their flock, which must be white with a yellow Her leather dress was also decorated with three head. This was called Tengeri Tokkho, i.e. pieces of metal. There hung down behind her Heaven's or the Spirit's ram. It was not to be from her shoulders, and reaching to the ground shorn or sold, but when it grew old, and it was about 30 interlaced so called serpents (nuchal). thought proper to consecrate a fresh ram, then They were made of pieces of black and white fur the old one was to be sacrificed. This was to and of strips of the skins of the polecat and the be in autumn when the sheep were fat. The red weasel. One of these serpents was split into neighbours were summoned to such a sacrifice, three at its extremity. She called it mogoi. which was accompanied by cries of the sorcerer Without this she declared that a Buriattan Sha. directed towards the sunrise, and by the maness's dress was incomplete. Her cap was sprinkling of milk to feed the spirits of the covered with an iron helmet armed with three air. It was carried out on a lucky day. The pointed horns resembling the horns of a flesh was eaten, and the skeleton with a portion | roebuck. of the fat was burnt on a kind of altar raised on She did not hesitate to go through her performfour posts, an ell and a half high, while the skin, ance although it was broad daylight, and moved the head and feet were hung up in the manner and jumped about in a violent way until she got usual with the Buriats. Marco Polo long ago excited, at the same time singing and reciting referred to these sacrifices as prevailing among various curses and making noises, the drums the Baddhists of Tangut, shewing how early accompanying her. These curses were repeated Northern Buddhism adopted the previous prac- by the Buriats who formed a circle round her. tices into its own. He tells us that such of the She resumed and completed her formula amidst Tangutans as had children used to feed up a convulsive transports and fainting and passing sheep in honour of their idol, which they sacri- her hands over her face. After the first songs ficed at the new year or on the idol's feast day, she began to run as if she wished to escape when they took the sheep and their children with from the tent. Two Buriats having planted great ceremony before the idol. Having killed themselves at the door to prevent her, she, and cooked the sheep and placed it before the among other contortions, rushed with her head idol while they said their prayers, they after- at the three Buriats who played the drums, and wards carried it home, called their relatives who were seated on the left of the yurt, like together, and ate it. The head, feet, entrails & bull charging. She took her two batons and skin, with some of the meat, were reserved in her hand, and jumped several times in the for the priests. When the flesh had been eaten chimney or smoke-hole as if she wished to the bones were collected and stored carefully in catch the spirits of the air and to bring them a hutch.6 into the tent. She then adopted a cheerful Pallas, in his travels had an opportunity manner, and requested that questions might of closely inspecting the performances of a be put to her. She replied while singing a Pallas, Saml. Hist. Nach. vol. II, pp. 341-342. 63 Yule's Marco Polo, vol. I, p. 207. " Pallas, op. cit. vol. II, pp. 345-346.

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78 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1883 and swaying to and fro. She asked Pallas or White Moon, and also Shorogi Gudar. Giorgi for some alcohol, telling him he was a fortunate describes at length one of these feasts, in which person, and that he would make some long he took part. Such a feast, he says, was not journeys by sea. This concluded the spectacle. necessarily held every year, and it was deemed Pallas remarks upon the extraordinary generic enough in fact if it was held every second, resemblance pervading the Shamanism all over third or fourth year. All the heads of families Siberia." The great annual religious feasts who attended either brought offerings with form a notable part of the Shaman polity. them or devoutly shared in eating those brought Marco Polo describes the new year's feast held by others. The length of the feast depended by Khubilai in February. On this occasion on the number joining in it, etc. etc., sometimes the Khan and all his people were dressed in one day, sometimes more. On the occasion white, for they deemed that white clothing referred to six sheep and one goat were offered, was lucky, a custom which, as Colonel Yule and it lasted two days. As a mountain was says, seems to be distinctly attributable to the preferred for such feasts, accordingly in the ono Mongols with whom the first month of the year witnessed by Giorgi, the Saissan or prince with is still called Chaghan Sara or the white month. his family which lived in three yurts, repaired White was a sacred colour with the Mongols, to a mountain whence there was a good view. while among the Chinese it was the colour of The feast was meant to be confined to the God mourning. On the great feast day the Khan of Heaven, and to the sun, earth, mountains was presented with rich and costly gifts. The and rivers, but in the accompanying songs the people also gave one another white things, and whole of the Shaman gods were named. Polo declares that over 100,000 white horses, Before the yurts towards the south a rope richly caparisoned, were presented to the Khan made of white hair from the mane of a confrom various quarters on this occasion. White secrated horse (vide infra) was hung out from horses were deemed especially sacred, and Polo east to west, one end of it was fastened to e speaks thus of them: "Now when these mares stake on which was a sacrificed animal, and the are passing across the country, and any one other to a birch tree. From the rope hung falls in with them, be he the greatest lord in many rags of different colours, little banners the land, he must not presume to paso until the and tufts of hawks' feathers, and a great mares have gone by; he must either tarry number of objects used in tethering the foals where he is, or go a half-day's journey round in summer. On another small birch tree was a if need be, so as not to come nigh them; 1 piece of wood like a rake with seven projecting for they are to be treated with the greatest teeth, and on each tooth a small three-pointed respect. Well, when the lord sets out from flag. These various rags and banners were supthe Park on the 28th of August, the milk posed to assist by their waving the prayers of of all those is taken and sprinkled on the the assembly. The feathers were consecrated, ground. And this is done on the injunction of so that they might afterwards be used to feather the idolaters and idol priests, who say that it is lucky arrows, and the pieces of wood so that an excellent thing to sprinkle that milk on the they might be of greater benefit when used ground every 28th of August, so that the earth in the future. Further to the south there and the air and the false gods shall have their burnt a sacrificial fire (arelukhu). To the share of it, and the spirits likewise that inhabit west of it stood a yurt built of rods covered the air and the earth. And that those beings with voilok or felted cloth and open to the will protect and bless the Khan and his children fire. It was in the shape of a bowl. In it and his wives and his folk, his gear and his cattle was placed a nogit or god made of rags. It and his horses, his corn and all that is his. After represented in silken stuff four outlines of this is done, the Emperor is off and away." naked men drawn in red chalk; all had lenden The Buriats have, according to Giorgi, two great eyes, and on their heads were tufts of feathers. annual feasts. One in the autumn when their new Near the rope was a shire (i. e. a small round year commences. This they called Sanga haara, spot), surrounded with a ring of dried dung. 6. Pallas, Voyages, vol. IV, pp. 254-256. " Yule's Marco Polo, vol. I, p. 291, Op. cit. vol. I, pp. 376-377.

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CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. MARCH, 1883.] Here the refuse from the sacrificed animals was burnt. The Shaman, an intelligent man, was dressed in Chinese silver tissue and without the paraphernalia with which Shamans generally deck themselves. He wore a cap of sable fur. His assistant was dressed in the old-fashioned Buriat costume. On a coverlet made of. voilok were placed four wooden bowls containing the milk of different kinds of domestic animals, and before the fire and on its north side was a stage four feet high standing on four posts with its boards covered with faggots. The people formed a ring enclosing the small yurt containing the god (Urustu), the fire and the stage. With his assistant the Shaman planted himself with the sheep to be sacrificed (sukhuli) before the Urustu. He turned his face towards the south, while the sheep had its head turned towards the nogit or god, and the assistant held a bowl of sour milk. The Shaman began his prayer, and also to wave about the small prayer flag (yodo). The people sometimes sang with him, and sometimes called out khaierlish, i.e. "Have mercy." Meanwhile the assistant sprinkled the milk from the bowls in the air with a ladle, all except the last ladleful from each bowl, which was thrown into the fire by the Shaman. As soon as a bowl was empty, the assistant took up a little fat and put it, while murmuring a formula, between his girdle and his coat. One bowl was offered to the God of heaven and to the sun, the second to the earth, the third to the mountains, and the fourth to the rivers. The Shaman now took the sheep, and let its forehead touch the nogit. He then cut off a little wool from its back. Whenever in his song he mentioned the deity, he bowed and touched the ground with his hands, the bystanders also bowing. The sheep was then put to death by some of the common people. A slit was made in the breast, and the heart was pulled out until it lay on the breast, when the animal died." The Shaman now thrust the bits of wool he had cut off through the slit into the lungs of the sheep. This was supposed to protect all other sheep from the staggers and the dropsy, and to be otherwise beneficial. During the killing of the sheep the Shaman 67 It will be remembered that Chinghis Khan prescribed that all animals must be put to death in this way, a regulation in which he, no doubt, merely stamped 79 had nothing to do. Each one conversed as he pleased, and smoked tobacco. They now cut the flesh from the bones and boiled it. This was also done with the entrails, the refuse being thrown upon the shire. The boiled flesh was placed upon the platform or altar as an offering. As long as the Shaman's song, which was now renewed, continued, a boy held the boiled pluck of the sheep towards the south. The Shaman threw four bits of flesh and fat and as many pieces of the entrails into the fire. Prayers, bowings and wavings of prayer-banners were gone through as in the previous offering of milk. Four ladles full of broth from the meat were also thrown into the fire. The meat was now eaten without any ceremony. The skeleton was impaled upon a birch pole, and over it was stretched the skin of the sheep, the whole was then set up in a row with previous similar monuments, a row extending from east to west. The people then re-formed the ring, into which the Shaman entered with his Shaman's staff (horbu). He again struck up his song, but so wildly and with such shrieking and with so many frantic leaps, shiverings and roarings, that he might well be taken to be mad. He mentioned the Okodil and several evil spirits very often. The Buriats said that he was cursing them, and interdicting them from doing them or their flocks the smallest harm. Lastly, the shire was set on fire and burnt without any further ceremony. In such a sacrificial feast it was essential that the animal which was to be sacrificed was healthy. It did not matter what its breed, age, or colour were. The feast here described was the great autumn feast. The other great feast, Saiga, was held in the spring, and was chiefly characterized by the offering of the first milk; several families joined together in making their offerings; after which the Shaman took the bowl and threw it towards the south. In throwing it, he made it turn like a wheel. If, when it reached the ground, it stood upright the gift was deemed to have been accepted; if, on the other hand, it fell over, the contrary, and a sheep or a foal had to be brought in its place. Giorgi tells us that when he was at Olkhon, the Shaman made three throws, all of which turned out with fresh authority an old practice enjoined by the Shamans. 6 Id. pp. 316-319.

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80 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1883. fortunately, and were the cause of much is made, a piece of felt is spread out on the rejoicing. south on which are placed four bowls, one with Such offerings were also made in times of milk, a second with airak, a third with cheese, sickness and misfortune. Thank-offerings were while the fourth is empty. The coverlet with apparently not known. When they were tra- the offerings is called turge. Before the velling on important business or on a danger- turge and also towards the south stands the ous journey, the Buriats took with them a live horse with its head towards the south, held by sheep and killed it at the close of the first two men. Before the horse there is planted day's journey, on a mountain, said prayers, and a small birch tree with a small banner on it. The made many prostrations to the sun, laid it on a Shaman goes in his ordinary dress, and carryplatform of dry wood and burnt it. The fating his prayer flags called yodo; these he puts and blood which flowed from it were canght in the fire, and lets the smoke from them rise up and eaten with a show of devotion. They into the horse's nostrils, while he murmurs & did not hang up the skin of every animal sacri- formula. He then cuts off some of the hairs fice. Sometimes, when the Shamans decided from its forehead and its tail, and throws the that the animal should be eaten, they collected bits towards the south, the bystanders meanthe bones, and bound them on to a pole covered while forming a ring and joining with him in a with larch twigs. Such a pole was called Gur, chaunt. While singing, he pours some of the and stood behind the yurt towards the north. milk, airak, and cheese successively towards the When they moved on they left all the offer south. The portions of these still remaining in ings (tirgans) standing until the wind blew them the three bowls he pours into the fourth and down. The consecration of a horse is called empty one, and taking a portion rubs "the Kukumurin Sulbundu ongulbulde, i. e. the horse from its ears along the mane and down "dedication of a horse to the god Sulbundu," the back as far as the tail, murmuring softly all and the horse itself is styled Ongon murin, i. e., the while, then fastens a patch hardly a span in the god's horse. It is done partly from piety, size in its mane. Lastly, he removes the bridle partly from fear and precaution, partly on and places the bowl containing the remnants of account of distress, when the flocks no longer the offering on the horse's crupper. When it increase, because of sickness, frost, or robbers; falls off, if it falls behind it is deemed that the at such times, as among the Tunguses, it is horse is acceptable to the gods. It is also customary sometimes to dedicate all the cattle important to note whether the bowl falls towards or horses for a while to the gods. The breed, age, the East or South, when it is deemed more or colour of dedicated horses are indifferent; but fortunate than if it fall towards the West or they must be healthy in every way. The Bariats North. The herdsmen are accustomed also to believe the gods, especially Sulbundu (the erect on various hills an obo, which is a small herdsman's god, the Pan of the Greeks ?) rides empty hut, in which it is supposed the god on three horses in the night-time, while protect- who protects the cattle and cattle-breeding ing the other horses, and they profess to find them may shelter in the night or in bad weather." covered with perspiration in the morning. The Gmelin was also present at one of the Buriat gods, they said, would not ride on sick horses. New Year's feasts. The ceremony, he says, Only men (not women) were allowed to ride on commenced at sunrise. Behind a row of birch dedicated horses, which were marked by a red trees about two fathoms long there were, a patch on their manes, and they were to be ridden little to the left, two other trees of the same with a new saddle and bridle. Generally stallions kind, and behind these were three Buriats, one of of the famous Tabun breed were selected to be whom, a little in front of the others, was kneeling thus dedicated as guardians of the flocks. When down. He held a branch of a birch tree horiBo dedicated, it was deemed wrong to sell, give, zontally, and pointing towards the rising sun or kill them. If one died, its skin was hang spoke in a loud voice. Gmelin was told he up amidst many ceremonies, and its flesh was was summoning the gods. The other two were eaten. standing, and each held a wooden cup filled with In dedicating a horse a sacrificial fire (arelukhu) kumiz and spirit distilled from it in equal parts. * Id. Pp. 320 and 321. 10 Georgi, pp. 321-322. " Giorgi, op. cit. p. 322.

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MABCH, 1883.) CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. 81 They advanood for some distance, threw their the man who held it made it run. Such & cups in the air, and spoke certain words, while consecrated horse, he says, was never mounted the one on his knees continued to pray. nor employed in any kind of work. When its Having repeated the ceremony three times, they master died it was sacrificed, and it was then refilled their cups, and this time threw them eaten by the Shamans and others." Pallas in front of them. Gmelin was told that, having gives us an account of a sacrifice which he saluted the god three times, he had been pleased witnessed among the Derbet Kalmuks and which to accept their civility, and to show how pleased was made for the recovery of a sick woman they were that he had deigned to visit the and for the good fortune of her husband, the Buriats they had thrown their cups towards officiating person being a Shamaness (Udugun). him. Meanwhile a man on the left of the A lucky day having been selected, a sheep was trees held a sheep which was to be sacrificed. taken into the hut and was put to death in the In order to make it more acceptable some spirit prescribed fashion, the breast-bone was then and milk mixed together were poured over its taken out with the skin upon it, the blood head. Two men then threw it down, a third and fat were collected together and the lower made an incision some fingers below its midriff jaw with the tongue, wind-pipe, gullet, lungs through which he thrust his hand and broke and heart all in one piece, together with the liver, the aorta, taking care none of the blood fell on were then placed in a cauldron. The sheep the ground. When the animal was cold its was then cut across into halves, the fore-half intestines were taken out, its blood was carefully was again split in two, the piece between the collected on a wooden plate, its skin was taken legs with the fat tail being detached as a tid-bit. off and its left forefoot and right hind foot | The whole of the flesh was then removed from were broken at the joint and the two others the bones, and was put into the cauldron and were cut off. A small triangular piece of the boiled, the right shoulder-blade with meat sternum was detached with some of the flesh upon it being alone left uncooked. The breaston it and covered with skin. The flesh was bono with the skin on it cut into stripe was now all taken off, and put in & cauldron with made into the shape of a triangle, and laid on the intestines, the latter having been first a the top of the other ingredients in the canldron. little washed. The bones and blood were Meanwhile night approached, which was the thrown into a pit, and the cauldron was put on time specially chosen for their practices by the fire. The small piece of breast-bone was the Shamans. An astragalus bone of a sheep roasted on the ashes, and divided among those (called shagai by the Kalmuks) was fastened officiating at the sacrifice, and two other con- to a red silken cord; one end of this was to siderable people from the guests, and eaten. The be held by the host, while the other was thrown meat and intestines when cooked were eaten with over the smoke-hole at the top of the yurt. great speed, wood was put on the pit which was The kettle was now removed from the fire, and set fire to in order to burn the bones. The skin standing opposite the door the Shamaness took was suspended as a memorial of the sacrifice." a figure of Buddha which had been taken from Kumiz and spirit were freely drunk during the a little box, made a lamp out of dough, and feast. Gmelin also describes the consecration of a put it before the figure. The boiled flesh horse which he witnessed. He says that he did was now taken in a great bowl by two men, not arrive until 5 o'clock in the afternoon, while who first put it near the door, and then held it the Buriats firmly believed that the consecration over the fire. The ears were detached from the would not be effective if performed after mid- head of the sheep and the hoofs from its feet. day," but what will not faith do among simple Then, with some of the skin and all the pluck souls," says our traveller. The Shaman declared they were put into a sack, in which and over it was not noon; they thereupon met solemnly, the rest the heart was placed, and the whole was and no longer doubted the validity of the put down near the sorceress. At the same time ceremony. The horse was a grey one. The some of the fat of the sacrificed animal, which Shaman pronounced some words over it, and was near the sick hostess, was put on the then gave it a gentle stroke with his hand, and trivet or tripod over the fire. While the host ** Op.cit. vol. III, PP. 22-25. Op. oit. vol. III, pp. 32-88.

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82 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. distributed airak, the head and bones were stripped of the coarser flesh, and the brain was also taken out. The best part of the flesh, together with the tid-bit above mentioned, were now eaten by the sorceress, the host and the more distinguished people present. The rest was given to the ordinary Kalmuks, who were also allowed to drink of the broth mixed with blood from the great mug, partly with their hands, partly with bowls. Two of the relatives were allowed to take bones with flesh upon them. When the greater part was consumed and some more fat had been put on the fire, preparations were made for the burnt offering. The wood on the fire-place was ranged in the shape of a four-sided funeral pile. Three lamps made of dough were arranged round this in the form of a triangle. A loose cord was twisted out of fine wool from the sheep, this was wound about the boiled breast-bone. The fat about the kidneys which still remained over was put upon the fire, then the head, which had been well cleaned, then the lower jaw bones, then the breast-bone, then the still connected knucklebones of the legs, and lastly the ribs, upon which some flesh still remained, and upon the whole were strewn some portions of broken fat. The sick woman then poured some airak over the fire, then some milk, then some sugar and raisins, and lastly two large lumps of mingled butter and fat, while her husband covered the whole with a branch, and a piece of wood from the trunk of the tree called Arza by the Mongols. The sorceress now placed the host opposite the door, gave him a bowl with flesh and broth in his right hand, and in the left the above-mentioned shoulder-blade and one end of the cord which was hung across the smokehole of the yurt. Then taking up the sack with its contents as above described, she took it to each of the three lamps, and waved it over the fire, as if she meant thus to shew it to the spirits of the air whom she summoned by repeatedly calling out Khurn Khurn! She then went up to the host laughing, and offered him the heart out of the bag, of which he bit off the point, and she also let his son and his sick wife taste. As she repeated the invocation a second and third time, the host again ate a portion of the heart until hardly any of it remained. The sorceress now put aside her sack and the host 7. e. the Savin. [MARCH, 1883. the shoulder-blade. The sick woman gave the sheep's caul, with a copper coin attached to it, to the assistant who put it on the fire. The Shamaness took a bell in her left hand and an arrow in her right one, and began to reel to and fro before the gods, to scream out invocations, to make gestures with her body, head and arms, so that her cap fell off. It was picked up by her assistant, who hardly refrained from laughing at this performance. She held it under her right arm, and marked it with a burning piece of the Arza wood. In the course of a quarter of an hour she had worked herself into a profuse perspiration, and felt herself sufficiently inspired to prophesy. She first announced to the host his future fortune. Thereupon several of the other Kalmuks asked her through her assistant to tell them of their affairs also, and they also screamed out to her their wants in person. She in turn replied. She continued to rave thus for an hour, when she laid aside the arrow, and continued her magical performance with two bells, and pretended to see two goddesses, one of whom she called Dai Khattun, the sea wife, and the other Okin Tenggeri (the young wife of the sky). She at length finished her performance. The flesh in the sack was now consumed in common, and about midnight the company separated. The sorceress retained as her reward two pieces of white cloth in each of which nine pieces of money were wrapped, nine having, as we have seen, been held a sacred number among the Mongols from an early period. The details here related, which seem so childish, are all doubtless of very ancient origin, and all have a symbolical meaning. Pallas adds that some of the Shamans were accustomed in their juggling to use a large kind of Jew's harp called Tummer khur. On such occasions as the one above described the bones were to remain on the hearth until quite burnt. The flesh on the prepared shoulderblade was to be consumed on the third day following. The pieces of copper money put in the fire were sought for the next morning by the invalid, and kept as sacred. Of the bones of the animal sacrificed the shoulder-blades were alone preserved, these being used in subsequent necromancy." Erdmann tells us that among the Buriats who are still Shamanists, the soothsayers or conjurors are called bugoi, or udagan, accord"Pallas, Sami. Hist. Nach., vol. II, pp. 342-345.

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MARCA, 1883.] CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. 83 ing as the sacred office is filled by men or women. obos, the Siberian tribes, including the Mongols, The bugoi maintain that they know better than erect heaps of stones on passes where a road other people how to deal with certain mischie- goes, and each traveller takes a stone or piece vous spirits, named by them Ongotui, at of wood from the foot of the mountain and the head of which is a spirit named Begdse, throws it on the heap, so that the mountain shall which dwells on the Mondorgon-ola, or the not be lessened in bulk by the wear and tear. volcanic mountain near the Irkut. The The Lamas also hang their shoulder-blades of promontory at the place where the Angara issues sheep with prayers upon them near mineral from Lake Baikal and the Island of Olkhon springs and baths, and they also hang rags, horseare also sacred places, where sacrifices are hair or pieces of skin on bushes." made to conciliate these spirits, and as proof of Timkofski tells us how near the river Iro, on their acceptance are carried off secretly by the the east of the road, there rises a perpendicular bugoi. The Buriats have been accustomed, rock, forming the extremity of a chain of mounfrom the oldest times, to celebrate yearly tains that stretches along the right bank of the festivals for the good spirits. Naked mountain- river. On the top of this mountain is ari obo: the tops are selected for that purpose, and the native raises such obos with solemn ceremonies, spots so chosen are marked by an obo, as it is according to the directions of a Lama, before called, or rude heap of stones. About midsum- which he prostrates himself in devotion to the mer, when the cattle of the steppes are in the Almighty spirit. In time of war, he implores his best condition, offerings are brought to these succour to conquer his enemy, and to defend his altars, and the solemn rites are followed by country; when diseases afflict his family or wrestling matches and other popular amuse- his cattle, and under all his other misfortunes ments. The Buddhist Lamas, we are further he begs mercy of the spirit of the mountains told, have recognized and sanctioned all these and the valleys. Every Mongol who rides past ancient usages in order that the Buriats may an obo alights from his horse, places himself regard the new religion only as an extension to the south of the obo, with his face to the or completing of the old. They have declared north, makes several prostrations, and lays the Begdse to be a true Burkhan, and in something upon the altar. "I most frequently," honour of him they allow their followers to says our traveller, "observed on the obos tufts celebrate a great popular festival every three of horse-hair, which are pledges of the prayers years near the temple of the Kutukhta at of the Nomads for the preservation of their Urga, on the mountain of Khan-ola. animals, their inseparable companions." The Pallas describes the obos as erected both by obos serve also to point out the road, and to the Mongols and Kalmuks, and as being, like designate the frontiers." many Lamaist ceremonies, relics of the old In regard to the practice of fastening rags, &c. Shamanism. They are erected with consider- to bushes and trees, which prevails so widely in able ceremony, are repaired to by people to say Northern Asia, it is curious to turn to the history their prayers, and are also the rendezvous where of the famous Ilkhan, of Persia, Ghazan, and to the smaller feasts are held. They are generally read how, in 1302, when at Bendlejin, he went erected in very fertile places and on mountains, to pay a visit to a tree under which he had and are made of sand, earth, stones or wood, sheltered when hard pressed by the rebel Nuruz. raised into a mound, upon which are hung He now visited it with his amirs and wives, and prayer-banners, prayer-wheels and ribbons, and, like a good Musalman thanked heaven for his among the Mongols, shoulder-blades of sheep good fortune in a namaz of two rekats. After with Tibetan prayers upon them. They are exhorting his followers, we are told, they progenerally consecrated to the protecting spirit ceeded to attach ribbons to the tree, around of the earth. Each passer-by, who goes there which the amirs danced. Pulad Ching-sang, to pray, leaves some offering in the shape the Mongol prince to whom Rashidu'd-din of a piece of his clothing, some hair from confesses his indebtedness for much informahis horse's mane, &c. In addition to thesetion, then went on to relate a story how Chinghiz 1. Erdmann, vol. II, pp. 306-307. * Timkofski, vol. I, pp. 25-26. " Pallas, Sami. Hist. Nach. vol. II, p. 336.

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84 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1883. Khan's uncle Khubilai," whose bravery was so the Burkhan Radnasa mbova" with famous, when marching once against the Merkit | the phrase :alighted before a tree which was on his route, Um naga yoh yagi sookha. and having prayed there made a vow if he re- To drive away clouds recourse is had to the turned victorious to go and hang ribbons upon above-named gods and also to Khonjin it. Having secured a victory he in fact return- boddissad o, with the formula :ed and danced round the tree with his troops. Um yada nagara chilchil polpol tsookha. Ghazan, we are told, was much pleased with Khorijin Boddissado is also appealed this anecdote, and said if his ancestors had not to to cause storm winds with the phrase :been so pious, God would not have made them Um ghom ghom dam dam pat pat pungh kings of the earth, and he proceeded to dance pungh tsookha. himself.So These appeals and formulae are doubtOne of the oldest practices prevalent in the less largely inspired by Lamaism. They are East, and which is closely bound up with accompanied by ceremonies which are much Shamanism, is that of weather conjuring. more clearly Shamanistic. We are told the Marco Polo says that during the three months Tarnis or prayers are accompanied by the of every year that the Khan resided at dipping of certain stones in water in a bowl, Shangtu; if it happened to be bad weather the water and the stones being thrown in the there were certain crafty enchanters and direction of the quarter of the sky whence the astrologers in his train, who were such adepts rain is to come. If a storm of wind is rein necromancy and the diabolic arts, that they quired then sand or dust is similarly thrown." quired then sand or dust is sim were able to prevent any cloud or storm The stone used in weather-conjuring is jade, from passing over the spot on which the Em- called yeda or jeda by the Kalmuks, and peror's palace stood." This practice of weather- the weather-conjuring itself is called jedaconjuring, Pallas says, is called Sadda Barina mishi, the Kalmuks call the conjurors jidaji. Bergmann tells us they generally practise not only profess to foretell the kind of weather their art when it is clear that rain is coming. which is impending, but also to control rain If they fail they declare that their efforts or clouds, fog or wind. They also profess to are counteracted by those of other magicians, be able to counteract the effects of similar con- or that the heat is too great for the rain to juring. The chief mode of weather-conjuring overcome it." Pallas says they also make much is by means of mystical formula (tarni) which of a stone sometimes found in the ground and at are to be addressed with a believing heart other times in animals. This when put in the and deep devotion by the weather conjuror water causes it to bubble and boil, and being (saaduchi) to certain gods. To bring rain accompanied by certain tarni or formals cause the formula must be addressed to the god rain to fall." The chief method used in their Ochirbani. The following is the formula ordinary prognostications by the Shamans is for this purpose - the famous one of prophesying from the marks Um khum sungni nagarasa gangpuk tsookha. upon the burnt shoulder-blades of sheep. The To cause clouds to rise the address must be process was described long ago by Rubruquis, to Mansushiri Burkhan with the wbo tells us that when on one occasion he went formula : to Mangu Khan's palace he met coming away a Um sarva gharma karem laalik tsookha. servant (quidam famulus) bearing some shoul. To bring fog the following formula is ad. der-blades of sheep burnt as black as charcoal, dressed to the Burkhan Nagansana: and when he inquired what this meant he was Um zarchu ningwo ruh rewok. told that Mangu never did anything without To create a cool breeze recourse is had to consulting such bones, nor did he even allow any * Really his great uncle Kutluk Khan, who is called Kubilai by the Persian writers. * D'Ohsson, vol. IV, pp. 313-314. # Op. cit. vol. I, pp. 291-292. ** The Jhini Budaha Ratnasambhava; so, Mansushiri is Maijusri; and Nagasena is NAgasena.-ED. I.A. * Dharanis. .. Pallas, 8aml. Hist. Nach. vol. II, pp. 348-349. * D'Ohason, vol. II, pp. 615-616. Bergmann, Nom. Streif., vol. II, p. 183.** 1. e. the bezoar. . "Pallas, Op. cit. vol. II, p. 439. I

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MARCH, 1883.) CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. 85 one to be admitted to his presence until he burnt for some person not present, a piece of had thus decided whether it would be lucky to his clothing or of his goods must be present as do so. This form of divination was thus car. an emblem (ghai) of himself. The bone must ried out:-Three shoulder-blades having been remain on the fire until the Dallaji deems there procured, the Khan held them in his hand, and are a sufficient number of fissures, when he turned over in his mind whether some course prophesies According to their situation, prowas to be carried out or not. The servant then portions and relation to one another, whether took the bones and burnt them in a hut close there will be ill-fortune or good, life or death, by, of which there were two close to the Khan's or whether some purpose will have a fortunate sleeping-quarters. When they were burnt black termination or no. Pallas says that it is strange they were taken to him, and then carefully how frequently these prophesies turn out right, inspected. If the cracks caused by the fire thus increasing the reputation of this method occurred longitudinally, then it was deemed of divining. Notwithstanding the variety prudent to carry out whatever was proposed or there is in the disposal of the fissures accordintended; if on the other hand they occurreding to the heat of the fire, the position of the transversely, or if a bone broke into round pieces, bone, etc. etc., there are certain principal lines then it was deemed inexpedient to carry out which are tolerably constant, and to which the the plan. Pallas has given an account of this Kalmuks attach certain names and virtues. kind of divination as still practised among the Pallas has given a detailed list of these which Kalmuks. He tells as that among the various however require his plate to understand them." kinds of divination which have been apparently In the earliest times of Chinese history we practised among the credulous Mongols, and read of divination by means of the Tortoise which have widely prevailed in Asia wherever (kuer). This was practised by burning certain Shamanism has existed, perhaps the most herbs in the carapace of a tortoise until certain famous is that of prophesying what will take fissures appeared in it." Pallas tells us that place to-morrow or a few days hence, by an in the work Belgen Bichik, a special kind of inspection of the fissures made in burnt shoul. divination is described, consisting in the selecder-blades by the fire. These are interpretedtion of nine long threads or strings, to the end according to certain systematic rules. This of one of which a bead is attached. These mode of prophesying is known to the Kalmuks are held between the thumb and index finger as dalla tullike, and those who practise of the left hand, and are plaited together with it are called Dalldji. These people are not the fingers of the other hand during the reading Shamans but laymen, who have acquired by of certain mystical formulae, the performer not long practice great skill in the art. Among the looking at them. They are then wound once Kalmuks there is a work entitled Dalla contain- round the index finger, and one being taken ing rules for the interpretation of the different at random is drawn out. The event is foretold cracks, transverse and straight, which occur in according as the beaded thread comes out first, a burnt shoulder-blade, and the Lamaists employ second, third, etc. etc." a special prayer addressed to the god of The Shamans also prophesy from the cries of medicine, Otachi, while the bones are on the ravens and of magpies, the flight of birds, etc. fire. The best bones for the purpose are those The cry of the owl and the howling of dogs of sheep, of the larger antelope, of the roe and are deemed unlucky." The various prohibireindeer. A hare's shoulder-blade is only good tions embodied in the code of Chinghiz and for one day's prophecy, while that of the wild which were, as we argued, due to fear of insaltboar can only be used to foretell the issue of a ing the elements, were no doubt drawn directly boar hunt. The process of preparation is to take a from the teaching of Shamanism. Carpini's shoulder-blade with its flesh upon it and to boil list of such prohibitions is more extensive than it. The flesh must then be removed with a knife that we gave. Thus he says it was forbidden to and not with the teeth. When the bone is being put a knife into the fire or in any way to touch . BahramisPack, vol. II, pp. 350-354 ; se sloo D'Ohsson, vol. II, pp. 616-617. * De Mailla, vol. I, p. 104, note 1. " Gomboyef, Melanges Asiatiques, vol. II, p. 655,

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86 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1883. fire with a knife, to take meat out of a caul. or the Lama, if he be present, taking a piece of dron with a knife or to trim a fire with an axe. the fat of the size of a fist from the tail of a It was deemed that by these acts the fire might sheep, putting it on the end of an arrow, waivbe decapitated. Similarly it was forbidden to ing it to and fro, and having invoked good luck, support oneself against the whip with which a putting it at his request into the mouth of the horse was beaten the Mongols, adds Carpini, master of the house, who must eat it without used no spurs), also to touch arrows with a whip, touching it with his hands." to take or kill young birds, to hit a horse with Hyacinthe tells us that the Shamans are intorits bridle, to strike a bone with another bone, red by other Shamans, who conjure the evil to spill milk or other drink or food on the spirits not to disturb the soul of the deceased. ground or to micturate in the house. Anyone The bodies of the Shamans are generally committing such an offence wilfully was put to buried, according to a desire expressed before death, if involuntarily a large fine had to be their decease, in elevated places, or in the cross paid, and the tent and its contents had to be ways, that they may be more easily able to do carefully purified, before which nothing was to mischief to those who pass by. The Shamans pass in or out of it. Again, if anyone took a sometimes predict, especially to those with whom bite of some food, and it choked him so that he they have not been on good terms, that their spat it out again, a hole was dug under the ghost will come and require of them sacrifices tent, and he was dragged through it, and was which it will be difficult to perform. The put to death without mercy; and in the same Mongols believe that the soul of the Shaman way if any one stepped on the threshold of the cannot go to God, but remains on earth in the house. Carpini remarks that the Mongols had form of an evil spirit, doing mischief to manmany such customs, but to kill men, to invade kind; and the Shamans avail themselves of the territory of others, to take the property of this belief to demand marks of respect and another, to fornicate, etc, etc., were not deemed sacrifices. Therefore, if a person is attacked by sins among them." Gomboyef, in commenting some unknown disorder, the Mongols instantly on some of these prohibitions says they are for run to the Shaman to consult him on the cause the most part still in force. It is still held to of the disease; the wizard never fails to attribe a sin to take anything from a fire or a kettle bute it to some evil spirit who demands & with a sharp instrument, to cut anything near sacrifice; he conjures the malignant spirit to a fire, to strike a horse with a whip or a bridle, be appeased by an offering, and to leave the or to hit one bone with another, to spill patient, and he receives some recompense for milk on the ground, or to micturate in the yurt, his trouble." These notices about Shamans or towards the sun or moon. It is no longer might have been greatly extended if we had the custom, however, to put a choking person collected the materials available from among who spits out what he has in his mouth to the Tunguses, Yakuts, &c., but we have deemed death, but he is struck on the back with the it better to limit our extracts to those relating fist, whence the proverb, Khakhaksan degere to Shamanism as actually subsisting, until comnidurakhu, i.e. "To strike with the fist outside paratively recently, among the Mongols. It has the choker." According to the Buriats this strik- been long decaying among them, and Hyacinthe ing of the back is not meant to ease the person says that it received a great blow in 1819 and coughing, but to ward off ill-luck, and it is very 1820 from an energetic and distinguished Lama probable, as Gomboyef says, that in old days it who lived in the Kochun of Merghen-vang, who was only choking in the tent of the Khan that succeeded in expelling the Shamans from the was deemed a mortal offence. Among the country of the Khalkhas. This example was Mongols another method is now employed for imitated by the Buriats of Selenghinsk, and warding off this ill-luck, namely, the ceremony partly by those of Khorin, and their utensils called Dalalgha, which consists in the Shaman and apparel were burnt." * Op. cit. pp. 624-626. " Melange Asiatiques, vol. II, PP. 653-654. " Timkofski's Travels, vol. II, pp. 312-313. * Timkofski's Travels, vol. II, pp. 313-314.

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MARCH, 1883.1 CORRESPONDENCE AND MISCELLANEA. 87 CORRESPONDENCE AND MISCELLANEA. THE NOMENCLATURE OF TAWAF. tions the names of Vikramaditya and Nanda. To the Editor of the Indian Antiquary. It is true that the reading of this passage is not Sir-Would any of your readers kindly supply yet quite settled. Mr. Fleet translates : "The the information sought in the following queries: son of this A ha vamallad eva was king So 1. What are the names of the two Tawdfe which mes vara, whose younger brother was the em. the pilgrims perform at the mosque at 'Arafat, peror Vikram a, possessed of the beauty of Chaand at the mosque at Mina P kradhara (Vishnu);" having said, "Why should 2. May the final Tawdf of Hajj and the first the glory of the kings Vikramaditya and of 'Umra overlap one another (in other words, will Nanda be a hindrance any longer he, with a one and the same Taraf suffice when the per loudly uttered command, abolished that (era) formance of Al 'Umra immediately succeeds the which has the name of Saka, and made that (era) performance of Al Hajj), or must the two Tardfs which has the Chalukya figures P" There is one be performed in succession ? word in the text for which Mr. Fleet is obliged to 3. Burckhardt speaks of pilgrims performing make a conjecture, that however does not touch Al 'Umra immediately on returning from Mina, the two names of Vikramaditya and Nanda, nor and without changing the Ihrdm. What is Tawaf the fact that they were presumed to have esta. . called when so performed P blished eras of their own like Vikrama VI. 4. The Ihram being removed between the First As to Vikramaditya there is no doubt Lapidation and the ceremony of Sacrificing, what about his era, though the first indisputable date are we to understand Burckhardt to mean when is only known from Vikrama Samvat 1043 in one he thus speaks of his having performed the cere- of Dr. Buhler's Chaulukya grants (vol. VI, p. 180 mony of Al 'Umra without changing the Thram of seqq.); for as regards the earlier dates that of Al HajiP Samvat 486 is not clearly marked on the plate, 5. Is there a special name for Tawdf when it is as I learn from a letter of Dr. Buhler's, kindly performed after doffing the Thrim of Hajj and communicated to me by Professor Max Mul. before donning it again for the ceremony of ler; the other date of Samvat 802 is regarded as Al 'Umra? doubtful by the Editor of this Journal in a foot6. Are the Tawaf before going out to 'Umra note to vol. V, p. 112. and the Tawaf after returning thence called by As to Nanda--this is the part of the passage two separate names, or by the one name Tawdfu'l. to which I intend to call special attention. It 'Umra P has not yet been noticed by any scholar so far as 7. Could any reader mention why the Mustajab I know, that there ever was a Nanda era. But is an object of special veneration? The term we find in a Kalinga inscription of Aira MeghaMustajab, I may add, is the proper name of the ame of the vahana' (see General Cunningham's Corpus Inscr. long, narrow slip of red sandstone which is insert- plate XVII.) line 6, the very remarkable passage: ed perpendicularly in the wall of the Ka'ba near Nanda-raja ti-vasa-sata-oghatitai. When king the Yamant angle of the building, and is often Nanda (or the Nanda kinge) had been destroyed mistakenly called Al-Ruknu'l-Yamani. three "hundred years before." Unfortunately this Allahabad, Jan. 20, 1883. J. D. BATE. inscription is not yet published in a satisfactory manner, though General Cunningham's copy has SAMVAT AND MAURYA ERAS corrected many passages left doubtful by the SIR, -May I be allowed to call attention to a previous copyists, we shall not be able to make passage in your invaluable periodical. There are full use of this, the oldest dated inscription, until many questions which have been settled already we have a photolithographic copy in the same by Mr. Fleet's unwearied publications, and I am way as the Editor prepared those of the Asoka sure numerous uncertainties in Indian chronology inscriptions in his Archaeological Report, vol. II, will still be removed by that careful and accurate 80 we cannot yet finally conclude from that scholar. There is a passage in one of Mr. Fleet's passage that the Nanda era was in fact a Maurya articles in vol. VIII, p. 187, which will perhape era, because it dated from the extirpation of the acquire great importance. We learn from it Nandas. On the other hand, I have great doubts that in one of the three cases, where Vikrama VI myself as to the supposition that in the time of speaks of having abolished the Saks era, he men- Vikrama VI, there was anything known about a I This is mianomer the inscription is of RA If we are right in explaining the passage, the inscrip Kharavela.-ED. I. A. tion dates from the year 19 B.C. As to the supposed date. " 256 aftor Buddha," in an inscription supposed to Major Kittoo and General Cunningham transcribe be of Asoka, see Professor Oldenberg's criticism in the uglo instead of ogh. Journal of the German Oriental Soc. vol. XXXV, p. 473.

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88 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1883. Nanda era. But since the passage quoted above from Mr. Fleet's inscription is beyond suspicion, I must venture to maintain my belief, until further inquiries confirm this.view which is forced upon me, or refute it. Oxford. DR. E. LEUMANN. used burial-grounds of Aden, and commemorates "a virtuous free woman the mother of Abdallah the emancipated slave of the glorious Sultan Yehia bin Abi-s-sadad al Muwaffak al Thagari al Islami. Died at Awan on the last day of Ramadhan in the year 563." It is "inscribed by Muhammad bin Barakat bin Ali Harami." Awan is perhaps the old name of Aden itself; at any rate it was almost certainly in the immediate vicinity. The Harami tribe still exists in Hadhramaut. AN ADEN EPITAPH. An epitaph has been discovered in a mosque at Aden, dated A.H. 563 (A.D. 1168). It is supposed to have been brought from one of the dis ASIATIC SOCIETIES. The Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal is Bhikshus were fed and religious ceremonies gone rather falling into arrears, No. 2 of the volume through, and even then he would die in his for 1882 having only been published in September seventh year. Avalokites vara-Khasharpana, howlast. It is mostly occupied with a continuation of ever, appeared to him and advised him to go to Babu Sarat Chandradas's contributions on the NAlendra, where he would escape death. There Religion, History, &c. of Tibet. These papers are he was ordained a Bhikshu by the high priest Sriinteresting, and it is only to be regretted that the Saraha-Bhadra, whom he afterwards succeeded. author does not prepare his work with more atten. Vajrisana or Buddha-Gaya was then the headtion to details of uniformity of spelling, clearness quarters of the Sravakas-as the decaying Hinayana of statement, &c., or that the papers are not more sect was then called, and Nalendra of the Mahacarefully edited. The contributions here present- yana school. He surrounded the great temple of ed contain: (1) The rise and progress of Jin or Mahagandhola or the mansion of fragrance,' Buddhism in China, translated from the Dub-thah with a stone railing, which he furnished with belkyi Malon, prefaced by short accounts of the Vajragavaksha or precious riches,' and outside Mo-tee, Li-ye-tee, Chwan-tse secte, and that of Yu. of which he erected 108 smaller chapels. He also su, which preceded Buddhism in China and some surrounded the great shrine of Sri Dhanyawhat resembled it; then comes the usual account kata ka with railings. At this period, " Manja, of the introduction of Buddhism from India: the king of Otisha (Orissa). with thousand of his contributions to its literature, &c. which it received subjects embraced Buddhism." In Malva, " in from Tibet; the five Buddhist schools in China, the city of Dhara, king Bhojadeva with many viz:-1. The Vinaya or Hinayana; 2. The Mantra hundreds of his subjects embraced Buddhism." or Tantrika; 3. The Vaipulya-Darsana or Maha- He erected "many viharas in Pratapesa, Otisha, yana; 4. The Gabhira-Darsana or Sunyata; and, Bangala, and the country of Ikshuvardhana. 5. The Sarartha-Darsana schools. (2) The sacred In the latter part of his life Nagarjuna visited literature and philosophy of ancient China, trans- Dakshina, where he did many things for the lated from the same source; the Bon (Pon) religion preservation of the Southern congregation." In in China; and the Ho-u-se or Hoi-hoi, appa- Dravida he overcame in a disputation two famous rently a Muhammadan sect, of which the Tibetan Brahmans-Madhu and Supramadhu-who became author seems to have had but a low opinion :- converts. He is said to have been a great friend he says, "they send the spirits of all animals of king De-chye (Sarkara), of Southern India, killed by them to The-pan, who takes charge with whom he entered into a compact to live and of them. The spirits of those that are killed die. The king's life was thus secured by the saint's; by others, who are not Hoi-hoi, are damned. but in this king's old age the mother of the A Hoi-hoi will not eat the flesh of an animalheir-apparent advised her son to ask Nagarjuna that has been slain by outsiders;" and, he adds, for his head. This he did, and the saint showed " these wicked people certainly turn into pigs him he could only be killed with a blade of after their death, for which reason they do not Kuba grass. This is followed by (4) Detached touch pork, the touch of which brings defilement, notices of different Buddhist schools in Tibet. and the eating of which destroys their intellect The other paper is the first part of one by Mr. and understanding." (3) The life and legend of Grierson on Manbodh's Haribans, containing the Nagarjuna, the founder of the Madhyamika school. text of a Maithili poem, by a poet named Manbodh According to this account he was the only son or Bholan Jha, who died about A.D. 1788. The of a Brahman of Vidarbha, whose death the interest of this is purely philological. astrologers predicted in a week unless a hundred The Proceedings of the same Society also is in

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MARCH, 1883.) ASIATIC SOCIETIES. 89 arrears, the number for July and August appear problems are of various sorts; e.g., on velocity, ing only in December. The most important alligation, profit and loss, etc. I may give one or notices in it are :-Lieut.-Col. G. E. Fryer's two examples: thus "A and B run 5 and 9 yojanas argument for the date of the Pali grammarian, a day respectively, and A is allowed a start of 7 Kachchayana, being about the 12th century A.D., days or 35 yojanas; when will A and B meet P" and Dr. Hoernle's contention that it is really Or, "A and B earn 24 and 1} dindras a day much earlier; and an account of a very ancient respectively; A makes a present of 10 dindras to fragment of a MS. on Arithmetic found at Bakh. B; how soon will their possessions be equal shali in the Yusufrai district, written in Sarada An example of an algebraical problem is: "A characters and in the Gatha dialect, by Dr. certain quantity, whether 5 be added to it or 7 be Hoernle, which we extract: subtracted from it, is a square; what is that Dr. Hoernle exhibited at the meeting of the quantity ?" The solution, given in this case, is Society on 2nd August last a remarkable birch 11; for 11 x 5 = 16 or 4', and 11-7 - 4 or 2". bark Manuscript, found at Bakhshali, in the The fragment, however, evidently does not Yusufzai District, in the Panjab. contain the whole of the treatise on Arithmetic; The MS., he said, was found in a ruined en. for many subjects, commonly treated in Hindd closure, near Bakhshali, a village of the Yusufzai arithmetical works, do not appear to occur in it; District, in the Panjab, by a man who was digging and this is confirmed by the numbers of the rules for stones. It is written on leaves of birch-bark, (or sutras, as they are called). The earliest which have become so dry by age as to be like numbered sutra that I have noticed is the 9th, tinder, and, unless very carefully handled, they and from internal evidence I conclude,-though crumble into pieces. Hence, unfortunately, by far the numbers are lost, -that the 7th and 8th rules the largest portion of the MS. was destroyed when are also preserved. The latest number I have the finder took it up, and even the small portion met is the 57th. that now remains is in a very mutilated state. The method observed in the treatment of the With much care and trouble I have succeeded in problems is as follows: first a rule is given, intro. separating all the leaves, and have found that 66 duced by the word siitra; next follow one or more of them still remain, of none of which, however, examples, introduced by tadi, and stated both in much more than one-half is preserved. For per- words and in arithmetical notation; the latter is manent preservation, I mounted each leaf sepa. sometimes indicated by the term sthapana; next rately between two pieces of tale.' follows a solution in words, which is always called The MS. is written in the so-called Sarada karana "operation"; and lastly comes the proof, characters, which are still used in Kashmir, and generally expressed in notation, and called prat. which, as they occur on the coins of the Maharajas ydyana or pratyaya. This method differs consi. of Kashmir, are of a not inconsiderable age. derably from that used in other Hinda arithmeti. Some of the forms, which very frequently occur cal treatises, e.g., in those of Bhaskara and in the MS., especially of vowels, very closely Brahmagupta. The latter also use different terms; resemble the forms used in the Asoka and early instead of tada, examples are called by them Gupta inscriptions. I have not observed these uddeba or uddharana; instead of sthapana they particular ancient forms in other MSS. written in have nydsa; karana and pratydyana or pratyaya the Sarad characters, e.g., in the Mahdrnava MS. are not used at all. The term sutra they employ published in the Cambridge Palaeographic Series. occasionally, but in most cases they say karana Hence I am inclined to look on them as an evidence stutra, which latter term may contain a reference of great age in the Bakhshalt MS.; and as the West to a karana-work such as that in the Bakhshall Indus Districts were early lost to Hindu civiliza- MS. There are, also, some differences in the tion through the Muhammadan conquests, during method of notation as used in this MS. and as which it was a common practice to bury MSS. to commonly established. Division is indicated by Bave them from destruction, the Bakhshali MS. | placing one quantity under another without a line may be referred to the 8th or 9th century A.D. between them; e. g., (-4): multiplication, by I have looked over all the leaves of the MS. that remain, and have carefully read and transcribed placing one quantity beside the other; e.g. 32 about one-third. I have thus seen enough of the ( 1 x 32 -20); addition, by writing yu (abbrefragment to make sure that the whole of it treats viated for yuta "added") before or after the adof Arithmetic (including apparently Mensuration), ditive quantity and placing the latter either by the though incidentally a few rules of Algebra are side of, or below, the other quantity; e.g.,11 5 yu or noticed. The latter refer to the solution of inde- 11 yu 5 (- 11 + 5 = 16): subtraction, by writing terminate problems (kuttaka). The arithmetical the negative sign + after the subtractive quantity,

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90 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1883. and placing the latter beside or below the other Sanskrit. It is this language which is employed in the Bakhshalt MS. It would be out of place quantity; e.g., i. (= 1 - = ), or 11. 7+ here to enter into philological details; but I may (= 11 - 7 = 4). This negative sign is the most mention that the language of the MS. is marked remarkable difference between the Bakhshali MS. by all the peculiarities in orthography, etymology, and the works of Bhaskara and others. The MS. syntax, etc., of the so-called Gatha dialect. The uses a cross + exactly resembling our modern evidence of the language, then, would tend to plus sign), while the sign which is commonly used show that the work contained in the Bakhshali is a dot, placed above the quantity; e. g. 11 7 ( MS. must be ascribed, in all probability, to the 11-7 - 4). I may add that the cipher is used earliest centuries of the Christianera, and further (as in the Lildvats) to indicate an unknown since the Gatha dialect has hitherto only been quantity, the value of which is sought; 6. g., met with in Buddhist literature, -to a member of the Buddhist community. If the latter suppoi yu mu i | i?+ mai || (for + sition be correct, we should have in this Ms. * and 7- 1 - 'here z = 11, y = 4,2 = 2; the first Buddhist Arithmetical work which, so far as I am aware, has hitherto become known. mit abbreviated for mulada "square"). It is, There are, further, some specific points in the however, also employed in the usual way as the work contained in the BakhshAli MS, which tend tenth figure of the decimal notation. A propor to point to a peculiar connection between it and tion is expressed thus : - 1 2 10 pha 65 the mathematical portion of the Brahma Sphuta Siddhanta, the famous astronomical work of (for 1: 1 - 30: 65; pha abbreviated for phalan.) Brahmagupta, which was compiled in 628 A. D. All these peculiarities of method, terminology Thus an algebraical rule in the MS. occurs in and notation, differing as they do from those in strikingly similar language in Brahmagupta's common use since the time of Brahmagupta algebra; again the foreign terms dindra (Latin (about 628 A.D.) and Aryabhata (about 500 denarius) and dramema (Greek drachme) occur in A.D.), whose mathematical treatises are the both, etc. The mathematical treatise in the earliest known, tend to show that the work oon- Bakhshalt MS. is undoubtedly older than that of tained in the Bakhshalt MS. is more ancient than Brahmagupta; but what the exact connection any of those I have just mentioned. between the two works may be, I am not as yet in There is another remarkable feature in the MS., a position to say. These are points which require which points in the same direction, namely, the further investigation, in which I am still engaged, language in which it is written. This is what is and the results of which I hope to have a future now commonly called the Gatha dialect, because opportunity of communicating to the Society. My it was first noticed in ancient Buddhist works present remarks are not intended to be more than (such as the Lalita Vistara) written in verses or a preliminary notice of the MS. In conclusion I gathas. The term Gatheu dialect, however, is no will only repeat that the questions of the age of more appropriate now, because that dialect is now the MS. and of the work contained in it are known to be also used in ancient Buddhist works, entirely distinct; and that the date of the work is which are partly written in prose, such as the certainly very much earlier than the MS. copy of Mahdvastu, of which M. Senart has just published which this fragment has been found. an excellent edition. However that may be, it is No. 3 for 1882 has been published since, and is generally admitted that this species of language occupied by a collection of 64 Hindd Folksongs is a very ancient one. It is a kind of ungramma- from the Panjab, with translations and notes by tical Sanskrit (judged, that is, by the standard of our able correspondent, Lieut. R. O. Temple. The what is commonly called Sanskrit), interspersed only other paper is a Note by P. N. Bose, B.Sc., on to a large extent with ancient Prakrit or Pali some earthen pots found in the alluvium at Mahesforms. There is some dispute as to the exact vara in Nimer. These vessels had been already origin, time and locality of this species of ancient noticed by Capt. Dangerfield (Malcolm's Central irregular Sanskrit. But in all probability it was India, vol. II, p. 325). The author would identify current in the early centuries just before and Mahesvara and the neighbouring Mandalesvars as after the commencement of the Christian era, as the Mahicamanda la to which Asoka sent the Thero a literary or cultivated form of the ancient Ver- Mahadova as a Buddhist missionary; but the other nacular Prakrit of North-Western India, in the missionaries were all sent to countries, not towns countries to the east and west of the Indus, till it or small districts, and it seems much more procame to be superseded by the classical Paninian l bable that Maisar is meant by Mahfsamandala. Proc. As. Soc. Beng. Ang. 1882.

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APRIL, 1883.] SANSKRIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. SANSKRIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. BY J. F. FLEET, BO. C.S., M.R.A.S. (Continued from Vol. XI. p. 163.) No. CXXVI. THIS THIS inscription is edited from the original plates, which belong to 'Mallampati Mangayya' of 'Yelivarru,' in the 'Repalli' Taluka of the Guntur District, and were obtained for my inspection by Dr. Burgess. The owner of the plates states that in 1864 he was building a new house, and, as he was bringing earth, the bullock put its foot into a hole in the path. On digging, he found a large jar, with a rusty iron covering. Across the jar was an iron bar, from which hung the copper-plates. 'Yelivarru,' the Elavarra of the grant, is a small village between 'Inturu' and 'Amarta luru',-the Inthuri and Amutunuri of the grant. It is thus not far from Tsandavole,' where, a few years ago, a quantity of gold, melted into a mass and in coins, was found. The plates are five in number, each about 7" long by 3" broad. The edges of them were raised into rims to protect the writing; and the whole of the inscription is in a state of perfect preservation. The ring is about " thick and 3" in diameter; it had not been cut when the grant came into my hands. The seal on the ring is circalar, about 28" in diameter; it has, in relief on a countersunk surface, -across the middle, the motto Sri-Tribhuvan dinkusa; in the upper part,-in the centre, a standing boar facing to the proper left, with the sun directly above it, the moon on the proper right, and an elephant-goad on the proper left; and in the lower part, a floral device, an eight-leaved water-lily. The five plates weigh 67% tolas, and the ring and seal 543 tolas; total, 121 tolas. The language is Sanskrit through out. This grant is partly a palimpsest. Plates ib, iiia, and iiib, are engraved over a cancelled grant, beaten in so carefully that the letters of it are now mere scratches of no depth and breadth at Srimati Sri'matam [*] Svasti [*]lti-patri all, too faint altogether to appear in the lithograph. The characters are of an older type, more like those of the grant of Prithivimula, son of Prabhakara.' Of the original inscription there are five lines on each side, running the same way as the lines of the present inscription. Below jo to || of line 23 of the present grant there can be read tihasa-puraneshu nipuna; above lah to va of 1. 27 there can be read ye Tungavada-nama-gramo; above kya to bhe of 1. 6 there can be read allaparigati etesham gramanam madhye; and above vi to shta of 1. 7 there can be read parihari(ri)-kritya. These are the only consecutive passages of the older inscription that can be made out. Plates iia and iib, again, are engraved over another grant, beaten in so that no traces of it appear in the lithograph. The characters are of about the period of those of the present grant, but not so well formed. Of the original inscription there are nine lines on each side, running at right angles to the lines of the present grant, so that only about seven letters of each line remain, the rest having been cut away in re-fashioning, the plates for the present grant. A letter or two can be read here and there; but no consecutive word, worth noting, can be made out. Plates ia, iva, ivb, va, and vb, are not palimpsests. Transcription. First plate. The present grant is one of the Eastern Chalukya' king Amma II., also called Vijayaditya; it is therefore subsequent in date to Saka 867 (A. D. 945-6), which is given in No. XXXIV. (vol. VII. p. 15) as the year in which he succeeded to the throne. It records the grant of the village of Elavarru, in the Velanandu vishaya or district, to a Brahman named Koramiya, of the Kasyapa gotra, who was the head of the srikarana or writing-department of the suvarnabhandagara or treasury of gold. sakala-bhuvana-aa[m*]stayamana-Manavya(vya)-angotrinimh Vol. X. p. 244, No. 9. In 1. 5 the dynastic name is written Chalukya.' The same form occurs in 1. 16. But in 1. 20 we have the older and more correct form Chalukya." Vol. XI. p. 223, note 26. 91 Kankki-vara-prasha-labdha-jy H& matri-gana-paripali The lithograph is imperfect in respect of the there; the sa of sapta, 1. 11; the m of Gunagamka, 1. 15; the first m of trimatam, 1. 16-7; the and da of thadasa, 1. 20; the bhd of bhava, 1. 42-3; the pha of muktaphala, 1. 50; the pa of para, 1. 51; and the pha of phalam, 1. 58.

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92 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1883. [deg] tonam Sva[mi* ]-Mahisena-pad-anudhyatanam bhagavan-Narayana-prasa (sa)da[] 'samasadita-vara-varahaldsnchha*]n-ekshata-kshana-vasikrit-arati-ma[deg] ndalanam mwasvamddh-ivabh sita(tha)snana-pavitrikrita-vapushar Charoj lukyanith kulam-alamkarishnoh Satyasraya-Vallabhondrasya bhrata Ku['] bja-Vishnuvarddhand=shtadasa varshani Vemgi-desamrapalayat | Tad-Atma Second plate; first side. [] jo Jayasimhas-trayas-trimsata I Tad-anuj-Endraraja-nandan Vishnuva[] rddhano nava 1 Tat-sunur=Mmamgi-yuvarajah pamcha-vimsatimi Tat-putro [*] Jayasimhas=trayodasa Tad-avarajah Kokkilih shan=ma. [") san Tasya 'jyeshtho bhrata Vishnuvarddhanas-tam-uchchatya sapta[""] trimsata Tat-putro Vijayaditya-bhattarak8=shtadasa Tat-su[*] to Vishsuvarddharddha)nah shat-trimsatam Tat-sut8 Vijayaditya-Narendramriga[] rajas-ch=ishta-chatvarim atam Tat-sutah Kali-[Vishnu"]varddhano=ddhy(dhy)arddha-varsha(rsha) Second plate; second side. ["S] Tat-suto Gunaganka-Vijayadityas-chatas-chatvarimeata 1 Tad-anu[] ja-Vikramaditya-bhupa(pa)teh sunus=Chalukya-Bhsma-bhapalas-tri["] msata Tat-putrah Kollabhiganda-Vijayadityah s ha(*) n=masan (1) Tat-sunur=Amma-rajah sapta varsha(rsha)ni 1 Tat-sutam [:] Vijayadityan ba(ba)lamsachchatya Talapo * masa(sa)mmekan . [1] [*] Tam jitva Scha(cha)lukya-Bhi(bhi)ma-tanay Vikramaditya Okadasa ma["] san T Tatas-Talapa-rajasya suto Yuddhamallah sapta varsha(rsha) Third plate; first side. ["] ni Tat-putrah Kollabhiganda-Vijayaditya-suto Bhima-ra[*]jo dvadasa varshani | Tasya Mahesvara-murtter-Uma-sama[] n-akriteh Kumar-abhah Lokamahadevya [h*] khalu y a[] sesamabhavad-Ammaraj-akhyah. | Jalaja tapatra-chafao mara-kalab-Ankusa-lakshan-Amka-kara-charana-ta["] lah lasad-Ajanvavala[ n*]bita-bhujayuga-parigho giri["] ndra-san-uraskah | Y6 rupena Manojam vibhavena Ma Third plate; second side. [?] hendrameahimakaram=uru-mahasa Haram=ari-pura-dahanena nyak-kurvvan-bha[] ti vidita-dig-avani-ki[r*]ttih | Sa sakala-ripuntipati-makuta-tata-ghatita-mani["] gana-madhukara-nikara-parichumbita-charanasarasiruhayagalo ["] Yugalochana-padakamala-vilasaddvirepa(pha)yamano manonna[*] t-6(A)nat-oddhata-samasta-lokah samastabhuvanasraya-Sri-Vijaya["] ditya-maharajadhira(ra)jah paramesvarah paramabhattarakah paramabrahmanyah Vela["] nandu-vishaya-nivasino rashtraku(ku)ta-pramukhan=kutumbina[b*] sama huy=ettham= ajnapaya Fourth plate; first side. [*]ti || Vidvat-kavindra-prabhavam prasiddham pujy-odayam bhuri-gun-Adhivasam dharmmishtha-bhumi ["] [r]=nniyama-svadh ama patram. param Kasyapa-gotram=&sit | Tatra bhusura-yathochi*] ta-vidya-karmma-shatka-vidhi-nirmmala-dehah voda-vid-vidita-bastra-samu(md)["] ho Viddamayya iti virsuta-kirttihl Bhudeva-vams-a[m*]buvi(dhi)-sitarasmi[*] [r]=vvidvat-sarja(ja)kara-bhanu-bhanah tat-sunur-Ambhojabhav-Opamano ["] vidyamayo Viddamiya-prasiddhah || Arundhatya visishtasya Vasishthasy=opam&m=a[*] yat pativrat-atmaya dharmmapatnya yas-ch=Anamavyaya (ID Kula-kram ayatam=udara-bh The engraver first out ri, and then corrected it into rd, in which the 4 is made to run upwards, as at the end of 11. 10 and 42 and in other places. . This Anuadra is superfluous.

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1. lla. 02 27 98 sac<> rttthm poey * T

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YELAVARRU GRANT OF AMMA II. . 4 - 66 2 9 5 yuum 8:3 ** Y4 2.0 } - 9 * yaa thai - gg 8 taer . y hsmog9 5 ) 2 : dhM ) . khnyuM paara` dii 1 2 ? ? " 2 chnaaM 50 naa 9 g * - . - * duuoo9$ ? 8) khMyu 91 .n 2 ooy caan 5. 1 . . 6 thmii luu Z 4 | illa. 1 1 cMo gd * 1 - 7 ? . dM . 61 9 . 2 ) ) - k; * 1 & 2 ... ! 8 * 1 2 1 1 *paa ng 119 | 2 = 1 ) jaap 0 2 5 | 80 6 yM ) - 21 8 ) dii5 | T | o >> 1 1 a " ? 2 . : $ }} s + . tooH a jaa 5 ? ? haam { - - * d d 2 | 0 c ): 6 00< { . v 4 873 el khnnnnHvi j 6? - 0 *6 0 0 46 0 0 4 ! - - - - r ** | laasaa ngng: 17 C: CJooH 1 : oo ! *.: vinaa : , 1 = 1 ; * 1 & ) . . : ,

Page #107
YELAVARRU GRANT OF AMMA II. IVa. . khnyuMjy ** |J-thingdaanpaan. -- ) 2.riipaar ryyz a|q5) ) cr paa | . knungjuayoo dng ningjaabrHsnggh knungphdHtd = tuung | 323,12421 myaang 13 cmrieJ phluuvldiivng)ryyps B , ' ! 1 | d 1, IV 2 - . 6 5 + khaan . tii 6 ). 0.1*120m 7 . .. . .. ...) Eg0riing 722 (1) ! - - .. 10loeb. 1 - 2aa : , dii1 / 1 - 0 ' ) . . . . . ) : " } --- -

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YELAVARRU GRANT OF AMMA II. 1. updvebhaagiimm 15phdHdcMriea LeBa audge>>6chnaaM19ryyy lii "cooynaangvilrkss ? I ha 2326 03 / 018mm Tbzit1415. d yrkhaanloe9483oz | " yphl 1grookuy pccoo>> 2ooynaaM2013 dii16 ryyp91yoormyl33rpaaMnadm. . v8a} khmae21thqiicynghaalthaa9dunyaayaathmiithththaalaang pnghaanyruudayJesuzyaa s}5-17. Fut2 )ng280 34 slaankhlaa 4autaaya`jaadhM vaa graa/531 s . __ Scale 78 of the original. W. Griggs, Photo-lith. SEAL FULL SIZE. New qaaj s

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APRIL, 1883.] SANSKRIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS 93 Ks Ks KsKs Ks Ks Ks Ks Fourth plate; second side. [*] vam ananyadrisht-Asrutapurvva-rupam dava(dha)d=dhar-adhari dhar-pamanah tayos= sutali Koramiy-a["] bhidhanah || Sri-Lokamahaderya samavarddhyata yo=smad-ambaya prity& chaturyya nagara[*] kayor=&vasa-sthanam=iti manoharayo" || Apahasati vagmita Vag-vanitam yatra sthi[*] ta maha-chature asujana-va(dha)ra nagaraka-Jalajabhava-Bahumukha-priyan ["] satatam | Utpadyate prasamgat=sujanataye ch=atma-sahajaya yasya [*] vibhavah pati-prasa (sa)n[sya*]s=chitram=ida sadhu-vada iti 1 (II) Rasikanam atirasikas-chaturanam=adhiks.. ["] chatara ev=ayam Koramiya-namadheyoh' vidusham-atyanta-vijna (ja)ni (II) Sevita-samasta-bhu[] pati-hridaya-sthiti-bhag=gum-opapanno=mullya (lya)h muktaphala-sachcharitah Koramiya(78) vastu-pu Fifth plate; first side. ("] rusha ity=upapannam (ID) Anagata-jna (jod)na-vivekini dhir=anindya-charitra-para si cheshta asesba-bho[*] g-panatamemanas-cha aho mahat=Koramiyasya punyam || Tasmai Koramiya-namne suvarnna[*] bhandagara-srfkarana-mukhyaya Elavarru-nama-gramas-sarvva-kara-pariharen=&grahari[") krity=8daka-puvvarvva)m=uttarayana-nimitte=smabhir=ddatta iti viditam=astu vah1 Asy=Avadhayah, [] pavva(rvva)tah Gomaduvu sima | Agneyatah Daggumbarti simal dakshinatah Inthuri sima nairri[] ti-paschimabhyan Premparti sima i vayavyatah Turimindisima attar esanabhyam Amutunuri sima [ll] ["] Asy=opari na kenachid=badha karttavya yah kardti sa pamchamahapatak8 bhavati tath=oktain Vyaseng | Babu[s] bhir=vvasudha datta bahubhis=ch=Anupalita yasya yasya yada bhumis-tasya tasya tada phalam 1 (ID) Sva-de Fifth plate; second side. [""] dattam para-dattam va ye hareta vasundharam shashtim varsha-sahasrani vishtaya[m*] ja(ja)yate krimih || [] Ajnaptih Kataka-rajah [l*7 Potanabhatta-kavya [ 1 ] Jontacharyya-likhitam ! Translation: ed through the favour of the holy Narayana; Hail! Kubja-Vishnuvardhana,-the (and) whose bodies are purified by ablutions brother of Satyaera y a-Vallabhondra, performed after celebrating horse-sacrifices, who adorned the family of the Chalu ky & s, ruled over the country of Vengi for eighteen who are glorious; who are of the Manavya years. gotra which is praised over the whole earth ; who (L. 7.) -His son, Jayasim ha, (ruled) for are the descendants of Hariti', who have acquir- thirty-three" (years). ed sovereignty through the excellent favour (L. 8.)-Vishnuvardhana,--the son of of Kausiki; who have been cherished by the his younger brother, Indra,-(ruled) for assemblage of (divine) mothers; who meditate nine (years). on the feet of Svami-Mahasena; who have (L. 9.)-His son, the Yuvardja Maigi," the territories of their enemies made subject (ruled) for twenty-five (years). to them on the instant at the sight of the (L. 9.)-His son, Jayasinha, (ruled) for excellent sign of the Boar, which they acquir. thirteen (years). This Visarga is superfluous. legend adopted by the Western Chalukyas ; see Dynasties .. See note 2 above. of the Kanarese Districts, p. 5, notes, and p. 17, note 2. * The more correct reading, 1. 1-2, would be Haritiputrandth or Harftiputranam, who are Haritiputras, 10 No. XXXIV. 1. 7, says 'thirty years. Or Haritiputras.' The present reading refers to the 11 In id. 1. 8, the name is written 'Maagi.'

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94 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY, [APRIL, 1883. (L. 10.)- His younger brother, Kokkili, (ruled) for six months. (L. 11.)---His elder brother, Vishnuvar. dhana, having expelled him, (ruled) for thirty-seven (years). (L. 12.)--His son, Vijay aditya-Bhatt&raka, (ruled) for eighteen (years). (L. 12.)--His son, Vishnuvardhana, (ruled) for thirty-six years). (L. 13.)- And his son, VijayadityaNarendramtigaraja, (ruled) for fortycight (years). (L. 14.)-His son, Kali-Vishnu vardhana, (ruled) for one and a half years. (L. 15.)-His son, Guna gan ka-Vijay & ditya, (ruled) for forty-four (years). (L. 16.)-The king, Chluk ya-Bhima,the son of his younger brother, king Vikramaditya,-(ruled) for thirty (years). (L. 17.)-His son, Kolla bhiganda-Vi- jay aditya, (ruled) for six months. (L. 18.)-His son, king Amma, (ruled) for seven years. (L. 19.)-Having expelled his son, the child Vijayaditya.-T Alapa ruled for one month. (L. 20.)-Having conquered him,- Vikramaditya, the son of Chalukya-Bhima, (ruled) for eleven months. (L. 21.)--Then Yuddhamalla, the son of king Talapa, (ruled) for seven years. (L. 22.) -His son, king Bhima, the son of Kollabhigan da-Vijayadity a, (ruled) for twelve years. (L. 23.)-(The son), who was like Kumara, that was born to him who was like Mahesvara, from Lokamahadevi who was like Uma, was named king Amma. The palms of his hands and the soles of his feet were marked with the leaves of water-lilies and with chauris and with water-jars and with elephant-goads; he had two arms, (as strong and massive) as iron door bars, which were charming, and which hung down as far as his knees; (and) he had a chest which was (as broad) as a table-land of the king of mountains. Putting Manoja to shame with his beauty, (and) Mahondra with his power, (and) the sun with his great splendour, (and) Hara with the destruction of the cities of his foes,-be is resplendent, having his fame acquainted with the distant) regions and the (whole) earth. (L. 30.) He, the asylam of the universe, Sr 1-Vijayaditya, the supreme king of great kings, the supreme lord, the most worshipful one, the devout worshipper of Brahma, -whose feet, which are like water-lilies, are kissed by the bees which are the jewels set in the diadems of all the hostile kings; who behaves like a beautiful bee at the feet of Ayngalochana''; (and) who is made very proud by having all proud people bowing down before him,-having called together the kutumbis, headed by the rashtrakulas, who inhabit the district of Velan anda, thus issues his commands: (L. 36.) " There was the Kasyapa gotra - the source of wise men and excellent poets; famous; the origin of persons worthy to be worshipped; the dwelling-place of many virtuous qualities; the place of very pious people; the abode of religious observances; the most worthy object of all. In it (there was born) he whose fame was celebrated under the name of Viddamayya, -whose body was (made) pure by means of the learning and the six kinds of rites and the observances that are proper for Bruhmans; who was acquainted with the Vedas; (and) who knew the (whole) body of the sastras. His son was the learned (and) famous Viddamiya, like to Ambhojabhava," who was the moon of the ocean of the race of Brahmans; (and) who was a ray of the sun to the white) water-lilies which were learned men: and by means of his devoted lawful wife Anamavva, he became like Vasishtha who was possessed of (his wife) Arundhati. Their son (was) he who was named Koramiya, resembling the earth (in steadfastness),-who bore a form, not beheld in any other and never heard of before, which came to him by inheritance, (and) which was of a noble nature, (and) which supported the world. Through affection he was nourished by Our mother, Sri-Lokamah & devi, as being the dwelling-place of the ever charming (qualities of) cleverness and politeness. The 13 Bhims was in reality the son of KollabhigandaVijayhditya, who was in the same degree of descent with Yuddhamalla II. In Bhima being here called also the son of Yuddhamalla II., we have another instance of the custom referred to by me in Dynasties of the Kanares Districts, p. 48, note 1. 15 Siva, as Trinetra. 16 Brahma, as born in the water-lily. 15 Or Anamayya.

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APRIL, 1883.) AN OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTION AT TORAGAL. 95 eloquence which abides in him, the most clever | north, the village named Elavarru has been one, (and) which is (like) the sharp edge of a given by Us, with the relinquishment of all taxes, bword to wicked people, always laughs to scorn as an agrahura-grant, with libations of water. the woman Vach who is dear to polished (L. 54.)--"The boundaries of it are :-On people and to Jalajabhaval and to Bahuma- the east, (the village of) Gomaduvu (is) the kha." Good people say how wonderful it is boundary ; on the south-east, (the village of) that, through his innate excellence, there is Daggumbarti (is) the boundary; on the produced a power that is worthy to be praised south, (the village of) Inthuri (is) the boun. by (his) lord. Verily this man, who is named dary; on the south-west and the west, (the Koramiya, is the most witty of witty people, village of) Premparti (is) the boundary; on the most clever of clever people, (and) the most the north-west, (the village of) Turimindi (is) learned of learned people. It is well establish- the boundary; (and) on the north and the ed that Koramiya is essentially a man, since) north-east, (the village of) Amutunuri (is) he enjoys the abiding condition of preserving the boundary. the hearts of all kings, (and since) he is not to (L. 57.)--"No injury is to be done to it by be purchased for any value, and since he is anyone; he, who does (injury to it), becomes Possessed of excellent achievements that are guilty of the five great sins. So it has been like pearls. Aho; great is the religious merit said by Vyasa ;-Land has been given by of Koramiya; for his intellect discriminates in many, and has been preserved (in grant) by the knowledge of things that have not yet many; he, who for the time being possesses arrived; his behaviour is intent upon actions land, enjoys the benefit of it! He is born as a that are not to be blamed; and his mind is worm in ordure for the duration of sixty thouinclined to all kinds of enjoyment. sand years, who takes away land that has been (L. 52.) -"Be it known to you that, to this given, whether by himself or by another!'" man named Koramiya, the head of the writing. (L. 60.)-The ajnapti is Katakaraja; the department of the treasury of gold, on the occa- poetry is of Potanabhatta; it is written by sion of the sun's commencing his progress to the Jontacharyya. AN OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTION AT TORAGAL. BY K. B. PATHAK, B.A., BELGAUM. Tora gel is a small native state, subject to eminent native scholar, his remarks led Sir Kolhapur, and is situated on the confines of Walter Elliot (vol. V, p. 251) to look for an the Dharwad District. In a matha at that place, explanation of this Sanskrit phrase in Firishtah, called the Gachchina-Hirematha, there is a whose opportunities of making philological stone-tablet, leaning against a wall, on the left researches could hardly have been very ample. hand, as one enters the monastery. It bears Nor is it quite clear that Firishtah had any an inscription recording a grant of land to the idea of the Hindu panchamahasabda in his mind, god Suggalesvara by Suggaladevi, with when he penned the passage quoted by Sir the permission of her husband, the Maha. Walter Elliot. As to the passage from Chand's mandalesvara Barma, in the Saka year 1110 Prithiraj Rasari relied upon by him, it will for 1109 (A.D. 1187-88) the Plavamga sannvat- suffice to mention that two such eminent scholars sara. It is in the Old-Canarese language and as Mr. Beames and Mr. Growse differ widely in characters. The writing covers a space of the interpretation of it. I admit, however, 2' 8" high by 2 61 broad. that the real meaning, about which no Pandit I propose to discuss here the meaning of the would hesitate, was given by Mr. Growse and expression panchamahasabda, which occurs in supported by a quotation from Tulsi Dasa. line 2 of this inscription. In the first volume It is however true that Tulsi Dasa does not of this journal, p. 81, Mr. S.P. Pandit disputed use the full expression panchamahdsabda; and the meaning that naturally suggests itself to that he is a comparatively modern poet. I will the native mind. And, Mr. Pandit being an now quote a passage from a Jaina author, who Brahmi, as born in the water-lily. Perhaps Vishna, as Sahasranana.

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96 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. APRIL, 1883. lived in times when the expression panchamaha- banner, and the banners bearing the figures of sabda was still in use in a living language. a moon, a sun, a lion, a tiger, an alligator and Revekotyacharya thus describes a royal pro- a fish, and other signs of royalty, were flowing cession : before ; while the five great musical instruments Pemdavasada suleyar=pperagan-eri ikkela- and the auspicious drums were being sounded; dolam chamaramgalan-ikkutam bare bel-gode- and while the heralds, bards, and beggars, and galu paliketana-dhvajamgalum chamdr- poor and helpless people, were being presented adityarkkalum simha-vyaghra-makara-matsya- with gifts to their satisfaction,--Vidyuchchora dhvajangalu[] modal-ag-odeya raja-chinha- proceeded to the chartyalaya adorned with a mgalum mundo pariye pachamahasabdam- thousand summits, alighted from the state galum baddavanada paregalu bajise vamdi- elephant, went thrice round the basadi, bowed magada (dha)- yachaka-prabhpiti-janamgalgam to the god, ........... and spoke din-anatharkka!gam tushti-dinamam kudattam thus." pogi sahasrakuta-chaityklayaman-eydi patta- It is plain from this passage that the term vardhanadimd=ilidu basadiyam tripradakshi. panchamahasabda could never mean "the playing nam-geydu devaram bamdisi ......... of a royal band five times a day." The five yitt-erdam (Vidyuchchora). great musical instruments, spoken of by the "While the dancing girls of the harem, Jaina chronicler, are thus enumerated by a rising behind, came waving chauris on both Lingayatwriter, -sringa, tammata, sankha, bheri, sides; while white umbrellas, the paliketana- 1 and jayaghanta; in the Vive kachintamani. Transcription. ['] Namas-tuga-siras-chumbi-chandra-chamara-charave trailokya-nagar-arambha-mula stambhaya Sambhave [') Svasti Samadhigata-patchamahasabuda-mahamandalesvaram bhujabalavira-Nigalamka[*] malla Genukarar=acharyyam nudid-arte-ganda gada-marttamda jagad-orvva-gamdam srimad-A. [*] havamalla-Bhuteyadevana parakramav=emt=emdade | Mumtire Pamchalam besasi pim['] tire Nurmmadi-Tailan=Arta samamta-kadambakan tolage Parchalana penad-ikki komda Sauryyan tanag=age [ ] Chakri kude taldidan=Ahayamalla-nama-vikramtade mandalesa-padamam negald= Ahavamalla-Bhutigam | Imtu ['] pesar-vvett=Ahavamalla-Bhateyadevanim tat-priya-tanujar Pavaramalla-bhapanin tat tane(na)yam Chattamahipalanim ta['] t-tandbhavam Davaramallanin tad-apatyam Kaliyuga-Yudhishthiram Chattarasanim tam(n)-namdanam mamdalika-mukha-darppa['] pan=Arasasav-ari-Madana-Mahesvaranum=emba birudagal=am'nvarttham=age negalda mahamandalesvaram Bhatara[10] san=&tana parakra (kra)mavrent-endade | Kelvana kiviyolu gumtaman=alv-inegam bettit-enisu yottaji-virudimd=8. ["] !-vare lakkeyo!=adatur=vve!v-inegam nigalav=ikkidam Bhuta-nri(nri)pa | S(6)aradhi taramgam-avarisid=ambarav=um(n)nata Meru. ["] bhadharan guru-kuchav=abuja-shamdav=anuragaman=arjjisuv=ananam lasat-pura nichayam vibhusa (sha)nam=enal=pa["'] rirajipa namdan-ativistarateyan=antu visva-dbarani-vadhu so(66)bhisuga niran taram || Amt=a pri(pri)thvi-madhyada [] Moru-parvvatada dakshina-digu-bhagada Bharata-kshetrado!u Amtolvan=&mta dhatri-karteya kumtalav=enippa From Mr. Fleet's ink-impression; revised by Mr. Fleet. This Anusvira is superfluous.

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APRIL, 1883.) AN OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTION AT TORAGAL. 97 [] Kumta!av=art=& Kumtala-sobha-mauktikadamte karam sogayisikku Toragale desam Alli | Nereda kau(ka) vumgu [*] baggisuva kogile talt-ele-valli suttalum turugi talurtta mamara-nikayam-agurvvina karppu-domtavsim["') t-arikeya charu-namdana-van-avali rajise 80(66) bhe-vettud-i Toragale Bhutanatha vibhuvim balas-i["] rppa Malaprahariyim || Amtea desaman=&lva Bhuteyadevana priya-tanujam Barmma bhupalana parakra["'] mav=emt=emdade | Tamtanisuttaveirpp-ari-nri(nri)palara hinda nij-Asi-dam-dadim kamteya-barado!=su!isi paniya[*] barada niran=udi nihkka(ka)mtakav=age mati padeda sale Damdina-Govan= embudam bamtara ballaham negeda balla[") harol-kali Barmma-bhubhujam || Ari-bhu palakar-oddid-alli ditadim pum*ny-amgan Anika-saumdaravam kamd-e.' ("] deyalli vamdi-nikaram kayyamtod=ant-alli nirvara-viram suchi dani sadrakanol=& Gargeyanol-Ka[*] rnnanol=sarisa Damlina-Gova-Barmma-mahipam visvambhara-bhagadolu || Amt-eseva parakramam be[*] rasu chakravarttigala helikeyim mumguladayadin nalku-diskvarakkan nadadu h@!da kelasavam sadhyam-ma[*] di hadeda Lokapura-hamnerada Holalugunda-muvatta Doddavada Naviluguinda nalvattu Ko[*] Jenuru-muvattu yimt=i desangalan=&luttan Barmma-bhupalam Toragaleyalu sukha Bankathk-vinodadim. ra. ["] jyan-geyvu(yyu)tt-ire || A Barmma-bhupalana sarvvamga-Lakshmiy-appa Sugga ladeviyara gun-Atisayay=emt=en["] dade | Satata madiya deyvav=Amri(mri)tesvaran=1 Nigalamka-Barmma-bhupati patiy-am nyathapi ["] sa (ta)ran=ill-enag=emdu trigupti-yukta-endhdha (ddha)teyin=udagra-pumaya-nidhi Sugga ladevi lasach-charitra-bhu[*] 6i(shi)te ghata-sarppavam hididu geluda!-ilatalav=eyde bamnnisalu || Hariya Siri Harana [*] Parvvati Sarasijasambhavana Vaniy=emd=atimudadi dhare pogale negalda pemp=i parama-patibra (vra)teye nine ["] Suggaladevi || Amt=aneka-gnoagal(n)-alamkriskri)te sa (sa) tapatra-netre dana-virajite gotra-pavitre paramamahesvari. [*] yum=enisi negalda Sri-Saggaladeviyaru tavu madisida Sri-Suggalesvara-dovargge || Sa (sa) ke-varsham 1110ne[] ya Plavamga-samvatsarada Pasya(shya) bahula 10 Vaddavarav=uttarayana-samkra mana-vya["] tipetadalu Bam*mmidevarasara kayyalu Saggaladeviyar-isi-kordu Alaholeya ["] holad-olage deva-devesa (sa)n-appa Sri-Saggalesvara-dovara dhupa-dipa-naivedya tambu (bu lakk-a-chamdr-8["] [ro]kka-taram baram nadav=antu kotta mattar=eradu kambam nanura yayivattu [] adakke sime tenkalu Kumbaragereyim mudalu Suruganahalirge hoda batte paschima[""] dalu Kumbaragereyim Baniyurimge hallavam damti hoda batte badagalu Belakuppe [] mudalu herggade-Chavu[m] damayya-nayakara maga herggade-Mallayyana keyi || A ["] devara mundana kalla-ganada man=enneya devara namda-divige[ge] kotta["] rullo * These two letters, Sobha, were omitted at first, and were then inserted, in small and rather faint characters, below the following letter mau. . These Anuadras are superfluous.

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98 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. sambha [] Yivan-iy-amdadin-eyde palisidavashg-ish-Artta(rttha) sachsidhdhi(ddhi) v[ikum komd=a]lidamge Gamge Gaye Kedaram Kurukshetrav=emb=ivarol-pesade parvvaram goravaram go-brim(vrim)damam p[emdira]m tave komd=ikkida papam-eydugu[*] m=avam bilgum nigodamgalolu || Translation. [] Salutation to Sambhu, who is adorned with the moon resembling a cheuri resting on his lofty forehead, and who is the foundationpillar for the erection of the city of the three worlds! (L. 2.)-Hail! To describe the prowess of the glorious & havamalla-Bhateyadeva, who had acquired the five great sounds, who was a Mahamandalesvara, the heroic Nigalankamalla possessed of power in his arms, the spiritual head of the Genukaras,' a hero in the right sense of the word, a very sun of a warrior, the sole master of the world. The distinguished Ahavamalla-Bhutiga received, at the hands of the emperor, the name Ahavamalla and the distinction of a Mandaleevara, by reason of the heroism he displayed in killing Panchala, when the latter encountered him; while the confederacy of petty kings headed by Nurmadi-Taila, who were in the rear, took to flight. (L. 6.)-From Ahavamalla-Bhuteyadeva who had won so much renown, sprang his beloved son, Da vara malla. To him was born king Chatta; from whom sprang Davaramalla. His son was king Chatta, who was looked upon as the Yudhishthira of the Kali age. His son was the distinguished Mahdmandalesvara king Bhuta, who was a mirror to the faces of petty kings and a very Siva to the hostile Ara sasavas, these titles being realised in him. To describe his prowess; king Bhuta put shackles on the feet of his enemies.. (L. 11.)-Decorated with numerous smiling gardens, the whole earth shines for ever, like a lady, having for her garments the waves of the ocean, the lofty mountain Meru for her large breasts, clusters of lotuses for a face winning affection, and shining groups of towns [APRIL, 1883. This letter, bf, was at first on 'tted and then inserted, below the line. See the introductory remarks. Perhaps the name of a warlike tribe. Genu, in OldCanarese, means a sword. Cf. "He was, indeed, the glass wherein the noble youth did dress themselves." Henry IV., Part II. for her ornaments. In the centre of such a world, and to the south of the mountain Meru, is situated Bharatakshetra, which contains the country of Kuntala, resembling the ringlets of the lady earth so full of charms. And the district of Tora gale appears exceedingly beautiful, like shining pearls in those ringlets. There this Tora gale is adorned with cuckoos bending down areca-nut-trees, betel-creepers in leaf, groves of mango-trees found on all sides, dark plantations of aguru-trees, 10 and rows of smiling gardens of arike," with the lord Bhutanatha and the (river) Malapra hari, which flows hard by. (L. 18.)-To describe the prowess of king Barma, the beloved son of Bhuteyadeva, who ruled over such a country. The valiant king Barma, the most distinguished of heroes, dispersed. . . . .... with his own sword, the herd of hostile kings who appeared against him,.... .... made the earth free from enemies, and thus achieved the warrior's distinction called Dandina-Gova.1 In this part of the earth, king Barma, who had the title of Dandina-Gova, was the equal of Sudraka in invincible bravery, when hostile kings opposed him,-of the renowned Bhishma in purity, when he saw the charms of numerous virtuous women,-and of Karna in liberality, when a crowd of bards opened their hands. (L. 23.)-Adorned with such brilliant prowess, king Barma, having received instructions beforehand from the emperor, proceeded in the four directions, accomplished. his mission, and obtained, as a reward, the Lokapura Twelve, the Holalugunda Thirty, Dodda va da, the Navilagunda Forty, and the Kolenuru Thirty. (L. 26.) While king Barma was ruling over these districts, with the delight of pleasing conversation, at Toragale; to describe the The name of a tribe. The word occurs in a grant published in the Transactions of the Literary Society of Bombay, vol. III. 10 Also called raktachandana. 11 A kind of grain. Cf. Katakada-Gova, in the Bankspur and Banawasi inscriptions.

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NISIDHI AND GUDDA. APRIL, 1883.] excellent qualities of Suggalade vi, who embodied the whole prosperity of the person of the celebrated king Bar ma, saying, "Amritesvara is ever my (favourite) god; and this king Nigalamka-Barma is my lord; to none else can I look up for protection,"-Suggaladevi, -a depository of pre-eminent merit by reason of her purity in respect of body, mind and speech; and embellished with spotless character, succeeded in catching a large snake," to the admiration of the whole world. She is extolled with great delight by the world, saying, "Suggaladevi; you are distinguished as the chastest woman, like Lakshmi, wife of Vishnu, Parvati, wife of Siva, and Sarasvati, wife of Brahmadeva." (L. 32.)-Thus adorned with many virtues, illustrious for liberality, and whose family was pure, the most venerable lady, the lotus-eyed Suggaladevi, with the permission of king Barma, granted, to continue as long as the sun, the moon, and the stars might last, 2 mattars and 450 kambas, in the field of Halahole, to the god Sri-Snggalesvara established by In Vol. VIII., pp. 245-6, I published a short inscription of the twelfth or thirteenth century A.D. (Pali, Sanskrit, and Old-Canarese Inscriptions, No. 74) from a monumental stone standing in the courtyard of the Meguti temple at Aihole in the Kaladgi District. From the want of other inscriptions to compare with it, my version of it, as given there, had several errors in it. The correct version is as follows:Transcription. NISIDHI AND GUDDA. BY J. F. FLEET, Bo. C.S., M.R.A.S. [] Sel-Mulasangha-Balitkaraganada Kamudamdugala gudda Aichi-setti[] yara maga Yerambarage-nada settigutta Rami-settiyara nisidhi || Translation. "The nisidhi of (the merchant) Ramisetti, a Settigutta of the Erambarage district, the gudda of Kumudandu of the Balotkaragana (sect) of the Sri-Mulasamgha; and the son of (the merchant) Aichisetti." 18 The fact that the snake did not bite her, was considered the highest proof of her chastity. 19 By the Tables in Brown's Carnatic Chronology, Saka 1110 was the Kilaka samvatsara, and the Plavamga eamvatsara was Saka 1109. From the original stone; not from the photograph 99 19 herself, to meet the expenses of incense, light, oblation and tumbula, for the god of gods Sri-Suggalesvara, in Saka 1110, being the Plavaiga samvatsara, on Vaddavara, the tenth day of the dark half of Pushya, being vyati. pata, on the occasion of the sun's commencing his progress to the north. (L. 38.)-The boundaries of the land are: to the south, the path leading to Suruganahalu, in the east of Kumbaragere; to the west, the path leading from Kumbaragere to Bannivuru across the rivulet; to the north, Belakuppe ; to the east, the land of the Herggade Mallayya, the son of the Herggade Chavandamayyanayaka. (L. 40.)-A maund of oil from the stone-mill in front of the god, was given for the perpetual light of the god. (L. 43.)-He who preserves well these (things granted) in this way, shall obtain the fulfilment of his desires. He who destroys them, shall incur the guilt of having killed Brahmans, Goravas, a herd of cows, or wives, without feeling disgust, on the Ganges, or at Gaya, Kedara, or Kurukshetra; he shall fall into hell. As regards the word nisidhi,-which occurs also as nisidhi, nishidhi, and nishidhige,-Mr. K. B. Pathak tells me that it is still used by the older members of the Jain community, and that it means a tomb erected over the remains of a Jain ascetic.' And he has given me the following passage from the Upasargake valigala Kathe in which it occurs : Rishi-samudayam-ellash dakshinapathadish bandu bhattarara nishidhiyan-eydid-agal &c.; "The whole assemblage of the saints having come by the region of the south, and having arrived at the nishidhi of the venerable one, &c." And as regards the word gudda,-in Vol. X., p. 189, note 16, I have given another short inscription in which it occurs, and have pointed out that in such passages it seems to have the meaning of 'disciple, follower, or adherent.' The following six short inscriptions will as published. The capital of the Sinda Mahamandalesvaras. The name is also written Erambirage. It is probably, as Sir Walter Elliot has suggested (Madras Jour. of Lit. and Science, Vol. VII., p. 207), the modern Yelburga' or Yelboorga' of the maps, in the Nizam's Dominions.Lat. 15deg 37 N., Long. 76deg 5' E.

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100 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. serve to further illustrate the use of nisidhi and gudda in the meanings given above. No. 1. An Old-Canarese inscription on a monumental stone in Survey No. 11 at Kadakol, -seven miles north of the Taluka Station of Karajgi in the Dharwad District. Towards the top of the stone, there is a compartment containing in the centre, a seated figure, under a canopy or shrine, facing full-front, crosslegged, and with the hands resting in each other in the lap; and at each side, a standing figure holding a chauri away from the seated figure. Then come the first two lines of the inscription. Then comes a compartment containing in the centre, a thavanakolu" or Jain reading-stand, without hanging tassels, but with a book or manuscript placed on it; on the proper right, a seated figure, holding in the left hand a pinchha or peacock's-feather fan or brush towards the thavanakilu; on the extreme proper right, a kamandalu or water-vessel used by ascetics; and on the proper left, a seated figure facing full front, cross-legged, and with the hands resting in each other in the lap. Then follow the remaining five lines of the inscription. The whole inscription, if pieced together, covers a space of 0' 7" high by 1' 4" broad. The inscription is of the time of the De vagiri-Yadava king Singhana II, and is dated in the Parabhaya samvatsara, Saka 1168 (A.D. 1246-7). Transcription. [] Svasti Srimatu-Yadava-Rayanarayana.ba(bhu) jabala-pra [] tapa-chakravartti Simhanade va[ra*] varsha 37 Para [] bhava-samvatsarada Marggasira su(su) dha(ddha) par hami Bri(bri)ha[*] [spati*]varadulu Surasthaganada Mulasamghada Sri-Namdi[*] bhatt irakadevara Savam a-Bo gudda Kadakulada An arrangement of four sticks, fastened together in the middle, and then opened out, after the fashion of a folding camp-stool, so as to stand upright on the ground and support a book laid flat on the upper ends. Sometimes tassels (gonde) are suspended from the upper ends of the sticks. On my showing the drawing of the stone, made by my man, to Mr. K. B. Pathak, he obtained this term and the explanation of it from the Jains of Hosur, and an actual wooden thavanakilu (they have also one of silver) was shown to him by them.-He says that the thavanakolu of the Jains corresponds to the vyasaptha of the Brahmans, except that the latter is rather a more elaborate arrangement, made of joined [APRIL, 1883. [] ppagaudana heggade Somayyanu samadi(dhi)i(yi) [] mudipi svargga-praptan-ada[nu*] [*] Mangala-maha-sri [*] Translation. "Hail! On Thursday, the fifth day of the Parabhava samvatsara, which was the thirtybright fortnight of (the month) Margasira of the seventh year of the glorious Rayanarayana of the Yadavas, the puissant and valorous universal emperor Simhanadeva,-Somayya,-the gudda of Sri-Nandibhattarakadeva of the Mulasamgha of the Surasthagana (sect); (and) the Heggade of Savanta-Boppagauda of Kadakula, having died in a state of complete abstraction of the senses, attained heaven. May there be auspicious and great good fortune!" No. 2. An Old-Canarese inscription on a monumental stone near the temple of Hanamanta or Hanuman inside the village of Kadakol. At the top of the stone there is the sun on the proper right, and the moon on the proper left. Then comes a compartment containing in the centre, a seated figure, under a canopy, facing full-front, cross-legged, and with the palms of the hands resting in each other in the lap; and at each side, a standing figure waving a chauri towards the seated figure. Then come the first two lines of the inscription. Then comes a compartment containing-about the centre, a thavanakolu, with hanging tassels and with a book or manuscript placed on it; on the proper right, a figure, sitting to the thavanakolu, of a saint reading the book; on the proper left, a seated figure, apparently of a woman and therefore of the Chandigaudi of the inscription, holding, in the right hand, a pinchha over the thavanakolu; and on the extreme proper left, a kamandalu. Then follow the remaining eleven lines of the inscription. The whole inscription, if pieced together covers .boards, and shaped so as to hold the book on a slant. Ho takes the word as an Arisamasa,- thavana being the Prakrit form, of frequent occurrence in Jain literature, of the Sanskrit sthapana, and kilu being a Canarese word meaning staff, stick, rod, stem. And he has met with two representations of a thavanakolu, resembling that of the present stone, at p. 538a of a MS. of a Jain work on Mahapajividhina attributed to Bhattaraka-Dharmabhushana. From an ink-impression. Manager. In the other inscriptions the name is written Kalako, a.

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NISIDHI AND GUDDA APRIL, 1883.] a space of 0' 11' high by 1' 41' broad. The inscription is dated in Saka 1201 (A.D. 127980), the Pramathi samvatsara. Transcription. [] Svasti Srimatu-Sa(sa) kavarusa (sha) 1201 Pramathi-samvatsa [] rada Bhadrapada su (sa)ddha chhat[*]i Somavarad-amdu srima [] nu-Mulasamghada Padumasi(Pse)nabhatt Jarakadevara gu[] d[d]i Kadakolada Savamta-Siriyamagaudana hemdati [*] Chandigaudi sarvva-nivri (vi)ttiyam kayi-komdu sa svargga [*] madhdhi(dhi)yi mudipi priptey-ida niidhdhi(dhi). ['] ya stambham [1] Mamgala-maha-sriari-ari [*] Translation. "Hail! The pillar of the nisidhi (in commemoration) of Chandigaudi,-the guddi of (?) Padumasinabhattirakadeva of the holy Mulasamgha; (and) the wife of Savanta-Siriyamagauda of Kada kola,-having obtained complete cessation from worldly acts, and having died in a state of complete abstraction of the senses, and having attained heaven, on Monday, the sixth day of the bright fortnight of (the month) Bhadrapada of the Pramathi samvatsara, which was the Saka year 1201. May there be auspicious and great good fortune! The twelve Hittu, (and) all the people, headed by Hiryya-Boppagauda, Chikka Boppaganda, Chikkagauda, (P) Kalideva, (and) (?) Ruvadyaviridova, gave one mattar of black-soil land to the basadi .. May there be auspicions and great good fortune!" No. 3. An Old-Canarese inscription on another monumental stone in Survey No. 11 at Kadako!. Towards the top of the stone there is a row of three seated figures, facing full-front, crosslegged, and with the palms of the hands resting 'From an ink-impression. Here we have the feminine form of gudda. 101 in each other in the lap. Immediately below them are two similar figures, one at each side of the stone, with a compartment between them in which there was perhaps a third similar figure, or some other sculpture, now effaced. Then follows the inscription, which covers a space of 0' 7" high by 1' 5" broad. The characters are of the twelfth or thirteenth century A.D. [] Hiryya-Boppagauda Chik[k]a-Boppagauda Chikkaganda An Old-Canarese inscription on another [*] Ka(?)lideva Ruva (?)dya(?) virideva monumental stone in Survey No. 11 at Kadako!. mukhya hamneradu-hiAt the top of the stone there is the sun on the [1]ttu samasta-praje basadige kotta yere proper right, and the moon on the proper left. mattaru 1 [*] SriThen comes a compartment containing-in the [] vamnya mamgala-maha-sri-sri-eri [*] centre, a seated figure under a canopy, facing full-front, cross-legged, and with the palms of the hands resting in each other in the lap,-and at each side, a chauri and a small floral device. Then comes a compartment containing in the centre a thavanakolu, with hanging tassels and with a book placed on it; on the proper right, a seated figure, of the usual description as above, facing full-front; on the proper left, a seated figure holding, in the right hand, a pinchha towards the thavanakilu; and on the extreme proper left, a kamandalu. Then follows the inscription, which covers a space of 0' 9" high by 1' 0" broad. The inscription is dated in Saka 1189 (A.D. 1267-8), the Prabhava samvatsara. Transcription." [] Srimatu-Khara-samvatsarad-amdu [] Katteya-Aichi-set[t]iya ma [] ga Chamdayana nishidhigeya ka[*]|[1] || Translation. "In the glorious Khara samvatsara,-the stone of the nishidhige of Chandaya, the son of (the merchant) Katteya-Aichisetti." No. 4. Transcription.10 Sri-Sa(n)kavarusa(sha) 1189 [] Svasti Prabha [] va-samvatsarada Magha su(su)dha(ddha) 5 Su(su)[] kravaradalu [] sthaganada Sura Malamghada Sri-Namdibhattarakadevara gu [] [d]a Kadakolada Savamta-Devaga. vumda From an ink-impression. 10 From an ink-impression.

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102 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1883. [] na maga Maragavunda sarvva-nivri(vri). [tti*]yam kai'l yi-konda samadhiyim mudipisva- [deg] [r*]gga-praptan-ada nisidhiya stam bha [lo] Mam['] gala-maha-sri-sri-sri [llo] Translation "Hail! The pillar of the nibidhi (in commemoration) of Maragavanda,--the gudda of Sri-Nandibhattarakadeva of the Surasthagana (sect) of the Malasamgha; (and) the son of Savanta.Devagavanda of Kada kola, -having obtained complete cessation from worldly acts, and having died in a state of complete abstraction of the senses, and having attained heaven, on Friday, the fifth day of the bright fort- night of the month) Magha of the Prabhava saivatsara, which was the Saka year 1189. May there be auspicious and great good fortune!" No. 5. An Old-Canarese inscription on a mongmental stone in front of the temple of Kalamesvara at Siggamve, the Taluka station of the Bankapur Taluka in the Dhirwad District. The sculptures on the stone are, --in the centre. & seated figure of the usual description, facing full-front, with a chauri on each side, all in a shrine; on the proper left, another similar seated figure facing full-front; and on the proper left, another seated figure, facing fullfront, with the left hand in the lap, but with the right hand, holding a pinchha, lifted and stretched out over a small thavanakolu which is without tassels bat has a book placed on it. The inscription covers a space of 0 4) high by l' I broad The characters are of the twelfth or thirteenth century A. D. Transcription." [?] Svasti Srimatu-Bya(vya)ya-samvatsa rada Margga['] si(si)ra ba 11 Sa(sn) | Desi(sl)ya-gana [da*] BAlacham [deg] dratraividyadevara gud[qs]a Saba(?). rasimgi-set[*]i. [deg] yaru svargga-praptan=adanu" | Translation. "Hail! (The merchant) () Sabarasingisetti, the gudda of Balachandratraividyadeva of the Desiyagana (sect), attained heaven on Friday, the eleventh day of the dark fortnight of the month) Margasira of the glorious Vyaya sarivatsara." No. 6. An Old-Canarese inscription on the front of the abhisheka-stand of an image inside a Jain temple at Honnur, two miles to the southwest from Kagal near Kolhapur. The image is that of a standing Jinendra, with a serpent coiling up behind it and displaying seven hoods over its head, and with a small kneeling or sitting figaru in each lower corner. The inscription covers a space of O' 1 high by 27" broad. It is of the time of Balla!a and Gandaraditya of the Silaha ras of Kolhapur, i.e. somewhere about Saka 1030 (A.D. 1108-9). Transcription.18 [^] Svasti Sri-Mulasamghada Pospu)nnaga vrikshamulaganada Ratrimati-Kantiyara gaddam Bammagavandam ma['7 disida basadige sriman-mahamandalesvaram Ballkladovanum Gandaradityaddvanm (num)-ahara-danakke bitta kammav=j[] n-nurakkam aru-gayi mane ........ Translation. " Hail! The glorious Mahamandalesvaras Balla!a de va and Gandaraditya deva allotted two hundred kammas and a house (measuring) six cubits, ..............., for the purpose of providing food for those performing penance), to the basadi which Bammagavanda, the gudda of RAtrimati-Kanti of the Punnagavrikshamulagana (sect) of the SriMalasamgha, had caused to be built."'18 11 From an ink-impression. 1 The verb is in the singular, though the substantivo is in the plural 13 From an ink-impression. # The second of the two uniform lines on the front of the stand ends here. My man was not allowed to enter the temple, and had to get the impression made by an Upadhyaya of the village ; hence the omission of the concluding words, which must be somewhere round the corner so as not to be visible from the door. Seeing that the impression was moomplete, I wrote to have & search made for the rest of the inscription. I have thus obtained the commencement of line 3, but have not been told whereabouts on the stand it is. After the word mane, there appear to be some further letters, now illegible. 15 Graham's translation of this inscription (Kolhapoor, p. 466) is :-"Be it prosperous ! Obeisance to the reasoning of Gooroo Moolgun, the professor of Poonagvaksa (doctrine of a certain religious sect among the Jains.) It is the light of wisdom and knowledge to the darkness of ignorance and superstition. The chief of extensivo dominions, Bullal Deo and Gunduraditya, granted in charity a field in the village of Veenoor (the present Honoor) to the Bustee built by Bumgaoond." This is a fair sample of the value of the translations supplied to and published by him, and of the way in which inscriptions are dealt with by the ordinary Paodit.

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APRIL, 1883.] FOLKLORE IN THE PANJAB. 103 FOLKLORE IN THE PANJAB. COLLECTED BY MRS. F. A. STEEL. WITH NOTES BY CAPT. B. C. TEMPLE, B.S.C., F.R.G.S., M.B.A.S., &o. (Continued from vol. XI, p. 230.) No. 18.-LITTLE ANKLE BONE. in the sunlight, and the winds whistled softly Once upon a time there was a little boy who through it. went to live with his aunt,' and she set him Now one day three robbers who had just to tend sheep. So all day long he tended robbed a palace came by, and seating themselves sheep in the wilds and blew on his little shep- under the oak began to divide the spoil. Just herd's pipe from morn till eve. Now one day a as they were beginning to divide the golden pang great big wolf appeared and looked hungrily and the silk apparel and the silver vessels into at the little boy, and then at his fat sheep, three heaps a jackal howled, and at the same and said: instant as luck would have it the Little Ankle "Little boy, shall I eat you or your sheep P" Bone's thread snapped and down it fell on the Then the little boy answered, "I don't know, hend of one of the thieves like a stone. This Mr. Wolf; I must ask my aunt." the thieves considered to be a warning, and So all day long he played on the pipe, and in whispering to each other that they were disthe evening when he brought the flock home | covered they fled, leaving the treasure behind he asked his aunt, saying : them. "Auntie, dear, a great big wolf asked me "Now," said Little Ankle Bone to himself, to-day if he should eat me or my sheep. Which "I shall lead a fine life." So he went into shall it be ?" the town and bought a new shepherd's pipe, Then his aunt looked at him and then at the and played so sweetly on it that all the beasts fat sheep, and answered sharply,-"Why, you, of the field and forest and all the birds of the of course!" air and the very fishes in the pond flocked to So the little shepherd went off with his flock hear him. Then Little Ankle Bone built next morning and blew away contentedly on marble basins round the pond for the animals his pipe till the wolf came, and then he said :- to drink out of, and sat all day under the oak "If you please, Mr. Wolf, auntie says you are and played to them, and in the evening the to eat me." does and the tigresses and the she-wolves Now the wolf, savage as he was, could not all came to him to be milked. Some of the help having just a little pity for the tiny milk he drank and the rest flowed into the pond shepherd with his tiny pipe, and said kindly,- until at last it became a pond of milk which "Could I do anything for you after I have grew bigger and bigger day by day. eater you ?" At last an old woman passing by heard the "Thank you," replied the little shepherd, shepherd's pipe and following the sound came " If you would be so kind after you have to the pond of milk. She was wonder-struck, picked my bones to thread my ankle bone on especially when Little Ankle Bone called out:a string and hang it on the wild oak that "Fill your pitcher, mother, fill your pitcher. weeps over the pond yonder, I shall be much All may drink who come hither." obliged." So she filled her pitcher with milk and went So the wolf when he had eaten the little boy her way. And as she journeyed she fell in and picked the bones did as he had promised, with the king of the country, who, while hantand hung the ankle bone by a string to the ing in the forest, had lost his way. Seeing the branches of the oak, where it danced and swung old woman's pitcher he called out :-"Give me The word used wad gert, which appears to be local, * ban phuquercus arcana, the wild oak of India. Its and to be arrived at thus : girl, dim, from gerd.gitta, branches grow very low, frequently touching the ground. Panj. gatta, Hindi, an ankle bone. In the verse at the -R. C. T. end of the tale Little Ankle Bone calls himself Giteti . Dogs barking (or jackals howling) during an enterRam a very interesting instance of the manner in which prise is a commonly considered a bad omen in India as modern Panjab proper names are formed.-R.C.T. in Europe.-R. C.T. Miel - maternal aunt.R.O.T. * Daurian; daura, Panj..Hind. nand, a wide-mouthed bdnert, banal, or murti; a flute, reed, pipe; made earthen vessel, a marble drinking place for animals; . famous to all time by the legend of Krishna.-R.C.T. marble trough.R.C.T.

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104 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1883. a drink of water, good mother, for I am half began to thunder and lighten terribly. Wheredead of thirst." upon Little Ankle Bone cried out :" It is not water, but milk, my son," replied Kylli gunjae, badald garkande ? the old woman," which I got from the Milky Gaj karak sare des; Pond yonder." Ohnan hirnian de than pasmde : "The Milky Pond," cried the king, and began Giteta Ram gia pardes.' enquiring. After a while he determined to go Oh why do you thunder and lighten, dark and see it for himself. When he reached it and heavens ? saw all the animals drinking out of the marble Your noise is as nothing to what will arise, basins and heard Little Ankle Bone playing When the does that are waiting in vain for the ever so sweetly under the oak tree, he said milking, aloud :-"I'll have the little piper if I die Find poor Little Ankle Bone reft from their eyes. No sooner did Little Ankle Bone hear this | He wept and wailed so that the king, seeing than he set off at & run with the king after he had but an ankle bone in his hand let the him. Never was there such a chase, for Little little creature go back to the pond. And there Ankle Bone hid himself in the thickest briers Little Ankle Bone still sits under the oak-tree and thorns, and the king was determined to playing on his shepherd's pipe, while all the have the little piper. animals of the forest come to listen and drink At last the king caught him and instantly it out of the marble basins. for it." EARNESTNESS IN CHINESE BUDDHISM. BY THE REV. JOSEPH EDKINS, D.D., PEKIN. (Extracted from " the Catholic Presbyterian," August 1882). Buddhism in China has passed through in almost all cases their duties are light. In many phases, and at different periods has large monasteries they are under rule. In the shown great skill in fashioning its doctrines small monasteries each does 9 he pleases, and to the varying hour. By transcendental philo- in most cases does very little. They have sophy it has won the learned, and by the charge of the temporalities of the monastery metempsychosis the people. By a lofty ascetic and of funeral services in families. In some morality it has attracted those whose hearts cases they conduct daily service in the monasare made warm by representations of the beauty teries. In other cases they go out on begging of self-denial and contempt for worldly dis- expeditions among the rich of adjoining cities, tinctions, while by an ingenious logic it has proceeding in companies, and chanting prayers fascinated the intellect of many a youthful on the way. The priest in charge of a monasreader, whose successive objections to its doc- tery with its lands, holds a deed. In many trines have been met and overcome by the instances he can part with this for money to persevering use of pictorial metaphor. another priest, at his discretion. In most cases, The majority of the monks are indolent and however, he is simply placed over the property without religious aspirations. They live in free by the chief residents of the neighbourhood. quarters with hardly anything to do, encour. In no case can he properly or honestly sell the aged in idleness by the monastic system wbich property. He should, indeed, have no property takes them away from the pursuits of industry at all, and of this his shaven head is evidence. to pass a life of quiet meditation in the company with the shorn locks goes the worldly gear of of others like-minded with themselves. Their the neophyte. The vow of celibacy is accomnew home may be in the city, the mountain, or panied by a vow of total abstinence from wine the village, or beside a highway or a river. But and flesh of every kind. Bat these rules do Lit., why echo, O thundering clouds Roar and common amongst all the wandering cattle-drovere' chilthunder through all the land; the teats of the does yonder dren. In the Bar, wolves are very common, and the story are full of milk; Giteta Ram (Mr. Ankle Bone) has gone Beems to point to a belief in some invisible shepherd, away-R.C.T. & Bort of Spirit of the Bar, whose pipe may be heard. Of. This story, told by small boy in the Bar (forest; Grimm's Singing Bone.'-F. A. S. thickly-wooded jangal) of the GujranwALA District, is!

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EARNESTNESS IN CHINESE BUDDHISM. APRIL, 1883.] not make the Chinese Buddhists a devout class. The nation is not devout as a nation, and even the devout individual is rarely met with. The idea of special sacredness does not easily attach itself to temples, nor do the monks show any special reverence in the presence of the images, while the number and coarseness of the images tend to detract from their effect. Solemnity is not the feeling which is most naturally awakened in the visitor's mind when he sees them. The people of the neighbourhood neither show it nor expect it in others. Yet there have been not a few devout Buddhists, as may be clearly inferred from their biographies and from the books they have left behind. The peculiar doctrines of their religion, when thoroughly accepted, would induce seriousness of deportment and an earnest life. For instance, the contempt shown by this religion for the world and for wealth and honour would induce many persons out of the hundreds of millions who have at various times become monks, to take the vows with very serious intentions. Among the laity also, the reading of Buddhist literature has had a marked influence on some. The heroes, lay and clerical, among the Buddhists, who have achieved wide fame for themselves in this way are not a few, and this is true also of heroines. In spite of the fact that the national temperament is not inclined to spiritual devontness, but rather to secularity; that the Confucianists have always looked coldly on this foreign religion, scorning it publicly, and despising it in their hearts; and that emperors have by repeated edicts held up the Buddhists to popular condemnation, still devout men and women have been found among them. These are but a very small percentage of the whole number of monks. The chief reason of their being few is found in the nature of Buddhism, as a religion without God. That belief in God which gives vigour to a religion is absent from Buddhism, except in so far as Baddha, in this system of belief, takes the place of God in the devotee's consciousness. This, however, is only a limited conception. As a man, Buddha is long since dead. As God, Buddha is lost in pantheistic indefiniteness of idea. Both the metaphysical dogmas and the understood sense of the Nirvana surround the idea of God with a thick haze. 105 For the soul feeling after God, in the region of Buddhist thought there is no personal reality to be grasped. The divine and almighty Being becomes an image like that in Virgil of the deceased wife of Eneas, which he three times tried to seize and to embrace "Ter conatus ibi collo dare brachia circum, Ter frustra comprensa manus effugit imago." Thrice round her neck he tried his arms to clasp, Thrice clasped in vain, the shadow fled his grasp. Buddhism is a very disappointing religion to those who sigh for certitude and reality. It serves for those who are content with dreams. It supplies them with fancy sketches of the future, but fails to endow those visions with permanence, so that the hungry soul finds nothing to feed on in this religion but philosophic dogma and unreal imaginations. Yet, that there have been devout men who, under Buddhist training, have shown great earnestness, will now be proved by examples. The devotion of the Chinese Buddhists to their religion may be illustrated from their old biographies in great abundance. When these narratives were penned, there was great vigour in the propagation of Buddhism. The Chinese neophytes of the first centuries had among them many more noted names than is true of the modern Buddhists. The biographical records of those earlier times contain many hundred separate personal narratives of men thought worthy of a place in those compilations which form a sort of "Lives of the Saints." The authors of the various Buddhist "Lives of the Saints" have before them an ideal of perfection very different from that of the Christian. The qualities which they regard as making up the sum of goodness are such as these the despising of the world, submission to the rale enjoining vegetarian diet, and other ascetic rules of Buddhism, devoted study of the Buddhist books, diligence and aptness in converting those who are still in the world to the monastic life. To these may be added a deep perception of the truth of Buddhist dogmas, success in defending those dogmas, and some conspicuous instances of self-denial. In these lives some men are represented as fearing to pollute the pure rules of the monastery, and therefore for a time returning to the world. Later they take the vows, being con

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106 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. vinced that the Buddhist doctrine transcends any other. The favourite books read at that time, that is, in the fifth and sixth centuries, were the Hwayen-ching, the Nie-pan-ching (Nirvana Sutra), the Wei-mo-ching (Vimalakirti Sutra), the Lotus, the Four Divisions, the Po-jo-ching (Prajna Sutra), and the Discourse on the Earth (Dasabhumi Sutra). A devoted student would read 4000 or 5000 characters a-day, and, if he had a good memory, would recollect all he had read. Some are described as reading Buddhist books when from five to six years old, and at nine years, by studying the Nirvana discourses, to have perceived that the world deserves contempt. One devotee is represented as finding in the Nirvana a cure for sickness and cold, so that a single grain of rice with vegetables, and one garment with straw in addition, would satisfy him; for while his body grew weak, his mental animation would be more and more perfect. These saints, when young, are described as distinguished by modesty and decorum. One of them, who became a monk in A.D. 470, in the time of the Emperor Ming-ti, of the Sung dynasty, at sixteen years of age was remark able for his attention to the instructions of his teachers. If they were very sick, he would not eat for several days. He constantly waited on them all this time. So long as they did not take food, he would not. When they ate or drank, he would do so too. When they were quite recovered, he would again take his former amount of nourishment. Thus his ascetic virtue became strong and clear. At the same time he grew in knowledge, and was in fact more profoundly wise than the barbarians, the author meaning by this phrase probably the Hindu Buddhist saints, and those of Kabul and Turkistan. The princes of that time appointed conferences, at which select priests were appointed to discourse. In these conferences, when the lot fell on our hero, sitting on the last seat, he distinguished himself above all that came before him. According to the same narratives, the middle life of distinguished monks in the monasteries was marked by careful reading of the Sutras of Buddha. Much of their fame for devotion consists in this, but retribution came with sure footsteps to substantiate their claim to be admired. [APRIL, 1883. The same priest who was so sympathetic and respectful to his teachers, when twenty-nine years old, met with a female fortuneteller, who could foretell the future exactly as it subsequently occurred in ninety-nine cases out of a hundred, and in fact, so it was said, in the hundredth case too. She said to him, "Teacher of the law! you are learned and wise, and your fame reaches all over the world. But unhappily you will only live to thirty-one." Hearing this, he ceased his public teaching, and applied himself to self-improvement and reflection, making a vow not to go out of the door of the monastery. He then searched the Sutras, and meeting with the Vajra Prajna, or Diamond Sutra, he took it reverentially to his room to read. When the end of the year came, he bathed himself with perfumed water, made the room perfectly clean, and chanted this book, intending thus to meet his approaching death. But on a sudden he heard a voice in the air, saying to him, "Good and brave man, last year thy life was fixed by retributory fate to end at thirty-one. But now, through reading the Prajna, you have by the strength of that book acquired a lifetime twice as long!" Our hero after this went in search of the fortuneteller, who exclaimed on seeing him, "Why! what is the reason that you are etill living? Formerly I saw distinctly that you would lead a short life, now I see that I was wrong. Sham : Your fate I see plainly cannot be foretold." Our hero asked, "How long shall I live now ?" She replied, "I see by the structure of the bones of your face and head that you will live to be more than sixty." To this he answered, "I should not have called fifty a short life, but now I am to live longer than that." He then told all that had occurred to the fortune-teller; and it need not be added, that she received with great delight this confirmation of her prophetic power. After this he lived to the time foretold by the wise woman. In consequence, all over the region known then as Kiang-tso, and now called Kiangnan and Kiang-su, the practice of chanting the Diamond Sutra grew fashionable; and many other proofs of wonderful efficacy following on reading this book were spread abroad. The popularity of certain treatises among the Chinese Buddhists is based on their fame for magical efficacy, which they have accidentally

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APRIL, 1883.] acquired through incidents in the lives of saints. It will occur to every one who is acquainted with China, that this is also true of certain temples in every part of the country. They become famous through their connection with, some noted priest, to whom remarkable things have happened. Later in life the same monk became very conspicuous; and it was such men as he that lent strength to Buddhism in the period of advancing prosperity which had then arrived. The State began to favour this religion, and encourage its institutions. Chi-tsang was among the representative men of the time when Buddhism rose, as nearly as it ever did, to the point of becoming the State religion of China and yet failed to reach that point. It is important to know what sort of a man he was. He was firm, without being violent. He did not become worldly in tastes when enjoying imperial favour, but continued the quiet occupations of the monkish cell, reading the metaphysical books which his religion holds sacred, and explaining them to his monkish audiences. In his hand Buddhism did not bend to State power, nor did he and those like him succeed in attracting the State so far towards their views as to cause the abandonment of the old State ceremonies. They only persuaded the Emperor Liang-wu-ti to forbid the use of animal sacrifices in the worship of heaven and earth, and that of the spirits of grain and land, and the Emperor Wei-hien-wen-ti, A.D. 470, to do the same thing in North China. Confucianism received a brief check: China wondered when the former of these two emperors went to a monastery and became a monk, and felt relieved when he returned to his throne. He loved Buddhism, but Confucianism was too strong for him. Matters soon resumed their old footing. EARNESTNESS IN CHINESE BUDDHISM. Liang-wu-ti was the Constantine of Bud. dhism in China; but he did not accomplish as much for Buddhism as Constantine did for Christianity. Buddhism endured much suffering after his reign, and Confucianism still maintained its superiority in regard to civil rights and authority. Buddhism flourished greatly during the forty-eight years of the reign of Liang-wa-ti. That emperor wished to assume the control of the monks, on the ground that the government 107 of the higher priests did not follow them beyond the gates of the temples where each presided. Acts of excess abounded without check. The priests who held office should, in regulating the observance of the religious rules, be under the emperor, who should regulate all. A document was sent for the signatures of those who approved. It was brought to Chitsang, who drew his pen across it as a sign of disapproval, on the ground that a layman, not understanding the depths of the Buddhist doctrine, which is as a great sea, cannot administer the government of the Buddhist community. The emperor read this remark, and paid no attention. The resistance of the monk was of no avail. The edict was promulgated. The emperor called an assembly of the priests. Chi-t sang came in late. The emperor said that he intended to make a change in the mode of procedure in cases of delinquency. Monks were not sufficiently trained. Those in authority among them, through ignorance of the laws, punished culprits too severely. He would himself, in leisure hours, act as Buddhist magistrate, dressed as a white-robed monk, and would establish regulations in accordance with law. This was the duty properly of abbots and other chief monks, but Buddha himself had expressly entrusted kings with this power. In conversation with various priests, he had found on various occasions that they coincided with him in opinion. He added that he would like to know the opinion of the monkish teacher of the law whom he saw present. The monk was in favour of allowing things to remain as they were. To this the emperor consented, but he was very much displeased. It became necessary for the chief persons of the monkish fraternity to intercede for. C h i-t sang, and this they did with some effect. When he was asked, "Why were you not afraid to excite the emperor's anger ?" he said: "I am old, and whatever the emperor may command, I have not long to live. As to death, I do not regret that my end must come ; therefore I am tranquil." He continued to discourse on the Diamond Sutra and the Prajna, and died A.D. 519. As an early example of the devotion of the Buddhists, we may give the cutting on stone, near Pekin, of the Buddhist sacred books, at the hill called S ia u-s i-tien, the "lesser western

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108 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1883. heaven." On this hill, facing the east, are eight Sutra), the Hwa-yen-ching (Avatamsaka Sutra), caves, in which the stone tablets containing the and the Po-jo-ching (Prajna Sutra),-in all, Buddhist books are piled up. The place is within 1560 tableta. From dates and names found here a short and pleasant walk from the rich and and there it appeared that about A.D. 620, in the ancient monastery known as Si-yu.si. The way Sui dynasty, the priest Tsing-wan-Tsing lies along the bank of a broad mountain stream, originated the undertaking. His object was, by where you may sit on some large stone and engraving the Buddhist sacred books on stone, pore upon the brook that bubbles by, close by to preserve them from possible destruction. the monastery. A strong stone bridge leads to He toiled at this work till his death in the year a farm where the people are busy harvesting. A.D. 639. A second monk continued this task The road lies beyond this farm through a of carving tablets with the words of Buddha. eypress wood of considerable size, or along the After his death another successor was found edge of it, as the pedestrian may feel inclined. to carry on the work. So the thing went for He passes beyond the wood through fields ward for five generations. During all this time, which gradually rise till they are lost in the extending probably much longer than a cenlower slopes of a hill, where the caves of the tury, these five priests in succession continued tablets are found. Ascending this hill, the their work of engraving on stone the sacred traveller passes several caves closed up by books of their religion. Seven widemouthed strong stone gates, made of upright stone bars, wells, hollowed in the rock near the doors of 80 as to form a double row of gratings, one the seven caves, seem to tell of long labour, of above the other. Through the gate he sees thirst, of cool draughts of water from the rock tablets of stone piled irregularly. Still rising, during hot summer days, of the constant need he arrives at the entrance of an open cave, of water by the graver for his tools, of months Round its four sides are placed, in the wall, and years spent on the mountain, working limestone tablets. Each of them has 988 steadily with chisel and hammer, simply on characters clearly cut. There are in this cave, account of admiration for Buddha and his in all, 150 tablets, and, therefore, there are doctrines, mixed with a belief in the great 148,200 characters in all. The tablets are merit to be acquired by this long and wearisome arranged in two or three tiers, according to the task. Then after perhaps 130 or 150 years the size and shape of the cave. Four octagon work ceased. The spirit of devotion slumbered pagodas support the roof, and more than and the cutting of the tablets closed till the 1000 images of Buddha are placed in small eleventh century. There was an interval of niches, in sixteen rows, upon the surface of 250 years before the cutting was again begun. these pagodas, and these rows reach from In the fifth, sixth, and seventh centuries, as floor to ceiling. There was no one on the hill is well known, there was much faith amongst when I was there with our party, but a trades- the Chinese Buddhists. In the fourth centary, man from the city of Pau-ting-fu, who earns Fa-hian went to India, and returned after his livelihood by taking rubbings from tablets. fifteen years. His object was a religious one. A request to him to take copies of two inscrip- His narrative is pervaded by a spirit of deep tions which gave the history of these caves, faith in his religion. It was Buddha's life and brought in the evening the requisite informa- teaching that stirred in him the desire to travel tion regarding this remarkable work of ancient to India, that he might visit his birthplace, the Buddhist zeal. In the year 1026, in the time of scenes of his preaching, and the spot where he the Liau dynasty, a governor of Cho-chea, the died. city to which this mountain and the monastery Then comes the name of Hiwen-Tsang, Si-yu-si belong, sent messengers to search the who left China on his way to India, A.D. 629, mountain. The caves were carefully examined, while these tablets were being cut, and returned and the priests of the monastery questioned, after seventeen years. With him our stone bat they knew nothing definite. The caves carver may be compared. They were contemwere opened, and a register made of the porary. The one desired to add to the Budtablets, which were found to contain the dhist books, the other to preserve them from Ching-fa-men-ching, the Nie-pa'n-ching (Nirvana all danger of destruction. But the same sort

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APRIL, 1883.) EARNESTNESS IN CHINESE BUDDHISM. 109 of religious zeal animated them, and it was the spirit of the time in which they lived, and of which they were the most eminent examples. China has held one in memory, and almost forgotten the other. The one was recognised by the court and the nation as a hero, the other toiled on the mountain at a long distance from the capital, which was then in north. western China, at the south end of Shan-si. In the Liau dynasty, the work of this forgotten priest came to light, and great admiration was excited. In 1038, it was resolved to complete the unfinished undertaking with public funds. New tablets were cut to the number of 360, and in A.D. 1058 an inscription was set up to commemorate their completion, giving these details. To give a more definite idea of the work done, it may be mentioned that the cave we saw contained 150 tablets, which were large enough to admit of the New Testament being twice written upon them, in characters of the same size and in the book-language version. But there are in all 2730 tablets enclosed in the seven caves. Of these, 2130 were cut by the five priests working alone in succession for more than a century without public money, and the work they completed would be equivalent to about thirty-two New Testaments. The characters are clear and well cut, and look like those of the Syrian inscription, which indeed was a contemporary work. The work proceeded for thirty years, when public money was used. The number of tablets increased by six hundred, and a close was put to the undertaking when the four principal divisions of the sacred books were finished in 1011 chapters. These constitute about a sixth part of the entire Buddhist collection, as it was settled in the reign of the Emperor Yung-cheng, in the eighteenth century. Of course, many books are included in this recent collection which do not profess to consist of the trae words of Buddha, but avowedly came from the hand of various authors. The favourite books of the northern Buddhists are those of the Mahayana or Great Development. It was for these that Hiwen-Tsang had an attachment, and a larger supply of these he bronght to China from India. It is these that are engraved on the tablets, and that here continued to be favourites with the Buddhists of China. I now proceed to give an instance of a highly educated layman, in the twelfth century, becoming a believer in the Buddhist doctrines, and zealously engaging in their propagation, though not a monk. This was Wang-jihieu, author of the work called Tsing-tu-wen (Bukhavati vyuha). He was himself a doctor of literature, and could therefore address the cultured class on behalf of Buddhism in a way they could appreciate. He says, when exhorting young students, that the success of some very young scholars at the examinations, and the failure of others who had studied hard for many years, is a manifest result of virtuous and vicious conduct in a former life, according to the doctrine of metempsychosis. To old scholars he says, " The past is to you merely a fleeting dream. The days succeed each other quickly. Who can help growing old P Surely you should earnestly give attention to this doctrine. Whether a man be old or young, if he reform others, and cause them again to produce a reformation in friends and neighbours, he will have greater happiness in this life, and after his death he will be born in a much better condition." He exhorts those who chant Buddhist prayers in the following terms :-"To chant prayers and make vows of abstinence is truly a good thing. You will obtain a reward of great happiness in the coming life. But this reward is limited. You will be still involved in the ever-circling wheel of life and death. If you further seek to be born in the peaceful land,' you will escape from the wheel of life and death. Although the attainment of your own reformation is a merit, yet it is a small merit: to exhort others is certainly a greater merit, Your merit will be still greater if you persuade other men to become, in their turn, exhorters, and teach them also to chant and make vows of abstinence as you have done. In this way you will be much more honoured in the present life, and enjoy endless happiness in the next." He exhorts monks in another way: " You have done some virtuous things, but you are still passing round in the wheel of life. When the reward of your few virtuous acts is complete, you will fall again into misery. You had better prepare for the peaceful land, become extricated from the wheel of life, and see Amitabha Buddha. Then you will for ever cease to be

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110 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1883 a monk. Whenever any one gives you a piece Chinese virtues, the author urges on sons to of money, or a meal, you should tell him of the exhort their parents to seek birth in the peacepeaceful land. This you should do from gra- ful land. By doing this they will not only be titude. Even if he does not believe, you should filial to them for one life, but be the means still tell him of it. His ear will become accus- of conferring on them the greatest possible tomed to it, and then at last he will believe. longevity and unmeasured happiness during Then assuredly his advantage will be great." immense periods of time, numerous as the In exhorting silk-worm cultivators, he says, sands of the Ganges. This is filial piety, he "Silk-worms produce silk, which makes cloth- says, of the truest and greatest sort. ing for men. This is the way of the world, In the same way, pithy exhortations from but it is the cause of a great destruction of the Buddhist standpoint of the metempsychosis, life. There are those who support themselves with the addition of the western heaven, are by citing the favourable judgment of Ma-ming addressed to medical men, to the rich, to women, p'a-sa (Asvaghosha). But an examination of to concubines, to the covetons, to those who the Sutras shows that he never said what is love their families, to farmers, &c. attributed to him. It is only said that Buddha This author composed his book about the instructed his disciples not to wear silk cloth- period when printing became common. Since ing or leather shoes, because they cannot be that time it has been repeatedly republished made without killing animals. Since the care and continued to be popular. By these examof silkworms is one of the regular occupations ples, taken from Buddhist history in the sixth, of life, those who are engaged in it ought to be seventh, and twelfth centuries, it may be plainly ashamed, and constantly feel sorry for what seen that there has been much of a certain they do. Reciting the name of Amitabha religious earnestness among the followers of Buddha, they should give utterance to a great this faith, and that their zeal has displayed wish, to the effect that after seeing Buddha, . itself in various ways. We find here firm and obtaining enlightenment, they desired to resistance to State encroachment in taking on undertake the salvation of all the insect lives itself ecclesiastical authority. We see also the they had destroyed while engaged in the care of patience of a quiet zeal continuing for many silk-worms. If they constantly repeat Buddha's tens of years the engraving of Buddhist books name, and heartily feel this desire, they will on stone as a work of religious faith. Then we be born in the world of perfect joy; and should have a most zealous exhorter appealing earnestly they be successful in reforming others, who in to his countrymen of every class to adopt the their turn will be exhorters to reformation, Buddhist morality and life for the hope of their happiness will be great in this life and heaven, and from a conviction that this world the next. is vanity, that Buddha is wise, and that all he Filial piety being the most prominent of the taught is true. MISCELLANEA. NELEVIDU. And the Siddapur inscription of Saka 1080 1. 19 (vol. XI. p. 273); Sampagddiya nelevidinol The following are some of the passages in which In the latter passage, Mr. K. B. Pathak transthis word occurs : lates " in the vicinity of Sampagkdi." But neleNo. L. (vol. VIII. p. 20), and the Kembh&vi vidis certainly has a far more specific meaning inscription of Saka 975 (id. p. 105); Kalydnada than 'vicinity. It is compounded of nele, 'place, nelevidino! abode, residence; one's own house; fixed,' and Pali, Sanskrit, and Old-Canareso Inscriptions, bidu, to which Sanderson gives the meaning of No. 163, 11. 11-2, and No. 164, 1. 14-5 (vol. IX. a temporary residence, a halting-place. And p. 50); Etagiriya nelevidinol. though Sanderson does not give the word nelevldu No. XOVII. 1. 11 (vol. X. p. 127); Bankd. itself, yet he gives a somewhat similar word, purada nelevidinol nele-ede, in the sense of a place of abode, a fixed No. CXVII. 1. 31 (vol. X. p. 252, and Errata), residence. Sri-rajadhani-Panthipurada nelevidinol. As I pointed out in vol. VIII. p. 105, it is

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APRIL, 1883.] difficult to translate the word, because it is not quite certain whether it is equivalent to rajadhani, 'capital,' or to vijaya-skandhavara, 'victorious camp.' Now the Old-Canarese inscriptions of the Silaharas of Kolhapur use the same word in referring to their capital,-Valavadada nelevidinol. But a Sanskrit inscription of one of them, dated Saka 1073 for 1072, the Pramoda samvatsara, contains (1. 11-2) the passage Srimad-VijayadityaValavdda-sthirasibire sukhasamkatha. vinodena vijaya-rajyam kurvvan; which gives us the Sanskrit sthirasibira as the correlative of the Canarese nelevidu. devah In the Sanskrit, as in the Canarese term, we have still an apparent contradiction; since the first member of the compound, sthira, means 'firm, fixed, permanent, enduring,' while the second member, sibira or bivira, means, according to Prof. Monier Williams, a camp; a royal camp, royal residence; an intrenchment for the protection of an army,' and therefore conveys the idea of a temporary abode. But both the words appear to occur only in connection with the names of large cities which were permanent capitals. And in one instance we find the word rdjadhani, which could hardly be applied to a temporary residence or halting-place, coupled with nelevidu. It would seem, therefore, that nelevidu has the meaning of 'a permanent capital,' rather than of a temporary victorious camp.' J. F. FLEET. Belgaum, 9th February 1883. THE GANGAS. (From Mr. Fleet's Dynasties of the Kanarese District). The Gangas are mentioned in connection with Pulikesi II., who succeeded to the throne in Saka 532 (A.D. 610-11) and continued to reign up to at least Saka 556. Previous to that they had been conquered by Mrigeea, of the Kadamba dynasty of Palasiks. Seven Ganga copper-plate grants have been published by Mr. Rice, and one by myself, and three stone-tablet inscriptions by Mr. Kittel; and such information eoncerning this dynasty as is derivable from them and from an old Tamil chronicle called the Kongudeeardjakal has been already compiled and published by Mr. Rice, and the result is a tolerably lengthy account and list of kings, such as it is. There was undoubtedly an early and important dynasty of MISCELLANEA. 1 Ind. Ant. vol. VI, p. 25. Id. vol. I, p. 363; vol. II, p. 155; vol. V, pp. 133 and 138; and vol. VII, pp. 168 and 174; and Mysore Inscriptions, p. 284. Id. vol. VIII, p. 212. Id. vol. VI, p. 99. Mysore Inscriptions, pp. xl, &c. 111 Ganga kings; for, in addition to the present inscription, it is mentioned, as has been indicated, also in one of the Kadamba grants of Mrigesavarma. But, while of necessity I admit this much, I cannot go further than this; and especially I cannot say with Mr. Rice that "the true history of this important line of kings may be said to have been entirely brought to light and authenticated by the inscriptions" mentioned above. If these inscriptions could be accepted as genuine, they would certainly establish Mr. Rice's point. But, whereas the grant published by myself, belonging to the third generation inclusive of the founder of the dynasty, purports to be dated in Saka 169 (A.D. 247-8), and therefore to be the oldest known record of the kind, of fixed date; in Western India, there are incontrovertible grounds for stamping this grant at once as spurious. For, not only do the characters in which it is engraved show most conclusively that it is a forgery of not earlier than the end of the ninth century A.D., but also the date established by it cannot possibly be made to fit in with the dates established by the other grants for subsequent generations of the same dynasty. And further still, this grant of Saka 169, and the Merkara grant of the year 388, and the Nagamangala grant of Saka 698, were all engraved, on their own showing, by one and the same man, Visvakarmacharya. The other grants may all be criticised in the same way, palaeographically, and on other grounds. But we have also extraneous corroborative evidence of the most important kind. These grants all agree in respect of the first three generations of the dynasty,-viz. Konganivarma (or Madhava I.), the founder of the dynasty; Madhava IL, the son and successor of Konganivarm&; and Harivarma, the son and successor of Madhava II.,-and the grant published by myself gives Saka 169 as the date of Harivarma. Now, amongst the numerous stone-tablets extant at Lakshmes war within the limits of the Dharwad District, there is one of the Ganga dynasty' which gives exactly the same account of these three generations,-adding also Madhava I. as the proper name of Kongauivarms, the latter being really only a family-title, and records a grant by Marasimha, the younger brother of Harivarma, in Saka 890 (A.D. 968-9). If the Lakshmeswar inscription were a forgery, the forgers of it would certainly have given it a much earlier date than Saka 890, and would probably have The Merkara plates purport to record a grant in the year 888, which can be only Saka 388, by the greatgrandson of the Harivarma of the grant of Saka 169. And the Nagamangala plates purport to record a grant in Saka 098 by the eleventh or twelfth in succession to Harivarma. Ind. Ant. vols VII, p. 101; also see p. 112.

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112 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1883. endeavoured to imitate the more ancient charac- ters, instead of engraving it in genuine characters of the tenth century A.D. Taking all things into consideration, the palaeographical and other objections to, and the internal inconsistencies in, the copper-plate grants; the existence of this stone-tablet at Lakshmoswar; and, Marasimha having also had the title of Satyavakya, the pro. bability that Mr. Kittel's Kiggatnad stone-tablet inscription of Satyavakya-Kongunivarma, dated Saka 900 (A.D. 978-9), is another inscription of Marasimha,--there can be no doubt whatever that the dates of the copper-plate grants are spurious, and that the date of the Lakshmeswar stone-tablet inscription is the true one for the third generation from the founder of the dynasty. And, finally, if any further argument is required, there is one more point which is of the most conclusive kind. In his paper on the Kadab grant of Govinda III., at page 11 above, Mr. Rice draws attention to the fact, which I had overlooked, that the Merkara plates mention a king named Akalavarsha, -undoubtedly a Rashtrakata, as Mr. Rice urges,-the grant, in fact, purporting to be made by a minister of this Akalavarsha with the sanction of the Ganga king. As will be seen further on, the tradition of the Miraj plates of the eleventh century A.D. mentions a R&shtrakata king named Krishna, whose son Indra was conquered by the Early Chalukya king Jayasimha I., about the beginning of the fifth century A.D. And confirmatory evidence,-at any rate of the exist- ence of an early king named Krishna, who would be slightly anterior in date to Jayasinha I., and who very possibly did belong to the Rashtrakata dynasty,- is afforded by some silver coins, found at Devalana in the Nasik District, which have the name of Krishnaraja on them, and which, on palaeographical grounds, are to be referred, as was done by Dr. Bhau Daji, to the end of the fourth century A.D. The date of Jayasimha I. was, as has been said, about the commencement of the fifth century A.D.; and accordingly General Cunningham has referred these coins specifically to the king Krishna, said to belong to the Rashtrakata dynasty, whose son was vanquished by Jayasimha I. Now, Krishna II. of the Rashtrakuta dynasty, for whom we have the dates of Saka 797 (A.D. 875-6) and 833 (A.D. 911-12), and also Krishna IV., of the same dynasty, for whom we have the dates of Saka 867 (A.D. 945-6) and 878 (A.D. 956-7), both had the title of Akalavarsha. And Mr. Rice, starting with the suggestion that the fact, that nearly all the Govindas, and only the Govindas, among the Rashtrakutas had the title of Prabhutavarsha, leads to the inference that the relations between the peculiar titles and certain names of the kings of that line were constant,-proceeds to point out that, on this analogy, Akalavarsha would indicate a king Krishna, and finally intimates that the Akalavarsha of the Merkara grant is to be identified with the king Krishna whose son was conquered by Jayasimha I. This identification, if it could be accepted, would of course be a strong argument in favour of the genuine antiquity of the Merkara plates. The full facts, however, really tend very emphatically in quite the opposite direction. Even if any Buch constant relation between the names and titles of the Rashtrakata kings, as Mr. Rice has suggested, could be established, it would still be unsafe to be positive in allotting the title of Akalavarsha to this early king Koishna, about whom we as yet know so little. But no such constant relation can be established. To take first the case of the Govindas, relied upon as the basis of his argument by Mr. Rice,-the inscriptions have given no secondary titles of Govinda I., and have given only that of Vallabha II. for Govinda II.; and, though Govinda III. and Govinda IV. certainly both had the title of Prabhutavarsha, - the former of them having also three other hereditary titles, yet Govinda V. had not that title, but was called Suvarnavarsha II. and Vallabhanarendra II. Again, Suvarnavarsha I. was the titlo of Karka or Kakka II. ; while Karka or Kakka III. had not that title, but had the titles of Amoghavarsha III. and Vallabhanarendra III. And finally,--to come to the Krishnas ---Koishna I. had the title of Akalavarsha I., but also that of Vallabha I.; Krishna II. had the title of Akalavarsha II.; tho inscriptions mention no other names of Krishna III.; and, though Krishna IV. again had the title of Akalavarsha III., yet he had also that of Niru. pama II., which had belonged in the first instance to Dhruva. These facts are quite enough to show that there was no constant relation between the names and the titles of Rashtrakata kings. And, turning to another dynasty, that of the Western Chalukyas, there, also, we find that there was anything but a constant relation between the names of the kings and their titles :-the title of Ahavamalla belonged to Taila II., and Somesvara I.; the title of Tribhuvanamalla belonged to Vikramaditya V. and Vikramaditya VI., but also to Somesvara IV.; and the title of Trailokyamalla * Id. vol. VI, p. 102. See Id. vol. VII, p. 103. 10 Mr. Rice considers that he was the exiled minister of Akalavarsha. I should prefer the equally justifiable hypothesis that he had been the minister of AkAlavarsha, and that, either on the death of that king he voluntarily or compulsurily left the RAshtrakutas and took service under the other dynasty, or, on the subversion of the power of the Rashtrakutas by the Western Chalukyas, part of their dominions, of which this minister was still in charge, fell into the possession of the Gangas..

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APRIL, 1883.] ASIATIC SOCIETIES. 113 belonged to Somesvara I.. Jayasimha IV., and fication is that the Akalavarsha of the Merkara Taila III. This part of the argument, therefore, plates is, not the early king Krishna of the end of falls entirely to the ground. And,-since the the fourth century A.D., but this same Akalavar. alphabet of the Merkara plates is, in spite of sha II., or Krishna IV., of Saka 867 (A.D. 945-6) certain attempts to reproduce the more ancient and 878 (A.D. 956-7). This disposes finally of forms, certainly not earlier than the end of the the pretensions to antiquity of the Merkara plates. ninth century A.D.; and since, other circumstances It follows, therefore, that Mr. Rice's Ganga kings also fitting in, we have an Akalavarsha of the are not the ones with whom the Kadambas and Rashtrakata dynasty whose reign lay about the Pulikesi II. came in contact; and we have still middle of the tenth century A.D. and whose to discover who the latter were, and to ascer. dominions extended at any rate to the confines oftain the authentic early history of the Ganga Maisur,-the obvious and the only tenable identi. I dynasty. ASIATIC SOCIETIES. The Journal Asiatique, VIlieme serie, tome rect. The language is exceptionally accurate. XX, No. 2 (for Aout Sept. 1882) contains the con- It relates the erection of a linga and the endow. tinuation of M. Senart's study on the pillar in- ment of a shrine sacred to Siva-Vijayesvara, and scriptions of Piyadasi, an abstract of which will supplies the following list of kings :be given at a latet page. This is followed by two 1. Rudravarman, papers on Sanskrit Inscriptions from Camboja: the 2. Bhavavarman. first a general report by M. Bergaigne on the col 3. Mahendravarman. lection of inscriptions made by Captain Aymonier 4. I sanavarman I. at Phnom Penh and other places in Central 5. Jayavarman I.; in the year 589. Camboja,' which has been entrusted to him and The year is indicated by dvardshtavdnairayyute. MM. Barth and Senart to translate; the second The era is not given but from the style it may be paper, by M. Barth, contains a specimen of supposed to be the Saka, thus corresponding these inscriptions edited and translated with the to A. D. 667. author's well-known scholarship and judgment. Another inscription from Han Khiei, not quite The inscription is No. 8 of the collection, and is complete, contains the praises of Bhavavarman of from Ang Chumnik in the Koh district, in the the preceding and of his son and successor, and province of Ba Phnom, on the left bank of the is probably the oldest of the series. Mekong, in the south of Camboja. The characters The inscription of Baksey Chang Krang gives are those of the most ancient inscriptions on stone us the names of three vassal kings of Sambhuin the Dekhan. They essentially agree with those pura :of the first Chalukyas from the sixth to the eighth Pushkaraksha century, which are engraved on the walls of the Rajendravarman. temples at Badami, Aihole, and Pattadakal. The Mahipativarman. only differences any way noteworthy are that the This last becomes suzerain under the name of turn of the t to the left is more marked, the n less Jayavarman, and makes his capital on Mount forked at the base, the r does not pass below Mahondra. It also gives the suzerain kings of the line, and the k in most cases preserves a more Vyadhapura as follows:square form without prolongation below, and with 1. Narendravarman. two symmetrical curves of the cross line. They 2. Rajapativarman. approach in general, more than to any others, the 3. Nripatindravarman. style of the inscription of Mangalisa at Badami And on Mount Mahendra :(578 A.D. Ind. Ant. vol. III, p. 305), and those of 4. Jayavarman II. (Mahipativarman). Vikramaditya II, at Pattadakal (middle of the 5. Jayavarman III. eighth century; Ind. Ant. vol. X, p. 164), but for 6. Rudravarman II. beauty of type, regularity and perfect elegance 7. Prithivindravarman. of proportion, this inscription is not only supe 8. Indravarman. rior to these last, but in general to all epigraphs 9. Yasovarman. of any extent of the same family as yet published. There may be a century between Jayavarman I. The work of the lapicide is careful in every and Jayavarman IT, who were of the same dynasty; respect, and the orthography consequently cor. and Indravarman had ascended the throne in 799, See Cochinchine francaise, excursions et reconnais sances (Saigon) fasc. viii.; Recherches et inelanges sur les Chams et les Khmers.

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114 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1883 and Yasovarman succeeded in 811. From the inscriptions of Baksey Chang Krang and Prasat Pra Dak the list is continued thus : 10. Harshavarman I. 11. Ibanavarman, was ruling in 832. 12. Jayavarman IV. 13. Harshavarman II. 14. Rajendravarman, ascended the throne in 866. 15. Jayavarman V. succeeded in 890. From other inscriptions the further succession appears to have been probably thus : 16. Dhararindravarman. 17. Suryavarman, 932 (perhaps the founder of Angkor Vat) to 988 or later. 18. Udayadityavarman. 19. Harshavarman, brother. These are the mere chronological results, from which other and more important ones are to be derived; among these they help us to assign the date of the great temples at Angkor to about A.D. 825; for the inscription of Prasat Bat Chum at Angkor Thom attributes to Rajendravarmantowards the middle of the tenth century A.D. the embellishment of a city called Yasodharapuri which is probably Angkor Thom itself; and generally all the inscriptions furnish us with the latest date at least to which we can ascribe the buildings on which they are, and thus help us to important data in the history of art in Camboja. " India," says M. Bergaigne, "is always India, beyond the Ganges, as on this side. Its history, or at least that which we are able to learn, is really its religious history. But the religious history of India is an important part of the religious history of humanity." They also throw important light on the early colonization of the Hindus." These are all religious inscriptions, mostly Saiva; but there is a long Buddhist one of Jayavarman V. The remainder of the part is occupied by a fresh translation of the non-Semitic inscription of Hammurabi by M. Ar. Amiaud; a Notice of the Sect of the Yezidis by M. N. Siouffi, consisting of cosmogonic traditions, traditions of their origion, and on their Emir; a letter from M. Halevy on the identification of the town of Albaida in Arabia with Nescus or Nesca of classical authors; and Book Notices of C. de Harlez's Manuel du Pehlevi des Livres de la Perse, and Jevad Bey's Etat militaire Ottoman. BOOK NOTICES. ANTIQUARIAN REMAINS AT SUPRA AND PADANA, by identification of the place mentioned in these Pandit Bhagvanlal Indraji. (Reprinted from the Journal of the Bombay Branch of the R. Asiatic Society), early references. Lassen had fixed upon Surat, 1882. and his authority was accepted until given in this This pamphlet of 56 pages issued in November Journal (vol. I, p. 321), about fourteen years ago, last, and forming a paper in the last issue of when the identification first really directed attenthe Bombay Branch Asiatic Society's Journal tion to Supara. gives an account of the relics found in a stupa The discovery of a block of basalt bearing a at Supara, excavated by Mr. J. M. Campbell small fragment of the VIIIth edict of Asoka, and the author last April, and of a small frag. consisting of about eight letters in each of six ment of the VIIIth edict of Asoka, and some lines, supplies the author with a text on which he small inscriptions and carvings on the Padana hangs a comparison of the other five versions, and hill in Salsette. The paper is a very full one, gives a new translation of this edict, we could as indeed the importance of the find at Supara have wished for the sake of clearness that this had deserved it should be, and besides the notes been given in better English,-it runs thus :signed by Mr. Campbell, his hand may be traced "For long, kings have started on pleasure tours throughout in the references to European authors; | where were (which consisted of) the chase and it has finally, however, been but indifferently other such amusements. For this reason a religiedited. ous tour was started by the ten-years-installed The paper opens with an enumeration of all Piyadasi, dear to the gods, who had reached true the references to Supara the author has been able knowledge. In which (tour) this happens : Visitto find in either Oriental or Western literature, ing and making gifts to Brahmanas and to Budthough he seems to have missed many of those dhist monks, visiting old men, making gifts of cited by the Editor of this Journal in August last, gold, looking after the land and the people, giving (vol. XI, pp. 236-7) and by Dr. Klatt (p. 293), and, instruction in religion, and making enquiries as curiously enough, he entirely passes over the to the state of) religion. By such means this See Kern, in Revue de l'Histoire des Religions. 1 The Pandit has introduced the use of in the transli teration of Sanskrit words for the palatal sibilant T. Now as Graumann, Whitney, the Dutch Orientalists and others, use this sign for the lingual , as being analogous to the n se of , !, &c., for the other linguals, this use of it for the palatal "is against every analogy, and altogether to be condemned." (Whitney, Ind. Ant. vol. XI, p. 266).

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APRIL, 1883.] BOOK NOTICES. 115 (religious tour) becomes a source of great delight in other parts (of the dominions) of king Piyadasi, dear to the gods." On a hillock called Vakala, near Supra, five names were found on four blocks of stone, three of them feminine,-on which majority of 3 to 2 the Paydit lays great stress--and his imagination converts them into records of gifts to the Vakula stapa,- if they are not monumental and marking "empty memorial tombs." The find of objects in the Supara stipa, consist. ed of a circular stone coffer two feet in diameter and 17 inches high, formed of two equal parts, enclosing a copper casket, inside which were four smaller caskets--one within the other-of silver, stone, crystal and gold-the latter about 14 inch diameter, weighing 159 grains, and containing some tiny fragments of earthenware, which the Pandit believes to be fragments of Gautama Buddha's begging dish. Round the copper casket were eight seated Bauddha images of which drawings are given-the correctness of which is only approxi. mate. Between the caskets were a large number of gold flowers, a small image of Buddha (weighing 14 grains), 13 stones,-beryls, crystals, glass beads, &c. and a silver coin of Yajia Satakarni, on which he reads the rather indistinct legendson the obverse Siriyanasdtakanisa rano Gotamiputasa. of the illustrions Yajna Satakarni, the king Gotamiputra and on the reverse Chaturapanasa Gotamiputakumdru Yanasdtakani. Yajsia Satakarni, son of Gotami, prince of Chaturapana.' The author in his remarks assumes that since Pulumayi and Chashtana are very probably the same as the Siri Polemaios and Tiastanes of Ptolemy, therefore they were contemporaries. This is very bad logic ; Ptolemy's notes on the two geographical positions contain no verbs, and might refer to two notable kings hundreds of years apart, and he might also with equal propriety have entered Taxila as the capital of Poros.' That these two kings were contem. porary, has, however, been proved on other and satisfactory data. He places Yajnasri as the second successor of Pulum&yi, with Chaturapana, the father of the latter between--forgetting altogether to assign a place to Madhariputra. The eight images he identifies with Sakyamuni, Kasyapa, Kanaka, Krakuchchhanda, Sikhi, Vi. It is to be regretted that the "section of the stapa given on plato III, in so very inaccurate and misleading : and the dimensions of 67 feet in diameter given at one place, and 968 foot circumference at another, do not tally. It is almost impossible now to determine the diameter, but it was probably very close upon 70 feet, pasyi and Maitreya. Groups of 8 or 9 figures are so frequent in Bauddha mythology that, but for the tree cognizances over seven of these, we might regard them as the representatives of any of the groups so frequent in China, Tibet and Japan. The symbols over the first seven, however, if not decisive, are strongly corroborative of the Pandit's identification. But it is to be remembered, that, like the Hindu guardians of the eight points, the Buddhists have also a similar series, in which Akshibhya is placed on the east, Simhaghosha on the south-east, &c., and, as here, Sakyamuni on the north-east. The eighth figure, which the author identifies with Maitreya, however, is seated not as a Buddha but a Bodhisattva, with his feet in the lalita mudri, holding a branch with flowers on it in his left hand, and quite as much resembles Avalokitesvara or Masijusri as it does Maitreya : may it not very probably be meant for Parnamaitrayaniputtra Bodhisattva of Supara, who is to reappear as Dharmaprabhasa Buddha P and may not the fragments be of Parna's bowl ? The Pandit, however, states confidently that "the meaning of the circle of Buddhas is that Maitreya, the Coming Buddha, has come, has entered the relic mound, and asks from Gautama his begging bowl in token that Gautama admite his claim to be Buddha. The other Buddhas are present, because it is the belief that Gautama's bowl had been passed from one Buddha to another as a symbol of the office of Buddha." This is so fanciful and assumes so much that we cannot accept it. Besides, had any fragments of Buddha's Bhikshupatra been known to exist so late as the date of the Supra stapa, and been deposited there, we should surely have found some reference to the fact in Bauddha literature, which tells us so much about the bowl. The style of this Maitreya's ornaments too, he thinks, belongs to the 7th or 8th century, and therefore the tope must have been opened then, " when new images and probably new copper and silver caskets were put in." This is a mere theory without satisfactory evidence. The last few pages are devoted to an exhaustive account of the symbols and short inscriptions cut on the face of the rock at Padana hill in Salsette island, some of them mere names, the longest being the Bauddha formula,-Ye hetu dharma, &c. The pamphlet is of great interest, and though scholars will differ from the theories propounded in it, all will willingly acknowledge the value of the discoveries. or 220 feet in ciroumference. It is hardly necesary to point out that the brick and earth dome may have been tilted, but could not have been of the form proposed by the Pandit. The plinth too, ww. probably less than 18 feet broad. Plate IV is also misleading.-J.B.

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116 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1883. do. THE CHRONOLOGY of ANCIENT NATIONS, an English usefulness for transforming dates in the ancient version of the Arabic text of the Athar-ul-Baliva of Albiruni, or Vestiges of the Past, collected and calendars of which the author treats into Julian reduced to writing by the Author in A. H. 390-1, dates. In order to do this successfully it is. A.D. 1000. Translated and edited, with Notes and Index, by Dr. C. Edward Sachau, Berlin. London: necessary to know the epochal day of each era, For the Oriental Translation Fund by W. H. Allen the months and the number of days they contain, and Co. and in the case of intercalated years, the year in We owe the Oriental Translation Fund Com. which the intercalation occurs. mittee and Dr. Sachau a debt of gratitude for A few notes made in the course of perusal of rendering this most interesting work on Oriental the work, rather than a review, may afford some Chronology accessible to the English reader. It is idea of the character of its contents. well known that Albiruni's is one of the most com- Albiruni nowhere connects the Christian Era prehensive on the subject, whether by an Oriental with the Epochs to which he refers, but it is or Occidental author, and its general accuracy is agreed on all hands that the Era of Nabonassar no less marked a feature. The translator has done began on Wednesday, 26th February, 747 B.C. his work well, and with the most marked ability, With this and the Table of intervals on page 133, as is evidenced by the notes he has appended to it. it is easy to find the dates, according to Albiruni, The practical utility of the work lies in its at which the different eras commenced, thus :Jul. Per. days ... (4) 1448638 (6) 860173 AEra Diluvii........... (5) 588465 Thur.17th Feb. 3102 B.C. Egyptian years and months. (6) 860173 Nabonassari ... (4) 1448638 Wed. 26th Feb. 747 B.C. I do. (4) 154760 ,, Philippi ......... (1) 1603398 Sun. 12th Nov. 324 B.C. 4341 , Alexandri ...... (2) 1607739 Mon 1st Oct. 312 B.C. Syrian years and months. (4) 104794 > Augusti ........ (6) 1712533 Fri.' 29th Aug. 25 B.C. Greek years and Egyptian months. (5) 58805 Antonini ......... (4) 1771338 Wed. 29th Aug. 137 A.D. do. 55643 Diocletiani ..... 1826981 Wed. 1st Jan. 290 A.D. Greek years and months. (2) 121459 ,,Fugae (Hijira)... (6) 1948440 Fri 16th July 622 A.D. Lunar years and Arabic months. (4) 3623 ,,Yazdazirdi ...... (3) 1952063 Tues. 16th June 632 A.D. Persian years and months. (1) 96055 ,, Mu'tadidi ......... (4) 2048118 Wed. 11th June 895 A.D. Greek years and Persian months. The months belonging to each calendar are formule given for the Signum. Unfortunately found at p. 82. In those systems, such as the the results do not in all cases agree, and it is AEra Nabonassari, where vague years are in use, probable that there have been errors, either in it is only necessary to know where the five inter- transcription or in printing. For the Era Mu'tacalary days fall; as all the years resemble each didi, the Signum would give the third current other, having each 365 days. In the calendars year as Leap year, while by the rule given on where the years are Greek or Syrian, two me- the same page (185) it would be the first. As, thods of finding the intercalary year are given, however, New Year (Nauroz) always coincided the one on p. 136 '&c., the other on p. 175 &c., and with the 11th of Haziran (p. 139) there is no the same may be found in each case from the difficulty in finding the intercalary year to be the 1 Ideler says Friday (see p. 405). This Er is the same as the Kaliyug which began at midnight 17-18 Feb. 3102 B.C. The lunar Ahargana is counted from Thursday, the Solar from Friday. - Ideler gives Thursday (see p. 406). 3 This Era is tisuilly given a beginning on Friday 29th August 284 A.1., and with this the dates on p. 105 agree. Ideler makes the Epochal day Wednesday, (p. 406). * Ideler gives Thursday. . From p. 37 we find that the Era of Almu'tadid was after Yaz. (2.10 + 90) in the year when the 1st KhurdadhMah, falling on a Wednesday, coincided with the 11th of Haziran. It is easily found that lst Khur Mah. in the years Yaz. 261, 262, 263 and 264 fell on 11th Haziran in the Ara Alexandri 1203, 1204, 1205 and 1206, respectively, but it was only in the last of these years that the given day fell on a Wednesday. This Wednesday can be easily shown to have been 11th June 895 A.D. Hence lat Khur. 264, Yaz, 11th Haz. 1206, Alex. = Wed. 11th June 895 A.D. = AEra Mu'tadidi, agroeing with the date derived above.

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APRIL, 1883.] BOOK NOTICES. 117 Korar com Xecor Kimdyear Come Year Em 19 IR 3 2 Year Con Year Emas 17 1716 16 161 17 16 97 Year corrente 91 Yaar.com Em U first. For the Era Antonini the first rule would commences on Monday, 7th Oct. 3761 B.C. give the fourth, the second rule would give the or (2) 347998d. 5h. 11m 20s. second, and the formula for the Signum the first Albiruni uniformly makes current year. We find no statement in Albirani the commencement one which would enable one to decide which was year later ................. (4) 354 8 48 40 correct. The signum for the Era Mu'tadidi should i. e., Friday, 26th Sept. most probably be << + + 4%, not 2 + + 47 3760 B.C.; ............... (6)348352 14 0 0 The Rules for finding the Signum Muharrami 80 that any given year of the AEra Adami is by Albirunt's method one less than by the common (pp. 176-184) are unnecessarily elaborate. The following Rule will be found to give correct results: method. As, however, a corresponding change is "Divide the current Hijira year by 210, and call made in the intercalated years, this leads to no the remainder R; multiply R by 131, to the product practical inconvenience. add 63, and divide the sum by 30. The quotient, At p. 65 he gives a circle illustrating the three rejecting the sevens in it, will be the Signum. Or methods by which Jews in different places arranged the intercalary year in their very Signum = 4R+ (rejecting sevens)." intricate system. The construction of the Table on p. 179 is not apparent. The Editor states that the Signa Ramadani, and not the Signa Maharrami, is indi. cated by the Table. But it fails in many instances to give correct results, thus: Year 8-Signum Mu. harrami = 2 and the S. Ramadani = 2 + 5 = 7, and not 6 as given in the Table. If, howerer, we add 55 to the year, or subtract 155 from it, and enter the Table with the number now found, we shall find the correct Signum Muharrami; thus: A. H.1 + 55-56, which gives VI; 80-A. H. 188-155 = 33, which gives IV; and A. H. 100 + 55 = 155, which gives IV. At p. 136 it is stated that the let of Tot of the AEra Dilavii always coincides with the 18th of Bahman-Mah in the non-intercalated AEra Yazdazirdi. This is a mistake. The interval between the two Eras is 1363598 De teng days (p. 133) =3735 years, 323 days. Hence, (366-323 =) 43 days will have elapsed The outer circle here (not given by Albiruni) by the 1st Tot of the following year, or 1st Tot shews the intercalation by the common system; the coincides with 13th Ardtbahist-Mah. second the intercalation when Albiruni's system The statement in the following paragraph that is followed: the third when the era began a year the 1st Tot of the AEra Nabonassari coincides later still; and the fourth, or innermost circle, with the 1st of Dai-Mah in the AEra Yazdazirdi is when the cycle was counted from AEra Alex. 12. quite correct, for the interval (p. 133) is 503425 e.g. (See note at p. 390.) days or 1379 years, 90 days, and it will be (366 A.D. 1=AE. Adami 3762 by the common method. 90 =) 276 days before 1st Tot is reached, and this . . 8761 by Albtrani. brings us to lst Dai-Mah. = 3760 by others. Albtrunt's account of the Jewish system is most =AE. Alex. 313. interesting and satisfactory. It should be observed Dividing the first three, and the last less 12 that in marking the week-day, Albiront gives |(313-12) by 19, we have as remainders, 0 or 19, the elapsed, not the current day. With him 18, 17, 16, and on examining the circles it will be 5d. 14h, means that point of time when, from sunset found that by all the methods the given year was of Saturday five days have passed, and 14 hours reckoned embolismic. Albtrani states that the more, or in other words 8 A. M. on Friday. Some second and third of these cycles were followed prefer the perhaps less accurate but more con. by the Jews of Syria, but that the latter mode venient form, 6 days 14 hours, as giving the day of arrangement was most extensively diffused of the week. Friday.' among the Jews, and that they preferred it to In the same way it should also be noticed that others, because they attributed its inventaion to while by the common method the AEra Adami the Babylonians. 13122 1519 com Year Emo 6 OF OTTE 1312 16 ar Emb. Year com ab Year Com Year or were to

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118 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [APRIL, 1883. There is not only agreement as to intercalations, but between Albiruni and the mode at present in use there is the same agreement as to the length of a cycle and of the different kinds of years. One hour contains 1080 Halakim, andCycle of 235 lunations.=(2) 6939d. 16h. 33m. 318 = (2) 6939d. 16h. 595. Ordinary year of 12 ,, =(4) 354 8 48 40 =(4) 354 8 876 Embolismic , 13 ,, = (5) 383 21 32 43 = (5) 383 21 589 By the method at present in use among the Jews, when the Moled falls on Sunday, Wednesday, or Friday, the new year begins on the following day; when in a year immediately following an embolismic year the Moled falls on Monday, as late as 15h 32m 43; (15h 589H.) the new year must be postponed to Tuesday: and when in an ordinary year the Moled falls on Tuesday as late as 9h 11m 20s (9h 204H.) it is postponed to Thursday. On p. 152 the character of a year beginning on Thursday is given as "Intermediate," it should be "Imperfect;" for on the same page it is stated that in Leap year when New Year's Day is a Thursday it cannot be Intermediate. On p. 151, Oh 2084. must be a misprint for Oh 408H, but with these two exceptions, as will be seen by a careful examination of pp. 150, 151, 152, there is the most perfect agreement of present practice with Albiruni's statements. We have oftener than once seen it asserted that the modern Jewish method was not more ancient than the 15th century of our AEra, but the work of Albiruni, dating as it does from (cir.) A.D. 1000, proves that the Jewish Chronological system of that period was identically the same as that now in use. The period at which the beginning of the Jewish year returns to the same date is correctly given (p. 154) as 36,288 cycles. At the foot of the page (154) the Editor says: "Here follow the three tables, which I have united into one,"--but the Table is nowhere given though referred to in the Annotations, p. 409. Dr. Schramm is quite correct in his computation, (p. 409) taking the Epoch of the AEra Adami as 7th October 3761 B.C., but Albirani, as we have seen, makes the Epoch a year later, and it is the beginning of year 4754 in his system that is required. By the common tables this is found to be Saturday, September 8th, 994 A.D. at 14h 53m 5648, or 14h 971. The Jews reckoned 3448 years between the AEra Adami (Alb.) and the AEra Alexandri, and deducting this and other 12 years, from 4754 we have 1294, which divided successively by 532 and 19 gives 2 great cycles, 12 small cycles, and a remainder of 2 years. Then by tables pp. 145-147. we have Basis 2d 11h 86 . 2 G. O. S 14 920 12 S. O. 4 6 660 2 yrs. 3 6 385 6d 14h 9711. This corresponds with the time found by using the common tables-for by Albiruni's method the number 6 indicates that Friday has passed, and that the required time is Saturday 14h 9711. Thus; 1st Tisri, A. Adami (Alb.) 4754 8 Ilul. Alex. 1305 = Saturday, 8 September A.D. 994. See also Assaying Circle (p. 142) where for the 2nd year we have Ilul 8 C. The Basis is omitted in the Table. The inter. calation of the Table for single years (p. 146) agrees with the innermost circle (p. 65 also given above), and the basis is the Moled of the 12th year of the Ara Alexandri. The Editor's explanation on p. 409 is erroneous, as is also the Molod for Alex. 12 given at p. 407. For : Era Adami (Alb.) 1 5d 14h OH 6 Gt. Cycles... 3192 3 20 600 14 Small, ... 266 2 15 770 1 yr. .. 1 4 8 876 Moled for ......... 3460 is 2 11 86 The perfect agreement of the different methods of finding the moled for any year may be seen by taking an example. The amount to be added for each of the earlier years of the Oyole is as follows: Common. 1. (4) 3543. 8h. 876H. 2. (1) 708 17 672E. 3. (0) 1092 15 181 4. (4) 1446 23 1057 Albiruni. 1. (4) 354d. 8h. 87H. E. 2. (3) 7386 385 3. (O) 1092 15 181 4. (4) 1446 23 1057E. &c. AE. Alex. 12. 1. (5) 383d. 21h. 589. 2. (3) 738 6 385 3. (0) 1092 15 181E. 4. (6) 1476 12 770 &c. Instead of the Tabula Legum (pp. 161, 162) we may use the following :-To the current year of the AE. Adami add 40. Divide the sum by 350, and call the remainder .. Then Yobel = ), and Shabd = 6). The Table of Tekaleth p. 169 is of simple construction, and may, at one period, have been of use in determining the time of the Vernal Equinox. occasion to the statement that the Jews employed the Ers of the Seleucides till the 15th century. The fact that the system was linked on to the AEra Alexandri in the way we have indicated may have given

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MAY, 1883.] A NEW YADAVA DYNASTY. 119 A NEW YADAVA DYNASTY. BY PANDIT BHAGVANLAL INDRAJI, Hon. Mem. B.B.R.A.S. N OTHING has hitherto been written about third plates have been engraved. The number a hitherto unknown Yadava dynasty, of lines in the first plate is 24, in the second whose dominions at one time extended over the on either side 23, and on the third 21. All the present Nasika zilla, I know of only two three plates are well preserved, and do not inscriptions of this dynasty, one of them a appear to have suffered from the effects of time. copper-plate and the other a stone inscription, The writing is in Devanagari, much resembling the two together forming the basis of this that used in Silhara inscriptions. The letters paper. ,, and are a little different from modern The copper-plate was bought by the late Dr. Nagari, and, as in old manuscripts, the mutra Bhau Daji from a husbandman of Bassein, and stroke is placed before the letter over which it lay in the possession of the trustees of his is meant to stand. The language is a very brother, the late Dr. Narayan Daji, from whom it incorrect Sanskrit; the first ten slokas are in a was obtained by the Hon'ble J. Gibbs, C.S.I., and variety of metres, and the rest in prose. As handed over to me by Dr. Burgess. It consists the poet does not appear to have been a scholar, of three plates each 118 inches long and 7:5 there is no lack of grammatical'inaccuracies, broad, which are held together by a ring at which often make it very difficult to understand the top. The ring has a Garuda sitting with the precise meaning of the text. Add to this that folded palms, and on either side of him are the engraver appears to have made numerous two conch shells, emblematic of Vishnu. The mistakes in his work, due, I think, to his ignorwriting on the plates runs across and, as ance of the letters. It often occurs that is usually the case, both sides of the middle not knowing a particular letter, he has cut it in and only the inner sides of the first and the a fashion quite his own. Transcription. Plate I. [1] u svasti jayobhyudayazca' / trailokye saM sRjati bhagavA~labdhamAhAtmyatejAzcittArAdhyaH paramatapasAM [?] hifi buat : Tai wala lagarrafa great a: ar agaraya: piti: [S] SPATE II II II a 'Cy fa: astfasure: fara aar ATHER[*] tanurdhArAvatIpattanAt / saMgrAme ripuhastipattizirasA saMcchedabhede dRDhaH caMdAdityapuraM prasiddhamaka[7] rotprAsaMbhavaM yo bhuvi / / 2 // zrImatseuNacaMdranAmanRpavara stasmAdabhUmipaH nityaM desapadAtiviSaye [deg] sannAma saMpAdayan / yenAkAra puraM ca seuNapuraM zrIsidinerevare tatputraH kuladIpako guNanidhiH ['] fraiska: 11 3 11 CHAG H " Three frist IGT FT[%] qarsitat A39: Sittaa YERT: fafcich 79: Tenaga AT[deg] faraca: TEHT II 8 || TF TRT HELST affereraator [10] mapangla HT TE 41 | 9 TAMTH18 TonifaT9 1 The of apy looks like y owing to a mistake the engraver, of for a, the two letters being much alike. of the engraver's. Read trailokyeza. - The dhyaH of zcittA- | - For ArvA read a. " Read degcchUvara. / lasthiyabvA Tr :looks like : a mistake of the engraver. Read may be also read lasthiabbA or lacchiabbA. The vhaof 19.Read : uia. There is a break here Pot looks like th. but this makes no sense, while the in the metre. Sandhi rules would require burrit, but in similarity between ak and Fh accounts for the mistake either case the metre breaks. 'Read on . Read of the engraver. Read ago. " The metre breaks in RICHT.. There is a break here in the motro; TET: this pada; perhaps after would be better. As meaning the best among men would be a good reading to it stands bAlanAjadeg makes no sense; perhaps bAlarAja preserve the metre. There are two letters wanting after is meant, the letters and being similar in form. The deza to complete the metre. " Read bhUtalazazi. " In the metre breaks again in this pada; ought to be long but original atat looks like a perhaps by a mistake of would make no sense.

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120 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAY, 1883. [1] saptAMgodyatarAjyabhAradharaNAdAyatrayArdhyA tataH // 5 // cAlukyAnvayamaNDalIkatilakAzrI go[1"] girAjAkarAdutpannA duhitAtrayAguNavatI dhAmnA kuladyotitA | strIratnaM bata vedhasA prakaTitaM sAma[1] ntaratnAyasA zrInAiyaladevi nAma subhagA zrIpaTTarAjI sadA // 6 // zrIsUkamahIpatiH samabhavadya[14] syAMgazliSTA' tataH zrIbhillamadharAdharaH samuditaH zrImaNDalIkAkhyayA / trailokye nijavaMzakA[11] ti nirmalatayA saMbhUSayanyAdavo dodakRti" maInasya caraNau Plate II, first side. [1] saMpUjayanbhUtale / / 7||doiinnddprblaasighaatnihto saMgrAmarAmeNa bhoH saka zvA havamaladevanapateH ["] prauDhAMkakAreNahi / sassala 'bdhasucakravartipadakAlaMkAriNA rAjasu saMsArasthitibhAtakena"guNinA [18] tenodbhavAmiNA / / 8 // yasyA(ganiSatta suMdaratanuH pratyakSalakSmIguNA hAmmA zrIjayasiMhadevadu[1] hitA zrIanbaladevI satI |yaa cAtrAhavamaladevabhanI "cAlukyavaMsAnvayA" zreThA"kAyaviseSakAra[40] Napade saddharmapatnI kSitau / / 9 / / tadvaMsodbhavaseuNendunRpatirjAtotra dharmAdhikaH sarvAnbhavalayA["] zritAnkSitipatInijiya sauryAsinA / rAjyaM yena samuddhRta"satikalaM "svarga gate bhilame yadvatsU [] kararUpasAmyahariNA lokatrayaM codbhutaM / / 10 / / gotrAnvaye yamaniyamasvAdhyAyadhyAnAnuSThAnarataparama [20] saiva zrIsomadeva AcAryAH tasya siSyAH paramagurubhaktisaMpannA anekazivAgamatattvajJAH"sabda[*] zAstravisAradA:" dIkSAparokSAdAnasamarthAH zrImatsarvadevAcAryAH rAjaguro tebhyaH + sakasaMvat [25] ekanavasyadhikanavasateSu saMvat 991 saumyasaMvatsarIya zrAvaNasudi caturdasyaM "guru dine rAja[26] guroNitagurudakSiNAyAM pAdaprakSAlanAghAdika" kava zrIseuNacaMdramahAmaNDalesvareNa ati. [1] bhaktitatpareNa mahApracaMDadaNDanAyakaH zrIdhara / mahAmAtya zrIvAsudevaiya / mahApradhAnanAyakazrIbha[28] bhiyAka / saMdhivigrahizrInAyaka pAtalakaraNI zrIbharavaiyAnAyaka | rA Plate II, second side. [29] jAdhyakSa zrIpaiyAka / mahattamazrIAmAdityaH maulikRtahatadvayena saha sadbhiH dharmArthaparakaiH satataM [3deg] sakalaparigrahaviditaM siMhigrAmadvAdasake ciMculigrAmaH pradattaH tasya ca AghATanAni pUrvadigbhAge [1] DogaradaMta / AmeyAM DoMgarasatkauttarapAnIyapravAhaH / dakSiNe ciMcAlAnAmataDAga / nAriye [32] vaDagambhAgrAma pUrvato DogaradaMta / pazcime talaThelIparyanta / vAyavyAM talAulIca / uttarato siM[33] sigrAmIyaDoMgaradanta tathA vaTavRkSazca / IsAnyAM mahuya grAmIyanIguDIyAlAnAma taDAgaM taya [1"] sevai / ityaSTasImopalakSitaH savRkSamAlAkulaH svasImAparyantaH sakASThatRNodakaH samastadravyopAyasa[35] manvitaH svacakraparacakrocchita "vidulAdidravyopakSayAgupadravAdivijitaH akaravAtottaraH sarva __Read 'drAjyatrayA. Read chI. *yotitA ia | " For bhagnI read bhaginI. a For degvaMsA read vaMzA. wrong ; it should be dyotayitrI. devi ought to be devI | * For zreThA read zreSThA. deg For taso road tadvaMzo'. 0 For but would break the motre. 3. yasyAMgazliSTA should be ya- sauryAsinA read zauryAsinA. " For ddhRta read itaM. " For sthA aMgazleSTA. It is impossible to got any meaning satikalaM read satilakaM. Read zaiva. " The correct readfrom the pada which is faulty also in metre unless ing should be somadevAcAryAH " For siSyAH read ziSyAH trailokyaM be read for. belokye. Read kIni. " Read * For sanda read 'zabda'. " For visAdeg read vizAH TuSkRti. The correct reading is perhaps rAjagurava, deg For saka v For nihato read nihataH " Read bhuvaH zakraH but this read zaka. 0 sudi caturdasyaM should be zuddhacaturdazya // breaks the metre. For vA road perhaps bhA. I For | For 'nAghA read degnAyA. For kasva read kRtvA For sasvAmadeg read zazcAta'. " bhAtakena seems to be a mistake svareNadeg read degzvareNa. for dyotakena. For dravadvAmiNA read dravaddhammiNA. Read naiRtye. Read IzAnyAM. (r)sa Beema re* For niSatta rend niSaka. " Thoro is one letter too dundant. The correct reading should be vRkSamAlAkulaH many in this pada zrI or a which breaks the metre. I or if sa is to be kept savRkSamAla: " For 'cchiAti read "sthita

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MAY, 1883.] A NEW YADAVA DYNASTY. 121 [36] bhogasamanvitaH patipAlanIyaH sAmAnyoyaM dharma: seturnapANAM kAlekAle pAlanIyo bhvdbhiH| sa["] NyeitAnbhAvinaH pArthivendrAnbhUyobhUyo yAcate rAmabhadraH / / madvaMsajA va paravaMsajA vA ye puNya[19] vaMto mama dharmameva / prapAlayiSyaMti nRpAstu sarve kRtAMjaliH sAdaramAha sarva // yAnIha dattA[39] ni purA narendrairdAnAni dharthiya saskArANi / nirmAlyatulyAni bhavaMti tAni konAma sAdhuH [*] punarAdadAti / / bahubhirvasudhA bhuktA rAjabhiH sagarAdibhiH / yasya yasya yadA bhUmistasya tasya tadA ["] phalaM / / gayAgodAvarIgaMgA prayAgAdiSu dAnataH / yatphalaM tatphalaM sarva bhavet bhUmiprapAlanAt / ["] paratra saMva Plate III. [+] laM divyaM bhUmidAnAtparaM nahi / tasmAtsavIdareNApiM bhUmidAnaM prapAlayet / / ratnAnapAnagoSThAdyaM [*] sarva bhUmau prajAyate / tasmAt bhUmipradAnena naro bhavati sarvadaH // devasvAni haraMtIha narA [+] narakanirbhayA: bahmasvAni tu ye mohAtpacyate narakeSu te // svadattAM paradattAM vA yo hareta vasuMdharAM / [6] divyaM varSasahasrANi viSTAyAM jAyate kramiH // vApIkUpataDAgaizca vaajpeystairpi| gavAM ["] koTipradAnena bhUmihartA na zudhyati // bhUmi ya* pratigRhanAti yastu bhUmi prayacchati / [+9] dvAvetau puNyakANau niyataM svargagAminau // candrAU ca tathA bhUminabhastApana vAnilaH / [1] tArakAzcAnalazcaiva dharmarAjastathaiva ca // tisraH saMdhyAstrayo vedAstrayo devAstrayomayaH / ahorAtraM [1] ca dAnasya ete vai sAkSiNaH smRtAH // hartA devasya yobhUmiM brAhmaNagurorapi yo haret / svadattAM para. [1] dattAM vA sa yAti narakaM naraH / / sarva vA bhUmiharaNAdbhutameva na saMsayaH / bhUmihartA vasettasmAnnarake [32] kAlamakSayaM / / yAvatsUryasasAko ca yaavdhrsaagraaH| tAvatputraprapautrAdibhyaH grAmaH pAlyo nRpA[33] ttamaiH // pUrvalokai pradatta deva brAhmaNa sahitaM pAlanIyaH rAjanutuSTena' nirantaraM / / iti sAsanaM [34] samAptaM / / pAtalakaraNI bharathanAyaka pratihastaka prekarayeNa likhitaM / staMbbusutaH sekAreyAnayakena'' [1] ghaTitaM / / maMglaM' mahAzrI // Translation. | and who made famous on the earth Chandra. Om! Hail, Victory and Prosperity! May that | dityapura previously existing. venerable happiness-conferring god who creates To him was born the illustrious king Senthe lord of the three worlds, who is possessed of nachandra, best among men, who always the lustre of magnanimity, who is worthy of obtained a good name in (his) country and being adored in their minds by contemplating among (his) infantry, by whom was founded sages of great austerities, and who generally | the town of Seuna pura in the good Sindoes not appear evem to the gods : (may he) dinera. confer prosperity on the Lord of Yadu pati. After him came his son Dvdiyappa, There was, in the beginning, a famous king the lamp of his family and depository of good (named) Dridhaprahara, like the illus- qualities. After him came the illustrions Great trious Vishna, (who was) the crown of his race Bhilla ma, a veritable moon on the earth. and came from the town of D var a vati, (who After him came king Sriraja an ornament was) powerful in breaking the heads of the on the earth. Before him was the illustrious. foot-soldiers and the elephants of his enemies king Vaddiga, a Hari on earth; and therefore * patideg should be prati or pari. Read dharmasetuH but if ham boon added here without reference to * Rend vA. . Read yazaskarANi. metre. Read degzazAMkI. 60 pautrAdibhyaH should be degpau- Read kRmiH 0 Road zate. "For ya road yaH prebhyaH otherwise the metre breaks. The word dAya - Read hA. - For tApana road tApano. but this seems to have been dropped after brAjhaNa. For rAjanu breaks the metre. It is also redundant if arka precedes. I read rAjJAnu'. For naideg road nA. " For maMgle rend " The original verse must read grAmaNasya ca yo haret . | maMgalaM.

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122 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAY, 1883. he was exactly like the illustrious good Bhil him, with might for his sword, (his father) lama in his actions. Bhillama having died, all kings on the (5). Whose wife was the daughter of king circle of the earth were subdued, and the kingJhanjha, Lasthiya vva by name, dom with its royal dignity was raised as the possessed of the three) good qualities of three worlds were raised by Hari in the form virtue, liberality and hospitality, who was of the Rashtrakuta race, as being adopted by On Thursday the fourteenth of the bright them) at the time of the rule of the young half of Sravana, in the cycle year Saumya, and prince (during his minority), and who therefore Saka year nine hundred and ninety-one, 991, by reason of bearing the burden of the king- was given the village of Chinchuli in the doms, with its seven angas, was an object of Sinhi division of twelve villages--by the reverence to three kingdoms. much devoted and illustrious Mahamanda(6). (Whose) principal queen was always the lesvara Seunach andra with hands raised to beautiful Sri Nayiyallad evi, adorning the head, in company with good men inciting to her family by her majesty, virtuous, produced charitable purposes (and) in the knowledge of the from the mine Gogiraja of the Chalu kya whole retinue (family) while Sridhara (was) dynasty and a head of feudatory chiefs, who the great general, the illustrious Vasudevawas really the jewel of a woman produced by iya the great counsellor, the illustrious Bhathe creator for the head of feudatory chiefs. bhiya ka the chitf of ministers, Srinayaka (7). The embracer of whose body was the the minister of peace and war, the illustrious illustrious king Tesu ka, (and) from him was Haravaiya na ya ka, head of the Patala Deproduced king (dharadhara) Bhilla ma, with partment, the illustrious Apaiy Aka in charge the title of mandalika, the clever Yadava adorn- of the foreign department, and the illustrious ing by the lustre of the glory of his race the three Amaditya, head officer of the sub-division" worlds and worshipping the feet of the de- to the royal priest Sarvad e va charya, stroyer of evil-doers (Vishnu) on the surface of greatly devoted to his preceptor, knowing the the earth. principles of many treatises on Saivism, clever By whom, a Rama in the battle-field, who in grammar, able in (giving) initiation and in made a great mark was Ahavamalla, an Indra presenting (introducing) to the gods, the disciple on the earth, killed by the blow of the sword of the illustrious Soma de ve chary a, a great of his mighty arms .............. Saiva of the Gotra order," devoted to the control of the outer and the inner senses, to the study Whose dutiful wife on earth was Hamma, of sacred books, to meditation and worship, -as the Sati Avvalla d e vi, who has joined her a maintenance and as a preceptorial donation" beautiful body with his (the king's), whose after washing his (the donee's) hands and feet. virtues are as clear as those of Lakshmi, the The boundaries of the village are to the east daughter of king Jayasimha, sister of king a bill slope, to the south-east a stream (flowing) A hava malls, of the Chaluky a dynasty, to the north and belonging to the hill, to the excellent in points which specially relate to south the Chinchal a pond, to the south-west the body. the hill slopes to the east of the village of King Seunachandra, born in this dy- Vada gambha, to the west the borders of nasty, was great in point of religiousness; by the hill plain, to the north the hill slopes 7 This verse is full of attributes which make no sense, subdivisional officers. AmAditya is here mentioned as if as the grammar is hopelessly bad. The general meaning the Sinhi sub-division were under his charge. All these is that the king killed Ahavamalla. officers are mentioned in the nominative case, though grammar requires the locative case an in other inscripkaraNa means a department and pAtalakaraNI is the tions. functionary in charge of the Pitala department. What * The Patals means is not known, but the word occurs in other order of Saivism has many sub-divisions, copper-plates also. of which gotra may be one. " rAjAdhyakSa probably means what in other inscriptions 10 TT T T cannot be made out. Perhaps the is signified by TFT14 i. e. an officer acting for the compound may be solved fart Tolm. fra king, or connected with (other) kings, something like may be a maintenance () our foreign secretary.' 0 The text is talasthalI paryaMta ; talaThelI is probably the " mahattara and mahattama are generally used to mean | prikrit form of talastha lI.

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A NEW YADAVA DYNASTY. MAY, 1883.] belonging to Sindi village and a banyan tree and to the north-east the Nigudiyala pond of the Mahu y a village and Sevai (?). The village marked with these eight boundaries should be reserved, crowded with rows of trees with its boundary and borders, with its wood, grass and water, with all its means productive of wealth, devoid of all such injuries as the destruction of vidula" and other things made by his own or foreign armies, akaravatottarah," and with all its enjoyments. Ramabhadra repeatedly solicits all future kings, that this is a bridge for merit common (to all kings) and should at times be continued by them. He respectfully and with folded hands says all this, that all virtuous kings, whether of my own or other dynasties, shall continue this my charitable gift. The gifts conferring merit, happiness and glory made by former kings are like something enjoyed (i. e., remains of offerings), and no good man takes them back. The earth has been enjoyed by numerous kings, Sagara and others; but the merit of the gifts goes to him in whose possession it is (at a particular time). All religious merit that is attained by (making) gifts at Gaya, Godavari Prayaga and other places, can be also attained by continuing (a gift of) land. There is no more happy provision for the next world than a gift of land; therefore one should continue a gift of land with all respect. Land contains jewels, corn, water and cowpens; therefore by making a gift of land one becomes a giver of all (these). Those men who, regardless of hell, take away the property (assigned to) gods, and who through stupidity take away the property of Brahmanas, are tormented in hell. He who confiscates land assigned by himself or by others grovels a worm in dung for a thousand gods' (divya) years. He who confiscates land does not become pure by (building) step-wells and reservoirs, not by hundreds of Vajapeya sacrifices nor by giving crores of cows. Both the receiver and the donor of land do what is meritorious and certainly go to heaven. The (divine) witnesses at day and at night to a gift are the Moon and the Sun, the Earth, the Sky, Wind, Stars, Fire, 81 The meaning of this expression is not clear. fa means. Probably fager was one of the articles levied from every village in times of war, and the grant allows the donee an exemption from this taking away of arrows and other ammunition in times of war, 128 Dharmaraja, the three Sandhyas, the three Vedas, the three gods and the three Fires. He who resumes land assigned to gods or to a Brahmana preceptor, whether by himself or by another, goes to hell. Undoubtedly confiscation of land means the confiscation of everything; therefore any one who confiscates land lives in hell for an endless period. A village (grant) should by the best of kings be continued to sons, grandsons, &c., as long as the Sun and the Moon, Mountains and the Ocean exist. A village should be continued by kings always pleased, with all grants made to Brahmanas and gods by previous men. Grant finished. Written by Prekaryya, a writer of Bhanayaka, the Patala Karani. Engraved by Sekareyanayaka, son of Stambu. Welfare and great prosperity. Remarks. This being the first inscription hitherto known of this dynasty, and the language of the copperplate very inaccurate we are not able to derive from it much satisfactory information. Still what it gives, so far as I can interpret it, is of importance in bringing to light a Yadava dynasty of which we had previously no knowledge, and should the Nasik zilla yield us more copper-plates of this dynasty, we may be able to extend our knowledge of the subject. This inscription records the gift of Chincholi in the Sinhi petty division of twelve villages by king Se unachandra to the royal family priest Sarvade vacharya, the pupil of Somadevacharya. The Acharya appears to have been a Pasupata as he is described in the plate as 'acquainted with the numerous principles of Saiva lore.' The grant is dated Saka 991, on Thursday the bright half of Sravana in the Saumya samvatsar. About the first king Dridhapra hara the inscription. says, Dvaravatipattanadayatah 'arrived from the city of Dvaravati' and Chandradityapuram prasiddhamakarot praksambhavam yo bhuvi who made famous the already existing Chandradityapura.' It would appear from this that he was the first king of this dynasty, and that he made Chandradityapura his capital. s Exempt from kara and vAtottara. The sense is not clear, but exemption from taxes is intended. T is need in other inscriptions. Compared. Ind. Ant. Vol. IX., p. 239.

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124 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAY, 1883. Though I cannot identify this Chandraditya- pura with any modern place, it should be looked for somewhere in the present Nasik zille because Dridhaprahara ruled, I believe, over almost the whole of the present Nasika collectorate. My reasons for this are (1), that the village of Chincholi, of which the grant is made, is still known by the same name, and lies about twelve miles south-east of Nasik on the high road from Sangamner; (2), that I identify Sin. dinera in which Dridhaprabara's son Seunachandra is described as having settled Seunapura, with Sinnar, a place of antiquity about twenty miles south of Nasik and still the head. quarters of a taluka ; (3), I have another inscription of, probably, this very dynasty, from a Jaina temple at Anjaneri, about fifteen miles south-west of Nasik, which shows that in Saka 1063 (A. D. 1141) a Yadava king named Seunachandra was ruling there. And lastly, I believe, the most important of my reasons, is the following passage in the Nasakakalpa, of Jinaprabhasuri : "Now when the sage Divana (Sk. Divyana) burnt Ba ravai (Dvaravati) and when the Yadava dynasty was on the point of being exterminated, the sage respectfully rescued from the flames of the barning city the preg. nant wife of the Yadava Kshatriya Vajraku. mara. She came and lived under the refuge (i. e., in the temple) of Chandraprabhasvamin (the eighth Tirthankara). When her burthen was mature, she gave birth to a son in the Kuntivihara. He was named Dadhapa hara (Dridhaprahara) and when he came of age he grew a mighty warrior, able single-handed to fight a hundred thousand combatants. It so happened at one time that thieves stole away (the village) kine; and Dad hapa hara tri. umphing over the thieves brought them back. The Brahmaga and other inhabitants of the city, finding in him a great hero, gave him Taldraghaya. Subsequently Dad hapa har & punished the robbers and became a great king. In this city the Yadava dynasty took root once more, and with great respect they repaired the temple of Chandraprabhas vami." I do not see anything against believing that the Dridhapra hara of the grant, and the Dadhapa hara of this extract are one and the same. The plate simply says that he arrived from Dvara vati and made famous the old town of Chandradity apura; this extract tells us also about how he was born, his great reputation for valour in his early years, how he got Talarghaya (?) in reward for his heroic service to the village or city where he lived, and how finally he was appointed king. What the original place was from whence he came is not stated, but it appears from our plate that he made Chandraditya pura his capital. If Chandradityapura takes its name from Chandraprabhasyami it may be Anjanori where there is a good large temple of that Tirthankara, with the wall inscription noticed below; or it may, and I think with greater probability, be Chandrapura or Chandora, about forty miles north-east of Nasika. After Dsid hapra hara came his son Seunachandra. He is described as tasmadabhut, produced from him,' and may, therefore, be supposed to be his son. The only thing else mentioned about him is that he founded Seurapura in Sindinera. It may either mean that he founded the town of Seu na para in the sub-division of Sindi. nera (Sinnar) or it may be, the saburb of Seunapura in the city of Sindinera (Sinnar). The third king is D vadiyap pa, distinctly mentioned as Seuna chandra's son. After "bho a dIvANarisiNA bAravaIe davAe uvakSINa ppAe | coracaraDANo jAo so kameNa mahArAyA tattheva nayare jAyava jAyavarvase bajakumAro nAma jAyava khanio Asi | tassa gambha vaisassa bIyaM tattha uddhariyaMti sabahumANe caMdappahasAmiNo teNa vaI majjA sA bAravaIe umamANIe bahubhAnipuvaM dIvAyaNarisi bhavaNamuddhariaM. mukkalAvitA caMdappahasAmiNaM caiva saraNamAgayA pusamae putra Pura means both 'town' and 'suburb. The Gujarat baitaM puna tattheva pasUmA daDhapahAritti se nAma kayai so a ai. word for suburb is parun. " Sindinera, originally Sindinagara, is the date tree kaMta bAlabhAvo saMpattajubvaNo jAo / mahAraho ikkageNAvi | city. The practice of calling cities from the trees found muhaDalakjeNa sama juI kArDa samathyo anAyA tattha corohi at the site of settlement is very common all over Indis. gAvIo hariAo tAo sabbAovi ikkeNa daDhapahAriNA core Baroda or Vadodara is Vatapadra, the banyan tree city: nijjiANitaNa vAliAbho | tao taM AparyaDaparakkama pAsi Pimpalner or Pimpalnagara is the pipal tree city Limbdi is the lime tree city :' Billimora is Bilvamule or 301 TT THE ART et Foot Tatar the Bel root oity'; Koth or Kapitha is the pipal (city).'

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MAY, 1883.] A NEW YADAVA DYNASTY. 125 him comes Brihadbhilla ma or the great some mistake of the original scribe. The mention Bhillama,' and as there is a tatah at the end of of T 8 su k a below is a difficulty hard to explain. verse 3, there is nothing against supposing that He is called tasy asigaslisht, or taking flishta he is the son of Dvadiyappa, at least I have to be sleshia the language being throughout put him as 'such in the genealogical table. ungrammatical, it would mean the embracer The next king is Srira ja. His relationship of her body.' In fact Tes u ka would then with Bhilla ma is not clearly given. The be her husband. But it is such difficulties as text simply has Srirajastadanantaram Sriraja these which prove the necessity of another after him. He was perhaps Bhillama's brother. inscription of the same dynasty, and till other The fifth king is Vaddiga. His relation- evidence is forthcoming I take Tosuka to be ship with Sriraja cannot be made out from the son of Vaddiga; but this I do with great the text which runs, Arvaktasya babhuva bhu- hesitation as the language is too ungrammatical talaharih Srivaddigakhyo nripah. After him and inaccurate to make sense of. The eighth the illustrions Vaddiga, a Hari on earth, king, Bhilla ma II, is said to have come from became king. Arvaktasya, or more correctly him (tatah), and I have no doubt he was Tesuka's arvdktasya, would mean 'before him,' i.e. before son. He is described as worshipping the feet Sriraja. This is possible if Vaddiga followed of the destroyer of evildoers dushkritimardana. his father Bhillama, and his kingdom was Probably this is the name of his Ishtadova, and usurped by his uncle Srira ja. it may have been used like Daityas udana to In describing Vaddig a his wife is said to mean Vishnu. There are more details about this be the daughter of Jhanjha, by name king, which seem on the whole to mean that he Lachchhiav va. This Jhanjha was the fought with A ha vamalla, a great Chalukya fifth of the North Konkan Silharas, and his king (1040-1069). This king seems to have date, I think, fits well in with this.. Lachchi- gained a victory over him, and the fact of his a v va is mentioned as of the Rashtra- having assumed 'universal sovereignty, or kata dynasty, who was dharita in the non-age chakravarttipada among kings, would seer to of the young prince, and (who was) worthy of show that he attained power and extended his being revered by three kingdoms.' Literally dominions; at least that his kingdom was in a translated verse 5 appears much confused, but very flourishing state, under his rule. And in some inferences may be derived from it. I connection with his victory, it seems quite in think Bhillama's son Vaddiga died, leaving & consonance with Rajput practice that he married young boy. After a time, Sriraja probably usurp- the sister of Ahavamalla and daughter of ed the kingdom, but only temporarily, for the Jayasimha, by name Avvala de vi, such Rashtrakutas, overlords of the Silhara Jhanjha, marriages being regarded as cementing ties appear to have taken up the cause of the after hostilities. The ninth king is Seunadaughter of their feudatory, and assisted her in chandra II. He is said to be 'bornin the same opposing Sriraja and recovering the throne, at family' (tadvamsodbhava). He may be the son the same time regarding Lachchhiavva of Bhillama II, or perhaps a son of a noble, as their daughter, as appears to have been or he may simply be one of the same dynasty. the custom for overlords in India. The last appears to have probably been the The next verse (6), is still more confusing. case, since he is described as having obtained the The description of a queen is given without kingdom, having conquered all the kings of even name or a word about the king her hus- the earth, which would seem to show that after band. The queen is described as the daughter his death Bhillama's numerous conquests of the Chalukya noble, Gogir aja and as the were probably lost, his own kingdom was in best of three sisters. Her name is Nayiyalla, trouble, and that it was regained by Seungand she is described as the crowned queen of a chandra after fighting with other kings. Samanta. It is usual in such grants first to Seanachandra's date is given as Saka 991 describe the king and then his queen, but in the or A.D. 1069. Vaddiga is mentioned above present case I think the name and description as the son-in-law of Jhanjha, and Jhanjha's of the king, her husband, is perhaps dropped by date appears from Ma'sudi to be somewhere It may be that Vaddiga succeeded his father and died in his nonago. But this does not appear probablo.

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126 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAY, 1883. about $.838." Jhanjha must have been a con- to rule is not known, but further copper-plates temporary of Vaddiga, or perhaps a little will, it is to be hoped, guide us to more accurate earlier.' Assuming Vaddiga's date, therefore, | information. to be about S. 860, we have about 131 years The second inscription of this dynasty is from left for four kings (assuming one to be missing) a ruined Jain temple in Anjaneri, about fifteen or 33 for each. Similarly connting for the | miles south-west of Nasika. It would appear previous four generations an average of about that after Seunachandra II, kings of the 30 years, we have Dridha prahara about same dynasty continued to rule for nearly Saka740 or A.D.818.86 . three-quarters of a century. The inscription This would make Dridha prahara nearly is on a sand-btone slab fixed on the right wall contemporary with Kapardi, and it would seem of the mandapa of the temple. The letters are that the Yadava dynasty in the north-east was very clearly cut in good Nagari, and are well contemporary with the Thana Silharas. preserved. A reduced facsimile is given in the How many kings reigned after Seuna- accompanying plate. The language is Sanskrit, chandra and how long the dynasty continued both prose and verse, but the grammar is faulty. Transcript (6) paMca parameSThibhyo namaH / svasti zrIzakasaMvat 1063 TuMdubhisaMvatsarAMtargatajyeSTha sudi paMcadazyAM some anu(1) rAdhAnakSatre siddhayoge asyAM saMvatsaramAsapakSadivasapUrvAyAM tithau samadhigatAzeSapaMcamahAzabda dvArAvatIpuraparame (5) zvaraviSNuvaMzodbhavayAdavakulakamalakalikAvikAsabhAskarayAdavanArAyaNa sAmaMtapitAmaha sAmaMta jamarA ityAdisamasta(4) nijarAjAvalIvirAjitamahAsAmaMta zrIseuNadevavijayarAjye tatpAdaprasAdAvAptamahAmahattamaH pratA pasaMtApitavairivargaH (5) saMyAmazauMDa[:] zUravairighaTAvimaInakaNThIravaH anavaratadAnAdrIkRtadakSiNakaraprakoSThaH nizita nistUMza vidAritArA(6) tikarikuMbhasthalagalitamuktAphalamaMDitaraNAMggaNa manasvinImAnonmUlanakaMdarpaH dodharmaraMhitaH sau yodAryadayAdAkSi(1) NyadharmaguNasatyotsAhamaMtrazIlasaMpanna[] prajApAlanAnaMdazatruparAjayAnaMtoSitakIrtiplAvitadigva layaH' anekarAjanItizA(7) stroktavivekavarddhitabuddhikauzalasahasravijJAnaprabhutvamaMtrotsAhazaktisAmarthyarUpalAvaNyavicitravaktavyatA ___ bhogopabhogarASTrakauza(9) lAdyanekaviSayaguNagaNAlaMkRtazarIra: vyayIkRtapratipanthimanorathaH saMgrAmavijayalakSmyAlAnastaMbhaH ranAyara' iva anaMtagAM(10) bhIryayuktaH himAdariva aparimitamahimAnvitaH SADguNyasaMpannAviparyayatabhiSThaH' devadvijaguruvarAcA ya sAdhupUjAbhirataH dInAna * See Ind. Ant. vol. IX, pp. 33-46; Prairies d'or, This sentence does not make good sense. Is be tome II, P.S. supposed to have been omitted after parAjayAnaMdeg the read* It would be more in accordance with other cases to give 210 years to eight generations, and carry back ing would be zatruparAjayAnaMdatoSitaH which make Dridhaprahara to about 8.780.-ED. I.A. Bense. * Read rajAkara. * Read himAdri. ' This sentence Bendre for 8. Bend nimiMza. - Rond raNAMgaNa. T makes no sense. * For 'cAya road degcArya.

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YADAVA INSCRIPTION DATED sAKA 1063. / GFC CUunLEL3 ) / - RADIRD . MALA : " IN/05 CUDEEPRENELONE INDIA NEHATPARTMERARE APPLEYANA Sund - dinArAyana pAnAmA rAhatArisamA OOIDEACHAD MELRIDDEPUILDBEDESIERTE ODM AANTRIEAyAvAdAlitmanAvazAstAyA TREATHER pAsAgAdAsArAdara ) PILLS/PLE APPLE APPLETEEJDARSIDERERA N LENDIDEEPBLELURI DUBBEDIENUNCE RU UPHATTISEMRAPALEMELYMETHANI L __uppoh: LOHARE rimAlapArAvAsAputArAdInAna BAPU..!!htsmehtPESBipiHRMEANIPTEMETARAMESH .: RARRITATEMEpadAlAlArAdivAyarasutArapadataraha manamAnadAtA samasyAlAi sAdhunAvadAra REACHEREdAyarAmArAma pAhilAmakAra EERDOIDATERRUPERHITERALLAHABARREADNEPALI RELAPARICHAIRPAsAlAvAsyAhAra ESPERHITRIPLETELEANERRE R R 11.2017LLECTO 14 pharaNAmakAralapadAdevAzadivAkara rAsasalavAralArarata ... R ana Bhagwantal Indrei fecit. Sealo- j of the original.

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A NEW YADAVA DYNASTY. MAY, 1883.] (ii) yoddharaNakSama raviriva pratidivasopacIyamAnodaya parihAsaprAkAraH IdriguNa' 'viziSTazrISANumaDaMDarIsarvvavyApAre ku(4) ti satIyetasminkAle pravarttamAne zrIseuNAkhyena mahAnRpeNa pradhAnayuktena vicArya bhaktyA devAya caMdraye pradara (13) yaM bhAravivarjitaM ca zrI sAdhuvatsarAjena svakulatilakabhUtena devadvijaguruvarAcAryapUjAbhiratena zrIlAhaDasAdhunA saha dazara( 14 ) thasAdhunA svakIyaM haTTadAnaM kRtaM tathA gRhadAnaM ca kRtaM / candrapabhAya devAya kaMdarpadahanAyaca / vizuddhadeharUpAya sarvvasanvahitAya ca / ta(13) yA nagare varSa prati drammapaMcakaM kRtaM bhAyuH putrA dhanaM saukSyaM saubhAgyaM rAjyamakSayaM AmizreSTracaM " yazaH svargaM bhUmido labhate phalaM / / bahuyasya yadA bhUmitasya" tasya tadA phalaM // dAtA caivAnumaMtAca svargasyopari tiSThati / hartA hArakha 12 (10) bhirvasudhA bhuktA sagarAdizya" rAjabhiH / yasya 15 (i) tA" bhUmiH " pacyate raurave dhruvaM // svadatAM paradattAMnA yo hareca vasuMdharAM / " paSTivarSasahasrANi vi 18 SThAyAM " jAyate kRmiH // zrIkolavarapaMDitAna (10) sutena duSTagaNakagajakaMThIraveNa sAdhugaNaka caraNAravRMda "makaraMda lubdhapaTpadena zrIdivAkarapaMDi tena haTTazAsanaM sailapaTTe" likhita(..) miti maMgalaM mahAzrI. Translation. Salutation to the five Parameshtis."" ss Hail and Prosperity ! In the Saka year 1013 and in the Dundubhi samvatsara on Monday the fifteenth of the bright half of Jyeshtha in the Anuradha constellation, in the Siddha conjunction, in the above mentioned year, month, fortnight and day, in the triumphant rule of the illustrious Seu nadeva, who has obtained the five great titles, the lord of the city of Dvaravati, descended from Vishgu, the sun ex panding the lotus bud-like Yadava family (like) a Narayana among the Yadava, the grandfather of Samantas (feudatory chiefs) and the Jamara of Samantas, &c. &c., thus adorned by all his royal titles, while the illustrious Panumaddauri, who has attained (the dignity of) a mahamahattama" by his (kind) favour, who, by his fierce majesty has put down his enemies, Read dInAnAtha. " Read IdRgguNa " Read saukhyaM. 22 Read AbhidhaiSThayaM. 13 This is grammatically wrong; the usual construction is rAjabhiH sagarAdibhiH Read 'stasya " Read hirAyatA. 15 Read bhUmeH " Read pAThe. 18 Read viSTAyAM " Read biMda. 30 Read zaila 85 The five Parameshtis are the principal objects of reve rence to the Jains. Even their principal mantra ordains an obeisance, namaskira to the five Parameshtis: 127 namo arahantANaM namo siddhANaM namo AyariyANaM namo uvajjhAyANaM namo, lAye sabasAhUNaM .., salutation to the Arhats, salutation to the Siddhas, salutation to the Acharyas, daring in battle, a lion in killing the (elephant) troop-like brave enemies, the forepart of whose arm was wetted by his ever-continued gifts,"1 who has adorned the battle-field by the pearls dropping from the temples of the elephants of his enemies torn by (his) sharp sword," a Kama in destroying the pride of arrogant women, free from vice and injustice, possessed of valour, libe. rality, mercy, cleverness, virtue, good qualities, truthfulness, energy, policy and good conduct, satisfied by the pleasure arising from protecting his subjects and defeating his enemies, who has filled all the quarters with his glory, his person adorned with various kinds of cleverness and intelligence increased by advice mentioned in numerous treatises on royal policy, and ( adorned ) by good sense, and by the three powers of greatness, polity and energy, by strength, beauty, symmetry, variety of wit, salutation to the Upadhyayas, and salutation to all sages of the world. 59 pitAmaha is used to show that they are honoured like grandfathers. The same construction is met with in other inscriptions. His probably a local form of yamarAta and a very locally used attribute therefore sAmanta jamarA means the chastiser or controller of his feudatory chiefs. 90 Mahimahattama is used to mean the head officer of a district. The title was sometimes given to ministers. 91 The custom of throwing water from the palm of the hand when giving gifts is well known. 92 Poets generally describe pearls dropping from the temples of elephants..

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128 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. different enjoyments, royal policy and by good qualities in various matters, who foiled the intentions of his enemies, the tying post of the triumphant glory obtained in battles, possessed of (great) depth like the ocean, possessed of unmeasured greatness like the Himalayas, possessed of the six qualities, and upholding them without any change, devoted to the service of gods, Brahmanas, elders, good preceptors and sages, able to deliver (from misery) the poor and helpless, like the sun, his rise increasing every day, a fort of mirth (?) while he-possessed of these qualities,-was managing all (state) affairs, at that time Seunadeva the great king with (his) minister, having considered, gave, through devotion, to the lord (Tirthankara) Chandraprabha, two shops free from burdens. And to lord Chandraprabha, the destroyer of Kama, whose body and features are pure, the benefactor of all beings, the merchant, Vatsaraja, the front mark (best) of his family, devoted to the worship of gods, Brahmans, elders and good preceptors, with merchants Lahada and Dasaratha gave their own shop and house. And in the city settled five Drammas" a year. The giver of land obtains as the fruit, long life, sons, wealth, happiness, good luck, a permanent kingdom, greatness, glory and heaven. Earth has been enjoyed by many kings, Sagara and others; he to whom it belongs at a particular period, to him goes then the fruit. The giver (of land) and adviser of the gift reside in heaven, (while) he who takes away or advises taking away land suffers torment in the Raurava hell. He who resumes land given by himself or by another, becomes a worm in dung for sixty thousand years. This, a commandment about shops, was written on stone by the illustrious Divakara Pandit, the son of the illustrious Kolashvara Pandit, a lion towards elephant-like bad astrologers, and like a bee covetous of honey given up to the lotus feet of good astrologers. Welfare and great prosperity! 9. Remarks. This would show that on Monday the fifth day of the bright half of Jyeshtha in Saka 1063 Dundubhi samvatsara, king Seunachandra [MAY, 1883. III gave three shops in the city (probably Anjaneri) for maintaining the temple of Chandraprabha the eighth Tirthankara; and that a rich merchant named Vatsaraja with two others, Lahada and Dasaratha, gave a shop and a house for the same purpose. The officer, mahamahattama, in charge of the town where the temple stands, who has a host of useless adjectives, has a very odd sounding namePanumaddauri. I have never come across another so strange. As the Seuna chandra of this inscription has got the same name and attributes as the Sennachandra of the copper-plate, i. e. Dvaravatipuravaradhisvara, Vishnuvamsodbhava, and Yadavakulakamalavikasabhaskara, I make no doubt that he is a descendant of the same Yadava family. It appears that a period of seventy-two years has elapsed between the two Seunachandras; in other words, there must be two, probably three kings between them about whom we have no information. How long after Seunachandra III, the dynasty continued to rule is a matter for future inquiry. From the materials already available the following genealogy may be traced :1. Dridhaprahara, cir. Saka 740 The word in the original for merchant is sadhu. It is met with in medieval inscriptions. The modern corruptions from it are E and E, used as a title for merchants. 1 2. Sennachandra 3. Dvadiyappa 1 4. Bhillama 6. Sriraja 1 5. Vaddiga md. dr. of Jhanjha Silhara, S. 838. I 7. Tesuka md. dr. of Gogiraja a Chalukya, Samanta 8. Bhillama (II.) md. dr. of Jayasimha Chalukya by the sister of Ahavamalla I Seunachandra (II.) Saka 991. (13 ?) Seunachandra (III.) Saka 1063. This coin seems to have been then current, and was almost certainly the Gadhaiya coins, of the corrupt Sasanian type. These Gadhaiya coins were current under that name under the Anhilvada kings and the MAIwa Parmars.

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MAT, 1883.) CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. 129 The Devagiri Yadavas,-neighbours of these Yadavas,-also called themselves Dvardvdtipuravarddhisvaras, Vishnuvamsodbhavas, &c. &c., and so far as we know their first king was a Bhilla ma, a name corresponding to the one we find in this genealogy. It is not improbable that the Devagiri Yadavas may be a branch of these Yadavas, and future inscriptions may shed more light on this. CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. BY HENRY H. HOWORTH, F.S.A. (Continued from p. 86.) XX. Emperor, secured the cession of a large district Chinghiz Khan was now a very potent chief- hitherto ruled by the latter and the payment of tain. He was the master of the wide steppes & considerable tribute. Aguta gave his dynasty of Mongolia and Sungaria, from the Khinggan the title of Kin, or the golden, and his people chain in the east to the Altai in the west, are generally known as the Golden Tartars. while Dauria and China formed his northern The boundary between the Kin and Sung and southern boundaries respectively. Like empires was fixed at the rivers Hoai and Han. previous nomadic leaders who had secured a The great provinces of Pe'chib-li, Shan-si, like power, he now turned his attention to the Shang-tung, Honan, and the southern part of great Empire on the south, which has survived Shen-si were dominated by the Kin Tartars. so many catastrophes and changes, and the Their capital was Yenking, situated near the continuity of whose history from the earliest modern Peking, and they called it Chung-tn, times of recorded history is to-day one of the i.e., Imperial city of the centre. The Mongols puzzles of the political philosopher. Chinghiz, called it Khanbaligh, i.e., the City of the Khan, in assailing China, was not merely satisfying or the Imperial Residence. In addition to it the cravings of ambition, but had the farther they held four other cities which were dignified purpose of revenging private wrongs, and the as Imperial residences, i.e., Liau-yang-chau in murder of his not remote ancestors whose death Liau-tung, called the Eastern capital (Tungwe described in an earlier page. China at king), 2, Tai-tung-fu in Shan-si, called the this time comprised two empires. Its southern Western capital (Si-king); 3, Pien-leang or portion was ruled by a native dynasty known Kai-fang-fu on the southern bank of the Yellow as the Sung, while its northern portion was River in Honan, called the Southern capital ruled by a race of foreigners known as the Kin, ! (Nan-king), and lastly Ta-ning-fu on the river or Golden Tartars. The Sung dynasty was Loha, north of China, which was called the founded about the year 960, and for a while Northern capital (Peking).' The Kin Tartars, controlled the fortunes of a large part of southw hile they ruled a much larger area in China ern China. Its Northern portion, comprising than the Khitans, were much less powerful than sixteen districts in the provinces of Pe'chih-li, the latter in the steppes of Mongolia and Shan-si, and Liau-tung, had for some time beenTartary. They were acknowledged as masters, occupied by the Khitans, a race who were closely no doubt, in Manchuria, the old home of their allied to the Manchu Tartars but had some Mon- race; the Khitans, who still lived in Lian-tung gol and perhaps Turkish blood mixed with them. and its borders also acknowledged their supreThey were masters of Tartary from the Altai macy, but the various tribes west of the Khing. to the Yellow Sea, and the Sung Emperors gan range and north of the mountain buttresses also paid tribute to them. About the year 1114 limiting China on the north retained the very the power of the Khitans was shattered by the slightest ties towards the new masters of China; revolt of a people of Manchuria identical in race and were not, as in the time of the Khitans, immewith the present Manchus, who, under their diately subject to them. It is from the time of chief, Agata, speedily conquered the districts the Kin domination in China that the Mongols, of Northern China held by the Khitans, and, in fact, first began to assume shape as an indeafter numerous victories gained over the Sung pendent community, and we have seen how they D'Ohsson, vol. I, p. 121 note.

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130 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAY, 1883. showed their independence before Chinghiz Palladius reports a Chinese legend that a Khan was heard of. deserter incited Chinghiz Khan to march, We will now turn to the latter's famous on the ground that the Kin emperor was campaign against the Kin empire. Although continually degrading and killing his relatives. the Mongols were virtually independent of Chinghiz having determined to attack the the Kin Tartars, it seems that they paid | empire sent Chepe to make a preliminary raid, them a certain tribute, and we are told with orders to march eastwards if he should that when the Kin emperor, Taiho, i. e. Chang- succeed in defeating the invaders. His duty Tsung, who reigned from 1189 to 1208, sent was no doubt that of reconnoitring the country Yun-tsi, who was his uncle, and who held the and he presently returned with the fruit of fief of Wei, in Honan, to receive their tribute at his pillage. The Yuan-shi-lei-pen says he was Tsing-chau, i. e. Kuku Khoten, Chinghiz, who accompanied by the Khitan chief Yeliu Kohai despised him, omitted the usual ceremonies of who, we are told, was a great Mandarin among welcome, and when Yun-tsi returned home he the Kins, and had been sent as an envoy by them tried to persuade his nephew, the emperor, toto Chinghiz with whom he was so charmed that send an army to punish him. The latter would not he determined to join him, which he did after consent. At length, in 1208, he was succeeded patting his wife and children in safety. Chinby Yun-tsi, otherwise called Chong.hei. On ghiz now prepared for a vigorous campaign the his accession an officer was sent to apprise following year. Before setting out, according Chinghiz, and to demand tribute. Instead of to Rashidu'd-din, he called his followers kneeling down to receive his orders in the usual around him, and recalled to them how his way, Chinghiz asked him on whose behalf he ancestors had suffered great indignities and had come. When he replied Yun-tsi; the Mon- hardships at the hands of the Chinese monarch. gol chief turned towards the south, spat in the He said through the favour of God he had air, and replied scornfully that he had under triumphed over his various enemies, and through stood that hitherto an emperor of China was the help of the same God he would conquer the son of heaven,' but he did not see how an this empire also, and raise the reputation of the imbecile like Chong-hei could use such a title. Mongols to the highest point. They applauded He accordingly mounted on horseback and this speech, and it was determined first to send withdrew. When Yun-tsi heard what had an envoy to the Altan Khan or Golden Khan, happened he was much enraged, but he was as the Kin Wangti was known to the Mongols, afraid to declare war, and determined to to bid him submit, and in case he should put the Mongol chief to death when he came refuse, to apprise him that war must be the to do homage. Chinghiz having heard of this consequence. For this duty, Jafar Khoja was made up his mind to break completely with the selected.' The Tabakat-i-Nasiri describes him Kin court. Chinghiz had grievances ready to as a Musalman trader. Rashid speaks of him his hand. We have seen how the Kin anthorities as one of Chinghiz Khan's principal people. had put to death some of his relatives in an Rashid has reported his message in rhetorical ignominious way before his own accession. It language, and makes him remind the Altan would seem they had repeated the offence Khan how God had selected him and his family more recently, and according to the Yuan-shi- to lead the other Mongols, and how his authorilei-pen, in 1206, when they put to death one of ty had in a few years extended over a wide his relations named Ching pu-hai, called Sien- area, and that the penalty of resisting him was pu-hai-han by De Mailla. We are further told the utter destruction of house and goods, that in the previous reign some kin officers who wealth and dependents. His power was now had deserted had incited him to attack the Kin so well established that he was ready to march empire, on the ground that its ruler was against China with an army numerous as the haughty and proud and hated by his people. waves, either to secure peace or to enforce war. * Alluding to the title of Tien-tai which the Chinese Wangtis affect. Douglas, pp. 59 and 60 ; Hyacinthe, pp. 43-45; De Mailla, tome IX, pp. 43 and 44; Gaubil, p. 14; D'Ohsson, VOL. 1, pp. 122 and 123 notes. De Mailla, tome IX, pp. 41 and 42; Gaubil, p. 14. Yuan-chao-pi-shi, note 536. Douglas, pp. 58 and 59; Hyacinthe, pp. 42 and 43: Gaubil, p. 14. * Abulghazi calls him Chakar Khoja.

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CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. MAY, 1883.] If the Altan Khan was willing, he invited him to a conference, where the affairs of China might be settled, and where he undertook to remit to him again the kingdom on his acknowledging him as his Padishah. If he did not care to meet him in person he was to send him some precious gifts, and also to send his sons as hostages. If he did this all would be well, if not they must appeal to the sword until God should deck whom he would with the crown of good fortune and sovereignty, and whom he would also with the mantle of indigence and wretchedness. This dictatorial message was naturally resented by the Wangti or Emperor. He reminded Chinghiz in his reply that he would find him and his people very different to a tribe of Turks, that if he had the intention of attacking him he would not prevent it, but he was ready for him, and would make him suffer accordingly. Jafar Khoja, we are told by Rashidu'd-din, returned with this answer, and carefully took observations of the various roads, towns, and fortresses, mountains and men on his route. The Tabakat-i-Nasiri says he was imprisoned by orders of the Altan Khan, but managed to escape after he had been confined for some time, and rejoined his master by a secret route. This Jafar Khoja who is made a Musalman by the author of the Tabakat-i-Nasiri, and who, if he was a Khoja, was undoubtedly a Musalman, was perhaps no other than the Chapar, the Guebir or Fire worshipper of the Chinese writers, whom we have met at an earlier stage of this inquiry, and whom we shall meet again. Having made his various preparations for the campaign, Chinghiz, before setting out, we are told by Rashida'd-din, climbed a ligh mountain, where loosening his girdle and hanging it about his neck, he untied the fastenings of his tunic and kneeling down, prayed in these words :"O Thou who knowest the deepest secrets; Thou knowest the secret of this Thy servant, give heed to his ardent prayer! O Almighty God! to whom the truth is as patent as the sphere of Heaven! O Thou who orderest the light and the day as well as darkness and night! O Eternal God! thou knowest that it is not I who have begun the fight and the struggle of war, but that the dust of discord and strife has arisen from the Erdmann, pp. 317 and 318; Abulghazi, pp. 94 and 95; Tabakat-i-Nasiri, p. 954. i. e. the good and evil genii. 10 Erdmann, pp. 318 and 319; D'Ohsson, vol. I, pp. 123 and 124. Khitan Khan, who put to death my excellent forefathers Ukin Barkhak and Anbakhai Khan without their having committed any fault or crime. I only seek retribution and revenge for their blood. If right be on my side, grant me from above strength and victory, and order my generals and secret counsellors the Peris and Divs of the earth, to aid me." We are further told Chinghiz spent several days and nights in these ardent prayers, and then returned to lead his army." 10 The author of the Tabakat-i-Nasiri, whose story just begins to be of service at this time, but who although an earlier is a very inferior authority to Rashidu'ddin, tells this tale more suo. He says that Chinghiz collected all the Mongols at the foot of a mountain and separated the men from the women, and the children from their mothers; and that for three days and nights all remained bareheaded and fasting, and no animal was allowed to give milk to its young. Chinghiz himself entered a khargah, or felt tent, and put a tent-rope about his neck and did not come out for three days and nights, during which time the people called out continually, Tengri, Tengri, i. e. God! God! On the fourth day he came out of the tent and declared that Tengri had given him the victory, and that they should now get ready to attack the Altan Khan. Having spent three more days in feasting he accordingly set out. The mountain where this took place was perhaps the well-known Mount Darkhan, south of the Kerulon, which is closely connected with the traditions of the great conqueror, and is much revered by the Mongols. Its name of Darkhan ('smith') is said to have been given to it because Chinghiz Khan once forged iron at its foot." Timkofski visited it on his way to China and mounted to its summit. He tells us that on its extreme southern height there is a great stone obo, erected by the Mongols, who go there every summer to celebrate the memory of Chinghiz Khan. He adds that from its summit there is a prospect over a boundless plain. Towards the east are eight salt lakes, further on the same side are the blue mountains of the Kerulon, while to the west is an immense tract covered with pointed eminences. The anvil of Chinghiz 18 131 11 Op. cit. p. 954. 1 Timkofski, vol. I, pp. 146 and 158. 13 Id. p. 166.

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132 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAY, 1883. is said to be still preserved on this mountain and to be made of a particular metal called Buryn, which has the properties of iron and copper, being hard and flexible. The Kin court was as usual deluded into a false security. Na-ha-mai-chu who commanded on the frontier warned his master Yun-tsi of the increasing power of the Mongols, how they had subdued the surrounding tribes; how the king of Hia had given his daughter in marriage to their leader; and how they were busy mannfacturing arms of all kinds and exercising their young people in the art of war. Yun-tsi fatuously replied to his warnings that there was no illwill between him and the Mongol sovereign, why then should he be afraid, and persuaded that Na-ha-mai-chu must have himself aroused the anger of the Mongols he had him arrested and put in prison. Meanwhile Chinghiz left the banks of the Kerulon in March 1211, and marched across the Gobi steppe. He was accompanied by his four sons, Juchi, Jagatai, Ogotai, and Tului, and very probably also by the Idikut of the Uighurs and the chief of the Karluks, and he was certainly in alliance with the leader of the Onguts or White Tartars. To protect his ordus or home camps, and to restrain the recently conquered tribes, he left the Kunkurat Tuguchar, also called Dilan Tarkhatu Tukhujar, who was probably a near relative of his, with a contingent of 2,000 (!!) men." The Huang-Yuan merely says Chinghiz sent Tokhu-chara with 3,000 troops to watch the western frontiers." So far as we can make out the Mongols on this famous march followed the route taken in our own day by the Russian traveller Timkofski, and described in his travels, and they doubtless passed near the same point, the low rampart of earth which is marked on the map as traversing the Mongolian desert from east to west near Mount Ongan, and which is said to have formerly divided China from independent Mongolia. Timkofski says this rampart extends very far from east to west, and seems to join the heights from which the Orkhon flows. "At the station of Tulga," (north of Chaghan Balgassun) says Timkofski, "a caprice of nature has placed in a valley three rocks, turning towards the east, north and south, which resemble great heaps of stones piled upon each other. At the foot of each of these rocks is a well, the water of which has a nitrous taste. The inhabitants call them Gurban Talgotu," and pretend that Chinghiz Khan encamped here when at war with China. At a distance to the south-east of the station is a great obo." The approach to China from the Gobi has been graphically described by the same traveller. He says :-"Two versts further we reached the chain of mountains which separates Mongolia from China. On their summits there is a stone rampart, with square brick towers, a certain distance from each other. They are nine sagines high and three sagines square at the base. From this point China presents its grandest forms. To the south-east and west the horizon is bounded by mountains covered with snow, the summits of which rise above the clouds. We descended for five versts by a narrow road, very dangerous at this season, as far as the Chinese village of Nor-tian; on the right hand the above-mentioned rampart runs along the heights ; on the left side is a steep precipice; farther on towards the east are rude and lofty mountains, which give the country a wild appearance. Sach is the aspect of the country at the place where we descend from the high steppes of Mongolia into the lower land of China." The Mongol campaign is very difficult to follow, nor is it possible to reconcile the various authorities. It would seem that their plan involved operations against Ta-tung-fu, the Western capital, and also against Yen-king, and that two armies were employed for the purpose; one of them commanded by Chinghiz in person, the other by Chepe Noyan, who had made the preliminary raid the year before. We will first refer to the latter. Chepe's raid just mentioned frightened the Kin emperor, who released his general Na-ha-mai-chu, and sent Nien-khuru," with a message of peace to the Mongols, but all his advances were rejected, and he therefore ordered the generals, Tungi Tsiangianu, Waryan-Khosho and Khesheri-Khushakhu, the 1. Id. p. 173. 16 De Mailla, tome IX, pp. 44 and 45. 11 Reverty says 10,000, Tabakat-i-Nasiri p. 656; Erdmann, pp. 200 and 319; D'Ohnson, vol. I, p. 123. * Op. cit. p. 182. 10 Op. cit. vol. I, p. 259. 30 The three tripods. *1 Op. cit. vol. 1, p. 266. # Timkofski, vol. I, p. 272 and 273. 33 The Nien-bohota of De Mailla.

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MAY, 1883.) CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. 133 Jast of whom was Governor of Tai-tung-fu," to Watch the Mongol movements, and prepare to repel them. When these generals arrived at Wu-shau-pau (the Wu-sha-pka of Hyacinthe, and the U-cha-pao of De Mailla), which they had previously occupied, they had barely time to take defensive measures when the Mongols attacked and captured the place. The Mongols also occupied the town or camp of Wu-yue-ing, (called U-yue-ing, by De Mailla) and sacked the little town of Bai-din-tsenos situated a league to the east of Tai-tong-fu, to which they proceeded to lay siege. In the course of seven days Khushakha, who commanded there, made a sortie with the garrison and traversed the besieger's lines. He was hotly pursued by a body of 3,000 men as far as Tsai-ping-kheon. D'Ohsson says as far as Chang-ping-chau, a little north of Peking." The Kang-mu, as reported by the authors just named, tells us the Mongols also captured the Si-king or western capital, i.e., Tai-tung-fu, but this is hardly reconcilable with what followed, and it would rather seem that Chepe having overrun the northern part of Shan-si joined the main army under Chinghiz, to which we will now turn. The Kin emperors had a fortified post of some importance north of the great wall and about thirty English miles north-west of Kalgan, which was called Fu-chau. Palladius identifies this place with the ramparts now known as Kara Balghasun. We are told that this town was of great importance during the period of the Kin dynasty whose emperors had a palace there, while Ch'ang-ch'un in a poem calls it Little Yen." This frontier post was apparently the first point for which Chinghiz Khan made and which he captured. The Mongols now crossed the Ye-khu-lin, i.e., the mountains separating China and Mongolia, and captured the district- cities of Ta-shui-lo and Fin-li." These are probably the towns called Tai-su and Ba-u-ini by Rashidu'd-din. The Kang-mu tells us the Kin generals Wanian Kieukin and Waian Wannu had received orders to post themselves near the mountains Ye-khu-lin. Douglas says at the meeting of the waters near Suen-ping in the modern prefecture of Siuan-hwa, a third general, Wanian Hosho, followed them with the main army. Informed of their advance, Chinghiz marched upon Kho-el-tsui." A Kin officer named Mingan, who was sent to recon. noitre his position, deserted to him and in formed him of what was taking place in the opposite camp. He determined to attack at once, speedily defeated the enemy, whose cavalry trampled upon the infantry, and many of them were killed. Advancing further into the country the Mongol advance guard caused so much terror that Wanian Hosho with his men hastily withdrew, and were parsued as far as Khoei. khi-pkhu or Hoei-ho-pao, a fortress on the river Hoi, where they were cut in pieces and, Wanian Hosho barely escaped towards Siuan-te-fa, Douglas has abstracted another account of this battle apparently from the She-wei, from which it would appear that it was Mu-khu-li, Chinghiz Khan's famous general, who was the hero of the struggle; we are told he chose a number of dare-death warriors with whom he charged the enemy who was speedily routed and pursued as far as the river Hway, i. e. the Hoi, and countless corpses strewed the line of retreat." The Huang-yuan refers at some length to this straggle, which it says took place in Yekhu-lin. It calls the two Kin generals in command of the main army, the Jaotao Giugin and the Tsian-Tsian Veinu. The commander of the reserve he calls the Tsan-Jen Khusha." This account makes a Khitan general address Giugin and say: "It is reported that they have just destroyed Fu-chau and are dividing the spoil among the troops; their horses are grazing on the steppe; let us attack them when they don't expect us; we shall have to surprise them with swift cavalry." Gingin replied that this plan was dangerous, and said it was better to move the cavalry and infantry together which would be completely successful. Chinghiz, hearing of their approach moved to Khuan-err ** Called Tokitsien Kianu, Wanyen-husha, and Hesheliei hushahu by De Mailla. * Hyacinthe, pp. 47 and 48 ; Douglas, pp. 61 and 62; De Mailla, tome IX, pp. 45 and 46. * Called Pe-teng by De Mailla. * Kangmu, cited by Hyacinthe, p. 49; Douglas, p. 62 De Mailla, p. 45 and p. 46; D'Ohsson, vol. I, pp. 129 and * i.e. Little Peking. Bretschneider, Arch. and Hist. Researches on Peking, &c. p. 59, note 108; Notes on Med. Travellers, &c. note 17. * Yuan-chao-pi-shi, p. 138 ; Hyacinthe, p. 46. 30 Erdmann, p. 319. 31 The Hoan-eulh-teni of De Mailla. >> Kang-mu in Hyacinthe, p. 50 and 51; D'Ohsson, vol. I, pp. 130 and 131 ; and De Mailla, tome IX, p. 47. 3 Op. cit. p. 67. 3. Vide ante. The editor says in a note that Jaotao, Tsian Teian, and Tsan Jon are titles. 130. |

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134 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAY, 1883. tsui to meet them. Giugin addressing Min-an-ni. i.e. Mingan, one of his officers said, " Thou wast formerly an envoy to the North and knowest Tai-tsu Khuandu. Go forth in front of the army and ask him the reason for his invasion. In what the Kin empire has offended him that be has undertaken the present war. If he will not listen then abuse him. Mingan accordingly suddenly whipped his horse and went over to the enemy. Chinghiz told his men to bind him, and that he would interrogate him after the battle." The battle which followed was a very bloody one, and ended, we are told, in the destruction of the Kin army. After the fight Chinghiz, addressing Mingan, said, "I was not at variance with thee, why didst thon defame me before every one." Mingan replied, "I long entertained the intention of submitting myself, bat fearing it might be difficult I merely did what I was ordered, otherwise how could I have seen thy celestial face" P. Chinghiz was content with his answer, and had him set free." Rashidu'd-din, as usual, tells a very similar story. Erdmann reads the names of the Kin generals as given by him, Kiukin Nazdu, Haju- tai-wanneh, Watu-naurd and Gemgun, and says they posted themselves in the mountain Hin-ngan-dian near Karaunjidun close by a Khitan force commanded by Bakhu-seh who had the conversation above reported with Kiukin Nazdu. He says when Chinghiz heard of the enemy's march his men were eating their food. They set out at his orders, laying down their kettles, and marched with two tuks or standards to Kon-yuen-chau, where they halted and ranged themselves in battle array. Here took place the incident already reported, of which Mingan was the hero. The slaughter was so great in the fight which followed that the beasts and birds of prey had a grand feast for a whole year. The Mongols afterwards pursued the enemy, had a struggle with the rear-guard of the Khitan division commanded by Nushteh, at a place called Khubtu Khaba, and put this also to flight. These battles, in which some of the principal officers of the Kin and Khitan troops fell, became very famous in the traditions of the Mongols. After his victory Chinghiz Khan advanced upon and occupied Siuan-te, now called 30 1.e. Chinghiz Khan. 37 Op. cit. pp. 183 and 184. * Erdmann, pp. 320 and 321. 30 Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi, 138 and note 539. Siuan-khua-fu." Bretschneider tells us that under the Kin dynasty this town was called Siuan-te-chu, after the Mongols captured it it was called Sinan-ning-fu. In 1263 it was called Sinan-te-fu, but in 1266 its name was again changed to Shun-ning-fu." Marco Polo calls the town Sin-da-chu, and tells us it was famous for its manufacturers of arms." Colonel Yule tells us that it is said to have been a summer residence of the later Mongol sovereigns, and fine parks full of grand trees remain on the western side. It is still a large town, and the capital of a Fu, about 25 miles south of the gate on the great wall at Chang-kia-kau, which the Mongols and Russians call Kalgan. There is still a manufacture of feit and woollen articles there." Timkofski passed through the town and tells us the crenellated wall which surrounds it is thirty feet high, and put him in mind of that of the Kremlin. It consists of two thin parallel brick walls, the intermediate space being filled brick walls, the intermediate ana up with clay and sand, the wall is flanked with towers. The travellers passed through three gates to enter the city, the first was covered with iron and large nails. At the second was the guard house; thence there stretched a broad street bordered with shops of hardware and Warehouses of carts, along which is the great triumphal gate. The town is called Sume" by the Mongols. Timkofski describes it as thinly peopled, but during the Ming dynasty it was much more populous, and contained a garrison of 100,000 men to restrain the Mongols. The best felts and other woollen articles such as the caps worn by the Chinese peasants are manufactured here.** Klaproth describes the town as of the first rank, and as the capital of the 16th and last district of the province of Chihli or Pe'chihli, having under its jurisdiction three cities of the 2nd rank and seven of the 3rd. It is 24 li in circumference, and has seven gates. Its walls were covered with brick in 1440, and repaired in 1676. It is situated on the left bank of the river Yang-ho, a tributary of the Sang-kan. The Yang-ho is crossed by two bridges, and there is a third five li to the south of the city. The district produces gold, silver, rock crystal, agate, marble, loadstone, lime, coal, alum, blue 0 Arch, and Hist. Researches, &c., 58, note 106. *1 Op. cit. vol. I, p. 276. * Id. 286, Yale's note. Rich temple. * Timkofski's Travels, vol. I, pp. 298 and 294.

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MAY, 1883.) CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. 135 vitriol, mushrooms, and a great quantity of out. He therefore pretended to lead his army musk, while small leopards, bears, chamois, and back. The Kin troops noticing this retreat led another kind of wild goats are found there."" their forces out and pursued Chepe, who drew The Mongols next captured the city named them after him as far as Suian-de-fu into a Tsin-ngan-hien in one place and Te-hing-fu in mountain hollow, where he turned upon them another by De Mailla, who has made two places and defeated them, after which the main body out of the two names. It is called Te-sing-fu of Chinghiz' army arrived and obtained a vicby Hyacinthe and Tih-hing by Douglas. It tory over the strongest regiments of the Kin, is now called Pao-ngan-chau, and is situated namely, the Khitans and Churchit. When north-west of the bifurcation of the rivers | Chinghiz reached Tsui-yun-kaan the roads were San-kang and Yang-ho. Timkofski tells us covered with heaps of the bodies of the slain as this town is surrounded with an excellent with rotten trees. Chepe took Tsui-yun-kuan, stone wall, and that it is pretty well built and Chinghiz traversing the pass encamped on according to the rules of Chinese architecture. the Lunkhutai." The Kiu-yung or Tsui-yunIt has in the centre a large triumphal gate withkuan or pass here named is the famous pase four entrances. The principal occupation of the leading into the plain of Peking, called the inhabitants is carpenters and joiners' work." Nan-kau pass by Europeans. It is situated Here Chinghiz seems to have been joined by about 40 miles from Peking, and is remarkable, Chepe, who had overrun Northern Shan-si as we inter alia, for a famous Mongol archway figured have described. At all events we find the latter by Colonel Yule," containing an inscription mentioned in the next operations. The Kang- in six languages, which has been illustrated in mu tells us the Mongols laid siege to the more than one paper by my learned friend Mr. town. They met with a more serious resis- Wylie. Timkofski passed through the place, tance than they expected, and were defeated at and describes it as commanding the defiles the first assault. Chinghiz Khan's fourth son, between two branches or lines of the great wall. Tului, and Chiku-fuma, called the Khan's He has a graphic description of it: "After Chiki by Hyacinthe, piqued at the resistance, having passed an arched gate," he says, " which led the way on to the ramparts covered by their is under the principal tower, we entered a shields, and cut a way for their soldiers, who large court. I felt a degree of pleasure in poured a volley of arrows on the defenders, and climbing upon the wall, the ascent to the top the place was at length taken. Its capture was of which is by steps made for the use of the followed by that of several other towns of the soldiers on duty." "Notwithstanding the department, but eventually the Mongols with many centuries which have elapsed since the drew, and these places once more fell into the erection of this wall" it was built with so much hands of the Kin. After reaching Tsin-ngan- skill and care that, far from falling to ruin, hien the Mongols advanced as far as the fortress it looks like a stone rampart produced by of Kiu-yung-kuan whose governor, Wanian Fu- nature itself to defend the northern provinces chau, frightened by the fugitives who arrived of China, Pe'chihli, Shan-si, and Shim-si, from there, fled.Douglas adds to the other accounts the invasion of the Mongols, who have not that Chepe purgued the fugitives southwards entirely lost their warlike character." through the wall and advanced on the capital. "The wall is properly composed of two thin The Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi, in describing these walls the tops of which are crenated; the interval events, tells us that Chepe and Guigunika is filled up with earth and gravel. The founwere sent forward. Chepe arrived at Tsui- dations consist of large unlewn stones; the yun-kuan. Noticing that the garrison had rest is of brick ; its height is 26 feet, and fortified itself, he said they must be enticed its breadth at the top 14 feet. Towers, in 45 ? Saigas. + Id. 293 note. ** Id. vol. II, pp. 800 and 301. " De Mailla, pp. 49 and 50; Hyacinthe, pp. 54 and 55. * Hyacinthe, p. 51; Douglas, p. 62; Do Mailla, tome IX, pp. 47 and 48. 50 Id. pp. 62 and 63. "Churchi, often corrupted into Nuichi, is the name by which the Kin Tartars were known when living in Manchuria. Palladius tells us the Khitans formed whole corps in the service of the Kin, and were quartered on the frontiers of China and Mongolia. 53 This name means a dragon and a god. Yuan-ch'ao. pi-shi, pp. 138 and 139 notes. 3 Marco Polo, vol. I, page 444. " It was built about 200 B.C.

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136 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. which there are many cast-iron cannon, are placed at about one hundred paces from each other. The great tower is decayed from age, the gate is much damaged, as well as the adjacent wall. No care is taken to keep it in repair." This great barrier, as Timkofski says, no doubt formed a very formidable barrier to the nomad horsemen of Mongolia, but the mountains and defiles which it traverses form an almost equally efficient protection. Especially difficult is the road where the fortress of Kiu-yung is. Our traveller tells us that the interior of the famous gate there is finely built, and that its walls are adorned with sculptured representations of heroes. He adds that Chinghiz Khan was not able to make himself master of it, but was obliged to return to Mongolia and to enter China by forcing a passage from the west. This statement is at direct issue with the evidence furnished by the Yuan-shi, as we have seen. The capture of the Kiu-yung Pass naturally caused considerable panic among the Kin authorities, who began to fear even for their capital, and an order was issued forbidding any of the young men capable of bearing arms from leaving the place. It would seem that the invaders suffered some minor reverses in the district, for we read that the Kin emperor, frightened by the Mongol approach, their scouts having advanced as far as the walls of Chung-tu, determined to retire to Kai-ping-fu, but his troops having promised to oppose the enemy to the death, and having defeated them several times he changed his mind." The Huang-yuan, in describing these events, again corresponds to some extent with Rashidu'd-din's narrative. It merely tells us in regard to Chinghiz Khan's advance that he took Dashui-li and conquered Ushapu, and the three Jous (i.e. chaus) Chan, Khuan and Fu." Rashid says the Mongols first advanced to the river Il, or Til, and took the towns of Tai-sa and Ba-u-ini. To revert to the more profitable Chinese authorities, we are told that discipline was now breaking down sadly in the Kin empire. It is true that the pusillanimous general, Wanian Hosho, was ss Op. cit. vol. I, pp. 308 and 311. se De Mailla, tome IX, pp. 47 and 48. 57 De Mailla, tome IX, pp. 47 and 48: D'Ohsson, vol. I, pp. 131 and 132. 5 Op. cit. pp. 182. so Erdmann, 319. [MAY, 1883. 60 punished by being degraded, but the army deemed the punishment too light. The emperor himself was a very weak person. Tu-shan-i, who commanded at Hoei-ning-fu, having learnt that the Mongols had advanced as far as the Department of Yen-king (i. e. of the modern Peking) sent an ariny of 20,000 men under Ukusun-utun to the rescue. The emperor was so pleased with his zeal that he summoned him to the Court and created him a minister, but he would not listen to his warnings when he urged upon him the importance of protecting Liau-tung, which was so far away, and argued that if attacked by the Mongols it must succumb unless succour was sent to it, and advised that one of the principal officers should be sent to put it in a proper state of defence. His easy master merely said there was no necessity to create alarm among the people. Meanwhile the Mongols were not idle. Chinghiz Khan sent his three sons, Juchi, Chagatai, and Ogotai, who each took a separate force and a separate route and captured the towns of Yun-nei, Tung-sheng-chau, Va-chan or U-chau Su-chau or Sho-chau, Fong-chau or Fun-chau and Kin-chau or Sing-chau, six districts north of the great walls of Shan-si, and, as suggested by D'Ohsson, probably situated between the frontier mountains of Ongu and the Chinese border in the country watered by the river Turghen which falls into the Yellow River where Koko-Khoten and the ruins of other towns still remain. They also secured the towns of Te-hing or Te-sing, Kung-chau or Hong-chau, Chang-p'king, Khuai-lai, or Hoai-lai, Tsingshan, Fong-shun, Mi-yun, Fu-ning, and Tsi-ning. Towards the east they conquered all the country of Ping-chan and Luan-chau, towards the south they advanced as far as Tsing-chau and Tsangchau." Thus from Lin-khuan in Liau-si southwestward as far as Sin-chau and Tai-chau all the country was subject to the Mongols. The Huang-yuan tells us the three sons of Chinghiz above named destroyed the towns of Yuin-nei Dun-shen, Vu, Siuan, Nin, Fin, and Tsein-chau."* Rashid tells us that after conquering Tai-su and so D'Ohsson, vol. I, p. 132. The Kang-mu; see Hyacinthe, p. 49; D'Ohsson, vol. I, p. 132 note; De Mailla, tome IX, p. 46. es Hyacinthe and De Mailla, loc. cit. 63 Hyacinthe, p. 49. De Mailla translates this last clause differently, and reads from Lin-chau and Hoangchau as far as beyond the river Linu, south-west as far as the country of Hin and Tai, all was subject to the Mongols. Op. cit. vol. IX, p. 46. Op. cit. p. 183..

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MAY, 1883.) CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. 137 Ba-u-ini, the Mongols went further and secured Liau-tung, to rouse the Khitan chiefs on that the towns of Nu-chau, Ta-khing-chau, Kin- side, and arrange for a joint attack upon the chan, Suk-chau, and Khi-chau, names corre- | empire. He found Yelin-liuko at the head of sponding pretty closely to those above quoted 100,000 men." Yeliu-liuko had been in the from the Kang-mu. He says the three princes service of the Kin emperor and was in comalso secured the towns of Wei-chau, Ton-chin, mand of a thousand men and lived at Tsien-u Nu-chau, Sun-chau, and Yene-kin-chau. They on the northern frontiers. Fearing that his also conquered the great city of Sebgin whose suspicious patron might blame him if the district furnished 70 tomans, i.e. 700,000 fighting frontier post he commanded should be lost, he men. It was not besieged, but the inhabi- fled to the district of Long-ngan, written tants surrendered themselves freely. Raverty Lun-an by Hyacinthe, where he speedily collectsays it was the country of Khurjah or Khurjat, ed 100,000 men and took the title of grand by which he understands Corea, which furnished general." Douglas says he proclaimed himself 700,000 fighting men. If the name is reliable generalissimo with a general named Eta as it seems to point to Manchuria, the country of second in command, and that his movement the Churchis; if it be not in fact a mere met with such success that the tents of his synonym for the kin empire, the name Sebgin troops covered more than a hundred Chinese of Erdmann, he reads as Sukin or Sunkin." miles of country." Chinghiz heard of this The Yuan-shi adds that the success of the three rebellion while he was meditating an attack on brothers brought many adherents to the China, and we are told he sent Uachin, Prince Mongol side, including several Kin officials of Hongkila," to make enquiries and arrange a The most important ally, however, secured by common plan of operations against the empire, the invaders was Yeliu Liuko, a chief of the | De Mailla says he sent Anchin Noyan and Khitans, who is called Yeluie-luige by Hya- Hontoko." The two were doubtless the two cinthe, Yaylu Lewko by Douglas, and Yeliu. brothers of Chinghiz Khan's wife Burteh, lieuco by De Mailla. who are called Alj Noyan, and Hukhu Noyan We have seen how the Kin Tartars became by Rashidu'd-din." Douglas, by mistake, masters of northern China by conquering the makes Chepe the envoy on this occasion. We Khitans who were its previous masters. The are told that having questioned Yeliu-liuko he Khitans had their chief seats in the province - professed that he had rebelled against the Kin of Liau-tung, and after they had lost their and in favour of Chinghiz, and that he would empire in China they seem to have retained a ere this have been to do homage to him if his certain solidarite there under their own chiefs. horses and herds had been in a fit condition At this time the most important Khitan chief to make the journey. Anchin Noyan asked for was Yeliu Liuko just named, who was a some token of his good faith, and they accordtributary of the Kin empire. The Kin Tar- ingly climbed the mountain Yen-sban. Gaubil, tars were naturally somewhat dubious about who calls the mountain Kin, says the Chinese the loyalty of these Khitans, and we are told geography puts it 45 or 50 leagues north of the emperor Yong-tsi had given orders that Mukden the capital of Liau-tung. Here they wherever there were any Khitan families there sacrificed a horse and a white cow, turned toshould be settled at least twice the number of wards the north, broke an arrow between them, those of their own race, the Churchis. This and the Khitan chief swore to be faithful to the surveillance caused great irritation among the Mongols, who in turn swore to help him, and Khitans, of which Chinghiz Khan heard and Anchin promised to propose to Chinghiz that determined to avail himself. When he planned after its conquest Liau-tung should be made his campaign against China he accordingly over as a fief to Yelin-liuko. When the sent Uachin, Prince of Hongkila, i.e. of the Kin emperor heard of the outbreak of YeliuKonkurats, who was his brother-in-law, to liuko he despatched Wanian Husha with an la os Fong-shun of the Chinese writers. * Erdmann, pp. 319 and 320. 69 Tabakat-i-Nasiri, p. 956 note. os Douglas, 63. Gsubil, pp. 14 and 15. 70 Id. p. 16 " De Mailla, IX, 50. Op. cit. p. 64. 13 Vido ante. * Op. cit. p. 50. *5 Erdmann, Temudachin, ete. vol. I, pp. 99-200. 16 De Mailla p. 50 and 51; Gaubil p. 16; Douglas pp. 64 and 6.

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138 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAY, 1883. army of 60,000 men against him which was purposely exaggerated to a million. Douglas says that a reward was offered of a pound of gold for every pound of the rebel's bones, and a pound of silver for every pound of his flesh. De Mailla adds that a large sum and also a post was offered to any one who would bring his head. Yeliu-liuko sent to inform Chinghiz Khan, who despatched 3,000 men commanded by Anchin Noyan, Putahoan, and Alutuhoa to his aid. They joined him in the district of Titsinor, and it was not long before the Kin troops appeared. Annu, the nephew of Yelialiuko, who commanded the advanced guard of the Khitans, began the fight, and broke the ranks of the Kin troops, who were presently in full retreat, abandoning all their baggage, which Yeliu-liuko sent to Chinghiz Khan, retaining nothing for himself. He now took the title of prince of Liau." Douglas says Chinghiz Khan conferred on him the title of king, while that of queen was conferred on his concubine, Yoloshe. Finding force unavail. ing against the rebel, the Kin emperor sent an envoy to buy him over, but neither wag this manoeuvre successful, and the envoy returned strongly impressed with the opinion that Liuko was too firmly seated on his throne to be easily overturned. This report only added to the rage of the emperor, who, determining to make yet another attempt at coercion, de spatched an army of 400,000 men against the rebellious province. This was also defeated, and its commander Wannu fled with the remnants of the army to the Tang-king or Eastern capital, the city now called Fung-tin-fuor Mukden. Liuko now took up his residence at Hien-ping, to which town he gave the name of Chung-king or Central Capital." Chinghiz Khan now apparently sent Chepe to his assistance. He proceeded to attack Liau-yang, the capital of Liau-tung, which was then known as Tang-king or the Eastern capital. After several efforts to secure it, finding that it did not yield to a direct attack, he had recourse to a ruse and retired for a while as if he was giving op his design. After having retired for six days he left his baggage and returned by forced marches with some of his best mounted troops, " De Mailla, tome IX, pp, 51 and 52. "Douglas, p. 66. ** Yuan ch-ao pi-shi, p. 139; D'Ohsson, vol. I, p. 185 ; Douglas, p. 68, ordering each trooper to take a led horse with him, surprised the town, where his advent was not expected, and captured it." The Huang-yuan says that Chobi as he is there styled) knowing the place was fortified within, having with his men destroyed the wall, retired 500 li. The Kin thought he had withdrawn altogether. He then ordered each of his men to take a led horse and having returned in 24 hours attacked the place and laid it waste savagely.So Rashid says the same thing virtually, merely adding that he was induced to return by hearing at each station on his retreat that the citizens had given themselves up to security. He withdrew for fifty parasangs, and then returned." Liuko now definitely took the title of king of Liau-turg and adopted the style of Yuen-tung as that of his regnal years." Let us now return to Chinghiz Khan. He seems to huve left his son, Jagatai, with an army in the neighbourhood of Siuan-hwa-fu, with which he captured the sub-prefectural city of Fung-shing. The Mongols also secured during the year 1212 the towns of Chang-chau and Huan-chau, situated north-east of Peking." When the general Hesheliei-hushahu abandoned the western capital to the Mongols he went to Yu-chau, and having taken 5,000 taels, together with many robes and other treasures from the treasury there, and also appropriated a large number of horses belonging to private people and mandarins, which he, without orders, distributed among his followers, he went on to the fortress of Tsi-king-kuan whence he went to the Nan-king or Southern capital, where the emperor instead of reproving him declared him to be one of the best generals in the army. He became elated with this, and asked for an army of 20,000 men with which to march to Siuan-ti. He was only given 3,000, and was ordered to encamp at Hoei-chuen. This is the account given by De Mailla" apparently from the Kang-mu. In the Yuan-shi we read that after his campaign already described, Chinghiz Khan had to meet a fresh Kin army, 300,000 strong, under Hoshele and Kiukien, called Kheshere and Gingan by Hyacinthe. The two armies met at Kuanertsui (written Tsuan-ell-tsui by Hyacinthe, and called the 80 Op. cit. p. 183. * Douglas, p. 68. " Hyacinthe, p. 53; D'Ohason, vol. I, p. 132. * Op.cit, tome IX, PP, 48 and 49. Erdmann, p. 320.

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MAY, 1883.) ON DR. HOERNLE'S VERSION OF A NASIK INSCRIPTION. 139 ! mountain Ye-hu, 7 or 8 leagues west or west- Seuen-ping, Terhing-fu, and several fortified north-west of Siuan-hoa-fu by Gaubil), and in the positions. The result of the campaign was, subsequent fight the Kin troops fled. Following therefore, rather a gain of prestige than of up this success Chinghiz, in the autumn of 1212, territory. The Kin troops were beaten in laid siege to Tai-tung-fu, the western capital, and several important engagements. Several of enticed the Kin general, Gotun," who had been their most important positions were captured, sent to raise the siege, into the Meyu Pass," where and their internal weakness was amply proved. he exterminated his troops. Chinghiz now re- As Gaubil says, the order of the Mongol newed the siege, but was presently wounded by | conquests in the years 1211 and 1212 is not an arrow from the walls in an assault in which the same as told in the Tong-kien-kang-mu, he lost many men, and accordingly drew off his Nien-1880, and other histories." The order troops and withdrew northwards into Mon- of events is, therefore, in some respects congolia. The Kin troops profited by his retrentjectural, and I do not profess to have cleared and reoccupied Paogan, Siuan-hoa, i.e., Sinan-ti- up all the difficulties of the story, which is, in fu and Kiu-yung." Douglas says they reoccupied | fact, very involved. ON DR. HOERNLE'S VERSION OF A NASIK INSCRIPTION AND THE GATHA DIALECT. BY PROF. RAMKRISHNA GOPAL BHANDARKAR, M.A., POONA. In the middle of 1874 I spent about six Gazetteer. Since the time my translations weeks in deciphering and translating the in- appeared in the Transactions of the Congress, scriptions in the caves at Nasik, and prepared I have found one or two better readings proa paper and submitted it to the International posed by other scholars. Similarly there is Congress of Orientalists held in London in that one proposed by Dr. Hoernle in his paper, year. The paper has been published in the published in the Indian Antiquary, ante pp. 27 f, Transactions of the Congress. The reading of to which I should attach great weight if I were those inscriptions was a work of great difficulty, to revise the paper. But that scholar has at since some of them are in the Pali or Praksit the same time found fault with my translation dialect, and others contain a mixture of Sanskrit of the inscription which is the subject of his and Praksit. The letters, too, in several of paper, and which is one of the easiest in the them, are faintly cut. I could derive very series. He thinks I have mistranslated it. little assistance from the labours of my prede- I desire therefore to discuss the matter here, cessor in the field, for, except the one which is so that scholars at large may be able to almost entirely in Sanskrit, the inscriptions judge whether Dr. Hoernle has mistranslated were misread by him. I could, therefore, never it or I. look upon my work as final, and was aware of The inscription is No. 17 of Mr. West's its imperfections. Besides, the paper was series. Dr. Hoernle thinks he has discovered an printed in London, and as I could look over one important fact, viz. that the inscription is in the proof only, there are a good many misprints. Gatba dialect. This, in my opinion, does not I have, therefore, long been thinking of revising come to more than saying that it contains a the paper, and publishing it separately; bat mixture of Sanskrit and Prakrit, or that there no opportunity has yet presented itself, and are some ungrammatical forms in the inscripI now learn that Dr. Buhler has re-read and tion. For I believe the Gatha dialect does not re-translated the inscriptions. What I have deserve to be called a dialect with distinctive been able to do is to re-write my remarks on characteristics. My views on it as well as the relations between the Andhrabhsityas and on the language of these inscriptions, both of the Satrap kings; and these I have embodied which I also consider alike, I have given in the in a paper I have written for the Bombay Wilson Lectures which I delivered in 1877, but . Called 0-tun by Hyacinthe. ' Me gu-kheu of Hyacinthe. " Douglas, pp. 67 and 68 ; Hyacinthe, pp. 58 and 54; D'Ohsson, vol. 1, pp. 132 and 138 ** Gaubil, p. 18. Op. cit. p. 18 note 1. rito

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140 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAY, 1883. which, owing to several unfortunate circumstances, I have not yet been able to publish. I quote them here from my manuscript. "In many other ancient monuments existing in the country, we often find inscriptions which are principally in two languages, the Sanskpit and the Pali or Prakrit, anderstanding by this last term a dialect derived from Sanskrit. Those in the latter (Pali) are mostly connected with Buddhism, though some Buddhistic inscriptions also-such as those discovered by General Cunningham at Mathura several years ago-are in Sanskrit. In the caves at Kanheri, Nasik, Janar, Nanaghat, Karles, and some other places in this Presidency and in the Bhilsa topes, we have Pali or Praksit inscriptions. Most of these are short, but at Nasik we have long ones in the caves of Ushavadata and Gotamiputra. The language of these latter is Pali, and but a few forms are peculiar, such as datta and kita na necnliar, such as datta and kita for which the Pali has dinna and kata, - past passive participles of the roots dd and ksi, and be for the numeral two,' instead of the Pali dve or duve. In Ushavadata's cave we have one inscription (almost) entirely in Sanskrit, the rest are in Pali or Prakrit, but we have an intermixture of Sanskrit words, and the con- juncts pra, tra, and ksha often appear. In these and the smaller inscriptions we have such words as bara for dvara, barasaka for varshika, barisa for varsha, udisa for uddifya, while the Pali forms of these words are drara, vassika, vassa and uddesetva. Some of these inscriptions were engraved so late as the third century, when the Pali could hardly have been the vernacular. It had, however, become the sacred language of the Buddhists,-the mendicant priests, for whom the caves were intended, and even educated lay members of that persuasion understood it, and hence it was used in these inscriptions as Sansktit was in others. The style of Gotamiputra's charters, abounding as it does in long compounds and elaborate expres. sions, is very unlike the plain and simple language of Asoka's edicts. And at the end of these and that of his son, we are told that the officers of the kings who caused the charters to be engraved acted under the command of, i.e. wrote to the dictation of, "respected persons who were the compilers of all such documents." It thus appears that the PAli was at that time a sacred and a literary language among the Buddhists. And as to the language of other inscriptions which, like those of Gotami. putra and his son, were not composed by learned men, one can easily understand how ignorant persons not knowing Sanskrit or Pali well, but still not ignorant enough to know nothing of both, would confound together Sanskrit, Pali and vernacular words. Even in our days we find this phenomenon in the patrikds or horo. scopes written by our Josis or astrologers, which are neither in pure Sanskrit nor in pure vernacular, but contain a mixture of both, and the Sanskrit words and forms in which are incorrectly written. And an explanation of this nature I have also to give of another variety of language that is found in the writings of the Northern or Nepalese Buddhists. Unlike those of the Singalese and Burmese Buddhists these are written in Sanskrit, but in such works as the Lalitavistara, or the Life of Buddha, we find along with prose passages in pure Sanskrit a number of verses which contain words or forms which are not Sanskrit. Thus, for instance, we have sarvazubhakarmahetoH phalamidaM gaNatAsya karmasya / / pUjAraho bhavituM sarvajage anubandhata immnntyshN| "You will here see that Karmasya, jage, and yasan are, as in the Pali, treated like nouns in a. Arha is dissolved into araha, and there are a few other instances of this process, such as kilesa for klesa, siri, for eri, hiri for hri, &c. Bat generally the conjunct consonants are retained as they are in Sanskrit, and not assimilated as in the Pali. So also you have chodenti for choda. yanti, Mayaya,' gen. sing. of Mayd, upajanitva, eunishyati, nirikshatha,' imperative second pers. pl., Sametha for Samayata, &c., and even such words as manapa,' which are Pali in every respect. But along with these Pali characteristics, there are other peculiarities which must be attributed simply to carelessness. For instance, the case terminations are often omitted as in kama sevatit for kaman sevate, sugata" for sugatan, when governed by pujayitum, moksha bhoshyati for moksho bhavishyati, &c. Such con Lalit. Vist. p. 40, 1. 14. Ib. p. 14, 1. 9. * Ib. p. 40, 1. 17. * Ib. p. 50, 1. 6. * Ib. p. 31, 1.7. * Ib. p. 62, 1. 1. Ib. p. 41, 1. 10. . Ib. p. 51, 1. 15. 11 p. 51, 1. 10. Ib. p. 43, 1. 4. 10 I. p. 31, 1. 11.

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MAY, 1883.] ON DR. HOERNLE'S VERSION OF A NASIK INSCRIPTION. 141 structions as kshantya" saurabhyasampannah for kshantisaurabhya, Silasamadhi tatha praj- namayari for Silasamadhiprajnamayain are often to be met with." "This language has, therefore, no fixed cha- racteristics at all. We have seen that in such words as karma, jaga, and yasa above, the final consonant is dropped, and these as in the Pali and the Praktits made nouns in a. But yasas, the original Sansktit form, is also used as in kirtiryababcha," and there are instances in which other final consonants are preserved. Along with such a Pali form as surishyati noticed above, such a Sanskrit one as brinvanti, 1.is found. It therefore appears to me that this is not an independent language; but that the writers of the Gathas knew the spoken language or Pali, and that they were imperfectly acquainted with Sanskrit, knowing enough of it to see that the assimilation of consonants was & vul. garity, but not acquainted with its grammar. They intended to write in the more polished or literary language, but not knowing it well often used unconsciously the grammatical forms and the peculiar words of the vernacular. At the time when the Gathas were written, the claims of the Puli to be considered a separate language were probably not recognized, and it constituted the speech of the uninstructed. Those who in this condition of things wished to write could not think of doing so in that form of speech, and therefore wrote in what they consi- dered the language of educated men, but they knew it imperfectly, and hence produced such heterogeneous compound as we have seen." I give this rather long extract to show that in my opinion we should not in these inscriptions look for the characteristics of a settled or fixed dialect. The inscription under discussion was composed by one who wished to write Sanskpit, but did not know the language quite in the form which was finally given to it by the great grammarians and other authors. Hence, along with Sanskrit, we should expect to meet with a few Pali or vernacular forms of words. I will now proceed to consider Dr. Hoernle's translation, and his objections to mine. In the first line occurs the compound suvarnadanatirthakarena, used as an epithet of Ushavadato. I translate it," who presented gold and constructed flights of steps." Dr. Hoernle calls p. 41, 1. 9. p. 51, 1. 18. this a curious juxta-position. Why, I do not know. The inscription attributes such gifts and charitable deeds to Ushavadata as have been considered peculiarly meritorious by Hindus from that to the present day, and are laid down in works on the Dharmasdstru, with certain rituals to be used in making them. The giving away of a hundred thousand cows and of villages, feeding a hundred thousand Brahmans, furnishing Brahmans with the means of marrying, and all the rest, which are credited to Ushavadata, are such; and among the meritorious deeds of this nature is the deed of giving suvarna or gold, which is quite an independent gift. Suvarnadana is mentioned as one of the ten chief dunas or religious gifts, in all treatises on the subject, and among them in Hemadri's Danakhanda (p. 564-75, Ed. in Bibl. Ind.). Tirtha is a flight of steps' to a reservoir or stream of water, and is so explained by the native lexicographers, and is used in that sense in literature. Mallinatha, commenting on a verse in the Kiratarjuniya, which contains that word, says, "as there are many people to enter a reservoir of water to which a tirtha has been constructed but the maker of a tirtha is rare, so, &c." The making of a tirtha, like that of constructing a bridge, is considered a meritorious deed. In a passage from the Aditya-Purana, quoted by Hemudri, in the work mentioned above, tirtha ig named along with tadga 'a tank, kupa '& well, setu 'abridge,' &c., as a thing the maker of which goes to heaven and lives there for crores of years (p. 155) Surarnadana or the gift of gold and the construction of a flight of steps or a ghal, were the two religiously charitable deeds of Ushavadata at Barnasaya, and therefore they are here put together. The inscription is an historical record, and not a work of imagination. If it were the latter one might well ask what is the necessary connection between them which led the author to put them together. But the muddy state of the river might have led the son-in-law of Nahapana to construct a ghat there, and suvarnadana, being one of the several modes of charity which Hindu opinion held sacred, was made by him there as he made other gifts in other places. the other objection brought forward by Dr. Hoernle is that "danakarena is, he imagines "p. 60, 1. 17. p. 111, 1. 7. Canto II, v. 3.

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142 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. MAY, 1883. a rather unidiomatic expression." I suppose | "Having caused to be constructed for poor he means that the use of the root kiri with and helpless persons a pratisraya [in the shape dana is not sanctioned by idiom. But in of] a good house, very commodioue (wide), Hemadri's Danakhanda we have (p.3, v. 17), having food and plentiful water, provided with tatkritadanavarilahari, "the waves of the a good door, and charming, he should dedicate water (poured on the occasion of the gifts it to travellers." made by him"; (p. 34), yat kanya su pita kuryat The establishment of such houses for poor dunasi pujanam archanam, quoted from the travellers, i.e. the founding of pratisrayas, Brahma Purana ; (p. 90), danamachamanam, &c., forms an independent charitable deed of great praudhapado na kurvita, quoted from Satya. merit (see Hemadri, Dan. pp. 673-677). There yana; (p. 688), yat kirinchit kurute danan tada is another in the shape of giving houses to nantyaya kalpate, extracted from the Vahni- poor persons (pp. 646-663). Houses so given Puruna ; and (p. 996), danar tena prakartavyam, are sometimes spoken of as krasathas. Thus quoted from the Bhavishyottara. In these and Vedavyasa, as quoted by Hemadri (p. 646), a variety of other instances the root kri is used haswith dana and therefore my way of dissolving - ramyamAvasathaM caiva datvAmuM lokmaashritH| . the compound cannot be objected to on the "Having given away a charming house, score of idiom. (avasatha), he attained the other world." In Now Dr. Hoernle's translation of the com the Anusasanika-parvan of the Mahabharata pound which, he says, is also Dr. Buhler's, an account is given of several former kings is-"gave gold to build a sacred bathing place." having performed certain charitable deeds and This destroys the religious sense of dona anu obtained their fruits in the next world, and makes the expression suvarnada na quite useless. among them one is spoken of as having given Certainly the other works of Ushavadata,--the away charming houses to the twice-born and rest-houses, tanks, wells, &c., -were not con gone to heaven"structed or dug by him with his own hands. He paid gold or money to get them also con ramyAMzvAvasathAndavA dvijebhyo divmaagtH| structed or dug. Why then should the express | Anus. chap. 137, v. 10, Bomb. ed. ion suvarnadana be used here, and not in those Similarly the Brahmd nda Purana as quoted places? And what are bathing places as different by Hemadri (p. 162), says that by giving away from the ghats or flights of steps, and whence charming dvasathas or houses, one attains the do you get them ? fruit of the Rajasuya sacrifice. The extract The next expression with my translation of from the Mahabharata given on the next page which Dr. Hoernle finds fault is chatusalava- by the same writer contains a verse in which sadhapratioraya. He thinks that one kind of the giving away of viharavasathas or pleasure building only is intended by this compound, houses, is associated with the giving away of but beyond saying that in this Dr. Bubler gardens and wells. agrees with him, he gives no reason whatever. Thus then, avasathadana and pratisrayadana But pratisraya, as I have stated in a note, is are two different things, and therefore the comwhat in these days is called an annasattra, i.e. pound does not express one thing only. Now a house where travellers put up and are fed chatussala might be taken as an attribute of without charge. Dr. Hoernle calls it a rest- dvasatha, but even here, seeing how gifts of house. I have no objection to the word, pro- different things are associated in the other vided he means what I mean; for Hemadri, compounds used in this inscription, I think (p. 152), explains pratisraya as pravasind m it is better to take that also separately. dirayah, i.e. a shelter-house for travellers. The next expression in dispute is Iba-Parada. Again, the Vahni-Purana as quoted by him, Damana-Tapi- Karabend - Dahanukanavapunya(p. 673) has tara karena. Dr. Hoernle takes navapunyatarapratizrayaM suvistIrNa sadanaM sujalAnvitam / karena as one compound, and Iba - Dahamka as dInAnAthajanArthAya kArayilA gRhaM zubham / another. This last is, according to him, in the accusative case. I would ask "What is the nivedayetpathisthebhyaH zubhadvAraM manoharam // accusative governed by P' But this is not

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MAY, 1883.) ON DR. HOERNLE'S VERSION OF A NASIK INSCRIPTION. 143 a difficulty with Dr. Hoernle, for he says | The locative would make no sense here, the case "the accusative is used for the locative." He wanted is the nominative. In the text, though thinks this is a rule of the Gatha dialect; and tvach is treated like a noun ending in a, the to prove that rule he adduces four instances compound is samaharadvandva, as it should be only-two from the Mahavastu and two from according to Pan. II, 4.2; but the editor seems the Lalitavistara,-though he says this substitu- to have thought it wrong, and so has given the tion of the one case for the other is particu- ordinary Dvandva instead. Now in the two inlarly frequent." I am sorry the Mahavastu stances from the Mahavastu given by Dr. Hoernle, is not at hand, but the first reference to the words in the accusative are avichii, which the Lalitavistara I have verified. There the is a kind of Buddhistio hell, and dharanain, words are yathabhipretar Rajagrihasi vihritya, which, I suppose, is the word that signifies "having diverted or enjoyed himself in Raja- "the earth." If these are governed by verbs or graha in accordance with bis wishes." Now participles implying "motion," they are regular Kajagrihari is, according to Dr. Hoernle, by a Sanskrit accusatives; if not, they also must be Gatha rule, an accusative used for the locative brought under the rule we have been considerIn Sanskrit proper the accusative, he thinks, ing. It is possible that the rule which priwould not be put here. He appears to me to marily is taken by Patanjali's commentators to follow the Editor of the work, and since the apply to names of places, such as Kurus, Panlatter professes to explain what he considerschalas, Rajagriha, &c. may in later usage have peculiar Gatha expressions in the footnotes, and been extended, and made applicable to places since here in a footnote the Editor does give generally, such as the earth and the Buddhistic Rajagrihe as an equivalent for Rdjagrihari, his hell; but that the accusative in these cases is conclusion is that the accusative is here used to be accounted for in either of these two ways for the locative. But Patanjali, the great and no other, appears certain. Then again, Dr. grammarian, commenting on a Karika to Pan. Hoernle thinks that there are two accusative I. 4.51 says: forms in this inscription itself which violating dezazcAkarmakANAM karmasaMjJo bhavatIti vktvym|| the rules of Sansktit grammar, prove his i.e. the place where an action denoted by Gathan rule. One of them is tiram in the exan intransitive root is performed is to be called pression ubhato teram. This, however, is in a karma or object, and as such should bo put perfect accordance with the rules of Sanskrit in the accusative case. The instances he gives grammar, for, under Pan. II, 3. 2, Patanjali are Kurin svapiti, he sleeps in the Kurus, gives a karikd, and comments on it thus:Panchdlan svapiti, he sleeps in the Panchalas.' ubhayasarva isetAbhyAM tasamtAbhyAM dvitIyA vktvyaa| This observation of Patanjali and the first 1. e. a noun that is in syntactical connection instance are given in the Siddhanta Kaumudi. with ubhayatah and sarcata) should be pat in In virtue of this role of Sanskrit then, not of the the accusative case : in other words, ubhayatah supposed Gatha dialect, Rajagriha, in the pas- and sarvatah govern an accusative. The insage from the Lalitavistara, being the place stance given by him is ubhayato gramam. The where the action denoted by the root hri with karika is given in the Siddhanta Kaumudi. ri, which is intransitive, is performed, the The other accusative form relied on by Dr. name of the town is regarded as an object and Hoernle is varsharatur in the expression put in the accusative case and so we have guto'smi varshdratu. This accusative is to be Rajagriham. In the other reference to the explained by Pan. II, 3.5, which teaches that Lalitavistara the line mentioned is at page 476 a noun expressing duration should be put in instead of page 467. Here Dr. Hoernle bas the accusative case. The sense then would be quite misunderstood the editor's note. In the that Ushavadata went to the place mentioned text we have the compound tvachamanism. In for the rains. Now if it should be objected that a footnote the editor explains this as tvanmarise, in gato'smi varsharaturi, duration is not what which he must have meant for the dual nomi- is meant, but simply the time when he went, this native of the Dyandya compound of tvach and might be considered to be an extension of the marsa. But from the terminatione, the Doctor original Sansktit rule, but not a violation of it. thought the editor meant it to be a locative. This is what I meant by saying in a note

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144 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (MAY, 1883. in my paper that varshdratuin is used for punyatarah (supposing nava to be a word rursharitau. ending in d). Now tarah means "crossing," Thus then the rule laid down by Dr. wherefore the compound would express "the Hoernle that the accusative is promiscuously sacred crossing of boats." This to my mind used for the locative is not at all proved ; t. conveys no sense. Tara has hardly a convennor do I think there can be such a rule. tional (rudha) sense as distinguished from There may be an extension in a few cases of the etymological (yaugika). And even suppossome of the special rules about the use of ing it denotes "a boat," which it does not, what the accusative, as must be expected from can "the sacred boat of boats," mean? And the operation of the law of analogy" but a why should the ferry-boats be called sacred ? promiscuous substitution of the one case for Dr. Hoernle says, because "they were set the other is not possible under any ascertained apart for a special sacred purpose, viz. to carry laws of the growth of human speech. In the pilgrims across." But what is the necessity of case in dispute, therefore, the supposed accusa- restricting the good done by Ushavadata to tive Iba-Dhanuka must be justified on other pilgrims Ferry-boats are a necessity in the grounds. It should be stated what it is case of all, just as water is, and as an establishgoverned by. An accusative must be governed ment for giving water is opened by charitable by a verb, a participle, a preposition or a particle persons for all human beings, so are ferry-boats of that nature, and if it is an accusative placed for the use of all. There is no ground expressive of length, distance, or duration, it | whatever for supposing that their use was so must depend on the word, the length, distance restricted, nor is it reasonable to suppose it was. or duration of the thing denoted by which it But Dr. Hoernle's objection to the interpretation expresses. None of these requisites exists in of punya as "religiously meritorious," is that the the present case, and therefore to take 1bd- establishment of boats is "no more so than the Dahanuki as an accusative is clearly a mistake. other acts specified in the record." The objection So then, if we take nava to be the Pali form of has force no doubt, and therefore I would divide the Sanskrit wu, we shall have to consider the and read the words thus nava apanyatara karena. whole expression given above as one compound, Panya is used in the sense of something one and there is no question the compound would has to pay in exchange for what he purchases" ; be awkward and unintelligible; while if we and tarapanya is a word given by the native take nava as an instrumental, and Iba-Daha- lexicographers in the sense of what is paid for ka as a compound with the genitive termina- being taken across a river, i.e. the fare of a tion nait omitted by mistake, the construction ferry-boat. Apanyatara, therefore, is a tara or is natural and simple, and the sense plain. crossing for which one has not to pay ar.ything, Besides, if the names of the rivers are to be i.e. a free carriage across; and that is what taken as parts of the compound, and consequently Ushavadata provided by placing boats on the attributively joined to the word tara, and thus rivers. The translation of the whole expressubordinated to it, they cannot be referred to sion therefore is lit. "who by means of boats by the pronoun etasan immediately afterwards. caused a free passage across the rivers IDA, &c.," And since the rivers are independently spoken i.e." who established free or charitable ferry. of by the genitive etasam, it is very likely that boats." This is the sense of the words I have their names were independently put in the used in the translation of the inscription in my genitive case before. And the omission of nam paper, though I do not now remember whether is very natural; for the engraver did actually I read and construed the compound as I do now, cut one na in the stone, and thought he had and cannot understand how there is no note on cut both. Dr. Hoernle translates the expression it, and how the translation of a few words in this navapunyatarakara by "maker of a sacred line has dropped away, as Dr. Hoernle points out. ferry of boats." He thus takes the first part The sense this construction gives appears to me to as a genitive Tatpurusha equivalent to navanari be so appropriate, that here again I must accuse 11 Hemachandrs notices such an extension in his Prf-l purchased this boat of your body by paying a heavy krit grammar, price for it in the shape of good deeds." went gran i 1971 fra .., "You have

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MAY, 1883.) ON DR. HOERNLE'S VERSION OF A NASIK INSCRIPTION. 145 the engraver of a mistake. Instead of stopping rivers." Why need persons assemble in numafter he had cut a square with the upper linebers to cross a river, and even if they did, who wanting, to represent pa, le prolonged the right would think of calling them a sabha, except hand side below the line and made pu of it. metaphorically? A sabha is much more formal He was more familiar with the word punya than that. The word has the sense of "a regular than panya, and had to engrave it once before, assembly," or "a meeting," with a certain and hence his mistake is not annatural. purpose. Acrowd of persons who have casually In the transcript of the inscription in my gathered on the road do not constitute a sabha. paper ya appears in brackets after ubhato. The word denotes also "a hall," or "a house." Thereupon Dr. Hoernle thinks I read ubhaya for The first sense does not answer here, but the ubhato and construe wbhayatiran as a com- second is appropriate. pound. But if taken as a compound it would The clause to be next discussed is the one have to be considered as in the accusative case. beginning with pilditakdvade, and ending with The accusative, however, cannot be syntactically parshabhyah. Dr. Hoernle translates Ramatirthe connected here. I do not think it was difficult charakaparshabhyah by "the Parshads (or conto make out that what I meant was to give the gregations) going to Ramatirtha." He takes correct Sanskrit form of the word, which is charaka as a verbal derivative like karaka and ubhayato and not ubhato, and that the bracket- haraka, since he understands it in its etymoloed ya was printed after to instead of between gical sense, and attaches to the root its primary bha and to by a mistake. signification, viz. to "move or wander." But The next expression is sabha-prapa-karena. if it is used as a verbal derivative, the vowel Dr. Buhler and I understand sabhd-prapa as a should have taken vriddhi and the word Ivandva, but Dr. Hoernle thinks "the com- become charaka. Charaka, therefore, has a special pound may be explained much more simply as a sense, and I believe is never used simply in common Tatpurusha," and takes it to be a dative the sense of "one who moves." In the quotaTatpurusha. Why is a dative Tatpurusha tion from the Brihadaranyaka given by Bohtlingk much more simple than a Dvandva ? On the and Roth in their Lecicon, sub voce, which is contrary, I should think it one of the most Madroshu charakuh paryavrajama, the word charadifficult, since Panini and his commentators ka is explained by Sankaracharya and others allow it only in a few cases. A dative Tatpu- as adhyayanarthari vrata-charanach charakak, rusha is possible only between two nouns, the i.e." they were called Charakas, because they first of which, having the sense of the dative, were observing (chur) a vow for the sake of denotes a certain material, and the second a thing study"; and the very use of the verb paryamade of that material, and between any noun vraj ama, which means 'we wandered,' shows in the dative sense and artha, bali, hita, or that charaka had even then acquired a secondary rakshita. and conventional (rudha) sense. It has other It is wrong to suppose that we can com- special senses also, but the word I maintain is pound any words in any sense. The Sanskrit not used in the primary and etymological sense idiom sanctions certain compounds only, and attached to it by the Doctor. Besides, the in a certain sense, and rales about these have compound is by no means good, since the word been given by the grammarians, and they are charaka which has been subordinated to par. generally followed by Sanskrit writers, though shad, is what is called sapeksha, i.e. connected not invariably. A compound that violates the with the word Rumatirthe, which is not in the rules strikes the ear at once as bad. You cannot, compound. A subordinate member of a comfor instance, form such a compound as Brdhmana- pound should not, as a general rule, be thus payah in the sense of Brahmandya payah; and connected with an independent word, though a no more can you have sabhaprapah in the sense supeksha compound is allowable when the sense of sabhayai or sabhabhyah prapak. Both the is not rendered obscure thereby. Riddhasya compounds would be quite unidiomatic. Andrajapurushah, for instance, in which raja is con. what is the sense that we get ? Ushavadata nected with riddhasya will not do, though constructed "watering places for the assemblies, Devadattasya gurukulam is admissible. i.e. for those assembled to cross over the Dr. Hoernle here says that "in Sanskrit we

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146 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAY, 1883. should expect the accusative Ramatirthan," of the vows meant should be spoken of as instead of the locative Ramaterthe, which he forming a parshad which is rather a technical accounts for by a Prakrit usage; i. e., accord term as applicable to the learned leaders of a ing to him the rules of Sansksit grammar require sakha. that the expression should be Ramatirthan Then Dr. Hoernle sees no reason why Dr. Charakaparshadbhyah. I suppose he means Stevenson and I should read parshadbhyah that the accusative will be governed by the instead of parshabhyak. For myself I may word charaka. Here there is a double mistake. state that I visited the caves in person, and When a verbal or participial form of the root compared Mr. West's transcripts with the char is used in the primary sense of the root, originals. On looking into my copy of the tranviz."wandering," the place wandered over is scripts I now find bhyah corrected to dbhyah, oftener put in the locative than in the accus- though there is a mark of interrogation against ative. So that the locative is not only not this. I am not sure therefore that dbhyah exists wrong according to the idiom of Sanskrit, but there, but I thought I saw it, and hence put it in. is decidedly better. But even if we suppose Again, the Doctor says :-"the word naligera that the place wandered over" is always has greatly puzzled Dr. Stevenson and Prof. considered as the object of the action, and put Bhandarkar." Though his identification of in the accusative, as in the case of the root gam, the word with the Sanskrit narikela is not still by a general and very rudimentary rule improbable, so far as the sound of the word is of Sanskrit grammar, the agent or object of an concerned, I must confess I still continue to action is put in the genitive case when any verbal be greatly puzzled. For, if Ushavadata presentderivatives are used (Pan. II, 3.65), except ed thirty-two cocoanut trees in the village those enumerated in Pan. II, 3.69. Thus of Nanarigola, this village must be on or near ghatan karakah is certainly not Sanskrit, and the sea coast, for cocoanut trees do not grow so Ramatirthain charakah cannot be. They above the Ghats. But among the grantees was ought to be ghatasya karakah and Ramatir- the body of the learned Brahmans of Govardthasya charakah, supposing this latter word hana near Nasik, and it was one of the four were unobjectionable in other respects, as it congregations at least to whom the thirty-two certainly is not. And now as to the sense of trees were given, so that about eight must have the expression. Why should "going to Rama- fallen to its lot. Now the presentation of eight tirtha" have been rendered a sine qud non of cocoanut-trees at a place more than sixty miles the recipients of Usbavadata's gift p The distant from where the persons to whom they congregations resided in Govardhana, Sorpa-| were presented lived, and separated from it by raga, and other places. Why should it have a high mountain range, is a thing of a very unbeen considered necessary that they should be nsual character. The Brahmans of Govardhana in the habit' of going to Ramatirtha to be fit would have preferred some other trees or someto receive the cocoanut trees? Thus, in every thing else nearer home, if Ushavadata really way Dr. Hoernle's construction and translation wished to confer a favour upon them. And if are untenable. the Govardhana conclave consisted of several I still think charaka is a mistake for charana; individuals, the grant was of hardly any practifor then the expression charanaparshadbhyah cal value to any one of them. And what could would mean "to the conclaves of learned men be the reason why thirty-trco cocoanut trees in belonging to the several charanas or bodies of one and the same village were given to bodies students of each Veda or Sakha." But Charaka of men living in different places ? also will make sense, though it is not so appro- Dr. Hoernle thinks it objectionable to take priate; for it would mean "the bodies of dharmatmand as an epithet of Ushavadata in the persons who had undertaken certain vows," or sense of "benevolent," or "charitable," and " of persons belonging to the Charaka sakha." | translates it "out of religious principle." In In the last case the sense is restricted, and in the Sanskrit usage dharmatman is always used as an other I do not understand why the observers epithet of a person, and taken as a Bahuvrihi in ?" See TT09TU 4it. Brah. VII, 14 & 15, and the many quotations given by B. and R. in the Lexicon, sub voce.

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MAY, 1883.) ON DR. HOERNLE'S VERSION OF A NASIK INSCRIPTION. 147 the sense of dharmah atma yasya, i.e. "one! Then Dr. Hoernle speaks of my reading whose very self, or soul, or nature, is charity or of two words in the last line, Bhattaraka benevolence, or virtue." 30 In our modern annatiya, and thinks the final d of Bhattaraka vernaculars also, the word is used in that sense. is unintelligible. But it exists in the original If understood as dharma'echasau atma cha, ie. notwithstanding. The initial a of the next as a karmadhdraya, it would mean by (his) self word is that which is written below the line. or nature, vix. benevolence, &c., which comes to I transferred it to its proper place, taking it to the same thing as before, though the compound be a correction, as Dr. Buhler does. Dr. Hoernle and its use would be unidiomatic. If taken as a and he, however, read it as a, but in my correctgenitive Tatpurusha, dharmasya atma,' the ed copy of Mr. West's transcript I find a, and sense would be " by the nature or self of bene. there is no query after it as in the case of volence &c." In this sense it would not do here parshadbhyah noticed above, and that it must at all; for Ushavadata gave away what he did be- be d I will show presently. Dr. Hoernle cause benevolence was his nature, not on account thinks that the a below the line is meant to of the nature of benevolence, which would be indicate the division of the compound. Why unintelligible. Dr. Hoernle is" inclined to think was that considered necessary here and not in that it is probably a Buddhistic technical term"; | gatosmi, which occurs immediately afterwards but he gives no reason for this. I wish he and in chatusaldvasadha, which we have in the had given one instance at least. He says second line? It appears to me that the engradharmatmana is very widely separated from ver first cut the words Bhattarakanatiya, and Ushavadata, whose epithet it is taken to be. The somebody afterwards found that it was same objection might be brought against the capable of being taken as Bhattaraka anatiya, epithet that immediately precedes, viz.osahasra- equivalent to Bhattaraka ajnaptyd, meaning pradena; but notwithstanding that, Dr. Hoernle "without the knowledge of the lord," but that himself construes it with Ushavadata. The was not what was meant. What was intended thing is, after the word Ushavadata, you have in was Bhattaraka anatiyd for Bhattaraka djnaptyu, the inscription nothing but a string of epithets, i.e. "by the command of the lord"; and in and dharmatmand is the last of them. Between order that there might be no mistake about it, this and the preceding epithet you have only the he thought the best way was to separate the name of the place where the monastery was ex- words, as he had done in the case of tasaga cavated, so that really the epithet in question is udapana in the second line, and put in the initial not far removed. The other objection is that the which was so important. After he had done word occurs in another inscription (West's No. that, it was necessary to obliterate the stroke re11, not 4), where the Doctor thinks it impossible presenting & in the last syllable of Bhalfaraka, to construe it with the person named. To be but as this was difficult he did not attempt it. able to construe it with the person, I have taken Now as to the gap between Malaye and Hithe word to be dharnmatmano,-led to it by some rudhari, I thought I saw some letters like stroke above the na. But if that reading is not sdyirh in it when I visited the caves, and thereallowable, we should complete the first sentence fore it did not occar to me to say the gap with Indragnidatasa, and translate :-"Of Indra- contained nothing, and to connect hi with dagnidatta, the Northerner &c." i.e. after the Mdlaye. Dr. Hoernle's reading Malayehin is genitive some such word as danan or deya- however very likely and good, and I feel no dhammo, should be understood, as it has to be hesitation in saying so, as I have felt none in done frequently." The second sentence begins expressing my disagreement with him on every with dhanmatmana, and the instrumental is other point except, to a certain extent, the to be connected with khanitari, the sense being identification of ndligera with ndrikela, and in "this cave was caused to be excavated by the pointing out his mistakes. pious one." Poona, 14th March 1883. 90 See the references sub voce in B. and R.'s Lexicon v. 45, vipro bhavati dharmatma &c. &c. and Mahabharata Anusaniks, Bomb. Ed., chap. 139, v. 10,! See No. 10 Karlen, and No. 21 Janar, Arch. Sur. W. Dharmatmd Krishna; chap. 140, v. 2, dharmatma uri India, -Cave Temple Inscriptions No. 10; Bhilsa Topa shabhan kah; chap. 142, v. 39, dikahan charati dhar. Nos. 103, 136, 147, 174, No. 1 Tope &c. mdemd, ib., v. 57, sukhath vusati dharmdemd, chap. 113, 1.

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148 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAY, 1883. THE FIRST PLATE OF A VALABHI GRANT OF UNKNOWN DATE. BY E. HULTZSCH, PH.D., VIENNA. The subjoined incomplete Valabhi grant has | Dharasena III, of which about one line been edited from a paper-cast which I owe to must have been engraved on the lost plate. the kindness of Professor Buhler, to whom it The grant cannot belong to one of the sons of was sent by Rao Bahadur Gopalji S. Desai, Derabhata, as the first plate of the grant Deputy Educational Inspector of Kathfavad. of Kharagraha II. dated Val. S. 337,' bring the The plate from which the cast is taken was var avali down to Dharasena IV. Thus it must found at Gopnath, and measures 14 by 10 have been issued by either Dharasena III, inches. To judge from the facsimile, the or Dhruvasena II., or Dharasena IV. preservation of the plate is not particularly This conclusion is further strengthened by the good, and the letters of the first and last fact that the first plates of the grant of Dhruvaline and at both ends of most other lines are sena II, dated Val. S. 310 and of the grant of somewhat damaged. Dharasena IV. dated Val. S. 330break off The grant is dated from Valabhi. Like almost at the same point as our first plate, while other Valabhi grants, this one must have origi- the first plate of another grant of Dharasena nally consisted of two plates. The second IV, dated Val. S. 326deg comprises abont two plate, which was fastened to the first by two and a half lines more of the varisavall. rings as the holes at the base of the latter prove, The characters perfectly resemble those of the has been lost, and together with it the date and published grants of Dhruvasena II. and Dharathe names of the donor, the grantee, and the sena IV. It deserves notice that the superscribed object granted. By comparing the preserved repha (T) at the beginning of a group of first plate with the first plates of other Valabhi consonants is placed at the right side of the grants already published, it will be possible to group if there was no room left for it at the fix its date within certain limits. Our first top;' in agt, 1. 10, and oftar, 1. 14. plate contains the usual variodvali of the For the same reason the secondary form of the later Valabhi kings from Guhasena down- vowel i (0) has once been placed at the right wards, and breaks off in the description of side of a group, in ogre', 1. 6. Transcript. [1] oM svasta balabhataH prasabhapraNatAmitrANA matrakANAmatulabalasampannamaNDalAbhAgasasaktaprahArazatalabdha[*] pratApAtpratApopanatadAnamAnArjavopArjitAnurAgAdanuraktamaulabhRtazreNIbalAvAptarAjyazriyaH paramamAhe. ps THTETETCE4 grathat catalanar979: 17 fariadi11 yabAhureva samadaparagajaghaTAsphoTanaprakAzitasatvanikaSaH tatprabhAvapraNatArAticUDAratnaprabhAsaMsaktapA[3] danakha[razmisaMhatiH sakalasmRtipraNItamArgasamyakparipAlanaprajAhRdayaraJjanAnvartyarAjazabdo rUpakA Faeritt[6] [mbhIryabuddhisampadbhiH smarazazAGkAhirAjodadhitridazagurudhanezAnatizayAnaH zaraNAgatAbhayapradAnapara [] NavadapAstAzeSasvakAryaphalapraya'nAdhikArtyapradAnAnanditabadvatsuhRtpraNayihRdayaH pAdacArIva sakalabhu * Edited by Professor Buhler, Ind. Ant. vol. VII, p. 76. * Edited by Professor Buhler, Ind. Ant. vol. VI, p. 12, and vol. VII, p. 73. Edited by Professor Bhapdarkar, Ind. Ant. vol. I, page 14. The modern Telugu alphabet has gone one step further by placing the repha behind the group before which it is pronounced. Line 1, Read at ritaria, 1999 , and geria .-L. 2, the second 4 of gti and the au of His obliterated.-L. 3, 4 of IT obliterated.-L. 4, 8 of Tera faint; read 7 -L.7, road : a and .

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MAY, 1883.] VALABHI GRANTS. 149 [8] vanamaNDalAbhogapramodaH paramamAhezvaraH zrIguhasenastasya sutastatpAdanakha[mayUkhasantAnavisRtajA havI[9] jalaughaprakSAlitAzeSakalmaSaH praNayizatasahasropajIvyamAnasampadrapalobhAdivAzritaH sarabhasamAbhigA mikai [1] [rguNai]ssahajazaktizikSAvizeSavismApitAkhiladhanurddharaH prathamanarapatisamatisRSTAnAmanupAlayitA dharma dAyA[u] nAmapAkartA prajopaghAtakAriNAmupaplavAnAM darzayitA zrIsarasvatyorakAdhivAsasya saMhatArAtipakSala kSmIpa[12] ribhogadakSavikramI vikramApasaMpraptavimalapArthivazrIH paramamAhezvaraH zrIdharasenastasya sutastatpAdAnudhyAtaH [1] sakalajagadAnandanAtyadbhutaguNasamudayasthagitasamagradiGaNDalaH samarazatavijayazobhAsanAthamaNDalAya[14] dyatibhAsuratarAnsapIThodUDhagurumanorathamahAbhAraH sarvavidyAparAvaravibhAgAdhigamavimalamatirapi [s] sarvatassubhASitalavenApi sukhopapAdanIyaparitoSaH samagra]lokAgAdhagAmbhIryahRdayopi sucritaati-| zaya[16] suvyaktaparamakalyANasvabhAvaH khilIbhUtakRtiyuganRpatipathavizodhanAdhigatodagrakIrti Anuparodho[17] jjvalatarIkRtArthasukhasampadupasevAnarUDhadharmAdityadvitIyanAmA paramamAhezvaraH zrIzIlAdityastasyA nujaH [18] tatpadAnudhyAtaH svayamupendraguruNeva guruNAyAdaravatA samabhilaSaNIyAmapi rAjalakSmI skandhAsaktAM para[19] mabhadra iva dhuryyastadajJAsampAdanaikarasatayaivodvahankhedasukharatibhyAmanAyAsitasatvasampattiH prabhAvasampa[20] dazIkRtanRpatizataziroratnacchAyopagUDhapAdapIThopi parAvajJAbhimAnarasAnAliGgitamanovRttiH praNatime[1] kAM parityajya prakhyAtapauruSAbhimAnairapyarAtibhiranAsAditiprati kriyopAyaH kRtanikhilabhuvanAmodavima lagu[29] NasaMhati prasabhavighaTitasakalakalivilasitagati cajanAdhirohibhirazeSairdoSairanAmaSTAtyunna ta] hRdayaH prakhyAta123] pauruSAstrakauzalAtizaya gaNatithavipakSakSitipatilakSmIsvayaMgrahaprakAzitapravIrapuruSaprathamasakhyAdhiga[+] maH paramamAhezvaraH zrIkharagrahaslasya tanayaslatpAdAnudhyAtaH sakalavidyAdhigamavihitanikhilavidvajjana[20] manaHparitoSAtizayaH satvasampadA tyAgaudAryeNa ca vigatAnusandhAnAzamAhitArAtipakSamano[26] [rathAkSabhaGgaH samya [gupa lakSitAnekazAstrakalAlokacaritagahvaravibhAgopi paramabhadraprakRti[7] trimaprazrayavinayazobhAvibhUSaNaH samarazatayayapatAkAharaNa[pratya]lodagrabAhudaNDavi[dhvansita[nikhi L. 8, mo of degpramodaH obliterated.-L. Il, amuavara of | the facsimiles of the earlier grants read vigatAnusaMdhAnAzaupalavAnAM very faint; read rekAdhivAsasya.-L. 12, rend mAhitArAti'. Later on this lectio. doctior was changed vikramopasaMprApta'.-L. 14, read degdyutibhAsuratarAMsa, bhAsurata- | into "saMdhAnAsamA (Grant of Simaditya III., Ind. Ant. vol. ransA looks like bhAsuretarAnsa.-L. 17, read degnirUDha and v., p. 207) and degsaMdhAnasamA (Grants of Shaditya v. and tasthAnujastatpAdA.-L. 18, read rAjyalakSmI.-L. 19, read VI., Ind. Ant. vol. VI, p. 16, and vol. VII, p. 79).-L. tadAjJA and kheTa'...21, read sAdita-L.22, read 'saMhatiH | 26, f. read paramabhadraprakRtirakRtrima-Line 27, Most lettera L. 28, read 'tizayo and saMkhyA ".-L. 26, a dot stands | obliterated read 'samara zatajaya and 'vidhvaMsita. over the line between nU and sa of vigatAnusandhAnA". All

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150 INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAY, 1883. CORRESPONDENCE AND MISCELLANEA. THE DATE OF TRIVIKRAMA. | dah, gallery, balcony and thence a palace, or SIR.-In Mr. Pathak's interesting paper on more properly the women's part of the palace and Pajyapada, ante p. 21, occurs the following state grounds attached; thence the women's part of a ment: "Trivikrama; Saka 800 (A Praksit gram- royal camp, a long or large tent. The Aw&ns mar)." Would Mr. Pathak be so good as to inform and their neighbours say that their ancestors us, (1) Whether this Trivikrama is the same as accompanied Mahmad's camp and settled in the that mentioned by Prof. Pischel as posterior to RAwal Pindi District, and thus got the name Hemachandra (see his edition of Hemachandra, airodn, camp-men. It is pretty obvious, that there preface, p. vi, and Dissertatio Inauguralis, p. 8) P is no historical foundation for this derivation of (2) If so, what grounds has Mr. Pathak for the name, but as these native derivations are often placing Trivikrama in Saka 800 P (3) Does " Saka seriously received as true, it is just as well to 800" mean that Trivikrama lived in the 8th record them if only to show their improbability. century of the Saka era, or that he wrote his R. C. TEMPLE. grammar in that particular year (i.e. the year 800 of the Saka era) P (4) Where does Trivikrama RAJAPITAMAHA-THE SILARA TITLE. mention Pajyapada P Will Mr. Pathak quote the Rdjapitamaka, which literally means "Grandwork and the passage where the mention occurs P father of kings,' occurs along with their other R. H. titles in three copperplates of the Silaras. 3rd February, 1883. Mr. Wathen who translated one of these suggested Like a Brahmadeva among kings' as the meaning A short reply to Dr. H.'s queries. of the title; Mr. K. T. Telang who translated an. (1) As I have no copy of Prof. Pischel's Hema. other, rendered it as 'the grandfather of the king,' chandra, I am not in a position to answer this but observed :-May TaTam, then mean "like a query. (2) My opinion as to the date of Trivi. Brahmadeva among kings"-"first among kings"P krama is based on the prasastis of the Adipurdna, I think the following passage from the Kumd. the Uttarapurdna, and Trivikrama's grammar. rapala Charita leaves no doubt that the literal (3) The statement referred to means that Tri meaning of THAT is the meaning intended :vikrama was a contemporary of the Rashtrakuta emperor Amoghavarsha I. and his son. (4) In ___ athAnyadA zrI caulukyacakravartI sarvAvasare sthitaH the first pada of the first adhydya, we read the | kokaNadezIyasya mallikArjunasya rAjJo mAgadhena jaineMdra pANinIyAdi vyAkaraNeSu yathoka tathaiva vya(veditavyaM Here the mention of the Jainendram is equiva rAjapitAmahati birudamabhidhIyamAnamazaNota. yathA lent to the mention of Pajyapada, according to | jilA prAg nikhilAnilApativarAn durvAradorvIryataH Vrittavildsa. K. B.P. kRlA cAtmavazaMvadAnavirataM taanpautrvtsrvdaa| Belgaum High School. dhatte rAjapitAmaheti birudaM yo vizvavizvazrutaM A WAN, A DERIVATION. The Awins are a Muhammadan tribe in the soyaM rAjati mAlikArjunanRpaH kodnnddvidyaarjunH|| Rawal Pindi District. The name is variously One day, while the Chaulukya universal ruler spelt in Panjabi, Awan, Uan and Awan. General (Kumdrapala) was sitting at ease, he heard a bard Cunningham (see ante, vol. X, p. 244, and Proc. pronounce "Rdjapitamaha" as the title of Mallik4. S. B. 1881, p. 50), wishes to identify them arjuna, king of the Konkana (in the verse), Thus with the Jodhs of B&bar, but Colonel Johnstone shines king Mallikarjuna, (like) Arjuna in wielding has shown that the Jodhs are a part of the the bow, who bears the title Rdjapitamaha, heard Muhammadan Rajpat tribe of Janjas in the from universe to universe, having conquered all Rawal Pindt Distriet. (See Sherring's Hindu great kinge by the irresistible might of his arms Tribes and Castes, vol. III, p. 69). Whoever they and made them obedient to himself like grandsons. may be, it is more than probable that they are Mallikarjuna, so far as is hitherto known, was aboriginal Panjabis, converted to Islam like their the seventeenth king of the North Konkana Sila. neighbours the Gakhars, Dhonde, Satis, &c. ra dynasty, and two of his grants are recorded Like the other tribes they give themselves al on stones found at Chiplun in the Ratnagiri faneiful Muhammadan origin, and say they are zilla, and Bassein in the Thana zilla, which bear descended from the persons who had charge of date respectively Saka 1078 and 1082. Malli. Mahmud of Ghazni's camp. (See Calcutta Review, 1 karjuna's defeat by Ambada the general of vol. OL, PP. 272-275). In accordance with this Kumarapala, (Saka 1065-1096) is noticed by K. view the derivation of their name is thus given. In Forbes, and a pretty long account of it is given Persian airdn means primarily a portico, veran in the Charita. RATIRAM DURGARAM DAVE, Ariatic Researches, vol. I, p. 359; Journal of S the Royal Asiatic Society (O.S.) vol. V, p. 186; Indian tero sily199. Indian Bombay Gazetteer, vol. XIII, p. 126, Ras Mala, (New Ed.), p. 145. Antiquery, vol. IX, pp. 35, 38.

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JUNE, 1883.] DHINIKI GRANT OF JAIKADEVA. THE DHINIKI GRANT OF KING JAIKADEVA, TOGETHER WITH SOME REMARKS ON THE VIKRAMA, VALABHI AND GUPTA ERAS. BY DR. G. BUHLER, C.I.E. I. THE GRANT OF JAIKADEVA. THE subjoined grant of Jaikade v a, lord of THE Saurashtra, was dug up during the famine relief operations of 1879-80 in the Undke talao, a tank situated a mile to the north-east of the present village of Dhiniki,' but close to the ruins of old Dhiniki, in the Okhamandal district of the Kathiavad peninsula. It was subsequently, in 1881, brought to the notice of my friend Colonel Watson, President of the Rajasthanik Court, by Ajam Vajeshankar G. Ozha of Bhaunagar, who furnished to the former a paper impression of the plates. About the same time another rubbing was sent to me by the Deputy Educational Inspector of Kathiavid, Rao Bahadur Gopalji S. Desai. On my communicating with Colonel Watson regarding the document, I received from him successively another rubbing, a photograph, and finally the original plates themselves, as well as numer. ous important notes on the historical and geographical questions connected with the grant. Colonel Watson also generously relinquished his intention of editing the grant and made over to me, when he learnt I was anxious to publish the grant, a valuable manuscript article which he had already written. The grant is written on the inner sides of two plates, measuring 9 inches by 5, the thinnest and smallest I have ever seen used for a sasana by a ruler of Western India. A small hole through the bottom of the first and the top of the second, shows that they were originally held together by a ring. It is doubtful if the ring bore a seal, because the cognizance of the king, a fish, is engraved at the bottom of Plate II. The preservation of the plates is very good, in spite of the muddy bed in, which they must have lain for a long time. Only very few letters in line 2 of Plate I and in the first five lines of Plate II, have been partly de stroyed by verdigris. Nevertheless the grant is difficult to read, and some of the names contained in it remain either very doubtful or The village is called Dhingi in the old maps, Dhaniki on the Trig. Surv. map, and bears also the names Dhinki and Dhanika. It lies south-east of Dvarka and close to the sea. Compare in these respects the Lupavada plates of 151 absolutely undecipherable. One cause of this fact is the extreme slovenliness of the execution. A great many letters have been formed inaccurately and carelessly, and some have not even been finished. In a few cases the punch has also completely gone through the thin sheet of copper. It is perfectly clear that the kansar who transferred the grant to the plates, must have been unskilled and unaccustomed to delicate work. Another circumstance which contributes to the difficulty of the document is that the clerk or Karkun who wrote the MS. copy must have been careless or in a hurry. This is shown by the displacement of the matras, or e strokes, which, as often happens in modern official documents, repeatedly stand over the wrong syllables, e. g. in vude for veda (I. 6), likhyenta for likhyante (I. 10), and by the omission of many superscribed rephas and anusvaras. The alphabet used is the literary alphabet of Western and, probably also, of Central India, which first occurs in the royal sign manual of the Gurjara grants of the 5th century A.D. A few years ago most epigraphists would have unhesitatingly condemned the Dhiniki sasana, on account of the modern appearance of its characters, as a forgery of the 11th or 12th century. Now that Professor Max Muller's great discovery of the old palm leaves from Japan, the Valabhi plates of Siladitya II, dated Sam. 352, and the excellent facsimile of Dantidurga-Khadgavaloka's Samangadh plates, dated 675 are before the public, it is no longer possible to fall into such an error. On the contrary, it must be conceded that an alphabet closely resembling the modern Devanagari was in general use certainly during the 7th and 8th centuries, and probably at a much earlier date. Though it would seem that this alphabet was regularly used for literary purposes only, it cannot be denied that it sometimes was employed for sasanas also. In order to test a new grant which shows not the archaic "cave characters," but a more modern looking Siladitya V. Ind. Ant. vol. VI, p. 17, seqq. and my Rathor grant, No. IV, to be published shortly in this Journal. Ind. Ant. vol. XI, p. 305 f. * Ind. Ant. vol. XI, pp. 110-112.

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152 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JUNE, 1883. alphabet, it is only necessary carefully to com- pare it with the undoubtedly genuine sase nas of the same period, which show the literary alphabet. If we apply these principles to the Dhiniki grant, which is dated Vikrama samvat 794 or A.D. 738, the undoubtedly genuine grant in the literary alphabet which comes nearest to it in point of age is Dantidurga's basana of Saka samvat 675 or A.D. 753 (the Samangadh plates). If due allowance is made for the difference in the size of the letters and the careless execution of the Dhiniki plates, the characters of the two documents are almost identical. The only real differences which I can find occur in the sbape of the letters ta and tha. In the Dhiniki grant the ta in aghata (I. 9) has the older round form with a horizontal top-stroke to the right of the letter, but twice in ghata (II. 1) and mahdkshapataliku (II. 6), the modern Devanagari form . As regards the tha, it has once, in kara- natha (I. 9), the older form , and once in pariparithaniyah a very peculiar shape 24, which possibly may be intended for the modern , though it is not impossible that it is merely owing to a blunder of the unskilled Kansar. However that may be, these peculiarities cannot be used as arguments against the genuineness of the grant. They are merely instances of the rule to which I have repeatedly called atten. tion, that in Indian epigraphy those forms which are constant in the later documents, occur sporadically in the earlier ones. The truth of this assertion for tbe case of the form ta is proved by the fact that my unpublished Rathor grant of Dhruvaraja, Akalavarsha of Bharoch, dated Saka samvat 789 or A.D. 867 shows no other form of ta but. The language of the Dhiniki sisana is not quite grammatical Sanskrit, interspersed with few Praksit forms and words, e.g., apechhya (I. 6) for apekshya and the Gujarati dhara (I. 11-12), instead of pada, "a hill-spur." Its wording differs considerably from that usually adopted by the rulers of Gujarat. For it begins with the date, gives no particulars of the donor's and the donee's families, and its chief portion (I. 1-9,) consists of a single sentence. As regards the first and second points, the published grants of Bhimadeva I. and Visaladeva, and some other unpublished Gujarat inscriptions furnish analogies. With respect to the third point, I am not able to adduce instances from Western India. But a good many grants from other parts of India, e. g., the ancient Kadamba sasanas published by Mr. Fleet, especially Nos. I, III, VI, and VII, likewise omit the usual phrases djridpayati, sasilbodhayati or anudarsayuti, astu vah sarvidita yatha mayu &c., and contain in their stead the simple dattavan. Some other minor peculiarities, such as the constant use of the word naman after proper names (I. 7; II. 1, 6), the omission of the syllable sa in the compound muntalla-(mudgala)-gotraya, the use of the verse mayi rajni vyatikrante, &c., of a mangala at the end of the inscription instead of the repetition of the donor's name are likewise not tisual in Gujarat grants, but common enough on the sasanas issued by kings of various other districts.' It appears, therefore, that the official who composed the text of the Dhiniki grant did not use one of the old forms current in Gujarat, but, for some reason or other, invented a new one, which, however, does not depart from the general traditions regulating the formalities to be observed in royal edicts. The donor of the Dhiniki grant is the illustrious J Aikade va, the lord of the province of Saurashtra, who assumes the proud titles paramabhattaraka, maharajadhiraja, and paramesvara, and thus claims to be an independent ruler, not owing allegiance to any body. His capital was Bhu milika, and his cognizance a fish. The name and the fish emblem connect him, it would seem, with Jaika the donor of the Morbi grant, and the fact that he held court in Bh u milika indicates that he belonged to the Jeth vas, one of the ancient Rajput clans, whose present representatives are the Ranas of Porbandar. For the word Bhu. milik a exactly corresponds to the modern Bhumli or Bh u m bhli. Though the map of Kathiavad shows several towns and villages of Ind. Ant. vol. VI, pp. 193-210. * Jour. Bom. Br. R. As. Soc. vol. IX, pp. 235-249. See e.g. Dr. F. E. Hall's Chedi grant, Jour. Beng. As. Soc. vol. XXXI, p. 120, 1. 11; p. 122, vs. 41; the Kadamba grants and the Samangadh plates referred to above. Ind. Ant. vol. II, p. 257, Professor Bhand Arkar reads Jamka. But I think the third point in the i must be taken for the sign of the long vowel, which in olden times consisted of four points and hence must become later .

Page #171
DHINIKI GRANT OF JAIKADEVA. JUNE, 1883.] that name, Bhumilika in Saurashtra can only be the deserted capital founded by the Jeth vas in the Barda hills, which is still called Bhumli, Bhumbhli, or Ghumli," and at the time of the Jethva ascendancy must have been the capital of Saurashtra, i.e. the whole of south-western Kathiavad. The conjecture, on the other hand, that the donor of the Morbi plate is in some way connected with the grantor of the Dhiniki sasana considerably gains in probability by a tradition, prevalent among the Jethvas and in Kathia vad generally, according to which Morbi was the oldest or one of the oldest seats of the Jethva Rajputs, long before they founded Bhu mlt. This story, which Colonel J. Watson, 10 the first authority on the medieval history of Kathiavad, considers to be perfectly trustworthy, explains how it happens that the Bhumilika fish emblem and the identical name Jaika have been found at Morbi. This is, however, the only point in which the Jethva traditions can be made serviceable to the interpretation of our grant. In other respects the information derived from records of the Porbandar bards and from the present state of things, are rather puzzling than helpful. For though the bardic list enumerates 177 predecessors of the present Rana Vikmatji (Vikramaditya), who are stated to have ruled at Morbi, Bhumli and other places, there is no Jika among them." As this list is evidently "made up," and as it is well known that Indian princes often bear many names, the absence of the name Jaika from the Porbandar list is not a very serious obstacle to the conjecture that Jaika of Bhumilika belongs to the Jethva family. But it precludes the possibility of our learning more regarding him. Another matter is of somewhat greater importance. The modern tradition derives the origin of the Jethvas from the monkey. god, Hanuman, and it is asserted in Gujarat that, until recent times, the Ranas of Porbandar were pushchherids, i.e. carried in token of their descent a caudal appendage which was lost of late only, owing to the influence of the degenerate Kali age. Owing to his intimate connection with the Jethvas Hanuman is at present the emblem on the Porbandar See Archeol. Reports W. India, vol. II, pp. 181 ff. 10 Watson, Statistical Account of Porebandar, p. 14, seqq. 153 flag, which does not show a fish. The solution of the difficulty which is thus raised may be attempted in several ways. We may either assume that the Jethvas have changed their cognizance, or that their coat of arms contained of old several emblems, both the fish and Hanuman, and that the latter has alone been retained in modern times. It seems. to me that the second explanation is the more probable one. For both the fish and Hanuman belong to the cycle of the Vaishnava legends, the former referring to the Matsyavatara and the second to the Ramavatara of Vishnu. If the Jethvas, as is presumable, were and are Vaishnavas, it is not improbable that they originally used both the fish and Hanuman. Colonel Watson, who agrees with me in this view, points out that the first mythical descendant of Hanuman is called in the bardic list Makaradhaj, i.e. "he who bears a makara in his banner." If makara denotes in this case a shark or other large fish, it is not impossible that the name refers to the Vishnuitic legends and to the fish emblem on the banner. It deserves also to be noted that on the brackets of the columns of the Naulakha temple at Bhumli, the fish emblem occurs several times, side by side with representations of monkeys. These remarks will suffice to show that the modern tradition is not irreconcilable with the inference drawn from the statements of the two sets of plates, that their donors were Jethvas. According to Dr. Burgess (loc. cit. p. 181, seqq.), the ruins of Bhumli furnish also some evidence that certain buildings of the town. possess a high antiquity. He assigns the temple of Hanuman or Ganapati and some of the Vaishnava temples at the neighbouring Son Kansari, on archeological grounds, to the eighth or ninth century A.D. This collateral evidence as to the age of the towns of Bhumli, and consequently of the Jethva rule in Kathiavad, is so much the more valuable, as the oldest inscription on funeral monuments at Bhumli dates from Sam. 1118 or 1061-2 A.D. and the name of the Jethvas is mentioned in inscriptions and books of the 13th and 14th centuries only. The oldest mention of the name of the clan, Watson, loc. cit. pp. 17-20. 1 Burgess, Reports, vol. II, pl. xliii.

Page #172
154 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JUNE, 1883. known to me, occurs in the Vastupalacharitas | 15, 795. The Karkan forgot to give the two of Rajasekhara and Harshagani where it is dates separately, and thus made the same asserted" that Simha, the maternal uncle of muddle as the writer of the Morbi plate, who Visala deva Vaghela (Vikrama samvat asserts that the grant was made on the fifth 1300-1318) was a Jeth va. The evidence of day of the bright half of Phalguna, on the the style of the Bhumli temples, taken together occasion of an eclipse of the sun. with that of the two grants is, however, strong The object of our grant is to convey the enough to show that the advent of the Jethvas village of Dhenik & to a Brahmana, called in Kathiavad must fall at the latest in the sixth Isvara, who belonged to the Muntalla, (read or seventh century. The question whether the Mudgala), gotra and to a race the name of Morbi and Dhiniki grant belong to the same which is not decipherable. The correctness of person or have been issued by two homoge- the reading Mudgala is attested by the fact nous kings will be discussed in the second part | that the Mudgalas really have three pravaras of this paper. It may suffice to state here that as asserted in the grant." Dhenik & is, of the data contained in the two grants alone do course, the name of the ruined village, now not admit of a definitive settlement of the called "old Dhiniki," where the plate has been question. found. According to the information collected The date of the Dhiniki sasana is given as by Colonel Watson and Rao Bahadur G. S. Vikrama samvat 794, new-moon-day of Karttika, Desai, it was a place of great antiquity. The Sunday, under the Nakshatra Jyeshtha. The Rao Bahadur informs me that the ruins contain figure for the year probably refers, as is usual in a palio, or funeral monument, which shows the Indian dates, to completed years, and the grant date Samvat 779 Asad Sudi 2, or 722-23 A.D. was therefore issued at the end of Kirttika ned at the end of Karttika If this statement be correct, it certainly fur(in Gujarat the first month) of Vikrama samvat nishes collateral evidence that the village 795. On this supposition the day of the week existed in the beginning of the 8th century. and the Nakshatra have been given correctly. The uncertainty in the readings of the names For Karttika vadi 15, 795 Vikrama, corresponds of the boundaries given in the grant makes it to Sunday, Nov. 16, 738 A.D., when the difficult to identify them. If it is really true Nakshatra was Jyeshtha. The grant further that the ocean is mentioned as the northern states that an eclipse of the sun occurred on boundary, this statement may refer, according that date. But this is a mistake. An eclipse to the authorities quoted, either to a large of the son, which, however, was not visible in creek, into which some streams, rising northKathiavad, happened on the new moon of the east and north of old Dhiniki, fall, or to the Ran preceding month Asvina, i.e., on Saturday, between Okhamandal and Kathiavad, which October 18, 738 A.D." The well-known fact formerly seems to have been more extensive that the grants were rarely written on the day than at present. There are also a good many when the donation was made, permits us to dhars "hillspurs or ridges" near Dhiniki, explain the error with respect to the eclipse. though none of them now bears the name It may be safely assumed that the village was Rohar which the plate mentions. As given on the last day of Aovina 794, when the regards the remaining localities mentioned, calculated eclipse occurred, and that the docu. I abstain from all attempts at identifications, ment was drawn up a month later, on the last because the basis afforded by the plate is too day of the following month, Karttika vadi unsafe. 1 Ind. Ant. vol. VI, pp. 190-191 ; vol. XI, p. 99. The astronomical data in this grant have been kindly caloulated for me by Professor Jacobi of Munster, Dr. Burgess, and Mr. Hutcheon, of Stonehaven, and Dr, Schram, of the Vienna Observatory. All four gentlemen have independently obtained the same results. A separate calculation has also been made in order to ascertain if " Vikrama" could stand for Saka, and decidedly negative result has been obtained. 16 See e.g. N Asik No. 11 B; Burgess, Reports, vol. IV, p. 106. 16 It may be noted that socording to the modern treatises on dana, bathing and gifts are unnecessary on the occasion of calculated eclipses which are invisible in India. But it is, of course, very possible that a king who wished to make a present, chose, in caso no visible eclipse WAS available, the day of a calonlated one, in order to secure greater spiritual merit. 11 Max Muller, Hist, Anc. Sanak, Lit., p. 382.

Page #173
DHINIKI COPPERPLATE GRANT, PLATE 1. 9. miyA va yamanamurAdUnta talaba 14 vA kamAnIvara ke jamAlayAnnA risA(pAtimalava lagA mara saramAyA / mA. ( pArasana lina satIpAghamAdayatidhyaramA sAdarAI parama: 5 kAratalAmAruhanA rAba la meM khAyAma jase khAna mAnI jA yAmavayasya va rAta meM kAlA pe ubadalanaratAyalA jAyarAma joipara rAmavAvagAyana makAna mahAlakA to mAlA kalaticAya uralAna(kAlam / jaina vA DAlI kAlA karane vAle taya grAma jahi / samApmA 203 rAnA sAmAnanIyavahAgAva, mAmale ko ' rAne nAtalagAnesalAtakAkula mAkana yA tApama dAmopamA smuhkii|

Page #174
DHINIKI COPPERPLATE GRANT. PLATE 2. nava-poyalasAlA nikAzAmaka nijI sacina dasAnA lo muha ne nAkAzakAtarAnI rAhAvaratUda kAyA | CTET sAyarATAdAra (masatA tamA narAmaya kA tyA gAvAsA kAnamA tAlamA rana bhAratAlA lalita nirAma mahAkATaka karA maamaactaaraam|| . .

Page #175
JUNE, 1883.] DHINIKI GRANT OF JAIKADEVA. 155 Transcript. Plate I. [1] o svasti vikramasaMvatsarazateSu saptasu caturnavatyadhikeSvaMkataH 794 kArtikamAsAparapakSe [1] amAvAsyAyAM AdityavAre jyeSTAnakSatre ravigrahaNaparvaNi / asyAM saMvatsaramAsapa kSadivasapUrbAyAM tithAvoha bhUmilikAyAM sorASTramaNDalAdhipatiH paramabhaTTA[.] rakamahArAjAdhirAjaparamezvaraH zrIjAikadevaH mahAmAtyabhaTTanArAya[6] NadharmasahAyAnumatena saMsArasyAnityatAM jJAvAtmadharmayazobhivRddhaye rakhe10 ruparAgasamaye dharmakAlamapechaca catuvadevide - - - saMtAnAya muntala[1] gotrAya tripravarAya izvaranAmne brAhmaNAya taddhenikAnAmagrAmaM sataNakA ThajalaM savRkSamAlAkulaM devadAyaveja udakapUrva bhUmilikAmaNDalama[*] dhye dattavAn // idAnIM kAlAntarabhuktinizcayakaraNAthamasya grAmasya catudiriom zamAghATA likhyenta // uttarabhAge sAmApakhetre samudraH / pUccabhAge savana[1] garajA nAlikA roharadhArAsametA / dakSiNabhAge sapalAzatakAntaga["] ricA nadI yAvat // pazcimabhAge parvatasya dhArA samudragAminI // Plate II. kA evaM caturthATAvizuddhA taddhanikAgrAmabhUmimIzvara nA]mA brAhmaNo bhuja na bhojacA na nAkanApi paripaMthanIyaH / / bahubhirvasudhA bhuktA rAjabhiH PM bhagarAdibhiH / yasya yasya yadA bhUmistasya tasya tadA phalaM // mayi [] rAjJi vyatikrAnte yonyo rAjA bhaviSyati tasyAhaM karalamosmi zAsana []na vyatikramet / likhitamidaM zAsanaM mahAkSapaTalikana neraharinA)[0] mA mayeti / zivamasu zrI Translation. water-to-day here in Bh u milika with the Om! Hail! (When) Reven hundred years | approval of his chief minister Bhatta Naraof Vikrama, exceeded by ninety-four, (in yana, his associate in the fulfilment of his figures) 794 (had passed), in the second half of duties, knowing the instability of worldly affairs the month Karttika, at the new moon, on a | and having regard to (the fact that) the occurSunday, under the constellation JyeshC/ba, on rence of an eclipse of the sun is a time for the occasion of an eclipse of the sun-on that charity, for the increase of his own merit and lanar day, which is preceded by they ear, month, | fame, to the Brahmana, called Isvara (fivara) half-month and solar day (above mentioned) who knows the four Vedas, belongs to the the lord of the province of Saurashtra, the | Mudgala gotra and to the line of . . . ., and supreme sovereign, king of great kings, and | invokes Agni by the names of three ancestors, Bupreme lord, the illustrious Ja ikadeva, the village, called Dhenik & (situated) in gave-confirming the gift with a libation of the province of Bh u milik A, tugether with L. 1, read alt. L. 2, read T ;-the 3r in a fut is the n. Read karaNArthama'; caturdizamA . L..10, An the almost effnoed. L. 3, The first letter of pUrvAyAM has not | names are exceedingly uncertain;-read likhyante ; pUrva". been finished, being only ) instead of 9; read #TIE L. 11-12, The names are very uncertain. L. 4, read bhaTTa. L. 6, The two ma of dharmakAlama have not ___L. 1, read caturAghATa videg. L. 2, read degn bhojayanvA na been finished , read degmapekSya; caturveda: mudrala; the three aksha | kenApi. The odd mistakes have been caused by the nonme omitted look like mestISya, which, however, is nonsense. completion of the ya and the connexion of the prishtha. L.7, read Izvara . L.8, read degvaja; pUrva. L. 9,degvAn matra before ka with the preceding na. L.3, read sagarAlooks like vAkA because two virkrnas have been attached to | dAbha hrs, read kana narahAra. 6, read zivamastu,

Page #176
156 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JUNE, 1883. (its) grass, wood and water, and together with enjoys the land of that village of Dhanika, its trees and fields (or rows of trees); except- which is defined by these four boundaries, or ing (former) gifts to the gods. Now the causes it to be enjoyed (by others), he must boundaries of this village in the four directions not be disturbed by anybody, for the Smriti of the compass will be described in order to says) :-"The earth has been enjoyed by many ensure (ite) possession in future times (viz.): to l kings, Sagara and others, &c. (and also): "I the north, the ocean (?) in Sam a pakhetra beseech as a supplicant that other ruler who (?); to the east, the Savanagaraja water- will be king when my kingdom has passed course (?) together with the hillspur called) away, that he may not act against this my) the Roharadhara; to the Sayal a sata- edict." This grant has been written by me, the kanta garich a (?) as far as the river (?); chief keeper of the records, called Narahari. to the west, the hillspur which runs towards May it be auspicious! Prosperity! the sea. If the Brahmana, called Isvara (To be continued). SANSKRIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. BY J. F. FLEET, Bo.C.S., M.R.A.S. (Continued from p. 95.) No. CXXVII. there is a small countersunk surface, about I revert to the Rashtra kuta dynasty, of in diameter, on which there is, in relief, & which the last inscription published by me is figure of the god Siva,- like the figure on the the Wani grant of Govinda III. The present seals of Nos. CXXI. CXXIII. and CXXXI.,inscription was published originally by Mr. with perhaps some small and now quite illegible H. T. Prinsep, in the Jour. Beng. As. Soc. letters under it. The language is Sanskrit Vol. VIII. pp. 292, &c. I re-edit it now from throughout. the original plates, which belong to the British In this inscription the genealogy commences Museum. They were handed to Mr. Prinsep with Govinda I. He and his son Karka by Mr. W. P. Grant, who got them from I. are mentioned without any historical re Beni Ram' of Baroda; "and whose account ferences. Karka's eldest son, Indra II., is not of the method of their discovery, as derived mentioned. His younger son, Krish# I., from that person, was that they were dug up is spoken of as ousting his relative, i. e. his in excavating the foundations of a house in nephew Dantidurga, in consequence of the that city." latter having fallen into evil courses, and then The plates are three in number, each about appropriating the sovereignty to himself. And 11" long by 8" broad at the ends and 73" in the an allusion to his coming into hostile contact middle. The edges of the plates were fashioned with the Chalu kyas is made in the stateslightly thicker, so as to serve as rims to pro- ment that he turned into a deer, i e. retect the writing; and the inscription is for the pulsed and put to flight, the Mahdvardha or the most part well preserved and legible through great boar,' which was the family-emblem of out. There are two rings to this grant. the Chalukyas; but, whether it was the Eastern, The left-hand ring is a plain ring, about t" or whether it was the Western Branch of this thick and 3' in diameter; if ever the ends of family that he thus conquered, is not apparent. it were joined together at all, it had been cut It is also said that he established himself at the again before the grant came under my inspec- hill or hill-fort of El&pura, his settlement on tion. The right-hand ring is about " thick which is compared witl, the abode of the god and of an irregular shape, not circular; it had Svayambhu-Biva. This place has not been idennot been cut when the grant came under my | tified, I believe; but it seems to me not unlikely inspection; but it was possible to pull one of the that it is Yollapur in the North Canara Disende ont of the socket and so to detach it from trict, in the Western Ghauts. I understand, the plates. The seal, on this ring, is circular, however, that Dr. Burgess is more inclined to about 1% in diameter. In the centre of it identify it with the modern Ellura, near DaulatVol. XI. p. 156. Lat. 14deg 59' N., Long. 74deg 47', E.; the chief town of the Taluke of the same name.

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RASIITRAKUTA GRANT OF KARKA-SUVARNAVARSHA - SAKA 734 07ppkz0nnnw8258 eC n -by 1wdunnnjce Wyes fityxxQspx 7p4 nyitsunprvey=nu (groech45 1:vx 387fia pe:3@cositsh ,nyig\rFn: mtshm 4]] rt 0e88?sex00ncctshni xjf3Ac58tshonaa5%5& (nn rkb / m3guphnit58842lnnn06mz]]3 / n n-ni2l- to , chengu3ynjpgmi- // 2e5mnt / 5z38) 97njejr329snn ni' 8834 rnupnnaaye? ,8so'dusnnc8, / 7skdmm / my) ! ,, gtsmo 3 dup]]nuzz (eigts7sknn8cnyinm 3 / p-x8 3 , hur t w7Nug? 1 y3 yueenvttpv8 =6hsnopix nyin98 E x 5 x 59 58 549 AUSE NUA 1 galler: So su) nJnaaEsj8 >>sjwmM tsmA 1g$x ngnnukhnypus- l see rnmel-du / tuge -nyinpnlg st A88dunJ?ttaar-nnt8 Jue k3338 f9 yyoof uvoxe3n, rgyunM-kaar-28ywunnyts@hw5 hnMit 5 tsnm3 medtsaafdxxunn / taa nnh8 %91 05) pov6 | k'dnu9*zn83Adu mjatsux88rn1 v3chu 6 paamaaxtwin0?wny883 tstshB%8 ttaaitsnn tM ku sdeg]] n m 308 zl 3 ! tsh-mGtshorcu 6 rnch spyntsur- ni -rgni'u mdu05jaguypu8 J| rnaa, tshw chts-n' r m 8ttaawn yPage #178
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June, 1883.) SANSKRIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. 157 abad in the Aurangabad District, where there II., the eldest son of Krishna I., the inscription are such famous architectural remains. EIA- continues with his second son Dhru va, and pura is called a sannivesa, or encampment,' of with Go vinda III., the elder of Dhruva's Krishna I. ; which seems to indicate that it was a two song. It refers to the fondness of Govinda place occupied by him on his campaign against III. for invading distant countries, and also the Chalukyas, who are referred to in the pre- speaks of him as taking away from his enemies ceding verse. Accordingly, the choice of one or the rivers Ganga and Yamuna, - which stateother of the above two places for identification ment must be taken to indicate his conquest of with it will depend a great deal upon whether it the countries in that direction, and also acwas the Western Chalukyas, or whether it was quiring insignia of royalty in the form of the Eastern Chalukyas, against whom he was those two rivers. Here, again, there is a disthen warring. On the one hand, the Eastern tinct allusion to the Chalukyas, whether Chalukyas were then in full power, and must Western or Eastern. The Nerur grants of have been formidable and active foes; and the Vijayaditya mention the banners or signs of Radhanpur grant shows that by Saka 729 the Ganga and the Yamuna among the insignia (A. D. 807-8) they were attacked and subdued of Vinayaditya; and they are mentioned also by Govinda III, which makes it probable that in the Puranic introduction to the grant of one of his immediate ancestors should have had Rajaraja II., one of the Chola successors of the hostile dealings with them. On the other Eastern Chalukyas, as being some of the ancient hand, we have as yet no authentic and detailed and hereditary insignia of the Early Chalukyas. accounts of the Western Chalukyas having Thus far the inscription follows the main continued to possess any real power after Kirline, down to Govinda III., -as far as we have ttivarma II., for whom we have the dates of already gone with the other inscriptions. It Saka 669 (A. D. 747-8) and 675, and who is now introduces us, in the person of Govinda's clearly the ruler of the Karnataka whose power- younger brother Indra III., to what Dr. ful army was defeated by Dantidurga, the Bubler bas named the Gujarat branch of the nephew and predecessor of Krishna I. I have family. Indra III. is spoken of as becoming already published an inscription of Krishna's the ruler of the province of the lord of Lat, second son and successor, Dhruva, from which was given to him by Govinda III. Dr. Pattadakal in the Kaladgi District;' and I have Buhler has pointed out that "Lata corresponds recently obtained another of the same king to what we now would call Central and Southfrom Naregal in the Hangal Taluka of the ern Gujarat,'-to the country between the Dharwad District. The two together show Mahi and the Konkana"; but also that, that Dhruva quite established his power in the "to judge from the position of the traceable Western Chalukya dominions; but there is no localities in the Kavi and Baroda inscripevidence that the Rashtrakutas had by that tions, Lata was confined in the ninth centime penetrated further to the south, as they tury by narrower boundaries." He has also subsequently did, or to the west. And Yella- indicated that the expression of the text, por, thirty miles to the north-west from which oocure in exactly the same form in Hangal, is just the place where a stand would the Kavi grant, implies that Govinda III. had be made against them, or which they would be only recently conquered Lata. The conquest anxious to occupy as an important outpost of the Gurjara' king by Govinda III. is I do not, however, know of any remains at not mentioned in the Waqi grant, which is Yellapur such as to answer to the buildings, dated on the fall-moon of Vaisakha of the whether temporary or permanent, that seem to Vyaya samvatsara, Saka 728; whereas it is be referred to in the present inscription. mentioned in the Radhanpur inscription, which Without making any mention of Govinda is dated on the full-moon of Sravana of the 130. No. CXXIL, Vol. XI. P. 124 * Nos. LXXVII. and LXXVIII. Vol. IX. pp. 125 and See the full transcription of this passage in Vol. VII. p. 246. * Vol. V. p. 145. The form of this name in the present and other RAshtrakata inscriptions, and in inscriptions in the Canarese country, is Gurjara,-with the vowel of the first syllable long by nature, 1. But in the Gurjara inscriptions themselves, the vowel of the first syllable is short by nature, W; and this form, which is scoeptod by Dr. Buhler and by Prof. Monier Williams, is doubtless the correct one.

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158 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JUNE, 1883. Sarvajit sarivatsara, Saka 729. This suggests Govinda III. himself; and the term is quite the inference that it was between the dates of the explicit as to the relations between him and two grants that Govinda III. conquered the Karka. Dr. Buhler says that the manner in Gurjaras, by whom Dr. Buhler understands which this inscription speaks of Govinda III. the Chapotkatas or Chaudas of Anhil. indicates that he was dead at the time of its wad, and annexed their outlying province issue, i. e. in Saka 734. But I do not see on of Lata ---. e. only five years before the date of what passage he puts this interpretation. And, the present inscription, which is one of the son as a matter of fact, this was not the case; for of the Indra to whom Govinda III. gave the the Kadab grant, published by Mr. Rice at government of the province. In the present p. 11 above, shews that he was alive on the inscription Indra III. is also said to have tenth day of the bright fortnight of the month himself, alone and unaided, defeated the Gur- Jyaishtha of Saka 735; and the next inscripjara king; this must have been on the occasion tion that I shall publish will show that his son of some subsequent attempt by the Gurjaras and successor, Amoghavarsha I., succeeded to to recover the province. And he is also repre- the throne in Saka 736-7, and consequently sented as entering into some alliance, protective that he himself was still alive up to that date. or defensive if not offensive, with the Mahasa- The present grant is of the time of Karka mantas of the south against Srivallabha, II., and is issued from Siddhasa m 1.deg It is i. e. Govinda III., who was then in the course dated Saka 734 (A. D. 812-3), on the full-moon of subduing them. The inscription then men- day of the month Vaisakha. And it records a tions Karka or Kakka II., also called grant of the village of Va da padraka, in Suvarnavarsha I. and Latesvara, the son of the A okottak a Eighty-four circle of villages, Indra III. As pointed out by Dr. Buhler, the to a Brahman named Bhanu or Bhanubhatta, fact that Karka II., -as also his younger of the Vatsyayana gotra, and belonging to the brother Govinda IV., in the Kavi grant,--does chaturvidya or society of Chaturvedis that had not use the regal titles, but styles himself originally started from the city of Valabhi. simply Makusamantadhipati, implies that he Dr. Buhler" has identified Ankottaka and Jamand Govinda IV. were not paramount sove- buvavika, one of the villages by means of which reigns, but only vassals of the Rashtrakuta king the boundaries of Vadapadraka are defined, of the main line. A further confirmation of with the modern Ankut and J&mbava, five or this view is given by the present inscription six miles to the south of Baroda. The other in the verse that states that Karka's svami or places mentioned remain to be identified. "master" made use of his, Karka's, arm, for the Lines 70 to 74 contain a kind of postscript, protection of the king of Mala v a, as a door. to the effect that this same village had been bar to prevent an invasion by the king of | given by some former king to the society of Gurjara who had become puffed up by con- the Chaturvedis of Aikot ta ka,-that the quering the lords of Gauda and Vanga. The enjoyment of it had been interrupted by some submission of the king of Mala va to Govinda evil king or kings, -and that Suvarna varIII. is recorded in the Wani and Radhanpur sha, i.e. Karka II., wishing to allot it again to plates. And the svami or "master" of Karkaany excellent Brahman, as the reward of learnII., here spoken of, can be no other than ing, selected Bhanubhatta, and gave it to him Transcription.ua First plate. ['] Sa vo=vyad=Vedhasa ye(dha)na(ma) yan-nabhi-kamalan=kritam | Haras-cha yasya kant-endukalaya sa(ka)m=alank ritam | Svasti svakiy-&nva * Vol. VI. p. 64. . This place has not yet been identified, I believe. I have no mape to refer to ; but oan it be the modern Sidosan, given in the Postal Directory of the Bombay Circle P 10 It is to be noted that the cycle of sixty samvatsaras is not referred to in this grant, or in Kavi grant of Govinda IV.; though it is referred to in the grant of Govinda III. dated Saka 726 for 725, the Subhanu samvatsara (the earliest instance of its use that I have yet met with), No. CXXIII. in Vol. XI. p. 125,--and in all the subsequent dated R Ashtrakata inscriptions from the south, except in the Kadab grant of Govinda III. This shows plainly that the Rishtrakutas did not introduce the cycle from the north, but found it already in use in the south, though not among the Chalukyas. 11 Vol. V. p. 145. From the original plates.

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RASHTRAKUTA GRANT OF KARKA-SUVARNAVARSHA - SAKA 734 m"3424 / " 1 318 5emaa,828 58 2257TA | sk382983 | 8158336 eg, J 2536 28 ? smthaa 4. cch&ad 8 bng chaam g 321 JUSA 1346mway 2 erimekmii438888883%" chudg.y. 653 ky 84k 1 ch 3 6 14 38,213u38975 336 | " 20 331 328083302 463 43% nre/ Jm 31 miibEUR8, 87 e0 38*283443Jeag8439esaa 588 y323 : Zb 3 khbkhan 0 08 mm 32 33 mm 87 3889 AQs2maa 84 | 834U : s3 3ngaachm 890 g. *4,790888m 33 334 35 mgra 13841 883)m4g18 (r)s(35mmaa 590 | 783773 439 440 mitraa 83136e2844 yaachaa | - 30 mm owk 2) 3GP S8 6 10 48g maa93) o`maa | " } $ 5 | 38 | 5402, J31 32 4 8 8 NO ITC 8 4036471 ( 58 raa 34 :nraach rum F 242 1 593 8 3 2544 3 6.2 23 3 p 5 30 35 baacue 3: m134 : m3 3 m natu m 8m3 14 15 5 5 0 8 893 3m TP3| 3krapaa 7 8 9 1" 354 bch bch m 425 ***m 331 m 5 5 5 5 eraa eraa) : kh. 47 6 T U 06 m J12488 1,300 40 441 44 2 9 1x 48 1 352 3L \ 7 58 5 4 3 3 35" 443+ (3 5 82 x 82 PLATES FULL SIZE; SEAL REDUCED ONE HALY. GRIGES, PHOTO-LITH, LONDORE

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June, 1883.] SANSKRIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. 159 ['] ya-vansa-kartta Sri-Rashtrakut-Amala-vansa-janma | pradana-surah samar-aika-viro Govinda-rajah kshitipo babhuva || Yasy[deg] [n]ga-matra-jayinah priya-sahasasya | kshma pala-vesa-phalam=eva babhuva sainya muktva cha Sankaram=adhisvaram=isvaranam n=Avandat-A[] nyam=amareshv=api yo manasvi | Putriyatas=cha khalu tasya Bhava-prasadat=sunar= A bbabhuva guna-rabir=udara-kirttihl [] [y] gauni(na)-nama-parivaram=uvaha mukhyam 1 Sri-Karkka-raja-subhaga vyapadesam uchchaih || Saurajya-jalpe patito prasanga[deg] n=nidesanam" visvajanina-sampat rajyam Baloh purovam=ahd babhuva k shitav= idanin=ta nsipasya yasya | Atyadbhu['] tan=ch=edam=amansta lokah Kali-prasamgena yad=eka-padam | jatam Vrisha yah kritavan-idanim bhuyas=chatush-padam-avighna-cha['] [ra] || Chitram na ch=edam yad=asau yathavach-chakre praja-palanam=etad=eva | Vishnau jagat-[t*]rana-pare manas-sthe tasy-chi[') tam tanmaya-manasasya || Dharmm-atmanas-tasya ntipasya jajoe sutah su-dharmma khalu Krishna-rajah | yo vansya[] m=unmulya vimargga(rgga)-bhajam [l*] rajyam Svayam gotra-hitaya chakre || Brahmanyata tasya cha kapi sabhud=vipra yaye " ke. (") vala-jatayo=pi | broshtha-dvijanm-chita-dana-lubdhah | karmmany=anuchana-kritani chakruh || Ichchh-atirekena ["] krishiba(va)lanam 1 payo yatha munehati jata meghe [lo] bhaven=manas=tad viratau tath=abhad=yasmin=dhanam varshsha(rsha)ti sevakana || ["] Yo yaddha-kanduti-grihitam=uchchaih sau (sau)ryy-oshma-samdipitam=&patantam maha-varaham harinichakara ) prajya-prabhavah ["] khalu raja-singhamha)) I (ID Elapur-achala-gat-dbhuta-sannivesain yad=vikshya vismita-vimanachar-amarendraheta["] [t'] Svayambhu-Siva-dhama na ksitrime(mam) Srir=drisht=edris-sti satata bahu charchchayanti | Bhuyas-tathavidha-kritau vyava[] saya-hanir=etan=maya katham=aho kritam=ity=akasmati karttapi yasya khalu vismayam=apa si["] lpi tan-nama-kirttanam=a(a)karyyata yena rajoa KID) Gangapravaha-himadidhiti-kalaku Second plate; first side. [""] tairwatyadbhut-abharanakaish-krita-mandano=pil manikya-kanchana-purassara-sarvva bhu[") tya | tatra sthitah punar=abhushyata yena Sambhuh || Nripasya tasya Dhruvaraja nama| [") mah-Anubhavag=tanay babhuva trinskritan-yasya parakramana [l) pratapa-vahnir dvishato dada[") ha || Lakshmi-prasadhana-vidhav=upayogi ksityam yas-chintayan=svayam=abhud=anisam krit-artthah kim v=Atra chitram=["] napekshya sahayam=isah sarvvah puman=nija-dha(va)dhur sva-vasan vidhatum || YO Ganga-Yamune taranga-su["] bhage glihan=parebhyah sama sakshach-chihna-nibhona ch=8ttama-padam tat praptavan=nisvaram deh-Asammita-vaibha["] vair=iva gunair-yyasya bhramadbhir=ddiso vyaptas-tasya babhuva kirtti-purusho Govinda-rajah sutal) ["] Pradesa-vitti-vyavasaya-bhajam puratananam=api partvi(rtthi) vanam | yasansi yo nama jahara bhapo bhagna-pracha15 The reading of the K&vi grunt, nidarianam, is pre- proper place would be after abhat, which, however, is ferable to this. joined in Bandhi with viprd. 1. This mark of punctuation is out of place. Its

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160 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JUNE, 1883. e e e e e e e e e , ["] nd-akhila-vairi-virah (I) Unmilit-ettunga-narendra-vaneo mahanarendrikrita-tuchchha bhrityab sv@chchha-vidhayi charit-anukaram 1 chakarayo nima vidheh kshitisab Hijira-sinjita-ranach-charanin=aratin [1] kurvvanakshanena vidadho-dbhuta-karmma yas-cha 7 chakre tatha hi na tatheksu vadham pareshan | Partv(rttho)-pi nama bhuvana tri(tri)tay-aika-virah | Kalpa-kshaya-kshana-samudbhava["] vata-hela-dolayamana-kulasaila-kul-Anukaram yan-mukta-chanda-sara-jala-java-pranunna yuddh-agata ripu[80] gajondra-ghata chakara || Bhrata tu tasy-Endra-samana-viryyah briman-bhuvi kshmapatir-Indra-rajah [1] sasta babhuy-A[*] dbhuta-kirtti-sutis-tad-[ajatta-Latesvara-mandalasya || Adyapi yasya sura-Kinnara Siddha-Sadhya-Vidya[*] dharadhipatayd guna-pakshapatat gayanti kunda-kusuma-sril' yasl yatha sva-dhama sthita[ho] sa[*] hacharl-kucha-datta-hastah Yen=aikeng cha Gurjjardsvara-patir-yyoddhum samabhyudyatah sauryya[") proddhata-kandhard mpiga iva kshipram die grahitah bhit-asannhata dakshinapatha-ma Second plate ; second side. ["] hasamanta-chakra[m] yato rakshampa viluntya (nthya)mana-vibhavar Srivalla bhne Adarat || Tasy=atmajah prathita["] vikrama-vairi-vargga-lakshmi-hatha harana-santata-labdha-kirttih | Sri-Karkkaraja iti samsrita-purit-asah sastr-arttha-bodha["'] paripalita-sarvva-16kah || Rajye yasya na taskarasya vasatiruvyadheh praslltir= mrita durbhiksham na cha vibhramasya mabima [*] n=aiv=pasargg-odbhavah kshino dosha-ganah pratapa-vinata(t)=64sh-Ari-varggas-tatha no vidvat-paripanthini prabhavati kru. [] ra khalanim matih || Gaudendra-Vangapati-nirjjaya-durvvidagdha-sad-Garijarbsvara dig-arggalatam cha yasya I nitva bhuja vihata["] MAlava-rakshan-arttham svami tath=Anyamapi rajya-chha(pha)lani bhunkte Ten-dam vidyuch-chanohalam=alokya jivita kshiti-dana[] i=cha parama-punyam pravarttito=yam dharmma-dayah [ll] Sa cha Lacasvarah samadhigatabeshamahksabdamahasamant["] dhipati-Suvarnnavarsha-Sri-Karkkarajadevo yatha-sam badhyamanakan rashtrapati vishayapati-gramakut-adhi. ["] karika-mahattar-din-samanubodhayaty-astu vah samviditam yatha maya Sri Siddhasami-samavasitena ma["] tapitrora&tmanas-ch=sihik-mushmika-pusya-yaso-bhivriddhaye Sri-Valabhivinirggata tachchaturvvidyasamanya["] Vatsyayanasagotra-Madhyandinasabra (bra)hmachari-brahmana-Bhanave bhatta-Somaditya putray=A ? [*] nkottaka-chaturabity-anna(nta)rggata-Vadapadrak-abhidhana-gramo(ma)b yasy=kghata nani purvvato Jambu["] vavikl-gramas-tatha dakshinato Mahasonak-Akhyan tadagam I tatha paschimato Nkottakam tath=otta This instance of the use of frf in & Bahwrthi compound, without the Samdeanta affix ka, is somewhat unusual. But Mr. K. B. Pathak has supplied me with an analogous instance, which is given in the Kavyapraksa, Caloutta edition, 10th ullina, p. 422, Avitatha-mandratha-pathaprathanesu praguna-garima-gita-arth ! surataru-sadisah Ba bhavanabhilashaplyah kehitlivard na kasya || 10 This anundra ia superfluous. 11 This passage, Brf-Karkkardja iti sambrita-puritasah, is engraved over another pago, which is only imperfectly cancelled; the result is that the text appears somewhat mixed here, in the original and in the lithograph. This letter, nya, was at first omitted and then inserted below the line.

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JUNE, 1883.) SANSKRIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. 161 Ks Ks Ks Ks Ks Ks Ks Ks Ks Ks Ks Ks Ks Ks Ks Ks S E ["] rato Vagghichchha-grama evam-asau chatur-aghitan-palakshitah sodrangah sa(s)parikarah sabhuta["] vatapratyayah sadandadasaparadhah sotpadyamanavishtikah sadhanyahiranyadeyah sarvva[") rajakiyanam=ahastapraksh@paniya &-chandr-arkk-arnnava-sarit-parvvata-samakalinah putra pau["] tr-anvaya-bhogyah purova-pradatta-devadaya-brahmadaya-rahito bhomichchhidra nyayena [""] Saka-nripa-kal-atita-samvatsara-sateshu saptasu scha(cha)tus-trinsa [d-adhike]shu maha Vaisakhyam snatvroda[deg] k-atisarggena bali-charu-vaisvadev-agnihotr-&titbi-panchamaha Third plate; first side. [*] yajna-kratukriy-ady-utsarppan-arttham pratipaditah | yato=sy=ochitaya brahmadaya sthitya bhunjato bho. ["] jayatah pratidisato va krishatah karshshafrsha)yatas-cha na kenachit-paripanthana karyya tath=agami. [] (nripati*]bhir-asmad-vansyair-anyair@vva s amanya[m] bhumi-dana-(phala*]m= a vagachchhadbhir=vidyul-lolany=anityanyra svaryyani tri(tri)n-&gra-lagna-jala[9] binda-chanchalan-cha jivitam=a kalayya sva-daya.nirvvidsho-yam-asmad-dayo=numan tavyah pali(layi)tavyas-cha yas-ch-ajnana-timi. ["] ra-patal-avtita-matir=achchhidya [d=&* Jcbchhidyamanai=ch=anumoda(d)te(ta) sa panchabhir-mmahapata kair=upapatakais=cha yuktas gya[*] deity=uktam cha 120 bhagavata veda-vyasena Vyasena | Shashtim varshsharsha) sahasrani svargge tishthati bhumi-dah a chchhett: [] chranumanta cha tany=ova narako vaset || Vindhy-atavishv=atoyasu sushka kotara-vasinah krisha-ahayo hi jayanto ["] bhumi-day-apaharinah kal) Agner-apatyam prathamain suvarnnam bhur=vvaishnavi suryya-sutas=cha gavah 10ka-trayan por tona bhav chwcho datta yah kanchanam gan-cha mahiu=cha dadyat || Bahubhir vvasudha bhukta rajabhih Sagar-adibhih yasya ya[""] sya yada bhumis-tasya tasya tada phalam || Yan-iha dattani pura narendraira ddanani dharmm-arttha-yasas-karani nirmmalya[04] vanta-pratimani tani ko na ma sudhuh punar=adadita | Sva-dattam para-dattam va yatnad=raksha naradhipa mahi[m] [S] mahibhritam sreshtha danach=chhreyo=nupalanan | Iti kamala-dal-ambu-lolam sriyamanuchintya manushya-jivitaq=cha {"] ativimala-manobhir=atmanine(nai)r=nna hi purushaih para-kirttayo vilopyah !! Uktas-cha bhagavata Ramabhadrana [""] Sarvvan=etan=bhavinah partthivendran bhuye bhuye yachate Ramabhadrah samanyo= yam dharmma-setur=nripanam ["] kald kald palaniyo bhavadbhih || Dutakas-ch=atra rajaputra-Sri-Dantivarmma || Sva-basto=yam mama Sri-Kakkarajasya po srimad-Indraraja-sutasya Likhitan-ch-aitan=maya mahasandhivigrahadhikrita kulaputraka-Durggabhata-sununa ["O] Nemadityen=oti | Ayam cha gramo-tita-narapati-parikshin=Amkottaka-sri chaturovidyaya dat o=bhut [[*] ten=api 1 and 90 In each case the mark of punctuation is unnecessary. 91 From hero, down to the end, the inscription is written in characters of radically tho same type, but of a debased style or carelessly executed, -perhaps approach- ing somewhat to the current characters of the period. This part of the inscription is difficult to read, and I am indebted in several places to the kind assistance of Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji, -especially in respect of the names of Vatapura in 1. 72 and Triyagesvara in 1. 74. But, even with his assistanco, several passages remain very doubtful.-Mr. Prinsep's Pandit, who transcribed this passage with great inaccuracy, disposed of it in the translation by "For the good of my father and his

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162 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JUNE, 1883. ["7 kuraja-janita-vilopa-vichchhinna-paribhogam vijnara-varam=anyasya ve vieishtasya kasyachid=bhavatu dvijamnana iti nischitya ["*] Suvarnnavarsha-dipa(ya)mana [m] Vata" [pu* ]ra-vasine Bhanubhattay=knumoditah [1] salatapyam grihitva talavarik-di-gana(?)=ch(?)-6(?)ddi(?)["] sya tambula-pradana-purvvakam yathalo(?)bha-se(?)va(?)na(?) ch=&"bhasy(shy)Adisya(P) pra(pra)kritikam=api purain i(f) ti Third plate; second side. [*] tathe Triyagoosvara-paramadhi(dhi)sa-pada-mulam janat=iti || Translation, it extremely wonderful that he made Vrisha, May he protect you, the waterlily in whose -who, by association with Kali, had come to navel is made a habitation by Vodhas; and have only one foot, -to be now possessed of Hara, whose head is adorned by the lovely four feet again, and so to be) unimpeded in crescent moon! his motion. And it is not wonderful that he (L. 2.)-Hail! There was a king, Govin accomplished in a proper manner the protection dar aja, the maker of his own lineage-born of his subjects; for,--since Vishnu, who is prein the spotless Sri-Rashtra kut a family,- eminent in protecting the world, dwelt in his a very hero in making gifts,--pre-eminently mind, -this conduct) befitted him, whose mind brave in war; whose army, he conquering was (thus) identical with that same (Vishnu). single-handed and being fond of deeds of (L.9.)-Of that king, of virtuous disposition, daring, had for its result (only to be) a mark there was born a pious son, Krishna raja, of his being) a king; and who, being possessed who, having aprooted his relative" who had of wisdom, worshipped no other, even among resorted to evil ways, appropriated the kingdom the gods, save Sankara, the supreme lord of to himself, for the benefit of his family. He lords. possessed a certain friendliness towards Brah(L. 4.) - And when he was wishing for a son, mans, by reason of which even those who --through the favour of Bhava, there was born were (only) once-born, (becoming as it were) to him a son, abounding in virtuous qualities Brahmans and being incited by (his) gifts and possessed of great fame, who bore, (as his) which were worthy of the most excellent twiceprinciple (title), the lofty and charming ap- burn, performed the rites (which are usually) pellation of Sri-Karkaraja, together with celebrated (only) by those who can recite the (another) secondary and attributive name." In sacred texts. Just as, when a cloud discharges talking about good governments, formerly, in rain in excess of the wishes of the cultivators, sooth, the kingdom of Bali, the prosperity of their minds are intent) upon the cessation of it, which was for the welfare of all mankind, was so was it when he showered down wealth in (that which would be cited as an illustration in excess of the utmost desires) of his servants. He, discussion; but now (it is the kingdom) of this the most mighty one, a very lion of a king, king in the world. And mankind considered transformed into a deeras the great boar," ancestors have I made this grant to the Brahmar 26 Nandi, the ball of Siva, as the personification of Bhanu, who has served my family with his prayers for dharma, religion, virtue, or justice. There is a play many years. May he enjoy the grant, and profit by on the word pada, in its meanings of af ot,' and 'oneit!" And he added, as a footnote, "NB.-There are fourth.' Dharma, which was complete and entire in several counter-signatures, apparently autographs, in the first or Krita yuga, is supposed to have been reduced the last four lines of the last plate, which, besides that to three-fourths in the Treta yuga, to one-half in the they are of doubtful reading, it would be of little interest Dvapara yuga, and to one-fourth in the Kali yuga ; and to transcribe. On the outside are the words " 'Tis for Karka I. is supposed to make it complete and entire the good of my father and mother." again, as it was originally. Mr. K. B. PAthak has *This letter, ta, was at first omitted and then inserted brought to my notice that the same idea is referred to below the line. in the Naishadhacharita of Sriharsha, Calcutta edition, * Thin letter, cha, was at first omitted and then Vol. I. p.7,inserted below the line. Padais-chaturbhih suksite sthirikrite ** This letter, 96, was at first omitted and then Krite-muna ke na tapah prapedire inserted below the line. Mallinatha's commentary on this is 1.e. some title like those ending in varsha borne by Amuna Nalena Krite Krita-yuge sukrite dharme his descendants. In fact, the Kadab grant, 11. 34-5, VrishardpatvAch chaturbhih padais charanaih chatur. mentions him under the name of Kanneavara-AkAlavarsha. bhagais=cha sthirikrite sati ke tapo na prapedire arve --Kannuvara, --like Kannara, Kanhara, Kanhara, pi prapur-ev-ity-arthah. Kandhara, and Kandhara, all of which ooour as the ai.. his nephew and predecessor, Dantidurga. names of kings whose name in its Sanskrit form is 31 i.e. "put to flight." Krishna, is a popular substitute for Krishqa. * The family-emblem of the Chalukyas.

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JUNE, 1883.) SANSKRIT AND OLD-UANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. 163 which was seized with an itching for battle, and which, kindled with the warmth of bravery, attacked him. Having seen his wonderful encampment situated on the mountain of 14pura, the astonished immortals, who travel in celestial cars, always take much thought, saying:-"This is the abode of Svayambhu- Siva, and no artificially made (dwelling); Sri, (if she could be) seen, (would be) such as this." Verily even the architect who built it felt astonishment, saying :-"(The utmost) perseverance would fail to accomplish such a work again, aho! how has it been achieved by me?"; (and), by reason of it, the king was caused to praise his name. By means of it, Sambhu, who abode there, -though decurated (already) with the very wonderful ornaments which are the torrent of the Ganga and the rays of the moon and the kalakuga-poison-was still further decorated with rubies and gold and all other wealth. (L. 19).-Of that king there was born a son, of great dignity, named Dhruvar Aja; the fire of whose splendour burned up his enemies, who were turned into grass by his prowess. Thinking in person what it was useful to do in propitiating Lakshmi, he was always successful; and what wonder is there in that P, since every man, (even) without depending upon assistance, is able to reduce his own wife into a state of submission to himself. (L. 22.)-Of him there was born a son, Govindaraja, the personification of fame, who, taking from his enemies the Ganga and the Yamuna, charming with their waves, acquir. ed at the same time that supreme position of lordship (which was indicated) by (those rivers in) the form of a visible sign,--and by whose virtues, wandering about, as if possessed of superhuman power that was not provided with a corporeal) body (80 as to be impeded), the (distant) regions were pervaded. Verily he, the king, who destroyed all the fierce hostile heroes, took away the reputations even of kings of former times who applied themselves to travelling in foreign countries. Truly he, the king, imitated the behaviour of Fate, -uprooting races of lofty kings; making his humble servants into great kings; and disposing everything) in accordance with his own will. He performed >> lit." (there would be) a loss or deficiency of energy 1 or perseverance in (accomplishing) such a work again." a wonderful achievement, making his enemies in a moment to have their feet jingling with the rattling of chains that are used for fastening the feet of elephants; verily not even Partha, the greatest hero in the three worlds, accomplished so quickly the slaughter of his foes. Driven forward by the speed of the fierce shower of arrows discharged by him, the troop of the lordly elephants of his foes, which came against him in battle, imitated the kulasailamountains which are easily caused to swing to and fro by the wind that arises at the moment of the destruction of all things. (L. 30).-His brother Indraraja,-equal in bravery to Indra; a glorious king on the earth; the source of the production of wonderful fame, --became the ruler of the province of the lord of Lata, which was given (to him) by that same (Govindaraja). Even to-day, through their partiality for (his) merits, the gods, the Kinnaras, the Siddhas, the Sadhyas, and the lords of the Vidyadharae, sing his fame, which has the glory of jasmine-flowers, (through absence of mind) placing their hands upon the breasts of their female companions, as if they were in their own homes. And by him, (even though) alone, the leader of the lords of the Gurjaras," who prepared himself to give battle, bravely lifting up his neck, was quickly caused, as if he were & deer, to take to the (distant) regions; and the array of the Mahasdmantas of the region of the south, terrified and not holding together, and having their possessions in the course of being taken away from them by Srivallabha, through (shewing) respect obtained protection from him. (L. 35.)-His son (is) Sri-Karkar a ja, who always acquires fame by violently ravishing the goddess of the fortunes of his enemies, who are renowned for their valour; who falfils the desires of those who betake themselves to him; and who protects all mankind by his knowledge of the meaning of the sacred writings. In his kingdom there is no dwelling for any thief, and the production of disease has died out; there is no famine, and no excess of perturbation, (and) no occurrence of evil portents; all faults have disappeared ; all his enemies have been reduced by his prowess; and no cruel thought of wicked people prevails 51 See note 7 above.

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164 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JUNE, 1883. great sacrifices of the bali, charu, vaisvadeva, agnihotra, and atithi, and other (rites),-to the Brahman Bhanu, the son of the Bhatta Somaditya,-who belongs to the society of the Chaturvedis that started from (the city of) SriVala bhi, who is of the Vatsyayana gotra, (and) who is a student of the Madhyandina (sakha). to cause distress to the learned. And having, for the purpose of protecting (the king of) Mala va, who had been struck down, caused his arm to become the excellent door-bar of the country of the lord of the Gurjara s who had become evilly inflamed by conquering the lord of Gauda and the lord of Vanga,-his master thus enjoys (his) other (arm) also as (embodying all) the fruits of sovereignty. (L. 40.)-By him, having seen that life is as unstable as the lightning and that the giving of land is the most pious act of all, this religious gift has been effected. (L. 41.)-And he, Latesvara, the Mahasamantadhipati who has attained all the mahasabdas, Suvarna varsha-Sri-Karkarajadeva, informs the rashtrapatis, vishayapatis, gramakutas, adhikarikas, mahattaras, &c., according as they are concerned : (L. 43.) "Be it known to you that, by me, settled at (the city of) Sri-Siddhasami, in order to increase the religious merit and the fame, both in this world and the next, of my parents and myself,-seven hundred and thirtyfour years having elapsed from the time of the Sa ka king, on the great full-moon day of (the month) Vaisakha,-the village named Vadapadraka, which is included in the Ankottaka Eighty-four (villages), and the boundaries of which are, on the east, the village of Jambuvavika; on the south, the tank named Mahasenaka; on the west, (the village of) Aukottaka; and on the north, the village of Vagghachchha, this (village), thus defined as to its four boundaries,-together with the udranga, the uparikara, the bhutavatapratyaya, (the right to) fines and (the proceeds of punishments inflicted for) the ten (classes of) offences, (the right to) forced labour as it arises, (and) that which is receivable (in kind) in grain and gold; not to be pointed at with the finger (of appropriation) by any of the king's people; to last as long as the moon and sun and ocean and rivers and mountains may endure; to be enjoyed by the succession of sons and sons' sons; with the exception of grants previously made to gods and Brahmans; (and to be held) by the rule of bhumichchhidra,-has, after bathing, been given, with copious libations of water,-for the purpose of keeping up the sacrificial rites of the five (L. 54.)-"Wherefore, no obstruction is to be made by any one to him who, according to the proper condition of a brahmadaya, enjoys (this village), or causes it to be enjoyed, or assigns it (to another), or cultivates it, or causes it to be cultivated. And so this, my gift, is to be assented to and preserved, just as if it were a gift made by themselves, by future [kings*], whether of my lineage or others, recognising that [the reward of*] a grant of land belongs in common (to him who makes it and to all who preserve it), and bearing in mind that riches are as transient as the lightning and are not enduring, and that life is as unstable as a drop of water on the tip of a blade of grass. And he will be invested with (the guilt of) the five great sins, together with the minor sins, who, having his mind obscured by the thick darkness of ignorance, may confiscate (this grant) or assent to (its confiscation)." (L. 59.)-And it has been said by the holy Vyasa, the arranger of the Vedas:-"The giver of land dwells for sixty thousand years in heaven; (but) the confiscator (of a grant of land), and he who assents to (such confiscation), shall dwell for the same number of years in hell!" Verily those who confiscate a grant of land, are born as black snakes, dwelling in the dried-up hollows of trees in the forests of the Vindhya (mountains), destitute of water. Gold is the first offspring of fire; the earth belongs to Vishnu; and cows are the children of the sun; (the whole of) the three worlds would be given by him who gives gold and a cow and land! The earth has been enjoyed by many kings, commencing with Sagara; he, who for the time being possesses land, enjoys the fruits of it! Those gifts (of land), productive of religion and wealth and fame, which have been made here by kings in former times, are like that which is vomited forth from the remains of an offering to an idol; what good man would take them back again ? O king! O best of kings! 33.e. Govinda III.

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JUNE, 1883.] carefully preserve land that has been given, whether by thyself or by another; the preservation (of a grant) is better than making grant! Verily the reputations of others are not to be destroyed by men of very spotless minds, regardful of their own advantage, reflecting that wealth, and also human life, is as unstable as a drop of water on the petal of a waterlily! And it has been said by the holy Ramabhadra: -"Ramabhadra again and again makes his request to all these future princes, (that) this general bridge of piety of kings should at all times be preserved by them!" (L. 68.)-And the Dutaka in this matter is the Rajaputra Sri-Dantivarma. This is (the signature of) the own hand of me, Sri-Kakkaraja, the son of the glorious Indraraja. And this has been written by me, Nemaditya, the son of the high-born" Durgabhata, (who am) entrusted with the great (office of the) authority of peace and war. CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. XXI. We have seen how the Mongols during the year 1212 forced the frontiers of the Chinese empire and ravaged its northern borders, retiring again when their great chief, Chinghiz, was wounded. On their retreat the Kin troops reoccupied the districts they had lost, but their advantage was only of short duration. Their general, He-she-lie Hu-sha-hu, notwithstanding his ill-conduct, which we described, was partially reinstated in his command by the Emperor, and was ordered to post himself north of Yen-ching or Yen-king,' 3 or 4 leagues north of the pass of Ku-yong. In vain the Emperor's counsellors, especially Chang-sing-sien, and the minister Tu-shan-i, governor of the capital, called Tuktan-i by Hyacinthe, deprecated this step; he surname. 33 Mr. Prinsep translated this word by " presumptive heir and brother of the king," thus introducing another name into the genealogy. But this translation cannot well be upheld. 3 Kulaputraka. This, however, may possibly be a 35 Examiner." CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. BY HENRY H. HOWORTH, F.S.A. (Continued from p. 139.) 36 This is perhaps another name of the Vadapadraka mentioned above, the village granted. 37 The meaning of salatapyam is not apparent. 35 Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji considers that Talavarika may be equivalent to Talavara, an officer similar to the Talati of the present day." Talati, or rather Talatt, in the Maratha and Canarese countries means 165 (L. 70.)-And this same village was given by the Parikshi's of a former king to the society of the Chaturvedis of A n kottaka. Therefore, also, when (this grant), the enjoyment of which had been broken off through the interruption produced by evil kings, was being given by Suvarnavarsha, who resolved that it should be the reward of learning of some excellent twice-born man, (this village) was allotted to Bhanubhatta, an inhabitant of Vatapura. Having taken and, with gifts of betel-leaves on account of the Talavarikas and other classes, having said and ordered that it should be preserved according to desire, (the king said)-"Though (this) town is a natural and spontaneous" (gift), yet he knows that (the gift of) it originates from (my devotion to) the feet of (the god) Triyagesvara, the supreme lord." proceeded to the camp and there began to make arrangements with his creatures Wanian Cheounu, Pucha-lukin and Ukulun-tala, (called Vanian-cheu Fucha-liegin and Ukhuri-dola by Hyacinthe,) to revenge the affront which had been put upon him after his withdrawal from Ta-tung-fu. Instead of making an effort to recover the pass of Ku-yong, he gave himself up to debauchery and hunting, awaiting an opportunity for revenge, and when the Kin Emperor sent to complain he threw down one of his falcons in a rage and killed it. He put to death Fu-hai, who commanded another division of troops, and who was devoted to the empire, amalgamated his army with his own, and then went to the capital pretending that its governor Ta-shan-i was meditating a revolt. He entered " "a stipendiary (i.e. not hereditary) village-accountant." Talavarika may be connected with tala, a leathern fence worn by archers on the left arm; the hilt or haft or handle of a sword, or with tala, a musical instrument of bell-metal or brass; a sort of cymbal played with a stick.' But I am inclined to look upon it as having much the same meaning as the Canarese talavora, ancient form talra, a village-watchman." At any rate some class of officials is clearly meant. 39 Prakritika. Or perhaps it may mean" belongs to one of my subjects." 40 i.e. the grantee. Situated north of the Great Wall. Gaubil, p. 15, note 4.

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166 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JUNE, 1883. the city two hours before daybreak by the gate Tong-hiuen-men and penetrated as far as the gate Kuang-yang-men, which was in its western part. He was preceded by some horsemen who sowed alarm by crying out in a loud voice that the Tache, i.e. the Mongols, were at the gates of the town. Tushan-nanping and his son, Tushan-muliei, who were known for their zeal, and were related to the murdered Fu-hai, having rushed out on hearing this noise were put to death. Shan-yang, son of Fu-hai, and Shekunai, lieutenant-general, put themselves at the head of 500 Chinese, and tried to appease the tumult and laid about them, as did their men. Meanwhile Hu-sha-hu advanced to the gate Tong-hoa-men, which he forced, and having entered the palace and driven out the guard ho took the title of governor of the empire and generalissimo of all the forces. He then had the Kin Emperor removed to the palace where he was born, and guarded by 200 men. One of the princesses, named Ching-shi, who had charge of the Imperial seal secreted it, but was forced to give it up, and armed with this potent authority Hu-sha-hu used it to make several appointments. He then ordered the eunuch, Li-se-chong, to put the Emperor to death. His intention was to seize the throne, but fearing the animosity that such a step would give rise to, he consulted Tu-shan-i, the governor of Peking, who had been wounded in the foot in the recent melee, as to whom he should appoint. He was astonished at the coolness with which the latter said there could be no question about this, since Utubu was the elder brother of Chong-hei and grandson of the Emperor Ulo, in addition to which he was universally beloved and would bear the sceptre gloriously. Hu-sha-hu sent to find this prince at Chang-te-fu in Honan and had him proclaimed Emperor. Gaubil' calls Utubu "the prince San;" so does Douglas. These events took place in the spring and summer of 1213. At the same time we read how Yeliu-liuko, the Khitan chief, whose rebellion we have described, had himself proclaimed king of Liau and took for the title of his reign the name of Yuen-tung. He speedily conquered the whole of Liau-tung, and took up his residence at Hien-ping. In the autumn of the same year Chinghiz Khan having recovered from his wounds, once more assailed northern China. He again captured Suan-te-fu, now called Suan-hwa-fu, and thence advanced upon Te-sing-fu' now known as Pao-gan-fu. The army were led at the attack on this latter town by his youngest son Tului, and by his relative Chiki, the son of Alju, who scaled the walls at the head of their troops and captured the place, Chinghiz now advanced upon Hwai-lai, situated 15 leagues to the south-east of Suan-te-fu, where he attacked the Kin troops under Wanian-king and Kaoki, called Chuhu-kaoki by De Mailla. The latter were speedily defeated, and forty lis of the ground were covered with their corpses. The Mongols now detached a force against Ko-pih-kow, a fortress on the Great Wall on the main route from Peking to Kara Khoten, and situated at the northernmost point of Pe'chihli. Knowing that the King had a strong garrison in the difficult pass of Ku-yung, which they had occupied after the withdrawal of the Mongols the previous year, and where, according to the Yuanch'ao-pi-shi, the Kin Emperor had sent Ira and two other generals to occupy the fortress and the force Khulaaniegele to guard it, Chinghiz masked it with a force under the general Ketebji. The Huang-yuan makes two names out of the word, viz., Ketai and Bocha." He himself advanced upon Cho-lu, which is situated 40 li to the south-west of Pao-ganfu." He then continued his march westward, keeping north of the Great Wall as far as the pass of Tse-king, called Tszi-tszin in the Huang-yuan. This authority tells us further that the Kin Emperor sent the great general Aodun to prevent Chinghiz forcing the pass and emerging on the plain, but he had scarcely arrived when the Mongols forced the barrier. They defeated a Kin army near the mountain Wu-hoi-ling, called Wuh-we-ling by Douglas and Uhuei by Gaubil, who tells us it is a small mountain near the town of Kuang-chang-hien * The Old Northern Pass. 10 Called Kotepuse by Douglas and Kote-pacha by De Mailla. 11 Op. cit. p. 184. 11 Douglas, p. 60; Hyacinthe, p.55; D'Ohsson, vol. I, p. 136. 1 Op. cit. 184. Kang-mu, De Mailla, tome IX, pp. 52 and 53; Hyacinthe, pp. 59 and 60 ; D'Ohsaon, vol. 1, pp. 138 and 139. * Douglas, pp. 70 and 71; De Mailla, tome IX, p. 54. Op cit. p. 19. Douglas, p. 68. De Mailla, tome IX, p. 52. Called Terbing by Douglas.

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JUNE, 1883.] CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. 167 on the borders of Shan-si and Pe'chih-li. Ching- defeat the enemy I will grant you your life, but hiz now captured the towns of Cho-chau and if you are beaten you shall die." Kaoki accordYih-chau, both well-known places in Pe'chih-li, ingly marched, but a strong north wind having to the south-west of the modern Peking. arisen blew the sand and stones into the eyes of The Yuan-chao-pi-shi says that he now his men, and after struggling from sunset till arrived at Saari-keer, by which Palladius dawn he was forced to withdraw once more understands Shara-gol, the Yellow river, that is, into the city. Fearing that Hu-sha-hu would the Khun-khi flowing near Peking. Meanwhile carry out his threat he repaired to his house the pass of Ku-pih-kow, already named, was with his troops. Hu-sha-hu having been surrendered by its commander, a Khitan general, warned mounted the wall of his garden intendnamed Wu-lan-par, who retired from it without ing thus to escape, but he got entangled in his striking a blow, while the Mongol general Chepe clothes, fell and broke his leg, and the soldiers was detached by Chinghiz to march by way who were standing around cut off his head. of Nan-keou to attack the pass of Ku-yung Kaoki repaired to the palace with the head, and from the south. Having taken it, he repaired asked that he might be tried. The Emperor to that of Kn-pow, where he joined Ketebji." pardoned him and issued an edict enumerating The capital was now threatened, it will be seen, the various crimes of Hu-sha-hu and he apon two sides, and Chinghiz having selected 4,000 pointed Kaoki generalissimo in his place." picked men, sent them under Kieitai and Hatai | Chinghiz Khan's old companion and trusted to invest it. Gaubil and D'Ohsson say that general Mu-khu-li at this time commanded a Chepe and Ketebji detached 5,000 picked men to force in Pe'chih-li,with which he made rapid proreinforce Khota and Khata, who were investing gress, and, we are told, an inhabitant of Yongthe capital, which seems a more reasonable story." ching," named Se-ping-chi, remarking that the The Huang-yuan calls the two commanders Mongols did no injury to those who submitted Kietai and Bocha." This investing army having freely to them, and that the Kins were too weak reached the river Hoi-ho, intended to cross it by to protect them, determined to submit to Muthe bridge Gao-tsiao, so Hyacinthe, p. 62, reads khu-li. He accordingly collected several thouthe passage in the Kang-mu. De Mailla in his sands of his countrymen and went to that translation, and Gaubil call the river Tsao, and general who was then encamped at Cho-chau, Gaubil says it was not really a river but a canal and who would have given him employment, which came from Chang-ping-chau, and passed but as he excused himself be made over 10,000 near the capital. When the later city of Peking families to his son, She-tien-chi, and ordered was built a number of fresh canals were cat, him to go with them and encamp near the and the face of the country was much changed town of Pa-chau. She-tien-chi became one of between the Hoen-ho and the river passing by the best generals in the Mongol service." Tong-chau. Hu-sha-hu, who had been wounded | The fortunes of the Kin dynasty were ebbing in the foot, had to travel in a chariot to prevent the on every side. It had been at peace with the Mongols crossing the bridge. He nevertheless empire of Hia on its western frontier for 80 defeated them, that is, doubtless defeated their years, but the latter having been attacked by advanced posts. They renewed the attack the the Mongols asked for help which the Emperor next day, when he was not well enough to go Chong-hei had refused. In the 8th month of out, and accordingly ordered the general Kaoki 1210 they accordingly attacked Kia-chau in with 5,000 men to oppose them. Kaoki Shen-si, but were beaten and forced to reiire. arrived too late and Hu-sha-hu would have put The next year Li-ngan-tsuen, their king, having him to death, but the Emperor forgave him on died, was succeeded by Li-tsun-hiu, who was account of his ancient services. Having given more fortunate than his predecessor, and in the him some more troops he said to him, "If you last month of 1213 captured the town of King ** Yuan-chao-pi-shi, p. 141; Douglas, p. 70; Hya. cinthe, pp. 56 and 56 ; De Mailla, tome IX, pp. 54 and 55; Gaubil, p. 18; D'Ohason, vol. I, p. 136. 1 De Mailla, tome IX, p. 55. in Gaubil, p. 19; D'Ohsson, vol. I, p. 139. 1 Op. cit. p. 185. 15 De Mailla, tome IX, p. 56; Gaubil, p. 19, note 1. 10 De Mailla, tome IX, pp. 55 and 56 ; Hyacinthe, pp. 62 and 61; Gaubil, pp. 19 and 20; D'Ohsson, vol. I, pp. 138 and 139. 20 A town situated 11 or 12 leagues S.E. of Peking 21 De Mailla, tome IX, pp. 56 and 57; Gaubil, p. 20; Hyacinthe, pp. 64 and 66.

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168 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JUNE, 1883. chau also in Shen-si." The Mongols had cap- tured a large number of Chinese officers who readily took service in their ranks, deeming it doubtless a small offence to transfer their allegiance from one set of Tartars to another, both of them strangers to themselves. Chinghiz Khan was much attached to them, and entrusted some of them with commands; and, we are told, formed 46 brigades out of the Chinese whom Yang-pe-yu and Lieou-lin had brought him. He now determined upon a systematic attack upon the Kin empire, and divided his forces into four divisions; one of them under Kota and Khata," were ordered to post themselves north of the capital and to invest it. His three sons, Juchi, Jagatai and Ogotai were ordered to ravage the districts to the south and south-west of Peking as far as the Yellow River. They crossed the mountains Tai-hang, called Tkhai-khan by Hyacinthe, advanced as far as Leo in Honan, and captured 28 cities, namely, Paou," Sui, Gansuh, Gan-ting, Hing, Ming and Tsze in Chihli; Seang, Wei-hway, Hwai, Mang and Leo in Honan and Tsih, Loo, Leaou, Tsin, Pingyang, Tai-yuen, Keih, Heen, PX, Fun, Shih, Lan, Hin, Tai and Woo in Shen-si. A second army under Chinghiz Khan's brother, Juchi Khasar, with whom were Kwang- tsin Noyan and Chotseteposhi (called the Ge. neral Pocha by Gaubil), advanced towards the east and laid waste the maritime districts of Pe'chih-li, the province of Liau-si and all the country between Liau-tung, Peking and the sea. The Yuan-shi says they conquered Su. chau, Ping-luan and Liau-si." The Huangyuan calls the commanders of this division Khasar, Olyni-nayan and Bocha.es The third army, under Chinghiz Khan himself in person, with his youngest son Tului, marched southwards towards the province of Shan-tung as far as Tang-cho on the Shan-tung promontory, and also captured twenty-eight cities, namely, Heung, Pa, Mo, 35 li north of the modern Jinkew-heen; Gan, 25 li to the north of the modern Woo-keaou-heen, Ho-keen, Tsang, King, Heen, Shin, Ke, Le, Ke, and Kae in Chih-li; Hwa, 20 li to the east of the modern Hwa-heen in Honan; Gan, Puh, Po" Tseo Tae-gan, Tsenan, Pin, Tae Yih-too, Tsze," Wei, Tang, Lae and E, in Shan-tung. Meanwhile Mu-khu-li laid siege to Me-chau, situated in Choo-chingheen in Shan-tung, which he captured after a severe resistance, and slaughtered its inhabitants. We are told that the desertion of Sheteene and Seowpoter at this time was a serious loss to the Kins, and so high was the value set upon their services that Mu-khu-li conferred on them the rank of Wan-hu, i.e., commanders of 10,000 men.85 We can hardly realize the terrible surroundings of a campaign on this scale by the Mongols, whose policy was to exterminate wherever resistance was offered. The systematic trampling under foot of three such populous and flourishing provinces as Pe'chih-li, Shan-tung, and Shan-si must have involved a complete carnival of slaughter and destruction. The Yuan-shilei-pien says:-" The Kins, in order to protect themselves, sent their best troops to guard the mountain passes and the fords, and summoned into the towns those capable of bearing arms. When Chinghiz heard of this he ordered his generals to take the old men, women and children whom they met with in the undefended towns and villages, and to pat them in front of the army. The peasants and others who manned the walls of those towns where defence was contemplated hearing the voices of their fathers, mothers, wives and children, were unwilling to fight when it involved the slaughter of their relatives. Desolation reigned everywhere in Shan-si, in the part of Honan, north of the Yellow River, in Pe'chihli and Shantung. The Mongols pillaged and destroyed more than 90 towns. They reduced to ashes an infinite number of villages, carrying off all they could in the shape of gold, silver and silk, massacring thousands of useless persons, and carrying off a multitude of women and children." The booty which they swept away in the shape of cattle was inestimable, and in the wide district we have named only about ten towns escaped 12 Gaubil, pp. 20 and 21 ; De Mailla, tome IX, p. 57. 93 Names otherwise given as Kietai and Hatai. 3* De Mailla, tome 1x, pp. 57 and 58; Hyacinthe, p. 65; Gaubil, p. 21. as The modern Tsing-yuen-Heen in Paon-ting-fu. 30 Douglas, p. 72; Hyacinthe, p. 56. * Douglas, pp.171 and 72: Hyacinthe, p. 56; De Mailla, tome IX, p. 58; Gaubil, p. 21. * Op. cit. p. 185. 30 The modern Lewching heen. 30 The nodern Teening-chow. 31 The modern Hwuy-min-hean. 31 l'he modern Tsze-chuen-heen. 33 Douglas, p. 72; Hyacinthe, pp. 56 and 57 ; De Mailla, tomo IX, p. 58; Gaubil, p. 21. 3. Called Se-tkian-ni and Subut by Hyacinthe. 35 Douglas, p. 73; Hyacinthe, p. 57.

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JUNE, 1883.1 capture. These included the capital and the town sof Tung, in the district of Shun-tian-fu Shun," Chin-ting, Tsing," Wuh, Ta-ming, Tung-ping in Chih-li; Tih" in Shan tung; Pei and Hae-chau in Keansu." 38 CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. 36 43 The various divisions of the Mongols reassembled in April 1214 at Ta-keau, a few leagues to the west of the capital, for the purpose of investing it more closely. The Huang-yuan calls the place Jen-dian. Chinghiz Khan's generals asked permission to be allowed to storm the town, and undertook to capture it. He refused, however, and sent Ilichi and Chepa, to inform the Emperor Utubu that he had conquered all the towns of Shan-tung and Ho-pe, and that there only remained Yen-king which he had not subdued. "Heaven," he added, "has reduced you to such a feeble condition, and has exalted me so much above you, what do you think of its intentions towards me? I wish to retire to Tartary, but can you let my troops depart without appeasing their anger with presents." Kaoki, the Kin commander, called Gao-tsi in the Huangyuan, urged that the enemy's army was stricken with sickness, that their horses were worn out and unfit for service," and he proposed to march out and attack it. Wanian-chin-hoei, another minister, argued on the other hand, that they would be running too many risks acting thus, since the larger portion of soldiers in Yen-king had their families elsewhere, and could not therefore be depended upon to stay. "If we suffer any check," added he, "they will certainly disperse. In that case what advantage shall we gain over the enemy. We cannot retain them, they wish to return to their wives and children, the fate of the empire depends on this decision. My advice is, that we accept the peace which the Mongols propose." Utubu followed this counsel, and sent Chin-hoei to the Mongol camp, to conclude peace. Chinghiz Khan demanded a Kong-chu or princess of the Kin Imperial family, and he was accordingly given the princess of Tsi, daughter of the late Emperor Chong-hei, as 3 Gaubil, pp. 21 and 22. 37 The modern Shun-e-heen, 6 leagues N. E. of Peking. 35 The modern Ching-ting-heen. 39 The modern Tsing-chen-heen. The modern Chasu chau. The modern Ling-heen. Douglas, p. 73; Hyacinthe, 1, p. 57; D'Ohsson, vol. I, p. 141. Chepe. 169 well as presents of money, silk, 500 young boys, as many girls and 3,000. horses. He now returned home again. The Kin Emperor sent his minister Fn-hing or Fu-sing to conduct him through the Ku-yung pass. When he had traversed this he slaughtered the prisoners of both sexes whom his troops had captured, and who amounted to a prodigious number. The Huangyuan says, Fu-sing conducted Chinghiz as far as lake Yema. The Yuan-chao-pi-shi which tells the story of the Chinese campaigns in a jejune fashion, has an interesting paragraph about the episode last mentioned. At the time when Bei-pin was attacked, the Kin minister Van-gin said to the Kin ruler :-" By the will of heaven it seems that the time has arrived for giving the throne over to others. The Dada have strengthened themselves exceedingly, they have extinguished our bravest armies, and taken our most hopeful fortress Tsiuun-kuan. If we again engage them in battle and lose the fight our armies will disperse. It is better to submit to the ruler of the Dada-let him lead away his army. When he has led it away we may again think. Moreover, we hear that in the armies of the Dada an infectious disease has broken out on account of their being unaccustomed to this climate. Now give the ruler of the Dada your daughter, gold, silver and stuffs, and see whether he will consent to go or not. The ruler of the Kin consented, and submitted to Chinghiz, and sent the princess to him with Van-kin and with gold, silver, and stuffs. After that the besieging armies left the city. Van-kin personally accompanied Chinghiz to the defile which is between Motjou and Fujou, i. e. between Ma-chau and Fu-chau, and bidding him farewell returned again. The warriors tied up the gold and silver and other things in strong cloth, and having heaved it up, rode away." The last sentence has a certain epical flavour about it. In regard to the princess who was given in marriage by the Kin Emperor to Chinghiz, and who is called the daughter of Veisha Obana, in the Huang-yuan, Rashidu'd-din has apparently "A fact which by the way probably explains Chinghis Khan's readiness to withdraw. 5 Douglas, pp. 73 and 74; Hyacinthe, pp. 67 and 68; De Mailla, tome IX, pp. 60 and 62; Gaubil, pp. 22 and 23; D'Ohsson, vol. 1, pp. 142 and 143. Op. cit. p. 186. The province of Peking was so named, says Palladius. i.e. Tartars. Op. cit. pp. 139 and 140.. 40

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170 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JUNE, 1883. misunderstood the descriptive title of Kong chu, and made a proper name of it. He tells us che princess was called Kuchu Khatun, and adds although Chinghiz had no children by her he held her in high honour. She lived until the time of his grandson Arikbuka. This campaign added immensely, no doubt, to the prestige of Chinghiz. To break down the frontier de- fences of the renowned Kin empire, to capture so many of its towns and to butcher so many of its people ; finally, to secure a princess of its Imperial family as his bride, was assuredly, to a leader of Asiatic nomades, drinking deep from the cup of glory and success, and we may well believe that the loads of treasure which his people carried off wrought a strange social revolution among the unsophisticated shepherds and herdismen of the desert. The condition of the Kin empire on the other hand was most critical. It is true the Mongols had withdrawn, but they had only done so after ruining the land and squeezing it of its wealth and resources, whilo Liau-tung, that frontier province which lay between China and the ancient home of the Churchis or Kin Tartars, was in the hands of a rebel prince, who was sustained by the Mongols, and to whom his territory formed an easy gateway into China. We are not surprised that the Kin Emperor, who had seen the various vaunted defences of the empire crumble at the assault of the Mongols, should have felt that his capital city of Yen-king was no longer a safe residence; and should have suggested a migration of the court to Pien-leang or Pien-king, now called Kai-fung-fu, situated on the southern bank of the Yellow River in Honan, and which was the Nan-king or southern capital of the Kin dynasty. Tuk-tan-i urged upon the Emperor that by this policy he would lose the northern provinces of the empire, while the Nan-king to which he proposed to retire was surrounded by enemies on all sides; having the Sung on the south, the empire of Hia on the west, the Mongols on the north, while Liau-tung which was the cradle of the Kin empire was strong by situation, being protected by the sea and by inaccessible mountains. He urged that advantage should be taken of the peace to make new levies to reinforce the troops and train them well, and to replenish the magazines and arsenals. This advice was seconded by that of the other chief ministers, but the Emperor would not be convinced, and shortly after Tu-shani, whose fidelity, sagacity and uprightness made him universally respected, died. He now nominated Wanianfu-hing or Fu-sing, generalissimo of the troops. With him was nominated as a colleague, Monian Tsin-Chong, and the Tszosyan, i.e. second minister, called Tsin-juna in the Huang-yuan and Muyen-tsin-chung by Douglas. They were to defend Yen-king, and to assist by their counsel the heir to the throne, Shen-shun (called Shochung by Douglas), who was to remain behind and encourage the citizens. Having made all his preparations, the Emperor set out in the sixth month of 1214 for Pien-leang, with the people of his household and those officers who were not disposed to run the risk of an. other encounter with the Mongols. When he arrived at Leang-hiang, a town sitnated five leagues to the south-west of the modern Peking, he demanded from his troops the return of the horses and cuirasses which had been supplied to them for the defence of the capital, and which inasmuch as he had no more enemies to conquer he deemed would not be wanted. This caused a mutiny. The cavalry which was escorting him put to death their general Soowen, and chose three others 10 Huan-yuan, p. 186: Erdmann, Temudachin, p. 446. Si The Yuan-chao-pi-shi makes Chinghiz after retiring from Chins on this occasion march against His, btat it would seem that it hn transferred to this year the campaign which with n .ch greater probability is assigned by the other authorities to the year 1209 or 1910. I have already given their accounts, but having over looked this one in the Yuan-chao-pi-shi will now incorporate it. This authority calls the ruler of Hia, Burkhan, and says he submitted to Chinghiz and presented his daughter, Chakhadi, to him, saying :-"Having heard of your glory, O King, we have even before this been afraid. Now we shall become your right hand and serve you diligently. We are really a settled people, living in towns, therefore in case of a hurried campaign we cannot reach you quickly. But if your favour will extend to us, we will always pay you the products of our country as tribute, camels, woollen stuffs and falcons." Having collected from his people so many camels that they could not be driven straight he presented them to Chinghia, who now returned to Saari-keer(1.e. the Yellow Plains, by the Onon), and encamped there. All this, as I have said, must be understood to be a parenthesis introduced here by accident, and properly referring to the years 1209 and 1210. 59 De Mailla, tome IX, p. 62. - He is called Fusin by Hyacinthe, and in the Huang. yum, Rashidu'd-din styles him Fu-king Ching Sang, (i.e. the minister Fu-sing) by De Mailla and Gaubil he is called Wanian Chinhoei. Hyacinthe, p. 68; Douglas, p. 74; DeMailla, tome IX. p. 63 Gaubil, pp. 23 and 24: Huang yuan, p. 186.

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CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. JUNE, 1883.] named Choda or Kanta, Pisher and Chalar to lead them. They then retraced their steps, and seized the bridge over the Lu-keou, the modern Hoen. Gaubil says this beautiful bridge is situated two leagues west-south-west of the modern Peking. Wanian Chin-hoei who was in command at Yen-king sent an army against the rebels which was defeated, but Choda did not feel himself strong enough to continue the struggle alone, so he sent a courier to Chinghiz Khan to offer him. his services and to ask for his protection. The Huang-yuan and Rashidu'd-din as usual are very closely alike here. They both call the mutineers Khitans. They agree that the Emperor had reached Ju-jau when the mutiny took place, and that the body of troops which mutinied was behind and broke out into rebellion at another place called Lian-sian in the Huang-yun, and Lin-pi-hiene in the copy of Rashidu'd-din followed by Erdmann, both referable to the Leang-hiang above named. The murdered general is called Suunia by the Chinese author, and Seguneh by the Persian one. The former agrees with De Mailla in the names it gives the three substituted leaders, namely, Kanda, Bisher and Chalar, while Erdmann's MS. of Rashida'd-din is naturally very corrupt in preserving these names which it gives as Jined, Niran, and Bilan. According to the Huang-yuan Fu-sing hearing of the mutiny closed Lu-gu, i.e. the bridge Lukeou above named, and would not let the rebels pass through; whereupon Kanta sent his officer Tatara with a division of light horse, 1000 strong, which crossed the river secretly and fell upon the men who were guarding it from behind and destroyed them. They seized all the clothes, armour, and weapons, and the horses grazing near the bridge. Rashidu'd-din tells the same story, only that instead of a general Tatara, he speaks of a contingent of Tartars who were found by the Khitans near the bridge and were in the pay of the Kin Emperor, and who joined them. The Huang-yuan dates the withdrawal of the Emperor in the fourth month, and says that in the fifth month the young 55 5 De Mailla, tome IX, p. 64; Gaubil, p. 24; Hyacinthe pp. 68 and 72; Douglas, pp. 74 and 75. ss Huang-yuan, pp. 186 and 187; Erdmann, p. 327. se Huang-yuan, p. 187; Erdmann, p. 328. 57 The Mongols call it Chagassutai, and it is also called Baibur-chagan-nor. Hyacinthe, pp. 68 and 438; Douglas, p. 75; D'Ohsson vol. I, p. 145 note. 58 Gaubil, p. 24. 171 prince whom he had left in charge of Yenking went south and joined his father. Rashidu'd-din makes him do so after five months." On retiring from China, Chinghiz doubtless intended to give the empire only a respite, and meant to avail himself of the first excuse to return. He went to pass the summer near lake Yurli in Tartary, which, according to Hyacinthe, is situated in the district occupied by the Mongol tribe of Khorlos."" The Yuan-shi-lei-pien says Chinghiz went to the town of Hoan-chau in Tartary's which is probably a mistake. He professed great indignation on hearing of the withdrawal of the Kin Emperor to Pien-leang, saying, "We have only just made peace with one another, yet he changes his court. This proves the suspicion and bad feeling which he entertains. He has only made peace with me to deceive me, and in the hope that I shall not be on my guard."""" He was therefore glad to receive Choda's envoy. He sent an army to help him. This was commanded, according to the Yuan-shi, by the generals Samuka, Shumulu and Mingan. De Mailla makes two names of them, namely, Sanmoho and Simominga. Rashidu'd-din likewise only speaks of two generals whom he calls the Saljiut Samukha Behadur, and the Churchit Mingan.3 The Huang-ywin says that in consequence of the submission of many Khitan chiefs Chinghiz ordered San-jiuru and Makhabadu, who led the advanced guard of the Khitans, and the brothers Min-an," and Taibao to unite their troops with those of Kanda and together to attack the Middle Capital."" 60 81 63 Meanwhile we must turn for a short time to another district. We have seen how the Khitan prince, Yeliu-linko, secured the kingdom of Liau-tung. It would seem that after the withdrawal of the Mongols the Kin troops had recovered Liau-yang which was then the Tungking, or Eastern capital of the Empire, as well as the capital of Liau-tung, and some other places in the province. Chinghiz thereupon sent Mu-khu-li to assist in recapturing them. As he passed the district of Lin-hoang, Lutsong 59 De Mailla, tome IX, p. 63. The Huang-yuan says the envoy of Kanta and Bisher. Douglas, p. 75; Hyacinthe, p. 68. 62 Op. cit. tome IX, p. 65. 63 Erdmann, p. 328. i.e. Mingan. es Op. cit. p. 187.

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172 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.. [JUNE, 1883. tsinpo, the commander of Kao-chau, went to him rather irritate people against him. Besides with the principal people of the place and which he had tomised this prisoner to apare bis submitted. Mu-khu-li had sent a flying corps life if he surrendered, and he urged him not under Siaoyesion to explore. He is called to oblige him to break his word, but rather to a Uighur of the horde of Shantsu by Gaubil. set him at liberty and to give him a command. Having learnt from some prisoners that the Ma-khu-li followed this advice." He now penegovernor of Tung-king had been changed, trated into Liau-si where the Kin general Inand that the new governor was en route to tsing went against him at the head of 200,000 occupy his post, Sinoyesien waylaid himm en. They met in the country of Hoa-tao. The en route, and killed him. He seized his letters fight lasted for many hours, when the Kin troops of appointment, rejoined his own people and were defeated and fled, leaving 80,000 corpses informed them of his plans, after which he on the field. In-tsing now withdrew to went to Tungking, where he persuaded the Ta-ting-fu, which was then the Peking or officer of the guard that he was the new Northern Court, which he intended to defend, governor whom they expected. Suspecting no but the provisions becoming exhausted his treachery he conducted him with due honour officers mutinied and killed him and put one to the governor's palace, where all the officers of his subordinates in his place. He is called went to salute him. Siaoyesien had noticed on Ukhuri Illukhu by Hyacinthe, Wukule Eletuhu entering the town the number of troops on the by Douglas, In-khuakhai in the Huang-yuan ramparts, and on asking the reason was told and Intahu by De Mailla. Mu-khu-li now sumthat being posted on the frontier it was neces. moned the new commander to surrender. The sary to be very vigilant. "I come from the latter did not wish to injure his reputation by court, he replied, and everything there is peace. giving in without a straggle, ho he allowed Why sow alarins by buch great preparations." Setien-seang to beat him and then surrendered He then summoned the officers of the guard, the town. Mu-khu-li, irritated that it had not told them to have their minds at rest, that it surrendered at once, wished to destroy the was not necessary to uselessly fatigue themselves, place, and to slaughter all its inhabitants. and that they might dismiss the troops and Siaoyesien was horrified at this cruelty, and said send them home, as he would keep himself well to him :-"The northern capital is the most informed of the warch of the enemy. Three important place in Lian-si. If you exercise the days later Mu-khu-li arrived before sunrise with severity you threaten, do you think you will find all his army, and occupied the town without other towns surrendering?" Mu-kho-li assented a single arrow being fired. By this conquest to this, and urged upon Chinghiz to allow its the Mongols secured several thousand lis of late commander who had surrendered it to territory, 180,000 families, 100,000 soldiers, and retain his post, while he recommended the an immense quantity of riches. Of thirty-two Uighur (i.e. Siaoyesien), to be made a general towns in the district there was only Tai-nimg, of cavalry, and to be appointed Inspector of the which had time to put itself in a state of defence Tribunals in that district." Gaubil says, on the and which the Mongols could not capture." other hand, that Mu-khu-li after capturing the The Yuan-shi says Mu-khu-li in this campaign northern capital did put to death many of the captured Lu-tsung and Tsin-gua in Gvao-chau enemy's troops on the pretext that they had and Tsin-chan. Douglas gives the names as surrendered too late, but he ceased the slaughter Kowcho, Lu-tsung, and Kinpo. Setientsien, when it was urged that this conduct would a Mongol officer, made Wanian-hussu prisoner, prevent other towns from surrendering." He and sent him to Mu-khu-li, who wanted to put adds that in order to defend his kingdom the him to death, but Setienteien dissuaded him, Kin Emperor had to levy heavy contributions, saying he would not diminish the number of which caused some of his officers to go over to the enemy by putting them to death, but would the Mongols and others to remain inactive." The De Maila, tome IX, pp. 65 and 66; Gaubil, p. 26. 10 De Mailla, tome II, pp. 6 and 67. 67 Hyacinthe, p. 68. * 11 De Mailla, tome IX, pp. 67 and 68; Douglas, pp. 75 . Situated to the south-west of the right wing of the land 76 ; Hyacinthe, P. 75; Huang-yuan, p. 188. Kartain Mongols, who lived west of the Chakhars. 11 Op. cit. p. 26. * Op. cit. p. 75. 13 Ib.

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JUNE, 1883.) CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. 173 events we have been describing took place, so far as we can be certain of the chronology of this difficult period, during the year 1214. The next year was even more disastrous for the Kin empire than the previous one. Fucha-tsekin" who commanded at Tung-chau on the Peiho, and was one of the best Kin generals, deserted to the Mongols with all his troops. Chinghiz Khan gave him the rank of general in his own service and rewarded those who had followed him." Rashida'd-din calls him the Treasurer Kheda, and says he gave his grandson Jungshai as a hostage for his behaviour, and went back to Tung-chau." After capturing the northern capital as we have mentioned, Mu-khu- li sent two of his officers named Kaoteya and Lieou-possonur to summon Ulipa, the governor of Sing-tsong-fa, called Hing-chung-fu by Douglas, who says it is a city of the Tumed tribe, situated to the north-west of Ning-yuen. Ulipu put Lieou-possonur to death, and would have done the same to Kaoteyu if he had not escaped. The officers and citizens blamed this truculence, and, afraid that Mu-khu-li would make reprisals, they united against Ulipu and deprived him of the command of the place which they made over to Sitiening, who submitted to Mu-khu-li, and was given command of the troops in the place." We will now return to the operations of the Mongols against the central capital Yen-king. We have seen that Samuka and Mingan, with the Khitan general Choda, were ordered to lay siege to it. It was defended with persistent valour, but the minister Chuhu Kaoki who had accompanied the Emperor when he moved to his southern capital was jealous of Wanian Fu-sing," and of his colleague Monian Tsin-chong, who commanded at Yen-king, and took care that the reinforcements they sent for did not reach them. Wanian-sulan informed the Emperor, and accused the minister of foment. ing disturbances on the frontier, and of treating his faithful people badly, but such warnings were useless, and the minister retained his credit. The two commanders now sent one of their officers to Pien-liang, and having gained access " Called Fucha-tael by Hyacintho and Puasa-teitsin by De Mailla, the Huang-yuan calls him the fuyinshai 1.e. assistant of the commander of the forces. 15 De Mailla, tome IX, p. 68; Douglas, pp. 75 and 76; Hyacinthe, p. 75; Huang-yuan, p. 187. Erdmann, p. 330. " De Maills, vol. IX, pp. 88-69; Douglas, p. 77. to the Emperor informed him of the condition of things at Yen-king. Utubu professed surprise, and ordered Yong-si and King-chau, two of his best officers, to collect the various detachments scattered in the departments of the southwest and of Ho-pe as well as a large stock of grain. The general Li-ing was entrusted with the task of conducting these reinforcements and provisions to the beleaguered capital of the empire, but he was without experience, devoted to wine and had not control of his men, and one day when he was drunk a body of Mongols met him north of Pa-chau, and his army was completely beaten. He was killed, and the grain he was conveying was captured. Two other generals were marching after him, and according to the Huang-yuan had charge of the convoy. It calls them the Tsian-dian (revisor), Tsin-shou and the Yuan-shuai" Liin. The Huang-yuan says further they were to furnish provisions by different roads, and each man was to take three dow of bread. Liin worked himself and encouraged the others, but when Tsin-shou reached the Jo-jou fortress Siyan-finjau and Liin reached those of Bajou and Tsin, all the grain was seized by our troops." The last phrase shows the Huang-yuan was written under Mongol auspices. Rashidu'd-din, in the text followed by Erdmann, says there were three commanders in charge of the convoy, namely, Gung-su, Rim-gan-che and Li-fing, besides a divisional commander of troops. He says the convoy was of rice, and that each man had to carry three Kafin, which in Chinese were called Simer. The divisional general marched along the road to the fortress of Su-chau-wei and the others with the convoy by another route. He was met and beaten at Sing-pi, while the convoy was captured at Pa-chan." From this time the communication between Yen-king and Pien-leang was severed. Wanian Fu-sing having learnt of the collapse of the effort to relieve the city, and losing all hope, proposed to his colleague that they should both march against the enemy and die sword in hand for the glory of their country. The latter, who had immediate control of the Called Wanian Chin-hoei by De Mailla. De Mailla, tome IX, pp. 69 and 70; Douglas, p. 77; Hyacinthe, p. 75; Ganbil, p. 27. 10 The King-cheu and Yong-si of De Mailla. 1 Op. cit. p. 188. " Erdmann, Temudochin, pp. 328 and 329. Called Wanian Chin HyacinthMaille, tome IX. Ander of the forcohe fuyinshai

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174 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JUNE, 1883. troops, would not consent. Fu-sing quitted him that it was Monian Tsin-chong's intention in anger, and not wishing to play the part he to abandon the capital and to withdraw southhad assigned himself alone, first repaired to the wards, prepared their carriages and told him Hall of Ancestors of the Kin Imperial family, they intended leaving with him. Fancying to which he was related, and after making the that he could not well escort them without nsual prosternations and going through the himself falling into the hands of the Mongols, customary ceremonies he summoned one of his he bade them wait till he had made a way for them. officers named Chaoseouen, to whom he confided They believed him, whereupon taking with his intention of committing suicide. On the first him only some of the women to whom he was day of the fifth month he wrote a memoir which attached and some relatives and friends, he left he confided to a mandarin pamed Se-gan-she to that town without looking behind him. When he remit to the Emperor. In this document he set reached Chong-shan," he told his companions out the measures which he deemed necessary he could not have escaped from his difficulty if he to save the empire, exposed the treachery and had taken the ladies of the harem with him. His intrigues of the minister Chuhu-kaoki, and treachery and meanness did not serve him long finished by deploring his own misfortune, and however. Se gan-she, who had gone ahead to the declaring himself worthy of death for not courtat Pien-leang, duly informed the authorities having been able to preserve Yen-king. He there of what had occurred at Yen-king, and then arranged his affairs, summoned his house- when the craven governor arrived the Emperor hola, and distributed his property among his would not speak to him about the place, and shortdomestics, as if it was the happiest day of his ly after had him tried and condemned to death life. He alone in his palace was not in tears, for treason. On the withdrawal of its governor He then took a cup full of wine which he the Mongols entered Yen-king, and killed a offered to Se-gan-she, and taking one himself vast number of mandarins and people. During he addressed that mandarin, saying "It was the confusion some soldiers set fire to the palace, from you I learnt the beautiful maxims con- and the conflagration lasted for a whole month." tained in the King, and it would not be seeming- This is partially confirmed by Rashidu'd-din, ly that you should have taken all this pains in who tells us that during the siege the famine vain. I ought to put your precepts into prac- became so severe that the citizens fed on the tice." After having drank several cups with living and the dead. Carpini has a romantic him he bade Se-gan-she good-bye. The latter | account of the siege, largely imaginative. He had scarcely left the house when cries and makes the besieging army the victims of the lamentations there induced him to return, and famine, and tells us how Chinghiz ordered one he then found that Fu-sing had taken a deadly man in ten to be set aside to feed the rest poison, and was dead. His servants buried him with. The garrison, he goes on to say, fought in the court-yard of his palace." bravely, and fired weapons from their maWhen the Emperor read the memoir which chines and also arrows, and when stones failed Fu-sing had prepared for him he gave him the them they threw silver and also melted silver. posthumous title of Wang. Gaubil adds that the city, he says, was full of various kinds it is an ancient custom in the empire to punish of treasures. Eventually the Mongols made and reward the dead. Titles, Mandarinats, and a great subterranean road opening into the extraordinary honours are freely given to the middle of the place, through which they suddead, and sometimes they are as freely tried for denly emerged and made an attack from offences, deprived of their titles or degraded, or within, while those outside assailed it from the monuments put up to them destroyed. without, broke open the gate, killed the EmThe same day on which Fu-sing committed peror !!! and captured the city.** Minhaj-isuicide some princesses and the ladies of the Siraj, the author of the Tabakat-i-Nasiri, has a harem whom the Kin emperor had left at similar account. He calls the Chinese capital Yen-king when he went away, having learnt the city of Tamghaj, and tells us Chinghiz 3 De Mailla, tome IX, pp. 70 and 71; Gaubil, pp. 27 | De Mailla, tome IX, pp. 71 and 72. and 28: D'Ohsson, vol. I, p. 147. #7 Erdmann, p. 329. 6Gaubil, pp. 28 and 29 ; De Mailla, pp. 71 and 72. * Op.cit. ed. D'Avezac, pp. 651 and 653. * 1.e. Pao-ting-fu, a town of Pe'chih-li.

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JUNE, 1883.) FOLKLORE IN THE PANJAB. 175 besieged the city for a period of four years, was a distance of two or three stages, or more until every stone that was in the city had been than that. We, who were the persons sent by discharged from the catapults by its defenders, the Khuarezm Shah government, supposed and when the stones, bricks, &c., were exhaust- that that white eminence was perhaps a hill of ed, everything made of iron, brass, lead, cop- snow, and we made inquiries of the guides and per, tin, and pewter was similarly used, and the people of that part (respecting it], and they then balishes or ingots of gold and silver were replied, "The whole of it is the bones of men thrown instead of stones. It was reported that | slain.' When we had proceeded onwards another Chinghiz Khan had issued orders that the stage, the ground had become so greasy and soldiers were to pay no heed to this shower of dark from haman fat, that it was necessary for precious metals. After an attack of four years us to advance another three stages on that the city was taken. All these fantastic details same road, until we came to dry ground again. help us to understand the importance of the Through the infections Carising] from that great capital of Cathay in the eyes of western ground, some [of the party] became ill, and authors and travellers. One of the latter, the some perished. On reaching the gate of the Sayyid Baha-u'd-din, the Kazi, who, at this time city of Tamghaj, we perceived, in a place went on an embassy from the Khuarezm under a bastion of the citadel, an immense Shah Muhammed to Chinghiz Khan, and to quantity of human bones collected. Inquiry was whom we shall revert in a later paper, says: made and people replied, that, on the day the "When we arrived within the boundaries of city was captured, 60,000 young girls, virgins, Tamghaj, and near to the seat of govern- threw themselves from this bastion of the ment of the Altan Khan, from a considerable fortress and destroyed themselves, in order that distance a high white mound appeared in sight, they might not fall captives into the hands of the so distant, that between us and that high place | Mongols, and that all these were their bones." FOLKLORE IN THE PANJAB. COLLECTED BY MRS. F. A. STEEL. WITH NOTES BY CAPT. R. O. TEMPLE, B.S.C., F.R.G.S., M.R.A.S., &o. . (Continued from p. 104.) No. 19.-LAMBIKIN. And so on with a tiger, a wolf, and a dog, until Once upon a time there was a wee lambikin all the wild animals and birds had let little who frolicked about on his little tottering legs. lambikin pass to go to his granny's house and One day he met a jackal who said, "Lambikin, get fatter. And they all licked their lips at Lambikin, shall I eat you ?" thinking what a nice little mouthful he would But Lambikin gave a little frisk, and answer. be on his way back. ed Now when the lambikin reached his granNani kol jawanga: ny's house he said to her, "Granny, please Mota taja awanga : put me into the corn-bin, for I have promised Pher tui mai o da lau amga. to get fat." When Granny heard this, she, To Granny's house I go : of course, put him into the corn-bin at once, There I shall fatter grow : and there the greedy little creature remained And you shall eat me so. for seven days and eat and eat and eat until he The jackal, thinking this reasonable, let the was so fat that he could scarcely waddle. lambikin pass, and soon afterwards the lambikin Then his granny said it was time for him met a vulture, who said : to go home, as he was fat enough for anything. "Lambikin, Lambikin, shall I eat you ?" But the cunning little lambikin said : But the lambikin answered as before, and the "If I do, Granny dear, some wild animal vulture, thinking it was only reasonable, let the may eat me on the way back. The best plan little fellow pass. will be for you to make a little drumikin' # Op. cit. pp. 961 and 962. by stretching a loather across a wide-mouthed earthen Tabakat--Nasiri, p. 965. cup (piyala) and by Jets of a piece of hollow wood, 1 Lela, lerd, lekra, lelkara Panj, a lamb.-R. C. T. 6 inches by 3 inches, with its ends covered with leather * Phamkiria, dhamkfri, Panja small drum made of. damra, Hind. damaka, Skr.-R. C. T.

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176 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JUNE, 1883 out of the skin of my little brother that died, you, for I am famished after having been cooped and then I can sit inside and trundle along. up so long." I am as tight as a drum myself." In vain the Brahman pleaded and prayed. So his Granny made a little drumikin, and The most he could gain was a promise to abide lambikin sat inside and trundled along. By- | by the decision of the first three things he and-bye he met the vulture, who called out, chose to question as to the justice of the tiger's "Drumikin, have you seen Lambikin P" Then action. So the Brahman first asked a papal the lambikin called out from inside tree that was standing by, but the pipal tree Wan pid lelkara: wan pi tu ! replied coldly :-"What have you to complain Chal, dhamkirid ! Dham! KA! Dhu! about ? Don't I give shade and shelter to every Lost in the forest and so are you ! traveller who comes by, and don't they tear On. Little Drumikin ! Tum ! Tam! Too! down my branches to feed their cattle after * How very annoying," replied the vulture, wards? Don't whimper, but be a man!" and sighed to think of the nice mouth- So the Brahman went sadly further afield till ful he had lost, while the crafty lambikin he saw a buffalo turning a well, but the buffalo trundled on gaily giving the same answer to gave him no better answer, saying:-"You are all the animals he met, and chuckling at his a fool to expect gratitude ! Look at me! Whilst own cleverness. At last he met the jackal, but I gave milk they fed me on cotton seed and oilthe jackal was not to be done. He recognised cake, but now that I am dry they yoke me here, the lambikin's voice and said, "Oh, you've and give me refuse for fodder." turned yourself inside out, have you ? Come The Brahman sighed, but wandering on asked out of that!" Then he tore open the drumikin, the road what it thought of the matter. and gobbled up lambikin. "What nonsense !" cried the road, "to expect No. 20.-THE TIGER, THE BRAHMAN AND THE anything else! Here am I, useful to all, yet JACKAL. everybody, rich or porr, great or small, Once on a time a tiger was caught in a trap. tramples on me as he goes past, and gives me He tried in vain to get out through the bars, nothing but pipe ashes and grain husks." and rolled and bit with rage and grief when he So the Brahman returned sad and sorrowful. failed. By chance a poor Brahman came by. On his way he met a jackal, who called out :"Let me out of this cage, Oh pious one," cried "Why, what's the matter, Mr. Brahman? the tiger. You look as miserable as a Jatt in a shower!" "Nay, my friend," replied the Brahman The Brahman told him all that had happened. wisely, "You would probably eat me if I did." "How very confusing," said the jackal, "Not so," swore the tiger with many oaths. when the recital was ended : " Would you mind "I would be for ever grateful, and serve you telling it me over again, for everything has as & slave." got mixed up so." Now when the tiger sobbed and sighet and And the Brahman told it all over again, but wept and swore, the pious Brahman's heart the jackal only shook his head in a distracted softened and he opened the door of the cage. sort of way, and could not understand. Out popped the tiger and seizing the poor man, "It is very strange," said he sadly, "but it all said :-"What a fool you are! Now I shall eat goes in at one ear and out at the other. I will * Pronounced sharply to represent the sound of beating & drum.-F.A.S. A common baby story all over the Panjab. Told at much greater length by repeating the verses on meeting the various animals. It has been tried on English children with great success.-F. A.S. Told with great perception of the humorous points by & Jatt boy in Chohar Khans, GujranwAlA District. I have heard it also in the Firozpor and Lahor Districta, but never so well told. The text is a free translation of the tale.-F. A. S. The talo is found in the Gul Bakaoli-p. 11 of JWALA Parkash's edition, Merath (Meerut), 1880, well-known fairy tale, where it is introduced to point moral. The tale there told differs in no way from this one except that the pipal tree becomes the banyan tree (Hindi bar; Panj. bohar). I am told also that it is to be found in the Bhagavall with the variation that the pipal be. comes the sandal wood tree (chandan).-R. C. T. * Buffaloes are very dirty feeders and are constantly one might almost any habitually-fed on stable litter and farm-yard filth, fact which becomes of practical importance when it is considered that their filth-tainted milk is more than frequently mixed with cow's milk by the milk vendors in all bazars.-R.O.T. In allusion to the eternal chillam (or hubble-bubble) of the native.-R.C.T. Mandt hal wang Jatt jhart de: a well-known proverb in the Southern Panjab.-R.C.T. fairy tale, where it Herath (Meerut). 1880 P. 11 of JWALA

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JUNE, 1883.) FOLKLORE IN THE PANJAB. 177 go to the place where it all happened, and then perhaps I shall be able to give a judgment." So they came to where the tiger was waiting for the Brahman, and sharpening his teeth and claws. "You've been away a long time," growled the beast, "but now let us begin our dinner." "Our dinner!" thought the Brahman as his knees knocked together with fright; what a very delicate way of putting it!" "Give me five minutes, my lord," he pleaded, "in order that I may explain matters to the jackal here, who is somewhat slow in his wits." The tiger consented, and the Brahman began the whole story over again, not missing a single detail, and spinning as long a yarn as possible. "Oh, my poor brain! oh, my poor brain !" cried the jackal, wringing its paws. "Let me see! How did it begin ? You were in the cage, and the tiger came walking by and " "What a fool you are!" interrupted the tiger. "I was in the cage." "Yes, of course!" cried the jackal, pretending to tremble with fright; "I was in the cage. No, I wasn't! Oh, dear, where are my wits ? The cage was in the Brahman, and the tiger came. No, the tiger was in the Brahman and the cage came walking by. Oh, don't mind me! Begin your dinner, for I shall never understand." "Yes, you shall," cried the tiger in a rage with the jackal for his stupidity. "You shall understand me. Now look at me! I am the tiger." "Yes, my lord." "And that's the Brahman." "Yes, my lord." "And that's the cage." "Yes, my lord." "And I was in the cage. Do you understand ?" "Yes,-n0,- please, my lord." "Well," cried the tiger impatiently. "Please, my lord, how did you get in ?" "How? In the usual way, of course." << Oh, dear me! My head is beginning to whirl again. Don't be angry, my lord, but please--what is the usual way ?" At this the tiger lost patience, and jumping into the cage, cried "This way! Now do you understand P" "Exactly so," grinned the jackal, deftly shutting the door; "As we all were !!" No. 21.-THE JACKAL AND THE TIGER. An old tiger was in the habit of hunting in a particular jangal. One day he caught a jackal and was proceed. ing to eat it when the jackal said : "Before you eat your dinner, had you not better kill that other tiger yonder, or whilst you are lazily asleep he may hunt your forest, and perhaps kill you." "What tiger ?" asked the king of beasts. "Come with me and I will show you," answered the jackal. So he led the tiger to a well, and bid him look down. When the tiger saw his reflection in the water he hemmed and hawed, saying:"That's a poor old beast, and he isn't doing any harm. He won't rob me: why, he looks halfstarved." "He has caught a fine fat jackal though," said the wily prisoner, looking over the well too. "So be has," cried the tiger, "what a horrid old thief !" And without pausing a moment be leapt down the well, and was killed on the spot. And the jackal went home laughing. A noteworthy variant of this tale is told in the Firozpur District, entitled : The Viren and the Tiger. An old tiger was in the habit of hunting in a certain jangal, and killing and eating any animal he might chance on. At last matters became so intolerable that the animals met together, and agreed to give up to him daily one of themselves, on condition that he ceased his hunting. One day it came to a vixen's turn to be eaten, but when she reached the tiger she represented to him that a similar arrangement had been made by the animals with his brother, and that it so happened that it was her turn to go to him, too, that day. This made the tiger very jealous, and he demanded to be shown his brother, whereupon the vixen showed him his own image in a well, and the tiger in his wrath jumped in and was drowned. Told by a Jatt boy in the Gujranwald District, and known also in the Muzaffargarh District.-F. A. S. A variant of the tale is to be found in the Aswin-it Swhelt: see p. 82 of Munshi Nawal Kishor's Lakhnau Edition of the Persian version, and p. 41 of the Merath (Meerut) Urdu Translation. It is there known as "the Hare and the Tiger."-R. C. T:

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178 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JUNE, 1883. MISCELLANEA. DATE OF 'ABDU'L-WAHHAB. mulah in Central Arabia, in the little province Sir.-In an article on the WahhAbys, published of Nejd, somewhat before the middle of last in the Indian Antiquary, vol. X, p. 67, Fazl Lutful. century, according to Captain Palgrave," who lah states that the founder of this sect, 'Abdu'l- travelled in 1862-63 (Travels in Central Arabia, Wahhab, was born in the year 1691 A.D. In a note vol. I, p. 363). on this date the editor remarks that it "is disputed Both Mr. Fazl Lutfullah and Mr. Rehatsek by some writers; if he were 95 years old according agree in the year of the death of 'Abdu'l-Wahhab to the Arabic Lunar Calendar when he died in in 1787. As it is only a quarter of a century 1787, he could only have been born about 1695 since this sect of Islam made itself known in A.D.," or four years later than the time attri. India, and as Captain Palgrave saw a grandson of buted by Mr. Fazl Lutfullah. A very elaborate its founder so recently as 1863 at Riad, I think paper on the "History of the Wahhabye in Arabia the date of his birth could be ascertained. Mr. and India," is printed in the Jour. Bom. Br. R. Rehatsek's date--"somewhat before the middle of As. Soc. vol. XIV, (1880), in which the author, last century"-appears to be more probable, and Mr. E. Rehatsek, writes as follows regarding the as no history is definitely known of his early probable date of the birth of this Muhammadan life, it is not likely that he lived to the great reformer :-"The founder of the Wahhaby sect, age of 95 years. Muhammad 'Abdu'l-Wahhab, was born at Horey. S. R. BUNSHAH. ASIATIC SOCIETIES. The Journal of the Bombay Branch Royal duction to which is, however, of more general Asiatic Society appears irregularly, the average interest. The fifth paper in this number is period between two successive numbers being about Bhagvanlal Indraji's " Antiquarian Remains at twelve months. The recent issue contains the Soparl," which has already been noticed at length Proceedings of two years, 1881 and 1882, and the (ante, p. 114.) We find, on p. 311, a reference to a papers read between July 1881 and December "frontispiece," but no such plate appears with 1882. Among these are a second and third in- this issue. stalment of the Rev. A. Bourquin's translation Dr. Fuhrer's two short papers give some of the Dharmasindhu, which would have been account of the Burmese Buddhist Law-book much better if printed together, than separated Manuadradhammasattham, probably originally as they are by other two papers on other subjects. compiled in the time of king Vyomadhi about the So also with Dr. Fuhrer's two papers on the Ma- end of the 3rd century A.D. and several times nuadradhanmasattham, between which one article revised since, and of its relation to the Brahmani. is inserted. The editing generally is also in cal Dharmaldatras on which it has been founded. different: Jonesian and Gilchristian spellings are Dr. Codrington, one of the secretaries, contri. used together, long vowels are marked as a, butes an article of 32 pages, "On a hoard of coins a, a, or 4, at random, the palatal sibilant in one from Broach." This large find consisted, he tells paper is represented by sh, in another by , and us, of 448 gold coins and some pieces, and about in a third by 6:-surely some uniformity might 1,200 silver coins and pieces, including coins of be aimed at. The illustrative plates also are Genoa, Venice, Egypt, Armenia, Persia, and Dehli, mostly of very inferior execution. dating, with one exception, between A.D. 1260 and The translation of the Dharmasindhu of Kasi. 1380. Of the gold coins 367 belong to thirteen of natha extends as far as the end of the first part the Mamluk Sultans of the Bahri dynasty: 33 are of the original. The second paper is a third Venetian sequins; 1 coin of Genoa; 47 of Dehli instalment of Dr. J. Gerson da Cunha's "Contri. Sultans :-these make up 448, exclusive of other 8 butions to the study of Indo-Portuguese Numis. which the author describes (pp. 350-352) as Ayyubi, matics," bringing down the history of the Portu- and Persian. No statistics are given of the silver guese coinages in India from 1580 to 1723, and coins. The four plates with which this article is containing a very complete discussion of the illustrated are deplorable specimens of lithosubject with much important collateral informa- graphy. The last paper is a short one by Mr. J.F. tion. Mr. J. C. Lisboa's "List of Plants seen at Fleet, on "A copperplate grant of the DevagiriMahabalesvar at the end of last hot season," is an Yadava king Singhana II.," dated $. 1160, with important contribution to local botany, the intro- photozincographic facsimiles.

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JULY, 1883.] RATHOR GRANTS No. III. 179 RATHOR GRANTS No. III.-A GRANT OF DHRUVA III., OF BHAROCH. BY DR. G. BUHLER, C.I.E., AND DR. E. HULTZSCH. THE subjoined grant was found in 1881, to- Saka Samvat 749, still imitate the old Gujarat I gether with a considerable number of older characters. It is also interesting to note that and later inscriptions, by a labourer of Surat, in this grant no attempt is made to introduce who was engaged in excavating the pro tempore here and there antiquated forms, such as we find kitchens for a large wedding party at Bagumra, side by side with the real Kayastha letters, in the (Zilla Balesar) in the Gaikovad's territory. Radhanpur and Van Dindori grants of Govin. My old friend, Rao Saheb Mohonlal R. Jhaveri, da III. The wording of the grant closely Deputy Educational Inspector of Surat, brought resembles that of the other Rashtrakuta edicts, the find to my notice, and kindly purchased for and those portions of the Varnsdvali which me a number of the plates.? refer to the earlier kings, literally agree with The grant is written on three strong plates, the Kavi, Baroda, and Samangadh plates. The measuring twelve inches by 10%, which are held new portions, too, are written in that turgid together by a stont ring, passed, as is usual in style of Sanskrit poetry, in which all the courtRathor Sasanas, through holes in the left poets of the Rathors seem to have excelled. sides of the plates. The third and first plates The Rashtrakuta Vanneavali stands according are inscribed in the inner sides only. The to our grant as follows: ring bears a seal, which shows the usual RA A. Dekhan Line. shtrakata emblem, a figure of Siva, seated 1 Govinda I. on a lotus and holding snakes in his hands. The 2 Kakka I. preservation is tolerably good, though some letters here and there have been injured or de 3 Indra I. stroyed by the formation of verdigris, and the 5 Krishna, Subhatunga. carbonisation of the copper. A triangular piece 4 Dantidurga, has been cut off from the right-hand lower Vallabha corner of the first plate, but has been preserved. 6 Govinda II, 7 Dhruva I. The letters which have been carefully incised Vallabha. by a skilled kansar, on the whole, closely resemble those of Dantidurga's Samangadh 8 Govinda III, B. Gujarat branch. plates of Saka Samvat 675, but show in some Prithvivallabha. 1 Indra II. particulars more modern-looking forms. Thus, 9 Sarva, 2 Kakka II. (Saka 734). as I have stated already in my paper on the Amoghavarsha. Dhiniki plates, ta is invariably represented by 3 Kakka III. the modernt. Further tha, which on the Saman Amoghavarsha. gadh plates consists of a circle only, shows 4 Dhruva II. the additional topstroke, J. Finally, the kands Nirupama. or a strokes, are made, as in modern Devana gari, fully as long as the aksharas. The 5 Akalavarsha, letters of the sign manual (Pl. II. 1. 19) are Subhatunga. somewhat larger than those in the body of the grant, but their shape is exactly the same. At 6 Dhruva III. unnamed Govinda the end the peculiar flourish or mark occurs Dharavarsha, rebel. which is also found on the Kavi plates. Nirupama. From an epigraphic point of view the Sasana About the kings of the main or Dekhan line possesses considerable interest, because it is the we learn two important particulars (vs. 12-13). earliest grant of the Gujarat Rathors that shows First, it appears that Krishna I. bore also throughout the literary, or Kayastha-Nagari the Biruda Sabhatunga, and derived his alphabet. The Baroda plates of Karka II, titles king of kings and supreme lord,' from and the Kavi plates of Govinda IV., dated his victories over one Rahapya or RS The original plates of the grant under notice will be presented to the Oriental Museum at Vienna, and there be open to inspection.

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180 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JULY, 1883. happa. Both these points, it is evident, were to five generations. This fact alone is sufficient also mentioned in the Kavi grant. But as the to show that the period must have been a time corresponding verses, 13 and 15 are mutilated, of troubles and wars, and that Kakka III, they were not intelligible. I am unable to say must have come to the throne late in life and who this Rahapya was. The only list in have died or have been killed soon after, when which I find a similar name is that of the his son and grandson were already grown up. princes of Mevad. Professor H. H. Wilson Else it would be incredible that five generations mentions' a Rahup, who reigned about 1200 could have ruled within less than half a century. A.D. Of course that individual cannot be The few details given regarding the reign of identical with the enemy of Krishna I. each of the four new kings, fully bear out the Secondly, we hear (vs. 23, 24), for the first time assertion that they had a hard life and with the real name of the son of Govinda III, difficulty held their own. Vs. 29 says of Kakka who is tusually called Amoghavarsha III, surnamed Amoghavarsha, that he According to our plates it was Sarva. If we conquered 'the tributary Rashtrakatas, who turn to the history of the Gujarat line, it is were firmly allied and occupied districts accorinteresting to note that the statement of the ding to their own will' (svechchhagrihitavishother plates, according to which Indra II. ayan dridhasanghabhajah gulki ka-Rashtrareceived Gujarat from his brother, is repeated kutan). His son, Dhruva II, called also in somewhat different terms. The district is Nirupama, according to vs. 32, lost his life in here (vs. 26) called latiyari mandalam, the battle "after putting to flight the army of a province of L a ta,' not Latesvaramandalam, as king named Vallabh a.' But the victory the Baroda and Kavi plates have it. This new must have been as doubtful as it was dearly version shows clearly that my formerly pro- bought. For, as vs. 34 asserts, Dhruva's son, posed rendering of the latter expression, the Akala varsha or Subhatunga, whose province of the lord of Lata', is correct, and wicked servants were disloyal,' had to recover" that the idea of the earlier translators of the his paternal realm 'which had been attacked by grant, who speak of a "province called Vallabh a' This can only mean that Latesvara," is erroneous. The dependent Vallabha, though he may have been checked by position of Indra II. and of his successors Dhruva II, remained powerful enough to is plainly admitted by our grant, which calls renew his attack, and used the confusion arising Govinda III, the svamin or master, of his on his adversary's death to win over the minisyounger brother. Another highly interesting ters or generals of the latter, and became by their point is that our grant does not name Govinda help, for a time at least, master of the Bharoch IV, the second son of Indra II, who, as the kingdom. Though Aka la varsha, accord Kavi plates show, ruled after his brother, Karka ing to our grant, subsequently conquered both or Kakka II. As he was the uncle of Kakka | Vallabha and the treacherous officials, still III, whom our grant places immediately aftermatters did not mend. For his son and succes. Kakka II, it is very probable that the lattersor, Dhruva III, the donor of our grant, died while his son was a minor, and that according to v. 37, had again trouble with Govinda IV, deprived his nephew of his hostile' (vimukha) Vallabha, and with rightful inheritance. The erasion of his name seditious kinsmen (viksitimagatabandhavdh). from the list of Gujarat Rathors in a grant Moreover, he was assailed by 'the very powerful issued by the great-grandson of Kakka army of the Gurjaras,' (vs. 37-38), with III, is probably intentional, and meant as a whom an unnamed younger brother of his had punishment for his disloyalty. The informa- allied himself. Finally a king, called Mihira, tion, too, which our grant gives regarding the attacked Dhruva, but suffered defeat (vs. 41). hitherto unknown four Rathor kings of Guja- Though the verses 38-42 repeatedly assert that rat is very valuable. We learn that in the short Dhruva resisted all his enemies anaided, the space of forty years between Saka Samvat 749 and contradictory statement made at the end of 789, no fewer than five princes ruled who belonged the grant (vs. 58-59), that another brother * Prinsep's Essays, vol. II, p. 257... given formerly wrongly represent the Govinda IV as the The pedigrees of the Rashtrakutas which I have son of Karka II.

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JULY, 1883.) RATHOR GRANTS No. III. 181 Govinda, assisted him materially in making vrata, where daily doles are given to strangers, his rule firm, seems more credible. The poetical and in order to defray the expenses of religions bombast with which the war with Mihira is rites. The donee's father was called Nennadescribed, makes it impossible to say who this phy & (perhaps Nennappa), and his grandfather assailant was. As regards Vallabha, it Dhoddhi. The virtues of the latter are seems not improbable that one and the same described in two verses, 44-45, and it is said individual of this name was the foe of the that he had obtained from Dhruvaraja, three kings. If so, it is perhaps not too hazard- (probably Dhruva II)the village of Trenna, ous to assume, because the name Vallabha and had founded the charity, mentioned above. was a common biruda of the Dekhani Rashtra- Among the boundaries of the village of Parakatas, that the son of Govinda III, Sarva, hana ka (Pl. II, B. 10-12), we find the 'Brahalias Amoghavarsha, is meant by it. For mana settlement of Motta ka. Everybody it is not in the least unlikely that the suzerain who is acquainted with Gujarat will know power may have had difficulties in obtaining the at once that this can only be the town of tribute from Gujarat, or have had other reasons Mota, on the road from Surat to Bardolf for interfering in the affairs of the province. which is famous as the original seat of the The fact that Dhruva III even was a tributary Motala Brahmanas. Though I am at present prince, may be considered certain on account of unable to identify, for want of trustworthy the epithets, mahasumantadhipati and sama. maps, the other villages and towns mentioned, dhigataseshamahasabda, which are applied to I have no hesitation in asserting that our him in our grant. Moreover the reign of grant refers to a village south of the Tapti, Amogha varsha, to judge from the Rathor and proves that Southern Gujarat formed part copper-plates and the Kanheri inscriptions of the dominions of the Bharoch Rathors. That of the Silaharas, extended just over this period. is a point which the Kavi and the Baroda On the other hand, we have no evidence that plates left undecided. But I have for some Amoghavarsha really bore the biruda time considered it probable that the Rathors Vallabha, like his father and his remoter held Southern Gujarat also, because in the ancestors. The third enemy, the powerful present days Rathor cultivators are found also Gurjaras' are, in all probability, the Chaudas south of the Tapti. or Chap otkatas of Anhilvad. For we know Owing to the circumstance that an eclipse of no other kingdom during the 9th century, of the sun is mentioned in our grant, it is poswhich could be called Gurjara. According to sible to accurately determine the day on which Krishnaji's Ratnamala. Anhilvad was governed it was issued. Professor Jacobi and Dr. Burgess from 841 to 865 A.D. by Khemraj or assure me that the astronomical data have been Kshemard ja, 'who had no servants of correctly given, and that the date is the sixth ability, was passionate of temper, but in good June 867 A.D., on which day an eclipse actually fortune equal to Indra.' Most probably he happened. The last part of the last verse of the was the Gerjara, who, with Dhruva's younger grant orimadgovindarajo nirupamavihito odsane brother tried to gain possession of Bharoch. dutakotra the illustrious Govinda was made The object of the grant is to convey the by Nirupama dutaka with respect to this village of Pa rah anaka, which belongs to edict,' shows that those who like Mr. Fleet took the 116 villages connected with Karmanta- dutaka to mean 'messenger' for conveying pura, to a Brahmana, called Jojibh a, a mem. the king's orders are right. The translation ber of the Laks ka yana gotra and a student executive officer' in the province where the of the Adhvaryu-or Yajur-v ad a, for the village granted lay, which I have used until maintenance of a Sattra, i.e. a so-called Sad | lately, must be given up. Transcript. Plate I. [1] PET a TVET UT TAHRITT T T 450mai 11 (1) aprelfaser Tica sfang. Jour. Bo. Br. R. A. 8. vol. IX, p. 38. Plate I. L. 1, read art, aretiga, fen 749o. * The transcript has been prepared by Dr. E. Hultzsch.

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182 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JULY, 1883. [] mabhimukho raNasarjarISu / bhUpaH zucibidhurivAstadigaMtakItigovindarAja iti rAjasu rAjasiMghaH // [1] dRSTA camUmabhimukhIM subhaTATTa-7 2] hAsAmunnAmitaM sapadi yena raNeSu niyaM / daSTAdharaNa dadhatA bhRkuTI lalATe khar3e kulaM ca hRdayaM ca nija ca satvaM / / [] khaDU karAyAnmukhata[*] zva zobhA mAno manastaH samameva yasya / mahAhave nAma nizamya sadyaH trayaM ripUNAM vigalayakAMDe || [] tasyAtmajo jagati vizrutazubhrakIrti[] rA tihAriharivikramadhAmadhArI / bhUpastRviSTapanRpAnukRtiH kRtajJaH zrIkakarAja iti gotramaNibabhUva || [] tasya prabhinnakaraTa [6] cyutadAnadaMtidaMtaprahArarucirolikhitAMsapITha: / mApaH kSitau kSapitazatrurabhUttanUjasadrASTrakUTakanakAdRrivendrarAjaH // [6] [] tasyopArjitamahasastanayazcaturadAdhivalayamAlinyAH [0] bhoktA bhuvaH zatakratusadRzaH zrIdatidurgarAjobhUt / / kAMcI[] zakeralanarAdhipacolapANDyazrIharSavajaTavibhedavidhAnadakSaM / karNATakaM valamaciyamajeyamanyabhUtyaiH kiyadbhirapi [1] ___ yaH sahasA jigAya // [1] A setobipulopalAvalilasalolommimAlAjalAdA prAleyakalaMkitAmalazilAjAlAtta[19] pArAcalAt / / A pUrvAparavArirAzipulinaprAMtaprasiddhAvadheryeneyaM jgtiivvikrmvlenaikaatptriikRtaa| tasmi divaM prayAte valabharAje 'kRtaprajovAdhaH / zrIkakarAjamUnurmahIpatiH kRSNarAjobhUt // [10] yasya svabhujaparAkramaniHzeSotsAditAridikka kN| kRSNasyevAkRSNaM caritaM zrIkRSNarAjasya // [1] zubhatuMgatuMgaturagapravRddhareNU(ruddharavikiraNaM / grISmepi nabho nikhilaM [1] prAvRTAlApate spaSTaM / / [1] rAhapyamAtmabhujajAtavalAvalepamAjI vijiya nizitAsilatAprahAraiH / pAlidhvajAvalizu Fity bhAmacireNa yo hi rAjAdhirAjaparamezvaratAM ttaan|[] pAtA yazcaturaMturAzirasanAlaMkArabhAjo bhuvaH (1) trayyAzApi kRtadvijA ___ maraguruprAjyAjyapUjAdaro [1] dAtA mAnabhRdazraNIrguNavatAM yausau zRyo vallabho (1) bhoktuM svargaphalAni bhUritapasA sthAnaM jagAmA[16] maraM // [10] yena zvetAtapatraprahataravikaravAtatApAtsalIlaM (1) bagme nAsIradhUlIdhavalitazirasA valabhAkhyaH samAjau ||shriim goviMdarAjo jitajagadahitastraiNavaidhavyadakSaH (1) tasyAsItsUnurekaH kssnnrnndlitaaraatimttebhkuNbhH|| [15] tasyAnujaH zrIdhu [18] varAjanAmA mahAnubhAvopahatapratApaH / prasAdhitAseSanarendracakraH krameNa vAlArkavapurbabhUva / / [16] jAte yatra ca rASTrakUTati[19] lake sakhUpacUDAmaNI (1) gurcI tuSTirathAkhilasya jagataH susvAmini pratyahaM / satyaM satyamiti prazAsati sati kSmAmAsamudrAMtikA-(1) 'L.2, read raNazarvarISu, rivAtadigantakIti, rAjasiMhaH, STra | L. 14, read bhuvasmayyAzcApi. L. 15, read degpuujaadrH|| 'dapraNI', of dRSTvA broken. L. 3, read nijaM. L. 4, read sayamayaM. L.5, | yosau thiyo. L. 16, read sadAjau. L.17, read 'dakSastasyA, read bhUpaniviSTapa. L.6, read tanUjaH, kanakAdi . L.i,read | L. 18, read prasAdhitAzeSa. caturudaSi, zrIdanti . L.B, renddeg tyaiH. L. 10, read tasmin . [in

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JULY, 1883.] RATHOR GRANTS No. III. [20] mAsIddharmmapare guNAmRtanidhau satyavratAdhi SThite // [17] rakSatA yena niHzeSaM caturaMbhodhisaMyutaM / rAjyaM dharmeNa lokAnAM kRtA tuSTiH parA ha [21] di // [18] tasyAtmajo jagati satpradhitorukIrttiggoviMdarAja iti gotralalAmabhUtaH / tyAgI parAkramadhanaH prakaTapratApa saMtApitAhi [22] tajano janavala bhobhUt // [19] pRthvIvallabha iti ca prathitaM yasyAparaM jagati nAma / yazvaturudadhisImAmeko vasudhAM vaze cakre || [20] [23] khAtAsilatAprahAravidhurAM vadhvA mahAsaMyuge / lakSmImapyacalAM cakA 183 ekonekanareMdra vRMdasahitAnyastAnsamastAnapi pro [24] ravilasatsaccAmaragrAhiNI (1) saMsIdaguruviprasajjana suhRdvaM dhUpabhogyAM bhuvi / / [2] tatputrotra gate nAkamAkampitaripuvraje // zrImahArAjazarvvAkhyaH [5] khyAto rAja(bhavadguNaiH / / [22] asthiSu yathArtyatAM yassamabhISTaphalAtilabdhatoSeSu / Plate IIa. [1] vRddhiM ninAya [1] ramAmamoghavarSA [bhidhA ] nasya // [23] rAjAbhUttatpitRvyo ripubhavavibhavodbhUtyabhAvaikaheturlakSmImAniMdrarA [2] jo guNanRpanikarAMtazca satkArakArI | rAgAdanyAnvyudasya prakaTitaviSayA yaM nRpA sevamAnA rAjAzrIreva cakre saka [3] lakavijanodgItatathyasvabhAvaM / [2] nirvyANAvAptivANAsahitahitajanA yasya mAnAH suvRttaM (1) vRttaM jitvAnyarAjJAM caritamudayavA [+] skhalana kRti sahaprAtirAjya sazaMkaH (II) lATIyaM maMDalaM yastapana iva nijasvAmidattaM nsarvvatodiksa kebhyaH / ekAkI dRptavairi [5] rarakSa / / [25] sUnurvvabhUva khalu tasya mahAnubhAvaH zAstrArthabodhasukhalAlitacittavRttiH / yo gauNanAmaparivAramuvAha pUrvI zrI[0] kakkarAja[subha]gavyapadezamuccaiH || [20] zrIkakkarAja iti rakSitarAjyabhAraH sAraM kulasya tanayo nayazAlizauryaH / ta syAbhavadvibhavananditavandhusArthaH pArthaH sadeva dhanuSi prathamaH zucInAM || [27] dAnena mAnena sadAjJayA vA vIryeNa [ zauryeNa ca kopi [] [ 8 ] bhUpaH / e [te] na tulyosti na veti kIrttiH sakautukA bhrAmyati yasya loke / / [ 80 ] svecchAgRhItaviSayA dRDhasaMghabhAja: ( 1 ) prodvRttadRpta * L. 23, read vidhurAn baddhA. Plate II. L. 2 read "rAntacamatkAra, nRpAn rAjya L. 4, read saha:, rAjye tarazulkika [ rA ]STrakUTAnutkhAtakhar3anijavAhuvalena jillA yomoghavarSa iti rAjyapade vyadhatta || [ 29 ] putrIyatastasya mahAnubhAvaH kRtI [ 2 ] [10] kRtajJaH kRtavIryavIryaH / vazIkRtAzeSanarendravRndo vabhUva manurddhavarAjanAmA || [30] candroM jaDo himagiriH sahimaH prakRtyA vAtazcalazya ["] tapanastapanasvabhAvaH / kSAraH payodhiriti taissamamasya nAsti yenopamA nirupamastata eva gItaH / / [51] raNazirasei khar3aghati (?) sarAGko. L. 6, read nayazauryazAlI L. 8, read 'viSayAn L. 8, read kUTAn / utkhAta, rAjyapadaM.

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184 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JULY, 1883. [1] [1] [15] [ labhadaMDaM parAmukhIkRtya [1] zastrazatazuddhadehaH svargamagAdeka evAsau / / [1] tasyAzeSanarAdhipahRtayazasa svargaloka gtkiitteH| zrImAnakAlavarSastanayaH samabhUtkulAlaMvaH / [] valabhadaMDAkrAMtaM vighaTitaduSTAnujIvivagargeNa / pi-' tRparyAgatamacirAnmaMDalamadhyAsitaM yana || [*] priyavAdI satyadhanaH zrImAnanujIvivatsalo mAnI / pratipakSa kSobhakaraH |bhatuMgaH zubhakara: suhRdAM / / [35] tasmi svaggIbhUte guNavati guNavAn guNAdhikaprItiH / samabhUddhavarAjasa [16] mo dhruvarAjastuSTikaloke || [7] itobhimukhamApatatvalagUrjarANAM valaM (I) ito vimukhatAbho vikRtimAgatA vAndhavAH [0] _ itonujavikucitaM zamamagAtsamastaM bhayAdaho sphuraNamadbhutaM nirupameMdra khaDasya te // [37] gUrjaravalamativala[19] vatsamudyataM vRMhitaM ca kulpena / ekAkinaiva vihitaM parAgRkhaM lIlayA yena // [19] yazcAbhiSiktamAtraH paraM [1] yazaH tyAgazauryatovApa / zubhatuMgajotitugaM padaM padAmoti nAcitraM / / [1] yazca svabhujavalAjitamapIha rA[29] jyaM vibhajya bhRtyAnAM / bhayamapi vidveSijane dhanaM dadAvatthine kAmaM / / [01 dhArAvarSasamunnati gurutarAmAlo kya lakSmyA yuto dhAmavyAptadigantaropi mihiraH sadazyavAhAnvitaH / yAta: sopi zamaM parAbhavatamovyAptAnanaH [1] kiM yunaryetIvAmalatejasA virahitA hInAzca dInA bhuvi / / [1] yaM prApya vijitapUrbajasakalaguNaM pAlitA. [23] pi sagarAdhaiH 0 priyanAthalAbhatuSTA vasudhApi sakAmatAmApa || [1] tenedamanilavidyuccaMcalamavalokya jIvi Plate II 6. [] tamasAraM [0] kSitidAnaparamapuNyaH pravartito dharmadAyoyaM // [*] sa ca samadhigatA'zeSamahAzabdamahA[] sAmaMtAdhipatidhArAvarSazrIdhuvarAjadevaH sarvAneva yathAsaMvadhyamAnakAnASTapativiSayapattiyA [] makUTAyuktaniyukakAdhikArikavAsApakamahattarAdInsamanudarzayatyastu vaH saMviditaM yathA mayA [*] mAtApitrorAtmanazcaihikAmuSmikapuNyayazobhivRddhaye // viprobhUdrapalyAM bahudhanajanatAsaMkulAyaryA - ["] rAyAM (1) khyAtaH zrIdoDinAmA janitajanasukho 'dhvaryusabrahmacArI / yasminnAthajanA) dadasyavirataM prA [*] jyaM kRtAnnAdikaM (1) nizcitodarapUraNAH samabhavandubhikSakAleSvapi / / [*] nA sa labdhA dhruvarAjadevAtsa *L.13, read degkIteH, L. 15, read tasmin svargIbhUte. L. 19, read yazastyAga ,yadAmoti no. L. 21, read sadazya .L. 22, read punaH.

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[1] JULY, 1883.] RATHOR GRANTS No. III. - 185 [] traM dadau sarvajanopakAri / dine dine yasya gRhe narendrAH sahasrazo bhuMjate bhUsurAzca // [*] tasya sutaH sa[9] trapatiH nemapyanAmA tatputrAya lAkSAyaNasagotrAya jojibhAabhidhAnAya karmAntapuraprati[9] baddhaSoDazottarayAmazatAntaHpAtI pArAhaNakaM grAmaH yasyAghA[19] TanAni pUrvasyAM dizi kuMDIravalikA nAma grAmaH dakSiNataH mAhArAMtaHpA tI khaurAcchakaM nAma grAmaH tathA dakSiNata eva joNandhA nAma mAmaH pazcima taHmottakAbhidhAnaM brAhmaNasyAnaM uttarataH mohavAsakaM nAma grAmaH [1] evamayaM caturAghATanopalakSitaH sodgaH saparikaraH savRkSamAlAkulaHsasImAparyantaH sadaMDa dazAparAdhaH sotpadyamAnaveSTikaHsadhAnyahiraNyAdeyo cATabhaTapravezyaH sarvarAjakIyAnAmahasta[15] prakSepaNIyaHbhUmicchidranyAyena AcaMdrArkArNavakSitisaritparbatasamakAlInaH putrapautrAnvaya[16] kramopabhogyaH pUrvadattadevadAyabrahmadAyarahitaH abhyaMtarasidhyA zakanapakAlAtItasaMvatsaraza 1] teSu saptakhekUnanavatyadhikeSvakataH saMvat 789 jyeSThAmAvAsyAyAM Aditya[grahaNapaNi [1] zrIbhRgukacche narmadAyAM mUlasthAnatItye snAkhA satrapravarttanAyai valicasvaizvadevAmihotrAdi[kiyotsarpaNAtyaM ca udakAtisargeNa dattaH atosyocitayA brahmadAyasthiyA bhuMjato bhojayataH Plate III. paSataH karSApayataH pratidizato vA na kenacitparipaMthanA kaaryaa| tathAgAminRpatibhogapatibhirasma 4] iMzyairanyai| sAmAnyabhUdAnaphalamavetya vidyulolAnyaniyAnyaizvaryANi tRNAmalamajalavinducaMcalaM ca jIvitamA[ga kalayya svadAyanirvizeSoyamasmahAyonumaMtavya: paripAlayitavyazca / yazcAjJAnatimirapaTalAvRtama[*] tirAcchidyAdAcchidyamAnaM vAnumodeta sapaMcabhirmahApAtakairupapAtakaizca saMyukta [:] syAdityuktaM bhagavatA vedavyA-10 [] sena vyAsena // SaSTiM varSasahasrANi svarge tiSThati bhUmidaH / AcchettA cAnumaMtA ca tAnyeva narake vaset / / [46] vidhyA [6] TavISvatoyAsu zuSkakoTaravAsinaH / kRSNAhayo hi jAyate bhUmidAyaM bharaMtiye / / [1] amerapayaM prathama suvaNaM bhUvaiSNa[] vI sUryasutAzca gaavH| lokatrayaM tena bhaveddhi dattaM yaH kAMcanaM gAM ca mahIM ca dadyAt / / [8] bahubhirvasudhA bhuktA rAjabhiH sagarA[ ] dibhiH / yasya yasya yadA bhUmistasya [tasya tadA phalaM / / [9] yAnIha dattAni purA narendranAni dharmArthayazaskarANi [0] nirmA[1] lyavAMtapratimAni tAni ko nAma sAdhuH punarAdadIta / / [50] svadattAM paradattA vA yatnAdrakSa narAdhipa / mahIM mahimatA zreSTha - L. 4, read veda'. L. 6, read haranti. L. 8, the second tasya below the line.

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186 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JULY, 1888. [1] [1] [1] [10] dAnAcchre. yonupAlanaM // [1] nAyamatyaMtasaMvAsaH kasyacitkenacitsaha / [asti] khena zarIreNa kimutAnyaiH pRthagjanaiH / / [s] [H] prANena dhAryate kAyaH sa ca praNaH samIraNAt / samIrazvAticapalaH [kRta]mapyAyurahutaM / / [3] sptlokaik-|| [5] nAyasya viSNorapi mahAtmanaH / neyaM niyatavAsA zrI[] kimutAnyasya kasyacit / / [*] sAmAnyoyaM dharmasetuHsa ] baiSAmiha bhUbhujA / yatotaH pAlanIyoyaM kAle kAle mahAtmabhiH // [] koTistu vAjapeyAnAM lakSaM vizvajitAM tathA 01 sahasramaPim zvamedhAnAM svahastazcaiva tatsamaM // [7] iti kamaladalAMbuvindu. lolAM zriyamanucitya manuSyajIvitaM ca / ativimalamanobhi rAtmanInaiH na hi puruSaiH parakIrtayo vilopyAH|| [7] zrImacchubhatuMgasuto dhArAvarSAnujaH raNe yena / ninitya vairiva garAjyaM vihitaM sthiraM bhraatuH| [59] bhasmIkRtyArisenA hayagajabahulAmapyasaMtuSTabhAvo brahmANDaM vyAptukAmaH pRthuca dulazikhAbhAsuraH krodhvhiH| dRSTaH payAsanAdyairgaganatalagatairyasya gIrvANavRndaiH (saH) zrImagovindarAjo [18] nirupamavihito zAsane duutkotr|| [1] likhitaM cedaM saaNdhivigrhikshriiklyaanneneti|| [1] svahastoyaM mama zrIdhuvarAjadevasya shriimdkaalvrssdevsuuno[]|| Translation. seasonably at once slipped from them-the 1. May he proteot you, the lotus on whose | sword from their hands, animation from their navel Brahman made his dwelling, and Haral faces, and pride from their hearts." whose forehead is adorned by the lovely 5. His son, the illustrious Kakkaraja, crescent of the moon." whose resplendent glory was famed throughout 2. There was a prince, called Govind & the world, who stilled the pain of the distressed raja, a royal lion among kings, whose fame and supported the place where Hari stepped, pervaded the universe, and who, (of) pure who resembled the king of heaven (and) was (splendour), lifting his scimitar and (marching) grateful, became (after him) the gem of the straight forward, destroyed his enemies, just (Rashtrakuta) race. 16 as the clear moon, whose radiance pervades the 6. His son was Indraraja, as it were, universe, rising the tip of its orb (above the the Mount Meru of the noble Rashtrakatas, a horizon) and sending its rays) straight forward, prince whose shonlders shone with the ichor destroys at night the darkness." flowing from the split temples of (hostile) ele3. When he saw, an army flashing with phants, and were scratched by the blows of gallant warriors, coming to meet him, fortha their tusks, who destroyed his enemies on with he always, biting his lip and knitting his earth." brow, rajsed his sword, his family, his own 7. The son of him who had gained greatheart and courage." ness was the illustrious Dantidurgaraje, 4. When his enemies heard his name (pro- who resembling Indra, enjoyed the whole nounced) in a great battle three things un. earth that is girt by the four oceans." HL. 11 read prANaH. L, 15, read 'nInane, zrImacchu', Ind. Ant. rol. XI, P.113. 'nujo, nirjitya. L. 16, read degsenA, bramANDa. L. 17, read 1 Kbyt inser. vs. 3.-In my opinion the flashing (of the srms of the gallant warriors is represented as the atten bhImadro. L. 18, read 'vihitaH, hdea of the army. Kavt insor. Vs. 4. UKavi insor. ve. 1. * Kirtingor. vs. 5.-Another meaning of harivieruta dhamadhart is that given by Mr. Fleet. 13 K&yi inscr. vg. 2.-My previons translation of this 11 Kari insor. Vs. 6. verse has been modified according to Mr. Fleet's rendering,' w Kytingar. vs. 7.

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RATHOR GRANTS No. III. JULY, 1883.] 8. He conquered quickly with a handful of servants the countless host of Karnata which was unconquerable by others, and was expert in defeating the lord of K a nchi, the Kerala, the Cho la, the Pandya, Sriharsha, and Vajrata.10 9. By his valour he brought under one royal parasol this world up to the bridge (of Rama) where the water of the rows of rolling waves flashes among the line of large rocks, up to the snowy mountain where the pile of rocks (of) spotless (brilliancy) is stained by glaciers, up to the boundary marked by the sandy shores of the eastern and western oceans.30 10. When that Vallabharaja had gone to heaven, Krishnaraja, the son of K a k kara ja, who did not oppress his subjects, became king." 11. The life of that Krishnaraja, by the valour of whose arm his countless foes were utterly destroyed, was blameless like that of Krishna (the son of Vasudeva.)" 12. The whole sky in which the rays of the sun were obscured on high by the clouds of dust (raised) by the large steeds of Subhatunga, looked, even in summer, distinctly (as if) the rainy season (had come). 13. He conquered in battle Ra ha pya who had become proud of the strength of his arm, by the blows of his sharp swordblade, and quickly gained the titles 'king of kings and supreme lord,' which were made resplendent by numerous palidhvajas." 14. He was the protector of the earth that is adorned by the girdle of the four oceans, and also of the threefold (sacred science); he gave much ghi to Brahmans, worshipped the immortals and honoured his Gurus; he was liberal, proud, the first among the virtuous, the favourite of fortune; in consequence of his great austerities he went to that dwelling where death enters not, in order to enjoy the rewards of heaven." 15. His distinguished son was the illustrious Govindaraja, called (also) Vallabha, 19 Kav! insor., vs. 8. 30 Kavi insor., fragments of vs. 10. 1 K&vt insor., fragments of va, 11. 3 KAvt insor., fragments of vs. 12. 33 Kav! inscr., fragments of vs. 13. Kavi insor., fragments of vs. 15. The name of the conquered may also be read Rahappa. Regarding the term palidhodja, see Mr. Fleet's remarks, Ind. Ant. vol. VII, pp. 111, 245. Kavi insor. vs. 17-The epithet sriyo vallabhah the 187 who was expert in making widows of the wives of the conquered world's enemies, who in one moment split in battle the temples of the mast elephants of his foes, and who, his head whitened by the dust of the vanguard, ever walked in battle with sportive gait, since the heat of the sun's rays was warded off by a white parasol." 16. His younger brother was the illustrious Dhruvaraja, of great majesty and unchecked prowess, who, conquering all kings, gradually became (in fierce brilliancy) like unto the morning sun. 97 17. When that jewel among good princes had become the chief of the Rashtraku tas and he, who was intent on righteousness, an ocean of nectar-like virtues, and faithful to the vow of ever speaking the truth, ruled the earth up to the shores of the ocean, then the whole world daily felt deep joy on account of that good lord, (exclaiming) 'Forsooth, the age of truth (has returned)!'" 18. Highest joy filled the hearts of men when he righteously ruled his whole kingdom, together with the four oceans."" 19. His son was Govindaraja, an ornament of his race, a liberal (prince), dear to mankind, keeping fortitude as his only riches, who, by his great valour harassed his enemies, and whose fame was spread far and wide in this world by the virtuous.80 20. His second name, famous in the world, was Prithvivallabha. Unaided he made subject to himself the earth that is bounded by the four oceans. 21. Then, without assistance he bound them all together with crowds of kings, who were distressed by the blows of his drawn sword, in a great battle, made even fortune stable on earth (forced her) to hold his excellent glittering chauri, and made her enjoyable for his suffering gurus, for Brahmans and virtuous men, for his friends and relatives."1 22. When this (hero) before whom his enemies trembled, had gone to heaven, his son, 'favourite of fortune,' may also mean that Krishna bore the biruda Srivallabha. 30 Kavi insor. vs. 18. se Kavi insor. vs. 20. 17 Kivi insor. vs. 19. * Kavi insor. vs. 22. 30 Kavi insor. vs. 23, Kavi inser. vs. 28. The verse is not easily intelligible, as it stands. It refers to the twelve kings, Stambha and others, whom Govinda vanquished. Kivi plates, T. 27.

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188 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JULY, 1883. called the illustrious Maharaja Sarva, became king (and) famous for his virtues. 23. As (all) mendicants were satisfied by receiving (from him) the fulfilment of their desires, he made the etymological import of his (other) name Amoghavarsha (i.e. he who showers gifts not in vain) fully appropriate. 24. His paternal uncle, fortunate Indreraja, who was the sole cause of the nonappearance of wealth in the houses of his foes, and who, by his virtues astonished the hearts of crowds of princes, became a king. Royal fortune, putting away other kings, through love (for him) served him, showing her inclination for sensual enjoyments, and caused his real character to be loudly sung by all poets. 25. From whom did that (prince) fear hostility against his rule-he whose friends, skil. led in the use of) the bow and willing to die (for him) were the Mana s-he whole behaviour was virtuous-he who was in the ascendant in all the quarters of the world, because he surpassed the deeds of all other kings--he who singly, was able to bring his proud enemies to fall (and) who, resembling the sun, protected the province of Lata, given to him by his ingly ill-conducted tributary Rashtrakatas, who, puffed up with excessive pride (and) firmly allied to each other, occupied provinces according to their own will, he ruled, known as Amoghavarsha. 30. To him who longed for male offspring was born a virtuous, grateful son of great majesty, called Dhru varaja, who equalled Kita virya in valour and subdued the whole crowd of kings. 31. Because neither the moon who is destitute of intellect, nor the snowy mountain that is naturally cold, nor the unstable wind, nor the sun whose nature it is to torment by his heat, nor the salt ocean can be compared to him, he has been called Nirupama (the peerless) in (the poets") song. 32. (Standing) in the van of battle and alone putting Vallabha's forces to flight, he went to heaven, his body being purified by the wounds inflicted with) hundreds of weapons. 33. The son of him who took their fame from all kings, whose renown (even) reached heaven, was the illustrious Akala varsha, a prop of his race. 34. He whose wicked servants were disloyal, quickly recovered his paternal empire that had been attacked by the army of Vallabha." 35. subhatanga (was) kind of speech, truthful, fortunate, loving towards his servants, proud, the terror of his enemies (and) a benefactor of his friends. 36. When that virtuous (prince) had gone to heaven, virtuous Dhruvarija whose delight is virtue and who resembles Dhruvaraja, gladdened the world. 37. Here the host of the powerful Gu rjaras, hurrying up to encounter (him), there hostile Vallabha; (here) the kinsmen who had become seditions, there the treachery of his younger brother-(all) became quiet through fear of him). Ah! wonderful was the flashing of thy sword (peerless) king, Niru. pama! 38. Quite alone, he put easily to flight the very strong army of the Gurjaras that was eager (for the fray) and reinforced by his kinsmen. lorda 26. His son was (a prince) of great majesty, whose mind revelled in the pleasure of the knowledge of the Sastra's meaning, and who openly bore the ancient auspicious appellation, Sri-Kakkaraja as well as (other) second ary names. 27. To him was born a politic and heroic son, the quintessence of his race, called sri Kakkar a ja, who took care of the burden. some duties of government, gladdened his numerous relatives by making them wealthy, ever resembled Partha (Arjuna) in the skilful use of the bow, and was the first among pure men. 28. His fame wanders through the world, curious (as it were to learn), if there is any prince equal to him in liberality (proper) pride, just rule, heroism and valour. 29. After he conquered by the strength of his arm that unsheathed his sword, the exceed * I think that mandmust here be proper name. Wilson gives the meaning 'a barbarian' for it. 33 Kavi insor. vs. 81. >> Vighatita disloyalis & synonym of bhinna, and probably has the same technical meaning. 35 Either Dhruva, the son of Nahusha, or the hero who assisted the Pandavas, is meant. I am unable to propose s grammatical explanation of the word vikurvitam, but its meaning appears plain. Compare also Vikurvana Pet. Dict. sub voce.

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RATHOR GRANTS No. III. JULY, 1888.] 39. It is no marvel that the son of Subhatunga reached a very exalted station; for, just anointed, he gained highest fame through his liberality and his bravery. 40. And, after dividing his kingdom here, though it had been gained by the strength of his own arm, among his servants, he caused terror to his enemies and gave wealth to the needy according to their desires. 41. Though Mihira was united to Fortune and surrounded by crowds of noble kinsmen, though owing to his courage, he conquered (all) the regions of the world, he, nevertheless, disappeared, his face being covered by the darkness of defeat, after he had looked upon the eminence of Dharavarsha that was greater (than his own); how much more (vanish before him) timid men on earth who are destitute of brilliant fire and lowly par 42. Though the Earth had been protected (formerly) by Sagara and other (mighty kings), she nevertheless felt, rejoicing over the gain of a dear husband, only then that her desires were fulfilled, when she obtained him who surpassed all the virtues of his ancestors. 43. He, recognising that this life is unstable like the wind, or a flash of lightning and worthless, has granted this most meritorious charitable gift. And he, the lord of the great feudal barons, the illustrious Dhruvarajadeva (surnamed) Dhara varsha, who has obtained all the great titles, addresses this order to all lords of provinces, lords of districts, heads of villages, employes and officials, persons in authority, vasapakas, great men and so forth, however they may be connected with him: Be it known to you that I have given for the increase of my own and my parent's merit and fame in this world and in the 39 next 44. In Bhadrapali, in a rich and well-peopled district there was a Brahmana, famed by the name of Sri-Doddhi, a student of the Adhvaryu-(veda) who gave happiness to men. As incessantly he gave much cooked food and other (gifts), the needy had no cares 37 I have given only the chief meaning of the first three padas. There is also a secondary one, the comparison of Mihira to the sun that is obscured by Dharivarsha, the cloud, and all the epithets applied to Mihira have likewise a double meaning. as I am not able to explain this term which occurs also 189 about filling their stomachs even in times of famine. 45. When he received Trenna from Dhruvarajadeva, he founded a sattra for the good of all men. Both Brahmanas and men of royal descent dined daily by thousands in his house. His son was the lord of the sattra, Nennapya 39 To his son, named Jojibh, a member of the Lakshayana gotra, the village, called Parahanaka, which belongs to the hundred and sixteen villages connected with Karmantapura. Its boundaries (are) to the east, the village called Kundiravallika, to the south the village called Kha urachchhaka, belonging to the zilla (ahara) of Trenna, likewise to the south, the village called Jon and ha, to the west, the Brahmana settlement named Mottaka, to the north, the village called Moivasaka. This village which is defined by the above four boundaries (has been granted by me) with heartfelt devotion, together with its udranga," together with the rent paid by outsiders (soparikara), together with its rows of trees, up to the extremity of its boundaries, together with (the right of) punishment and (of deciding suits arising from) the ten faults, together with (the right of) forced labour, together with the immunity from billeting (on it) the regular and irregular soldiers, and from interference by royal officials, in accordance with the reasoning from the familiar instance of the ground and the clefts therein, to be enjoyed, with the exception of former gifts to the gods and to Brahmanas, by (the donee's) sons, grandsons, and their descendants, as long as the moon, the sun, the ocean, the earth, the rivers and hills endure, when seven hundred and eighty-nine, in figures 789, years of the era of the Saka king (had passed) on the new-moon day of the month Jyeshtha, on the occasion of an eclipse of the sun, after I had bathed in the river Narmada at the Mulasthan a bathing-place, at SriBhrigu kachchha. (This grant has been made) in order (to enable the donee) to in Vijayaraja's Kheda grant Pl. II, 33, where we read Nanna-vasdpakadatakam. (Ind. Ant., vol. VII, p. 249.) 39 Regarding udranga, see now Zachariae, 84ivatakosha pp. xxix.-260. The explanation uddhara and udgrantha (udgraha P) seem to indicate that it means the share of the produce collected usually for the king.'

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190 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. continue the (above-mentioned) sattra and (to perform his) Bali, Charu Vaisvadeva, Agnihotra and other ceremonies and (has been confirmed) by a libation of water. Wherefore nobody shall cause hindrance, 58. The illustrious Govindaraja, the son of the illustrious Subhatunga, the younger brother of Dharavarsha, who conquering the foe in battle, made the rule of his brother firm; 59. He, the fire of whose wrath, brilliant A GRANT OF DHARANIVARAHA OF VADHVAN. BY DR. G. BUHLER, C. I. E. A facsimile of the subjoined grant, which was found a good many years ago by some Kolis near Haddala, a large village on the old road from Dholka to Dhandhuka, but belonging to eastern Kathiavad, has been furnished to me by Dr. Burgess, while a paper rubbing reached me through the kindness of Colonel Watson of Rajkot, who, I believe, succeeded in getting hold of the original plates. For the second half of the grant I had also an impression on lead which I acquired six years ago from a Soni or goldsmith at Haddala. Immediately after the plates had been discovered, they were taken to this man by the finders, who, as is usually the case, suspected that they contained particulars regarding buried treasure. The Soni, who held the same belief, was unable to read the document, but secured before returning it, a copy by beating thin strips of lead into the plates. He probably hoped to get it explained by some competent person and to use the information which it contained for his own benefit. Ultimately he sold his copy to me, through the intercession of Rao Bahadur Gopalji 8. Desai, Deputy Educational Inspector of Kathiavad. [JULY, 1883. with broad and lambent flames, Brahman and the other gods, stationed in the sky, observed to be not contented with reducing to ashes the enemy's army that was crowded with elephants and horses (but) anxious to pervade the universe was made by Nirupama his messenger, with respect to this grant. And this has been written by the minister for peace and war, the illustrious Kalyana. This is my own sign manual (viz., that) of the illustrious Dhruvarajadeva, the son of the illustrious Akalavarshadeva. The grant is written on two semi-elliptical plates, measuring twelve inches in height. At the bottom they are eleven inches broad and at the height of the first line six inches and threequarters. Above the first line there is a space of one inch which bears no letters. On the first plate it shows the rude conventional representation of the moon and the sun, while it is blank on the second. No holes for rings are to be seen. The shape of the plates seems to have been The portion left out contains the usual admonitions to future kings, and the comminatory verses from the chosen in order to make them resemble the stones with semicircular tops which are frequently used for land grants and other inscriptions. No other instance of the kind is known to me. The preservation of the document is nearly perfect, and the execution very good and careful. A remarkable detail shows very clearly that the inscription was first written in exactly the same characters on a piece of birchbark or cloth, of exactly the same dimensions, and that the kansar afterwards copied it stroke for stroke. For in line 20 of the first plate a large blank space has been left between the fifteenth and sixteenth aksharas (dri and gva), because the corresponding akshara in the next following line 21, (rtti) reaches so high that it occupies a portion of the space in the upper line. It is evident that the kansar could only leave a blank space in the upper line, if he had before him an original from which he slavishly copied. The indication furnished by this fact fully agrees with what I pointed out in my article on the forged sasana of Dharasena II of Valabh1, and shows that the kansars did nothing but copy in a purely mechanical manner what they found in the originals before them. The alphabet of our grant is the KayasthaNagari which we find in the Rathor inscriptions of Dantidurga and of Dhruva III of Broach as well as on the Dhiniki plates of J&ika. Only a few letters show differences. Thus the lower part of the letter ya in compound aksharas is frequently made angular and its top usually left open. Again the letter pha has not the old form, but the latter one Mahabharata. 1 Ind. Ant. vol. X, p. 277.

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JULY, 1883.) A GRANT OF DHARANIVARAHA OF VADHVAN. 191 which is the precursor of the modern Deva- nagari and occurs in ancient Jaina MSS. and on the plates of the Paramaras of Malva. This form is paleographically interesting, because it shows that even in late times the origin of the letter pha, which consists of a pa with an inward turned carve attached to the right side, was perfectly well known to the scribes of the middle ages. The interpunction in this document is very careful. Besides the long single and double vertical strokes, a vertical stroke which is only half as long as the letters is used to mark the padas of verses, and to serve the purpose of our comma. At the end of the varneavali and of the body of the grant we find a ll O ll, which I think corresponds to the 11 3 Il of the mannscripts. I may add that for some time I have been of the opinion that the curious sign on the Radhanpur plates of Govin. da III, which looks like an old tha, has the same meaning, and is not, as I formerly supposed, the numeral sign for 20. I cannot consider it & superfluous t, as Mr. Fleet does." The historical portion of the Haddala kasana reveals the existence of a hitherto unknown dynasty of feudal chiefs of Vardhamana, called Chape, which is said to have sprung from Siva's bow (chapa). The legend regarding its origin bears a close resemblance to that which derives the Chalukyas or Chau. Tu kyas from the waterpot (chuluka) of Brahman, and clearly belongs to the order of etymological myths. If we omit the firstancestor Ch a pa, the vansavali stands as follows: 1. Vikramarka 2. Addaka regarding any one of them. It merely describes the last in the usual bombastic style, and asserts that he was liberal like Karna, brave like Arjuna, and handsome like Cupid, as well as that he destroyed cities-a feat which formerly most Rajputs accomplished in their day. We further hear (Pl. ii. 1. 2) that this paragon of a prince resided at Vardha mana, and may safely conclude that that town is the modern Vadh van in eastern Kathiivad. This follows partly from the fact that Vadhvan is called Vardhamanal or Vardhamanapura by the Jaina writers of the 12th and 13th centuries as well as by the Brahmans of the present day, and that there is no other town in Western India which bears the same name. It agrees with this identification that in the mangalacharana Siva is invoked as Dhandhesvara, an appellation which points to a connection with the ancient neighbouring town of Dhandhaka (zilla Ahmadabad), and that one of the districts over which Dharanivar a ha ruled was the province of Addana (Pl. i. 1. 4), called so after his grandfather Add a ka. It is not difficult to recognise in the name Addana that of the modern village of Hadd a 1A, near which the plates were found. The existence of Haddala can be traced as far as the 13th century, as we find it mentioned in the history of Vasta pala and Teja pala, the ministers of Rana Viradha vala of Dholka (about 1220-1241 A. D.) The superfluous initial h of the modern name is no obstacle to the identification. For in Gujarati an inorganic h frequently appears both at the beginning of words and between vowels in the middle. If the maps at my disposal allowed me to identify the other towns and villages mentioned in our grant I should, no doubt, be able to furnish still more certain proofs, that Dharanivaraha's barony included portions of the present Vadhvan and Limadi states. Accord ing to our grant the Cha pas were, like the later Thakors of Vadhvan, vassals of a greater neighbour. This fact is not merely indicated by Dharnivardha's titles samadhigatdeeshamahasabda and samantadhipati but plainly admitted by the statement (Pl. ii, U. 4-5) that "he ruled by the grace of the feet' of the king 3. Pulakesi 4. Dhruvabhata 5. Dharanivaraha. As Dharanivardha's grant is dated Saka samvat 839 or 917-18 A.D., and as the duration of an Indian generation is about twenty-six years, Vikramarka may be placed about 800 A. D. Though three amongst these rulers bear names of princes who are famous in Indian history, they do not seem to have rivalled their great namesakes by their exploits. Our grant, At least, does not give a single historical fact Ind. Ant. vol. XI, p. 157, * The oldest mention of Vardhamana-Vadhvan occurs in the grant of SilAditya IV, dated Samvat 404 or 594 A. D., Jour. Bo. Br. As. Soc. vol. XI, pp. 345, 356.

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192 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JULY, 1983. of kings and supreme lord Mahipalad eva." part of Kathia vad, and that they presumably The answer to the question to what were not weaker before the Solankis began to dynasty the latter belonged can only be that he press upon them. It is, however, a pity that must have been one of the Chuda sa ma s of even Colonel Watson's remodelled list of the Girnar-Junagadh, to whom the Gujarat chroni- Chudasamas which has been compiled from the clers usually apply the contemptuous designation records of the bards and later inscriptions, does Abhiraka Ranaka, 'the Ahir Ranas.' For not show a Mahipala in the beginning of the that is the only dynasty of Western India which tenth century. It shows a Dyas, alias Mahiincluded kings bearing the name Mahipala, pala I, who ruled from 1003-1020 A.D., while the and it is evident from the statements of the Jaina rulers in the beginning of the tenth century were chroniclers that even in the eleventh and Mularaj, 907-915, and Visvava rahs, twelfth centuries A. D. the power of the Chu. 915-940. It is possible that one of these kings da sa mas extended as far as Vadh van. Dr. may have also been called Mahipals, or that the Burgess' list of the Chudasamas, printed bardic tradition has not preserved all the names Archaeol. Rep. vol. II, p. 164, shows two of the earlier kings. Be that as it may, I do Mahipalas and another more complete one not think that the first figure of the date can which Colonel J. Watson has kindly farnished be read otherwise than I have done, or that to me, contains five kings of that name. the Mahipala of ouy grant can have belonged As regards the extent of the Chudasama to any other dynasty. I do not remember to kingdom, it appears from Hemachandra's state- have met in any other document referring to ments that in the times of the first Solauki king the history of Gujarat, with the name of the of Anhilvad, Mularaja I (942-998 A. D.) Cha pa race; but I think it probable that the it included the whole of eastern Kathiavad. Ja banvaya which Merutunga mentions is the Hemachandra, who in the Dvyasrayakosha same. After describing the destruction of describes the first attempt of the Gujaratis Navaghana of Girnar by Jayasinha, to subjugate the peninsula, narrates how Merutanga narrates that a Dandddhipati, called Malarajn on his expedition against Graha- Sajjana, who belonged to the Jaba family ripu or Grahari the Abhira of Vamanus- (Jabanvaya) was appointed Governor of Sorath. thali (Vanthali) and Girnar advanced to the The substitution of soft consonants for hard river Jam bumali, there awaited the enemy ones is so common in the Indian Prakrits that and fought a battle in which he remained I am inclined to look upon Jaba as a Prakrit the victor. It appears that this river marked form for Chapa. the frontier of Grahari's realm, and there | The object of our grant is to convey the village can be little doubt that Jambumali is a of Vinkala as a reward for his learning name of the Bhogavati or Bhogao which to the (vidyadhanam) to M&hesvara charya, the east from Vadhvan passes the large village of son of Sivade vacharya, who belonged Jamba. Though, according to Hemachandra, to the Amardakasa ita na. As AmarMularaja gained an important battle and the daka is a name of Kalabhairava and the people of Sorath submitted to him, his victory title acharya shows that the two individuals cannot have led to a permanent annexation. For mentioned possessed a religions character, it a little more than a hundred years later the would seem that the word sashtana refers in this armies of the great Solanki king Jayasimha case to a spiritual family, the line of teachers were eleven times defeated, as Merutunga tells of a Saiva sect called Amardaka. Though Saius by his Chudasama or Abhira opponent vism is not now & favourite creed in Gujarat, Navaghana and "Vadh van and other it flourished formerly in the province. Ruins of towns were fortified," it would seem in order to several considerable Mathas of the Nakulibas repel the attacks of the rulers of Sorath. These exist in Central Gujarat. Saivism was also details willsuffice in order to show that the power the creed of the old Solanki kings of Anhilvad of the Chudasamas extended not only in the and has only been supplanted later by various tenth century, but even much later, over a great forms of Vaishnavism. * Ind. Ant. vol. IV, pp. 76-77. puraikadazadhA nijasainye parAjite sati varSamAnAdiSu pureSu ba* atha zrIsiddharAjo navaghaNAbhidhamAbhIrarANakaM nigrahItukAmaH prakAraprakAra nirmApya svayameva kRtamayANa ityAdi /

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JULY, 1883.) A GRANT OF DHARANIVARAHA OF VADHVAN. 193 Transcript. Plate I. [1] oM puNyaM vyomasarijalena vahatA caMdrAMzubhiH [*] zItalaM satpuSpaM kanakAravindanicayo nirvANasaMpatka[] laM / vyAlAlIviSakandalImRgapatiprAMtaM na saMtApadaM zrI[.] dhandhezvaramUni sukhadaM vastAjjaTAkAnanaM / / [1] dhyAnAtpUnamuvAca [] sapratiravaM zaMbhuM praNamyAvanI dhyAnAdhyAsitalocane tvayi vibho pIDA[] mahaM nAsurIM / zakkA sodumilArthamudgatavapU rakSAkSamaH zaktimAn svAcApAtparamezvareNa vihitazcApAbhidhAno nRpaH // [2] api ca / / nIrandhro gata["] kaMTako 'kSatatanuH sacchAyamUrtiH sadA satpatropi vipatratAmanugataH sevyo 1. styagamyo dviSAM / zazvatsaukhyaphalapradopi sutarAM vRdvavidhAtAtmano bhUbhanmAH [m] kRtAspadopi natimAn zrIcApavaMzoparaH / / [3||] tasminuNAcerbabhUva sadRzaH zrI["] vikramArko nRpaH saMpannAkhilazaktiSaDguNayuto rAjA tato pyaDukaH / tasmAcchIpula[1] kesibhUbhRdajani mApAlacUDAmaNiH saMjAtaH pRthivIpati vabhaTo dharmasya mUrti sttH||[4] tasyAnujaH sakalabhUpanatAMghiyaH panArampabhirato dharaNIvarAhaH / PM] jAtokhilapraNayikalpatarumahAtmA lIlAvatImukha saroruharAjahaMsaH / / [5||] kiM [4] zaurya prabhutA purAbhihaNanaM gambhIratA sayatA protsAhaH kimatIcyatAmasadazo yasya ["] pratApo mahAn / audArya kulajAvatIpatisuteSvayAdaraH kopya sau yenaivaM muhureti mo zA hamamalA kaSTaM kavInAM matiH // [6] yatyAgazIryasaubhAgyagAvataH karNapArthakasaPM mazarAn / hepayatIvAdhikataranijacaritaiIlayaiva nRpaH // [1] 0 // ayaM ca prAptA 7 calazrIrapi sahajavivekAdevamabhAvayat / cabaranihitAnilAhatadIpazikhArP9] samAnamAyurArogyAdikaM // yatpazya tAdRgbalasamanvitA apyasmadAdipUrvavaMzajA ga tathAvidhavidhivilasitavizeSAt / kIrtiyazonAmamAvAvazeSIbhUtAH samabha(gavan / tadaraM dharmaviSayameva mano vihitaM / dAnazIlatapo bhAvanAtmake ca dharme gi prAyo rAjyAvasthitanRpANAM / dAnabhAvane eva pravattite / tadvasundharAdidAnaM svarga Plate II. sopAnamAkalayyAmitaguNabhAjAnena va.. ] ImAnAvasthitena samadhigatAzeSamahAzabdama [*] hAsAmaMtAdhipatizrIdharaNIvarAheNa svapitAmahanA[+] mAGkitamaDANakadezamanyaM ca bhUyAnsaM / rAjAdhirAjaparame[ ] zvarazrImahIpAladevapAdaprasAdataH samanuzAsatA satA [.] yathA dAnaM pravartitaM / tathAsau sarvAn svasamvadhyamAnabhAvibhUpAnana nyA rASTrapatiyAmapatibhogikamahattarakuTuMbikapAMcakulikadaNDapAsikamadhyagaprabhRtInsamanubodhayatyastu vaH saMviditaM / yathA mayA mAtA[P] pivorAtmanazca puNyayazobhivRddhaye tathaivAmuSmiphalAvAtyarthaM zrI madAmaIkasantAnIyazrIzivadevAcAryasatazrImahazvarAcAryAya / vidyAdhanaM [1] kanthikAsthalIsaMvadhyamAnaH vikalAbhidhAnagrAmaH sasImAparyantaH sadANIbhogaI. L. 16, road kulajAvanI. Line 21, reed degstathA. II. Line 4, read bhUyAMsa. L. 6, read bhUpAnanyA. L. 10, read svasImA. [1] zca

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194 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JULY, 1883. - [1] bhAgaH sadaNDadazAparAdhaH savRkSamAlAkulaH sakalarAjakIyAnAmahastaprakSe["] paNIyaH aparipanthanIyazca prAptodagayanamahAparvaNi paramabhaktyA mayA uda "] kAtisargeNa pratipAditaH / yasya cAghATanAni pUrvataH uttarakakAbhidhAnagrAmaH ["] dakSiNataH vikviriANakAbhidhAnagrAmaH / aparataH kuralAbhidhAnagrAmaH / uttarataH za__NAicANakAbhidhAnagrAmaH / evaM caturAghATanopalakSitoyaM vikalAbhidhAnayAmaH so. ["] tpadyamAnaveSTIkaH acATabhaTapravezaH pUrvadattadevadAyabrahmadAyavarje / bhUmicchidranyA["] yenAcaMdrAArNavakSitisaritsarvatakAlInaH zrImahezvarAcAryasya putrapautrAnvayanyAye["] na bhuMjato bhojayato vA na kenacidyAsedhanIyaH // 0 // yata uktameva bhagavatA vedavyA[9] sena vyAsena || bahubhirvasudhA bhuktA rAjabhiH sagarAdibhiH / yasya yasya yadA bhUmistasya tasya tadA [1] phalaM ||ssssttiN varSasahasrANi svarge tiSThati bhuumidH| AcchettA cAnumaMtA ca tAnyeva narake vaset // [20] yAnIha dattAni purA narendranAni marmArthayazaskarANi / nirmAlyavAntapratimAni tAni ko nA["] ma sAdhuH punarAdadIteti / zakasaMvat 3639 pauSa sudi 4 uttarAyaNe // yathA caitadevaM ta ["] thA yAmaMdAtA svahastamAropayati / svahastoyaM zrIdharaNIvarAhasya [M] likhitaM caitadrAjAdezAta sAMdhivigrahikamahiMdakena ["] pAthilasutenota // Translation. being vipatra, because it protects from misOm! fortune, which, though it ever gives the fruit 1. May that forest of braids on the head of the of happiness (to others), yet exceedingly indivine Dhandhesvara, which is sanctified creases its own prosperity, which, though it by the flowing water of the stream of heaven, chooses its location on the heads of (other) which is cooled by the rays of the moon, princes, (nevertheless) is humble (before gods which (bears) excellent flowers in the shape of) and gurus), is worthy to be served and cana multitude of golden lotuses and fruit in the not be conquered by its foes. shape of the happiness of salvation, which 4. In that (race) was born the illustrious borders on the row of serpents, on the poison. | Vikramarka, a prince resembling the sun, kandali (of the throat) and on the tiger (skin), possessing all the regal powers' and the six (yet) causes no pain, bestow bliss on you! qualities (of a king); from him (sprang) king 2. The Earth bowed to Sambhu before the Adda ka. From him was born the illustrious gave himself up to) deep meditation and spoke king Pulakesi, a crest-jewel among the with an echoing voice; "When meditation protectors of the earth. From him king rules thy eye, oh lord, I am unable to bear the | Dhruvabhata was descended, an incarnatorment caused by the Asuras," (Then) the tion of justice. supreme ruler created for the sake of the earth 5. His younger brother is Dharani. out of his bow (chapa), a powerful prince, | Varaha, at whose lotus-feet all princes bow, called Chapa, who, being of lofty stature, | who finds happiness in the embraces of royal was able to protect her. Fortune, who has become a (avish-granting) tree Moreover of paradise forall his friends, who is high-minded 3. The illustrious Chapa race, before | and a royal swan among the lotuses of the which no (other) excels, which has no weak | faces of the beauties (of his harem). points (and) no 'thorns' (in its sides), possesses 6. Why describe his valour, regal power, an unscathed body, and excellent splendour, | his destroying cities, his depth (of understandwhich though possessing excellent swords (it is | Sing), his truthfulness, great energy, or hia always) satpatra, has reached the condition of | unequalled great majesty? (There crists) 4 L. 16, road degveTikA vaja. L. 20, read dharmArtha . L. 24, The second akshara in not certain.

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JULY, 1883.] A GRANT OF DHARANIVARAHA OF VADHVAN. certain magnanimity, an exceeding respect for the sons of noble-born kings through which, alas! the pure understanding of poets is frequently confused. 7. This prince, proud of his liberality, bravery and beauty, easily puts to shame, as it were, Karna, Partha and the god with the flowery arrows by his exploits that surpass theirs. And he, though he gained immutable prosperity, reflected thus with innate discernment: "Life, health and so forth resemble the flame of a lamp that has been placed in a courtyard and is struck by the wind. Since, lo! of the former kings of my own and other families, though they were endowed with such power, nothing is left but their fame, renown and names, in consequence of such a wonderful play of fate, therefore it is preferable to set (one's) heart on (the acquisition of) spiritual merit alone. And while spiritual merit may be acquired by liberality, virtuous conduct, austerities and abstract meditation, ruling princes have usually made gifts or had recourse to meditation." Therefore, considering that a gift of land and the like is a ladder to heaven, that illustrious Dharanivarah a, the lord of the great feudal barons, who possesses unmeasurable virtues, who has obtained all the great titles, who resides at Vardha mana, who rules through the favour of the feet' of the king of kings and supreme lord, the illustrious Mahipaladeva, the Addan aka country which is called after the name of his own grandfather and a great many other (districts), has made a gift in such a manner that he issues (the following) orders to all future kings, (both to those) connected with himself, and to (those of) other (dynasties) to the lords of provinces, the lords of villages, the Inamdars, the head-men, the villagers, the scribes, the policemen, the middle-men and so forth. "Be it known to you that I have given with greatest devotion, on the day of the winter-solstice (confirming the gift) by a libation I translate panchakulika by 'scribe,' relying on the statement of Mr. Haribhal, Divan of Radhanpur, who himself bears the name Panchall (panchakulika) and assured me that Pancholl, now a common family name of kayasthas, who immigrated from Central India, meant, according to the Mahatmya, a karkun or scribe, because such a person must possess the wisdom of five races, Brahmans and so forth. Whatever the origin of the word may be, the meaning assigned to it by Mr. Haribhal seems to be correct. For Merutunga uses its simples panchakula in a similar manner. In the history of Va 195 of water, for the increase of my parent's and my own merit and fame, likewise in order to obtain the (due) reward in the next world, to Sri-Mabesvaracharya the son of SriSiva de vacharya of the famous A mardda ka line, as a reward for his learning, the village, called Vim kala, which is connected with the sthali of Kanthika, up to the extremity of its boundaries, together with the dan, the bhoga" and the share (of the produce), together with the (right of) punishing and (deciding suits arising out of) the ten faults, together with its rows of trees, together with the immunity from interference by royal officials and from obstraction. And its boundaries (are): to the east the village called Uttarakkaka to the south the village called Kikkhria na ka, to the west the village called Kurala, to the north the village called Sanai chanaka. Nobody must hinder Sri-Mahesvaracharya, when, in accordance with the maxim regarding sons, grandsons and (remoter) descendants, he enjoys or causes to be enjoyed this village called Vimkala, which is defined by the above four boundaries, which is not to be entered by the regular or irregular soldiers, which (has been granted) together with the right of forced labour resting thereon, but with the exception of former grants to gods and Brahmans, in accordance with the reasoning from the familiar instance of the ground and the clefts therein, for as long (a period) as the moon, the sun, the ocean, the earth, the rivers and hills endure. For it has been declared by the divine Vyasa, the compiler of the Vedas On the day of the winter-solstice, on the fourth of the bright half of Pausha, Saka-samvat 836. And as this is, even so the donor of the village attaches his sign-manual. This is the signmanual of the illustrious Dhar anivaraha. And this has been written by the minister for peace and war, Mahindaka, the son of Partthila. naraja, he narrates that Bhupati of Kalyana sent panchakula in order to collect the taxes in Gujarat.Madhyaga has been rendered by 'middleman,' on account of its etymological meaning. I am not aware what its technical force is. Bhoga corresponds to the modern haks, the small gifts of betel etc., due to the proprietor. The verses from the Mahabharata have been left out. i. e. agreeing to everything that has been set forth above.

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196 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JULY, 1883. T. SANSKRIT GRANTS AND INSCRIPTIONS OF GUJARAT KINGS. No. V. A COPPERPLATE GRANT OF KING TRILOCHANAPALA CHAULUKYA OF LATADESA, (DATED SAKA 972, A. D. 1050) EDITED BY H. H. DHRUVA, B.A., LL.B. The grant of which a version is given below sacred water. The Chalukyas of the south is in the possession of a coppersmith of Sarat, are said frequently to allude to this. The and was obtained on loan for me by Mr. Narbhe- Chaulukyas of Latadesa here claim that descent. ram Mansukhram. The owner had done great The Solankis of Anahilava da too, derive their puja to the copperplates, and the letters were descent from the same source as the following much filled with 'saffron and sandalwood fragmentary verse from the Vadanagar Prasasti unguents; they have suffered also from rust, of king Jayasimhadeva of Gujarat, dated V.S. and it took some days to clean them. 1208, indicates : The plates are three in number, and are # T h eWG P h goeratani yaof secured by a strong copper ring, bearing the | sadyo vIraM culukyAhavayamasRjadima yena kItipravAhaH / / royal seal upon it, -an image of Siva, in an &c. &c. &c. attitude of meditation, with his accompani- "The Creator, throwing his glance, into his ments. They weigh between 9 and 10 lbs. Chuluka, filled with the sacred waters of the These plates throw considerable light on Ganges, at once created this warrior, by name that period of the history of Latadesa and of Chulu kya, who by the streams of his fame," Gujarat, that followed the downfall of the &c. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Gurjaras and Rashtrakutas in the one district The name of the first parent is variously and the Valabhis and Cha potkatas in the other. written-as Chulukya here and in the KumaraIt belongs to the Chaalukya king Trilochana palacharita, and Chaulukya in the present pala of LAtadesa, fifth in descent from Barappa, grant. The poet Bilhana does not give the name. the contemporary and rival of Mularaja Solanki None of the Gujarati chroniclers, bards or Jains of Gujarat, and is dated in Saka 972 (A.D. Prabandha writers, --so far as my information 1050.) goes--is ambitious enough to proceed beyond The inscription is metrical, but only the first Bhuyada, with the exception of Jayasimbadeva32 verses are numbered, containing an account suri. This Jaina Yati informs us that the proof the donor and his family history. The genitor of the race was Chulukya. He ignores verses following these are descriptive of the the supernatural origin assigned to him by the donee, and the object of the gift, with the Brahmanical poets and writers of inscriptions. customary injunctions and quotations. The He wants to elevate his hero by ascribing to inscription is correctly written with the ex him a descent from king Vikrama of tradiception of the substitution of the letter (6) tional fame and glory--the originator of the for T (8) and vice versa, which is also the Samvat era. The verses are as follow : peculiarity of the present Suratis to our day. purA surArivadvizvavizvoddhAradhuraMdharaH The language is highly eulogistic of the patrons of the poet, as is generally the case. culukya iti vikhyAtaH saMjAtaH kSatriyottamaH / / 16 Although the authorities vary in details, yet dhairyagAMbhIryacAturyazauryaudAryAdayo guNAH their account of the origin of the Chaulukyas is almost identical, whether we look to the poet zrAMtA iva jagAntyA yatrAzrAMtaM vizazramuH // 17 Bilhana, or the author of the Kumarapala- yaH sAMyAmikakarmakarmaThamatiyAniva prANinAM charita, the Jaina monk Jayasimhadevastri | raudropadravakAriNorinikarAnujjAsya tIkSNAsinA about the fourteenth century of the Christian era ---or to the Vadanagara Prasasti of king nirmAyApyakutobhayaM kuvalayaM svArAjyavahAsikaJavasimhadeva of V.S. 1208, or to the present zrIkaM rAjyamatiSThipatkila madhUpaghrAbhidhe pattane // 18 grant. These Chaulukyas or Chalukyas are | caulukya iti vaMzobhUttamAmA vizvavizrutaH sprung from a "Man-jewel " formed by the Creator of the Universe from a handful of ___ Akaro nararatnAnAM suparvazreNisaMkulaH // 19

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JULY, 1883.] SANSKRIT GRANTS AND INSCRIPTIONS. 197 tadvaMzyA vizvazaMsyAbhA babhUvurbhUdhanA ghanAH - -- ---- ------- // 20 zrIsiMhavikrama iti kSitibhRtkramaNa jajJe mahezvaravitIrNasuvaNasiddhiH yaH kSoNicakramanRNaM viracayya dAnaiH saMvatsaraM nijamavavRitadAsamudram / / 21 puskora vIrakoTIrastatputro harivikramaH . svakIrtiketakaryena surabhI cakrire dizaH // 22 paMcAzIti nRpAstasmAdvismApakavibhA babhuH na sehe yatpratApAmiH zakavaMzairdevairapi // 23 tadanvayebhavakSuNNakharadUSaNavaibhavaH rAmo rAma iva nyAyasadana medinIzvaraH // 24 tataH sahajarAmAbhAdazvalakSatrayezvaraM halA zakapati pattibhidA vizvepyabhUddhaTaH (?) / / 25 adIpyata zriyA zrIdaH zrIdaDakastadAtmajaH yaHpipAsAkhyarASTrezaM gaja siMha ivAjayat // 26 bhUpAlaH kAMbikavyAlastadrAjyamatha bhejivAna yahAnairathinopyAsana dAnazauMDA suravat / / 27 rAjA rAjirathAjirAjivijayI rAjeva reje zuciryo yAtrAM viracayya devanagare zrIsomanAyoktitaH vazyAM gUrjarazAsanasya bhAganIM sAmaMtasiMhaprabholIlAkhyAM jagadekavIrajananI lakSmImiva vyUDha vAn // 28 tayoH sUnuranUnazrIH mUlarAja iti zrutaH ayonisaMbhavatvena sa camatkArakAraNaM / / 29 sAmaMtasiMhamatulaM nijamAtulaM yaH zakyA nihatya kila gUrjararAjyamApya lakSaM tathA samarakarmaNi baddhakakSa somezavaibhavavazAhalayAMcakAra / / 30 rAjA cAmuNDarAjotha yaH ------ siMdhurAjamivonmattaM siMdhurAja mRdhevadhIt / / 31 tasmAdalabharAjobhUdyatpratApAbhitApitaH muMjovaMtIzvaro dhIro yaMtrapi na dhRtiM dadhau // 32 1 Cf. inscrip. v. 7, and one of the opening verses of the Aihole Inscription dated S.S. 566 of king Palikest II. Ind. ant. vol. VIII, p. 241 : tadanuciramaparimeyazcalukyakulavipulajalanidhirjayati pRthvImaulilalAmnAM yaH prabhavaH puruSaratnAnAm // and also the verse following it : pRthvIvanabhazabdo yeSAmanvarthatAM AtaH tavaMzyeSu jigISuSu teSu bahuvapyatIteSu / / ayo durlabharAjasladrAjyaM jJAya vanAMbudaH nirmathya lATanAyaM yastadramA sakSamAM lalau / / 33 tadbhavo bhImadevobhUdyanmAhAtmyahimAgame yuktamabhojavadojabhujo nimlaanimaanshe|| 34 Formerly there came into existence the best of the Kshattriyas known as Chulu k y a, who was like the enemy of the demons, Indra, bearing the yoke of the regeneration of the whole world. (v. 16). The virtues of fortitude, gravity, prndence, heroism, generosity, &c., overcome with fatigue after roaming all over the world, took rest with him without exhaustion (v. 17). Who, having destroyed with the sharp sword of his mind hardened with the acts of war, the hosts of enemies, causing great and terrible annoyance to (all) animals like the Daityas, and having rendered the terrestrial orb fearless, and smiling with the prosperity of his Svarajya, fixed his capital in the town, by name Madh u paghna (or Mathura) (v. 18). There arose a race known by his name, Chaulukya,amine of men-jewels, endued with good shoots and branches (v. 19). There were many rulers of the earth of his family, whose splendour was praised by all (v. 20). In course of time there was born the king, by name Sri Vikramasimha, to whom was granted the golden charm, Suvarna-Siddhi, by Mahesvara, who, having freed the whole world from debt, proclaimed his own era to the very shores of the sea ! (v. 21). There sprung forth Harivikrama his son, the head-jewel of the valiant, who, with the Ketaka flowers of his fame, rendered fragrant, (all the) directions. (v. 22). From him were 85 kings of admirable splendour, the fire of whose prowess was not borne by the families in another sense bamboos) of the Sakas, even though they were very firm (deeply rooted and long established) (v. 23). _In that family was king Rama, like Rama, the home of justice, who had destroyed the majesty of the wicked (Kharadashana).. (v. 24) Cf. also the attempt of the chroniclers and genealogists of the south whe count 59 kings as having ruled at Ayodhya, and after them 16 more before Palikent. See the verse from an inscription of king Vikramaditya VI, dated 8.8.009 Ind. Ant. vol. VIII, p. 111.-tajjeSu rAjyamanupAlya gateSu rAjasvakonaSaSTigaNaneSu purAdayodhyA tAMzajAstadanuSouzabhUmipAlAHkSmA dakSiNApathajuSaM bibharAMbabhUvuH As applied to the mythical Rama, who destroyed the greatness of the demons named Khara and Ddshare.

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198 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JULY, 1883. From that natural Rama was a warrior Bhata, "It became the evening prayer and adoration who destroyed the lord of the Sakas, master (Sandhya-vandana) time to him (to Brahmaof three hundred thousand cavalry, with his dova, described in the two preceding verses), infantry (v. 25). His son was Sri Dada ka, the friend (lit. the brother) of the three worlds, the giver of prosperity, who shone with his as he was once holding conversation on splendour, who lion-like conquered Gaja, the Brahma (the Supreme Spirit, or the Vedas, or ruler of the kingdom of Pipasko (v. 26). His Yajna) with the Brahmarshis, on the bank of kingdom was occupied by the king Kambika- the divine stream, the celestial Ganges!" Vyala' by whose gifts the Arthis, the suppli- Then there follow certain verses containing Then there follow certain area cants and donees were intoxicated as with the a poetical description of the setting in of the danas of the celestial tree! (v. 27). Then twilight. Here is the verse 39 after them :there shone, bright like the moon, king Raji, saMdhyAsamAdhI bhagavAn sthitoya zakreNa baddhAMjAlanA praNamya the conqueror in many battles; who, having vijJApitaH shekhrpaarijaatdvirephnaadvigunnairvcobhiH|| performed the pilgrimage to Devanagara, there, at the injunctions of the auspicious lord of the "Now the lord sat in Sandhyd-meditation, moon (Sri Somanatha Mahadeva), married when Indra, bowing down to him and folding the princess Lila by name, who was like his hands, prayed to him, with words, strengthLakshmi, sister of Sa mantasimha, the ened with the voice of bees in the Parijataruler of the Gurjaras, mother of the single flowers in his chaplet (that touched the feet of hero of the world! (v. 28). the god)." Verses 40 to 43 describe the many Their son was known as Mularaja of marks of his favour possessed by Indra. The incomparable splendour, who, not being born passage following them may be quoted in full :-- from the uterus, was the result of a great |niveditazcArajanena nAtha tathA kSitau saMpati viplavo me miracle (v. 29). Who having killed with his lour Ther | manye yathA yajJAvibhAgabhogaHsmarttavyatAmeSyati nirjarANAm m omento sword his incomparable uncle Samanta Il y Bim h a, and having obtained the kingdom of | dharmahAmatra nivAraNAya kAryastvayA kazcidavAryavIryaH Gurjara, destroyed likewise Laksha, through the apariguardo FT TUT ERIT: fent Ilk greatness of Somesa, who was prepared for war. (v. 30). Then was king Chamunda... who puraMdareNa pratipAdyamAnamevaM samAkarNya vaco viriJciH killed in battle the Sindhura ja who was as saMdhyAmbupUrNa thuluke mumoca dhyAnAnuviddhAni vilocanAni ungovernable as the ocean. (v. 31). From him was Valla bharaja. The king of Avanti "Oh Lord, the spies have brought to my Munja, scorched by the heat of his prowess notice that my overthrow on the earth at present could not hold his patience even in the prison- is such that I believe that the enjoyment of house (v. 32). Then Durlabhar a ja, having their shares in the sacrifices will be a matter obtained his kingdom, a cloud of the forest, of memory to the gods (v. 44.) For the having destroyed the lord of Latadesa, enjoyed removing of the enemies of the faith, thou his land with his fortanes (v. 33). His son was shouldst create some one of invincible prowess, Bhimadova. At the setting in of the frost by whose family (or bamboo-staff)' as by the of his greatness the arm of Bhoja faded away streak of the rays of the sun, all directions may like the lotus (and that) very properly. (v. 34). be made happy (well supported and firmly The poet Bilhana in detailing the life and established) (v. 45). Virinchi, having thus exploits of his patron, says (verse 3) : heard the speech uttered by Indra, cast his brahmarSibhirdhanamayImamuSya sAdhU kathAM vardhayataH kadAcita eyes, bent in meditation, on the Chriluka filled trailokyabandhoH surasindhutIre patyUSasaMdhyAsamayo babhUva / / with the Sandhya waters (v. 46). Can this be the same with the Bhuyada (Sans. Bhd. ruler. Can the kingdom of Pipaal, be the regions bhata), of the Gujarat chroniclers. The verse in the bordering on and beyond the Biyas,-the Panjab and original is very doubtful. This question needs further Kabul territory of the king ? elucidation. Vysla, a synonym of Gaja? Can this be Dandaks, brother of Raja (Raji, father In other sense the ichor, or the juice flowing out of Malarkja) and Bija? But if the king mentioned in from certain trees. the last verse be Bhabhata, Dandaka, according to the . Here is one of the many quaint similes used by the chroniclere, was fifth in descent from him. poet. Here he pompare the family of the hero to a * Is it far from true to suppose that this Gajs is the bamboo-staff, taking advantage of its double meaning - Hindu or Saka ruler of Afghanistan, who gave name to on which rest all the directions--the sky firmly like Gani? See Sir H. Elliot's History of India about this an awning spread all about and held up.

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JULY, 1883.] SANSKRIT GRANTS AND INSCRIPTIONS. 199 From them rises up a warrior, who is The three next verses describe the prowess, described in the next six verses. glory and achievements of the other monarchs api svayaM paMkajaviSTareNa devena dRSTazciramutsakena of the family in general terms. vApravAdhikaprastusavastusiddhisavismayasmeramukhAMbujena ||13 The Ras Mald states that Malaraja was attacked in his newly acquired kingdom kapopale pauruSakAMcanasya paMke yazaH pANDusaroruhANAm simultaneously, by the Raja of Nagor from the myApArayandRSTimatipradRSTAmavAptapANipraNaye kRpANe // 54 north, and "Barp, the general of Teilip, the hemAcalasyeva kRtaH zilAbhiruvArajAmbUnadacArudahaH sovereign of Tehlingana" from the south. ayAvirAsItsubhaTastrilokatrANapravINa lukAdidhAtuH // 55 Further we are told that at the time of "Was he not seen by the god, who reclines this invasion Mdlaraja retired to Kanthkot in on a bed of lotuses, with his lotus-like faces, Kachh, which, according to Dr. Buhler, may be smiling in wonder at the accomplishment of inferred from his published inscription, dated the intended object, beyond expectation-was V. S. 1043." He had killed Laksha or Lakha he not seen with amazement by the god Phulani before this. . himself, who was long anxious ? (v. 53). Then The version of the story, as given by the came forth from the Chuluka of the Creator, Prabandha Chintamani, is that followed by the warrior, competent to protect the three the Ras Maia. The Kumarapaia-bhupalaworlds, having his body as beautiful as pure charita or Vastupalacharita have nothing to gold, as if he were created of the rocks of say to this. The Kirttikaumudi gives the Mount Meru, directing his highly delighted following: eye at the sword, that was firmly grasped by his / lATezvarasya senAnyamasAmAnyaparAkramaH hand; the sword, that was the touchstone of the durvAraM bAra hatvA hAstikaM yaH samagrahIt gold of manly vigour, the mud of the white "Who, of incomparable valour, having killed lilies of fame." (vv. 54-5). Bara pa, the general of the ruler of Lata-desa, ARTA E yaranma safe afyurf | that could with difficulty be repulsed, took the TRT Hafenauferatu tribute of a troop of elephants." And here " Setting forward Indra, all the thousands Raja-Purohita Someavara, the author of the of whose eyes were bedewed with tears of joy, work, gives this event the precedence of (with the words) take courage.' He, at the the war with the ruler of Kachh. According command of the lotus-enthroned (Brahma), to this authority, then, B & rapa was a general became the Dikshita (dedicated) to the de of the Latesvara, meaning thereby Tailapastruction of those hostile to the gods" (v. 56). deva, who had but recently overthrown the mAbhRskRlAnAmupari pratiSThAmavApya ratnAkarabhogayogyaH Rashtrakata Kakkala, and made himself master of his territory. But the brother-poet krameNa tasmAdudiyAya vaMza: zaureH padAhAMga iva pravAhaH / / 57 and contemporary of Somesvara, the Jaina "There rose, in course of time, from him, chronicler, Arasimha, gives the following, on the the race, like the stream of the Ganges from subject, in his poem of Sukrita-Sankirttana :the foot of the god Sauri (Vishnu), fit for vijitya ya: saMyati kanyakubjamahIbhujobArapadaMDanAya the enjoyment of mines of jewels, having obtained a footing on the heads of royal jahAra hastiprakaraM karApAtatkArasaMdIpitapauruSAgni // 5 // races." (v. 57). "Who, having conquered in battle the gene ral Ba rapa, of the king of Kanyakubja, vipakSavIrAdutakIrtihArI hArIta ityAdipumAnsa yatra wrenched the tribute of elephants from his mAnavyanAmA ca babhUva mAnI mAmavyayaM yaH kRtavAnariNAm hand (whose) fire of valour blazed up by that act." Canto II., v. 5. "Where there was the first man Harita, The present grant simply states that Bara pa who snatched away the admirable glory of the was born in the family of Chaulukya, that he hostile warriors, and the proud one, by name was related by marriage to the Rushtrakuta, Manavy a, who exhausted and destroyed the Maharaja of Kanyakubja, and that he obtained pride of the enemies" (v. 58). Latadasa, not by conquest, and by his wise and * Ratnakara, in the case of the Ganges may mean the ocean, the storehouse of pearls and gems. 10 Vol. I. pp. 51-2. 11 Ind. Ant. vol. VI, pp. 184 and 191-2.

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200 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JULY, 1883. politic rule won the hearts of the people, and date of Gojiraja falls somewhere between 916 destroyed the enemies of the realm, which and 1040 A.D. Thus Agniraja, whose name last is a mere rhetorical flourish! And it may be read as Gojiraja, strengthened his makes no mention of the defeat and death of position, by, securing the alliance and support the founder of the family by Mularaja. We of the rising family of the Yadavas of Chandod. are again informed by the Ras Mala, that But he did not live to be king; it was his at the time when Nazaranas were being son, Kirttiraja, who was the first king of poured in from every side, and presented to Latadesa. the ruler of Sarasvata Mandala, -that from The reign of this Kirttiraja seems to have Latadesa was an ill-omened elephant which been uneventful, but the last few verses greatly incensed prince Chamunda. The king, concerning him speak of his enemies and of thereupon, with Chamanda the heir-apparent, wars in general terms, and we are informed by marched hastily upon Latadesa and surprised, the Kumarapala-bhupala-charita, in one of the defeated and killed (Dvarup) in a battle. verses quoted above, that king DurlabhaHe is here named Dvarup, an attempt to raja, having destroyed Lata-natha or the Sanskritize the name. I think this Dvarup ruler of Latadosa, (Kirttiraja) enjoyed his regal must be the same as the Barp of pp. 51-2, who fortane with his land. And this is borne out may not have been killed on the first occasion by the Vadanagara Prasasti thus : as there stated. From the parallel instituted TET W Y TR font rett between Agniraja, (Gongiraja ? Goggiraja ? or | saNe darzayatisma lATavasudhA bhaMgasvarUpaM phalam / 16 Gojiraja P), the "first home of the family," "The wavy creeper of the brow of him (Dur. that recovered the land submerged under the labharaja), the ocean of anger, exhibited soon waves of foreign conquest and overwhelmed the fruit in the form of the destruction of the by the demons of enemies (meaning the kingdom of Lata" which clearly indicates the Chaulukyas of Anahilavada), and the Varaha death and destruction of Kirttiraja, that is conAvatara or boar incarnation of Vishnu,-the cealed by the writer of the grant, as would very relationship and close connection of the Lata naturally be the case. Kirttiraja was succeeded Chaulukyas with the Chalukyas of Kalyana, by Vatsar aja. This Vatsara ja presented the who had for their cognizance the Boar, may god Somanatha of Pattana in Sorath with a be inferred (v. 11 of the grant). If this gold umbrella, resplendent with jewels. He also Gojiraja be the same "Chalukya noble Goji founded charitable institutions for the poor and raja," of the grant of the Yadava king the helpless (v. 27). His son TrilochanaSennachandra II., dated $.$. 991 (A.D. 1069), pala, the donor of the grant, seems to be the we shall be able approximately to fix his last of his line, for we do not hear of any period. The grant mentions that a Yadava king kingdom of Latadesa subsequent to this time. Tesuka, of Chandod (whose family had settled The country in the time of Karna and his there, emigrating from Dvaravati or Dvarika glorious son Jayasinhade va and their about 850 A.D.) had for his wife, princess successors being comprised within the empire Nayiyalla, danghter of a Chalokya noble Goji- l of Gurjarat. raja. This Gojiraja's son-in-law, Tesuka, is said The minister of war and peace is Sankara. to have succeeded Vadig, who was married Trilochana pala bathes in the western sea to the daughter of the Silhara king Jhanjha, at the port of Agastya-tirtha and makes the whose date is put down as A.D. 916. The grant, from which I conclude that it or some successor of Tesuka is one Bhillama, who is said place near it was most probably the capital of to have conquered Ahavamalla, son of Jaya the monarch. Agastya-tirtha, I am informed, simha Chalukya (1040 to 1069 A.D.) So the is what is now called Bhagva Dandi. >> Vol. I, pp. 61-2. 1 For, the extensive conquesta of Jayasimhadeva in the south did include the minor province of Latadesa as the following passage from the Prabandha Chaturvinjati, Madanavarma Prabandha, states; mAlavadezasvAyanIkaraNAnantaraM dakSiNA pathe mahArASTra tilaMga ko 5 pANyAdirASTraNyasAdhayat / / __ anantaraM dhana saMghaTitaM / tatogUrjaradharAM prativyA ghuTat / / (P. c. Ins. p. 47). He (Jayasinhadeve) subdued the kingdoms of the south, vix. those of Maharashtra, Tilanga, Karta, Pandya, &o., after the conquest of MAlava. Their wealth was largely drained, so he proclaimed in the land of Garjara the expedition against king Madanavarma the wealthy ruler of Mahobaka in Bundelkhand.

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JULY, 1883.] SANSKRIT GRANTS AND INSCRIPTIONS. 201 Erathana, the village granted, is situated inland. Nagamy is Nagada (?) Vadathana, in the Olpad talukk of the Surat district. Fivelying to the south of ErathAna. Nagada is kos from Erathana is & place called Karan desolate now. Vatapadraka is Vadoda lying to Pardi. Near Karanj is a hillook called Mehe- the S.E, Lingavata is Lingoda or Nagada in larun Tekre, and a tradition there goes that it thos. of Erathana, or it may be Lingataraja in WAS & place of resort of the Padishahs of old in the Choras! taluka, belonging to the Sachin the Badshahi times. It contained once & State ? Siva is Siva still. Can Indotthana be palatial building which was a place of takhat modern Narathana Tembartka is Timburva in meaning thereby the metropolis of the country. the Chorast taluk. Talapadraka is Taloda or At about a kosand a half from Karanj is Bhagva| Talada to the 8. of Erathana. The other places Dandi, and they are separated by a croek running cannot be identified. - Transcript. Plate I. (1) 9 OM namo ninAyakAya // svasti jayobhyudayazca // vANaM vINAkSamAle kamalamahimayo (") vIjapUraM trizUlaM khaTvAGga dAnahastAbhayakarasahitAH pANayo dhArayantaH / rakSantu vyaMja(2) yantaH sakalarasamayaM devadevasya cittaM nocedevaM kathaM vA tribhuvanamakhilaM pAlitaM dAna(.) bebhyaH // 1 // dadhAti panAmaya cakrakaustubhe gadAmayo zaMkhamihaiva paMkajaM / hariH (6) sa pAtu vidazAdhipo bhuvaM raseSu sarveSu niSaNNamAnasaH // 2 // kamaNDalu daNDama(") ya zrucaM vibhubibharti mAlA japadattamAnasaH / sRjayajo lokamapohituM ripUtrasaizca (') sabai rasito vizeSataH // 3 // kadAccidatyakhedotyacintAmandaramanyanAt / viricce thu(7) lakAmbhoghe rAjaranaM pumAnabhUt // 4 // deva kiMkaravANIti natvA prAha tameva saH / samA "" diSTAryasaMsiddhau suSTaH khaSTAbravIca taM // 5 // kanyAkubje mahArAja rASTrakUTasya kanya. (10) kA labdhvA zu(su)khAya tasyAM vaM caulukyAmuhi santatim // // itthamatra bhavetkSatrasantati(") vitatA kila / caulukyAtmathitA nadyAzro(lo)tAMsIva mahIdharAt // // tatrAnvaye dayita(1) kIrtirakIrti nArI saMsparzabhIta ivaM vajitavAnparasya / vArapparAja iti vizrutanA(1) madheyo rAjA babhUva bhuvi nAzitalokazokaH // 8 // zrIlATadezamadhigamya kRtAni (") yena satyAni nItivacanAni mude janAnAm / tatrAnurajya janamAzu nihatya zatrUna ko(1) zasya vRddhiphalamApa nirantaraM yH||9|| tasmAjjAto vijayavasatirmoji(?)rAjaH kSi(1) tIzo yasmAdanye manujapatayaH si(zikSitA rAjadharmama / yo gotrasya prathamanilayaH (") pAlako yaH prajAnAM yaH zatrUNAmami ( )tamahA mUrdhni pAdaM vyapatta // 10 // Plate II. A. (.) AtmabharUdatA yena viSNume(ne!)va ma hIyasA / balibhiH sA samAkAntA dA(2) navairiva vairibhiH // 11 // pradyumna vanmadanarUpadharocyutasya zrIkI(7) tirAjanRpatiH sa babhUva tasmAt / yo lATabhUpapadavImadhigamya cake dharmeNa (.) kIrtidhavalAni ghi(digantarANi // 12 // santAnatantuSu protAzyolakyamaNayo na. (7) paaH| tasyAM tu maNimAlAyAM nAyakaH kIrtibhUpatiH // 13 // goH piNDe bhauti(deg) ke bhUri padAryAyatane gurau / sUte kSIraM zirA kApi mAtA strISu tayaiva saM // 14 // (') Ajanma dRSTayA (1) timanoharasA mudA tathApUryata sarvalokaH / yathAmRtApUrNaghaTIsamAnaM nAri() vyatApi stutibindupaavH|| 15 // samepi sahaNIpate pakAmasyeva yoSitA / bhoganena

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202 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. . [JULY, 1883. () parastrINAmucchiSTasyeva vajitaH // 16 // lamaM tathA kSmApatipANipa(pA)de sthitaM yayA va(1) kSasi ratnasAraiH / gauNaM tyajadbhiH zrutikuNDalAbhyAM kRlA padaM mukhyamathAsthitaM taiH // 17 // (1) AlambanIbhUtamahIdharAstAnulaMdhya juSTaM patanaM guNaughaiH // kutonyayA te sahajA ba(19) bhUvuH kathaM ca te tatsaha vRddhimApuH // 18 // sa yauvanonmattagajendrapAdvAvanmano(11) mArayadevametat / tasmAdatehIndriyakheTakena vilaMdhitA vaiSayikI na sImA // (4) // 19 // kAyena gehAdinibhena jIvo vyomeva jantorvyavadhIyate sma / tasmAtparasminna(11) hameva malA lakSmIM samAM yorthijanairabhuMkta // 20 // bAhU balI kopagurozca vAsovakSastathA (16) namramavekSya cApaM / doddhataM mastakameva yeSAM dviSAM chinatti sma raNe sa vIraH // 21 // Plate II. B. (1) pRSThaM dadaccApamabhidviSaM yaH priyaM cakAra dviSati prayuktAH / lakSAnugA mArgaNa(18) puMgavAste jAtAH kRtArthAstata evaM yasmAt // 22 // tasyAsIdavicArakIrtidayi(19) tAnistUM(striM )zahastasya yA saMgrAme sabhayeva hanta sahasA gacchatpareSAM gRhaM / sA vAcyA(20) pagamAya tena dadhatI divyaM pratApaM purogrAntA saptasamudramaNDalabhuvaM su(zuddhati (21) gItA suraiH|| 23 // tasmAcca vatsarAjo guNaratnamahAnidhirjAtaH / zUro yuddhamahArNava10) mayanAya mandaraH khyAtaH // 24 // AnAlyAdiyamatra mUrtibhavane bhadraiH samaM zrIH sthitA (25) vrIDApyatra vadhUriva svaviSayaM pracchAdayantI satI / tAmevAdhikatAM nayayaviratAM (2) bharturmano jAnatI sA viSNoriva vatsarAjanRpateH sApatnavarja sthitA // 25 // (25) sahakAmbaraduHsthale kAzvikoNanitA dizaH / itIvAcchAMdayacyAgI vatsezaH kIrti(10) kappaiTeH // 26 // hemaratnaprabhaM chatraM somanAthasya bhUSaNaM / dInAnAyakRte satra(7) mavAritamakAri saH // 27 // tasyAGgasaMbhavaH zrImAMtrilocanapatirnRpaH / bhoktA (29) zrIlATadezasya pANDavaH kalibhUbhujAM // 28 // tyAgepi mArgaNA yasya guNagraha(29) NagAminaH / so dharmo dhave vakraH sau(zau)ye gopAlavikramaH // 29 // aho vRddha(39) sya tasyAsana zatravo vikalA bhUsaM(zaM) / bhoktastasyaiva te citraM vihAramalazAlinaH // 30 // (31) zatroH saMgarabhUSaNasya samare tasyAsina(nA!) pAtite mUrdvanyAsu(zu) galatsu kaNTha(31) valayAdraktasya pUrevalam / tattejomayavanhitApitavapustasyAsavarNasya(1) Plate III. . (') tannUnaM bhAjanamullalAsa sahasA khaDgordhvahastaM calaM // 31 // dharmazIlena tene(2) daM calaM vIkSya jagatrayaM / gobhUhiraNyadAnAni dattAnIha dvijanmanAM // 32 / / (3) sA(zA)ke navasa(zatairyukte dvisaptatyadhike tathA / vikRte vatsare pauSe mAse pakSe ca tA(*) mase // amAvAsyAtiyo sUryapavaNyaGgAravArake / galA pratyagudanvantaM tIrthe cAga(3) syasaMjJake // gotreNa kuzikAyAtra bhArgavAya dvijanmane / vaizvAmitradevarAtA(6) vaudalaH pravarAstrayaH // imAnudvahate grAma mAdhavAya trilocanaH / dhi(or vilIzvarapa(1) thakAntacittvAriMzasaMkhyake / erathANanavazatamadAdudakapUlakaM // samastA(8) sasImAnamAghATestarubhiryuta (sic) / devabrAhmaNayordAyAnvarjayinA kramAgatAna // pUrva(2) syA(syAM) dizi nAgAvA grAmavaMtikA tathA / vaTapadrakamAneyyAM yAmyAM liGgavaTaH si(1) kaH / indotyAnaM tu nairRtyAM vahuNadazvA pare sthitaH / / vAyavyAM TembarUkaM ca saumyAM tu talapa(1) drkN| IzAnyAM kuruNayAmaH sImAyAM kheTakASTakaM / AghATanAni catvAri AyaiH sa (+) mase gotreNa kuzikAmAlA mAdhavAya tri

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CHAULUKYA GRANT OF TRILOCHANAPALA.-SAKA 972. namAvinAyakA TAsvastiyodayA[[vAvI lAmAlekamalamasmitA vasamatala rahatA gadAnaha svAsa TAkata ditA yA yAtanamantrI rUmAla / yAtrahamakalasamaca davadavaTA titAnAnidikavivAti sutanmayatalapAlidAna (vA ra vAtapaghAmavatakatAnuragayAmAtAgatalAmAdevapakatAca mi8 tyAnavid vipAtano chustAniyAmAnasamAlAkamAludA / tzutA virunimAlA upadatamAnasazasatAlolokamAyAdisinate srvnsitaatishaat:|| sAtAntideyatAdAtacintAmanamaMtanAt vitispastu lukaalaavnaatnntpumaanet||4aaddkdinvaaliitintaapraatt nAmaTamasanamA (da zAsanizitaptaHlA vatIhatAMtAtalyA te mahAnAmAvalaratyakakA tAlavAzuvatAratamAtAtIla kaadimnntimaa||6||tm vastAvalAvatAta vita tAlilAtoludyAvadhitAna dyA:zItI sItamATImAtA mAnavAvAyadapata kIrikIrti nAtIne mArzIta vavartita vAyaratA tAnAnAmaniti zunanA malaTAnADAvarUvati naashitlokshaakaa|| zIlATa da zamavizamAhatAna yinasamA ninAta tanAnimuda unAkAgAtavAnumAna mAzAnadayazavanAkA / rAsA tRdilamAyanimantranaya jAtasmA hAtAdilapata sAtamA bhijAtaka nAgaravAda vAmanurupatayA (sAle tAnAjava manAyANAvasyAvazamAnala para pAla (kApatAnAyazavapAnAni / tamada nA mUTUi pATa vAtantramA ) | J. BURGESS PECIT. Original Size 107 by 7 inches.

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CHAULUKYA GRANT OF TRILOCHANAPALA.--SAKA 972. la. vAtAsUna hatAyana tighAnavama . dIpasAta ni kasA samA kA vAdA / lenitA sidi)) dAvAda navapavatArAtalA dhiidii| mAu rAtisata va tasmAtAmolATa rU payAda dI ma tigAda (katAmA |mItiMdavalAmiti gavatAmA jAna taMtuSupAtA (pyAlanyAta yAka tasyAnamAlAyAtAyAtakArtirupati / / 73 // (gAva dalAla ki rUpiratAyatAlagu tAsAta kona (nAkAvinA tAtrachutAtta / 14 // cArajAra plAtimanAra nasAmudAta ghATIta lAvAvATanAcanapyUTomamAna tAna rAtApitra titipAti 3AstAmatisAdalAyAta pakAtAyAtamA matadAna sIpAe simA ta ta hi ta lagata vAlA pratipANi ca hita TATA va mAsisava sAne govA uditika rAsAdAda badAmavAsi taate||2|| mAlavana stanapAnAulayasApatnapAla kaptAnAhAtapaTakAta ra taka ta dAta naTa hinApula (TAta nAnnAnagAuna bAladinAta nAtA pATa tAttAta mAda tadandi TAlataTa kina tilajinA tihAvita nsiimaa| 10 kA raMna pAdAdi nirana lIlAtAmAta kaanaativaaptmaatsmaataapsinn| ra matagatAlakAsamAmAlitanAra rU.20 TATa talAkArAgAgAgatAsAta mA jayamAvazAvApaTa pora tpskaaytraajaadaagaatrmnaapsaataamH||27naa

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116. CHAULUKYA GRANT OF TRILOCHANAPALA.-SAKA 972. baMdada jApamasi dviSTA | vikA radda bani prAkA lakSAnugAmAgu puMgavAsa jAnAkA ptymaat||22|| syAdavitAna kI niyami yAyAvata sahasA gayaSAgRha sAvA vA mAyAvatI samudra lavaddati giitaasuH|| 23||nmaa niti jona nehA leva manAmA 24 // AvAdiyamana va nirutA vAyaviSAdAtmAvikA nAyavatI IrmanI jAnatI mAvi jJAniva samAja yAtaH patra sAha kAnaduvaikA viko dhanAdivAdayatrI karNAla26- nilamanA mAtA tAni kAnisamA lAna pi zrIlA ttraamaapaatuklirujiiN||||||yaa vimA gAya sA gulagurU yogapAla vikrmH||2|| AmavAta dina vidyAnAni // OM minAtha khugala sukATha mAtA navapusavalA mahAmAtamiti sAta syAnazvAvAdikalA vAsa garubATa samAna tasyA vala. yA draktamA prabala mAnAvAlA

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CHAULUKYA GRANT OF TRILOCHANAPALA.-SAKA 972. tannanaM sAunamala lAmAmAdamAravaTA Ida cl| varmAzIlanAtane dalavAlAta gavayA (gAdisarA dAnAnidavA nITa ditvaanaa|22|| zA(kana tmAteTI vaha sappaTAvika nabAdi ka te va lasa TolamAsa hotA mAmalAmAtA mAtiAvosUryapat pAjhAna vAnakagavApAgadvannAcA vAlA (kAgAvAku zikAyA vasA vATayahiunmAnAsyAmivAda mAtA / dAdalapavanAyaTA mAnahAlatamAmAta vAcati loTanahAtilAzana kAnnAna vA (saMgakA patA navarAtamATAdudu karate kAsamantrA yasarI mAnavApATasvara litAdevavAhANAyAdATayAna disatAkamAgatAnAplava mA dAnA sAnAgA samnati kAnatAvirapaktamAna pyAyAmamA liGgaTana 13133vAhAune tAnAzAvAta sitamatAyavATa mRkavAsomagAutalapa kAzIta guNagAmA sImAmA svaTakAlatAkAsATanAnitavAnavAyaesa samI mAtabhataramAditnasyAmA utonAta kalyanAta tAtikhananAna sAhA / kA satAkesAta TayAdilo mAramAtadArAparamAdanAyalanedimAvasmedinAgapAtakama ghAtAtalAmAnogatAmoDarnupANAkAlekAlepAlanAbAdatAttAparavAptavasulIvAnAmAvatA tamadAsAtagAmakAgadAmekAha mohamagulATanana nakamAghAtikAdadAtAplavamAnAnIda nAnAdAptikAmAdiyasamAgitamAlAvAtipatimAninAnAkAmAnAmAvuHpunasAdadAtAvadAna vasudhAnAtasaMgamAdiviSyAsAyamoTAra mitrAsotasAtadAtalatAnAntamATAmadAsAvitigAda kAlikAnApAnAmini lAvalAdampAla ram / / J. BURGESS FECIT. Scale 8 10 of original, W. GRIGGS, PHOTO-LITH.

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JULY, 1883.) SANSKRIT GRANTS AND INSCRIPTIONS. 203 (1) hssiimkaiH| tasmAdijavarasyAsya bhuMjato na vikalpanA kartavyA kaizcana naraiH sArthasA(1) dhusamAkhyakaiH / ayaivaM yadi loptAsya sa tadA pApabhAjanaH / pAlane hi parau(ro)dharmo TTU raa ('") hat / tathA coktaM sAmAnyoyaM dharmasetu pANAM kAle kAle pAlanIyo bhavadbhiH svavaMzajo vA paravaMsa (za )jo vA rAmo bata prA. (15) fua ACT or TT: voc. pl.) FRAK #I HAGICHUA T HAT THETICHET (9)are a (16) Ata ger ahefa THTICTE(T) UT fogaisa afasta af (?) konAma sAdhuH punarAdadAti / bahubhi(1) vasudhA bhuktA rAjabhiH sagarAdibhiH yasya yasya yadA bhUmistasya tasya tadA phalam likhita (sic.) HY HTraffre(18) fre(TOT II Hatia II Il 17 11 . Translation. creator replied on the matter of the fulfilment Om! Salutation to Vinayaka! Hail! Victory of the object (v. 5) :and prosperity! O thou Chaulukya, king of kings, marryMay the arms of the god of all gods (Siva) ing the princess of the Rashtrakutas in Kanyaprotect (you or us),-bearing in his eight kubja, bless thou (the world) with offspring hands) the arrow, the vina, and the rosary, the obtained of her (v. 6). lotus, then the serpent, the citron, the trident, Thus here there may be for certain a far and the club (khatvanga, "*)-gift-conferringand extending race of the Kshattriya-born of at the same time terrifying (!)-making clearly Chauluky a, like the many streams of a manifest his mind, all sentimental as it is. river from a mountain (v.7). Otherwise how could he have protected the In that family was known a king, a reworld, from the Danavas ? (v.1). nowned name Barappa, beloved of Fame, May that Hari, the lord of the celes- who avoided the wives of the enemy, afraid tials,--his mind full of all (poetic) flavours, - as it were of even (their) touch (v. 8), who preserve the world, who bears the Padma, the having obtained the country of Lat a, verified discus, and the gem Kaustubha, the mace and to the delight of the people, the maxims of the the conch-shell, and here again the lotus ! science of politics : and who winning over his (v.2). subjects and destroying his enemies, always The unborn lord (Brahma) bears the ka- obtained the fruit of the replenishment of his mandalu" and the sruch, and the rosary, telling treasury (v. 9). the mantras (on its beads). He, the more parti- From him was born Gongiraja-the cularly tinged with poetical) feelings, creates native land of victory,-- from whom all kings mankind to keep off the enemies ! (v. 3). learnt the duties of royalty-the first home Once upon a time there arose a man, a jewel of the family, the guardian of his subjects, who of a king, from the ocean of his chuluka," by the planted his foot on the crest of the enemies churning of it with the mount Mandara of of unbounded splendour (v. 10), who relieved anxiety arising out of the depression caused) his own land like the greater Vishnu, the land by the Daityas (v.4). that was seized upon by powerful enemies like He, having saluted him, said, "What shall demons (v. 11). I do, o lord ?" And to him the well-pleased From him was the gloriotis Kirttirje 1. Khagvanga is a club or staff with a skull at the top, considered as the weapon of Siva, and carried by macetics and Yogis Vide Mon. Williams' Sans. Dict. 16 Tho wooden ewer for carrying water used by Yogis and Sanny sins. Ib. 10 Sruch is a sort of wooden ladle used for pouring clarified butter on a sacrificial fire, made of Pallas or Khadirs wood. Ib. 11 Chuluka may mean the hand hollowed to hold water an Asjali, op waterpot-kaman dahe. Vide H.

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204 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (JULY, 1883. as beautiful as the god of love, as Prady- himself to be present ever in others, enjoyed his muna was of Achyuta, who, gaining the throne wealth equally with needy suitors (v. 20). of Latadesa, by righteousness made the Looking to whose agile hands, the home of directions bright white with (his) fame. great anger, 80 also the heart and the bent (v. 12). bow,--the warrior (king) lopped off the heads King Kirtti was the central gem (nayaka) of the enemies, tossed on high through pride of the diamond necklace, on the threads of (v. 21). Who did good by bending low the generations of kings the precious gems of the bow towards the enemy. So his best arrows shot Chaulukyas (v. 13). (His) mother out of at the foe, hitting right the mark, gained their all women gave birth to him, as some undis- end thereby (v. 22). He, sword in hand, had tinguishable vein in the great, material body of a thoughtless beloved in kirtti (fame) who the cow, the resting place of the padarthas (or alas! afraid as it were, went over to the house elements) gives birth to milk (v. 14). All of the enemies, and censured to return, she, people were filled with delight, at the sight of bearing the celestial lustre of the circle of him, from his birth, who was so beautiful that earth (watered) by the seven seas, bewildered of they were not emptied even though they dropt old, was sung by the gods as pure" (v. 23). out drops of ambrosia like an ewer of ambrosia. From him was born Vatsaraja, the great (v. 15). ocean of the precious gems of virtues, the Equally alluring though they be (viz., beauty valiant (one) famed as mount Mandara for the and dainty viands)-yet he avoided the enjoy- churning of the ocean of war (v. 24). Here ment of others' wives, like the tasting of the rests from infancy downwards in the mansion leavings-left after eating (v.16). They (i.e. of statues this Sri, the goddess of fortune the virtues ?) adhered to hands and feet, as with the auspices, and here is chaste Modesty, the best gems stuck fast over his chest, they too, like the bride, well concealing her passion, (clung), through the instrumentality of the Sruti knowing the mind of her lord bringing about Kundalas--the earrings, adopting (it or them) uninterrupted greatness. She rests here withas the principal step or seat (pada), eschewing out a rival with king. Vatsaraja, as with the secondary or unessential one; but alas! Vishnu (v. 25). they could not keep themselves (there) (v. 17). Some quarters of the world, as all of them The collections of virtues, spurning the cannot be accommodated in a single ambara princes that served as supports (to him),- (i.e. sky or cloth) nestled into a corner. So chose the alighting (as above): otherwise how the bounteous king Vatsa dressed them up could they have been natural, and how could with the robes of (his) glory (v. 26). they have grown up with him" (v. 18) P He He dedicated an umbrella resplendent with caused his mind to be slain, running from the gold and jewels as an ornament to the god side of the infuriate elephant of youth, since Somana tha, and instituted an asylum unimwithout it the herd of senses could not steppeded for the poor and the helpless (v. 27). over the borders of carnal desires (v. 19). His son the glorious king TrilochanaThe soul of man is like akasa enclosed by pati the ruler of La ta desa & Pandava his body, like a house, &c. So he, seeing among the kings of the Kali age (v. 28.). 1 The construction of these two verses and the follow on of these two verses and the follow. philosophy and breathed generosity from it and enjoyed ing is involved and obscuro. The poet like his con- his wealth in common with the suppliant at his doors. temporaries rovels as it were in intricate construo. (v. 20.) tions. The meaning of the verses may be summed 10 This verse too is another of the kind mentioned up thus: the king forming the subject of the versies was above. Its substance may be this: The beloved of the the suzerain or prince Paramount, and his virtuous feudal king is Fame wayward girl. She afraid of his Vasals doing homage touch his hands and feet with their strength and sternnese goe over to his enemies,-that heads. So the virtues possessed by them flowed out as is they fighting valiantly against him win fame that it were by the Sruti Kundalus (that is they were sung scoompanies them to the abode of the celestials. She all about, and so they reached their ears, and from that is censured for this abandonment is bewildered and is they were again promulgated I) they left the subordinato forced to return. She is resplendent with the heavenly position, settled upon the principal seat: but alas! there glory of that visit. She spreads over the whole circle too they could not rest. They chose to alight there, of the world marked about by the seven seas of the leaving the prince: they could not rest on his hands and Puranas. This may mean that the king has vanquished feet, they went all over his heart and mind, grew natural all his enemies that have gone to the next world and to him and were developed with his own development. This conquesta extend far and wide. So the gods sing He chooked his mind running riotons from youth and so it as pure. his songes were controlled. He learnt the beauty of

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CORRESPONDENCE AND MISCELLANEA. JULY, 1883.] Whose solicitations (or arrows) even in giving over (or discharging) went on discriminating the virtues (or proceeded from the twanging of the string of the bow): he was Dharma or justice to truth,-and cross with the cheat; in valour like Vishnu (v. 29). Oh, the old enemies of him were very much confounded. Strange it was they were marked with the stain of enjoyment while he was the enjoyer (v. 30). He, having lopped off with his sword the head of the enemy, who (was) the ornament of the field of battle,-and sufficient of the streams of blood flowing fast from the ring about his neck (by the swordcut): certainly the body of him (i. e. the enemy) changed in colour, all of a sudden all its members heated with the fire of his splendour, flashed forth quick with the armed hand! (v. 31). That very pious (king) perceiving that the three worlds were transient, gave here land, cows and wealth to the twice-born (v. 32). In the Saka year 900 and 72 more, in the year Vikrita, in the month Pausha, in the dark fortnight, on the day of the new moon, that of the solstitial festival, on Tuesday,-king Trilochana, going to the shores of the western-sea, to the sacred place Agastyatirtha, gave to Madhava, a Bhargava, of the gotra Kusika, having for his Pravaras Vaisvamitra, Devarata and Audala, a village, with water in hand, in the Erathana Nine-hundred in the sub-district of forty-two and the district of (Vi- or) Dhillisvara. This all entire, CORRESPONDENCE PROF. BHANDARKAR AND THE GATHA DIALECT. To the Editor of the Indian Antiquary. SIR,-I have read Professor Bhandarkar's review of my paper on the Nasik Inscription with great interest, and, I will add, with much pleasure; for it is a pleasure to have to deal with an antagonist so able and so courteous. I will not occupy your valuable Journal with a controversy; for as to the main point, the Gatha-character of the Nasik record, I shall have an opportunity elsewhere of setting forth and defending my views in detail; and as to minor matters, the construction of particular compounds and the like, 30 This verse describes the valour of the enemy of Trilochana engaged in a combat with him. The enemy is proud, noble and valiant. A dexterous blow from the king's sword outs off his head, yet his trunk instead of falling dead and motionless on the ground, not quailing 205 properly bounded, with the trees, (but) without the claims of gods and hereditary Brahmanas. To the east of it is the village of N &gamba and also Tantika: south-east Vatapadraka: south Lingavata Siva: southwest Indotthana: west Babu'nadasva: north-west Tembaraka: north Talapadraka: north-east Kurunagrama. Thus the eight villages bounding it. Therefore the four skirts with the products therein, the Brahman (shall) enjoy: so no one should make any hindrance to him of the communities known as Sadhus or Sankars. And if there be any transgressor he will be affected by him. There is great merit in keeping (this) up-in the robbing of it great sin. And so it is said. This bridge of righteousness is common to all kings, and you should from time to time keep it up, whether of my race or of another's. Thus Rama beseecheth future kings: a bride, a cow, ground even as much as half an inch,-one that usurps them, goes to hell till the time of the universal destruction. Those objects of charity, utility, or pleasure, &c., that are instituted of old by kings, taking them as sacred, what good (is there if) man resumes them ? Many have enjoyed the earth, Sagara and others. His is the merit whose it is at the time. This is written by me, the great minister of peace and Sankara. war, Of Sri Trilochanapala. AND MISCELLANEA. having expressed my view, 1 do not care any further about them. In the meantime, however, I may briefly state the difficulty which I feel regarding the line of argument adopted by Professor Bhandarkar, in appealing to Panini's authority. That argument is plausible enough to suggest itself at first; but the difficulty is this, that if we hold, as the Professor does, that the so-called Gatha-dialect is due to "ignorant persons not knowing Sanskrit or Pali," and therefore presumably innocent of any knowledge of Panini, we preclude ourselves from the right of appeal to Panini's authority, in support of the peculiarities of the Gatha. A little reflection, I think, under his superior prowess, barns with it, and moves on brandishing the sword in his hand. 1 That is with the Sankalpa, the pouring of water, repeating the day, time, occasion, object, &c. of a gift.

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206 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. JULY, 1883. will show that the two lines of argument are mutually destructive. The difficulty is enhanced, if we meet with peculiarities, for which even Professor Bhandarkar cannot adduce Paninian sanction. He, therefore, calls them "extensions" ADEN EPITAPH.- Anite p. 88.) The following is the text of the epitaph given at p. 88 with a translation - mof Panini bsm llh lrHmn lrHym ybshrhm rbhm brHm@ mnh w rDwn w jnt lhm | rules but not violations. Now fyh n`ym mqym khldyn fyh bd n llh `ndh jr`Zym rHlt w knt m `ddt zd wm qSdt fy zd lqym I have no quarrel with a name; I call them anomalies (from the Sanskrit point of view); but let them be called "extensions;" if only we agree that they are instances (e.g., accusative in place of nominative), which have not the sanction of either Panini or the ordinary Sanskrit usage. As to the so-called "promiscuous" use of the cases, there seems to be some misunderstanding. It seems hardly necessary to explain, that when we say that in the Gatha the accusative may be used for the locative or even for the nominative, and the like, this is simply said from the Sanskpit point of view. From the Gath point of view we have simply a general inflection which may express different relations of words to one another. It is similar with the so-called genitive case in Prakrit. There is another point on which I should like to enter a protest, and this not with reference to Professor Bhandarkar's review in particular. We ovat cestu wlkny nzlt `ly krym 58 go all sxe pl ako kill soljs i de all Bugallo. Sme si cele mai Jo yl Colle b`wn ( l`lh `dn ) khr ywm l'sd my twfyt m yh | ought not, I think, to attribute errors to ancient mn shhr rmDn mn sl@ nd th wstyn wkhms rHmh llh nqshh mHmd bn brkt bn by Hry records, unless when absolutely compelled to do 60. I have shown, I think, that this particular Nasik record may be explained without importing into it any errors at all. If we onoe allow our selves to correct and revise ancient records, according to what we fancy the author ought to have written or intended to write, we open a way for a dangerous license of criticism. I do not deny the possibility of error; indeed I have insisted on it myself in a previous number of your Journal, but I think it is a sound canon of criticism, from which we ought not to depart, that we should not have recourse to the plea of "error," unless under absolute necessity. Only one word more, with regard to the expres. sion Bhatdrakdndtiya. The question put to me by Professor Bhandarkar, he has answered himself. The Sandhi is explained by the subscribed a, because the compound might have been, as the Professor shows, misunderstood. In fact, the Professor's explanation of the subscribed a does not appreciably differ from mine, as he will probably see on reconsideration. Literary warfare would be something different from what it often is, if it were always carried on in the spirit of Professor Bhandarkar's review. A. F. RUDOLF HOERNLE. Translation. In the name of Allah the merciful, the clement. Their Lord sendeth them good tidings of mercy from him, and good will, and of gardens wherein they shall enjoy lasting pleasure; they shall continue therein for ever; for with Allah is a great reward. [Quran, ch. IX, v. 21 and 22). [Verses.] I departed and had not prepared a provision, And I sought not (the) lasting provision; So that I verily departed without provision But I have alighted near [the] munificent (Allah). This is the tomb of the free and excellent Omm-Abdullah, manumitted female of the glorious Sultan Yehia bin Abissadad al Muwaffaq al-Thag'ari al-Islami. She died at A'wen (perhaps it is A'den) on the last day of the month Ramadan of the year five hundred and sixtythree (8th July 1168) May Allah have mercy upon her! [This inscription was carved by Muhammad bin Barakat bin Abi-Harami. E. REHATSEK. * Itranslate the transcript as sent to me by Dr. Burgess, although it is not likely that the words ou a written in parenthesis, constitute & part of the epitaph also on the stone. Whether any other additions or changes have been made by the scribe I cannot say.

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AUGUST, 1883.] NOMENCLATURE OF HINDU ERAS. 207 ON THE NOMENCLATURE OF THE PRINCIPAL HINDU ERAS, AND THE USE OF THE WORD SAMVATSARA AND ITS ABBREVIATIONS. BY J. 7. FLEET, BO.C.S., M.R.A.S. A GREAT deal of the confusion that runs of the era of Salivahana commonly called Saka A through the different arguments that have or SAka.' from time to timo boon put on record in respect! On a previons occasion (Vol. VIII. pp. 151f.) of the Gupta and Valabhi era or eras is to be I have shown that saivat is an abbreviaattributed in the first place, to the want of tion, not of the base sa vatsara, but of the uniformity that prevails in naming these and genitive plural samvatsaranam, "of years. The the other eras that have to be mentioned in the passage that establishes this, by using the full discussion,-and, in the second place, still more word sasivatsaranam exactly where other into the strained and restricted meaning that scriptions use the abbreviation sanhvat, is given as has unfortunately been put upon the word No. 8 below. And in the same paper I gave sanatsara and its abbreviations, especially in four other instances in which sariwat is used to the form sasivat. In this latter connection, 1 denote years of the Saka era. In each of those one of the most specific-and yet, if tested, one instances, it is true, the word is in a passage of the most untenable-remarks, is made by that refers itself specifically to the Saka era. Professor J. Dowson in his Further Note on a And for comparatively modern times, say from Bactrian Pali Insoription and the Sasivat Era, the commencement of the eleventh century in the Jour, R. As. Soc., N. S., VOL IX. pp. A.D., general usage is certainly in favour of the 144 ff. Disputing the position taken up by position assumed by Prof. Dowson in respect Mr. Thomas, that the word samvatsara does of the particular abbreviation sanhvat,-viz. not involve or necessitate a preferential associe- that, if used alone, it must prima facie, if not tion with the era of Vikramaditya, he there absolutely, be understood to denote years of Say! :-"My contention is that the word the era of Vikramaditya. But the case is Sariwatsara, or its abbreviation San, wherever quite otherwise in respect of the earlier times used alono, must be understood to mean the with which we have to deal, in considering the Sanhvatsara of Vikramaditya until the contrary original nomenclature of this and other Hindu is shown. Saswat and Sadivatsara have desig- eras. And the instances that I shall quote in nated the era of Vikramaditya for at least a illustrating the nomenclature, will show amply thousand years; and it is not to be assumed that, in those earlier times, the word sarhvatsara without any proof that the word was ever used and its abbreviations had no such restricted absolutely for any other era. There have been meaning at all, but were used freely, whether other Saskvats, but then they have been called with or without qualifying expressions, to by their specific names, as Valabhi-Sanhvat; and denote years of any of the eras that were in the word sashvatsara has been used simply use. In his paper from which I have quoted for the word year, but then the era has been above, Prof. Dowson goes on to say, in respect distinctly stated, as I before pointed out. The of the unlucky sanatsara or sasivat :-" This word Sasavat has been so long absolutely used word has offered a tempting gap in the tangled for the era of Vikramaditya, that it has the mazes of Hindu chronology for escaping difficulright of a lengthened possession, and it is not ties and arriving at a conclusion, right or to be set aside without distinct proof." Pro- otherwise. A more strict adherence to the fessor Monier Williams seems to attach the meaning it has so long borne is due to it, and same value to the word and its principal abbre- will, it is to be hoped, lead to more satisfactory viation; in his Sanskrit Dictionary he gives results." But, it is just by restricting the sashvateara as meaning, without any qualifying meaning of the word in the way in which he expression, '& year of Vikramaditya's era',- seeks to restrict it, that such difficulties, which and sashuat (which he suggests is a contraction would not otherwise exist, are created. If once of sashvatsara) as meaning, equally without any it is fully recognised that there is no authority qualifying expression, a year of Vikramaditya's whatsoever for so restricting the meaning of era, commencing B.C. 57, as opposed to a year the word sasivatsara,--and if once the present

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208 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (AUGUST, 1883. purely artificial use of the abbreviation sasivat ra-sata-chatushfaye Vaisakha paurnnamdsydra. by itself to denote the era of Vikramaditya is And the same expression is used in-4, the by general consent abandoned,-a great advance Il&d grant of the same king, (11. 18-19), Sakawill have been made towards clearing the way 1 nipa-kal-atita - sariwachchha(tsa)ra-sata-chatufor determining the starting points of such eras shfaye saptadas.ddhill Yel jyaiyshfh-ata) maor successions of dates as are still doubtful. (md)vasya (syd)-suf surya-grahe. I. THE SAKA ERA. After that, this expression seems to have The earliest technical expression for this era, fallen for a considerable time into desuetude. furnished by an epigraphical record as to the But it was revived by the Rashtrakatas, interpretation of the date of which there is no who must have brought it with them from the uncertainty, viz. simply north, and who made it their dynastic expresSaravatsara sion, and adhered to it almost quite uniformly. or 'the year', is supplied by-1, the first Thus, to select a few instances only, we find it Kaira grant of the Gurjara king Dadda II.' used in-5, the Canarese Country grant of The date, which is given in both words and Govinda III.,' (11. 1-3) Saka-nipa-kap-atita-sarinumerical symbols, is expressed (11. 50-1) by vatsaranga!!-nur=(Orppatt-draneya (for 825) Saravatsara-sata-traye=sity-adhik Kurttika- Subhanu embhamba) varshada Vaisa(ed)Suddha-panchadasyan ...... Sain 380 kha-masa-krishna-paksha-panchame(mi)-BrihasKurttika su 75. And the same expression is patisti)varam=igi(gu); in-6, the Wani grant used in-2, the second Kaira grant of Dadda of the same king,' (11. 46-7) Saka-nripa-kal-atitaII., in which the date is given in the same savivatsara-sateshu saptasu triftribusad-adhikeway (11. 49-50) by Sarivatsara-sata-traye panch- shu (for 728) Vyaya-samvatsare Vaisd kha-sitausi(ci) ty-adhike Kartta(rtti)ka-paurinamas- paurnamasi-somagrahana-mahaparvvari; in-7, yari ...... [M] Sash 385 Karttika the Karda grant of Kakka III.,' (11. 47-9) Sakabhu(6u) 15. . That these are Saka dates, is nripa-kal-atita-samvatsara-sateshv=ashtasu chashown by Nos. 3 and 4 below, inscriptions of tur-una(nnajuaty-adhikeshuwaikatah sanhvat 894 the same king, which refer themselves speci- Angira - sasivatsar - antarggata - Asvayuja-paurfically to the Saka era. Here, therefore, at nnamasyayari Vubu)dha-dino smagrahana. the outset, we have two instances in which the mahaparuvani; and in-8, the Sangli grant of word sariwatsara and its abbreviation sarh are Govinda V.,to (11.44-6) Saka-n ripa-kal-atitaused, without any qualifying expression, to saskvatsara-sateshuwashtasu pavicha-panchdeaddenote years of the Saka era. These instances adhikeshu=arnkato=pi samvatsarunari 855 pravarsuggest that by that time either the era had not ttamana - Vijaya-samvatsar-dintarggata-Srdvanareceived any specific name, or that, if it had, paurnnamasyari vare Guros Puruvd-Bhadraits name was not a widely or very well known padd-nakshattre (tre). one. But, however this may be, they are It was also used by the Gangas; e.g.-9, enough to set us free to refer to the Saka era, the Bili-ur inscription of Satyavikya Konguniquite as much as to any other, any epigraphical varma," (17. 1-3 and 5-6) Saka-nsip-atita(ta)record of the same early period, in which the kala"-sariwatsarangal-entu nur=ombhattaneya date is expressed in the same simple way. varsham=pravarttist-ire ...... PhalThe next technical expression, viz. guna(na)-musada sri-panichame(mi)y-andu; and Saka-npipa-kdla in-10, the Lakshmeswar inscription of Maraor the time of the Saka king' is furnished simha-Satyavakya-Kongunivarma, (1.24) Sakaby-3, the Umeta grant of the same Gurjara npipa-kal- atita-saravatsara-sateshv=ashtasu navaking Dadda II., in which the date is given ty-uttari shu pravarttamane Vibhava-sashvatsare. (1. 22) by Saka-nripa-kul-atita-sanvachchha(tsa). We find it next nsed by the Western Cha Kaliyuga-Samvat, Vikrama-Sarhvat, Saka-Sathvat, Gapta-Samvat. Valabhi-Samvat, Kalachuri-Samvat, Sinha-Sarhvat, &c., would be uniform names for the different erns, and quite unobjectionable, if it is borne in mind that sanoat is not a declinable base meaning 'era.' but is only a technical abbreviation of gaxhuatsardndm. and Jour. R. As. Soc., N. S., Vol. I. pp. 247 f. * Orkings'; this applies throughout. . Ind. Ant. Vol. VII. pp. 61 ff. Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. Vol. X. pp. 19 ff. Ind. Ant. Vol. XI. pp. 125 ft. * id. pp. 156 ff. * and * To be shortly published in this Journal. 11 Ind. Ant. Vol. VI. pp. 102 f. 1 Atata-kala is written through carelessness for kalatsta. 3 Ind. Ant. Vol. VII. pp. 101, #.

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NOMENCLATURE OF HINDU ERAS. AUGUST, 1883.] 16 lukyas; but sparingly, as it was not their dynastic expression. Thus, to give all the instances as yet known to me, we have it in11, the Saundatti inscription of Taila II.," (11. 34-5) Salsa)ka-nripa-kal-utita-samvatsarasatashga[*] 002neya Vikrama-samvatsarada Paushya (sha)- suddha-dasami- Brihaspativaradamdin-uttarayana-sa (sa)ikramanado!; in-12 a Belur inscription of Jayasimha III.,15 (11. 29-31) Sa (sa) ka-nripa-kal-atta-samvatsara-sa(sa)tamga[*] 944neya Dumdubhi-samvatsaram-uttarayana-sankrantiyum vyatipatamum= Adityavarad-andu;-13, the Miraj grant of the same king, Saka-nripa-kal-atita-samvatsaraeateshu navasu shat-chatvdrimead-adhikeshv= amkatah samvat 946 Raktakshi-samvatsaramtarggata-Vaisakha-paurnnamasyam Adityavare;-14, a Huli inscription of Somesvara I., (11. 20-2) Saka-nripa-kal-atita-samvatsara-satamgalu 260neya Tarana-samvatsarada Pusya(sky) su(ix)dhdha(ddha) rb Adisdram-a(s) ttarayana-sankrantiy-amdu;-15, a ChillurBadni inscription of the same king, (11. 26-7) Sa (sa) ka-nripa-kal-utita-samvatsara-sa (sa) tamga [!] 984neya [Su]bhakrita-samvatsarada Pausya(shya) suddha dass(ha)mi Adityavaram uttarayana-sakkranti-syatipatad-andu;-16, Hulgur inscription of the same king, (11. 11-14) Sa(sa)ka-[n]ripa-kal- ukranta-samvatsara-bataniga[] 84neya Subkakril-anheatsarak prasariti se tad-varsh-abhyantarada Pushya bahula saptame (mi) Adityavaramum-uttarayana-sankrantiyandu;"-17, a Hulgur inscription of Vikramaditya VI. and Jayasimha IV., (11. 14-16) Sa(sa)ka- nrripa- k[al]- atita-samvatsara-sa(sa)tamgala 999neya Pingala-samvatsarada Ashada(dha) su(u)ddha 2 Adityavara sankranti pavitrarohanadandu;-18, a Hulgur inscription of Taila III., (1. 18) Saka-nri(nri)pa-kul-atita sataingal 7076meya Bhara-sanatarada Ai(sh)da(ha) (b) ddha 5 Bri(bri)haspativarad-andu; and-19, a Dambal inscription of Somesvara IV., "(11.71-2) Salsa)ka nri(nri)pa-kal-atita-samvatsara 7706neya Krodhi-samvatsarad= Asa (shu) da(dha)d= amavasye Somavara suryyagrahana-sanskranitivyatipatad-amdu. 8 Jour. Bo. Br. R. 48. Soc. Vol. X. pp. 204 ff. 15 Pali, Sanskrit, and Old-Canarese Inscriptions, No.70. 18 Ind. Ant. Vol. VIII. pp. 10 ff. 17 This date and the preceding one, compared together, have evidently something wrong in one or the other of them. 18 P. 8. and O.-C. Inscriptione, No. 102. 19 Ind. Ant. Vol. V. pp. 276 ff. 209 The same expression was used sometimes by the Silaharas, both of the Konkan and of Kolhapur; thus-20, the Bhandup grant of Chhittaraja,1 (11. 32-5) Sa(sa) ka-nripa-kalatita-samvatsara-sa (sa)teshu navasu ashta-chatvarimead-adhikeshu Kshaya-samvatsar-antargga ta-Karttika-su(su)ddha-panchadasyam 30 yatr amkato-pi 948 Karttika su(su)ddha 75 Ravau samjato(te) adityagrahana-parovani;-21, the Miraj grant of Marasimha, (11. 44-6) Sa (sa)kanripa-kal-utita-samvatsara-sateshu | asi(i)tyadhika-nava-sate she-amkeshu" pravarttatayiti(sic) Vilambi-samvatsare | Pausha-masasya buddha-pake saptamyda Brihaspatioanl | udagayana-parovani;-22, the Kharepatan grant of Anantapala or Anantadeva,** (11. 73-5) Sa(sa)ka-nripa-kal-atita-samvatsara-dasa-sa(sa)teshu shodas (e)-adhikeshu Bhava-samvatsar larggata Megha - su(eu)ddha-pratipadayak yatr-amkato-pi saivat 7076;-23, the Talalem grant of Gandaraditya," (11. 26-7) Sakanripa-kal-utita-deatrimsad-uttara-sahasre (for 1031) Virodhi-samvatsare Magha-suddha-dalamyam Mangala-vare;-24, an inscription, now in the Hall of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, of Mallikarjuna, (11. 3-6) Saka-nripa-kal-atita-samvatsara-sateshu dasa[su] ashla-saptaty-adhikeshu Saka-saivat 7078 Dhata (tri or tu)-samvatsare Vaisakha-suddhaakshaya tritiyyah yagedi-parevani Bhaundine mrigasira-nakshatre; and-25, a Kolhapur grant of Bhoja II., (11. 2-3) Saka-nripa-kalad= arabhya varsheshu dvadas-Ottara-sat-adhikasahasreshu nivritteshu varttamana-Sadharanasamvatsar-antarggata- Pushya-bahula-dvadasyam Bhauma-vare bhanor-uttarayana-sankramanaparvvani, and (11. 13-14) Saka-nripa-kaladarabhya varsheshu chaturddas-Ottara-sat-adhikasahasreshu nivritteshu varttamana-Paridhavisaivalear-targgata - Aivija-buddha-pratipadi Sukravure. This expression was used sometimes, but not as a rule, by the Kalachuris, e.g.-26, the Behatti grant of Singhana," (11. 59-61) Sa (sa) ka-nripa-kal-atite cha panch-ottara-satadhika-sahasra-tage (sc. gate) Sobhakrit-samvat 20 Cave-Temple Inscriptions, No. 10 of the separate publications of the Archeological Survey of Western India, pp. 102 ff. The repetition of the date in figures, however, was omitted. Ind. Ant. Vol. IX. pp. 33 ff. 23 Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. Vol. XIII. pp. 1.ff. Ind. Ant. Vol. IV. pp. 274 ff.

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210 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [AUGUST, 1883. sare Asvayukt-amavasydrian Somavare vyatipata- ydge. It was also used sometimes by the Hoy. Balas; e.g.-27, the Gadag inscription of Bal. la la II.," (11. 43-4) Saka-nripa-kal-utita-saivatsara-sateshu chaturddas-adhikeshumeladasasu ankato=pi 1114 varttamana-Paridhavi-saivatsarastarggata - Marggasirsha - paurnnamasy dah Sanaischara-pare soma-grahane; and-28, another Gadag inscription of the same king, (11. 32-4) Saka-nripa-kal-atata-samvatsara-satagalu 1197 neya Siddhartthi-sahvatsarada Pratham-Ashada (dha)-suddhapaksh-ashtami-Brihaspativara-bya (vya) tipdta-punya-dinado!. And it was used occasionally by the Ya davas of Devagiri; e.g.-29, 8 Gadag inscription of Singhana II.," (11. 34-6) Saka-nripa-kal-akrdintasashvatsara-latangalu 1135neya (for 1134) Angirasa-sanvatsarada Phalguna(na) budhdha- (ddha) bidige Sanaiecharavarad-aidu. Almost identical with the preceding is the expression Saka-bhupala-kala or the time of the saka king,' which is furnished by-- 30, a Hatti-Mattur inscription of the Rashtrakata king Indra IV., (11. 3-5) Sasa)ka - bhsupala-kal-a(a)keranta-san[va"]tsara- Praba( bha )v-adi - ndmade (dhe)yamvuttamamadhyama-jaghanya-pa(pha).add(da)-prabhsitigal=entu nura muvatt-ente(na) neya Dhatu-sanvatsar-a(Q)ntarggata. The same expression occurs also in- 31, a Gadag inscripion of the Western Chalukya king Satyasraya II., (11. 7-8) Safia)ka-bhupala-kd!-dlerdinta-savivatsara-sa(ka)tarnga[!] 024neya Subhaksit-sashvatsaranh pravarttise tad-varsh-abhyantara Chaitra buddha 6 Adityavarad-andu; and in 32, the Patna inscription of Govana III. of the Nikumbha family," (11. 20-1) Varshanaria pancha-saptatyk sahasre sadhike gate 7075 Saka-bhupala-kalasya tatha Srimukha-vatsare. . In the same category with the preceding two expressions we may classify that of Saka-nripati-saivatsara or the years of the Saka king,' which is supplied by--33, the Haidarabad grant of the Western Chalukya king Palikesi 11.," (11. 12-13) Saka-npipati-saavatsara-bateshu chatus trinns-adhikeshu panchasv=atiteshu Bhadrapad. amavasy dyan suryya-grahana-nimittaris. And in the same category we may classify the almost identical expression Saka-nsipa-sasivatsara or the years of the Saka king, which is furnished by-34, the Kadab grant of the Rashtra kuta king Govinda III.," in which the date is expressed (11. 83-4) by Saka-ntipa-smisdateareshu Sara-sikhi-munishu vyatiteshu JEGjyat)shthamusa-bukla-paksha-dasamyanh Pushya-nakshatra Chandravare. The same expression is used in -35, a Balagamve inscription of the Hoysala king Ballala II.," (11. 34-6) 8a(sa)ka-nripasarivachchha(tsa)ra(ra)m(d)-arabhya s atadhika-sahasr-/pari-saptadacha(sa)me (for 1116) A[na]nda-sanvachhcha(tsa)ro Marggasirshamavasybyari Somarare vyatepata-yoge. The next technical expression for this era, vis. Saka-nsipati-rajyabhishe ka-smapatsara or the years of the inauguration in the sovereignty of the Saka king,'* is supplied by-36, the BAdami inscription of the Early Chalukya king Mangallavara," in which the date is given (11. 6-7 and 11) by Saka-npipati-rdjyabhishekasahova(na) tsari shumatikkra(krd)nteshu panchasu eateshu...... mahd-Karttika-paurnnamdoyGrin. This inscription furnishes the important information that the starting point of the era was, not the birth, but the coronation of the king or kings whose name, or whose dynastic name, it bears. I have not as yet found any instance of this expression being repeated, or of any other expression so particularly explicit being used. The next technical expression, via. Saka-kala + or 'the time of Saka of the sakas,' is supplied by-37, the Goa grant of the Early Chalukya king Mangalisvara's son or feudatory, Satyabraya-Dhruvaraja-Indravarmi," in which the date is given (11. 6 and 18-19) by Magha-pauranamasyam ...... Saka-kdlah-pancha varsha-satani dod-tri(tri) nadni. And the same expression was used occa sionally by the Rashtrakutas; e.g.38, the Samangad grant of Dantidurga, " (1. 30-1) 4 Ind. Ant. Vol. II. PP 299 1. >> P. 8. and 0.-C. Inscriptione, No. 99. 91 id. No. 100. >> Ind. Ant. Vol. VIII. pp. 39. >> id. Vol. VI. pp. 72 ff 30 d. Vol. XII. pp. 118. P.S. and 0.-C. Inscriptions, No. 194. ** Or 'king." >> Ind. Ant. Vol. VI. pp. 3631; And Vol. X. pp. 57. ** Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. Vol. X. pp. 348 1. >> Ind. Ant. Vol. XI. pp. 1068.

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AUGUST, 1883.] NOMENCLATURE OF HINDU ERAS. 211 Pancha-saptaty-adhika-Saka-kala-sariwatsara-la- samatitasu Sakanan=api bhubhujam 11. This ta-shatke vyatit& sahvata(t) 075 paip or passage does not furnish' anything in the way pau) hachchhikaya Magha-masa-rathasaptamydin of a technical expression for the era. But we tulapurusha-sthite ;-39, the Saundatti inscrip-1 may note that it speaks of it as 'the years of tion of Krishna II., " (u. 12.13) Sapta-sa(sa)tya the Saka kings,'-as if the establishment of it navaty a cha samdyukta(kete ) 8a(shu) saptasu was connected, at any rate by the tradition of Sa(ba)ka-k&l68v (shu)=atiteshu Manmath-hvaya- that time, with more than one king. vatsare ;-40, a Nargund inscription of Jagat- The next technical expression for the era, tunga II., (11. 2-4) Enlu nura ndlvattavuta vis. (for 841) | Saku-kalanga!=varshan prakatan Saka-varsha pesariin Pramathi varttise dinapan makarakke or the years of Saka or of the Sakas,' is furvarppa sakramana-kdlado!=kade banda Pausha- nished by-45, the Togurshode' grant of the da tithiyo!; and 41, the Saloggi inscription of Western Chalu kya king Vinayaditya," in Krishna IV.,87 (11. 3-5 and 45-50) Saka-kalad- which the date is expressed (11.24-6) by gat-dvda(bda)ndin sa-saptadhika-shashtishu ga- kadas-ottara-shat-chhateshu Saka-varsheshv= te shuwashtasu tavatsu samanam-aikatorpi atiteshu * * * * * * Karttika-paurnnamasyazn. cha | varttamdne Plavaing-avde (bdf) ..... And this expression is uniformly adhered to in puruv-okt& varttaman-avde (bde) mdse Bhadra- all the subsequent Western Chaluky a padochite pitsi-parvtani tasy-aiva Kujavarena records that are dated in the Saka era at all;" sanyute suryya-grahana-kalo tu madhyage cha e.g.-46, the Bada mi inscription of Vijayaditya, ** divakare. (11.7-8) Ekavins-ottara-sha-chhateshu SakaAnd I have found the same expression used varsh&shv=atiteshu Jyel jyai)shthyan paurnnain--42, a Gudikatti inscription of the Western masy an; and--47, the Wokkaleri grant of Chaluk ya king Somesvara III., (11. 19-20) Kirttivarma III.,* (11. 61-2 and 64) Ga(na)vaSa(sa)ka-kalah guna-sapta-nainda (for 974)-moi saptaty-uttara-sha!-chhateshu Saka-varshoshva (mi or vri)tam=dgal-varttakarh Nandan-dbdakam. atiteshu ..... Bhadrapada-paurnamd. With the preceding we may class the very syan. similar expression Instances in which this expression was used Saka-samaya by the R&shtrak u tas are but few. I or the time of Saka or of the Sakas,' which is have only obtained the following three :-48, furnished by-43, the Eastern Chalukyaa Kalas inscription of Goyinda V., (11.22-3) grant of Amma II.,' (11. 31-3) Giri-rasa-vasu- [Sa]ka-varsha 857neya (for 852) Viktitasankhy-abde Saku-samaye Marggasirsha=mdeer sanvatsarada Maghada punnamey=Adityavaram= smin kerishna-tray odaia-dins Bhriguvdre Mitra- Aslesha(shd)-nakshatrado(P)/(P) soma-grahanakshatre || Dhanushi ravau ghata-lagnd. nan samanise tula-pu[rusham=i ?]ldu tat After the Haidarabad grant of the Western samayado! ;-49, an Alur inscription of Krishna Chalukya king Pulikebi II., the next record IV., (11. 1-2) Saka-varisham=entu nura eppattthat we have in-44, the Aihole inscription of entaneya Nala-saivatsa[rada Vaiba]kha bahula the same king, in which the date, referred to panchame(mi) Sucu)kravdru ........; both the Saka and the Kaliyuga eras (the latter and-50, a Gandur inscription of Kakka III., under the fame of the Bharata war), is ex- (11. 13-16) Saba) kha(ka)-varsham=entu nura pressed (1.16) by Trishiatsu tri-sahasreshu Bha- tornbhatt-Graneya (for 895) Srimukha-sarhvatsar. ratad=&havdd-itah sapt-abdasata-yukteshu ka- Ashadi (dha)-dakshinayana(na)-saakrdntiyum = (ga)teshurabdeshu panchasu [lo] Panchdsatsu Adityavarad-anduan. Kalau kalo shafsu pancha-hatou cha samasu The expression was revived, as their dynastic >> Jour. Bo. Br. R. 18. Soc. Vol. X. pp. 194 f. 37 Ind. Ant. Vol. I. pp. 205 ff. * Tho repetition of the date in figures, however, wus omitted. ** Ind. Ant. Vol. VII. pp. 15 . +0 Ind. Ant. Vol. VIII. pp. 237 ff. * Id. Vol. VI. pp. 85 ff. Contrasted with the nse of the expression sakapripa-kala in the Gangs grants of Saka 890 on the same atones,--the use of this expression saka-varsha in the Lakshm@war inscriptions of Vinay Aditya, Vijay Aditya, and Vikramaditys II. (Vol. VII. pp. 101 ff.) is sufficient to show that, though these inscriptions were engraved, 88 we now have them, in the tenth oentury A.D., they are correct copies of genuine originale, -being probably put on stone from oopper-plates. Ind. Ant. Vol. X. pp. 60 f. * id. Vol. VIII. pp. 28 ff.

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212 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [AUGUST, 1883. expression, by the Western Chaluk y&; tte(tta)neya H&malanbi-sahvatsarada Chaitra e.g.-51, a Bhairanmati inscription of Taila auddha panchamiy=Adivdra. II. (1. 4) Sa(ka)ka-varsha 911 Vikri keri)- And it was also used by the Yada vas of tammenhba Barnvatsara pravarttise; -52, a Devagiri; e.g.-61, the Munawalli inscription Munawa!li inscription of Satyasraya II., (11. of Singhana II., (1l. 24-5) Saloa) ka-varsha 10-11) Saloa)ka-varitha 930 K[Glaka-[sarnva)- 1145 neya (for 1144) Chittra(tra)bhanresashvattsa[rada] Sravana bahula taddi(di) [ge] Soma- sarada Karttika su(bu) dhdha(ddha) punnami varad-anhdu ;-53, the Balaganve inscrip- Somavara somagrahana-vyatipdtadalli. tion of Jayasimha III., (11.25-6) Saka- It was also used freely by the feudatory varsha 047 neya Siddhartthi-saswatsarada families,--the Rattas of Saundatti and BelPushya suddha bidige Adittyaltya)varad-aidin= gaum; the Kadambas of Banawasi and uttarayana-sankrashtiya parbba(ruva)-nimitta- Hangal, and of Gos; the Sindas of Eramdin ;-54, the Balagamve inscription of barage; the Sila haras of Kolhapur; the Somvara I.," (11. 12-13) Saka-varsha 070. Guttas of Guttal; &c. neya Sarvvadhari-samvatsarada Jye( jyai)shtha It was also used by the Kakatiya kings of auddha trayo[da]ai Adityavdrad-andu : -55, Anmakonda; e.g.-62, the Anamkond in. a Balaganve inscription of Somesvara II.," scription of Rudradeva, " (11. 6-7) Saka-varsha(11. 12-13) Sa(ka)ka-varsha 003 neya Viro- mulu 1084 vumeshti Chitrabhanu sasitvataara dhikrit-sasivatsarada Pushya su(su)ddha 1 Magha su 73 Vaddavaramundandu. Somavarad-ardin=uttarayana - sankranti-par- And finally it was used, though not so frebba(ruva)-nimittadioh:56, a Nardndra inscrip- quently as their properly dynastic expression tion of Vikramaditya VI, (11. 108-9) Saka- which will be noted further on, by the Vijayavarshan 1047neya Visva(bvd) vasu-sanhvatsa- nagara kings; e.g.-63, the Bademi inscriprada [Bha]drapada ba 73 Sukravdra mahd. tion of Harihara I.,'' (11.1-2) Saka-varusha 7207. tithi yugddiy-ardu ;-57, an Ingleswar neya (for 1263) Vikrama-sasivatsarada Chaitra inscription of Somesvara III., Sakha(ka)- sulau) 7 Gu;-64, a Chitaldurg inscription of varusha 1057neya (for 1050) Kilaka-saivat- Bakka, (11. 13.14) Saloa) ka-varusha 1279 sarada Karttika-paurnnamaseyo! soma-grahana- Manumatha-sahvachhchhaltsa)rada J&l jyai)nimittah ; and-58, a Yemmiganur inscrip- shta(shiha) budhdha(ddha) 88;-65, a tion of Jagadokamalla II., Srimach-Cha - Belur grant of Harihara II.," (11. 37-9) kyachakravartti - Jagadekamalla - parashada Saka-varsha savirada mal-nurra ndkaneya Dunsasirad-eppattaneya Vibhava-saripatsaradadubhi-smiwatsarada Kurttika bahula dalami Pushyad=amavdsyey=uttardyana - sakramana- Adivara; and-66, a Hasan grant of Devevyatipata-Somavarad-andu. raya, "(11. 21-3) Sa(ca) ka-varsha 7328 varThis expression was also used by the Ka! 8- ttamana-Vyaya-samvatsare Karttika-masachuris; e.g.-59, a Balagatve inscription of krishna-paksh dalamydin Su(?) kra(P)vdre Bijjal," (1.62) Saka-varshan 1080neya Bahu- U tta(?)ra(?)-Bhadrapado priti-yoge bavadhanya sasivatcha(tsa)rada Pueya (shya)da karane ...... pattabhishe ka-samaye. punnami Somavdram-uttarayana-sankranti-1 Analogous to the preceding is the expression vyatepata-8dmagraharad-asidu. Sak-abda It was also used by the Hoysalas; e.g.- or 'the years of Saka or of the Sakas,' which is 60, the Belar grant of Vishnuvardhana, furnished by-67, a Gudikatti inscription of (11.117-20) Saka-varsha sdsirada muvatt-obha- the Western Chalukya king Jayasimha III., * P. 8. and 0.-O. Inscription, No. 86. Ind. Ant. Vol. V. pp. 15 ff. *1 id. Vol. IV. pp. 179 . * P. 8. and 0.-O. Inscriptions, No. 159. * Elliot M8. Collection, Vol. I. pp. 687 ft.-From the time of Vikramaditya VI. it became the outom for the Western ChAluky to date their insoriptions in the years of their reign; and after his time the Saka era was ased by them very rarely indeed. I have, in fact, is yet obtained no instances of its use, except these two in tae Elliot Collection, which may perhaps not be reliable. 50 Elliot MS. Collection, Vol. I. pp. 818 ff.-I transcribe the date as it is given; but the number of the years seems to show that the original stone has saka-warsha instead of Srimach-Chalukya fe. 51 P. 8. and 0-0. Inscriptions, No. 183. - id. No. 18. " Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. Vol. XII. pp. 1 . - Ind. Ant. Vol. XI. pp. 9 ff. - id. Vol. X. pp. 62 . * P. 8. and 0.-0. Inscription., No. 140. *1 id. No. 29. " id. No. 25.

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AUGUST, 1883.) NOMENCLATURE OF HINDU ERAS. 213 (11. 13-14) Saloa)kamrd(a)bda gaja-dvi-nidhi sare Taran-abhikhye masi Karttika-namani (for 929) Plavaingadolu. The same expression pakshe valakshe punyayari paurrimayan maha occurs in-68, a Hangal inscription of the tithau som-oparaga-samaye; and in-75, & Western Chalukya king Someevara IV., Simogga grant of the same king," (1. 18-20) (11.74-5) Janita-Sak-abdann bdsirada nura hahnon- Ved-&nbudhi-sara-kshoni-ganite Saka-tatears daneya Saumy-drink-abdan vinut-ottardyanan | Durmaty-akhye." kade herppadaris padeye ru-byafvya) tipata-di-! The next expression that we meet with, viz. nan; in 69, the Chikka-Bagiwadi grant of the Saka-Sanoat De vagiri-Yadava king Krishna, (11.19-22) or of the years of Saka or of the Sakas,' - Eka - saptaty - uttara - sat - adha(dhi)ka-sahasra- containing, as it does, the abbreviation sanat sankhyeshu Sak-avde (bde) ahtratiteshu pravar- for sarhvatsarandm; and standing alone, without ttamane Sanmya-odshvatar tad-ashta[ro]- any of the customary fuller expressions pregat-Ashadha-paurnnamdayam Sanaicharavdre ceding it,-is of a more purely technical natare Purv-Ashddha(dha)-nakshatre Vaidhriti-yoge; than any of the terms that have been noted and in-70, a Hasan grant of the Vijayana- above, and supplies the best name for the era gara king Harihara II.," (11. 86-8) Sak-avda- if the simple word 'Saka' is not considered (bda) fishi-chandr-dshni(gni)-vidhun-dyata-vat- sufficient. It is furnished by-76, the Ambarsare | Yuv-akhye Magha(?)-ma(?)se (?) cha nath inscription of Mamvani of the Sile heras bukla-pakshe subha(bhe) dino saptamyari cha of the Konkana, " (1.1) Saka-saavat 082 Srava (?)maha-parvani. na(?) buddha , Su(su) kre. It occurs again, in Almost identical with the preceding is the the same way, in-78, an inscription, now in the expression Hall of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Sak-abda Asiatic Society, of Aparaditya of the same or the years of Saka or of the Sakas,' which dynasty," (11. 1-2) Saka-saivatu 1709 (for is furnished by two grants of the Chola 1108) Parabhava-sanvatsare Maghe masil And successors of the Eastern Chalukya kings ;-71, it was used also by the Yada vas of Chana grant of Kulottunga-Chodadeva II., (11. 49-51) dradityapura; e.g.-79, the Bassein grant of Sdk-dbdanain pramane rasa-visikha-viyach- Seunendu or Seunachandra II.," (11. 24-5) Sachandra-sankhyar prayate . . . . . . (sa)ka-sarvat eka-navaty-adhika-nava-salia)s-Ardr-Arkshe puruva-ma(pa)kshe vishuvati 80- teshu sahvat 991 Saumya-samvatsariya Sravana titha (thaw); and--72, a grant of Vira-Choda su(su) di chaturdasya(byan Gurudine; andor Vishnuvardhana, (11. 76-7) Sak-abde lasi- 80, the Anjaneri grant of Seunadeva or Seunakha-duay-erhedu-ganite sih-adhirade (dhe) ravauchandra III.,'' (11. 1-2) Sri-Saka-sasivat 1063 chandre vsiddhimati trayodasa-tithau vare Gurora (for 1064) Duundubhi-saivat sar-ditarggata-Jyevorischika lagne=tha sravane. Gjyai)shtha su(au) di parchadasydin Some In the same category with the preceding three Anuradha-nakshatre Siddha-yoge. We have expressions we may classify that of already had it, but preceded by a fuller expresSaka-vatsara sion, and not standing alone, in No. 24 above. or the years of Saka or of the Sakas,' which is the next technical expression, viz. simply furnished by-73, a grant of Rajaraja, one of Saka the Chola successors of the Eastern Chalukya or the era,' is furnished by-81, a Kolhapur kings, (11. 65-7) Saka-vatsareshri ved-Gruburasi- inscription of the De vagiri-Yadava king nidhi-varttishu sinha-ge=rkke krishna-dvitiya- Singhana II., (11. 1-2) Sri-Saka 7757 Manmathadivas-Ottara-Bhadrikavana odre Gurorevvaniji smivatsare Sravana bahula 30 Gurau. It occurs lagna-vard. This expression occurs also in- again in-82, another Kolhapur inscription of 74, a Devanhalli grant of Rangaraya of the the same king, (11. 1-2) Sri-Saka 1158 DurVijayanagara dynasty,'' (11. 114-17) Khyat- mmukha-samvatsare Magha-su(su)ddha-purnnaasng-unbara-ban-erndu-ganite Saka-vatsare tat- masyari tithau So(? bhau) ma-dine ; and again * P. 8. and 0.-C. Inscriptions, No. 90. * The remaining details of the date aro illegible in Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. Vol. XII. pp. 25 ff. the photograph. 61 This Andra is superfluous." Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. Vol. XII. pp. 329 ff. << P. 8. and 0.-0. Inscriptions, No. 24. or id. pp. 333 ff. id. No. 28. id. No. 29. 6 Ind. Ant. Yol. XII. pp. 119 ff. vid. pp. 126 ff.

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214 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [AUGUST, 1883. in-83, a grant of Harihara II. of the Vija authority for early times, it has too frequently ya n'agara dynasty, Sri-Sake trayodas- become the custom to speak of this era, via. adhika-tri-sat-ettara-sahasra gate varttamana Salivahana-Saka Prajapati-savatsare Vaidkha-mase krishna- or, 'the era of Salivahana.' The name in the pakshe amdvasydyan Sawmyadine sury-oparaga- first part of the compound is sometimes Salipunya-kdis. vAhana, and sometimes Salivaha; and, in the Almost identical with the preceding is the latter part of the compound sometimes simexpression ply Saka is used, sometimes Sakavarsha, and Saku" sometimes Sakabda. The earliest instance of or the ers, which is furnished by--84, the the use of this expression that I have been Ambe inscription of the De vagiri-Y ada va able to obtain is--90, the Thana grant of the king Singhana II.," (1. 27) Srb-Sa(oa)ku 1762 De vagiri-Yadava king Ramachandra," Sarvari(ri)-samvatsar | Karttika buddha da 10. Sri-Sdlivahana-baks 1104 Angira-saivatsare It oocurs again in-85, the Terwan' grant of Lovina buddha 75 Ravar. It occurs again inKamvadevaraya; who claims to be of the West- 91, another Thana grant of the same king," ern Chaluky a family," (11, 1-2) Sri-Saku 1782 Sri-Salivahana-kakl 1872 (for 1211) Virddhi-sanvarshe Raudra-saavatsara Pushya vaba) divatsare Vaisakha-buddha-paurnnamasyari Bhartsaptami(mi) Sanidine ; and again in-86, a me. But it does not occur with such frequency Renada! inscription of the Devagiri-Yada- as to show that it was fully established, until the va king Mahadeva, (1.1) Sri-Saku 1183 Du- time of the Vijayanagara kings. It was (du)rmmati-samvatsare. used by them in the large majority of their Again almost identical with the expression inscriptions; and, whatever may have been its Saka, is that of origin, it was plainly adopted by them as their saka dynastic expression. Thus, we have it in-92, or 'the ora,' or perhaps the era) belonging to the Harihar grant of Bukka," (11. 19-23) SriSaka or the Sakas,' which is furnished by-87, jayabhyudaya-nripa-Salivahana-saka 7870 neya a Harihar inscription of Harihara II. of the (for 1275) Vijaya-samvatsarada Magha budhaVijayanagara dynasty," (11. 39-40) Sasi- (ddha) 15 Chaidravara sm-Opardma (ga)-parkha-sikhi-chandra-samite Sdke Sidhdhalddha)- vvani vu(u)shna-kaladallu ; in-93, the Damba! rththi(rtthi)-sajfrite ch-abde Karttika-masasya grant of Harihara II., (11. 100-2) Sak-abde sita-dvadasyain Bhaskare vare. It occurs again Salivahasya sahasrena tribhih sataih 6k-adhiin-88, a Harihar inscription of Devareya of kais-cha ganite Siddi(ddha)rthe=bde subhe dine the same dynasty," (11. 15-16) Sake netr-agna- Jyaish(hyam Bhaume nisanath-opardge; invahn-indu-sankhye Vikru(kri)ti-namake rarusha 94, the Hampe inscription of Krishnaraya," Nabhasya-dvadasydris buklayari Somavarake ; (11. 27-8) Sri-vijayabhyudaya-Salivahana-sakaand in-89, a Harihar inscription of Achyu- varsha 1430 saindu mele nadeva Sukla-sanoattaraya of the same dynasty, ** (11. 8-11) Sake sarada Magha su 14la; in-95, the Harihar chandra-ras-Amaresidra-ganite ......... inscription of Achyutaraya," (11. 3-5) Sri-jayaBhadrapadasya . . . . . drudasy-abhikhye tithau bhyudaya-Salivahana-saka-varsha 1452 Vikruvare Bhimisutasya. (kri) ti-saivatsarada . Sravana bahu!a syu(ya) Finally,--and, with the exception of the pre- Somavara Jayanti-punya-kaladalli Sriceding term Saka, last in chronological order, Kru(kri)shn-avatara-samayadalli; in - 96, as far as I am able to determine, -we come another Harihar inscription of the same king," to the expression by which, through accepting (11. 15-17) Salivahana-nirnita-saka-varusa(sha)too freely the statements of the Purinas as keram-ugate vyoma-tarkka-chatus-chandra 10 Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. Vol. IV. pp. 115 f. n I do not feel certain whether the w is intended to be' vocalisod, or whether it is used to represent the Virdma and the word is to be pronounced sak. " Archeological Survey of Western India, Third Report, pp. 85 ff. 13 Tour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. Vol. IV. pp. 105 f. ** P. 8. and 0.-C. Inscriptions, No. 126.. id. No. 127. To id. No. 132. "1 Jour. R. As. Soc., 0. 8., Vol. V. pp. 183 ff. 18 id. pp. 178 ff. ** Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. Vol. XII. pp. 346 ff. 30 id. pp. 852 ff. Ind. Ant. Vol. V. pp. 73 ff. . id. Vol. IV. pp. 323 ff. 83 This Anuevdra is superfluous. ** Ind. Ant. Vol. IV. 329 ff.

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SANSERIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. AUGUST, 1883.] samkhyaya cha samanvite || Vilombi-namake varshe mase Karttika-namani paurnumasyam site pakshe vare Sasisutasya cha; and in-97, the Badami inscription of Sadasivas (11. 1-5) Sri-jayabhyudaya-Salivahana-saka 7469neya Plavashga samvatsarada A(a)svayuja su 75yalu. No. 96 above speaks of the era as being established (nirrita) by Salivahana. I have met with no inscription which states, as the Puranas do, that the era was reckoned from his birth. In fact, the only epigraphical passage that speaks of the epoch of the era, No. 36 above, refers it to his coronation, and not to his birth. But I quote a passage to that effect published by Professor Max Muller." It is 98, a verse at the end of the Muhurtamartanda, recording the date of its composition; Try-ashk-Endra-pramite varshe Sa SANSKRIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. BY J. F. FLEET, Bo.C.S., M.R.A.S. (Continue from p. 165.) No. CXXVIII. Govinda III. was succeeded by his son, Amoghavarsha I. This is only a title; but it is the appellation by which he is best known. The present inscription gives him also the titles of Atifayadhavals and Nripatungs T The only historical facts recorded of him, in the other inscriptions of his dynasty, are that he defeated the Chalukyas, Abhyushakhas, and others, at a place named Vingavalli, which is evidently a Canarese name, but which I cannot identify, and that he built the city of Manyak heta, which became the capital of his descendants. This city has been satisfactorily identified by Dr. Buhler with Malkhed in the Nizam's Dominions, about ninety miles in a south-easterly direction from Sholapur. Manyakheta, however, would appear to have been a Rashtrakuta city even before the time of Amoghavarsha I. Dr. Buhler's grant of Dhruva III. (of the Gujarat Branch) explicitly gives Subhatunga as one of the titles of Krishna I. And the same title,-though, owing to the fragmentary nature of the inscription the full bearing of it could not then ss Ind. Ant. Vol. X. pp. 64 ff. so India; What can it teach us? pp. 300 f. Ante. Vol. VI. p. 64.-This identification was first suggested by Prof. H. H. Wilson; Jour. R. As, Soc.. O. S., Vol. II. p. 393. At any rate, by Mankhera in the Hyderabad country,' he seems to mean Malkhed. 215 livahana-janmatah | kritas-Tapasi Martamdo= yam-alash jayat-udgatah. As Professor Max Muller has pointed out, in his comments on this passage, it is not exactly wrong to speak of the era as the Salivahana era or Salivahana-Saka; for, as I have shown above, there are ample instances in which the natives of India, in epigraphical records of authority and of some antiquity, themselves give it that name. At the same time, whatever opinion may be held to the existence of a king named Salivahana at the time when the era was established, those same instances shew that it was only in comparatively modern times that his name came to be connected with the era, and that in all discussions respecting early dates it is an anachronism, and it is a mistake, to call it by his name. (To be continued.) be seen, has already occurred in connection with Krishna I., in verse 13 of the Kavi grant,* where the original reading probably was Subhatunga-tunga-[nama]. And a MS. of the Kathakosa, belonging to a Jain priest of the Settikeri street in Belgaum, has in it, at page 4a, the verse: Atr-aiva bhavati Manyakhet-akhya-nagare vare | raj-abhuch-Chhubhatumg-akhyas tan-mantri Purushottamah || "Here, O lady! at the excellent city named Manyakheta, there was a king named Subhatunga; his councillor was Purushot tama." We have two inscriptions of the reign of Amoghavarsha I. in the Kanheri Caves, which are dated Saka 775 for 773 (A.D. 851-2), the Prajapati samvatsara, and Saka 799, and record that, in the time of Kapardi II. of the Konkana branch of the Sila hara family, the whole of the Konkana was presented by Amoghavarsha, apparently to Kapardi II. The second of these two inscriptions gives the latest date that has as yet been obtained for The 'Mulkaid' of the maps; Lat. 17deg 12' N., Long. 770 14' E. Ante. pp. 179. Vol. V. pp. 144 ff. Shown to me by Mr. K. B. Pathak. Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji; Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. Vol. XIII., p. 11.

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216 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [AUGUST, 1889. Amoghavarsha I. More to the south, in the Canarese country, his inscriptions appear to be fairly numerous. The present inscription, unfortunately a good deal damaged at the top, is from a stonetablet standing to the south of the hude or village-bastion at Sirur, in the Nawalgund Taluka of the Dharwad District. I have no information as to what sculptures there may be at the top of the stone. The writing covers a space of 3' 7" high by 3' 3" broad. The language is Sanskrit down to line 6, and OldCanarese from there. This inscription is dated in Saka 788 (A.D. 866-7), the Vyaya saavatsara, and the fiftysecond year of the reign of Amoghavarsha I. It accordingly fixes Saka 736 (A.D. 814-5) or 737 for his accession to the throne. The genealogical portion commences with Nirupama, or Dhruva I.,-this verse, and the one that precedes it, being taken from the copperplate grants. It then mentions Govinda III., as having conquered the Keralas, Malavas, Sautas,' Gurjaras, and some other dynasty at the hill-fort of Chitrakuta, * -possibly the Kalachuris or Kulachuris of the north, but unfortunately the name is destroyed. And it then speaks of Am og ha varsha as having homage done to him by the kings of Vanga, Anga, Magadha, Malava, and Vengi. In the further description of Amoghavarsha, the form of the dynastic name used is 'Ratta'; this is the earliest instance that I have as yet obtained. Also, as with the later Rattas of Saundatti and Belgaum, he is called the supreme lord of the city of Lattalur, and is said to have the sign or mark or banner of Garuda, and the sounds of the musical instrument called fivili. The inscription then mentions Devanay ya, a feudatory of Amoghavarsha I., who was governing the Belvola Three-hundred, at Annig ere. And it then proceeds to record that, in the year mentioned above, at the time of an eclipse of the sun, on Sunday the new-moon day of the month Jyaishtha, De vannayya, having laved the feet of the Two-hundred Mahdjanas of Srivur, made a grant of the tax on clarified butter. As a prohibition is entered against destroying the ordinance and consuming" the clarified butter, it is plain that the tax was a percentage levied in kind; and Devannayya must have made the grant for the benefit of the priests of some temple at Sirar at which the inscription originally stood. Mr. K. B. Pathak has furnished me with an interesting literary reference to Amog h&varsha I. and his son Krishna II., from the Jain Mahapurana. Part of the Adipurana, or first half of this work, was written by Jinasonacharya; and that part was finished, and the Uttarapurana or second half of the work was written, by his disciple Gupabhadra. The reference to Amoghavarsha I. and Krishna II. is in the Prasasti of the Uttarapurana. The MS., which is on palm-leaves, belongs to the Jain Svami of Kolhapur, and is worshipped and held in such veneration by him that Mr. Pathak was not allowed to read the Prasasti for himself, but had to write it down from dictation. The consequence is that the version of it obtained by him is evidently not altogether correct; but it is sufficiently so for present purposes. The Prasasti opens by mentioning the Sena anvaya," or "succession of teachers and disciples, which was a part of the Mulasamgha sect (v. 1), and in which Virasenabhattaraka became famous His disciple was Jinasena (v.7):Yasya pragu-nakh-amsn-jala-visarad-dhar amtar-avirbhavat-padarbhoja-rajah-pisamga-makuta-pratyagra ratna-dyutih Santa is probably the same as the Sauds of Prof. Monier Williams' Sanskrit Dictionary. * A hill and district, the modern Chitrakot or Chatar. kot (near Kampta), situated on the river Paisuni (Piauni) about fifty miles south-onet of the town of Bandah in Bundelkhund, Lat. 25deg 12' N., Long. 80deg 47' E. :--Prof. Monier Williams' Sanskrit Dictionary. . This is evidently the same as the trivalf-tarya of the later Ratta inscriptions. 10 In the Nawalgund Tilaks of the Dharwad District. The name is now written Anzigere. The engraver of the inscription may perhaps have made a mistake in using ani fornmi. u Mentioned also in the Molgund inscription of Koishna II. (Jour. Bo. Br. R. ds. Soc. Vol. x. PP190 ff.), and in one of the Sravana-Belgola inscriptions (Ind. Ant. Vol. II. pp. 265 f.) The correct transliteration of the latter is :("] Sura-ch&pam-bole vidyul-lategala tera-vol-mazju vol-tori begam [ piridhu(du) bri-rupa-2016-dhana-vibhava-maheradiga! nillav-Args[eo] " param-arttha mo mechcho ninat dharaniyal iravan-endu san[n@lyana(m -[e? [*] yduru-satvan-Nandisens-prayara-muni-Taradero 10kskke sandan 1 1 The copy reada visaradus &c

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* August, 1883.] SANSKRIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. 217 samsmarta svam-Amoghavarsha-nripatih pato= ham=ady-ety=alam sa sriman Jinasena-pujya-bhagavat-padd jagan- mamgalam || (v. 8) "When the fresh lastre of the jewels in his diadem was made of a reddish colour by the pollen of the waterlilies which were (his) feet, appearing between the streams that flowed forth from the rays of the high nails of his feet), the glorious king Amoghavarsha, -whose holy feet were worthy to be worshipped by Jinashna, (and who was) the (embodiment of the prosperity of the world, thought of himself, I am purified to-day; it is enough.'" The Sadharma's of Jinasena was Dasaratha (v. 11). And the disciple of these two was Gunabhadra (v. 13), who finished the Mahapurana that had been already (partly) declared by Jinasena (vv. 16 to 20). The chief among Gunabhadra's disciples was Lokasana (v. 25), whose merits are described in the next three verses. The Prasasti then continues :Akalavarsha-bhupale palayaty-akhilam=ilam | tasmin=vidhvasta-ninsesha-dvishi vidhra-yaso jushi || (v. 29) Padmalaya-kula-mukula-15 pravikksaka-satpratapa-tata-mahasi erimati Lokaditye pradhvasta-prathita-satru-samtamase || (v.30) Chella-pateke Chelladhvaj-anajeu Chellake-tana-tanuje Jainemdra-dharma-vriddhi-vidhayini vidhu-vidhra-prithu-yasasi || (v. 31) Vanavasa-desam-akhilam bhumjati sati nihkamtaka-sukha-suchiram tat-pitri-nija-nama-krite khyate Va(ba) kapare pareshv=adhike || (v.32) Saka-ntipa-kal-abhyantaravimiaty-adhik-ashta-sata-mit-abd-&mtol mamgala-mahartba-karini mamgala-na mani samasta-jana-sukhado || (v. 33) Sri-pamchamyam Budh-Ardra-yuga-"divaga kare Mamtrivard budh-ambe purvayen siha-lagne dhanushi dharanije vriachika-kau tolayam sarpe bukle kulire gavi cha suragurau nishthitam bhavya-varyaih prapt-ejyam sarva-saram jagati vijayate panyam=etatpuranam || (v. 34) "Victorious in the world is this holy Purdna, worthy to be worshipped by the best of good people (and) possessed of all excellence,-(which was), completed at the end of the year which is measured by eight hundred increased by twenty years) in the time of the Saka king, (and) which causes prosperity and great wealth, (and) which has an auspicious name,'' (and) which confers happiness on all mankind,on the (fifth lunar day called) Sripanchami,. .........;"1 "While the king Akalavarsha,--who had destroyed all his enemies, (and) who was possessed of lustrous fame, -was governing the whole earth :" (And) while the glorious Lokaditya," whose greatness, enhanced by (his) excellent splendour, caused the bud which was the family of Padmalaya to blossom; who dispelled the dense darkness which was (his) illustrious enemies; who had the chellapataka-banner; who was the younger brother of Chelladhvaja; who was the son of Chellaketana; who caused the increase of the religion of Jainendra; (and) who was possessed of great fame as lustrons as the moon,--was enjoying the whole country of Vana va sa, which had had for a long time the happiness of being free from troubles, at the famous city of Ba a kapura, the greatest among cities, which had been made by his father by his own name."93 Mr. K. B. Pathak has also brought to my notice a short poem named Prasnottararatnamala on the rules of good behaviour, consisting 13 Sadharman, or adharma, algo sahadharmin, following the same duties, customs, or religious prac. tices." 1. Possibly here, and in v. 31, the Svamf read this out by mistake for evbhra. 1 The copy reads Padmalaya-mukula-kula. 16 The copy reads tatah. 11 The copy reads Chelladhvajenuje. 15 The copy reads yube. 1. By the Tables in Brown's Carnatic Chronology, Saka 820 was the KAlayukti sarhvatsara. This Prasasti, how. ever, soems to indicate rather the Siddharthi sarlatsand, Saks 821. #0 The fifth day of the bright fortnight of the month Magha. Verse 34 seems to have several mistakes in it. I cannot translate it as it stands. Mentioned in inscriptions as the feudatory of Krishna II. He was a Mahamandal/svara, of the Chellaps. tiks or Chellaketana family. (See Dynasties of the Kanarese Districts, pp. 35-37 and 85). 13 LokAditya's father, therefore, was the Banks or Bankeyarasa, who is mentioned in inscriptions as a feu. datory of Amoghavarsha I.-The expression in the text does not make it plain whether Bankoyarsas founded and built Bank&pura, or whether he only named after himself a city that was already existing.

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218 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [AUGUST, 1883. of thirty verses, a MS. of which is in the pos- Chalukyas that is mentioned in a grant of session of a Jain inhabitant of Shahapur near Amma I. from the Krishn& District. It is thereBelgaum. The concluding verse is : in said of Vijayaditya-Narendram rigarkja :Vivekuttyakta-rajyena rajim@yam Ratnama- | Gangga(ga)-Ratta-balais-sarddham dvadas lika Abdaneaha(ha)r-nnisam rachit-Amoghavarshena su-dhiya sad-alan- bhuj-[&]rijita-bala-khadga-sahayd naya-vikrakritih || (v. 30) maih || "This Ratnamalikd, possessed of good deco- Asht-attaram yuddha-katam yuddhya Sam. rations, was composed by the learned king bhor=mmah-Alayan A moghavarsha, who through discrimina tat-sankhya(khya)y=akarod-vir8 Vijayadity tion had laid aside the sovereignty."-The bhupatih || Amoghavarsha mentioned here, however, may "Aided (only) by (his) sword, the strength be either the first or the second or the third of of which had been acquired by (his) arm, the that name. brave king Vijayaditys during twelve We have already seen that Govinda III. years fought day and night & hundred and subjugated the lord of Veng i-probably eight battles with the forces of the Ganges Vijayaditya-Narendramtigaraje, of and the Rattas, which were possessed of the Eastern Chaluky a family, who reigned discipline and prowess, and built the same from about Saka 710 to about Saka 750. And number of great temples of Sambhn."--The it is either to the latter part of his reign, or Gangas here referred to were Mahamandaleto the early part of the reign of Amogha svaras, feudatories of the Rashtrakutas, whose varsha I., that we must refer the long war inscriptions are found in the Belgaum and between the Rashtraku t&s and the Eastern Dharwad Districts. Transcription." ['] [Svasti || Sa vo=vyad-Vedhasa dhama yan-nabhi-kamalam kli]ta[m] Haras-cha yasya kant-[e]ndukalaya kam-alamkritam (11") ['] [Labdha-pratishtham-achiraya Kalin su]da**[ra]m-utsaryya suddha-charitair ddharanitalasya kritva punah Ktitayuga-sri['] [yam-apyrabesham chi]tr[am] k[a]th[am] Nirupama[b] Kali-vallabh8aebhd[t] [ll] Prabhatavarsha-Govinda-raja[ho] sauryydshu vikrama [*]------- st... Jagatst Junga iti sruta[bo] [ll] Kerala-Malava-Santan -Ga[r]ijara[no] Chitrakuta-giridurgga-sthin-be[deg] -- - -- sa...n-atha & kirtti-Narayan[0] jagati [ll] Arinsipati-makuta ghattita-charanas-sakala-bhuvana-va[deg] [laya-vidita)-bauryy[*] Vang-Anga-Magadha-Malava.Verg-ikair-archchito=Tibaya-dha valah (11) Svasti Samadhigarto(ta)pancha[') ma(ma)hababda-maharajadhiraja[*] parames vara[m] bhattara ka[m] chatur-adadhi valayavala-yata-sakala-dharatala[*] pratirajy-anoka-mandalikarkkal kataka-ka(ka)tisatra-kanqala-koydra-har-abharanalam krita-ganik[a]-sahasra['] chamarandhakara-vadi(dhi)[ro]yya-vi[r]yya-mana-svetata patratraya-kalahasamkha-palidh vaj-8(au)kaketu-pat&k-achchhadite["] digantar-ella[m] sri(sri)shti-sena pati puravara-tala-vargga[m] dandanayaka-samant-ady A(a)neka-vishaya-vina(na)mn(mr)-8["] ttungar kirita-makata-ghrishta-padravindayugma[m] nirjjita-vairi ripa-nivaha-kaladan da[m*) dushta-mada-bhajja(oja)na[") na [m] amogha-rama[m] para-chakra-panch[A]nanam sur-Asura-marddanam vairi. bhayakaram badde(Pdde)-manoharan abhimana-mandiram ["] Rata-vams-8dbhavan Garuda-lancha (ochha)nam tivili-pareghoshanam Lattalurapura. paramesvaram Sri-Nripatunga From an ink-impression. This du is visible through having been at Arst | omitted and then inserted below the line. " This second na is an onzecessary repetition.

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AUGUST, 1883.] SANSKRIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. [] nam-amkita-lakshmivallabhendram (na) chandr-adityara kalam varegam maha-Vishnuva rajyam-bol uttar-ottaram rajy-abhi [] vri(vriddhi salutt-ire [1] Saka-nripe-kl-Atta-avatarangal-e]-nur-ephhatt-eqtaneya Vyayam-emba sa[m]vatsaram prava [1] rttise [1] Sri(sri) mad-Amoghavarsha-Nripatunga-nam-ankitana vijaya-rajya-pravardda (rddha)mann-asvataaradgal-ayvatt-eradu [] m=attar-ottaram rajya"jy-abhivriddhi salutt-ire [*] Atisayadhavala-narendra-prasa (sa) dadinda[m=A*]moghavarsha ["] deva-padapankaja-bhramara[th] vilishta-jan-kirayan-apps ari(kri)mad-Devanayya[*] Belvola-manuruma ["]n-lattam-Anni(pgi P)"gereyal(1)=ire [*] Jejai)shta(shtha)-masad-ama(ma)seyum Adityavara[mu]m-age suryya-grahanad-andu [*] Srivarada Ravikayya modal-agi il-nuvvo (rvva)ram mahajanada kalam kalchi tuppadereyam bittom [*] ["] Isthitiya kadat(ta)ige Baraphsivado] 219 [*]sira kavileya kotta phalam-akkum [*] 1(i)dan-alidu tuppam-undatam Baranasiya[!] sasira kavileyu[m] sasirvvar= pp[4]rrvarumanalidonakkum [*] ["] Nimbichchara-Bam[m*]ayya besageysido Madhavayyana likhitam Nag[a*]rjjunam bhe(be)sageydo [*] Sirig vandana elta padi(?di)dnda [*] Translation. [Hail! May he protect you, the waterlily in whose navel] is made [a habitation by Vedhas]; and Hara, whose head is adorned by the lovely crescent-moon! (L. 2.)-Since, with his pure actions, he [quickly] drove far away [Kali, who had established himself] on the earth, and made again [complete even] the splendour of the Kritayuga,-it is wonderful how Nirupama became (invested with the name of) Kalival labha. (L. 3.)-The king PrabhatavarshaGovinda,.. his prowess in deeds of valour, (was) renowned under the name of Jagattunga. [Having conquered] the Keralas, the Malavas, (and) the Sautas, together with the Gurjaras, (and)... .... who dwelt at the hillfort of Chitrakata, then he (became) a very Narayana on the earth in respect of fame. (L. 5.)-Having his feet touched by the diadems of hostile kings, and being possessed of heroism that is known throughout the whole circuit of the earth,-Atisayadhavala (is) worshipped by the lords of Vanga, Anga, Magadha, Malava and Vengi. (L. 6.)-Hail! While the increase of the sovereignty, ever greater and greater, of the This jya was half erased by the engraver. See note 10 above. Compare the form in No. CV. 1. 6; Vol. X. p. 167. 30 This perhaps refers to the Garuda-lanchhana, 80 high favourite of Lakshmi, who is marked with the name of Sri-Nripatunga,-the supreme king of great kings, who has attained the panchamahusabda; the supreme lord; the worshipful one; he who covers all the space between the regions with the thousands of courtesans, decorated with the ornaments of zones and hipbelts and earrings and armlets and necklaces, of the numerous Mandalikas of hostile kingdoms over the whole earth which is encircled by the four oceans, and with the darkness and deafness (caused by the waving) of (his) chauris, and with (his) heroism and pride, (his) three white umbrellas, (his) sankha-shell of battle, (his) palidhvaja, (his) banner of a bird (?), and (his other) standards; who is by birth a leader of armies; who is possessed of a number of sites of excellent cities; whose feet, which are like waterlilies, are rubbed by the diadems and crowns of lofty people, bowing down (before him), in the many countries of Dandanayakas, Samantas, &c.; who has conquered his foes; who is a very staff of death to the host of his enemies; who breaks the foolish pride of wicked people; who is possessed of fruitful joy; who is a very lion to the multitude of his foes; who subdues gods and demons; who causes fear to his enemies; who is charming in his pertinacity (?);" who is mentioned below. 31 The meaning of badde, or perhaps badde, is not apparent. The nearest approach to the word in the dictionaries is baddu, rivalry, pertinacity, perverseness."

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220 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [August, 1889 the habitation of pride ; born in the lineage tions are fairly numerous in the Canarese of the Rattas; he who possesses the sign of country. And he is mentioned in several of Garuda; he who has the sounds of the the inscriptions of the later Ratas of Saun(musical instrument called) sivili; the supreme datti and Belgaum. The earliest of them lord of the city of Latt'altra, -was con mentions him as reigning in Saka 797 (A.D. tinning, like the kingdom of the great Vishnu, 875-6), the Manmatha sasivatsara; but he 80 as to endure as long as the moon and sun must at that time have been only the Yuvaraja, might last : or heir-apparent and viceroy of his father in (L. 15.)-While the sasivatsara named the southern part of his dominions. In two Vyaya, which was the seven hundred and of the Ratta inscriptions he is called Krishna eighty-seventh (of) the years that had elapsed Kandhara and KIishna-Kandhara. from the time of the Sak a king, was current; And in one of these two passages he has the (and) while the fifty-second (of) the augment- title of Kandhara-puravar-adhiovara, or 'supreme ing years of the victorious reign of him who lord of Kandhara pura, the best of cities.' was marked with the glorious name of Am 6. There may have been an original city of the ghavarsha-NTipatunga was continuing Rashtraktas, named Kandhara pura ; but the with perpetual increase of sovereignty :- present mention of it is as yet an isolated one. (L. 17.)-While, through the favour of the The present inscription, of which a lithoking Atisa y ad ha vala, the glorious D - graph has been given on the second side of vannayya --who is a bee at the water the Plate in Vol. XI. pp. 126-7, is on the exposed lilies which are the feet of Amoghavarshadeva; part of the stone beam over the entrance to the and who is the refuge of excellent people, adytum of the shrine of the temple of the god was dwelling at Anpigere, governing the Mukadeva at Nandwadige, in the Hungund Belvola Three-hundred : Taluka of the Kaladgi District. The temple (L. 19.)- At the time of an eclipse of the seems to have beer originally Jain, as there are san, on Sunday, the new-moon day of the month Lakshmi and her elephants on the lintel of the Jyaishtha, -having washed the feet of the two door of the shrine ;9" it has now been approhundred Mahajanas, headed by Ravikayye, of priated to linga worship. It seems to be in no (the village of) Srivura, he" allotted the way remarkable for architecture or sculpturen tax on clarified batter. and to be of importance only on account of (L. 21.)-He who preserves this ordinance, the inscription in it. When I saw it in 1876, it shall acquire the reward of giving a thousand was in a state of great decay, and seemed likely cows at Baranasi; he who destroys it and soon to collapse and fall in. The inscription consumes the clarified butter, shall be (as) one covers a space of 9' high by 7' 6" broad. who destroys a thousand tawny-coloured cows There are no scalptures above the inscription. or a thousand Brahmans at Baranasi. The language is Old-Canarese. (L. 22.)-Written by Madhavayya, at the The first part of the king's name, and the command of Nimbichchara-Bammayyas set number of the centuries in the date, are now up(?by Sirigavanda, at the command of quite effaced; but there can be no doubt as to Nagarjana. the letters that have to be supplied. It is an No. CXXIX. inscription of Akalavarsha, i.e. Krishna II. ; Amoghavarsha I. was succeeded by his son and it is dated in Saka 822 for 824 (A.D. Krishna II., also called Kannara, Kandhara- 902-3), the Dundubhi sainvatsara. The name of Vallabha, Krishnavallabha, and Akala var. the god of the temple is effaced. The inscripBha II. His wife, whose name is not men- tion records & grant of land, the details of tioned, was a daughter of Kokkala or which are partly effaced. Kokkalla I. of the Kala churi or Kulachuri The Eastern Chalukya inscription, from which dynasty of Tripura or Tewar. His inscrip- I have quoted at page 218 above, shows that * i.e. Derappaya. understand, I have spoken of it there, and also in Vol >> As we learn now from the Kadab grant, Krishua VII. D. 910 of this journal, as being dated Baka 722 and I was Akalavarsha I. 3* Pau, Sanskrit, and Old-Canarese, Inscriptions, of the time of Dhruva or of Govinda III. | 36 Gaja Lakshmi is however also a Vaishnavs bogni No. 85. --Through some mistake which I do not now sanoe.-J. B.

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AUGUST, 1883.) SANSKRIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. 221 the war between the Rashtra kutas and great and excellent prowess acquired by (his) the Eastern Chalukyas continued in the notorious and perfect strength, --conquered the time of Krishna II. It is therein said unequalled Gaigas, and took the head of of Gunag ika-Vij& y aditya, who Mangi in battle, and, having made the firereigned from about Saka 752 to about Saka brand Krishna frightened and distressed, 792 : burned his excellent city." Gamgan=Angajavairi-sakir.Amen Ratt-sa After this, however, the Rashtrakutas appear samchodito to have had the advantage, as the same inscripJitva Marigi-bird-barat yudhi maha-bahv- tion continues :apta-viryy-Aryyama | Sa samastabhuvanasraya-Sri-Vijayadityas-chaKrishnamh satkilam=athkit-Akhila-bala-pr&pt- tas-chatvarissad-varshani | Tad-ant savi. oru-sad-vikratna bhit-arttasrtta) [fn*] cha taryy-astam-gate timira-patalon-eva Ratavidhaya tat-pura-ma(va)ruti ya nirddadaha dayada-balon-abhivyaptam Vergi-mandalam || prabhuh "He, the asylum of the universe, Sri "Having been challenged by the lord of the Vijayaditya (reigned over the country of Raftas, he, the lord, who possessed the | Vengt) for forty-fotir years. After that, the power of Angajavairi;*who had for (his) bosom- province of Vengi was overrtin by the army friend the brawury that had been acquired by of the Ratta claimants, as if by dense darkness (his) mighty arm; (and) who was possessed of on the setting of the sun." Transcription. 1 Svasty-AkAlavarshadeva s riprithivivallabha maharajadhiraja paramesvara paramabhattarakara rajy-abhivriddhiy=uttar-Ottaram salutt-ire [lo] Saka-nyipa kal-Atita-samva['] [t]s[a]r[angal=enta nura) irppatt-eradaneya Dundubhiy=emba varisha[m] prava[n]ttise [*] tad-va[r]sh-abhyantara-Magha-su(su)ddha-panchamiyum Brihapa(spa)tivarad-andu[ Uttar-Ashada(dha)-nakshatramum Siddhiy=emba [yogamu)[*] m=age [l*] ---devaram pratishthe-goyda tad-dinad-andu Kapila-rishi-samanar appa tamma murum modala mahajanam sa-bala-vriddham=ildu mudana polada pu(P)lingeya bagi(?)- -- - -- - -[hi]ttar [ilo] Sva-dattam para-dattami ve ye hardta vasundharam shashtim varsha-sahasrasivishthay&m jayatd krimih | Diva kara-kku(kri)ta likhitam [ll] Mangala-maha-srish ||] - - - - -- - --dalli Chavundayyam pattu mattar-keyu(yya)m kottam | Svan datum su-mahach=chhakyam duhkham-anyasya pa lanari danam va palanad=y(v)=etio dana (ch=chhr@]y&n[upalanam || ] Translation. (L. 2.)-On Thursday, the fifth day of the (Hail !] While the increase of the sovereignty bright fortnight of the month) Magha in that of [the glorious Akala) varshade va,- year, under the Uttar-Ashadha nakshatra and the favourite of Sri and of the earth; the the Siddhi yoga;supreme king of great kings; the most worship- (L. 3.)-On that day, on which they establiful one-was continuing (80 as to be ever) greater shed thegod..........,--the Mahajanas, and greater - headed by his own three (?), who were equal (L. 1.)-While the year named Dundubhi, to the saint Kapila,--together with the children which was the eight-hundred and] twenty- and old men,-allotted ............. secondo (of) the years that had elapsed of the eastern fields. from the time of the Sa ka king, was (L. 4.)-He is born as a worm in ordure current : for the duration of sixty thousand years, who >> Siva, as the foe and destroyer of Kamadeva. >> Erom the original stone. >> The space after this letter, da, sooms to be a fault in the stone. 30 The proper reading is palanan veeti. . By the Tables in Brown's Carnatic Chronology, the Dundubhi sarhvatsara wa Saka 824, and Saka 822 wa the Randri sasivatsara..

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222 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [AUGUST, 1883. confiscates land that has been given, whether gateway of the courtyard of this temple, and by himself or by another! a few steps to the south of it, there is a small The writing (is) made by Divakara. (May stone cell, partly below the level of the ground, there be) auspicious and great good fortune! facing north. The present inscription," of At ........, Chavandayya gave ten which a lithograph has been given on the mattars of culturable land. second side of the Plate in Vol. XI. pp. 126-7, (L. 5.) -It is very easy to give one's own is on the front face of a stone over the door property, but the preservation of the grant of) of the inner cell. The writing covers a space another is difficult; if (it is asked) whether of 9' high by 3' 9' broad. There are no sculpgiving or preserving (is the more meritorious), tures over the inscription. The language is (preservation) is better than giving ! Old-Canarese. No. cxxx. The inscription records the building of the This is another inscription of Krishna II. cell, for a saint named Monibhatara, which In Vol. IX. p. 74, I have mentioned the should perhaps be Mannibhatara, in Saka 831 temple of the god Galiganatha in Survey for 833 (A.D. 911-2), the Prajapati sarivatsara, No. 75 at Aihole, in the Hungund Taluka of the while Kannara, i.e. Krishna II., was Kaladgi District. Just outside the sculptured reigning. Transcription." ['] Svasti Saka-ntipa-kal-ati(ti)ta-samvatsara-satamgal-enku nura vu(mu) vatto[n]da-ney& ['j Prajapatiy=emba samvatsara[m] pravarttise [1] Kannara[m] pri(pri)thivirajyam geyye [1] ['] Nagara-samadaya-ndha(dha)rmma[m] [] Purvvokta"-munibhir-drishtam dharmma sastra-pracho[*] ditam yogi-garam"-idaru p[ro]oktam su(su)ribhih pariveshtitam [ll] Mo(man P)ni bhatarara guhe [ll] Translation. the west by north from Nargund in the NawalWhile the sasivatsara named Prajapati, 1 gand Taluka of the Dharwad District. The which was the eight hundred and thirty-first sculptures at the top of the stone, which are (of) the centuries of years that have elapsed done in outline and not in the usual finished from the time of the Sa ka king, was current; style, are-central, a linga ;-others, Nandi; while Kannara was ruling the earth; a cow and calf; the sun and moon; and the (this cell was built as) the religious act of the word fri, for eri, in characters of the same assemblage of (all the people of) the city. type as those of the inscription itself. The (L. 3.) This abode of an ascetic,--which inscription covers & space of 2 9 high by has been beheld by saints previously mention- 23'' broad. The language is Old-Canarese ; ed, and the building of) which has been and the inscription is entirely in verse. prescribed by the writings of religion,-is The inscription records grants that were declared to be) surrounded by learned people. made to a tank called Kanthamagere, in Saka (This is the cave of Monibhatara. 840 for 841 (A.D, 929-30), the Pramathi sanNo. CXXXI. vatsara, at the time of the makara-samkramana Krishna II. was succeeded by his son or passage of the sun from Sagittarius into Jagattunga II." This, again, is only a Capricornus,-while Prabhata varsha III. titlo; the real name being as yet unknown. was reigning. The present inscription is from #stone- This inscription gives a new date and a new tablet at the well called Kolakokkana-bhovi at title in the genealogy. We know that A mothe hamlet of Dandapar, which is two miles to gha varsha I. reigned from Saka 736.7 up * Pal, Sanskrit, and Old-Canaren, Inscriptions, No. 19. Prajapati samvatsara was Saka 833, and Saka 831 w From the original stone. The mark after this letter, kta, appears to be the Sukla sarvatmara. Not in this inscription, however. fault in the stone, rather than to be intended for an I find that, in the case of both this king and anupudra. # Gara usually occurs only in the compound form Govinda III., the title of Jagadrudrs is due only to a agara, 'ruom, covered place, dwelling-house, receptacle.' mistake of Mr. Wathen in reading Jagadrudna instead By the Tables in Brown's Carnatic Chronology the of Jagattunga in l. 12 of the Karda plates, which will be published shortly in this series.

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AUGUST, 1883.] SANSKRIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. to at any rate Saka 799. It is, therefore, unlikely that his son, Krishna II., reigned much longer after Saka 833, when he had already been in power for thirty-six years. And, whereas we have already the title of Akalavarsha for .Krishna II, there is no evidence, and it seems improbable, that any of the Rashtrakutas had more than one title ending in varsha. There can, therefore, be little, Transcription." keppidared '['] Svasti Prabhutavarsham vistrita-kuvalayavan-uttarottara-vibhava-prastu[*] tyateyim rakshipa vistarad-and-enta nura nalvattavuta || Saka-ka[*]-lamgal-varsham prakatam pesarim Pramathi varttise dinapam makarakke [] rppa samkramana-kaladol-kude banda Paushada tithiyo! (I) Pannir-mmatta[] r=kkeyyam manyam-gudug-endu pole Vo(?)degdegrana besado! nanni-vede (da)mgam ) if any doubt, that the Prabhutavarsha" of this inscription is Jagattunga II., for whom we have as yet no title ending in varsha. His great-grandfather, Govinda III., had the same titles of Prabhutavarsha and Jagattunga. Accordingly, it seems not improbable that, if ever the inscriptions disclose the real name of Jagattunga II., it will be found to be Govinda V. 228 Li[mgam ?] [] tann-altiye kottu kerege yasamam [] gapp-anitaro]-ellam-sage [] maniyol-eradam [] Prayaschitta-nimittadol-ayada [] yada panamum per-ggereg-ayam-id-end-osadu kottor-i dvija-mukhyar [*] ["] Nereve gun-idya(dhya) Kkanthama-gereg-initach (a)varggn(rgn)". ko Translation. Hail! In the length (of time) when Prabhutavarsha was protecting the broad circuit of the earth with ever increasing praiseworthiness of power: (L. 2.)-When the eight hundred and fortieth year (of) the Saka era, that is known by the name of Pramathi," was current ; at the time of the samkramana when the sun came to (the sign) makara, (and) on the lunar day Though the argument cannot be pressed as far as he seeks to press it, yet there is, of course, a good deal of force in the suggestion made by Mr. Rice at p. 11 above. But the information that we already possess (see the genealogy in Vol. XI. p. 109) shows that, whatever relations there were between the names and the titles of the Rashtrakuta kings, they were not absolutely constant ones. From an ink-impression. 50 This letter is rather a nondescript one. The nearest approach to the consonant is the v of maduveyol, 1. 8. Part of the is just visible on the broken edge of the stone. The space left blank before this ga seems to be in va [] paripatan-i ka[bbajmgalan-oredam Ravinagabhattan-atyadaradin || padedam ( Viprara vivaham-ur-ol[a]."1 drammam-muram tapp(ppa)de" sudra-ganada ["] tarisand=1 gasanaman-nirisidar-a-chandra-tarak-antam-baregam KID poda [] Matinol-en-t sthitiyam ghitisi kidisida naram chiram panchamah[4][*] patakana lokakk=itan=tam pokum-endar-aduv-em-piride modalol-kott-or-ttere-variyaram-alvud-endu kerege padineja mattar-tiravudu Kesabbey=itta keyy-i[] m-mattar (1) Baredon-idam Sri-Viji(ja)yam nerad-in(n)-nur-irppadimbarum [1] Moradiya keri va [16] mastam pel-ene ta [m] maduveyol-ondam pagamene(ni)tan-ittam-frol-aahirany-[1]-** dravya-dayamam Il || of (the month) Pausha that coincided (with that samkramana): (L. 4.) At the command of Vora(?), who said:"Let him give a manya-grant,"-Linga (P), who was a marvel of truth, having of his own pleasure given twelve mattars of culturable land to the tank, acquired fame, (L. 6.) They gave as a tax, without fail, three drammas on account of every marriage of Brahmans that occurred in the village, consequence of some fault in the stone. 63 Part of the consonant, and also of the vowel, is visi ble on the broken edge of the stone. The metre shows that we must correct the preceding ppd into ppa, and that we can read nothing but, de here. Part of the ny is visible on the broken edge of the stone. Or we may read dravyad-Ayamath. Part of this is visible on the broken edge of the stone. The metre shows that we must correct t-a, and that we can read nothing but here. -d into By the Tables in Brown's Carnatic Chronology, the Pramathi samvatsara was Saka 841, and Saka 840 was the Bahudhanya sashvatsara,

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224 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [AUGUST, 1883. (and) two on (each) membrum virile, 9-(and) | Hatti-Mattar, in the Karajgi Taluka of the one on (each) marriage of the class of Sadras. Dharwad District. The sculptures at the top Giving a pana as the contribution on (each) of the stone are Nandi and the sun and moon. occasion of the performance of penance,-these Towards the bottom of the stone, and dividing best of the twice-born, saying, "This (is) the con- lines 10 to 19 of the inscription in half vertitribution to the large tank," gave with pleasure cally, there is sculptured a Jain flower-vase, of a pana of the contribution of gold in the village. the description of which several instances are They, who abounded in virtuous qualities, - | given by Dr. Burgess in his Amaravati Stupa, having assembled together, and having given with flowers or leaves hanging out over the this grant of property to the tank called) rim of it; above it there is a plain circle, Kanthamagere-set up this charter of settle- with a svastika in the centre of it. The ment, (to endure) to the end of the moon writing covers & space of about 2'8" high by and the stars. They said, "The man who even23 broad. The language is Old-Canarese in speech injures and destroys this ordinance, throughout. shall himself go for a long time to the world to Lines 1 to 13 contain an inscription of the which he goes who commits the five great reign of Nityavarsha I., i.e. Indra IV. It is sins;" how great (is) that (saying)! dated in Saka 838 (A.D. 916-7), the Dhatu (L. 15.)--Saying, "The whole (population sarivatsara. And it records a grant of the village of the street shall manage ...........5 of Vuta vura of Kachchavara-Kadamma the seventeen mattars (of land) that were given by the Mahasdmanta Lendeyarasa, in to the tank at the foot of the rising ground," the presence of the Two-hundred-and-twenty two mattars of culturable land were given by Mahajanas of Paltiya - Maltavura,- the Kesabbe, (as a) sacred (grant)." modern Hatti-Mattar, or Mattur of the cotton(L. 17.)-Sri-Vijaya wrote this; when the (lands). The object of the grant is not stated; Two-hundred-and-twenty (Mahdjanas) having but the sculpture at the bottom of the stone assembled together, said, "Speak!",the shows that the grant must have been made to humble Ravinagabhatta himself, with great some Jain establishment. deference, declared these verses. Lines 14 to 19 are another inscription, unNo. CXXXII. dated, of the eleventh or twelfth century A.D. Jagattunga II, had two wives. By his first It records grants of oil and rice to the god wife, Lakshmi, the daughter of Ranavi- Bhogesvara. Being written on the same stone graha, who was the son of Kokkala or Kokkalla with the owner inscription, it must record I. of the Kalachuri or Kulachuri dynasty of grants to th e establishment. It follows, Tripura, -he had one son, Indra IV., also therefore, that, by the time of the second incalled Nityavarsha I." 'scription, the Jain establishment to which the The present inscription is from a stone-tablet grant recorded in the first inscription was made, that was found lying buried towards the west must have been converted into a temple of above the honda, or "tank in the village,' at Siva under the name of Bhogesvara. Transcription." ['] Svasti Nityavarsha-sri(eri)pritu(thi)vivallabha-maharajadhiraja-parame[] svara-paramabhatha (ta)raka-vijaya-rajyam-attarottar-abhivriddhi-pravarddha[deg] mana[m=&*)-chandr-arka-taram baram sale (I*] Su(sa)ka-bhapa la-ka!-[&*]kranta-san [vatsara1 PrabA(bha)v-Adi-namade (dhe)yam-uttama-madhyama-jag hanya-pa (pha)ladi(da)-prabhoi. * Maniyo1.6." on every male."-In respect of an inscription at Aihole (No. LXIII.; Vol. IX. p. 74), mani was explained to me as meaning perhaps an old woman' or '& goddess. But here it seems clearly to have the meaning of membrum virile, which is the only meaning given to it by Sanderson. * The meaning of or-ttere-variyaram is not apparent. In the first part of the compound, we have either the modern ottera, one kind or bort,' or or, one.' and tere. tere, tax, assessment. In the second part, we have some derivative from vari, taz, assessment,' or corruption of the Sanskrit parihana. * 1.6., perhaps, to be managed by the priests of some temple, in contrast to the management of the seventeen mattare just spoken of. mi.." composed." On the authority of the Sangli plates, the next to be published, -48 well as of the present inscription. 5 From an ink-impression. * This bha was at first omitted, and then inserted below the preceding ma. 68 This bd was at first omitted, and then inserted, halfsize, on the upper line of the writing.

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August, 1883.) SANSKRIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. 225 Secon ('] tigal-entu nura mdvadt-ouponta)neya Dhatu-samvatsar [A*)ntarggata [] Svasti Samadhigata panchamahitabda-mahasamanta unnat-Aditya 8pa ['] Kusumayudha Abhimana-baluki srimat Lendel? nte)y-arasaru Purige[] re-munuruman=alutt-ire Paltiya-Maltavurada nar [] rppadimborum=ildu daye-geyye Kachchavara-Kadammana [] Vutavura bidisidom [ll] Idam k Ad Atange asvamedhada (") phalam [lo] i(t) sti(sthitiyspn(n)-alidatange Baranasi ('') yol=sayira kavileyuman sasirbboru[m] ["') parvvaruman-alida brahraktiyor-akku Second Inscription. [*] Sri-Bhogesva (sva)ra-devargge telliga Jayasingayya-setti Jumommi ["') setti Mali-setti Nami-setti Karvi-setti intziyar=mmo: ["] dal=agi ayvatt-okkalum-irddu Bodarimge kotta"" r sortige e nneya[m] I Idam n adasidargge ananta-pugya[m] ["] Sri-Bhogesvara-dewargge a ngadiya s etiyar sortiti)ge Hollisetti (j bhattamam bittar (11) I dharmmama[m*) nadesidavarigwakshe(ksha)ya-punya[m] ! Idan=alidange neraka -*) ! Translation. | in kindness caused the village of) Vatavura Hail: While the victorious reign of NityBel of Kachchavara-Kadamma to be allotted. varsha,-the favourite of Sri and of the earth; (L. 10.)-To him who preserves this (grant), the supreme king of great kings; the supreme (there shall be) the reward of celebrating) an lord; the most worshipful one-was continuing asvamedha-sacrifice; to him who destroys this with perpetual increase, (no as to endure) as long ordinance, there shall be (the guilt on the as the moon and sun and stars should last:- slaughter of a Brahman in destroying a thousand (L. 3.)- In the Dhatu sarivatsara, (which tawny-coloured cows or a thousand Brahmans was) the eight hundred and thirty-eighth of at Baranasi ! the years that have elapsed from the time of Second Inscription. the Sak a king, which have the names of (L. 14.)-Headed by the oil-man JayasingayPrabhava, 80., (and) which consist of those that yasetti, (and) Jummisetti, (anul) MAlisetti, (und) give the most excellent results and those that Namisetti, (and) Kamvisetti, -the Fifty Cultigive mediocre results and those that give the vators," being (in assembly), gave to the god worst results and others : Sri-Bhogesvara a sonfige" of oil for the lamp (of (L. 6.)-Hail! The Two-hundred-and-twenty the temple). To those who continue this, (there Mahajanas of the village of) Paltiya-Mal. shall be) infinite religious merit! tavure, being in assembly)-the glorious (L. 18.)-The merchants of the shops allotted Ledeyarasa, the Mahasamanta who had to the god Sri-Bhogeavara a sonlige (of oil ); attained the panchamahasabda ; he who was the (and) Hollisetti (allotted) some rice in the husk. sun of noble people ; & very Kusumayudha" To those who continue this act of piety, there ...."....." in respect of pride,-while shall be) imperishable religious merit; to him governing the Purigere Three hundred, - who destroys it, (there shall be hell! sc. brahma-hatyey 67 This Anusvara is superfluous. os This tti was at first omitted, and then inserted below the line. " This idea is still current; but I was not able to obtain any classification of the sath vatsaras in accordance with it, until Mr. K. B. Pathak supplied me with the following passage, in which we have the identical words that are used in this inscription, from a MS. of Maghapandi's Srduakachara, Chap. II., p. 665, Dakshinayanam-uttarayanam-end-it-teran A yeradsrim barisan lavu Prabhava-Vibhava-(fc., in the usual order, down to). Vyaya 120 uttama-samvat- sarangalu Sarvajitu-Sarvadhari-(&c., in the usual order, down to)-Parkbhava 120 'madhyama-samvatBarangalu Plavamga-Kilaka-(gc., in the usual order, down to)-Kshaya 1 20 jaghanya-sat vatsarar. galu | The qualities of each of the sixty sarhvataaras separately are detailed in the Sanskrit Narada-Sanhita, in the chapter called Salvatsara-phala. 10 Kimadeva. " The meaning of ap is not apparent, unless apdirura, unprecedented, should have been written, or, romo such word as rapa or martti being required in such a connection, unless it stands for vapus, 'form, person, beauty,'-conf. the Vedic form apus. The meaning of saluki is not apparent. 13 Ayvatt-okkalum; this, which occurs in many inscrip tions, is a technical term, and does not necessarily mean the exact number of fifty. A measure connected with the old form of the modern Canarese sotu,' a spoon or ladle.' beauction, wipe or mubare beestent unless deva

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226 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [AUGUST, 1883 ON THE GRAMMARIAN BHARTRIHARI. BY PROF. F. KIELHORN, PH.D., GOTTINGEN. Whatever may be the opinions of scholars commonly called Vakyapadiya. The commenregarding the dates generally which Professortators and later grammarians generally inform Muller in his Note on the "Renaissance of San. us that his commentary on the Mahabhashya skrit Literature" has assigned to the chief did not extend over more than three Padas, works of the so-called classical Sanskpit, there and, so far as I know, they do not ascribe to can be no doubt that Professor Muller is right him any works besides that commentary and in placing the grammarian Bhartrihari the Valyapadiya. In proof of this I may and the Kasika-vsitti before the middle of the quote Helar a ja, who, towards the end of his 7th century A.D. This date is fixed by that of own commentary, thus speaks of Bhartihari :the Chinese pilgrim I-tsing, who has left us an trailokyagAminI yena trikANDI vipadI kRtA / interesting account of the course of study pursued in the grammatical schools of India at tasmai samastavidyAzrIkAntAya haraye nmH|| . the time of his visit to that country. I Whether the whole of Bhartrihari's commenpropose to compare I-tsing's statements regard. tary on the Mahabhashya is still in existence, ing the works of Bhartsihari with what we it is impossible to say. I have never heard know of them from existing MSS. or commen. of any MS. of it except the Berlin one which taries, and to inquire if those works furnish does not go beyond the 7th Ahnika of the first any data that may help to fix the time of other Pada; it is incomplete at the beginning and authors. defective in the middle, and altogether very According to Professor Muller, I-tsing's ac- incorrect. But even from this imperfect and count of Bhartrihari's works, so far as it is faulty MS. it is clear that Bhartrihari's was a necessary to mention it here, is as follows :- very full and elaborate commentary, that its Next, there is the Bhartsihari-discourse, & author knew more than one glose on the Mahdcommentary on the ... Churni, the work of bhashya of which we know nothing, that his the great scholar Bhartsihari. It contains MSS. exhibited readings not to be met with in 25,000 slokas.' any of the MSS. which have hitherto become * There is, besides, the Vakya-discourse (Vak- accessible, and that Kaiyata's commentaryyapadika), which contains 700 slokas.' at least for the first seven Ahnikas-is but a Next, there is the Pina or Pida or Vina. very meagre extract from the work of BharIt contains 3,000 verses of Bhartibari. trihari. Considering that Bhartsihari's comIn the first of these works Professor Muller mentary is at least four times as extensive as recognizes Bhartsihari's commentary on the Kaiyata's, and that Kaiyata's comment on the Mahabhashya, and in the second the Vakyapa- first three Padas contains about 6,000 slokas, diya; as regards the last work he inclines to we may well believe that the Tripadi contained believe that I-tsing is speaking of the Bhalfi- 25,000 blokas, which is the figure given by kavya, 'supposing that Bhatti could in Chinese I-tsing. I-tsing is right too in calling Bhartrihave been represented by Pida.' hari's work a commentary on the Charmi, for From existing MSS. we know that Bharti- Bhartibari himself calls the author of the hari has written a commentary on the Maha. Mahabhashya the Chursikare, or author of bhashya, and a work in three chapters (kanda) the Churni. (Berlin MS. pp. 92a, 1026, 121a.) 1 India, What can it teach uai pp. 281-366. same auspicious term at the end of the last Varttiks in Loc. cit. pp. 343-349. In the first work mentioned by every one of the eight Adhyayas. Curious it is that the I-tsing, the elementary Siddhanta, I would recognize author of the Vajasaneyi-pratifdkhya should have a kind of Lipi- or Matrik- viveka, similar to the one of wound up every one of his eight Adhyayas with the Kahemendra arman, which teaches the letters, their combinations, the organs with which they are pro similarly auspicious expression :.--I-taing's nounced, &c. I think I am right in stating that both statement about the so-called Khilas appears to me to in BrAhmanical and Jaina indigenous schooly, the first contain some mistake. Khilapatha ocours Kaf-vritti, thing children learn in the phrase at a part 1, 3, 2, and is explained there by Haradatta to comprino the Dhatupatha, Pratipadillfi.e., Gana) patha and For the use of the auspicious word fry at the com- Vakya-patha. mencement of literary works I need refor only e.g. to The Hari-kdrikde are no separate work, Hari-kdrikd the first of Katyayan a's Varttikus and I would draw being merely another expression for 's verse from the attention to the fact that Katyayana has employed the Vakyapadlya.' .

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ON THE GRAMMARIAN BHARTRIHARI. AUGUST, 1883.] The work usually called Vakyapadiya has long ceased to be studied in India. MSS. of it are rare, and generally incorrect. In all of them the work is divided into three Kandas, and the whole is therefore also named Trikandi. The first of the three chapters which is called Brahmakanda or Agama-samuchchaya contains in most MSS. 183, the second or Vakya-kanda 487 slokas. The third or Pada-kanda consists of 14 sections (Samuddesa), with a total of 1815 slokas. The Vakyapadiya then, such as we have it, contains altogether 1985, or in round numbers 2000 slokas, and this is the figure given at the end of Colebrooke's MS. (together with the additional remark 'Rupees 2'). Such being the case, it appears to me that I-tsing's statement, according to which the Vakya-discourse contained 700 slokas, cannot refer to the work to which our MSS. give the title Vakyapadiya; for I see no reason to believe that a writer who gives correctly the extent of Panini's grammar, of the Kasika-vritti, of the Mahabhashya, and, so far as we can judge, of Bhartrihari's commentary, should have made a mistake or been misinformed in this case. On the contrary, I hope to show that I-tsing's account is as accurate here as it is in the case of the other works which he describes, and I believe that I can at the same time suggest the Sanskrit title of the last work mentioned by him, the Pina or Pida or Vina' which Professor Muller hesitatingly understands to be the Bhattikavya. Vardhamana describes Bhartrihari, whom he mentions in his Ganaratnamahodadhi, as vAkyapadIyaprakIrNakayoH karttA mahAbhASyavipadyA vyAkhyA the author of the Vakyapadiya and Prakirnaka, and commentator of three Padas of the Mahabhashya.' The expression Vakyapadiya and Prakirnaka,' is here equivalent to the term Trikandi in the verse cited from Helaraja, and must be understood to denote the work which the MSS. call simply Vakyapadiya. As a South-Indian MS. ases Prakirnaka synonymously with Pada-kanda, and as moreover Helaraja calls his commentary on the Pada-kanda-Prakirna-prakasa, it is clear that Prakirna or Prakirnaka was a name for what is now considered the third chapter of the Vakyapadiya, and it follows that as late as the 12th century the term Vakyapadiya was 227 employed to denote the first and second chapters only of Bhartrihari's work. After this it is hardly necessary to say that I understand I-tsing's statement about the Vakya discourse to refer to the Vakyapadiya in this restricted sense, which would contain 670 or, roughly speaking, 700 slokas, and that I would recognize in the 'Pina' the Prakirna or Pada-kanda. I am aware that the number of slokas which I-tsing assigns to the Pina does not agree with the actual number of slokas of the Prakirna, but am inclined to think that this very discrepancy speaks rather in favour of than against my identification. Not to mention my own views on the subject, we have Punyaraja's distinct testimony, that already in his time the Pada-kanda was no longer complete, either because it had ceased to be studied, or through the carelessness of copyists, or through other causes.' I-tsing's statement is the more valuable as suggesting how much of Bhartrihari's work may really have been lost. Excepting the well-known verses at the end of the Vakya-kanda, Bhartrihari refers to other literary works, both in the Vakyapadiya and the Prakirna, only in such general terms as Smrityantara and Vyakaranantara, by which the commentators understand the grammars of Apisali and Kasakritsna. In his commentary on the Mahabhashya he cites of writers on grammar by name the Apisalah and Kuni, the commentator of the Ashtadhyays. Besides he mentions or quotes:-the Taittiriyah and Vajasaneyinah; the Aevalayana- and Apartamba-(Franta)-atras, and a Bahspicha(srauta)-sutra-bhashya; the Nirukta, Pratisakhyas, Sikshus in general, and a verse from the Paniniya-siksha in particular; Dharmasutrakarah; the Mimaisaka-darsana, Sankhya-darsana, Vaiseshika-darsana and the Naiyayikah. But what I would call particular attention to, is the fact that Bhartrihari also mentions andquotes three times from the Vaidyaka and Charaka, and that it is therefore certain that of Indian writers on medicine Charaka at any rate must be placed before the middle of the 7th century. I hope to prove elsewhere by the help of Bhartrihari's commentary, that later grammarians are wrong in identifying Gonardiya with Patanjali.

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228 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. THE RASHTRAKOTA KING KRISHNARAJAI AND LAPURA. BY PROF. RAMCHANDRA GOPAL BHANDARKAR M.A., POONA. While preparing a paper on the early history of the Dekhan for the Bombay Gazetteer, I had to give an account of Krishnaraja, an early Rashtra kata monarch and successor of Dantidurga, and in this connection had to examine the Baroda copperplate inscription published in the Bengal Asiatic Society's Journal, vol. VIII, pp. 292ff. It struck me that an important passage relating to this king had been misunderstood by the translator, and I found that Dr. Buhler and Mr. Fleet, when they had occasion to write about Krishnaraja accepted this translation, and spoke of Krishnaraja as having built a fort on the hill at El&pura. Dr. Buhler thought one of the stanzas was badly deciphered or was corrupt, and made out that a temple of Siva was constructed in addition to a hill fort; but he did not identify Elapura.' Mr. Fleet expressed his opinion that Elapura was the same as Yellapur in North Kanara. And now, in the number of this Journal for June last," Mr. Fleet has given a revised transcript and translation of the inscription, together with a facsimile. But I am sorry to observe his transla. tion of the passage in question is still unsatisfactory. As the point involved is important, I take the liberty of discussing the sense of the passage, and feel little doubt that a scholar like Mr. Fleet will himself acknowledge the appropriateness of the translation I have to give. The two stanzas are: elApurAcalagatAdbhutasannivezaM yadvIkSya vismitavimAnacarAmarendrAH / etasva (svayambhu zivadhAma na kRtrime zrIdRSTedRzIti satataM bahu carcayanti // bhUyastathAvidhakRtI vyavasAyahAneretanmayA kathamaho kRtamityakasmAt / softver agregar faeft tannAma kIrtanamakAryata yena rAjJA // Mr. Fleet corrects the f of his facsimile to 4 in line 2. But the original is appropriate, and the emendation will not do. Mr. Fleet translates the passage thus:"Having seen his wonderful encampment situated on the mountain of Elapura, the astonished immortals, who travel in celestial cars, always take Ind. Ant. vol. VI, p. 61. Ind. Ant. vol. XI, p. 124. [AUGUST, 1883. much thought, saying:-" This is the abode of Svayambhu-Siva, and no artificially made (dwelling); Sri, (if she could be) seen, (would be) such as this.' Verily even the architect who built it felt astonishment, saying:-' (The utmost) perseverance would fail to accomplish such a work again; aho! how has it been achieved by me!'; (and), by reason of it, the king was caused to praise his name:" The evident objections against this translation are:-1st. Mr. Fleet takes - as a karmadharaya compound, and a substantive noun, not an adjective. But in that case its gender ought to be masculine, since is a masc. noun; but it is not so here, because which is neuter qualifies it. yad ought to be yam if the compound is a karmadharaya and a substantive. 2. There must be a to answer to this, but where this is, does not clearly appear from the translation. Mr. Fleet perhaps takes to refer to king Krishna, but in that case it ought to be , and then only can it be connected with the compound elA - sanivezam 3. Svayambhu-Siva is taken as a compound; but Svayambhu as an adjective of Siva or as a crude ought to have the ending vowel long, while it is short here; and the metre does require a short vowel. 4. There is no reason why should be regarded as a mistake for . . When a noun and an adjective are put together, the copula only can be understood between them and not verbs of the potential or conditional mood. Mr. Fleet, however, understands would be' after Sri, and if she could be' in connection with T. 6. Mr. Fleet translates as "by reason of it." "Of what?" I would ask. Certainly not, "of his being struck with astonishment," which is what precedes. 7. What could have led the author of the verses to compare "an encampment" with a temple of Siva ? Such a comparison is inappropriate as there is no resemblance. 8. Why should an abode of Siva be contrasted with an artifi cially made dwelling; in other words, what is the necessity of denying this attribute of a temple of Siva P According to my way of taking it the two stanzas form one sentence. The principal clause is yena rAjJA kIrtanamakAryata and the rest are attribu tive adjuncts of kIrtana. The word kIrtana has Ind. Ant. vol. XII, p. 156.

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KING KRISHNARAJA AND ELAPURA. AUGUST, 1883.] been understood in its usual and etymological sense by Mr. Fleet and the first translator; that sense is not at all appropriate here and the word must be taken to signify "a temple." Though the dictionaries do not give this sense, there is no question the word does denote a "temple." Thus in Mr. Telang's Silahara grant, we have saM (zaM) bhoryo dvAdasA (zA) pi vyaracayadacirAtkIrtanAmi (ni). "Who verily constructed in a short time twelve temples of Siva." (Ind. Ant., vol. IX, p. 34, 11. 1-2.) The word occurs in other inscriptions also where it must be interpreted as a temple." In the Agni Purana we have in the Chapter on the Construction of Temples,' tasmAddittaM samAsAdya daivAdvA pauruSAdatha / dayAnsamyadijAyebhyaH kIrtanAni ca kArayet || (Ed. Bib. Ind. vol. I, p. 111.) "Therefore having got wealth by luck or by exertion, one should give it in the proper way to the best among the twice-born and cause temples to be constructed." Similarly in Bana's Kadambart, in the description of the victorious march of a prince, we have AdizandezavyavasthAH sthApayansvacihnAni kurvankIvanAni lekhayan zAsanAni pRthivIM vicacAra / ...... elA- saMnivezam is to be taken as a Bahuvrthi qualifying kIrtanam understood; nAma is an inde clinable adverb meaning "verily," has its final vowel shortened because it qualifies the neuter noun Sivadhama. mahatAM vidyamAnAnAM vittenopakaroti yaH / svargamAnAM jaratpurtakIrttanoNena // tu In this passage therefore, Krishnaraja is represented to have caused to be constructed on the hill at Elapur, a temple of Siva of extraordinary beauty, and in the next stanza the idol is spoken of as having been decorated by the king with rubies, gold, and all other precious things. Here, too, Mr. Fleet translates yena by "by means of it," but it ought, as in the preceding sentence, to be rendered as "by whom," i.e., by the king. Now, when the ending pura of names of places undergoes a change in the vernaculars it becomes ura, and in rare cases ora. Thus we have Chittur for Chitrapura, Indor for Indrapura, Sirur for Sripura, Simhur for Simhapura, Nandur or Nandor for Nandipura, Bishnur for Vishnupura, Mahisur for Mahishapura, Teur (often spelt Tevur) for Tripura, &c. Thus then Ela pura should become Elur, and with the termination ka which is the Sanskrit This occurs in the description of Vastupala in the fourth canto. The sense is, "[That Vastupala] who does good to the great who are living by means of wealth, and to those who are dead by the restoration of dilapidated works of public utility (such as tanks, wells &c.) and temples." The words in the two stanzas before us are to be thus syntactically connected: vernacular Elura. It is, therefore, a temple of extraordinary beauty on the hill at Elur & that Krishnaraja, in these two stanzas is said to have caused to be 33 yad yaha elApurAcalagatADutasaMnivezam [kIrtanam ] original of the wraamisr ending & we have vIkSya vismitavimAnacarAmarendrAH " etad zivadhAma svayaMbhu, IdRzI zrIH kRtrime na dRSTA bahu carcayanti; yasya [kIrtanasya ] kartA zilpI api khalu bhUyastathAvidhakRtau vyavasAyahAne: "aho katham etad mayA kRtam " iti akasmAt vismayam Apa tad nAma kIrtanam yena rAjJA akAryata. constructed; very likely it was the Kailasa itself, since it is spoken of with such admiration. The date of the grant in which D antidurga is represented to have conquered the Chalukyas and become paramount sovereign is Saka 675, and "He traversed the earth, dictating arrangements for the government of countries, placing his memorials, constructing temples, causing grants to be written, &c." In Someevara's Kirtikaumudi we have 229 This reference I owe to Mr. Telang himself. My attention was called to this passage by Prof. Here yena rAjJA is, like yo and yasmin in the preceding sentences and in the following, to be connected with kRSNarAjaH jajJe in the first sentence in which the description of this king begins. It is usual in Sanskrit literature when a description is given, to introduce each sentence by the relative pronoun and make it an attributive adjunct of the subject in the principal sentence, i.e., the thing or person described. A close translation of this is : "[That king] by whom, verily, was caused to be constructed a temple on the hill at Elapura, of a wonderful structure,-on seeing which the best of immortals who move in celestial cars, struck with astonishment, think much constantly, saying, This temple of Siva is self-existent; in a thing made by art such beauty is not seen,'-a temple, the architect-builder of which, in conse-quence of the failure of his energy as regards [the construction of] another such work, was himself suddenly struck with astonishment, saying, 'Oh, how was it that I built it!" Abaji V. K&thavate, of Ahmedabad, who has been editing the Kirtikaumudt for the Bombay Sanskrit Series.

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230 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [AUGUST, 1883. Kishnardja is in the Radhanapur grant also spoken of as having wrested the supreme sove reignty from the Chalukyas. It therefore appears that Dantidurga died without completing his work, i.e., bocn after Saka 675, since his successor had to continue it. Krishnaraja, therefore, reigned in the last quarter of the seventh century of the Saka era, e., between 753 and 778 A.D. MISCELLANEA. RAJAPITAMAHA.-THE SILA HARA TITLE. the Anijaneri inscription (Ind. Ant. Vol. XII. With reference to what Mr. R. D. Davo has p. 126);-Sri-vikranta-Ndrdyana, applied to the written at p. 150 above, on the meaning of Raja- Rashtrakuta king Govinda V. in l. 38 of the pitamaha, or more correctly Rdya-Pitamaha, Sangli plates ;-and Sri-vira-Ndrayana, applied since pitamaha, as well as being a name of the to the same king in l. 6 of a Kalas inscription. god Brahma, means 'grandfather,' the title may The title of Raya-Pitamaha was not confined to of course be taken as meaning the grandfather the Silharas. It is applied also-to the Devaof kings' as was done by the author of the Ku giri.Yadava king Ramachandra in the second of mdrapalacharita, in order to suit the fancy that the Thans grants referred to above;--and to he had in his mind. But, so far as the inscrip- Sivachitta or Permadi of the Kadambas of Goa tions are concerned, it undoubtedly means, -as in l. 14 of the Golihalli inscription (Jour. Bo. Br. Mr. Wathen did not suggest,' but properly took R. As. Soc. Vol. IX. p. 296).--Other titles in it to mean, in the case of the analogous expression which the name of Pitamaha occurs in the same Mandalika-Pitamaha, -nothing but "a Pitamaha way are-Samanta Pitamaha, applied to Sduna(or Brahma) of a king," or "a very Pitamaha chandra III. in 1. 3 of the Anjaneri inscription among kings." - Compare the analogous titles, referred to above ;-and Mandalika-Pitamaha, not capable of the same double interpretation, applied to Achyutanayaka, the feudatory of RAof-Raya-Narayana, applied to the Western machandra, in the second of the Thana inscripChalukya king Vikramaditya VI. in l. 3 of the tions referred to above. Golihalli inscription (Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. J. F. FLEET, Bo. C.S. Vol. IX. p. 296), and to the Devagiri-Yadava Simla, 26th May 1883. king Krishna in l. 14 of the Behatti grant (id. Vol. XII. p. 42), and to Ramachandra of VIKRAMADITYA ERA. the same dynasty in the two Than grants In Max Muller's India : What can it teach w P (Jour. R. As. Soc., 0. S., Vol. V., No. 9, p. 178, there is a long note (pp. 281-366) on "The Renaisand No. 10, p. 183);-Raya-Murdri, applied sance of Sanskrit Literature," in which the author, to the Kalachuri king Sovideva or Somesvara among other matters, discusses, with his usual in l. 1 of a Balagamve inscription (P. 8. and clearness of statement and fulness of reference, 0.-C. Inscriptions, No. 188);-Sri-nripati-Trint. the origin of the Samvat and Saka eras. The tra, applied to the Rashtrakata king Govinda V. whole note is full of the most interesting and in 1. 38 of the Sangli plates (Jour. Bo. Br. R.As. important data, but we can only find room for the Soc. Vol. IV. p. 100); -Raja-Sarvajnabhupa, following extract from the first ten pages of it : pplied to the Western ChAlukya king Somesvara It has long been an open secret among all who III. in 1. 9 of the Pattadakal inscription (id. Vol. are interested in Indian coins and inscriptions, XI. p. 259);-Rajardja-Trinetra, applied to the that there is absolutely no documentary evidence Devagiri-Yadava king Krishna in l. 12 of the whatever for the existence of such a king VikraMunawalli inscription (id. Vol. XII. p. 34);- maditya in the first century B.C. But the puzzle Raja Manoja, applied to the same king in 1. 17 has always been, how the belief in such a king, of the same inscription ;-Mandalika-Kusumako. living in the first century B.C. and in all his danda, applied to Permadi I. of the Sinda family wonderful achievements, could have arisen, and in l. 33 of the Naregal inscription (id. Vol. XI. this puzzle has at last been solved, I believe by p. 224);-Yadava-Nardyana, applied to the Hoy- what I may be allowed to call the architectonical sala king Ballkla II. in l. 5-6 of a Halebid inscrip- genius of Mr. Fergusson. tion (P. S. and 0.-C. Inscriptions, No. 233), and I do not mean to say that all difficulties which to the Devagiri-Yadava king Singhana II. in beset that period of Indian chronology have been 1 18.14 of the other Munawalli inscription (Jour. removed by him, but I cannot help thinking that Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. Vol. XII. p. 11), and to Seuna. in the main his solution will turn out to be correct. chandra III. of the Yadavas of Nasik in 1. 3 of Mr. Fergusson tries to prove that what is called 1 Journal of the Royal Aviatic Society, vol. XII. (1880), pp. 200-28%, On the Saka, Samvat and Gupta Eras; a supplement to his paper on Indian Chronology, vol. IV., (1809), pp. 81-137.

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AUGUST, 1883.] the era of Vikramaditya, 56 B.C., was a date arrived at by taking the date of the great battle of Korur, in which Vikramaditya, i.e. Harsha of Ujjayini, finally defeated the Mlechchhas, 544 A.D., and by throwing back the beginning of the new era 6 + 100 (or 10 +60) before that date, i.e., 56 B.C. By a similar process, i.e. by adding 10+100 years, another chronological era, called the Harsha era, was fixed at 456 B.C., though it never seems to have come into actual use. MISCELLANEA. This certainly seems very plausible. We could thus understand why much that was said originally of the Vikramaditya of the sixth century A.D. was reflected on the purely nominal Vikramaditya of the Vikrama era 56 B.C., the inventor of the era being projected 600 years before his actual reign, a period when there is really no monumental, numismatic, or historical evidence of the existence of any such king. It has been said that there is as yet no other evidence for this battle of Korur (Kurukshetra ?) besides Albiruni's statement. But Albiruni does not invent battles. He tells us what he was told, and he may sometimes have misunderstood what he was told. But in our case the chronological side of the argument is too strong to be set aside by mere general suspicions and surmises, though, no doubt, it would have to yield to contemporaneous evidence which should make a great battle against foreign invaders at that time and in that place impossible. Besides, the statements of Taranatha as to Harsha's victory near Multan, though no doubt very modern, cannot be due to mere accident. Others had guessed at such a solution before Mr. Fergusson, but what I admire in him is his pluck, and the clearness with which he puts forward his theories. Nothing, I feel sure, has injured Sanskrit studies This battle of Korur is described by Albiruni in his account of the Saka era. (Reinaud, Fragm. Arabes et Persans, pp. 140f.), and Bhao Daji, Journal of the Bombay Br. R. Asiatic Society, vol. VIII. (1864), p. 242; Reinaud, Memoire sur l'Inde (1849), p. 79. This battle of Korur may be the same as that of Multan mentioned by Taranatha, Sri Harsha abolished the teaching of Mlechchhas by massacring them at Multan.' Asanga and Vasubandhu were his contemporaries (900 p. B. N.), his predecessor was called Gambhirapaksha, his successor Slla, Ind. Ant., vol. IV. (1875), p. 365, See Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. XIV. (1880), p. 273. The same date, 466 Saka-544 A.D. is mentioned in the Satrunjaya Mahatmya as the beginning of Vikramaditya's reign; Keru. Preface, p. 15, on the authority of Wilford. Buhler, however, calls the Satrunjaya Mahatmya 'a wretched forgery of the 12th or 14th century. It has been edited by Professor Weber. Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. XII. (1880), p. 275; Reinaud, Memoire sur l'Inde, p. 136. It is strange that Albiruni should not have guessed the real state of the case, when he was told by a native that Harsha lived 400 years before Vikrama; but that 231 so much as the want of a certain amount of scientific manliness and straightforwardness on the part of scholars, who never venture to say Yes or No! and who always involve a crowd of reasons for and against in a cloud of words difficult to construe. Mr. Fergusson, whether he is right or wrong, at all events puts down his foot firmly and sticks to his colours as long as he can. There is an immense advantage in this. If he is wrong, he can be knocked down, and no one is likely to defend again what he has been unable to uphold. If he is right, there can be no mistake as to where he has planted his standard, and others may safely push forward beyond the point which he has reached..... The contest has been going on for some time, Dr. Bhao Daji arrived at the conclusion that 'not a single inscription or copper-plate grant is dated in the Vikrama Samvat before the eleventh century of the Christian era, and that the Vikrama Samvat was brought into use on the revival of Jainism and the establishment of the Anhilpura dynasty in Gujarat.' Mr. Fergusson' thought at first that the Vikrama era was invented in the age of Bhoja of Dhara (A.D. 993), or rather by the revived Chalukyas (A.D. 1003). This, however, was going too far. General Cunningham in his Archaeological Reports, vol. II, p. 266, denies indeed the possibility of any inscription being dated in the Samvat era in 747, and reads in consequence the date of one of Tod's inscriptions, not 747-56-691, but 747+78-825-6. Afterwards, however, on p. 68, he speaks of an inscription dated 811, which he interprets in the Vikrama era, i.e. 754-5 A.D., and which he quotes as the earliest inscription he is aware of, dated in that mediaeval era. Sir Walter Elliot published translations of some Chalukya inscriptions in 1836 (J. R. A. S. vol. IV. (1837), p. 14), in which the incipient substitution of the Vikrama for the Saka according to the Almanack of Kasmira Harsh ought to be placed 664 years later, i.e. 608 A.D. The number of years may not be quite right, but what really took place is clearly indicated. 5 Many years ago Holtzmann (uber den greich. Ursprung des indischen Thierkreises, p. 19), remarked, to assign to Vikramaditya the first year of his era might be quite as great a mistake as we should commit in placing Pope Gregory XIII. in the year 1 of the Gregorian calendar, or even Julius Caesar in the first year of the Julian period, to which his name has been given, i.e. in the year 4713 B.C.' See Weber, Sanskrit Literature, p.202. Journal of the Bombay Br. Royal Asiatic Society, vol. VIII, p. 242 note. Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. IV. (1870), p. 132. There is no contradiction in this, as Mr. Fergusson seems to think (Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. XII. (1880), pp. 271, 272); but what seems strange is that on other occasions General Cunningham should translate Sam. 5 as B.c. 52. See Archaeological Survey Rep., vol. III., p. 31.

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232 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [AUGUST, 1883. era is alluded to. Of course, nothing short of a does it follow therefore that it is Vikrama 864, contemporaneous document dated less than 600i.e. 430 A.D.P Is it likely that the father would of the Vikrama era would really upset Mr. Fer- use one era, and the son another P Besides, the gusson's theory, and such a date has, as yet, not date in the inscription is injured, and even if the been met with. date were right, there would be considerable My learned friend, Professor Buhler, who still doubt whether the Ashadha Sudi could have holds to the belief that the Vikrama era, which fallen on a Sunday in 430 A.D.10 Heartily as I begins 56 B.C., was really established by a king of should welcome any evidence that would settle that name who lived before the beginning of the this interesting point either way, I cannot think Christian era, has for years been engaged in the that this one date of Jayabhata will settle it. study of Indian inscriptions, and has of course What has to be proved is that an era, invented by been most anxious to produce at least one inscrip- a great king in 56 B.C., remained dormant for tion dated contemporaneously in any year before 600 years at least. This will require very plausible 600 of Vikrama, or 544 A.D. He could easily prove arguments, and the strongest monumental evithat Bhao Daji's limit was much too late, as there dence. is the Samangadh plate, the date of which in the Let us now see how, according to Dr. Bhao Vikrama era comes to 754 A.D. He also pointed Daji and Mr. Fergusson, the real date of Vikraout the Pathan inscriptions of Samvat 802 (746 maditya, the inventor of the Vikrama era, can be A.D.), recording the accession of Vanaraja, though determined. During the whole of Hiouen-thsang's here Mr. Burgess expressed some doubts as to its travels in India, Siladitya (Harshavardhana Ku. genuineness. Anyhow the fact remained that a mararaja) was on the throne of Kanyakubja, as scholar who had probably seen more inscriptions supreme ruler in the north of India. The date than any other, could not produce a single case of these travels, according to Chinese chronology, where the Vikrama era was used before 754 A.D., is from 629-645. In about 640, or during his that is, 810 years after its supposed introduction." second stay at Nalanda, Hiouen-thsang had a I should have expected therefore that Professor vision that king Sile ditya would die in ten years. Buhler would have hesitated, when he suddenly This, apart from all visions, would place the king's came on the Kivi inscription which gives the death in 650 A.D. When Hiouen-thoang took date 430 A.D. for its grantor Jayabhata, before leave of king Siladitya, he had reigned thirty accepting it as a Vikrama date. Under other yoars, and was holding his sixth quinquennial circumstances his arguments might have carried assembly called Mokshamahaparishad, or Panchaconviction, but when this is the only case of a Vikra- parishad). The beginning of his reign must there. ma date before 600, the circumstantial evidence fore be fixed at 610, its end about 650. He was on which he relies requires, surely, careful reconsi. by caste a Vaisya.20 deration. If Jayabhata is the father of Dada II, The Chinese historian Ma Tuan-lin gives and if Dada's dates range from Saka 380 to 417 slightly different dates, for he speaks of an (A.D. 459-498),1% no doubt the date assigned to his embassy sent to Magadha in 648 which found father-viz. 486, cannot be Saka (A.D. 564). Butking Siladitya dead, and his minister O-lo-na-shan Tribhuvana malla (1182 A.D.) rubbed out the Saka, and instituted the Vikrama era in its stead.' Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. IV. (1837), p. 14; vol. XII. (1850) p. 278. Jour, of the Bombay Br. R. Asiatic Society, vol. IX. p. 316. [This is quite a different Vikra. ma era : vis, that instituted by the Western Chalukys king Vikramaditya VI., dating from his coronation on Monday 5th Phalguna sudi of $. 997. See Ind. Ant. vol. VIII, pp. 187-193.-ED.) 10 Jour of the Bombay Br. R. Asiat. Soe, vol. II, p. 371 Beq. (This plate is not dated in the Vikrama-Samvat era at all: see Ind. Ant. vol. VIII, p. 188; vol. XI, p. 110.-Ed.]. 1 Professor Buhler informs me that he now possesses an inscripsion, dated Sarhvat 794 = A.D. 737-8(Ind. Ant., vol. XII, pp. 151f.) 1 Ind. Ant. vol. V, p. 110.-ED. 1. 4. 15 Ind. Ant. vol. V, p. 111 ; vol. VII, p. 61.-ED. * Mr. D. B. Hutcheon calculates that AshAdha Sudi 10th, in Sam. 486, fell on Wednesday, 29th May, 429 A.D. and in Sam. 487 (486 elapsed) it fell on Tuesday, 17th June, 130 A.D., and in this latter year the karkasam kranti fell on 30th June or 13th AshAdha gudi. This confirma Prof. Keru L. Chhatre's computation (Ind. Ant. vol, V, p. 112, note).-J. B. 15 This should be 429 A.D.-ED. I. A. 26 Professor Buhler's remark (Indian Antiquary, vol. V, 1876, p. 152) has not escaped me; but here again the reading of the figures is very doubtful, see Fleet, Indian Antiquary, vol. V (1876) p. 68, and Professor Buhler himself admits now that there is no Samvat date on that plate (conf. vol. VIII, p. 241). 11 Journal of the Dombay Br. R. Ariat. Soc. vol. VI, (1860), p. 225; vol. IX, p. 149. - Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. IV. (1870), p. 85. 19 Dr. Edkins (Atheneum, 1880, July 3, p. 8) informs us that the same emperor who received Hiouen-thsang, received with equal favour the Syrian Christians, Alopen and his companions, in A.D. 639. 20 Hiouen-thsang, tome I, p. 111. Vaiya is sometimes changed into Vaidya (conf. Ind. Ant. vol. VI, pp. 189ff). Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. IV, (1870), p. 85; Journal of the Bombay Br. Royal Asiatic Society, vol. VI, p. 69. Julien, Melanges de Geographie Asiatique, p. 164, gives 646 as the date of the departure of the embassy, Na-fo-ti-a-la-na-shun as the name of the minister, and Srikumara as king of Eastern India, probably Bhd karavarman Kumara.

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AUGUST, 1883.] MISCELLANEA. 233 (A-la-na-shun) ruling in his stead. So small a his brother had been educated by Bhandi. Their difference, however, in Indian chronology, is sister, Rajyasri, was married to Grahavarman, really to be considered as a confirmation rather who was killed by the king of Malavaon the than as a difficulty; and so is Ma Tuan-lin's same day that Prabhakara was defeated. This account of the wars between siladitya and his king of Malava was afterwards slain by Rajyavar. great opponent Pulakesin" of Kalyana (whom dhana, and when Rajyavardhana succumbed to he does not name), which he places in 618- Gupta, king of Gauda, Harsha (Harsha Dova or 627.95 Harsha Malla) succeeded. While Bhandi defeated The father of this Siladitya was Prabhakara the M&lavas, and Rajyasri was recovered, Harsha (or Prabhakaravardhana), and his elder brother. made an alliance with Bhaskaravarman, of Prag. Rajyavardhana. Both had been reigning before jyotisha, the same as Bhaskaravarman, the king The elder brother had been defeated and killed of Kamarupa, whom Hiouen-thsang visited, his by Sasanka (moon) of Karnasuvarna," an enemy title being Kumara (Hiouen-thsang, tome III, of the Buddhists, and it was then that Siladitya p. 77), like that of Harsha. 30 was proclaimed king, though he declined the title The duration of the reigns of Rajyavardhana of Maharaja, preferring that of Kumararija. In and Prabhakara is not given, but as it is stated six years he conquered the five Indies,' but peace that about 640 Siladitya had reigned thirty years, was not restored during thirty years. Being a and that, about sixty years before that time, the strict Buddhist, he forbad the eating of meat. throne was occupied by Siliditya Pratapasila, Mr. His minister was Po-ni (Bhandi). This aocdunt Fergusson proposes to fix the end of Siladitya of Siladitya of Kanyakubja, the supreme ruler of Pratapabila's reign in 580, which leaves about Northern India, and his two predecessors, coming thirty years, 580-610 for Prabh&karavardhana from an eye-witness, the Chinese pilgrim Hiouen- and Rajyavardhana. Siladitya Pratapasila ruled thsang, is confirmed by a well-known Sanskrit fifty years, 530--580," and was preceded by author Bana, in his Harshacharita. This text was Vikramaditya (at Sravasti"), whose reiga would discovered by Dr. F. Hall, and its great import- accordingly have ended in 530. From what ance pointed out in his preface to the Vdeavadatta. Hiouen-thsang tells us of Vikrama's treatment of It has since been published at Calcutta. In this the Buddhist Manoratha," the king seems for a work, again the work of an eye-witness, the same time to have favoured the Brahmans, while his Harsha or Harshavardhana Siladitya is represented successor Siladitya favoured Vasubandhu and the as the son of Pratapasila and Yasovati, his elder Buddhists, though it is easy to see that, during brother being Rajyavardhana. Prabhakaravar. most of these reigns, all sects enjoyed equal freedhana is said to have been a worshipper of the dom and peace. One king is a Buddhist, the next sun, while his father Pushpabhati had been a wor. a Brihmanist. Sometimes the same king favoura shipper of Siva. Prabhakaravardhana's spiritual both systems, or favours one at one time, the other guide was called Madhavagupta, his astrologer at another. We hear of fathers turning Bud. Taraka, his physician Sushena. Both he and dhists, and their children remaining Brahmaniste,** The inscriptio rival of Hate Society, FOL . IV, (1870), reira scriptions binterests as some XX, the name in title >> The inscriptions are supposed to give a different date for Palakesin, the rival of Haraha. 'Bhao Daji, Journal of the Bombay Br. Royal Asiatic Society, vol. VIII, p. 250; and Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. IV, (1870), pp. 92-95. See, howeyor, Fergusson, Indian Antiquary, vol. II, (1873), p. 94, and Fleet, in Indian Antiquary, vol. y, (1876) p. 67 (also vol. VIII, p. 241). At p. 91, Prof. Mar Muller refers the Manuti inscription to S. 507 instead of $. 557 or A.D. 635, below he gives A.D. 635; below he give A.D. 634.-ED.). * See Stan. Julien, 1. c. p. 162. ** Hiouen-thsang, tome I, p. 112. 35 Hiouen-thsang, tome I, p. 112. * L. o. tome II, p. 250. He was the same who destroyed the Bodhi-tree dans ces derniers temps, 1. o. tome II, p. 463, but different from Shasanks, whose life was written by Maheavara, and by the later Harsha ; see Hall, Vasavadatta, pref. p. 18. "See Dr. Fitz-Edward Hall's important Introduction to his edition of Vasaradatta, p. 17, note. Harshavardhana, mentioned in the inscriptions, was vanquished by Pula. kosin II, Saty faraya, whose reign began in 609 A.D. (Ind. Ant. vol. II, 1873, p. 94), while his great-grandson reigned 700-705, according to inscriptions. See Journal of the Bombay Br. R. Asiat. Soc. vol. III, pt. ii. Jan.(1851) Pp. 206, 207, 211; vol. II, Oct. (1844) p. 5. Bhao Daji, vol. VI, On Kalidasa, p. 20. * The author of the Romaka-siddhanta is onlled Srtshepa, but its date, 505 A.D., is too early to allow us to identify Sushena and Srishena. 20 A son of the king of MAlava was a guest at Harsha's court (Vdsavad. Pref. p. 12), and a hostage (p. 50). 30 It is to be hoped that the researches carried on with so much success by M. A. Barth and M. A. Ber. gaigne will bring to light some contemporaneous sovereigns in the inscriptions of Kamboja. Unfortunately the inscriptions hitherto deciphered are deficient at the very time which interests us most, namely, the seventh century (Journal Asiatique, tome XX, 1882, p. 188). But the many names, ending in varman, the name of Narendra, and the title of Kumara (for, I think, it is a title on p. 227, 1. 11) all give the impression that the govereignty of the kings of Kimaropa may have extended to the valley of the Iravati. Conf. Ind. Ant. vol. XII, pp. 113, 114. 31 Ferishtah, who calls him Bhoja, assigns fifty years to him. Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. XII, (1880) p. 278 note. sa Hiouen-theang, tome II, p. 115. >> Manorhita, which would only be Mano'rhita, seems to be meant for Manoratha (Jou-i, in Chinese), 300 Hiouen-theang, tome I, p. 405. 3. M. M., Introduction to the Science of Religion, p. 173. Journal Asiatique, 1882, p. 163.

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234 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [AUGUST, 1883. and if there are any feuds between the rival sects, they are settled by intellectual rather than by physical force. Now this proposal to assign thirty years to the reigns of Prabhakaravardhana and Rajyavardhana, seems to me to create unnecessary difficulties. Hiouen-thsang says no more than that sixty years before 640 the throne was occupied by Siladitya. If we assign to Siladitya a reign from 550 to 600, it would have been equally true to say that Siladitya reigned sixty years before 640. There would then remain ten years for the reigns of Prabhakaravardhana and Rajyavardhana, both of whom died a violent death, and we should have the battle of Korur and the starting point of the Vikrama era, as well as the appointment of MAtrigupta to the throne of Kasmira, well within the reign of Vikramaditya, his reign extending to 550 A.D. "Sixty years' is probably meant for the Brihaspati cycle. This may be seen from the following table :550. Vikramaditya Harsha of Ujjayini. 531-579. Khosru Nushirvan and Barzot. 544. Battle of Korur, 600 after 56 B.C., era of Vikrama. Siddhasena Sari, a Jain, helps in reckon ing the era. 544. Matrigupta, ruler of Kasmira, contem porary of Bhartsimentha. Kalidasa, contemporary of Dignaga, Vasubandhu and Asanga. KAlidasa, mentioned with Bharavi in inscript. 634 A.D.; his Setukdvya praised by Dandin (6th cent.) : he quotes Bhasa, Saumilla., Varkha-mihira, died 587; quotes Arya bhata, born 476. Variha-mihara quotes Romaka-siddhanta by Srishena, 505, based on Lata, Vasishtha, Vijaya nandin, &c.; quotes Pauliba-siddhanta by Paulus all Yunani; quotes Vasishtha-sid dhanta by Vishnu-chandra; quotes Saurasiddhanta; Va-ha-mihira, quotes Paitamaha-siddhanta; also Satya Bhadanta, Badarayana, &c. Amara-simha, translated into Chinese 561-566. Jishnu, father of Brahmagupta (born 598). Dignaga, criticised by Uddyotakara, who is mentioned by Subandhu, who is mentioned by Bana. Manoratha, teacher of Vasubandhu, disgraced, 900 p. B. N.P 550-600. $11&ditya Prat&pasila (MAlava), called Bhoja by Ferishtah. Vasubandhu restored, Pandit at NAlanda, brother of Asanga; died before 569. Prabhakaravardhana. Madhavagupta, Taraka, Sushena, at his Court. Rajyavardhana (eldest son). Defeats king of Malava. Is defeated by Sasanka of Karnasuvarna, an enemy of Buddha, or Gupta of Gauda. Fei-tu, Chinese ambassador, 605. 610-650. Siladitya Harsha vardhana (younger son), called Kumararaja, 'a Vaisya. His sister, Rajyasri, wife of Grahavarman, who was killed by king of MAlava. His minister Bhandi (Po-ni). Alliance with Bhaskara-varman, Kumara of Pragjyotisha (Kamartpa). Wars with Pulakesin II of Maharashtra, temp. Hionen-thsang (618-625, Ma Tuan-lin). Defeated by Pulakesin II, Saty&sraya, who began to reign 609. Chinese embassy to Magadha, leaves 648, arrives after Siladitya's death. Visited by Hiouen-thsang, 629-645; by Alopen, 639. Dandin Dalakumaracharita, Kavyddar ba, old. Subandhu, Vasavadatta quoted by Bana. quotes Uadyotakara, Dharmakirti, pupil of Asanga. Bana, Harshacharita, Kadambart, Chan dikdstotra, Ratnavali (Dhavaka P) Parvatiparinayandtaka (ed. Bombay). Mayora, Mayura-sataka. Manatunga Sari, Bhaktamara-stotra. Narayana. Adhyaraja. Bhartsihari, died 650 (I-tsing): Jayaditya (Kafika), died 660 (I-tsing). Brahmagupta, born 598. Though some of the links in this chronological system are still doubtful, the belief in the existence of a Vikramaditya in the first century B.C. may now be accounted for, while his real existence in the sixth century admits of little doubt. THE IDENTIFICATION OF THE PYGMIES, THE MARTIKHORA, THE GRIFFINS, AND THE DIKARION OF KTESIAS.1 Having recently been engaged in an endeavour to identify the localities of the sources of the From the Academy, April 21, 1883, p. 277.

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AUGUST, 1883.) MISCELLANEA. 235 different mineral productions mentioned by the earliest writers on India, my attention has been drawn to the allusions which accompany them to many so-called fabulous races of men and species of animals and plants. A tolerably intimate acquaintance with the wilder tribes of India and with some of its natural productions enables me, I venture to think, to make some new contributions towards explaining the origin of certain of these Oriental myths. The portion of my work which refers to the mineral productions will shortly be published; but, as it may be some time before I can complete my notes on the races of men, animals, and plants, I make an offering of this instalment to those who are interested in the subject, hoping that what I have to say will be subjected to their criticism. My knowledge of Ktesias and his commentators is almost wholly founded on Mr. M'Crindle's recently published work." First, as regards the Pygmies. They were of small stature, covered with long hair, and lived by hunting. In the country occupied by them there was a lake which produced oil, and there were also many silver mines situated in the same region. Other accounts represent them as fighting with cranes and robbing their nests. Now, without going into details, it will be suffi. cient, perhaps, to point to the facts that a hairy tribe of men of low stature who live in trees is reported to dwell in the upper valley of the Irawadi, between Momein and Manipur. In this region, too, are the famous Upper Burma petroleum wells of Ye-nan-gyoung, while in the Shan States and towards Bhamo argentiferous galena is worked at the present day, and the silver is extracted. The robbing the cranes' nests, &c., may have arisen simply from a figurative description of the fact that these people had their dwellings in the tops of trees. The martikhora is described as an animal of the size of the lion, red in colour, with three rows of teeth and stings on various parts of its body, but especially on the tail, which caused it to resemble the scorpion. Its name records the fact that it was a man-eater (Persian mardkhor), which is also expressly stated by Ktesias. It was hunted by the natives from the backs of elephants. Although it has been suggested by some commentators that this was the tiger, others appear to be unwilling to accept it as such, and regard the whole as pure fable. Now, among facts not generally known, though mentioned in some works on zoology, is one which I can state from my own personal knowledge is familiar to Indian Shikaris --it is that at the extremity of the tail of the tiger, as well as of other felidae, there is a little horny dermal structure like a claw or nail, which, I doubt not, the natives regard as analogous to the sting of the scorpion. Moreover, the whiskers of the tiger are by many natives regarded as capable of causing injury; and sportsmen know, where this is the case, that, if they do not take precautions, the skins of their slaughtered tigers will be destroyed by the removal or burning of the whiskers-to prevent accidents. The idea of the three rows of teeth probably had its origin in the three lobes of the carnivorous molar, which is of such a different type from the molar of the ruminant or of the horse. The martikhora was therefore, I believe, the tiger, and the account of it embodies actual facts, though they were somewhat distorted in the telling. The griffins, or gryphons, which guarded the gold, are described as "a race of four-footed birds, about as large as wolves, having legs and claws like those of the lion, and covered all over the body with black feathers, except only on the breast, where they are red." If from this account we exclude the word birds, and for feathers read hair, we have a tolerably accurate description of the hairy black-and-tan coloured Thibetan mastiffs, which would naturally be, and are, in fact, the custodians of the dwellings of Thibetans those of gold-miners, no doubt, as well as of others. Capt. Gill's frequent references to these fierce dogs in his River of Golden Sand fully bear out this identification. They appear to have played a part, too, in the other fable of the golddigging ants which has been so fully cleared up by Sir H. Rawlinson and Prof. Schiern." The bird (!) called dikarion, which was the size of a partridge's egg, and buried its dung, may be identified with the beetle of that size, a species of scarabaeus, or dung beetle, and which is called gabaronda in Hindustani. As is well known, it buries pellets of cattle droppings as a receptacle for its eggs or larvae. I might add many items to this list, but I forbear further trespassing on your space, save that I would point out that the amber of Ktesias and the red insects with which it is associated may obviously be identified with shell-lac and lac dye (coccus lacca), while the Siptakhora tree on which they were found may possibly be the Khusm. H. (Schleichera trijuga), the fruit of which is edible. Or it may have been the Mhowa (Bassia latifolia), the flowers of which, when dried, constitute an important article of food, and the fruit is also eaten. V. BALL. Trinity College, Dublin, April 6, 1883. * Loc. cit. p. 234. Ind. Ant., vol. IV, pp. 226ff. Ind. Ant., vol. X, pp. 296 ff. - Economic Geology of India, p. 148.

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256 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (AUGUST, 1883. SEAMY SIDE OF THE VEDIC RELIGION. Buslimen and Hottentots. The evidence for the By Andrew Lang, M.A. Vedio religion is to be found, of course, in the It may seem almost blasphemous to say that y that hymns of the Veda and in the ritual of the the Vedas have their seamy side; but truths Brahmanas. Dates cannot be given with any even more painful, if possible, than this must be certainty, but we may assuine the collection of faced in the sacred interests of science. Mr. Max the Voda to be not later than 1000 B. o., while the Muller has recently said, in India; What it can Brahmanas (directions for the ritual of sacrifice Teach Us, that "in the Vedas we have a nearer and explanations of the separate details) may, we approach to a beginning, and an intelligible be- presume, be three or four hundred years later. ginning, than in the wild invocations of Hottentots The Brahmanas, however, contain many myths and Bushmen." The Vedas, according to Max and legends which may be as old as, and even older Muller, are the religious hymns of a highly civil. than, the Vedas; just as the scholia on Homer ized people, of a people whose ancestors were contain legends which, in one form or another, practically civilized before the Aryan separation, may be older than the Iliad or Odyssey. Other before the language in which the hymns were legends are clearly the late explanatory inventions chanted was a language at all. It is difficult to of a superstitious priesthood, working on the old see how the religion of a society so long matured lines of mythological belief..... n be nearer "the beginning than the religion In the Rig Veda human sacrifice has left of races who have not yet evolved or accepted its traces, but the practice chiefly endures in civilized society. Again, there is nothing parti- symbols and substitutes. Behind the Veda, ear. cularly "wild" in some of the "invocations" of lier than the Veda," nearer the beginning" than Bushmen. Qing, an uncorrupted Bushman, gave the Voda, was the age of human sacrifice. Wilson the first Europeans he met, Mr. Orpen and his writes (R. VI, 59-63; I. xxiv,) that it is inferrible companions, the following account of the rudi. from some passages that "human sacrifices were not ments of his faith :-"He said, Cagn made all unknown, although infrequent." One famous story things, and we pray to him. I said (Mr. Orpen is accepted as proof that human sacrifice was, if writes) How do you pray to him?' Answer: (innot actually practised, at least a lively recollection a low imploring voice), O Cagn, O Cagn, are we of the religious spirit. Among other passages, not your children? Do you not see our hunger ? a valuable example is found in the Satapatha Give us food! And he gives us both hands full." Brdhmana (Sacred Books of the East, vol. XII, (Cape Monthly Magazine, July 1874). Take an p. 59). A cake is offered as a substitute for an example of the "wild invocations" of the Banks animal " which, it would seem, was originally a islander. Here is the prayer of a Papuan in dan- substitute for the human sacrifice." "At first the ger at sea. He addresses Qate :-" Qate, Mara- gods," says the Satapatha Brahmana, "offered wa! Look down on me; smooth the sea for us up a man as a victim." When he was offered up, two, that I may go safely on the sea. Beat down the sacrificial essence went out of him. It en. for me the crests of the tide-rip that I may come tered into the horse, and thence into a number of to a quiet landing-place" (Codrington, "Religious animal victims. Finally, it entered the earth and Beliefs in Melanesia," Journal of the Anthropo. was dug up in rice and barley, and therefore rice logical Institute, Feb. 1881). Compare the prayer and barley cakes are now substituted for human and of Odysseus to the Phaeacian river:-" O King, animal sacrifices. Similar substitutes for human whosoever thou art, unto thee am I come as to one sacrifice,"men of straw," are now offered by the that receiveth prayer. ... nay, pity me, O King, Oraons, a wild tribe of India, and by other races. for I avow myself thy suppliant. So spake he, A curious vestige of human sacrifice is found in 3 and the god stayed his stream and with hela his famous hymn, the Ninetieth of the Tenth Book waves and made the water smooth before him." of the Rig Veda. The hymn tells us how all These Greek, Bushman and Papuan prayers are things were made out of the mangled limbs of all on a level, and all are not only near the begin. a magnified non-natural man, Purusha. Now, ing, but near the heart, of religious hope. It is whether this hymn be an ancient one or not, true that Cagn is a kind of grasshopper, and whether it be " near the beginning" or not, the Marawa a spider. But the religions sentiment legend which it relates is found among Scan. is there, undisturbed by the ludicrous myths of dinavians, Iroquois, Egyptians, Greeks and other the spider and grasshopper. We propose to show races. Among these people the world, or great that civilized and ancient as was the society which part of it, is constructed out of the mangled produced the Vedic poems, yet the faith of Vedic frame of a non-natural man or giant. Among worshippers was very near akin in the wildness the Vedic bards the man or god is Purusha; of its details and of its mythology to the faith of among the Iroquois he is Chokanipok; among the

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August, 1883.1 MISCELLANEA. 237 Scandinavians he is Ymir; Omorcas among the tortoise, we seem to be among the Indians of the Chaldeans; and the savage Tinnehs have their North Pacific coast, or the Australians, who derive representative of Purusha. Among the Tinnehs men from lizards. But when the tortoise is idennot a man, but a dog, is the victim. The limbs tified with Aditya, and when the Adityas prove to of Set and Osiris in Egypt, of Dionysus Zagreus be solar deities, and when Aditi, their mother, is in Greece, of Ru in Mangaia, were "utilized" in recognized as the Dawn, the Earth, or Attica the manufacture of various plants, stones, ani. (according to the interpretations of various schonials and metals. We have never observed these lars), then we perceive the superiority of Aryan coincidences noted by learned disputante as to fancy. the meaning of the myth of Purusha. The only The gods in the Vedic religion are, on the whole, peculiarity of the Vedio hymn is its ritual cha- to be regarded as the usual departmental deities racter. In the other stories the giants were of Polytheism. They do not confine themselves to sliced into component parts of the universe in a their departments, and now one, now another god rude casual way, in the Purusha Sakta the gods is regarded as supreme for the moment, probably sacrifice Purusha with all due attention to ritual. by a bard in whose clan that god received pecu"These were the earliest rites," says the Rig liar honour. The gods are, in many cases, nature Veda; and very nice rites they were, and uncom- gods; that is, Thunder, Fire, the Heaven and so monly "near the beginning." Necessarily the forth, are worshipped as personal beings; and a ritnal details must be later than the elaboration god who directs thunder, or animates fire, or conof sacrifice (whether that be late or early), but trols heaven, is next evolved in fancy. But it the general savage conception is a feature of the is a peculiarity of the savage imagination to myths of very backward ces in various parts of regard the great powers and phenomena of nature the world. Haug observes, and we partly agree not only as persons, but as savage persons. Now with him, that "the ideas which the hymn con- the savage draws no fixed line between himself tains are certainly of a primeval antiquity. In and the other things, animate or inanimate, in the fact the hymn is found in the Yajur Veda among world. He, or at least his medicine man, may the formule connected with human sacrifices, become a bird, beast or fish; may transform which were formerly practised in India. Were others into the same shapes; may fly in the air; we to pursue the topic of cosmogonic myths may influence the weather; may " milk the sky. among the Vedic people, it would be easy to show cow," as the Zulus say, or "trap the Thunderthat Vishnu, when in the shape of a boar, brought bird," as Kaffirs and Red Men beliere. Now up the world from the waters, was equivalent when the savage worships Thunder, the Heaven, to the North American cayotes and musk-rats, the Wind, or what not, he worships them as who performed the same useful feat. The myth persons, and moreover as persons gifted wit of the origin of species in the Satapatha Brdh- the power of transmigration and with the other mana is a very curious and disgusting." Purusha accomplishments we have described. He "anwas alone in the world. He differentiated himself thropomorphizes" the powers of nature, but the into husband and wife; afterwards the woman anthropomorphic shape in which he casts them is reflected that Purusha was both her father and all unlike our civilized conception of what is lord. Reasoning that their union was a crime, anthropomorphic. He makes gods in what he she assumed all manner of animal forms, and conceives to be his own image, and a very old became in each shape the mother of a separate image it is. All people do the same. The ritual. species. The animal metamorphoses and ama- istic compilers of the Brdhmanas make their tory pursuits of Zeus, Kronos, Demeter, Nemesis gods constantly engaged in sacrifice; always busy and other Greek gods are analogous to this singu- with ritual details that drive away the evil spirits; lar story. In the Satapatha Brahmana the earth always engaged in magical austerities. But the was only the size of a span. A boar called conservatism of religion does not allow the Vedio Ernuka fished it up. Here the myth recurs believer, while he regards his gods as constantly among the Navajoes, while the boar, as we have occupied in ritual, to discard the older savage said, recalls the musk-rat of the Tacullies. He, notions, according to which the gods behaved just too, fished up a fragment of soil, which grew into like savage sorcerers. Consequently the Veda the earth as we know it. If the Brdhmands are and the Brdhmanas often show us the gods in "near the beginning of thought, they are also animal form fighting with animals, afraid of enenear the notions of the Tacullies and the Nava- mies (the Asuras), changing their foes into stars, joes. Of course the Aryan mind has not been and in other ways behaving just like the halfidle. When we find the Satapatha Brahmana anthropomorphic and half-theriomorphic deities declaring that all creatures are descended from a l of the Australians, Hottentots, and Bushmen.

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238 [AUGUST, 1883. from the beginning, for he "conquered heaven by austerity," a method of obtaining celestial promotion which is open to mortals. Indra was a great soma drinker. He once swigged thirty bowls of soma, though Dr. Haug, who has tried the liquor, could only manage one teaspoonful. According to Sayana, Indra took the shape of a quill when he went for soma, as Odin was an eagle when he flew off into the mead, and Yehl (the Thlinkeet god) was in a raven's shape when he stole the water. Indra's great feat was the slaughter of a serpent, which, like the frog in the Murri and Californian myths, had swallowed all the water. Indra also recovered some cows belonging to the gods which had been stolen. It would take several articles to unfold all the seamy side of Vedic religion. We have merely touched on Indra; the chronique scandaleuse of his divine companions must be left untold, or told in a future essay. Suffice it to remark that as Racine says of the Greek gods, burning was too good for most of the Vedic deities, if we regard them in the seamy aspect of their legend. That lofty moral prayers are addressed to such creatures is a proof of the conservatism of religion, and of that moral advance by which men's ethical conceptions are always moving beyond the religious ideas bequeathed by their past experience. If any one wishes to see at a glance how much savage thought persisted till the age of the Brahmanas, let him compare the myths of the constellations (Satapatha Brahmana,-Sacred Books of the East, vol. XII, pp. 282-286), with the similar myths in Brough Smyth's Aborigines of Victoria, or with any collection of savage stellar myths which he may have at hand. The prize for ferocious license of puerile fancy must be given to the Brdhmanas. Max Muller says the contrast between the myths of real savages and those of Aryans is strong," though "very difficult to explain." We think the chief difference is that the savage in this are told, sans phrase, by people to whom they still seem natural, while Aryans have sometimes added their ritualistic idea to the savage myths they retain, and have sometimes attempted to explain them away as allegories, or as founded on linguistic misconceptions. Except on the hypothesis that the Aryans came civilized into the world, they must have descended from savage ancestors. That they retained savage practices, such as human sacrifice and much worse things, is universally admitted. Why should they not have retained savage ideas in religion and mythology, especially as of savage ideas Aryan mythology and religion are full to the brim p1 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. The origin of the gods is conceived of in various ways. Sometimes, as in Greek, Maori and Mangaian myths, Heaven and Earth are regarded as two persons indissolubly united, who begat the gods, and were finally thrust apart by their own offspring, by Maui, or Kronos, or Indra. The gods are not naturally or necessarily immortal, any more than they are in Scandinavian mythology. They drink immortality from the charmed ocean of milk, or, in an earlier myth, they overcome death by means of certain sacrifices, much to the chagrin of death. Coming to individual gods, we find a legend about Indra which may or may not be "near the beginning" of religious thought, but which is painfully near the ideas of the Hottentots, which are wild. "What god, O Indra, was present in the fray when thou didst slay thy father, seizing him by the foot ?" asks a Vedic poet (R. V. IV, 18.12), quoted by Dr. Muir. To explain this Vedic text (which in itself is a little damaging) a passage from the Black Yajur Veda is quoted. "Yajna desired Dakshina. He consorted with her. Indra was apprehensive of this. He reflected, Whoever is born of her, will be this.' Having considered, he"-took steps which caused Dakshina to produce a cow. Thus the Rig Veda observes (IV. 18.1.):-"His mother, a cow, bore Indra, an unlicked calf." Now HeitsiEibib, a god of the Namas, was also borne by a COW. "There was grass growing, and a cow came and ate of that grass, and she brought forth a young bull." This bull was Heitsi-Eibib (Hahn. Tsuni Gamo: the Supreme Being of the Hottentots, p. 68). The Veda and the "wild invocations of the Hottentots" are not so absolutely discrepant, then, in their accounts of the birth of gods. Indra is also said to be referred to in the Veda as a Ram," of which," says Wilson, "no very satisfactory explanation is given," though the Ram-god of ancient Egypt is familiar to all," and was worshipped (Herodotus, ii. 32), with rites precisely like those of the Buzzard among the Indians of California. The Ram, like the Buzzard, was sacred all the year; but on one solemn day the Ram, like the Buzzard, was sacrificed to himself. By an interesting coincidence, Indra, the Sheep, and the Kshattriya caste were all born at one moment from the breast and arms of Prajapati, as, in the Mangaian myth, Tangaroa was born from the arm of Papa. Whether such ideas are the birth of civilized thought, or are retained from a state of thought like that of Hottentots and Mangaians of the past, it seems almost superfluous to inquire. According to a Vedic hymn, Indra cannot well have been a god 1 1 Saturday Review, Feb. 24, 1883.

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SEPTEMBER, 1883.] THE LICHPUR GRANT. 239 THE ILICHPUR GRANT OF PRAVARASENA II OF VAKATAKA. BY DR. G. BUHLER, C.I.E. THE subjoined grant of the Vakata ka king, portion, it might be expected that the publica Pravarasena II, was made over to metion of the Ilichpur Sasana, would not, throw for translation by Dr. J. Burgess. A transcript much new light on the history of the Vakataka of it, prepared by Pandit Bhagvanlal Indraji, kings. That would, also, undoubtedly be th has been published in Dr. Burgess' Notes case if the Seoni grant had been edited careon the Bauddha Rock Temples of Ajanta, fully and translated correctly. But Prinsep's (Bombay 1879) p. 54, as well as some informa- Pandits have unfortunately done their task in tion regarding the place where it was found. & very slovenly manner, and press of work The grant is incised on seven small plates, seems to have prevented the illustrious epimeasuring 7.5 inches by 3-6, which are held graphist from checking them. Consequently together by one ring with a plain round seal the transcript abounds in misreadings, which sliding on the ring. The first and last plates seriously distort the historical information are inscribed on one side only, the blank side furnished by the grant, and it is not even quite being turned outwards. Plates III and IVa complete. The translation is not better than have six lines each, plate IVb four lines, and the transcript. This circumstance, as well as the remainder five each. The execution of the the fact that very unsatisfactory attempts have inscription is good, though the engraver has been made to harmonise the information regardleft ont a few syllables. The preservation, ing the Vakatakas furnished by the Ajanta too, is very fair. The alphabet resembles that Inscription in Cave XVI, with the statements of the Seoni grant (Jour. As. Soc. Beng. vol. of the two grants, induce me to give here a V, p. 729 seqq.) and of the Ajanta inscrip- short summary of the historical facts known tions. The little hollow square at the top of about the V & kata kas. the letters which is so characteristic of the Va kata ka, a word which unfortunately does Vakataka alphabet and of those used in other not admit easily of an etymological explanation, parts of the Central Provinces, is frequently is both the name of a country and of the Rajrepresented in the Ilichpur grant by a regular put tribe governing it. In the latter sense it is nail-head.' To judge from the style of the used in the frequently recurring phrase of the letters the document belongs to the beginning two grants, "the great king of the Va katakas of the fifth century A.D. (Vdkatalandm maharaja), in the epithet 'the The language is not very grammatical Sans- ornament or chief of the VAkatakas,' given to krit. Half a dozen bad grammatical mistakes Pravarasena II, on the seal of the two grants, occur in the middle of the document, and and in the expression the banner of the Vakatowards the end in the list of names, the use taka race' (vakatakavarnsaketu, Ajanta inscr. of the case terminations is scant and irregular. 1. 3). It denotes & place in the compound The spelling is sometimes faulty, e.g. in Sakli. Pavarajja-Vakdtaka, the name of a village to the ptopakliptah (IVa, 1. 3) and the Sandhi rules north of Brahmapura (read pura), mentioned in receive little attention. The omissions and the Seoni grant. The position of the kingdom of mistakes can, however, nearly all be supplied the Vakatakas is fixed partly by the sites where or corrected with the help of the Seoni plates the two grants have been found and partly by which were engraved only & few months geographical names mentioned in the inscripearlier, and copied from the same model form. tions. The Ilichpur grant was found seven Down to Pl. III, 1. 4 the text of both grants or eight miles south of Ilichpar,' in the northern is almost literally the same. corner of the Berars. It is quite clear that the On account of the close agreement of the modern village of Chammak is the repretwo documenta, especially in the historical sentative of the ancient Charmanka, con Jour. Bo. Bv. R. As. Soc. vol. VI, p. 53 segg, and by Dr. Burgesa, Cave Templo Inscriptions (Bombey, 1880, p. 60). See Archaological Reports, vol. IV -The Bauddha Temples and their Inscriptions, pp. 1944, and platou. This paper will also be found in the same volume, pp. 118-194. . * The square' has been out out with small chisel, and the copper driven down from it partially overlays the apper part of the stem of the letter, rendering it very alioult to obtain satisfactory faosimile. -ED. I. A.

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240 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. veyed by the Sasana to 'one thousand Brahmapas of various schools and families.' For according to the strict laws of the ancient Prakrits Charmanka would become Chammanka, to which the present name comes very near. The identification of the village of Charmanka permits us to infer that the Ilichpur district corresponds with the province (rashtra) of Bhoja kata and that the river Madhu, on which Charmanka lay, is one of the tributaries of the Purna. In the case of the second grant, which was found at Seoni, half way between Nagpur and Jabalpur, I am not in a position to identify on the maps at my disposal any of the villages named. But the document contains an allusion to the Benaganga, (Wainganga on the maps) which flowing southwards falls into the Painganga. It is found in the word which Prinsep's Pandits have read Ernakaryyaratage and have failed to explain. The facsimile gives very plainly Bernakarpparabhage in the portion called Bernakarppara. It is possible that the reading is correct. But as bhaga is not often used for a territorial division, I should prefer to change it to bhoga, which like bhukti can denote an Inami district or a zilla, and in the Koshas is given as an equivalent of rajya. Karpparo which is evidently a Taddhita formation derived from karpara, a 'skull,' 'Udumbara tree,' etc. can have various meanings. Perhaps the whole compound might be translated 'in the district on the Berna where the Udumbara trees grow. But however this may be, the word Berna occurs and can refer only to the Benaganga; (compare also Krishnaverna which is sometimes used for Krishnaveni). Under these circumstances General Cunningham's proposal to fix the boundaries of the kingdom of the Vakatakas approximatively between the Mahadeva hills on the north, the Godavari on the south, the Ajanta hills on the west, and the sources of the Mahanadi on the east may be accepted. The Ilichpur grant gives the name of the capital as Pravarapura, evidently called so in honour of one of the two Pravarasenas. General Cunningham' feels certain that the modern Bhandak must have been the ancient capital of the Vakatakas, and seems to be inclined to [SEPTEMBER, 1883. derive the former name from the latter. If Bh&andak is correctly spelt with an initial Bh, it cannot have any etymological connexion with Vakataka. But, in case it could be shown that Bandak is the correct form, or that Bhandak had another more ancient name, the identification might perhaps stand. Seoni grant, pl. IIIa, 11. 1-2. Archaeological Reports, vol. IX, p. 123. According to the two land grants, the pedigree of the Vakataka kings is as follows:1. Pravarasena I. Gautamiputra, married to daughter of the great king Bhavanaga Bharasiva. I 2. Rudrasena I. T 3. Prithivishena. 4. Rudrasena II, married to Prabhavatigupta, daughter of the great king of kings, Devagupta. I 5. Pravarasen a II. The whole dynasty belonged to the Vishnu. vridha-gotra. According to Baudhayana's Gotrapravaranirnaya" the Vishnuvriddhas are a subdivision of the Bharadvajas, and a Brahmanical family. It does, however, not necessarily follow that the V ak & ta ka s were Brahmanas. For, according to the compilations on gotras, it was the practice of royal families to be affiliated to the Vedic gotra of their domestic chaplain. As regards the history of the individual princes, we learn regarding Prava rasena I, that he offered a good many Srauta-sacrifices. The fact that Aevamedhas or horse-sacrifices were among their number, and the title samraj, 'universal king' which he assumes, show conclusively that he was independent, and did not owe allegiance to a paramount power. His reign was probably a long one, as he survived his son. If I am right in assigning the two land grants on epigraphic evidence to the middle of the 5th century A. D., Pravarasena I must have ascended the throne about 300 A. D. For, as Pravarasena II is the fifth descendant of the first king, and twenty-five to twenty-six years are the duration of an Indian generation, the interval between the two Pravarasenas is 125 to 130 years. Pravarasena's 'son Gautamiputra died, as already stated, before his father. For the Ibid. p. 124. Weber, Cat. Berl. MSS. p. 60.

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SEPTEMBER, 1883.] THE ILICHPUR GRANT. 241 fact that he receives no title of any kind, and that he is only incidentally mentioned in the paragraph referring to his son, shows that he did not actually rule. The name given to him is not his real proper name, but a metronymic, which designates him as the child of a wife of Pravarasena I, who belonged to the Gautama gotra. General Cunningham bas published' my remarks on the use of metronymics by the ancient princes of India, and has given his adhesion to my explanation which is based on the observation of the practice still prevailing among the Rajputs. Gautamiputra, it appears, made a great marriage, and obtained the daughter of the Bharasi va king Bhava naga for his wife. The epithets applied to the Bharasiva clan give a pun- ning explanation of the name which is derived from their having carried Siva's emblem as a load (thara) on their shoulders, and show that their seat lay to the north of the V akatakas on the Ganges (Bhagirathi). Possibly the Bharasivas are the same as the Bhar Rajputs. Regarding Rudrasena I, nothing is stated except that he was an ardent devotee of the Lord Ma habhirava, or in other words a Saiva who worshipped Siva in his form as Bhairava. This reticence and the circumstance that the preceding and following reigns were long ones, make it probable that he sat on the throne for a short time only. His reign probably fell between 340-350 A. D. About Rudrasena's son, Prithivishena, who also was a worshipper of Siva (atyanta- mahesvara), the grants say that "his treasures, means of government and line, increased during a hundred years, and that he had sons and grandsons." The correct explanation of this phrase seems to be that he ruled for a long time and saw his sons and grandsons grow up. The expression 'a hundred years' need not, of course, be taken literally. His reign probably lasted up to the end of the fourth century, or from about 350-400. Prithivishena's son, Rudrasena II, seems to have forsaken the creed of his forefathers and to have chosen Vishnu as his ishladevata. For the grants say that "he obtained great prosperity through the favour of divine Chakra pani." He was married * See Barhut Stipa, p. 129. So the facsimile; the transcript gives erroneously to Prab havatigupta, the daughter of the great king of kings Devagupta. The title given to De vagupta shows that he must have been a greater man than the Vaka taka king. It is unfortunately hopeless to speculate at present on the question where his dominions lay. I would only warn against the assumption that every ancient king whose name ends in gupta must necessarily be a member of the so called Gupta dynasty which ruled in the third and fourth centuries over a great part of Central and Western India. The real name of that family is not as yet known, and it can be shown that there have been princes unconnected with them, whose names ended in gupta. Rudrasena II probably reigned for a few years only, and his end may be placed about 415 A. D. His son Pra varasena II again returned to the Saiva creed, as he receives the epithet paramamdhesvara, and is said to have been a prince worthy of the Kritayuga 'through the favour of Sambhu.' Both the grants are dated in his eighteenth year, the Seoni inscription in the month Phalguna (February March) and the Ilichpur grant in the month Jyeshtha (May-June). On the former the Senapati Bappadeva is mentioned, and on the latter the Senapati Khatravarman. It seems to me improbable that Pravarasena had in the course of a few months two different commanders-in-chief. I think that the term sena pati rather denotes here the commander of the troops in the district where the village granted lay, and should be translated by military governor.' As Charmanka (Chammak) was situated in the province of Bhoja kata and Brahma pura in Karanja virata ta, two different persons would naturally be employed. It now remains to discuss the contents of the mutilated inscription in the Veranda of Cave XVI at Ajanta. Mr. Bhau Daji, who first gave a tolerably accurate facsimile and transcript of this document' as well of the other Ajanta inscriptions, was of opinion (p. 66) that it named Vindhyasakti as the first prince of the Va katak a race, that it contained besides the names of the two Pravarasenas, and of Dev&sena the son of the Pravarasena II. He assumed that the name of Rudrasen & I, Prithivishena, and Rudrasena II Napyadava and the translation Bappadova. Journ. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. vol. VII, PP. 53-74.

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242 had been lost. He further conjectured that the Vindhyasakti mentioned in this inscription, was identical with the chief of the Kailakila Yavanas, mentioned in the Puranas "10 and that Pravira (according to him Pravara) whom the Vayupurana makes Vindhyasakti's son, was the same as Pravarasena I. He finally ventured to propose the derivation of the name Kailakila from that of Ghalghaleh near Bamian, and to assume that the Vakatakas had immigrated thence into Southern India, bringing with them the art of excavating THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. caves. The remarks prefixed to Pandit Bhagvanlal Indraji's improved transcript and translation, (Notes, pp. 64-65) are much more correct and free from the extravagant views which disfigure Mr. Bhau Daji's speculations. It is stated there that the list of kings supplied by the inscription is as follows: 1. Vindhyalakti, 2. Pravarasena, 3. (Ru)drasena (?). 4. 5. Devasena, 6. Harishena, and that the connexion between Nos. 1 and 2 is not clear. It is further correctly pointed out that the inscription does not proceed from a Vakataka king, but from Varahadeva, the minister of Harishena. According to my restoration and interpretation of the Ajanta inscription" the Vakatakas named therein are: 1. Vindhyasakti, 2. Pravarasena I, 3. Rudrasena I, 4. Prithivishena, 5. Pravarasena II, 6. a son, (name lost), 7. Devasena, 8. Harishena. The mutilation of the document makes it [SEPTEMBER, 1883. impossible to determine if Pravarasena I was Vindhyasakti's son or a remoter descendant. But I think the former opinion, which Mr. Bhau Daji first expressed, the more likely one. The only real discrepancy between the historical contents of the plates and those of my version of the Ajanta inscription is that in the latter Rudrasena II has been left out. This omission may be owing to pure carelessness on the part of Varahadeva who served under Rudrasena's fourth descendant, or to the idea that Rudrasena II, whose reign was a short one, was not worth mentioning. However that may be, as the Ajanta inscription, according to my interpretation, gives one earlier and three later generations than the land grants, I arrange the Vameavali of the Vakatakas as follows:Kings. Accession. 1. Vindhyainkti, 10 Vishnupurana, (ed. Hall). vol. IV, pp. 209-211. about 275 A.D. 2. Pravarasena I, son of No. 1 (?) about 300. 3. Rudrasena I, grandson of No. 2, about 335. 4. Prithivishena, son of No. 3, about 350. 5. Rudrasena II, son of No. 4, about 400. 6. Pravarasena II, son of No. 5, about 410. (Ru)drasena III, son of No. 6, about 440. .... son of No. 7, about 465. Devasena, son of No. 8, about 490. Harishena, son of No. 9, about 515 A.D. In conclusion I warn once more against the identification of Vindhyasakti Vakataka with the Kailakila Yavana Vindhyasakti. For firstly the Ajanta inscription, vs. 2, states distinctly that the former was a 'distinguished Arya,' (dvijah prakaso) while the latter, according to the Puranas, was a foreigner (not necessarily a Greek). Secondly, not a single other name of the Kailakila dynasty agrees with those of the Vakatakas. Mr. Bhan Daji never furnished the proof that any copy of the Vayu or of any other Purana has the name Pravara. All those MSS. which Professor H. H. Wilson, Dr. Hall, and myself have consulted give Pravira. 7. 8. 9. 10. Transcript. Plate I. (1) o yo sasti pravarapurAdamiSTomA toyamokaSpaSoDazyAvirAja oM (*) bAjapeyabRhaspatisarasAdyaska caturazvamedhayAjinaH See Dr. Burgess Archaological Reports, vol. IV, p. 128.

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SEPTEMBER, 1883.] THE ILICHPUR GRANT. 243 ()"viSNuvRddhasagotrasya sAmrA[jo] vAkATakAnAM mahArAjazrIpravarasenasya (1) sUnIH sUnoH atyantasvAmimahAbhairavabhaktasya ansabhArasannivezi(') tazivaliGgodvahanazivasuparituSTasamutpAditarAjavazA Plate IIa. (') "nAmparAkramAdhigatabhAgIrathyAmalajalamUrdAbhiSiktAnAndazA(1) zvamedhAvabhUthanAtAnAmbhArazivAnAM mahArAjabhavanAgadau(7) hivasya gautamIputrasya putraspa vAkATakAnA mahArAjazrIrudrase(1) nasya sUnIrasyantamAhezvarasya satyArjavakAruNyazauryavikramana(') yavinayamahAnyAdhimatvahAvAgatabhaktitvadharmavijayitva Plate 116. (') "manonAlyAdiguNaissamupetasya varSazatamabhivarddhamAnakoza() daNDasAdhanasantAnaputrapautriNaH yudhiSThiravRttervAkATakA(2) nAM mahArAjazrIpRthiviSeNasya sUnorbagavatazcakrapANe prasA(1) dopArjitazrIsamudayasya vAkATakAnAM mahArAjazrIrudrasena() sUnormahArAjAdhirAjazrIdevaguptasutAyAM prabhAvaPlate IIIa. (') tIguptAyAmutpannasya zambho prasAdadhRtikAtayugasya (1) "vAkATakAnAmparamamAhezvaramahArAjazrI pravarasenasya vacanA (1) bhojakaTarAjye madhunadItaTe cAGanAmapAmaH rAjamAnikabhUmi(1) sahasraSTAbhiH 8000 zatrugharAjaputrakoNDarAjavijJAptyA nAnAgo() acaraNebhyo brAhmaNebhyaH sahasrAya dattaH Plate IIIb. (')"yatosmatsantakA[:]saddhicakSAdhiyoganiyuktA AjJAsaJcarikulaputrAdhikRtA (1) bhaTAcchAvAzva vizrutapUrvayAjJayAjJApayitavyA viditamastu vo yathe() hAsmAkammanodhAyurbalavijayaizvaryavivRddhaye ihAmutra hitA( ya'mAtmAnuyahAya vaijaike dharmasthAne apUrvadalyA udakapUrva(1) matisRSTaH ayAsyocitAM pUrvarAjAnumatAM cAturvedyayAmama(1) vdAnvitarAmastadyayA akaradAyI abhaTavAvaprAvezya[:] "I, 1. 3. Only it and offers are distinot; the third IIa, 1.1, road "Tairy L. 5, rend Prem *94790deg. letter is entirely effaced, and the fourth looks more like "IIb, 1. 1, read erreu. L. 3, road feat. L. 4, than . Still I road with the facsimile of the Seoni | read TFT with the Seoni plates. plates viSNuvRddha instead of viSNuvarSa. Prinsep's tran- | .. " IIIa, 1.2, read vaMcanAt. L.4, read vijJaptyA. Beript given erronsonaly viSNurudra. 1.4, The second lotter | ___ IIIb, 1.1, road saJcAri". L., read bhaTAvA , the of ansabhAra' in not distinct. But the reading is con- first syllable of pUrvayA has been first made mUdeg and afterfirmed by the varia lectio of the facsimile of the Seoni wards corrected. "Line 4, read ; . L. 6, plates ansasanivezita . L.5, read rAjavaMzA. read 'dAmvitarAma, chAna mAvezyaH.

Page #272
244 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [SEPTEMBER, 1883. Plate ID a. (') "apAramparagobalivaI] apusspkssiirsndoh|] avarA(') sanavAgAra[] alavaNaklinnakreNibanakaH sarvaveSTipari(') hAraparirhataH sanidhissopanidhiH sakliptopakliptaH (') AcandrAdityakAlIyaH putrapauvanugamakaH bhujatAM na ke. (3) nacidyAghAtaM karttavyassa+kiyAbhissarakSitavya: paravarddhayi(') tavazva yazcAyaM zAsanamagaNayamAno svalpamapi ribAdhA Plate 17 6. (') kutkiArayitA vA tasya brAhmaNairveditasya sadaNDanigrahaM kuryyA(1) maH asmiMzca dharmAvarakaraNe atItAnekarAjadattasaJcintana(2) paripAlanaM kRtapuNyAnukIrtanaparihArAtyaM na kIrtayAmaH (')" vyAsagItI cAtra zlokau pramAnIkartavyo svadattAmparadattAM (1) vvA yo hareta vasundharAM gavAM zatasahasra hantu Plate Va. (') " harati duSkRtaM SaSTivarSasahasrAni svarge modati bhU(1) midaH AcchettA cAnumantA ca tAnyeva narake vasediti izAsana(2) sthitizcayaM brAhmaNairIzvaraizvAnupAlanIyA tadyathA rAjJA sa(') bhAr3e rAjye ahrohapravRttAnAM brahmaghacorapAradArikarAjA(1) pathyakAriprabhRtInAM saGgrAmakurvatAM anyagrAmeSvana Plate 6. (') "paradvAnAM AcandrAdisyakAlIyaH atonyathA kurvatAmanumodatAvyo(') rAjJaH bhUmicchedaM kurcataH asleyamiti prAtigrAhiNazvAtra(2) vAraniyuttAH zAdhyAyanaH gaNAryaH vAtsyadevAryaH bhAradvAja(1) kumArazaurya pArazaryaguhazarmA kAzyapadevAryaH mahezvara(2) mAtrArya kauNDiNyarudrArya somArya hArazammA>> Plate VI a. (') "bhAradvAjakumAraArya kauNDiNyamAtazarmA varazarmA (1) goNDazA nAgazarmA bhAradvAzAntizarmA rudrazA vAtsyaH (1) bhojakadevArya . maghazA devazarmA bhAradvAjamokSazarmA nagazarmA revatIzA dharmArya bhAradvAjazaurya (1) nandanArya mUlazarmA IzvarazarmA varazarmA HIVa, 1.1, rend 'vaH, sandohaH 2.2, road araH; the | "Va, 1. 1, road sahastrANi. L.2, read zAsana . L.4 Seoni plates (facsimile) aff r : which is for corrections required in this and the following lines, see notes to the translation. as corrupt as alavaNa. L.3, road "prihtH| sakRptIpakpta:- V. 1. 1, read degparAdvAnAM; moditavyo. L.2, road L.4, rand paunAnu bhunatA.. L.5, read "vyAghAtaH; sara- pratigrAhi . L. 3, read vAraniyuktAH - L. 5, dele last kSita pariva'. L. 6, read tavyazca yaceda mAna: svalpAmAparya' " VIa, I.2, read bhAradvAja, rine , first letter - Vb, 1, 4, read pramANIka. gone.

Page #273
VAKATAKA GRANT OF PRAVARASENA II. S, l // , 1 zl 1 / |p- 21 'di- th2-1: , // 21: 35 / w-<- k k k k l b d 1 :1 skdu | / >> 334: ks 1::n / g bn 2 bu 70 0 0) ln- 5= m lla khg2. A L so / 4 ; * / : 1:| pnno sh 1 2 ' - 14 ns p k - - -' s b 2 / tsn i p = bh20 ky >> << 1) # 4, 201) bldzhossh R3 n nn n ps lg p cnshd p -9 = 2 kM k 1 sgyu=

Page #274
VAKATAKA GRANT OF PRAVARASENA II. Wb oy 11 . ) 1, VAKATAKA GRANT OF FravarasENA 1 - oo! k = = 5 /1* kk . dii 3 | t thmkr dii2, poesooy spng . ky : qnktuung ET Eo , | | | | -- * " s . . ng ) - - - - E 10) . <$15 - 18 4g = = 9. 31 4 = 5 =R . s) - - -

Page #275
VAKATAKA GRANT OF PRAVARASENA II. Sh' P hreek kaarnhaargungaank dhrm pr srv bbaar h 06 naank kaarvr as hunn astr is r S ut khy l Iva n F jaan diiviaaN naal nh taa aHkh lee kii gaannaa pr poorn ka jaarii nhiiN dee bb klin gvrn HEA r hn, ih

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VAKATAKA GRANT OF PRAVARASENA II. vb T pi-pn 3 nye-phyin,2/s - (kk p b-zl- 4 / 9 / , / ko 2 / / 4 zls-te / p-yin / k / k / chb / k rin- p p':: . s-:|::| p / Doccet L * ho va mi-des : 1.ja t7 1 s-pnn / t 11 3 bk| b ni gs / i 11 ke ky kyi k n 21 (23) rk 3 1 / dJ-kyiag g-je G)-gdn

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SEPTEMBER, 1883.) THE ILICHPUR GRANT. 245 Plate VI 6. (1) vAtsyaskandArya bhAradvAjabappArya dharmArNya AtreyaskandArya(') "gautamasomazAyaM bhartRzArya rudrazarmya maghArya mAtR () Thor Izvarazaurya gautamasagotramAtazarmA(') N kauNDiNyadevazarmATha varazArya rohArya Plate VII. (") "stan Taiwafuauf revatIzaurya (1) jyeSThazArya zANDilyakumArazArya svAtizA( of zAdhyAyaNa koNDAryaprabhRtayaH senApatI (1) khatravarmaNi saMvatsareSTAdaze 18 jyeSThamAsa zukla(1) pakSe trayodazyAM zAsanaM likhitapriti Seal. vAkATakalalAmasya kUmaprAptanRpazriyaH rAjJaH pravarasenasya zAsanaM ripuzAsanaM Translation. great prosperity through the favour of divine Om, Om, hail : from Pravarapura!" Chakra pani (and who was the son of the By command of the illustrious Pravara- illustrious Prithivishena, the great king sena, the great king of the Va kata kas, of the Vakatakas, who behaved like Yudhishthe ardent devotee of Mahesvara, who, through thira," whose treasure, means of government the possession of Sambhu's favour, is (a ruler) and line increased during a hundred years, worthy of the Kpitayuga, who was born by and who had sons and grandsons, who was Prabhavatigupt, the daughter of the gifted with such excellent qualities as truth great king of kings Devagupta (and who is)" fulness, uprightness, mercy, heroism, bravery, the son of the illustrious Rudra'sena, the political wisdom, modesty, high-mindedness," great king of the V & kata kas, who gained intelligence, devotedness to worthy men and * VII, 1. 8, read ot. * VII, 1.1, read FI44 . L. 3, read 14. " Though the two first signs look somewhat like drishtans or driptas, I think they cannot be read other e than I have done. For an anusvirs is plainly visible above either of the two syllables. There are, farther, among the numerous varieties of the letter o, some which are similar to those here employed. Finally it is # not uncommon practice on Sanskrit inscriptions to place two Orokrus at the head, and to use a different form for ench, see 6.9., the facsimile of the Ignoda slang Ind. Ant. vol. V, p. 56. The beginning of the Seoni plates (J. R. A. S. Beng. vol. V, p. 729) is according to Prinsep's facsimile, o, Om, siddham. The two small makaras are so called arddhamakdras and mark, as is usual in the Gupta and other old inscriptions, the vowelleas final m. 15 The peouliar construction of the text makes it necessary to give the description of the last king first. The corresponding Sanskrit passage occurs, Plato IIIa, 1. 2, and those who wish to control the translation have to go backwards from that point. * Prinsep's transliteration and translation of the Seoni plates give sthane' in the place of' for sunoh the son of. But the facsimile has the latter reading (plate IIb, I. 2). "Prinsep again reads and translates stbane. His frosimile (PL. IIb. 1. 1) rends sino bhagawata. omitting the r above bha. * The compound abhivardhamanakoshadandaaddhanasantanaputrapautrinah consists of two adjectives, which both refer to the king, abhivardhamanakoshadandaaddhanasantana and putrapautrin. It is possible to take dandoeddhana, which I have assumed to be a tatpurusha compound 88 & dvandva. Prinsep's transcript gives wrongly rantata for santana, while his facsimile has santana, * It is worthy of note that the Seoni plates have exactly the same mistakes as ours. The facainile reads mahatmyadhimatrahatrigatabhaktitve, whioh the transcript erroneously renders by mahatmyddhimacha hotra gatabhaktituci. I have given my correctionsabove. Patre, which I substitute for hatra, means 's worthy person, and especially a Brahmana worthy to receive gifts. The

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246 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [SEPTEMBER, 1883. guests, ability of making righteous conquests, should be given the following) order preceded and purity of mind, who was an ardent by (the word) visrutat (famous): devotee of Mahesvara (and) the son of the Be it known to you that, in order to increase illustrious Rudrasena, the great king of our spiritual merit, life, strength, conquests the Va kat a kas (who was) the son of and rulo, for the sake of our welfare in this Gautamiputra (and) the daughter's son and the next worlds (in fact) in order to of Bhavanaga the great king of the benefit ourselves (the above mentioned village) Bharasivas-who bathed after the celebra- has been given, at our victorious office of tion of ten horse-sacrifices, whose heads were justice, as a new donation, the act of giving) sprinkled with the pure water of the Bhagi- being preceded by a libation of water. rathi, obtained by their valour," and whose | Now we grant, (as) appropriate for this royal line was produced by Siva exceedingly (village) the charter of a village inhabited by pleased with their carrying in a procession Brahmanas versed in the four Vedas, such as his linga that had been placed as a burden has been approved of by former kings. That on their shoulders-who (viz. Rudrasena) is as follows: "(The village) shall be free from was exceedingly devoted to the Lord Maha- taxes, it shall not be entered by soldiers or bhairava (and who was)" the son's son" parasol-bearers ... it shall not furnish flowers of the illustrious Pravaragena, the great and milk ...., it shall be free from all obligaking of the V&katakas, a universal ruler, tion of furnishing forced labour, it is granted who belonged to the gotra of Vishnu. the rights of treasure-trove and of (keeping vsiddha, and offered an Agnishtoma sacrifice, unclaimed) deposits ..... it.(has been granted) an Aptoryama, an Ukthya, & Shodasin, an for as long a time as the moon and sun endure, Atiratra, a Vajapeya, a Btihaspatisava, a and shall descend to the sons and grandsons (of Sadyaskra and four horse-sacrifices," at the the donees). Nobody shall cause hindrance to request of prince Kondaraja, the destroyer them while they enjoy it. It shall be protected of his foes, the village called Charmman ka by all means and be made to prosper. And (situated) in the kingdom of Bhoja kata on him, who disregarding this ediet, even slightly the bank of the river Madhu (and containing) annoys (the donees) or causes them to be aneight thousand (8,000) bhumises measured by noyed, we will fine and otherwise) punish, if the royal measuring-rod, has been given to one he is denounced by the Brahmana (proprietors)." thousand Brahmanas belonging to various "And in this document which procures at families and schools. least spiritual merit we do not mention the care Wherefore our obedient noblemen and our and protection bestowed (by w on grants made officers who are appointed to the office of general by various former kings, in order to avoid boastoverseers, (our) soldiers and umbrella-bearers, ing of meritorious actions performed (by ws)." compound patra gatabhaktitva may either be translated devotedness to worthy guests, or as ras been done above. To offer hospitality to distinguished BrAhmanas is a duty of kings, which the Smritis inculcato repeatedly, Hee e. 8., Apastamba Dharmashtra, II. 10, 25, 4, 8-9. 50 Prinsep'e transcript of the Seoni plates omits by mistake the end of Pl. II a, l. 1, and the whole of 1.2. His translation is one series of mistakes. 31 The correctness of the translation of the beginning of the compound amsabharasannivefita fivalingodvahanativasuparitusfasamutpaditardjavamanam is attested by the various readings of the facsimile of the Seoni plates musa (area) sannivesita. Prinsep's transcript gives-wrongly indusanibhasita and sivasya paritushta. >> Prinsep's transcript gives wrongly sthaneathane. Prinsep's transcript gives wrongly ukta for ukthya, vishnurudra for vishnuuriddha and Katarkandm for Vakatakandm. 3. For analogous cases of grants being made at the request of a third person, & feudal baron, see Inscr. from Nepal No. 9 (Ind. Ant. vol. IX, p. 172). 35 Bhsimi must here be a technical term, and denotes particular measure of land. It is just possible that the construction in this passage is ungrammatical, and that the king means to Bay "All our overseers, officials, obedient noblemen, persons in authority," eto. --Chhattraumbrella-bearer includes probably the whole host of menial servants attached to the court. 31 I am unable to refer to any passage where the title vifruta is given to Rajputa. for Brahmapss the titlo vichakahana, 'learned' is prescribed. * Dharmasthana is, more accurately speaking, not only the ministry of justice, but the office where all busiDers relating to justice, spiritual matters and charities is transacted. 30 The right of treasure-trove is guaranteed to learned Brahmanas by the Smriti, see e. 8. Vasishtha, III, 14. Deposits, the owner of which cannot be found, go sooording to the Smriti like all unclaimed property to the king. From the above passage it would appear that kings usually relinquished this right in Agraharas. I take karata in the sense of doonment' and think that the king means to say that, if the grant does not produce the many rewards enumerated above, it will, at least, procure spiritual merit. The Beoni plates have a

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VAKATAKA GRANT OF PRAVARASENA II. VD )" 5 JE@cg . mwhm s S L 2jg hph- zl 4 p 21:nno , ) 3 4a bl do sh zutt, : / b- bye9 b b / 2 1 :g-by 13:k g- 9 naa- rm-ky / sF] kh+ / bktth-2n a 2, : *# 41 ''nyin 15i m-gyi ein spyi- gi- ?_z- , | p- 22 byung : (E / 5C n>>

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VAKATAKA GRANT OF PRAVARASENA II. / / dz w pr tu l 3 77 [[th'ph7 l9slu-bu , p-p / hemyuphyi 7) khg t11 k 1 shing- 1 tse , 40 * / bsdus- - VII 2 ]]- 3 a- 12 1 ri lby'o / , / cu 1 W, Griggs, Photo-lith. Peckham, London. ] Burgess ed

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SEPTEMBER, 1883.] SANSKRIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. 247 etc. "And with respect to this matter two verses, de varya, Maghasarman, and Devasung by Vyasa, must be acknowledged as autho- sarman, (three) Vatsyas; Mokshasar. ritative (by our successors) : man, Nag a sarman, Revatisarman, (1). "He who resumes lard given by himself (and) Dhar mary a, (four) Bharad va jas; Sarmarya, Nandanarya, Mala(2). The giver of land rejoices etc.' Sarman, Isvara sarman (and) Vara "And the conditions (of) this (charter) must sarman, (five) Bh Arad vajas; Skandbe observed both by the Brahmanas and by the ary a, a Vatsya; Bapparya (and) Dhar(future) rulers (of the country). That is as mary a, (two) Bharad vajas; Skandarfollows:41 The king shall allow (the village to ya, an Atreya; Somasarmarya, Bharbe held) by the (Brahmanas) as long as moon and trisarma rya, Rudra sarmarya, Masun endure, if they do not commit treasong harya, Matrisarmarya (and) Isvaagainst (his) government which consists of seven rasarmary a, (six) Gautamas; Matri. essential parts, and if they are not guilty ofaar mary a of the Gautam a family; Devaoffences of slaying Brahmanas, committing sarmar y a, Vara sarmarya and Rohartheft, adultery, or acts prejudicial to the king, ya, (three) Kaun.dinyas; Sva mide var. (or) engage in frays with other villages. (Butya, Revatisarmarya, and J y eshthaif the king takes the land from those who iarmary a, of the Gautama family; Kuact otherwise, (he will) not be guilty of) marasarmary a (and) Svatisar marya, (tro) Sandilyas; Kondary a, a SatyaAnd the donees appointed here for the occa- yana; and so forth. sion (are): Ganarya, a Satya yana; De- This edict has been written while Khavarya, a Vatsya; Kumarasar mary a, travarman was commander-in-chief (senda Bharad vaja; G u hasarman, a Par & pati) in the eighteenth (18th) year on the barya; Devarya, Mahesvara (and) M&- thirteenth day of the bright half of the month traya (three) Kasy a pas; Rud ra rya, SoJyeshtha. marya (and) Harisarmar y a, (three) Ka Seal. undingas; Kumarasar marya, a Bhd. An order of king Pravarasena, rad v Aja; Matrisarman, Varasar man, who is the ornament of the V&kata ka Gonda sarman, Nagasarman, (four) Ka- (race), and has obtained his royal dignity undiyas; Santisarman (and) Rudra by inheritance, is an order (even) for his barman, (two) Bharad vajas; Bhojaka- enemies. theft.' SANSKRIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. BY J. F. FLEET, Bo. C.S., M.R.A.S. (Continued from p. 225). No. CXXXIII. , this inscription, or in any other that has yet Indra IV. appears to have had two sons. come to notice; and, from the expression used, Such, at least, seems to be the inference to the probability is that he was either weak in be drawn from the verse commencing in line intellect or feeble in body, and was quietly 23 of the present inscription, in which Govinda set aside in favour of his younger brother V.' is described as displaying no forbidden Govinda V. cruelty towards his elder brother. The name The present inscription is re-edited by me of that elder brother, however, is not given in from the original plates, which belong to Rao varia lectio dharmadhikarane, which possibly may mean in this court of justice (where we give this odiot). The rest of the phrase is mutilated, the words Kirtanaparihararthath ma having been left out by mistake. The text, as it stands, gives no sense, and it seems that the words have been transposed through mistake of the copyist. I correct and arrange them as follows: rojad saptange rijye adrohaprwrittanam[a]brahmaghna. choraparadarikarajapathyakariprabh ritinamasarlagrumi [m]lurratam anyagrameshvanaparaddhandm dchandri. ditya koliyo s'numoditavyah ato anyatha kurvatahrajnah bhdmichchheda kurvatah asteyam itil. Regarding the seven essential parts (anga) of the kingdom see Vishnu III. 33. Anyagrdmesh which I have constrned with sarfsgrimam ukurvatam may also be taken with anaparaddhandm. Or perhaps Jagattunga II. may prove to be named Govinda ; in which case this will be Govinda VI.

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248 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (SEPTEMBER, 1883. Bahadur W Amanrao Pitambar Chitnis, of Sawant- Go vinda V. and his unnamed elder wadi. It was originally published by General brother. Sir George LeGrand Jacob, in the Jour. Bo. In the description of Govinda V., it is said Br. R. As. Soc., Vol. IV., pp. 100 ff; and the that the rivers Ganga and Yamuna did service plates belonged then to a Brahman family to his palace. This, of course, is only a figuraresiding near Sangli." That, therefore, must be tive expression, as Govinda's capital and palace the part of the country in which the grant was must have been far away from those rivers. originally discovered ; and it is usually known But the sllusion appears to me to be of the as "the Sangli plates." The plates are three in same kind as the statement in No. CXXVII. number, each about 13" long by 9" broad; above, that Govinda III. took away the and the inscription is arranged on them rivers Gaiga and Yamuna from his enemies, in such a way that they turn over like the and acquired insignia of royalty in the form of pages of an English book. The plates are those two rivers. As I pointed out then, there is quite smooth, with the exception of here and evidently, in the case of Govinda III., a distinct there a slight unintentional depression near allusion to some victory over the Chaluky&B, the edge,-the edges being neither fashioned whether Western or Eastern, among whose thicker, nor raised into rims; the inscription, insignia were the banners or signs of the however, is in re,fect preservation throughout. Ganga and the Yamuna. And the Chalukyse The ring on which they are strung is a plain would seem to have acquired these two insignia ring, about " thick and 41" in diameter; it by some early conquest of the Guptas; for, had been cut and soldered again before the one of the most striking characteristics of the grant came into my hands. It may not be Gupta style of architecture is the statues of the the original ring; or it may have had some river-goddesses Ganga and Yamuna, guarding image or seal attached to it, which has been the entrance-doors of their temples. It removed : General Jacob, however, does not is pretty clear, therefore, that the Ganga and mention any such. The weight of the three the Yamuna must have been among the insignia, plates and the ring is 13 lbs. 3 oz. The lan- of the Guptas, and that the Chalukyas deguage of the inscription is Sanskrit throughout. rived them-whether directly, or indirectly, This inscription is the first that allots the remains to be discovered from the Guptas. Rashtrakuta family to the lineage of the The present inscription gives Govinda V. Yadus or Yada vas; Pandit Bhagwanlal the titles of Savarnavarsha II. and VallabhsIndraji considers this to be a late invention, narendra II. And in the same passage it speaks of about the time of this grant, and to have of Indra IV. under the title of Nitya var been made to account for the change of the shaI. emblem on the Rashtrakata seals, from origi- | The inscription is dated Saks 855 (A.D. nally a lion, to Garoda, the emblem of Vishnu, 933-4), the Vijaya samvatsara, on Thursday from whom the family of the Yadus or Yadavas the full-moon day of the month Sravana. And started. It has been already noted that Jagat- it records & grant of the village of Lahatunga II. married Lakshmi, the daughter of grams, in the Ramapuri Seven-hundred Ranavigraha, who was the son of Kokkala or circle of villages, to a Brahman named KekavaKokkalla I., of the family of the Kalachuris dikshita, of the Kansika gotra, who, or whose or Kulachuris of Tripura or Tewar. And we father, had come from the city of Pay davar also learn from the present inscription that his dhana. This city must be the Pwna-fason Indra IV. married D vijamba, whose t'an-na of Hiwen Theang, which M. Stanislas father was Ammana, the son of Arjuna, Julien rendered by Paundravardhana, and another son of the same Kokkala or Kokkalla which General Cunningham identified origiI. The sons of Indra IV. and Dvijamba were nally with Pubna or Pobna, on the Ganges, in * About twenty-four miles in a north-easterly direo- * For General Cunningham's genealogy of this dynasty, tion from Kolhapur. Bee Archaeological Survey of India, Vol. IX. p. 86. He is of opinion that the principal emblem on the - General Cunningham Archeol. Sury. of Ind., Vol. seals of No. xxl. (Vol. XI. pp. 108 ff.), No. CXXIII. | X. p. 60. So also we have them in the Ashtrakata (id. pp. 125 ff.), No. cxxy. (id. pp. 156 ff.), and No. temple of Kailasa at Elura. CXXVII. (pp. 156 ff. above), is Garuda, and not Siva. * See note 22 below.

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SEPTEMBER, 1883.) SANSKRIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. 249 Bengal,' but has since then been identified with Srimantan Rajamayyan=Dba(Pva)lagam=uruMahasthan, on the Karatoya, seven miles to the taran-Tatabikkin prachanda[]. north of Bogra in Northern Bengal." Bijjam sajja(P) cha yuddh balinam=atitaI have another inscription of Govinda ram-Ayyapam bhimam-ugram V., dated Saka 851 for 852 (A.D. 930-1), the dandam Govindaraja-pranihitam-adhikam ChoVikrita samvatsara, at the time of an eclipse la-pam Lovabikkim of the moon on Sunday the full-moon day of vikranta[ro] Yuddhamallam ghatita-gaja-ghethe month Magha, -- from Kalas, in the Ban- tan(e)=sannihaty=aika dva | kapur Talukd of the Dharwad District. In "Having, unaided, slain the glorious Rajathis inscription, he is called Gojjiga d e va, mayya, (and) the mighty Dhalaga, (and) and has also the titles of Nripatunga II., Vira- the fierce Bijja, and Ayyap & who was Narayana, and Ratta-Kandarpa.10 (always) ready and was exceedingly powerful And an Eastern Chalukya grant, the origi- in war, (and) the terrible and fierce army that nal plates of which belong to Sir Walter Elliot, was despatched by Govindaraja, (and) the mentions the defeat by Bhima II., who reigned great Lo va bikki, the ruler of the Cholas, from about Saka 845 to about Saka 857, of (and) the valorous Yuddhamalla" (and his) Rashtrakata force sent against him by drawn-up arrays of elephante, ..... Govinda V. It is therein said of Bhima [this king Sri-Bhima protected the whole II. (11. 34-8): earth for twelve years.]" Transcription." First plate. ['] Om [ll"] Jayanti Vra(bra)hmanah sargga-nishpatti-mudit-Atmanah Sarasvati-kli(?)t Anamda madhuras=sama-gitaya) || Tara-chakr-avja(bja)[') shand-Avrita-gaganasarash-padmini-rajahamsa- -t=[t*]ailoky-aikadhipatya-sthita-Madana mabaraja-suvbhr(bhr)-atapattra(tra)t [deg] lavanya-kshira-sindhor=dyati-rajata-girer=ddigvadhu-dantapattra- | -d=vamsah Somade ayam yas=tribhuvana-kamal-Avasa[deg] saudhadapeta) || Tasmach=chhriyah kula-griham bhavanan mahimnah krid. aspadam sthiti-maharddbi-gabhiratanam [*]apanna-satva-paripalana-lavdha(bdha)-kirttir=vvamo vasba)bhuva bhuvi simdhu-nibho Yaddnam Parinata-para-madalah kala[deg] van=pravitata-va (ba)hala-yaso-su-parit-asah sasadhara iva Dantidurgga-rajo Yadu-kula-vimala-viyaty-ath=6diya['l ya | Tasyadyam npipateh pitrivya ndayi ari-vira-simhasanam Meroh srimgam= iv=adhiruhya ravi-vach=Chhri[deg] Kpishoa-rajastatah I dhvast-odri(dri)kta-Chalukya-vamsa-timirah prithvibhritan mastake nyast-attah sakalar [] jagat=pravitatais=t&jobhir-akramtavan | Tasmad=Govinda-rajo=bhud-indu-vimva-silatale yasy-arie [") plosha-dhumro=rkah prasastir=iva laksh[y*]ate | Tasy=kbhavad=bhuvana-palana vira-va(bu)ddhir=uddhuta-Sattru(tru)-kula-samtatir-Iddhatejah [") rajeAnuj Nirapam-Apara-namadheye yan-mudray=Amvu(bu)dhir-api prathitah sa mudrah | Tad=an Jagattungo=jani pari [") hrita-nija-sakala-madal. Abhogah gata-yauvana-vanitajana-kucha-sadrish yasya vairi npipa|| Tasmach=ch=AAncient Geography of India, pp. 480 f. But see Ind. Gojjiga who is mentioned by the poet Pampa or Hampa Ant. Vol. III, p. 62; and conf. Wilson, Vish -pur. in the Prasasti of his Vikramdrjunavijaya or Pampa(Hail's ed.) VOL. II, pp. 184, 170; J. R. AR. Soc. N. S. Bharata, see Mr. Rice, in the Jour. R. As. Soc., N. 8., Vol. VI, PP. 2884. ; Raja Tarangini, Tom. IV, p. 421; Vol. XIV. pp. 19 1. ;-also Dynasties of the Kanars Mahabhar. II, 1879.-Ed. Districte, p. 37, note 1. Archaol. Surt. of Ind. Vol. IV. pp. T., 104, and 10 Conf. 1. 36 of the present inscription. 11 The predecessor of Bhims II. He would soom, therefore, to be the (Gajjiga or) therefore, to be the (Gajjigs or) 1 From the original plates. 1101

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250 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [SEPTEMBER, 1883. [1] moghavarsho=bhavad=atula-va(ba)18 yena kopad=apurv vais=Chaluky-Abhyushakh-adyair jjanita-rati.yamah prinito Vinga[] vallyam | Vairimch-amd-8dar-amtar-vvahir-uparitale yan-na lavdh(bdh)-vakasar toya-vyajad=visuddham yasa iva nihitam taj-ja["] gat-tuga-sindhau | Tasmad=Akalavarsho nripatir=abhud=yat-parakrama-ttra(tra)staih sadyah sa-mamdalagram khetakamahi[*] taih parityakta | Sahasrarjjuna-vamsasya bhushanan Kokkal-atmaja | tasyabhavanemahadevf Jagattunga Second plate ; first side. ["] stato jani || Gambhirad=ratna-nidher=bhubhrit-pratipaksha-rakshana kshamatah Kokkala-suta-Ranavigraha-jaladher-Llakshmih sa[*] mutpanna I SA jay=ajayat=Ajatasattro(tro)s=tasya mahibhujah Bhimasen-Arjjun. Opatta-yaso-bhashana-salinah || [1] Tattra(tra) Jagattamg-odaya-dharanidharatah pratapa-kalit-ktma Lakshmya nandana uditomjani vijayi raja-marttandahl Sthiti-cha["O] lita-sakala-bhubhrit-paksha-chchhed-abhimukta-bhuja-vajrah a nimisha-darsana-yogyo yah satyam=ih-Endra-raja iti || Yas=tasmin=Dasakamtha["] darppa-dalane Sri-Haihayanam kuld Kokkallah pratipadito=sya cha guna-jjye jye)shtho= Rjjano=bhllt=sutah | tat-puttro(tro)=Mmanadeva ity=ativa(ba). ["] lastasmad=[D*]vijamv(mb)=abhavat=Padm=ev-Anvu(bu)nidher=Um=ova Himavan namnah kshamabhrit-prabhoh Sr-Indra-narendrat=tasyan sunur=abhad= bhupatir=Dvi[*] janva(ba)van goyinda-raja-nama Kam-adi(dhi)ka-rua-sundaryah || Samarthyo Rati ninditim pravihita n=aiv=kgraje krurata va(ba)ndhuh-stri. ["] gaman-adibhih kucharitair=avarjjitam n=ayasah sauch-asancha-paranmukhan na cha bhiya paisachyam-amgiktitam tya[*] gen=&sama-skhasais-cha bhuvane yas=sahas-amko=bhavat || Varshan=suvarnna-varshah prabhuta-varsho=pi kanaka-dha[] rabhih jagad-akhilam=eka-kamchana-mayamrakarod-iti janair-aktah 11 Yad-adhi dig-vijay-avasare sati prasa["] bha-sambhrama-bhavana eva bhuhl sapadi nityati palimahadhvaj-ochchhtita kar=anya-kunatha-vivarjjita | Sahate [na] hi mamdal-adhipam pa[*] ram=esho=bhyadayi samuddhatam iti jata-bhiya dhiy=&grato ravi-chand rav=api yasya dhavate(tah) || Avanata-para-mamdale57 svara saha-vijaya-subhiko vesma sobhitam sama-himakara-torana chiram nija tejas-tati yasya rajate | Saha [*] te sama-vahinim=aya na paresham sa-vissesha-salinim yad-anindita-rajamam diram nanu Gamga Yamuna cha sevate il [*] Yasmim''n=rajani Faurajyam nirjjit-ari vitanvati vimana-sthitir=ity=ksin=na bhogeshu kadachana || Yasy=8ddama-prata["] panala-va(ba)hala-sikha-kajjala nila-megha visphurjjan-khadga-dhara-sphurana visaranany=eva vidyud-vilasahl [*] durvvar-ar-ibha-kumbhasthala-dalana-galan-mauktik Any=va taras-chandra-ksh fravdhi (bdhi)-Sesha bhrita-bhuvana-yaso-rabi-nisbyamditani" || 13 General Jacob'e Pandit read putrimgana and gave Angandera' in his translation. But the letter mis. taken by him can only be mma, though a cross stroke is wanting in the lower m, and it is thus made to look a little like g. 1. This anusuara is a mistake. 13 This visarga is a mistake. The metre is faulty here, but the text is quite clear and gives a suitable meaning. 11 This annevira is superfluous. 15 The last three syllables and the mark of punctuation are inserted below the end of 1. 33 ; but it is unnecessary to treat them as a separate line by them. selves.

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RASHTRAKUTA GRANT OF GOVINDA-SUVARNAVARSHA - SAKA855. utibalA soTi Timura tAtmansanasatI tatAurAgAgrAmavAliyaH kAsAra kAra pAtakAlAgasa pAsa lIlAiTa sApAlA kAvayUThA sutamaranadAsAza chAtapadAda lAva kI siAra tila zipAI taya lAI ma sAmAya pahiranamatAvAsa (sAbADApata yA tasyA harakatra guTa de madiH kIrAsya sitimheshptaanaa| yAyasavariyAlalale nIti (zAvariti lidAyaralatAcamitataparatvadA vAzitadalayAzA jupatinAta jasavasvaviyu gADI yakalaviyatta va eka (pAriya yAmAliyAna piTaza udayI nItIpasiMhAsana pApI gabhivArikA pahilo lapa pAjastA tyAha kara pukAratati samaya vIratA prasAda yApTaH skleN| kA hitalAsyadAdimA kAlayAThataramA mAdazAhAra ra ludi nityAta tvayanAsa (pASAmAkaH yayAti dalakAtAlAratavanayAtanavIna hiuttama kuvasatata ristnaa| rAtAnudAnilayamAyaramAmAyA yAdyAlayapi pathita samuda(tara munagAhu~sAhanipani he visa kalamalAmAgAzAtatyAdanadanitAdalakara khAtA yatAderilyA jAtamAzA. mAnavodaradasavAlArAma(kAyAra pArne mAluzAhA paTavArI hadi tapaliyama pIlAtAdiMga dayAnate pitA rahAda liIdi upaditatya yajalavAda kA zItAyugAtAdi muI yataH viditA bAhu~dA kA karamAra kAlo kapAlaharAtAmAjhama vAsanA samarasAzara kama ha dayanAda (sahasA hukasAhaba lAdA kalAnAzAradama hAvAharAtara

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khatAta(nAgastIsADhadivasaharatipakarA kamatarakA kAlasuvA virATanalAvala kI sam / guvakAvAtAvAgAvasyUtAsAtasAdAmA meda utsImAsanAlAyAlayalAha para lAlimA tAmAdayasarIparata palAyadekhi tAlAlamATararitADatiditarya (pAlamAI (rA(tara lilasakalAkAidA dimukavAyalibhiSTamiramANAyasanAmidarasAta tAtyamasmi zka~Tha pArasavazAdiyAnA DAlAdAkUla kSyati yadiAtAsAraguhA (ThADAnAsutratatrAmANAdava satida lavavAhitAzvAhaTa pahAtA dunivautmada miyA mUTha mArAmAzAhalaparAmAsTaraspata mAtAsArA vizvAtadAbAdAmAdikatavasA bhAsAmasatitivilasitidinAlidAsattAkadinI lAmakAri dina nitigAdatikArAtaH rAtAntiAyapAdana yAni gayezArAmagI hAtagA hAmAsAdA dAyarAnA yAdasA kAravavAdapazuI varSa yastatAbA piklklaa| pAditAra sidatya midanAramaya bhadAyarA ((tadAneU zayaravadatiyAhatapasaliyaraH / saramA pAhata rArA gariTAniyA limahAvaDAkatakamAlA nAya divahitAstadAtAha maratAtapAla sahA tAsurIlA mustana tivAdiyAdiyAzAlAravira ko pidhAdAdAtAbaranatya rahane marasadahityamadirApAsAditasa mahimakaralA pulAla raMjitAta saya tirAhA gadAtAsada / (tasa matAhidIma padapatavAra (vayamAlivItayara (niAra tarAla mdrdgaalaaynvaasaatu| yAmA daliyA ganihitA(paditaRtidimAnamiti(pa zAzIla lAgAetAyata yAsAzamayatA pAlaladahala tivAdalagIlAmapyAvipa karesAvAsyumara (yAnapAda didA hilAsAra jhApAmIra Tharayalaya lAlabAki kA zava ko parasTa vIrAja (jamAraladaraka yatA rAzi niSA TA KHAN

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RASHTRAKUTA GRANT OF GOVINDA-SUVARNAVARSHA. - SAKA 855. 116. yastAGkaTakAlAvADA mukA mAdalAI sAdA asalaya yA kAlAvasa tilA 1000 yA mate kApavAdAlasahita vikAsa padayitA varavaTa nAka (nAsAdarArisamAti nArAya sApAdidAtA : 7 akama katilA tara lAmA samahatasarAya pATa, TRAN/ kamalAmAkara.. e bulAyamA rAtArAta dAtayAmalAramahasurukAyAkalApa (sakAmagAra yadi tarAtAmATAlaTa mADalAnIsimta pATalAlA mAtA (pahA mAla zgula zAjA( dyspaalprtvtlaagaaraadaaraavyaaly|| kA patiri kara liyA bhasA zAma vAsa jAnistatasa payaramA sadAkAlAtIlasarayama stAta para ya rAjada khanakatA pisadasavAra yAda te mAnada ura sarasa mAta tathA ta gAyA mAyA vAparA pATayAnakAya vamakatAra tAliyAmarasA purava saMyAti (natirako shikslaa| dadAtikA sadana (payA (mAdasya sutAya (kta dI ki lAya parAmapurIsa pUralA tatAlAdagAma saharamAlA kulansa dAdiragAera saya utsAbatAyAvasahalA pAtayatA yAvATapadama W GMIOLA, HUTO-LITH. PECKMAN

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prAkAmIyA bArAya gatya nAraMTArkela masAra:samAnAvyATA pasaralyA ra zAma ra kirAtaHvakalIlAmAyAma pazibhUta vi disalAmAzAma uThAta esA kI sAmAgama vayamAppATa tamu ilATUzAma katI ki tamAlapetuH pala meM pUre mAtra da DIvitasAmA baramiyAna para madatakamANA IzAvAlA sAjarA lAvAvaka dizAmA nAyaH meTAlilAvAladalatagata bhika pativiramAlA hara mAha merA yasa mAmalA niyAla nIyalAu- rAmada sAmAgAra morasa uThe yA kAlakAla pAlanA yAra vaddhi sazoka vAdinaHpa (dayAla tyAhArayAtaha sAmasara nApasavarSasahasA (yUsetihAmi mAchA vA usa AbakAyamadada sahAyara DaoNpararaThAyAtyATsamsuvA ra suvidhA yA bhivara piTa risaha pAla (pasa zAsapATilara dazAha rAvala apahaliya itara pAtAra bhIka tya (kATisaha mAlikatyakoTi satAni hidAsa barAlA kesamiTA de yA niyamAvi matAsadatAta unmHnidaay|

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SEPTEMBER, 1883.] SANSKRIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. 251 Second plate; second side. ["] Yasmim-(r)n=kamthaka-6odhan-otsuka-manasysambhoja-nalair-bhri(bhi)y=8v=onmagnam na payassu kosa-vasati[r]=Llakshmili kritepayanan ke [ ] takya pavan-Ollasan-nija-rajah-pumj-amdhakar-odare bhu-garvbhe(rbbhe) panasena vettra(tra)-lataye dvary-atma-buddhyai sthitam || Yasacha samu. [*] pahasita-Hara-nayana-dahane(no) vihit-Anitya-Kandarppa-rupa-saumdarya-darppah Sri Nitya-Kandarppahl prabhu-mantra-sakty-upavri(bri) mhi577 t-otsaha-sakti-samakshipta-Satamu(ma) kha-sukhas-Chanakya-Chaturmmukhah prathit aika-vikram-Akranta-vasundhara-hita-karana-pa{"] rayanah Sri-vikranta-Narayanah l eva-kara-kalita-hoti-hala-dalita-vipaksha-vaksha[h*) sthala-kshettra(tra)h Sri-nripati-Tsi(tri)nettra(tra)h 110 [*] samabhavat=Sa cha paramabhattaraka-maharajadhiraja-paramesvara-sriman-Nityavarsha. dova-pad-anndhyata[ho] paramabhattara. [*] ka-maharajadhiraja-paramesvara-srimat-Suvarnnavarshadova-prithvivallabha -srimad - Valla bhanaremdradevah kusali sarvvan=eva ["] yata (tha)-sariava(ba)tya (dhya)manakan-rashtrapati-vishayapati-gramakata-mahattar-a (i)yu ktak-Opayaktak-adhika[*] rikan=samadisaty=Astu vah samviditam yatha Manyakheta-rajadhani-sthiratar & vasthanena mata[**] pitror=atmanas=cha punya-yaso bhivriddhaye parvva-luptan=api dova-bhoga-agraharan= pratipalaya[*] ta pratidinam cha niravadhi-namasyagrama-sasanani satasah prayachchhata [maya*] Saka-nripa-kal-atita-samvatsara5+57 sateshv=ashtasi parcha-pamchasad-adhikeshv=amkato=pi samvatsara nam 855 pravarttamana Vijaya-samvatsar-a mtargga[*] ta-Sravana-pauranamasyam varo Garol Purvva-Bhadeapada-nakshattre(tre) prathama kar-8aak-atisarggena 1" Pandava [*] rddhananagaravinirggata-Kausikasagottra(tra). Vaji - Kanvasavra(bra)hmachari - Damodara bhatta-sutaya ["] Kesava-dikshitaya Ramapuri-saptasat-Amtarggata-Loha-gramah sa-vriksha-mala-kulah sa[*] dhanya-hiranyadeyah sa-danda-dosha-dassaparidha[h*] Ba-bhut-opatta-pratyayah - "Schata-bhata-pravesa[h*] Third plate. [degC] sa(?)tottariyo vra(bra)hmadaya-nyayen=a-chamidr-arkkam namasyo dattah [ll] Yasya ch=ighatah parvvatah Ghode. [?] gramah dakshinatah Vamjuli-nama gramah paschimatah Vimchaviharajha(?bha) nama gramah uttaratah [deg] Sonnahi-nama gramah [lll Evam chatar-aghata-vieuddham Loha-gramam Kesava dikshitasya krishatah ka["] rshayato bhumjato bhojayato va na kenachid=vydghatah karyah [llo) Matd(nd) anil-&ndolita-jala-taramga-ta[*] ralam-aisvarya[i] sarad-avbhra(bhra)-vivbhra(bhra)mam jivitam samanyam cha bhumi-dana-phalam-avagachchhadbhihoreaga57 mi-nripatibhir-asmad-vamayai[rwanyai*]r-vv-ayam-asmad-dharmmadAyah samanumam. tavyah pratipalaniyas-cha || Uktam 10 This anusvira is superfluous. 10 This mark of punctuation is unnecessary, or, if used at all, should have been placed after samabhavat in the next line. 51 This mark of punctuation is unnecessary. >> Monier Williams gives two forms, punda and prendra ;-Pandavardhana, Pandravardhana, and also Paundravardhana. The lower part of the da here is more markedly turned to the left than is the case is ahanda, 1. 2, and other places in this inscription. But the letter is formed in just the same way as here in mandala, 1. 12, and in one or two other places; and the reading intended seems to be da, not dra. First a was engraved, and then it was corrected by partial erasure into a. This visarga is superfluous.

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252 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [SEPTEMBER, 1883. [56] cha Ramabhadrena || Samanyo=yam dharmma-setur=nripanam kale kale palani[] yo bhavadbhih sarvvan-evam bhavinah partthivemdran=bhuye bhuyo gachate fooi Ramabhadrah | Shashti-varsha-sahasrani svargge tishthati bhumi-dahl achchhetta chanuma[m]["'] tacha tany=ova narake vaset Sva-dattam para-dattam va ye harettu vasundharam [O] sva(sva)-vishtayam ksimir=bhutva pitsibhig=saha pachchya(chya)te Prassitya sampradanena da[] ttasy=kharanena cha janma-prabhtiti yaddattar tat=sarvvam nishphalam bhavet | Ka[*] lpa-koti-sahasrani kalpa-koti-Satani cha nivased=Vra(bra)hmano 18[*] ke bhumi-danam dadati yah || Sivam=astu sarvva-jagatah 11.0m namah Sivaya (ID) Translation. moon fills all the regions with its extensive and Om! Victorious are the melodious Sama- I great splendour). songs of Brahma, whose soul is pleased with (L. 7.)-Then the king, Sri-Krishna, the the completion of creation, which cause the paternal uncle of that king,--having risen and happiness of Sarasvati! having ascended the excellent throne of splen(L. 1.)-From the moon,--that rajahansa- dour and bravery, as the sun ascends the bird in the pool of waterlilies of the lake summit of Meru ; having dispelled the darkwhich is the sky, overspread by a crowd ofness of the mighty race of the Chalu kyas, waterlilies which are the multitudinous stars; (as the sun dispels the darkness); (and) having that radiantly white umbrella of Madana, placed (his) commands on the heads of kings, who stands in the position of being the su- (as the sun places his rays on the summits of the preme lord of the three worlds; that ocean of mountains),-- pervaded the whole world with milk in loveliness; that mountain of silver in his extensive radiance. resplendence; that earring of the women who (L. 9.)-From him there was (born) the are the regions, -(there came) that lineage" king Govinda; whose mark, consisting of which is possessed of (the glory of being) the the smoke (caused) by the burning of (his) enemansion of the abode of the waterlily which mies, is beheld, as if it were a laudatory is the three worlds. inscription, on the surface of the stone which (L. 4.)-From that lineage there sprang the is the disc of the moon." race of the Yadus, which is like an ocean | (L. 10.)--His younger brother was the king on the earth,-the family house of splendour; Iddhat e jas, whose other name was Niruthe abode of greatness; the play-ground of pama, -whose intellect was powerful in proendurance and great prosperity and sagacity; tecting the world ; who shook off the multitude possessed of fame acquired by protecting (all) of (his) enemies; (and) by whose signet even creatures who came to it (for refuge)." the ocean was made known to be properly (L. 5.)-Then in the spotless sky which is named) samudra." the family of the Yadus there arose king (L. 11.)- After that there was born JagatDantidurga, as if he were the moon,-who tunga, whose hostile kings, having all the bowed down the hosts of his enemies, as circuits of their territories taken away from the moon bows down other orbs); who was them, became (flaccid and weak) like the breasts possessed of accomplishments, as the moon is of women whose youth has departed. possessed of digits); and who gratified (all) (L. 12.)- And from him was (born) Amddesires by his extensive and great fame, (as the ghavarsh ay of unequalled strength, -by 25 Kamadeva. 20 The Somavama. 97 There are secondary meanings in this verse, referring to the ocean. 2 General Jacob's Pandit translated atta by "command.' And though these meanings are not given in dictionaries, it must have the sense of command' here, as applied to Krishya, and of 'ray of light' as applied to the sun. ' Dr. Buhler translated "on the crystal disc of the inoon." (Vol. VI. p. 62, note ). But, from the use of the word prasasti, silatala is evidently intended to mean a polished slab of stone on which a prasasti would be engraved, and which is compared in respect of its brightness with the dieo of the moon. 30 There is a play on the double analysis and meaning of samudra, vis.:-1, samudra, 'that which has water; the ocean,' and 2, samudra,'having a stamp or seal.'

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SEPTEMBER, 1883.] SANSKRIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. 253 whom the restraint of pleasure that had been caused by the incomparable Chalokyas and Abhyusha khas and others was angrily allayed at Vingavalli; (and) whose pure fame, finding no place (sufficient to contain it) inside or outside or on the upper surface of the egg of Virinchi," was deposited in the deep ocean of the world. (L. 15.)-From him was born) the king, A kala varsha; their shields, together with their swords, were straightway abandoned by (his) enemies, terrified by his prowess. (L. 16.)-The daughter of Kokkala, the ornament of the lineage of Sahasrar juna, -became his queen; (and) from him was born Jagattunga. From the ocean which was Ranavigraha, the son of Kokkala, who was sagacious, (as the ocean is profound); who was the receptacle of jewels (of virtuous qualities), (as the ocean is of jewels); (and) who was capable of protecting kings from their oppo- nents, as the ocean is capable of protecting the mountains from their opponents), there was produced (a daughter) Lakshmi, (as the goddess Lakshmi was produced from the ocean). She became the wife of that king, who had no adversary of equal standing with himself, and who was possessed of the ornament of having acquired the fame of Bhimasena and Arjuna. (L. 19.)-Rising from the mountain of dawn which was Jagattunga, there was born the son of Lakshmi-the victorious one; a very sun of a king; whose soul was endowed with splendour; (and) who,-having the thunderbolt that was his arm discharged to sever the ranks of all the kings who had fallen away from stedfastness of conduct, (as Indra discharges his thunderbolt to cut off the wings of the mountains), (and) being worthy to be gazed upon without winking the eyes, (as Indra is worthy to be gazed upon by the gods),-was truly called Indra raja in this world. (L. 20.)- In the family of the Sri-Haihayas, which destroyed the pride of Dasakantha, there was born Kokkalla; and his son, pre-eminent in virtue, was Arjuna; his son was Ammana de va, of exceedingly great might; (and) from him was born Dvijam 3L Brahma.-Brahminda, or the egg of Brahma,' is the universe. 33 Ot Sahasdi ka may be taken as a biruda or title of Govinda. ba, as Padma (was born) from the ocean, (and) as Uma was born from the king of mountains, named Himavan. (L. 22.)-From the king, Sri Indra, there was (born) in her, Dvija m ba, a king named Govinda ra ja, whose form and beauty surpassed (those of) Kama. Though he had the power (of displaying it), no forbidden cruelty towards (his) elder brother was displayed (by him); no disgrace was incurred (by him) by cohabiting with the wives of (his) relatives, and other evil actions; demoniacal possession, which is regardless of purity or impurity, was never through fear assamed (by him) (as an excuse for evil deeds); by (his) liberality and by (his) unequalled deeds of bravery, he became characterised by daring in the world." Raining down gifts, discharging showers of gold, and raining abundantly,-he is said by people to have caused the whole world to be made solely of gold by (his) showers of gold. At the time of his conquering the regions, which causes violent alarm, verily the earth dances from joy), having (his) mighty palidhvaja-banner for (her) uplifted hands, and being set free from the other evil kings. With (their) minds filled with fear from the thought that he, the rising one, does not bear with any other proud king, (as they themselves do not bear with any other proud orl,) --even the moon and the sun run away before him. His beautiful palace,-in which the hostile Mandalesvaras bow down before him; which is resplendent with victory; which has the moon for the regular decoration of its gateposts; (and) which is always possessed of the mass of his lustre, --is resplendent. Verily it is because he bears not with any equal army, possessed of distinguishing qualities, of (his) enemies, as they themselves do not bear with any equal river),--that the Ganga and the Yamuna do service to his palace. While he, the king, is continuing (his) good government, never in (any sorts of enjoyments is it said) that there is any continuance of dishonour. * The soot of the numerous flames of the fire that is his unrestrained prowess (is) the dark blue clouds; the darting gleams of the edge of his rattling sword (are) verily the flashes of light 3. Suvarnawaraha; this became one of his biru das. 35 There seems to be some play upon the second meaning of vimina in the sense of a self-moving chariot of the gods. 5 Brahma. Ba 3 Indra

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254 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [SEPTEMBER, 1883. ning; the pearls that fall down when he me*), who am settled permanently at the cleayes open the temples of the elephants of his capital of Manyak h&ta, (and) who preserve enemies who are difficult to be restrained (are) the agrahara-grants of the enjoyment of gods, the stars; (and) the drippingg of his fame, even though they have been interfered with by which pervades the universe (are) the moon previous (Kings), (and) day by day give in and the ocean of milk and (the serpent) Sesha. hundreds innumerable charters of namasyaSince he has his mind intent upon clearing away villages,- in order to increase the religious thorns, the tubular stalks of the waterlilies, as merit and the fame of my parents and myself, if through fear (of him), do not lift themselves -eight hundred and fifty-five years, or in up in the waters (80 as to be plucked out), (but figures 855 years, having elapsed from the time Lakshmi, who dwells in the buds (of them), of the Sak a king, on Thursday the full-moon is made a (voluntary) offering (by them); the day of the month) Sravana in the Vijaya ketaki-plant takes refuge in a hollow chambersaravatsara which is current, under the Parvaof the earth, the interior of which is darkened Bhadrapada nakshatra,--the village of Lo haby the mass of its own pollen floating about in grama, which is included in the Ramapuri the wind; (and) the jack-tree (and) the reed Seven-hundred, -together with its rows and stand (like servants) in his door in order to clumps of trees, and that whioh is receivable save themselves. And he, wearing the form in kind) in grain and gold, and (the right to) and beauty of the transient Kandarpa" (and) fines and the proceeds of punishments inflicted laughing to scorn the consuming power of the for) faults and the ten (classes on offences, eye of Hara, became a very eternal Kandarpa; and the bhutopattapratyaya; not to be entered casting ridicule upon the happiness of Satama- by the regular or irregular troops; ...... kha by means of his attribute of energy which .............""; (and to be held as) was magnified by the attributes of lordsbip and a namasya-grant, according to the rule of a counsel, he became a Chaturmukha among grant to a Brahman, as long as the moon Chanakyas ; being intent upon working the and the ban may last,---has been given, with welfare of the earth that was pervaded by copious libations of water, to Kesavadikshita, his renowned and pre-eminent prowess, he be- the son of Damodarabhatta, who started from came a very Sri-Narayana among valorous the city of Punda vardhana nagara," men; (and), tearing open the fields which were who was of the Kausika gotra, and who was the chests of his enemies with the plough that a student of the Vaji-Kanva (adkha). And was the weapon with which his hands were the boundaries of it (are)--on the east, the familiar, he became a very Sri-Trinotra among village of Ghodegrama; on the south, the vilkings. lage named Vannli; on the east, the village (L. 39.)-And he, the most worshipful one, named Vinchaviharajha (?); (and) on the the supreme king of great kings, the supreme north, the village named Sonnahi. lord, the glorious Suvarna varshade va (L. 52.)-"No obstruction is to be made by the favourite of the earth, the glorious Valla- | any one to Kesavadikshita cultivating, causing bhanarendradeva,-who meditated on the to be cultivated, enjoying, or causing to be feet of the most worshipful one, the supreme enjoyed, the village of Lohagrama, thus king of great kings, the supreme lord, the defined as to its) four boundaries. This, my glorious Nitya varshad eva, -being in good religious gift, is to be assented to and preserved health, announces to the rashtrapatis, vishaya- by future kings, whether of my lineage for patis, gramak utas, mahattaras, lyuktakas, upa- others*], recognising that wealth is as un. yuktakas, and adhikarikas, according as they stable as waves of water slowly agitated to and are concerned : fro by the wind, (and) that life is as transient (L. 42.)- Be it known to you that,-(by as an autumn cloud, and that the reward of a 9 There is a play on the second meaning of lantaka in the sense of a troublesome seditious enemy,' and on lakshmi in the sense of 'wealth.' 37 The secondary allusion is to the posts of his doors being made of jack wood, and his door keepers standing with reeds or canes in their hands. 3 Kamadeva, who was reduced to whos by the flame from the third eye in the forehead of Hara or Siva, because he attempted to inspire him, while engaged in religious austerities, with love for Parvati. The meaning of sa(P) tottarfya is not apparent. 40 See note 22 above, and the introductory remarks.

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SEPTEMBER, 1883.] SANSKRIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. 255 grant of land belongs in common (to him who also called Nityavarsha II.; and Krishna makes it and to all who continue it.)" IV. or Kannara, also called Nirupama II. and (L. 55.)-And it has been said by Ramabha- Akalavarsha III. Kottiga or Khottiga left no dra, -"This general bridge of piety of kings issue, and this explains why the date of his should at all times be preserved by you ; thas inscription now published is considerably later does Ramabhadra again and again make his than the dates obtained for Ktishna IV.; viz., request to all future princes !" The giver of there being no probability of Kottiga leaving land dwells for sixty thousand years in heaven; any issue, first his younger brother Krishna IV. (but) the confiscator (of a grant of land), was joined with him in the government, and and he who assents to (such confiscation), shall then the latter's son Kakka III. Kottiga seems dwell for the same number of years in hell! to have died between the date of the present He is born as a worm in the ordure of a dog inscription and the date of the Karda grant in and is cooked in torment) together with his the following year. ancestors, who takes away land that has been The present inscription is from a stone-tablet given, whether by himself or by another ! By leaning against, or built into the wall of the giving with stint, and by confiscating that temple of Kalamesvara at Adaragunchi, in the which has been given, the whole of that which Hubballi Taluka of the Dharwad District. The has been given from birth upwards becomes sculptures at the top of the stone are-three fruitless: He dwells in the world of Brahma canopies or pinnacles of temples; then a comfor a thousand crores and a hundred crores of partment containing the sun and moon, three ages, who gives a grant of land! May there seated figures, facing full-front, and a linga; be the prosperity of the whole world! Om; and then a third compartment containing a reverence to Siva! cow and calf, some small sacrificial implement, No. CXXXIV. Nandi, and two more seated figures, facing After Govinda V. the succession went to the full-front. The writing covers a space of abont descendants of Jagattunga II. by his second 2' 35" high by 1' 9' broad; it commences with wife Govindamba-probably throngh Govinda three short liries to the right of the lower part V. leaving no issue. There is at any rate of the sculptured surface. The language is nothing in the inscriptions to indicate that any Old-Canarese. act of forcible usurpation took place. The inscription is dated at the time of an The sons of Jagattunga II. by Govindimba eclipse of the sun, on Sunday, the new-moon were Krishna III. and Amoghavarsha day of the month Asvayuja of Saka 893 (A.D. II., whose wife was Kunda kad o vi, the 971-2), the Prajapati saivatsara, while Kotdaughter of Yuvaraja, -who was probably tiga, also called Nityavarsha II., was reignYuvaraja I. of the family of the Kalachurising, and while his feudatory Permanadi. or Kulachuris of Tripura. It is not certain Marasimha, a Mahamandalesvara of the whether Krishna III. and Amoghavarsha II. Ganga family who is mentioned in other actually reigned; but the shortness of the inscriptions of the period, was governing the interval between Saka 855, the latest date Gangavadi Ninety-six-thousand, the Purigere obtained for Goyinda V., and Saka 867, the Three-hundred, and the Belvala or Belvola earliest date obtained for Krishna IV., is Three-hundred. And it records grants that against their having done so, -especially as were made by a certain Panchala, who was they were anterior by one generation to Govinda governing the Sebbi Thirty, and by MalligaV., and as the inscription now published Gadayya, to the god Malligesvara or Siva. shows that Kottiga or Khottiga did reign. Sebbi is evidently the modern Chabbi or Krishna III. left no issue. Amoghavarsha Chebbi, in the Hubballi Taluka, four miles to II. left two sons,-Kottiga or Khottiga, the south of Adaragunchi. Transcription." (') Om Svasti Nityavarsha[!] deva sriprithviva* His name is written thus in the present inscription; "From an ink-impression. but in the Karda grant it is written Khottiga.

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256 [*] [*] dhirkja [SEPTEMBER, 1883. llabha [] rppam mah[a]rajaparamesvara paramabhattarakam rija-marttanjah Ratta-Kandachitra-vede (da) mga[*] srimat Kottigadeva[*] chatu[b]-aamu[] dra-payya (ryya)ntam-a-chandr-arkka-taram baram rajy-abhivriddhige salu[tta]['] y(m)-ire [1] Sa(sa) ka-nripa-kal-atita-sam vachchha (tsa)ra-sa (sa) tangal-entu nu[] ra tombhatta-muraneya Prajapati-sa[*]vachchha (tsa)ram val-va)rah-bhya (bhya)ntarad-Ashva(6va)yujasuryya-grahana [1] SrimaGangavadi-tombhatta tad(d-) [] saluttam-ire [10] d-amavase ["] t Adityavira Pa(permmanadi-Marasi[h]ggha(gba)dera[*] [1] rusasiramumam [1] munurumam [] Panchaladeva[m*] Parigere-mara"(ra)mach sukhadarin-aluttam-ire BelvalaSrimat enbhatta-nalva Sebbi-muvattan-alutta[m*] kalchi kotta sthiti Rona[da] hannir-vvarugadyanam vajjaniyum [19] tuppa kia rasam [] Enbhatta-na(na)lvara kayyal Malliga-Gadayya[*] Ma aruvanam Rong [] Pliglevarakke kondu bitta [1] da [*]gn**-ji(di)bhib yasya ["1] tada phalam | (D [*]ti(ta) Vasundhari(km) [*] pom-dharanam | (1) Bahubhir=vvasudha bhukti(kt) raja (ja) no (bhih) Sagayasya yara (da) bhumi [*] tasya tasya Sva-datt [a*]m para-datt [am va yo harehare-* shashghi(shti)-vva(n) [Jaha-sahasrii vishthlyAm] jayate krimih [*] feet of the Eighty-four (Mahajanas), while he was governing the Sebbi Thirty, (was) twelve aru-gadyanas of Rena, (and) a fixed contribution of a kana of salt and ghee (and) a vajjani of (sugar-cane) juice, Translation. 48 Om! Hail! While Nityavarshadeva, the favourite of fortune and of the earth, the supreme king of great kings, the supreme lord, the most worshipful one, a very sun among kings, a very Kandarpa among the Rattas, a very marvel of wonderful deeds, the glorious Kottigadeva, was continuing, with increase of sovereignty, up to (the shores of) the four oceans, so as to endure as long as the moon and sun and stars might last: 46 (L. 17.)-Malliga-Gadayya gave into the hands of the Eighty-four (Mahajanas), for the temple of the god Malligeevara, six mattars (of land), one aruvana, and adharana of gold of Rona. [15] rggam [10] siddh-aya THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. kila[*] uppu (L. 7.)-While the Prajapati samvatsara, which was the eight hundred and ninety-third (in) the centuries of years that had elapsed from the time of the Sa ka king was current ; (at the time of) an eclipse of the sun (on) Sunday, the new-moon day of (the month) Asvayuja in that year: (L. 10.)-While the glorious Per mana diMarasinghadeva was with happiness governing the Gangavadi Ninety-sixthousand, the Purigere Three-hundred, and the Belvala Three-hundred : (L. 13.) The property that was given by the glorious Panchaladeva, having washed the This ra was at first omitted, and then inserted below the line. This repetition of ga is a mistake. These letters, hare, repeated unnecessarily, are half effaced in the original. Chitra-vedanga; compare gunada bedangi, a very marvel of virtue, which is applied to Akkadevi of the Western Chalukya family in 1. 5 of an inscription at Arasibidi; and ane-vedanga 'a very marvel of refuge,' mattar=aru [1] (L. 19.)-The earth has been enjoyed by many kings, commencing with Sagara; he who for the time being possesses the earth, enjoys the fruits (of this grant that has been made)! He is born as a worm in ordure for the duration of sixty thousand years, who confiscates land that has been given, whether by himself or by another! No. CXXXV. In the Canarese country there are several inscriptions of Krishna IV. or Kannara, also called Nirupama II. and Akalavarsha III. The earliest date that they give for him is Saka 867 (A.D. 945-6), the Visvavasu samvatsara; and the latest is Saka 878 (A.D. 956-7), the Nala samvatsara. which is applied to Krishna IV. in 1. 1 of the following inscription. Bedanga and bedangi are evidently connected with bedagu, bedangu, wonder, surprise; novelty, curiosity, marvellousness." In Canarese inscriptions, the usual form of this name is Belvola. The chief town of the Ron Taluka of the Dharwad District. .e.' into the trustee-ship.'

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SEPTEMBER, 1883.) SANSKRIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. 257 The present inscription is from a stone-tablet city or village of lizards,' as the ancient name on the left or west side of the god, at the tem- of Soratur. The name Soratur itself occurs ple of Virabhadra at Soratur, in the Gadag in a Hoysala inscription of Narasimha II., Taluka of the Dharwad District. I have no dated Saka 1145, at Harihar," in which a information as to what sculptures there may be graphic account is given of a battle between at the top of the stone. The writing covers a Ballala II. and a certain Sovuna, who appears to space of about 3'11" high by 2' 3'' broad. The have been the commander-in-chief of the army of language is Old-Canarese. the Devagiri-Yadava king Jaitugi I., and whom The inscription records several grants that Ballala II. besieged and defeated near Soratur were made on the occasion of an eclipse of the and pursued from there up to the Ktishnaverna, moon, on Sunday the full-moon day of the where he slew him. And further on, the month Margasira of Saka 873 (A.D. 951-2), same inscription again mentions Soratur along the Virodhikrit samvatsara. The original gives with the hill-forts of Erambarage or Yelburga, the name of the sasivatsara as Virodhi, which Viratakote or Hangal, Gutti, Bellittage, Rattawas Snka 851; but the numerals, 873, are palli or Rattehalli in the Dharwad District, very distinct, and undoubtedly the sariwatsara and Kurugod near Ballari, which were intended was Virddhikrit, which was Saka 873.1 besieged by Ballala II. in the same camThis inscription gives Sarata vura, the paign. Transcription." ['Om Svasty=Akalavarishadeva sriprithu(thi)vivallabha maharajadhirajan=ane-vede(da)ngam [') mada-gaja-mallam dhalake nallatam Sri-Kannaradevana rajyam=uttaro rottaram salutt-ire [/#] Saratavuramanramgarakam Sri-Ruddapayyan=alutt-ire [*] [*] Sa(sa)ka-nripa-kal-Akranta-samvatsara-sa (sa)tamga[l"] 873 Virodhi[krit*]"-sanvatsarada Margga[deg] sira-masada punna meyam=Adityavarami Rohini(ni) nakshatramum 66(s0)[] ma-grahanad-andu [l*) Ruddapayyana perggade Achapayyanin gamunda Sami. [] Kalteyammanum Bhimarasi-bhattarara kalam karchchi sayira balliya [deg] tomtamam devargge kottar=Ayvadimbarum ekkadeire grahanada tat-kala[deg] do! ayam talar-ele-sose [*] Siddh-ayam=ellam devargge barisakke [] arasargge nibaddhan muvattu kariya drarmma(mma)mam gorayar=ttiruva[""] r=1 sthitiya tappad-antu drodeya Pittayyam kalg=ereye ga[""] munda Sami-Kalteyammanum Achapayyanun kalam kalche mattan [**] mata(tha)kke vidya-dana[kka *] pannir-mmattar=keyyam kottar=Kkeyi siddh-a["] yam barisakke Aru k ariya drarmmamma)mam tiruvar=I varim me. [*] g=alida ko(ko)!al=ali(?)d=ayvadimbarum kapu (pa) duvar [*] Bhavani-setti perin[o*]!=0[1] ndu panamam devargge madidan=Idan=tappade nadeyisidatam ["'] sasiran" kavileya kodun kolaga(gumam) ponri belliyumam katti [18] sayi(si)rbbar=pparvvargge danam-gotta phalam el-koti tapojanakkam ] Varanasiyolam Prayageyo!ain Gu(ku)rukshetrado!am sahasra(sra)-bhojanan-maqida phalam=akkum [1] Idan=alidatam Vara[*]nksiyolam Prayageyo!am sasiramo kavileyum sasi["] rbbar=brahmanaran-el-koti tapojana[mu]man=alida pamchamaha(**) patakana poda lokakke pokun 11 Sva-datt[&*] para-datt[A*]min v[a] [*] ye haretista) vasundharan(m) shashtim var(r-) shal-sha)-sahasra(sra)ni vi[sh][A][*] ya[**] jayate krimih KID Sva-datt[a] para-datt[A(r)) va pa!a[*] yanti narah-pranya kotim varsha-sahasra(sra)ni 158 Rudra-10 P. S. and 0.-C. Inacriptione, No. 128. "From an ink-impression supplied by the Mamlatdar of Lakshmeswar. " This repetition of rd is & mistake. - The Virddhi sarhvataard was Saka 851. The numerals here, 873, are quite distinot; and, Saka 873 being the Virddhikrit samateara, it is obvious that the omis! sion of the letters krit is only dao to rolessness on the part of the engraver. $* This Anuevdra is annecessary. ** This Anwendra is unnecessary. ** This mark of punctuation is unnecessary. Some oorrection is required here; but it is not apparent what was intended. This mark of punctuation is unnecessary.

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258 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [SEPTEMBER, 1883. [] ke pratishthita(tah) Arolu vedam bajisal-app-ant-akkarama[9] n-ayvadimbara besadim Galigavere-Nagan dharey=u. [""]Ilo-inegan=negale baredan=tsa(si)sanama (*] II Translation. village-headman, and Achapayya, -having Om ! Hail! While the sovereignty of Aka- washed the feet of the Fifty Mahajanas) - Ja varshad e v a, the favourite of fortune and gave also twelve mattars of culturable land of the earth, the supreme king of great kings, for the matha and for education, a very marvel of refuge, a very hero against (L. 13.)-The fixed contribution on the infuriated elephants, he who is excellent ... culturable land (was that) they should supply, .....,' Sri-Kannara de v a, was con- year by year, six drammas of charcoal. ..... tinuing with perpetual increase : ......" The Fifty (Mahajanas) shall protect (L. 3.)--While the body-guard(r) Sri-Rud (these grants). dapa yy a was governing (the city of) Sara (L. 15.)-Bhavanisetti gave to the god one ta vura: para on each peru. (L. 5.)-On Sunday, the full-moon day of (L. 16.)-He who continues this (grant) the month Margasira of the Virddhiktit sari- without fail, shall have the reward of fashioning vatsara which was the eight hundred and the horns and hoofs of a thousand tawnyseventy-third (in) the centuries of years that coloured cows and presenting them to a thousand had elapsed from the time of the Sa ka king, Brahmans, (and) the reward of giving a thousand under the Rohini nakshatra, (and) at the time meals to seven crores of ascetics at Varanasi of an eclipse of the moon : or Prayage or Kurukshetra! He who destroys (L. 6.)- Achapayya, the Pergade of Rudda- this shall go to the world to which a man goes, payya, and Sami-Kalteyamma, the village-head- guilty of the five great sins, who destroys a man,-having washed the feet of the venerable thousand tawny-coloured cows or a thousand Bhimarasi,- gave to the god a piece of garden Brahmans or seven crores of ascetics at land of the measure of) one thousand (betel nut) sure of) one thousand (betel nut) Varanasi or Prayage ! creepers. (L. 23.)-He is born as a worm in ordure for (L. 8.)-(There was given by) the Fifty(Maha- the duration of sixty thousand years, who conjanas), uniting together, at the time of the fiscates land that has been given, whether by eclipse, a contribution of a young betel-leaf himself or by another! Those men who protect plant in the leaf. land that has been given, whether by them(L.9.)- All the fixed contribution (was that) selves or by another, are established for sixty the Goravas should supply to the god, year thousand crores of years in the world of Rudra ! by year, thirty drammas of (?) charcoal, (being (L. 27.)- At the command of the Fifty (Mathe amount) appointed (to be given to the king. hajanas), when they made the proclamation (L. 10.)-When the Urodeya Pittayya made of the sentences << Who has the requisite) knowsupplication at their feet that this ordinance ledge?"-Guligavere-Naga wrote this edict, to should not be broken, Sami-Kalteyamma, the be famous as long as the earth might last. MISCELLANEA. A BUDDHIST TOPE IN THE PITTAPURAM , drawings. On reading there that all the relics ZAMIN DARI. had been sent to the Central Museum at Madras, In the Indian Antiquary for February last I visited the Museum, and learned that while, as (vol. XII, p. 34), Sir Walter Elliot published a I had supposed, the stone caskets were there, notice of some finds of Buddhist caskets and other none of the other smaller relics aentioned could relics in the Pittapuram Zamindari of the God- be traced. These losses are very much to be vari District, Madras Presidency, with a plate of regretted. Of course Dr. Bidie is not respon - The prasa is violated here. Ane seems to be connected with Anu, 'to stay, prop, support.' 1 Dhalake; meaning not known. 01 Angaraka, angaraksha. os Or perhaps "on the occasion of every) oclipse." + The meaning of ivarin meg alidu ko(K)al-ali (P) du is not apparent. 65 lit. "letters." -The meaning of the first part of this verse, however, is doubtful.

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SEPTEMBER, 1883.] MISCELLANEA. 259 sible, and my remarks must not be taken as in any way implying that he is to blame. All this occurred before he assumed charge of the Museum. There are two portions of erystal caskets in the Museum alleged to have eome from Amaravati, and placed under a glass case with portions of a marble outer-casket from the same place. Is it possible that the crystal caskets really came from Pittapuram P They look much like those marked ld and 4c, in Sir Walter Elliot's plate. R. SEWELL. hands of malis, gardeners, and even gavalis, milk. men and women, things that they deal in, such as fruit, vegetables, plantain-leaves, flowers, and milk. This circumstance is to be noted because in other parts people are seen to refuse to receive the same things from the hands of Christians. It thus appears that these people are more or less naturalised, and are looked upon more as natives than Christians. There is another class seen in this part, who are known by the name of Nave Mardthe. When an explanation of this word was sought, it was said that such and such a man is so called because his grandfather was a Kiristanva (a convert Christian), but he and his father have become Hindus, and have been looked upon as such. N. B. GODABOLE, Sanskrit Teacher, Elphinstone High School, Bombay, 16th June 1883. PROPER NAMES IN THANA DISTRICT. SIR, --The following I am sure will interest some of your readers. The Agris, Kolis, Malis, and other castes at Waski (Bassein) and adjoining places, who, it is said, are natives converted to Christianity, and some of whom have even the same surnames as Konkanastha Brahmans, are named and married by the Padre. There is nothing peculiar in this. But many of them have names given them from the days on which they are born. The name Somd, for instance, is given to one born on a Monday. He who is born on Tuesday is frequently named Mangalyd. One born on Wednesday is called Budhu or Budhya(?). Bestara, Bistara, or Bistura is given to one born on Thursday, and Sukara or Sukaryd to one born on Friday. One was named Sinwar, which word I first thought was a corruption of the word Signor, but afterwards conjectured must be a corruption of Sanavdra or Sanivdra, Saturday. One man strengthened this conjecture by his testimony. I did not hear of a name corresponding to Sunday. But I heard there were persons bearing the name of dditvara. Sothe derive their names from those of animals, such as Undira, a mouse, Kolhd or Kola, a jackal, Kavalya, a crow, and so on. Another peculiarity with these people is, that when asked their names they give the father's name first and then their own, and will not allow others even to call them, ak people do in other parts of the Thani Collectorate-viz., the personal namo first, and then the father's. They thus interrogate the person who insists on the latter being the proper mode, "Who comes first, or rather who is born first, the father or the son P" If they at all allow the latter mode, they still persist in saying Sinvar Zavarcha or Valaji Krishnache, thus adding the suffix cha to denote that Sinvar or Valaji, as the case may be, is the son of Zavar or Krishna. Another thing that I marked was, that people of this part have no objection to receive from the NOTES. DURBANT-a derivation. In the J. 4. S. B. vol. XLIX, p. 95, in an article on the Route of the Tal-Chotiali Field Force, I wrote as follows:"The old name of the Duranis was Abd&li, till Ahmad Shah, an Abdali of the Sadozai family or sub-section of the Popalzai section of the Abliklis, the hero of Panipat in 1747, took the title of Durr-i-Durrdn, the Pearl of Pearls, and named his tribe after himself Durinis." However, lately a dweller in those parts has assured me that this was wrong, although my statement merely followed the usually accepted derivation. He says that the original name of the Abdalis or Durranis was Muhammadzai, and that they had about 500 years ago a great saint, now known as Shah Makhsud Abdal, who is buried at Shakr Darra (the Sugar Pass), about 50 miles N.W. of Kandahar. The tribe, as a body, became followers of this saint, whence their name Abdali. This Shah Makhsud had a habit of wearing a pearl in each ear as earrings, and so obtained the soubri. quet of Durrani, the pearl-wearer. His followers so far adopted his custom as to wear small por. tions of gold wire clipped on to the lobe of the ear and this many do still, whence the tribe became called Durranis. My informant says that Ahmad Shah's title was not Durr-i-Durran but Durr-i-Durrani, the Pearl of the Durranis. As is well-known the modern Durranis are divided into Ziraks and Panjpaos, and the Ziraks further divided into Popalzais, Alakozais, Barakzais and Achakzais. The Sadozai family of Popalzais ruled in Afghanistan from about 1716 to 1818 A.D., when the present ruling family came into power. They are the Muhammadzai family of

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260 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [SEPTEMBER, 1883. the B&rakzais, and the point with regard to them in the present connection is, that they are so called after the original name of the whole Durrant tribe, having retained that designation as being that portion of the tribe which never followed their great saint Shah Makhead. This derivation and information is all new to me, and I give it for what it is worth. About this Shah Makudd I would remark that the same power of turning stones into sugar is ascribed to him as is so urtiversally ascribed to the better known Shekh Faridu'd. din of Pak Pattan in the Panjab. Shekh Farld's title of Shakr Ganj, or Treasury of Sugar, is derived from this legend, and Shah Makhsud's tomb in the Shakr Darra, Sugar Pass, is said to be on the site of his miracles. R. C. TEMPLE. ON THE DATES ON THE COINS OF THE HINDU KINGS OF KABUL, BY SIR E. C. BAYLEY. To the Numismatic Chronicle (3rd Ser. vol. II, pp. 128-165), Sir E. Clive Bayley has contributed a paper on the coins of the Hindu kings of Kabul.' These coins had already been described by Mr. E. Thomas in 1848, who thought that among the signs which occur before the head of the horseman found on one type of them he could detect dates, and on some of the later coins he believed he had made out a degraded and contracted form of the word Gupta. Sir E. C. Bayley having examined all the coins of this type within his reach, has come to the conclusion--that on certain silver coins of the bull-and-horseman type, and which all bear the name of Sylla. pati, the earliest of the Brahmanical kings of Kabul, there are dates in numerals of a form between those of the mediaeval Indian and the modern Arabic forms. In some cases the dates are followed by the word "Gupta," and these dates he reads as '98 (for 698), and perhaps '99 Gupta, and as 707 and 727 (Gupta). On certain other coins of the same general type, but of conventional execution, which bear the names of Sy&lapati and Samanta, indiscriminately, and in rare cases of Bhimad eva, and Khvad a. va yaka, other dates occur, which he reads as 802. Gu,' 812 Gu,' 813, 814, 815 and 817, and on a still later copper coin of degraded type866. These he regards as posthumous, and as belong. ing to the latest and subordinate kings of the dynasty. Then, in the British Mtubeum is a coin bearing the conventional lion or leopard of the type found on Varka-(Vakka- or Vanka.) deva's coins, but on the other side a peacock of the form found on the small silver Gupta coins. Above the lion is a Hindi legend which is either $: 1 Kamara or Kamra (deva), possibly it may stand for Kum&ra; and is identifiable with Ka mlu &-the name given in the Jami-ul. Hikayat to the king of India', there described as the opponent of Amru Lais (878-900 A.D.). This makes it necessary to place part of his reign, the reign of Padma, and the first reign of Varkade va, between 878 A.D. and Sy&lapati's accession; and the first reign of Varka must have been of some duration, for Muhammadan writers describe him as going through various phases of conduct before he was dethroned. A copper coin bearing the name of Padama or Padma is precisely similar to that of Varkadeva, and hence Sir Edward assigns his place before Varka and after Kamara. Further, on a copper coin of Samantad eva-imitated from those of Varka, as certain of his coine are already known to be and which bears above the lion an Arabic legend which it is proposed to read as Al Mutaki (or Al Muttaki) b'illah,-being the name of the Khalif who reigned from 940 to 944 A.D. On the other side is the name of S&manta. From this it is inferred that Syalapati was contemporary for a time with Khalif Al Muktadir b'illah (907-8 to 932 A.D.), and that he was probably the king who struck the medal in his honour (published by Mr. Thomas) of the bull-and-horseman type. Founding on Dr. Buhler's identification of Siladitya VI. of Valabhi with the Dhruvabhata in Hiuen Theang's time and other similar data," he concludes that the Gupta era began in 190 A.D., and derives the following resulte1. Kamara or Kamlok, contemp. with 'Amru Lais I A.D. 2. Padama or Pakma 878 to 887 3. Varkadeva's first reign 4. Syalapati 887-916 5. Varkadeva's 2nd reign, say 10 years 916-926 6. Samantadeva cir. 9269-940 Mr. Thomas would object to Sir E. O. Bayley's readings that the latter reads all the dates with the heads of the figures towards the area of the Jour. R. As. Soc. vol. IX, pp. 177-198. Sir H. Elliot, Hist. Ind. vol. II, p. 422. Ind. Ant. vol. VII, p. 80 vol. IX, p. 254 ; vol. X, p. 110: and Jour. R. As. Soc. N. 8. vol. XIII, p. 571. Mr. Thomas would identify him with Khvadavayaks or Khedavayaka: Jour. R.As. Boc. vol. IX, (1848), p. 180. . Mr. Thomas had conjecturally fixed the date of Samanta's accession as 935, A.D. For Al Birdni's list of this dynasty seo Reinaud, Fragm. Arabes et Persans, pp. 152-164, 221-227, Memoire sur l'Inde, pp. 178f. 196-7, 212, 246, 257; Prinsep Essays, vol. I, p. 330; Sir H. Elliot, Hist. Ind. vol. II, pp. 420-427.-ED.

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SEPTEMBER, 1883.) ASIATIC SOCIETIES. 261 coins, whereas Mr. Thomas would read all those, round the edge with the heads of the letters at least on the later groups, as running from the pointing inwards. One date, viz., 814, he admite horse's head towards its feet, and as representing has been mechanically copied on later coins; but in more or less corrupt forms one uniform date, other similar cases are found in later Indian viz., 617, which he considers the initial date of coinages. Samanta's accession in the Gupta era (318+617) In a postacript, Sir Edward shows that the dates or 935 A.D. Sir Edward thus reads the dates in of the Gupta inscriptions given by General Cun. a direction different from the legend on the other ningham, Arch. Sur. Reports, vol. IX, pp. 9-16, side and from the monograms on the same side which the author tries to reconcile with an initial of the coins. But on the earlier series there are epoch in 167 A.D., agree much better with the dates written in both directions, and on Gupta epoch of 190 A.D. for the commencement of the coins the legends sometimes read round the edge Gupta era. He further suggests that 319 A.D. with the heads pointing outwards, and in the area - the initial year of the Valabhi era, would thus perpendicularly-one letter above another; and onbe 129 Gupta and the date of Kumkragupta's the coins of Toramana the king's name is written death. ASIATIC SOCIETIES. The Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society for done in Asiatic research during the preceding October 1882 is largely occupied by the continua year. tion of Prof. Sayoe's decipherment and translation The part for January 1883 opens with Part 2nd of the Cuneiform Inscriptions of Van. (See ante, of Sir E. C. Bayley's "Genealogy of Modern VOL. XI, p. 300.) This is followed by the Sanskrit Numerals," being on the "Simplification of the text of the Siksha-patrt of the Svami-Nariyana Ancient Indian Numerals." (Ante, vol. XI, pp. 299 sect, edited with a translation, by Prof. Monier and 268). Here the author has to deal with the Williams. The author observes that his version questions treated of in detail by Moritz Cantor is the first made by any European scholar; and in his Mathematische Beitrage (Halle, 1869), and though he notices the English version by Bho- Woepeke in his Traite sur l'Introduction de gilal Pranjivandas in Briggs's Cities of Gujardsh. l'Arithmetique Indienne et Occident (Rome 1859), tra, he seems not to be aware of another English and Sur la propagation des chiffres Indienne, version that appeared many years ago in the in the Journal Asiatique, Ser. VI, tome I. He Diyanodaya. It may be noted that in the notices the abacus and its use in computations, Siksha-patri, the works approved of as authorita- with the principle it involves of the values of tive for the sect are :-The Vedas, the Vedanta- position;' and he contends that the value of sutras of Vyasa, the Bhagavata-purdna, the thou. position among the numerals and the invention sand names of Vishnu in the Mahabharata, the of the 'zero' were both of Indian origin, and that Bhagavadgitd, and the precepts of Vidura, the the invention of the former preceded the latter Vasudeva-Mahatmya from the Vaishnava-khanda by a century or two. It was about 773 A.D. that of the Skanda-purdna, and the Smriti of the Arabs became acquainted with the Indian Y&jfavalkya. The Sikshd-patri was written in numerals and notation. Aryabhata (born at 1826. Kusambhipura, 475 A.D.) describes a mode of The next paper is a short one by Stanley Lane numeration based on the value of position; he Poole, on "The successors of the Seljuks in implies the same in his mode of extracting roots, Asia Minor," in which he gives tables of the ten and he uses the word sthana = place,' to signify dynasties that rose from the ruins of the Seljaky the position of the numeral signs, which may kingdom, and were afterwards absorbed in the indicate a knowledge of fixed places in a decimal 'Othmanly empire (A.D. 1300-1472). series. Again, Vardha Mihira (died 587 A.D.) The last 35 pages are occupied with the first uses the word bunya (a void), in a way that seems part of a discussion on the Yh-King-"the oldest to imply that he knew the modern system. On book of the Chinese and its authors, "-by Terrien this Dr. Buhler says :-"If a man expresses de la Couperie. (Brihat Samhita, viii, 20) the number 3750 by the This part is accompanied by the Annual Report words--the nought (emptinese), the arrows, the read in May 1882, occupying 151 pages, and mountains, and the Ramas-it seems to me that giving a very complete outline of all that was he must have thought of 3750, and cannot have * See Ind. Ant. vol. XI, pp. 321-324. * Ind. Ant. vol. VI, p. 48; and vol, X, p. 183; and Jour. Asiat., ser. VII, tome XIII, pp. 397, 405-8.

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262 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [SEPTEMBER, 1883. had in his mind M (or 3000 + 700+50) one referred to by Sir Wm. Jones-also by Prof. if he had the latter before his eyes, he would Cowell. The next paper is by the Rev. James have said or used words equivalent to the three Sibree, on Malagasy Place-Names." H. L. St. thousand, the seven hundred, and the fifty. There Barbe, B.C.S., contributes the text of the Burman are of course hundreds of similar instances in the Namakkara, with translation. The poem is Brihat Sanhita." But the use of the terms bunya, entirely in praise of Buddha. 0. Gardner conkha, vyoma, viyat, ambara, (empty), does not neces. tributes an account of "Chinese Laws and sarily imply the use of a sign for zero,' but only Customs;" and Terrien de la Couperie gives the a vacant space in the abacus table. The Valabhf conclusion of his paper on the Yh-King--the grants and some others are dated in the early oldest book of the Chinese. system of figures, and the earliest example of the The first Number of vol. LII of the Journal of modern decimal system is the date of the Dhiniki the Asiatic Society of Bengal has appeared late, and plate of 738 A.D. When once the zero was intro- contains five papers. The first is a collection of duced this system seems at once to have super- folklore, songs, and snatches from Eastern Gorakh. Beded the older, except in the extreme south of pur, collected by Hugh Fraser, C.S., and edited India, among the Tamils and Malayalams. The with notes by F.H. Fisher, C.S., and G.A. Grierson, only inscription yet known containing old figures, C.S. The second paper, by Surgeon- Major Bidie, after 738 A.D. is that of Govinda III. of $. 730, is on the Pagoda or Vartha Coins of Southern in which a modified form of the symbol for 20 India, illustrated by 30 drawings of coins, some of occurs. The author then argues from what we them copies from Elliot's illustrations. Dr. Bidie know of Muhammad bin Musa al Khwarizmi's repeate the mistake so often made that Kalyana work, that the Hindug used the abacus in the was the capital of the Chalukyan, and on other form of the tableau a colonnes, before the inver. pointa he relies solely on statements in Rice's tion of the zero figure. On the extent and Mysore Gazetteer and Inscriptions, which are not character of the Greek system of Arithmetic he supported by satisfactory proofs. It is desirable cites the treatise of Delambre and the excellent we should have fuller accounts of the coins of article by Sir John Leslie in the Edinburgh Southern India, and we welcome this contribution Reviow, vol. XVIII (1811); showing that they to our knowledge. The next paper is a further came very near to the decimal system, but pro supplement to Thomas's Chronicles of the Pathan bably did not feel the want of it. The rest of Kings of Dehli, by C. I. Rodgers, in which he the article is devoted to rebutting the claims of describes and figures 35 new coins. General Cun. the Neo-Pythagoreans to the discovery of our ningham gives a very short continuation on the present system. "Relics from Ancient Persia," found on the banks The second paper is a short one on "Parthian of the Oxus, illustrated by two plates. And and Indo-Sassanian Coins," by the accomplished lastly, Dr RajendralAla Mitra has a long "Note on Oriental numismatist, Mr. E. Thomas. The third a Sanskpit inscription from Lalitpur district," of is on the "Early Historical relations between | A.D. 1424. It is a Jaina dooument. Phrygia and Kappadokia," by W. M. Ramsay, to An Extra number for 1882, and separately paged which he adds an account of the rock-sculptures has also been published, containing a Chrestoof Boghazkeui and Euyuk, and of some archaic mathy and Vocabulary of the Maithilf language Phrygian inscriptions. of North Bihar, by G. A. Grierson, B.C.S. This In Part II, for April, the first article is a is a scholarly compilation, and with the Grammar, copy of the Tattva-muktavalt, of Gauda-Parna- also published as an Extra number for 1880, gives nanda-Chakravartin, a native of Bengal, by an excellent and very complete and accurate Prof. E. B. Cowell. It is an attack on the presentation of this interesting diale presentation of this interesting dialect, reflecting Vedanta system by a follower of the Parna-prajna much credit on the painstaking industry and school of Madhva, described in the 5th chapter accurate scholarship of the author. Such separate of the Sarvadarbanasangraha. The text of publications, however, would be much better disthe poem in 122 slokas is accompanied by a sociated from the Society's Journal, which they translation. This is followed by two Sanskrit are not paged to bind up with, nor are the two parts slokas-one addressed to Prof. H. H. Wilson, and in this case paged consecutively to bind together. See Jour. Asiat. ser. VII, tomo XVI, PP. 448, 463 ; also ser. VI, tomo I, p. 284; Nouv. Jour. Asiat. tome XVII, p. 16; Kosmos, vol. II, pp. lxxxi, 184. Ante, p. 152; and conf. vol. XI, pp. 110-112. * Ind. Ant. vol. VI, p. 59. Ind. Ant. vol. XI, p. 327.

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OCTOBEB, 1883.] SANSKRIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. 263 SANSKRIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. BY J. F. FLEET, Bo.C.S., M.R.A.S. (Continued from p. 258.) No. CXXXVI. The inscription is dated on the occasion of T RISHNA IV. was succeeded by his son an eclipse of the moon, on Wednesday, the Kakka or Karka III., also called full-moon day of the month Asvayuja of Kakkala, Karkara, Amoghavarsha III., Valla- Saka 894 (A.D. 972-3), the Angiras, or more bhanarendra III., and Npipatunga III. properly Angirasa, sarmvatsara, -during the The present inscription was published origi- reign of Kakka III., who was then settled nally by Mr. W. H. Wathen in the Jour. R. permanently at the city of Manyak heta. As. Soc., 0. S., Vol. II. pp. 379 f. and Vol. HI. And it records a grant of the village of Panpp. 94 ff. I re-edit it--as far as line 50, from garik, in the Vavvulatalla Twelve, which two of the original plates, which, with the ring was a subdivision of the Uppalika Three and seal, belong to the Bombay Branch of the hundred. I have no maps to refer to at Royal Asiatic Society,--and, the third plate present, and cannot suggest any identification being now not forthcoming, from line 51 to of these and the other places mentioned in the the end, from Mr. Wathen's ink-impression of inscription. The mame of Pangarika reminds the original plate. The plates were originally us somewhat of the Pethapangara ka of found at Kurda' or Kardla" in the Dekkan, an early Rashtrakuta grant of Abhimanyu, which seems to be Karda in the Taloda' recently laid by Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji beTaluka of the Khandes District. fore the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic The two plates that are still extant are each Society. abont l' l" long by 9" broad. The edges of this inscription follows No. CXXXIII. in them were fashioned thicker, so as to serve as making the Rashtrakuta dynasty a branch rims to protect the writing; and the inscription of the Yadava family in the Somavamsa or is in a state of perfect preservation throughout. lineage of the moon. The first king mentionThe writing is arranged on the plates in such ed is Dantidnrg 4, who is described as a a way that they open and tumn over like the sun which effected the destruction of the dense leaves of an English book. The ring, which darkness which was the Chala kyas. Also had been cut before the plates came into my A mog havarsha I. is mentioned as overhands, is about " thick and 41" in diameter. throwing the Chaluk yas; and lines 14-15 The seal on the ring is square, about 3 each of this inscription contain the passage which way. It has, in relief on a countersunk sur. states that he built the city of Many &face,-as the principal figure, the god Siva, kheta; but, as we have seen at p. 215 above, sitting crosslegged and holding a snake in each the city seems to have existed long before hand; above him are the sun and moon; over his time. Krishna II. is mentioned as his right shoulder is a chauri; in the upper marrying the younger sister of Sankuka and proper left corner there is a standing figure, the daughter of Kokkalla I., king of Chedi, of brandishing a sword, and in the opposite corner the family of the Kalachuris or Kulachuris of there is a small seated figure, rather indistinct Tripura. And the present inscription clears in the lithograph ; lower down, on the proper up the question of the double marriage of right side, there is a Svastika, with either a Jagattunga II., and of the succession after eword or a lamp-stand below it, and on the him. The Sangli plates, No. CXXXIII, opposite side there is apparently a floral device, above, tell us that he married Lakshmi, with either a sword or a lamp-stand below it; the daughter of Ra navigraha, who was the and, at the bottom, there is the legend, much son of Kokkalla I., and had by her Indra IV., clearer in the original than in the lithograph, his immediate successor. The present inscripSrimad- Amoghavarshadevasya. The language tion gives the same name, Lakshmi, but is Sanskrit throughout. states that she was the daughter of Samk &In the Jour. R. As. Soc., 0. S., Vol. II. p. 379, the it is written 'Kurda.'-KardA seems to be the correct name is written 'Kardla, while in Vol. III. p. 100 form.

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264 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1883. Tagana, king of Chodi; and it gives also daughter of Kokkalla I. whom Krishna II. the same name, Indra, as that of his eldest son. married. In this way, Satkaragana would be But it adds that, not contented with the terri- the maternal uncle of Jagattunga II., as well tories acquired by his father, he set out on as his father-in-law through his marriage with an expedition with the object of making the Lakshmi, Govindamba was evidently a sister whole world subordinate to one sovereign in of Lakshmi. A mo ghavarsha II., again, himself; and then, in Chedi, he married G 0- appears to have married a Kalachuri princess, vind & m ba, the daughter of his maternal uncle his wife being Kundakadevi, the daughter of Sankara gana, and had by her two other Yuvaraja, who was probably, as suggested by sons, Krishna III. and Amoghavarsha II.,- General Cunningham,' Yuvaraja I. of the through whom the succession was continued Kalachuris of Tripura. The present inscripdown to Kakka or Karka III. These accounts tion supplies no details respecting Khottiga as to the pedigree of the wives of Jagattunga or Kottiga and Koisha IV. It states of II. are to be reconciled by taking Samkara- Kakka or Karka III. that he conquered the gana and Rana vigrah a to be one and the Gurjara, Huna, Chola, and Pandya kings; but same person, and to be a brother of the no details are given. Transcription." First plate. ['] Om [ll] Sri-Sarasvaty-Uma-bhasvad-valli-samblesha-bhushitam | bhataye bhavatar bhuyad-ajo kalpataru-ttra(tra)'yam | Vra(bra)hm-ady-mara[] vandya-Dhurjjati-jata-jQt-Atavi-samsthiteh s iktad-dova-nadl-visuddha-salilair-yas= chandra-kand&d=abhat Abchary-6[*] rijita-vsitta-jata-mahima palidhvaj-otpallavo vamsah ku nda-sit-etapattra(tra). va(ba)hala chchhay&-suvriddhi[m] gatah | Tasma[] deindar-ivamvu(mbu)dheh sasa-bhtitah kanti-pravA hasetato | nishshya(shya)ndas-cha yath=&mritasya samabhud=van[aly8 Yador-anvayah [] reme=tyadbhuta-sahasas=s& bhagavan=gopi-kataksh-alibhih Sarngi yattra(tra) nipiya mana-vilasal-lavanya-pushp-o[] dgamah || Prativo(b)dhita-va(ba)ndhu-padma-shandah krita-Chalukya-ghan-Andhakara nasah u dagad-atha Dartidurgga-bhanur-Ya['] du-vams-odaya-parvvatat=pratapi | Tasmin[n]=aputtre(tre) nu cha tat-pitsivyah patir-bhuvo=bhud=iha Krishna-rajah 1 ashtA['] das-es-alaya-driaya-rupam puojikritam yena yas visuddham || Govinda-rajah kshiti pas-cha [deg] tasmad=abhud=anek-hava-lavdha(bdha)-kirttihi dharmm-a[ro]thayor=yena phalan manobhur= triptitah ko. [no] savat=opabhuktah | Atisaya-gana-yuktatvad=yatha[r*]th-abhiva(dha)no Nirupama iti tasy-ai[""] vranujd-bhut-kshitisalia)b sakala-jaladhi-vola-pramta-vieranta-sainyah parinata-bhuvana tvad=uddhtit-aik-ata[) pattra(tra)! Tasmaj=Jagattunga'-ntipah suto=bhut=tangatvam=agaj-jagatam gunair-yah yasy-anisam gandha-madebha-bhi["] tA madam prayane(n) dig-ibhasatyajanti | Tasya srimad-Amoghavarsha-ntipatie Chalukya-kalanalah sunur=bhu-pati. [*] r=arjjit-Ahita-vadhu-vaidhavya-diksha-guruh asid=Indra-por-adhikar puram=idan Sri-Manyakhet-abhidham I yen=odam Archaol. Suru. of India, Vol. IX. p. 104. Lines 1 to 50 from the original plates; and, the third plate being now not forthcoming, lines 51 to the end from Mr. Wathen's ink-impression. Toocurs in this inscription in conjunction with, but without being doubled, in matapitror, 1. 49. Wathen read and translated, here and throughout, Jagadrudra; hence the introduction of this name into the genealogy. Similarly, in this line, instead of abhat-tungatuam, he read abhdd-rudratuam ; though in 1.40 he twioe read turhgah, where his only orror was in giving the andra instead of .

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OCTOBER, 1883.) SANSKRIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. 265 S ["] cha sarah kritam garn-karu-prasadam=antahpuram Tasmad Akalavarsho=bhut= Sarvvabhaumah kehit-isvarahi yat-prataF" PA-parittra(tra)sto vyomni chandrayate ravih Chod-isa Dasakantha-darppa dalanah Sri-Haihayana kule Ko["] kkallas=samabhuch=cha tasya tanaya ya Sankukasy=&nujal tasyam Krishnanripat=tatah srita-mahadovi-pada. Second plate; first side. ["] yam-abhat tai's=tair=yah prathite gunair=bhuvi Jagattung-abhidhanah sutah Ched isvara-Samkaragana-duhita[] ri Lakshmyam tato Jagattungat sunu'r=abhud=Indra-ntip bhavi rajya sriye bhartta # Janaka-grihitaih para-mandalai*07 reasanttu(tu)shta-manasah sva-pituh L eka-chchhattra(tra) prithvis *1 kar*). ttu[n] niragaj-Jagattungah Chedyam matula-Samkaragan-atmajaya["] m-abhaj=Jagattungat riman=Amoghavarsho Govindamv(mb)-abhidhanayam ICI) Aruhy-Endra-pad-pamam sa nipatih sri-vira["] sinhasanam datva tamra-namasya-sasana-gatan-graman=ananta[m]statha 1 [r]thair-a[r]thi-manorath-Adhikataraih kritva [") ktit-A[r*]tham jagat | vyapta yena Siv-alayair=nnija-yakah-punj-opamair=mmedini || Aindra-pada-jigista(sha)y=hva sva ["] rggam=adhirudh& cha jyeshthe bhratari srimat-Koishnarajadeve ! Yuvarajadeva duhe(hi)tari Kuondakadevyam-Amogha["j varsha-ntipaj=jatah Khottiga-odovo nlipatir=abhud=bhuvana-vikhyatah || Tasyranujan Nirupamad=upa["] lavdhabdha)-janmi vira-sriyah padam-abhud-bhavi Kakka-rajah yo va(ba) la eva sakalam=api raja-ni["] tim=atma-pravo(bo)dha-vibhav-atisayad=viveda | Saumal=iti vi(di)sam gun=iti vidusham tya["] g=iti din-a[r*]thinam krodh=iti dvishatim sam=lti cha satam rupritisad yoshitam sri(mi)ttra(tra)nam suhridi. [") ty=avandya-vibhavo visvambharayah patih sarvvosham=api sardvarvva)d=oti nivasaty=eko=pi yas-chetasi | [69] Yasy=&ste karavala-varini chiram prakshalayanti yatha I Lakshmir-atma kalashkamahita-malam nindyaih [*] kubhap-asrayaih [*] Satyam Sri-gliham=htad-amvu(mbu)jam=it& m[*] dveghini s=py-atas-tishthamy-attra(tra) rush=eti ["] yasya cha mukhe deri Sarasvaty=api Satyam Gorjjara-nirjjit-ari-nikaras= Chol-di-lila-rato Hu. [*] 9-adhisa-raneshv=akampita-matih Pandi(ndya)-prachands nripah vandyo=yam= bhavatam=anindya-charita[h*] spa[] rddhanta mi sm=amunal kirttir=yasya niyamik=aivam=anisam prithvin paribhramyati || Tyaselge)n=aiva pa Second plate ; second side. [) ram prasiddhim-agamat-Karnnah kil=anasvariri satyen=attra(tra) Yudhishthird-pi nfipatih prakhyata-ki[r*]ttih * First stai was engraved, and then it was corrected] 1. 45. Wathen read Kandaka; but the first letter is not into tai by partly cancelling the s. the simple ka. First w was engraved, and then it was corrected Wathen read Khodviga. The tt is not exactly the into nu. same as in No. CXXXIII. I. 8. But that it is # is shown by the ta of bhattaraka, 11. 49 and 4 below, as * This syllable might perhaps be confused with kra. contrasted with the dvi of ati fayad-viveda, 1. 97, and But in kra-.g. vikrama, 1, 39,-the side stroke is much duishatam, l. 28, as well as by the unmistakable readmore marked than in the present case, where ku seems ing of Kotfiga in Canarese letters in No. CXXXIV. 1. 5. to be intended, and in other cases where we undoubtedly 10 The mark to the left of this na is a slip of the enhave ku,--.g. kunda, 1. 3; kubhapa, 1. 31; and kujali, graver's tool.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1883. [3] kritah saundaryena Manobhava-cha viditah Pa[r]tho dhanuh-kausalaih | yah sarvvan-atieeta eva bhu ["] vane devah samastair-gunaih || loka-harshah Yas-ch-anuparata-kanaka-dhara-nipat-opajanita [*] srimad-Amoghavarshah Sri-nutana-Pa[r]thah | ["] sakala-va (ba) lavad-ari-timira-bhedana-prachandah srimad-ahita-marttandah vikrama-chchhalita-va (ba)li [] va(ba)ndha-parkyagab iriman-Nripatulgab | [] nikhila-bhavan-Adhipatya-prakafit-alk-tapatrat)} 266 | sva-kausala-kshe(kshi)pta-nisita-sara-vidarit-arati-sa[r]thah samabhava [*]d-a[*]th-Abhidhanatayk [1] Sa cha parane(me)svara parame Sri-vira-Narayanab I sakal-Adiraja-charit-Mikaya-tulgah Sri-rija-Tripettra(tr)b paramabharaka-maharajadhireja paramabharaka-maharajadhiraja I Sva [*] srimad-Akalavarshadeva-pad-anudhyata[b*]"1 [*] evara-paramamahesvara-srimad-Amoghavarshadevah Vallabhanare ["]ndradevah kufall" arveides yatha-amvafmba)ddhys(dhya) minakin-rishtrapati vishayapati-gramakuta-ma[*] hattar-[*]mu(yu)ktak-"opayuktak-adhikarikan-samadisaty-astu vah samviditam yatha || Sri-Minyakbeta [] sthir-avasite srimat(t-) Ka(-ka)kkaladeva-rajne (je) | Saka-nripa-kal-atita-samvatsarasateshv-ashtasu chatu [""] r-nna(nna)vaty-adhikeshv-ankatah samvat 894 Angira (rah)-samvatsar-antarggata(t-) A(-)rayuja-paramayky [*] Vu(bu)dha-dine soma-grahana-mahaparvvani | matapitror-atmanas-cha punya-yasobhivriddhayd I [] rimat(d) Gel-go)ja(?ja)ra(?cha)vivi-vistavykya haiva kary-Abhiyagataya Bharadvaja gottra(tra)-Va(ba) hvricha-sakha prithvi-vallabhab RCD) The whole may of course be correctly treated as a compound; but the insertion of a visarga here is permissible, and serves to conveniently divide a very long word. This mark of punctuation is unnecessary. srimad Third plate. [] savra(bra)hmacharipfa" tri(tri)-pravariya arimat(mach-) Sa(-chha) ukaraiyapautriya irmat(mat) Ba(-a)ngamaiya-autlys irlmat(mach-) Chchha(-chchha)nna["] paiya-bhattiya I Uppalika-satatray-antarggata-Vavvulatalla-dvadasa-madhye I Paigarika-nama-gramah sa [] vriksha-mala-kulah sa-dhanya-hirany-adeyah sa-danda-doaha-dasaparidhah purvva prasiddha-chat-im-parya [] ntah sulk-adi-samast-otpatti-sahitah a-chandr-arkkam-maya namasyo dattah || Tasya paschimatah Kinihi(Pbhi) purvvatah Rohitalla [""] gramah | dakshinatah Silahar(Pohl)-grima gramah uttaratah Antaravalli-gramah [*] [*] Evam chatur-ghita-visuddham-amun Pagarik-gelmath rimat(mach-) Chchha (-chchha)anapalya-bhatti(tta)ya(sya) krika(aha)tab karshayato bhujat ["] bhojayato va na kenachid-vyaghatah karyah | yas=cha karoti sa pamcha bhir-api mahapatakair-upapatakai[]=cha samyuktas-syad-Uktam cha Samanyo-yan-dharmma-setur-nripanam | kale kale palanlyo-bhavadbhih I 13 From the constant occurrence of these terms in other inscriptions, there can be little doubt, if any, that mahattaramuktaka is to be corrected into mahattarayuktaka. This visarga is a mistake.

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RASHTRAKUTA GRANT OF AMOGHAVARSHA: -. SAKA 894 jalajalAvavata vAghAzAvAlAmAliyA mAhAbAdalImabahAvitarita yahatA yAdavakatare dayAvamAyAmaya / tAlaDaTaenaTara vAlida hotAhavadIviharamilacakadArahanAvAcI / hAtamAha mAyAlAghakoyalAvAsakazaratAtaravadalahATAsudirAta ticyA (dAdAvasAhata kAtiyavAdasAvAdiyAnasaraghAtagAmaihAzAyarAcya A (marAhatAtatAharavAjJAyIkAhAli risAhAyaniyATA mAlAlimalamA mAyatitAvita vaDyAvara hAtApAyAlA vAcanAsA ucagAvavatiyA / yusAnyAyava naatyutaayii|timilaauncttaa yati IdAharitavAsAtahajAra dAsAlayahazayayujhIkAyakAsAdi (rAviramAkavi tiyn| tasmAdahadAna kAhavalabakI vicATA havA yA bhAvAsamAra tiko / vAtAyaka natizayalayatavAdAdhAgA havAmAjiyama yAtamAUrAyasavAhaudbhavamAsAharAtArAleTAhAyA takAla / dAnADAlitIta sakalaGalAnAdalAyAta vinAttazaSyAvalata huna vaahtkaan| NArazarAbamAdamI sAtAviti sAja tAnapayAnadivisAmAnAnAtasA zAnadanApadaNyAlAyakAlAkalAIpati / / saI tAtivavidavAdIkAkAsAsI diipunavikyAnasamAcAravaTAhivATAvara vAtaMyukravAyA sATamatapatismAt kAlavAnAhAvAhAmahitI nihaayaagutaa| 4. yasmiAgavihAyatanAvaH vidAmAdaka padAtharatAnAdehayAvA. kAlAkA kalarasamahatatA taLaTATAkatA utAratamArataratamahAdadAyadA IN-LL -

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- C yAmRtarasTA : mahata tavaralAla sutA tAzarasakA 13 (lazAtatArA ra dirApAsAvI yAsakAunadarAta yA tavAlAnarata 387 choka niragArumA uhaa||caamaaulshkaanaagaallaayaa| mahArAhAvAmAnAmAyAvAparAviyA divAkAyAmA phATA yAtAyanamA ta savAra siMhAsanAra tAtAvalagatAkA sutAvAmAnavAcavAvAya dhimAlAnanAvikatAbA urAmAyana nidAnArAyaNaTAyaminATikA pada sirIya samavitaricAravAtA(mahAmAra vATAdAbAlakasahiMtAna kATadAra yAyamAthya varsamyAdAtaravAhirAda(vAyalihavalavilA tAtyAnunAvika gATaya / lava yAdIbiyAdhyamaharUvikatAlagAyA vAlavatakalA mAyamAUnI / nimAlayavIra vinAtizayAdividAmo mAlIti visAlativiyusIyA / nItinA vinAkAtIla hisakA matira tAnyotisAjhAvilAmibAlAsuhari / lavAlihavA vimatilAI sAmadinadAdatinivasAgakA riyaastsi| / yasamAvaravAlavAniyadAlayAtIyavAnakI gAlAvalakamAhitamalakilo kalyAsArasI parahA kAdavA mitimAha milAtAyAta simAmAbamAlahi / TAraramAvAvItahAsAvita ganinirtita jinivAsAlArilA lAgAtArAda PAtIsahakAzitamati yAyinarAmyavadhAyakavatAmamizacAlaya mAmA manAkIITasAniyA mideva mnihaayaansaamaatigtsliy| 1. TLIST. ....

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RASHTRAKUTA GRANT OF AMOCWARSHA. - SAKA 894 - nAmadalAlalAnAvarAsAtAmuTAvasipApilapatiH pagAtadATa / tArAmalalAvAsAvArata yAcA kolamiTAnsavAlAtastara vru| vatAratamAsA rAsAdayasatarvanavAjA niyAtAyaDa natAlAvadA / : sImadamApadava(svAdAmahApAlisitalavidAritAmA tivAyatrIstanapAsa saklavalada(rata (marasaramparAeHjArahitamATharAvikamalatAla yatapamATAladInAnAyA:sadalAziUra sitAtimA uhajAmana panuna / nirivala unAdayatApakAlita kAtyavasAnilAramandavalAdeyAribAna taTayA satyamaharavAsAlAnAja pAtamra bhImaTakAlavarSadadagAradAuratyaramaharakamahArAhAvatADa panAma sayaramamATacarajImayamAya padavahAlalahavAmahalavAra koTava kasalIsavAladayathAsAmA kAvAsyAta vaSyavaligAma ttm| damakakAyata kA vikArakAmA dihAvataviritaTAvaracI nAgariva pitAsitasImakakalAdaranAzakAyakAlAtIta zatadhvastara tAvikachahata savayahana samAjamAtAzyAcA maargyaa| din(saamrodaamhaaylaamaataa-vaamnsyuyysaahiraayaa| mAmalAuradAyAdAravAyadevakAratAnAtAyatArADAmA vaDhvAgata

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OCTOBER, 1883.] SANSKRIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. 267 [ sarvvantan-bhAvinah pa[ro]thivendram (n) bhuyo bhayo yachat8 Ramabhadrah !! Yaniha dattani (degC) pura narondrair-ddanani dharmm-a[r*]tha-yakas-karani | nirmmalya-vanta-pratimani tani ko na{"] ma sadhuh punar=adadita Va(ba)hubhir=vvasudha bhukta pa[r*]thivaih Sagar-adibhih yasya yasya ["] yada bhumis-tasya tasya tada phalan | Vindhy-atavishv=atoyasu sushka-kotara vasinah | krishn-ahayo ["] hi jayante bhumi-dan-apaharinah || Shashti varsha-sahasranisvargge tishthati bhumi-dah lachchhetta ch=anume[*] nha cha tany=ova narake vaset | Savannam=6kan gam=&han bhamer=apy= Okam-amgulan baran-narakam=apnoti ya["] vad-a-bhuta-sa[m]plavam Mad-vanga (nisa)-jah para-mahipati-vanga(isa)-ja va papadrapeta-manaso bhuvi bhavi-bhupah [deg] yo palayanti mama dharmmam-idam samasta tesham-maya virachito=njalir esha mardhni srimad-Amva(mba)[") rya-pautrena Yogamarya-sutena cha 1 Kayastha-kumuda-bha(Psar)gina likhitam Punnarya-namna Translation. (L. 6.)-Then from the mountain of dawn Om ! May the three immortal kalpa-trees, 15 which was the race of Yadu there arose a decorated with the clinging embraces of the brilliant sun, the mighty Dantidurga, shining creepers which are Sri and Sarasvati who caused to blossom the waterlilies which and Uma, be for your prosperity! were (his) friends, and who effected the (L. 1.)-That lineage, to the greatness of destruction of the denge darkness of the which was produced by wonderful and mighty | Chalukyas. deeds, (and) which has the palidhvaja for its (L. 7.)-And, since he had no son, his topmost cluster of sprays, "-which sprang from paternal uncle, Koishnaraja--by whom the bulbous root which was the moon, stationed there was amassed a pure fame, the beauty of in the forest of the masses of braided hair of which was worthy to be gazed upon in the Dhurjati" who is worthy to be praised by halls of eighteen lords,"_became the ruler of Brahma and the other immortals, (and) be- the earth. sprinkled with the pure streams of the river (L. 8.)- And from him there was (born) of the gods, -attained luxurious growth the king Go vindaraja, who acquired fame from the plentiful shade of (its) umbrellas (of in many battles, (and) by whom, possessed of sovereignty) which were as white as jasmine- (great) treasures, love, which is the reward flowers. of religion and wealth, was enjoyed to full (L. 3.)-As the moon (sprang) from the satisfaction. ocean, (and) as a stream of lustre and a trick. (L. 10.)-His younger brother was the king ling of nectar (springe) from the moon,-(80) Nirupama, whose appellation was one that. from that (lineage) there sprang the race of was of suitable meaning because of the preYadu, which is worthy to be praised, in which eminence of his merits; whose army rested the holy Sarngi,ao of wonderful daring, dis- itself on the edges of the shores of all the ported himself, having the budding flowers oceans; (and) who, through having the whole which were his captivating beauty sucked by world bowed down (before him), elevated one the bees which were the side-glances of the sole umbrella (of universal sovereignty). shepherdesses. (L. 12.)-From him there was (born) a son, 1 Vishnu, BrahmA, and Siva No. CXXVIII. 1. 9, and No. CXXXIII. 1. 27, are the only * .e. the Somavatas.-The second meaning of the instances known to the in which the pajidhaja is allotted verso is play on the other meaning of varsa as's to the Rashtrakutas. bamboo-plant. 2Siva. 11 As applied to the lineage, utpallava has probably to 1 The heavenly Ganges. be taken in the Bonsa of a high banner.'-The meaning of 20 Vishnu, as Krishna. paudhwaja or palidhuaja has not yet been cleared up * This seems to refer to the number of Krishna's 800 Vol. IX. p. 120, noto 38. The present passage, and feudatory chieftains.

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268 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1883 king Jagattunga," who by (his) virtues (utmost) desires of applicants,-the (whole) became prominent in the world; when he earth was filled by him with temples of Siva, journeyed forth, the elephants of the quarters which in purity and brilliance) were like the of the world always ceased (their) flow of rut, masses of his own fame, being terrified by (his) odoriferous rotting (L. 23.)--And, -his elder brother, the gloelephants. rious Krishnarajad&va, having ascended (L. 13.)--His son was the lord of the earth, the skies, as if from a desire to conquer the the glorious king A mog havarsha, the realm of Indra, there was (born) from king fire of destruction to the Chalukyas, (and) the Amoghavarsha, in Kundakadevi who was the accomplisher of the widowhood of the wives daughter of Yuvaraja, king Khottigaof mighty enemies, -by whom was made this deva," renowned in the world. city named Sri-Manyak heta, which sur- (L, 25 )- Acquiring birth from his younger Dagges the city of Indra, (and) this lake, (and) & brother Nirupama, there was (born) Kakpalace of great workmanship," (and) a harem. kara ja, the abode of the goddess of bravery (L. 15.)-From him there was (born) the on the earth. --who, through the excess of (his) lord of the earth, the universal sovereign, intellect and superhuman power, learnt, even Akala varsha; being distressed by his while yet a child, the whole of the science splendour, the sun shone in the sky with only of sovereignty. Single though he is, he, the the lustre of the moon." lord of the earth, possessed of irreproachable (L. 16.)- In the family of the Sri-Haihar power, always dwells in the minds of all yas there was born Kokkalla, the lord of people, -under the name of the moon, in the Chodi, the destroyer of the pride of Dasa- minds) of the quarters of the world ; under the kantha," and she, who was the younger sister of name of the virtuous one, in the minds of Sankuka, was his danghter; in her, who attained learned people ; under the name of the liberal the rank of chief queen, there was born from one, (in the minds) of poor people and supking Krishna" a son named Jagattunga, plicants; under the name of the angry one, (in who was renowned in the world for all kinds the minds of enemies; under the name of the of virtues. patient one, in the minds) of good people; (L. 18.)-From that same Jagattunga there under the name of the beautiful one, (in the was (born) in Lakshmi, who was the daughter minds of lovely women; (and) under the of Samkaragana lord of Chodi, a son named name of the friend, (in the minds) of friends. Indraraja, the predestined supporter of Lakshmi abides in the water of his sword, as regal splendour. if engaged for a long time in washing away (L. 19.)-His mind being not contented with her impurity, the stain of which has been the territories of (his) enemies that had been acquired by (her) blameworthy abodes of evil taken by his father, Jagattunga went kings; and the goddess Sarasvati also (abides) forth to make the realm of his father subject in his mouth, saying, in jealousy, "Verily this to one sole umbrella (of universal sovereignty). | waterlily" is the home of Sri, and she is my (L. 20.) --In Chedi there was (born) from rival; therefore I will take my stand here." Jagattanga, in Govinda mba who was the Verily his coercive reputation always roams daughter of (his) maternal uncle Samkaragana, over the earth, saying, "This king, of irrethe glorious Amoghavarsha. He, the proachable deeds, who has conquered the king, having mounted a glorious and heroic multitude of this) enemies in (the country of) thrcne which was like the seat of Indra, and Garjara ;" who has disported himself with the having presented innumerable villages conveyed Cholas and others; whose mind has not been by copper-plate charters of namasya-grants, disquieted in battles with the lord of the Hanas; (and) having made the whole world prog. (and) who has been fierce to the Pandyas,-is perous by (his) riches which exceeded the worthy to be praised by you; do not enter into " See note 5 above. 13 Karu is probably connected with kdruka,' an artisan, artificer, * Lit., "plays the part of the moon; behaves like the 96 1.e. the Akalavarahs of the preceding verse. " In No. CXXXIV., 1. 5, p. 247 above, his name i written Kottiga. * 1.8." his face." * See note 7, p. 157 above.

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OCTOBER, 1883.] SANSKRIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. 269 rivalry with him." Karna, indeed, attained time of the Saka king, on Wednesday the supreme (and) imperishable fame by liberality, day of the full-moon of the month) Asvayaja and king Yudhishthira, thegood one, of renowned in the Angiras sarvatsara, on the great occafame, by truth, and Manobhava by beauty, sion of an eclipse of the moon,-in order to (and) the famous Partha by skill in the use of) increase the religious merit and the fame of. the bow; (but) he, the king, verily surpasses (my) parents and of myself,--the village all of them in the world by all kinds of) named Pangarika, in the Vavvulatalla meritorious qualities. And, by being invested Twelve which is included in the Uppalika with names which are of excellent signification, Three-hundred, has been given by me," as a since he causes the happiness of mankind namasya-grant, to continde as long as the by the ceaseless dripping of this) showers of moon and stars may endure, together with gold, he has become the glorious Amogha- the rows and clumps of trees; together with varsha; since he cleaves asunder the troops that which is receivable (in kind) in grain and of (his) enemies with the sharp arrows dis- gold; together with the right to) fines and charged by his skilfulness, (he has become) a (the proceeds of punishments inflicted for) faults modern Sri-Partha; since he is impetuous in and the ten (classes of) offences; extending up destroying the darkness which is all (his) to its anciently determined four boundaries; mighty foes, (he has become) a glorious sun (and) together with all the income of duties, towards (his) enemies; since he is intent upon &c., -to the holy Bhatta Chhannapaiya,-the slaughtering the mighty ones,who are over- son's son of the holy Samkaraiya, and the son come by his prowess, (he has become a very of the holy Samgamaiya,-an inhabitant of Sri-Narayana among heroes; since he surpasses the glorious (city of) Gejaravavi (?), who has the achievements of all early kings, (he has come here on business, who is a religious become) the glorious N ripatunga; (and) student of the Bharadvaja gotra and the Bahy. since (his) sole umbrella (of sovereignty) is richa (adkha), (and) who has three invocations irradiated by supreme lordship over the whole (at the consecration of his sacred fire). world, (he has become) & very Sri-Trinetrs (L. 54.)--"The boundaries of that (village) among kings. are-on the east, the village of Rohitalla; on (L. 42.)--And he, the most worshipful one, the south, the village of Silahare; on the west, the supreme king of great kings, the supreme the village of Kinihi ;" (and) on the north, lord, the most devoted worshipper of Mahes- the village of Antaravalli. vara, the glorious Amoghavarshade ve, (L. 56.-"No obstruction is to be made by the favourite of the earth, the glorious Val- any one to the holy Bhatta Chhannapaiya labhanarendrad e van-who meditated cultivating this village of Pangarika, thus on the feet of the most worshipful one, the defined as to its four boundaries, (or) causing supreme king of great kings, the supreme lord, (it) to be cultivated, (or) enjoying (it), or causthe glorious Akalavarshadeva,-being in gooding (it) to be enjoyed. And he who does health, issues his commands to all the rashtra- (cause obstruction), shall be invested with (the patis, vishayapatis, gramaketas, mahattaras, guilt of the five great sins and the minor sins." ayuktakas," upayuktakas, and adhikarikas, ac- (L. 58.)-And it has been said ::-"This cording as they are concerned : general bridge of piety of kings should at all (L. 46.)--"Be it known to you that,--the times be preserved by you;" thus does Ramaglorious king Kakkalad e ve being per- bhadra again and again make his request to all manently settled at the city of) Sri-Manya futare kings! Those gifts (of land), prokhet-eight hundred and ninety-four, (or) ductive of religion and wealth and fame, which in figures 894 years, (having expired) in the have been made here by kings in former times, centuries of years that have elapsed from the are like that which is vomited forth from the 20 The second meaning of this passage refers to the destruction of the power of the Daitya Bali by N&&yana or Vishnu, through the three strides (vikrama) taken by the latter, which covered heaven and earth and, but for the submission of Bali, would have govered the infernal regions also. * See note 18 above. ** The construction here is unoouth, as his name is given in the locative one in l. 47 above. It would have been better if mayd had been omitted altogether. * Or perhape Kipibhi.

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270 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1883. remains of an offering to an idol ; what good | This is the last Rashtrakuta inscription man would take them back again ? The earth that I propose editing for the present. Kakka has been enjoyed by many kings, commencing III. was the last king of his dynasty; and in with Sagara; he who for the time being possesses the year in which the present inscription is the earth, enjoys the reward of the grant of dated, he succumbed to Taila II. of the land that has been made)! Verily, those who Western Chalukya family. The only offconfiscate a grant of land, are born as black spring of Kakka III. of whom we have any snakes, dwelling in the dried-up hollows of certain mention is his daughter, Jakabbe or trees in the forests of the Vindhya (mountains), Jakaladevi, who became the wife of Taila II. destitute of water! The giver of land dwells The overthrow of Kakka III. by Taila II. is for sixty thousand years in heaven; (but) the recorded in the Kharepatan plates," and also in confiscator (of a grant of land), and he who the Miraj plates. And the verse that fixes assents (to such confiscation), shall dwell for Saka 895, the Srimukha saivatsara for this the same number of years in hell! He who event, is given in an inscription at Gadag in confiscates a single (coin of) gold, (or) a single the Dharwad District, and in another, based cow, or a single finger of land, receives hell on the same model, at Kalige in the Nizam's (as his punishment) until the destruction of Dominions. It runs, as far as it can be (all) things! Those future kings in the earth, restored from the MS. Collection : whether born in my lineage or in the families Modalol=kitt-ikki Rattar=ppalaruman=adhatam of other kings, who, with minds free from sin, Mumjanam komdu dor-ggapreserve in its integrity this my act of religion, bbi-daram yuddhado!=Pamchalana taleyuman -to them I make (my) salutation, joining komdu Chalukya-ra jy-a- (my) hands together on (my) forehead! spadamam kai-komdu nishkamtakam=enisidan= (L. 66.)-Written by him who is named ek-amgadim Srimukh-abdan Punnarya, who belongs to the division of the modal-ag-irppattu-nalkum barisamakhilawaterlilies which are the Kayasthas,-the son's bhachakramam Taila-bhupam son of the holy Ambarya, (and) the son of "Having first uprooted (and) slain some of Yogamarya. the Rattas, (and) having killed Munja," (and) No. CXXXVII. having decapitated Panchala in battle,-king This is another inscription of Kakka III., Taila, the mighty one, (who inspired) fear by or, as he is here called, Kak kala. The the pride of (his) arm, assumed the asylum of original is on a stone-tablet at the temple of the sovereignty of the Chaluk yas and beBana-Samkari at Gundur, five miles to the east came free from all troubles, (ruling), alone, of Siggamve in the Bankapur Taluka of the over the whole circuit of the earth for twentyDharwad District. The sculptures at the top four years, beginning with the year Srimukha." of the tablet are a linga and Nandi, with the Whether, however, all power was then at sun and moon above them; and there are a once taken away by the Western Chalukyas cow and calf below the first two lines and above from the Rashtrakatas, or whether, for a the rest of the inscription. The writing covers time, the Rashtrakutas continued to govern a space of about 2 2" high by l' 6" broad. as feudatories of the Western Chalukyas, - The language is Old-Canarese. is not quite certain. For I have recently The inscription is dated in Saka 896 for 895 obtained, from Hebba! near Lakshmeswar in the (A.D. 973-4), the Srimukha samvatsara, on a limits of the Dharwad District, an inscription Sunday in the month of Ashadha, at the time of Permanadi-Butayya, of the Ganga family, of the sun's commencing his progress to the - also called Satyavakya-Kongunivarma-Dharsouth. And it records a grant of land to the mamaharajadhiraja and Baddegadeva, and god Mahadeva or Siva of the village of Kade- Kannaradeva, -and of Marasingba, -evidently keri or Kadekeri. the Permanati-Marasingha of the inscription now 3. Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. Vol. I. pp. 209 ff. *Ind. Ant. Vol. VIII. pp. 10 ff. >> Elliot MS. Collection, Vol. I. pp. 370 ff. 37 id. Vol. 1. pp. 415 ff. >> The metre is faulty from yu to cha. * King of Malaya; Ind. Ant. Vol. V. p. 317. 40 The original stone is so much injured throughout. that the inscription cannot be edited from the impresBion supplied to me.

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OCTOBER, 1883.] SANSKRIT AND OLD-CANARESE INSCRIPTIONS. published,-which is dated in Saka 896, or 895 for 896 (A.D. 974-5), the Bhava samvatsara, while Permanadi-Butayya and Marasingha were governing the Puligere Three-hundred, the Belvola Three-hundred, the Kisukad Seventy, and the Bage Seventy, and the preamble of which refers itself to the reign of Akalavarsha-Kannaradeva, who is mentioned by all the customary titles of supreme sovereignty, thus seeming to indicate that Krishna IV. Transcription." [] Svadatt[4]m para-datt[a*]m va ye(yo) hara(re)nti(ta) vasundhara[m] [*] shaahthi(shti)-rvva(va)raha-sahari(sr)gi vishthiyam jkyste krimi b [*] On Svasti Pri(pritha(thi)vivallabha mahirijidhiri paramabhattarakam srimat [*] ja paramava(va)rach [*] Kakkaladva[th] pri(pri)thn(thi) virkiyam (gelyye [1] Srima[*] t Gamga-kula-tilakam Nojaba-kul-Antakamh ['] Permmanadi(Pdi)-Marsainghadevan-rad-aro-aku[] man-ale [1] Srimat So(Pko)ma(?)ramka-bhimam Pamja(?)[] ladevam tombhatt-aruman-ale [*] Durad-ede-ganda (Pnta; ? nu)["manndid-ante-gapdan gapja-voreka(ga)llum(?) Mu(?me)hgu Vijam [] Kade(de)keriyan I Srimat (") ym Rajayyanumh nalgimundu-geyye [1]yyan-urggamundu-geyye [*]Ka survived the overthrow of Kakka III. by Taila II., and continued to hold some power, though it cannot have been supreme. The only other hypothesis that seems possible is that Kakka III. had a son named Kannara or Krishna V. and Akalavarsha IV., who had the government of the southern provinces of the kingdom, and who maintained himself against the Western Chalukyas longer than his father did. tombhatt-araneya He is born as a worm in ordure for the duration of sixty thousand years, who takes away land that has been given, whether by himself or by another! (L. 3.)-Om! Hail! While the glorious Kakkaladeva, the favourite of the earth; the supreme king of great kings; the supreme lord; the most worshipful one,-was ruling the earth : (L. 5.)-(And) while the glorious Permanadi-Marasinghadeva,-the glory of the family of the Gangas; a very Antaka [yn] nura ["vat"-Ashida(dha)-dakshinayana (na)-sahkrintiyum-Adi From an ink-impression. This tea was at first omitted and then inserted below the line. Mana Bo(P)JagaditaleI Sa(sa)kha(ka)-varsham-eSrimukha-sam This mark of punctuation is superfluous; especially standing, as it does, in the middle of a word. "First ta was engraved, and then the top of it was altered into 8, so as to give sta. 5 Yama, the god of death. Vo [] tyavid-anduth Bo(?)Jayyanush Rajayyanum ["]jayyanum-du Kade(?de)keriya Mahidevanggo bi[18] tta kariya key=mattal 7 galde mattal 1 [*] [1] Bahubhir-vvasudha bhu[k]t[a] rajabhis-Sagar-adibhih | yasya [] yasya yada bhumi- |-s-ta**sya tasya tada phalam [*] Translation. to the family of the Nolambas, was governing the (Purigere Three-hundred and the Belvola Three-hundred, which) two (combined make the) Six-hundred : 46 271 (L. 8.)-(And) while the glorious Panjaladeva (?),-who was terrible to Somaranka (?), -was governing the Ninety-six : (L. 9.)-(And) while Mungula-Voja,-who was a very hero in the field of battle; who was true to his word;" who was a very touchstone of heroes,-was governing (the village of) Kadekeri: The Pallavas. 47 Nudid-ante-gandam; lit., he who sees (the fulfil ment) as he speaks. Mr. K. B. Pathak translates this (p. 98 above) by 'a hero in the right sense of the word." But I cannot agree with him, having regard to the very similar expression nudidu matt-ennam, he who does not speak (again) when he has (once) spoken,' i.e. he who does not break his word,' in Vol. VI. p. 139.

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272 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1883. (L. 11.)-(And) while the glorious Bolaga- ditale (?) and Rajayya were managing the office of head-men of the district : (L. 12.)-While Manayya was managing the office of head-man of the village : (L. 13.)-On Sunday, (at) the time of the sun's commencing his progress to the south, in the month) Ashadha of the Srimukha sans vatsara, which was the Sa ka year eight hundred and ninety-six,"S_Bolayya (f) and Rajayya and Vojayya, being in assembly), there were allotted (by him) seven mattals of black-soil land, (and) one mattal of rice-land, to the god) Mahadeva of Kadekeri. (L. 19.)-The earth has been enjoyed by many kings, commencing with Sagara; he who for the time being possesses the earth, enjoys the reward (of this grant)! ON THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN THE ANDHRAS AND THE WESTERN KSHATRAPAS. BY DR. G. BUHLER, C.L.E. One of the most important discoveries pub- Satakarni (who is) descended from the race lished in Pandit Bhagvanlal's paper, On the of Karda maka kings (and) the daughter Antiquarian Remains at Sopara and Padana, is of the great Kshatrapa Ru...... of the that of the name of the father of the Andhra confidential minister Sateraka, a water king Siriyana Gotamiputa II. Pandit Bhagvan- cistern, the meritorious gift." lal reads on the reverse of the Sopara coin- The letters, placed between brackets, have Chaturapanasa Gotamiputakumaru Yanasata- been restored conjecturally, with the exception kani, i.e., "Y a fi a-Satakani, the princely of the of Satakarnisya which is distinctly scion of Cha tura pa na, born of the visible. It ought to be noted that the ya of Gautami queen." He further adduces a the same word is very faint, and that the ta new Nanaghat inscription which is dated in might also be read 8a. Nevertheless, I think, the thirteenth year of the king Chatara- the restorations are perfectly certain, and it is pana Sataka ni Vasathiputa, i.e., the almost equally certain that the name of the son of the Vasishthi queen, and identifies Mahakshatrapa was Rudra, as the size of the this ruler with the Chatura pana of the lacuna shows that one syllable only has been coin. Though the reading of the name on lost. The connexion of the two fragments seems the coin is somewhat doubtful, I agree with to be, as I have already stated (Burgess, Arch. my learned friend on this point, as well as with Report, vol. V, p. 78), that the confidential respect to his identifications. I even believe that minister executed the charitable work on his discovery explains the true meaning of an- behalf of the queen (compare Banavasi Palt otherancient inscription, Kanheri No. 11 (West), inscr. Archaeolog. Survey, No. X, p. 100). If (which unfortunately is badly mutilated,) and the restorations are correct, it is perfectly clear allows us to determine what the near relation that V asishthiputra Satakarni was ship (ad urataya sashbandha) between Rudra. an Andhra king, and that his queen was the da man and the lord of the Dekhan Sa- daughter of a Kshatrapa. Combining this in. takarni was, of which the Junagadh in- formation with Pandit Bhagyanlal's discovery, scription speaks. Kanheri No. 11 runs, accord- that Chatura panal Vasishthiputra ing to Pandit Bhagvanlal's facsimile (Burgess, Sata karni was Siriyana's father, and the Report, vol. V., Pl. li), as follows : statement of the Junagadh inscription that 1. ... ... ... [V&] sishthiputrasya sri-Sata. Sata karni, the lord of the Dekhan, was [karn]i[s]ya devy&[h]Karddamakavamsapra[bha). a relative of Mahakshatrapa Rudravay[&] mahakshatrapa-Ru . putry&[5] ...... da man, as well as the fact that Siriya ia 2.............v[i]yvasyasya amatyasya on the Sopara coin imitated the coinage of Baterakasya pantyabhajanam deyadharma[h/l] the Kshatrapas, I believe that the following "Of the queen of.... Vasisht hiputra inferences may be drawn from these premises :* By the Tables in Brown's Carnatic Chronology, transliteration Chatushpama does not soom to me accepthowever, Saks 896 was the Bhava samvatsara, and the able. It is very probable that the word Chaurachindho Srimukha samvatsara was Saka 895. 1.e., Manayya. or Chauravindho, which Hemachandra in his Defikosha * I leave this name in its Prakrit form, because the mentions as a synonym of saldhana, denotes the same person. Sanskrit equivalent is not clear to me. Bhagv&nlal's

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OCTOBER, 1883.) ANDHRAS AND KSHATRAPAS. 273 Vasishthiputra Satakarni of Kanheri 3. Madhariputa Sakasena or Sirisena. 8 years. No. 11 is the same person as Chaturapana 4. Vasithipata Chaturapana Satakaai 13 , Vasish thiputra Satakarni, and his 5. Siriyana Gotamiputa Satakani II. 16 , queen, the daughter of the Mahakshatrapa The position of Madhariputa Sakasena or Rudra, is the mother of Siriya n a, usually Sirisena, whom the Pandit forgets in his latest called Gotami, i.e., Gautami according to the discussion, is perfectly certain, as it has been Vaidika gotra of her father's Purohita. We shown by the Pandit himself, that this king have, therefore, in this inscription an explana- bas re-struck coins of Pulumayi, while coins tion of the adaratayd sashbandha,--the near of his were re-struck by Gotamiputa Siriyana connexion by marriage between the Kshatrapas Satakaai II. But it is by no means certain and the Andhras, which is mentioned in the that another, as yet unknown, king did not Junagadh inscription and an argument for intervene between Nos. 2 and 3, or between identifying the Satakarni of the Junagadh Nos. 3 and 4. The dates, given above, are those inscription either with Chaturapana V a- which actually occur on the inscriptions, and in sishthiputra Satakarni, or with most cases the reigns probably were somewhat Gotamiputa Siriyana Sataka ni. longer. A farther confirmation of these inferences is As regards the synchronisms between the furnished by the fact that the letters of Andhras and the Western Kshatrapas, there are Kanheri No. 11 are the exact counterpart of now, one which is certain, and two which are those of Rudradaman's Junagadh inscription, very probable. First, Gotamiputa Sataand both documents belong to the same time. kani certainly conquered Nahapana and As regards the explanation of the re- his son-in-law Ushava data after the 46th maining problems, the questions who Maha- year of the era of their inscriptions, and before kshatrapa Rudra was, and what may be the fourteenth year of his own reign. This is meant by the term Karddamakarajavamsa, I evident from the date Sam. 46, contained in am not as yet prepared to offer any definite the minister A yama's Junnar Inscription No. 32 opinion. I think it not improbable that (Arch. Reports, vol. IV, p. 103), and from the fact Rudra may be a short form for Rudra- that Satakani Gotamiputa addresses his orders dam & n, just like Vikrama for Vikra- to his amatya, in charge of Govardhana-Nasik, madity, and that Karddamakardja may have in the rainy season of the 14th year of his reign been a title of the Western Kshatrapas. If (Nasik 1lB, Reports, vol. IV; p. 105). As that were the case, Chaturapana would have Ushavadata's Nasik and Karle inscriptions been Rudradaman's son-in-law, and Siriyana show that Nahapana held Nasik and the would have been grandson, and the near rela- country south of Nasik, it is clear that if tionship would certainly be & sufficient ground Satakaai, in the 14th year of his reign, had & for either being spared after defeat. But, as governor of his own at Nasik, the overthrow more than one line of Kshatrapas certainly of the Khaharatas must have happened before existed, it is also possible that Siriyana's mother that year. The second synchronism, which is was the daughter of some other near relative probable, is that Pulu ma yi and Chashtaof Rudradaman, who ruled at a place called na were contemporaries. This is probable Kard dama because Pulumayi is the immediate successor Pandit Bhagvanlal's further remarks on the of Satakani and Chashtana the next Kshatrapa chronology of the Andhras require very con- of Ujjain after Nahapana. It may also be siderable modifications. According to the indicated by Ptolemy's mentioning just these inscriptions and coins the group of kings two kings as rulers of Paithan and of Ujjain. beginning with Satakami Gotamiputa I. stands Ptolemy's statement possesses, however, not now, as follows: that paramount importance which Mr. Bhau 1. Gotamiputa Satakani I reigned Daji, Pandit Bhagvanil, and others attribute at least. ........... 24 years. to it. For there is nothing to show that Ptolemy 2. Pulumayi, Vasithipata................ 24 , meant to say more than that Tiastanes A locality, called Kardamila, is known from the either as the name or the title of a son of KsheMahabharata. Kardamaraja occurs in the Rajatarangin, magupta.

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274 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1888. and Siripolemaios were the two best temporary rulers," which I am prepared to known rulers of Ujjain and Paithan, or that, admit,-cannot be made the basis of a chronoif he meant to say that they were the reign logical theory. The basis for settling the ing kings of those towns according to the chronology of the Andhras is given by the third most recent information received from India, synchronism, which shows that Rudradaman his statement was based on reports collected not and Chaturapana Satakani or Siriyana Satakani by others, but by himself. The notes, "Ozene, were contemporaries. It is in great part due to the royal residence of Tiastanes'" and "Bai- Pandit Bhagvanlal's discoveries that we can thana,' the royal residence of Siripolemaios' " recognise Rudradaman as the contemporary are perfectly correct, even if these individuals of one of the two Andhras mentioned, and thus lived several hundred years before Ptolemy's connect the Andhras with the era of Chashtana's time. They may, however, merely convey the descendants. The latter must have been destroyed meaning that these two princes were the most shortly after their 310th year by Chandragapta, remarkable and famous of whom the author some time before the 82nd year of the Gupta knew. On the other hand, even if we suppose era. As I have stated in my remarks on the that Ptolemy meant to say that Tiastanes Nanaghat inscriptions (Burgess, Reports, vol. V, and Siripolemaios ruled over the two towns pp. 73-74), the equation A. K. 310+-=A. G. according to the latest information received, 82-- follows from the latest date on the what is there to prove that his latest intelli- Kshatrapa coins and the earliest date of the gence was not very antiquated? The writer ! Guptas in Malava. If the Gupta sauvat of an extensive work like his must have copied begins, as seems now certain, about 190 A. D. a good deal' from others, and we know from the beginning of the era of the Western his own statements that his book is not based Kshatrapas falls in the middle of the first altogether on original research. His sources century before Christ. Whether it is identical may have been a hundred years old, and even with the Vikrama era, is a question which I will older, and there is not the slightest evidence that not discuss here, though the assumption appears these two particular notes belong to Ptolemy to me a reasonable one. But the era of the himself. Under these circumstances the syn. Western Kshatrapas has certainly no connection chronism, "Palumayi and Chashtana were con- with the Saks Samvat. AN INSCRIBED ROYAL SEAL FROM WALA. BY PROF. G. BUHLER, PH.D., C.I.E., VIENNA. Some time ago a clay seal, measuring 2:9 The letters closely resemble those of the landinches by 2:6 inches, on the face, and about 27 grants of Dhruvasena I. of Valabhi, the only inches high, bearing on the face & rude notable difference being that the matra or a. impression of the sun and the moon, and below stroke is represented by a curve turning towards at an inscription in four lines, was found at or the right, and standing above the letter after in the neighbourhood of the ruins of Valabhi. which it has to be read. The same practice is Colonel J. Watson, into whose possession it followed in the highly ornamental Jhalrapahs came, sent to me several paper-rubbings and & inscriptions, and on the seal of Sarva var. sealing-wax impression, together with the read.man Mankhari, published in the Jour. Roy. ing of the inscription by his Pandit, Acharys As. Soc. vol. III, p. 378. The preservation is, Valabhjt. As I think that the document may in spite of the brittle nature of the material, eventually become important for the history of tolerably good. In the first line the fourth and Western India, I publish my own and Valabhji's fifth aksharas bave been damaged, in the second interpretations of it. the last two have almost been effaced, in the third See also my discussion of this point in Burgess, Reports, vol. V, p. 73. In order to illustrate these remarks I will give another drishanta. Would it not be natural and correct, if a geographer of the present day appended to the name Ghaeni, the remark, the capital of Mah. mud," and would it not be a fatal mistake to infer from this remark more than that the author lived later than Mahmud Ghaznevip I must further add, that this objection to Mr. BhAQ Daji's ronsoning was suggested to me by Sir E. C. Bayley. * See now Sir E. C. Bayley's article on "Certain Dates occurring on the coins of the kings of Cabul," Num. Chron. 3rd series, vol. II. pp. 128-165. Sir E. O. Bayley too, expresses the same opinion regarding the method to be used in settling the beginning of the Kshatrapa era.

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OCTOBER, 1883.) PIYADASI INSCRIPTIONS. 275 the last two letters have been entirely destroyed, can be proposed. But I think that the most and in the fourth the last letter is half gone. probable is mahasenapati, the great general.' Transcription. As hitherto the names Ahivarman and A jayaskandhAdavyavacchinarAja' Pushyena have not been found among the vaMzasya zrImahArAjAhivarma rulers of Western India, and the occurrence of an impression of a royal seal in the ruins of an aa HERTSTHET -- old town may be explained in very different patipuSyeNasya ways, I refrain from adding any historical Translation. speculations. For the sake of comparison I "The emblem of the) royal fortune of the give the reading proposed by Acharya Valabhji great king, the great lord .. Pushyena, the son 3514 -- 01233TGof the great king A hivarman, whose (Push SIR S ETTISIP [3]yena's) royal line has been unbroken since (the times of) Jayaskandha." sUnormahArAja mahIThe name Pushyena is remarkable, but afagom[R]. may be explained as Pushya ino yasya, "he whose Colonel Watson adds that according to the lord is the nakshatra Pushya.' Various re- opinion of the Pandit the name of the king's storations of the mutilated epithet mahapati 'father is Hiurma. THE COLUMN INSCRIPTIONS OF PIYADASI. BY M. EMILE SENART. (Continued from p. 74.) Sixth Edict. 1 (1) iyam" dhammalipi" likhapit&"[.] Prinsep, ut sup. pp. 596 ff.; Kern, ut sup. pp. Translation. 92 ff. Thus says king Piyadasi, the beloved of the (*) Devanampiye piyadasi laja hevan aha(r)[.] gods. In the thirteenth year of my consecra, duvadasa tion I have for the first time) caused edicts (*) vasaabhisitena me dharmalipi likhapitato be engraved for the welfare and happiness lokash of the people. I flatter myself that it will (*) hitasukhaye [.] se tam apahatA(r) tamtam occasionally catch something from them, and dhammavadhi pa pova? in some way or other, cause some progress in ( heva lokasa" hitasukheti pativekhami religion, that so it may be profitable for the atha iyam welfare and happiness of the people, and I make (") natisu hevam patiyasamnesuhevam ape- the arrangements that I believe are fitted to kathesuo secure the welfare as well of my remote subjects kiman kani sukhan" avahamiti" tatha as of those who are near me and of my own cha vidahami" (.] hemeva? relations. It is thus that I superintend all (') savanikayesu pativekhami [.] savapa- bodies of officers. All sects receive from me samda pi me pujita* . honours of different sorts. But it is the personal (*) vividhaya pujaye"[.] e chu iyam atana" adhesion (to their doctrines and practices) that pachupagamane" I regard as the principal point. I have caused ) se me monkhyamate'(.] sadvisativa- this edict to be engraved in the twenty-seventh saabhisitena" me year of my consecration. Read PT .. Only the top-stroke and the lower horizontal of va and the top of ma have been preserved. * Read sinor. * He now read UIT M. 'napio. RM. vasabhio .R185 RM. pita lokasa. * A. ahA (lacuna as far * RM. "hata as [va] dhi papova), R. ARM, op&povao ADA, MAha * RM. lokasa. RM. ath&o. 10 Ao atha... oy&pa... patiy&o A. odhaya sakiche, BM. "paty RM. "ya. 11 A. 'kathasa, M. 'Kathesu. HRM. tana. 13 RM. kimmam, A. kimao. * A. plohups 1 A. Csakham ** A. Smakhyamute, B. # RM. "Ayah, A. Chamiti. mukhyamute', 'M. * RM. atha, A. "hAmiti. mokhyamuto. 16 A vidapomio. >> A. dvasati", RM. Va" A. Chevammeva, RM.Omevao Abhio. 18 A.sani..koyesuo. A. "iya 19 A. Pada 31 A. dhama. ho RM. "fita * RM.opita, A. pita tie.

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276 Seventh Edict. THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. Prinsep, p. 597 ff. Eighth Edict. The circular edict,'-Prinsep, pp. 602 ff.; (") Devanampiye piyadasi laja hevam aha [-] Lassen (p. 270, n. 1; p. 275, n. 3;) and Burye atikamtam nouf (pp. 749f)-have not discussed or translated it entire, but only short fragments (1) amtalam lajane husa hevam ichhisu, katham jane of it. (1) dhammavadhiya vadheya no chu jane anu- (2) Dhammavadhiya cha badham vadhisata etaye me athaye dhammasavanani savapitani dhammanusathini vividhani anapitani [.] yathatiyipa pi bahune janapim ayata ete palayovadisahti pi pavithalisahti pi [] lajaka pi bahukesu panasatasahasesu ayata te pi me anapita hevam cha hevam cha paliyovadatha lupaya dhammavadhiya (*) vadhitha [.] etam devanampiye piyadasi laja hevam aha [.] esa me (15) hutha atakamtam cha amtalam hevam ichhisu lajane katha jane (1) anulupaya dharmavadhiya vadheyati no cha jane analupy (") dhammavadhiya vadhitha [.] se kina us jane anupatipajeya (18) kina su jane anulupaya dhammavadhiya vadheyati kina su kani (1) abhyumnkmayehamh dhammavadhiyati [.] etam devanampiye piyadasi laja hevam (*deg) aha [.] esa me hutha dhammasavanani savapayami dhammanusathini (") anusisami etam jane sutu anupatipajisati abhyumnamisati [-] Translation. Thus says the king Piyadasi, the beloved of the gods: The kings that have governed in the past have (indeed) formed this vow: how to bring it about that men may make progress in religion? But men have not made such progress in religion as was conformable (to their desire). Then thus says king Piyadasi, the beloved of the gods:-I have made this reflexion since the kings who have governed in the past have formed this vow, how to bring it about that men may make such progress in religion as was conformable (to their desire) and since men have not made in religion such progress as was conformable (to their desire); by what means to lead men to follow the good path? By what means to attain that men may make progress in religion such as is conformable (to my desire)? By what means should I be able to cause them to advance in religion? Then thus saith king Piyadasi, the beloved of the gods:-I have taken the resolution to publish religious exhortations, to promulgate religious instructions: men hearing this (word) will enter on the good path, they will advance (in good). [OCTOBER, 1883. (*) janam dhammayutam [] devanampiye Piyadasi hevam aha [.] etameva-me anuvekhamane dhammathambhani katani dhammamahamata kata dhamma...kate [.] devanampiye piyadasi laja hevam aha [.] magesa pi me nigohani lopapitani chhayopagani hosamti pasumunisanam ambavadika lopapita adhakosikani pi me udapanani (*) khanapapitani nimsi-dhaya cha kalapita apanani me bahukani tata tata kalapitani patibhogaye pasumunisanam [.] sa-esa patibhoge nama [.] vividhaya ha sukhayanaya pulimehi pi lajihi mamaya cha sukhayite loke imam chu dhammanupatipati anupatipajamtu ta etadatha me (*) esa kate [] devanampiye Piyadasi hevam aha [.] dhammamahamata pi me ta bahuvidhesu athesu anugahikesu viyapata se pavajitanam cheva gihithanam cha sava... desu pi cha viyapata se [-] samghathasi pi me kate ime viyapata hohamti ti [] hemeva babhanesa ajivikesu pi me kate () ime viyapata hohamti [.] nighamthesu pi me kate ime viyapata hohamti [.] nanapasam desu pi me kate ime viyapata hohamti ti[] pativisitham pativisitham tesu tesu te. mahamata dhammamahamata cha me etesu cheva viyapata savesu cha amnesu pisathleen devanathpiye Piyadasi ja hevau aha [.] (deg) ete cha amne cha bahuka mukha danava sagasi viyapata se mama cheva devinam cha [.] savasi cha me olodhanasi te bahuvidhena a. lena tani tani tuthayatanani pati ...]hida cheva disasu cha dalakanam The m has here the signs both of the vowel e and of the vowel u.

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OCTOBER, 1883.1 PIYADASI INSCRIPTIONS. 277 pi cha me kate amnanam cha devikuma- the gods :-Upon the roads I have planted lanam ime danavisagesa viy&pat& hohamti tinyagrodhas that they may give shade to men (') dhammapadanathaye dhammanu patipati- and beasts, I have planted gardens of mangos; ye (.) esa hi dhammapadane dhammapa- from half krosa to half krosa I have caused tipati cha ya iyam daya dane sache sochave wells to be dug, I have caused bathing-ponds (?) madave sadhama cha lokasa evam vadhisati to be made, and have, in a multitude of places, ti (.) devanampiye.... laja hevam aha[.] caused caravanserais to be built for the comfort yani hi kani chi mamiya sadhavani katani of men and of animals. But, for myself the tam loke anupatipamne tam cha anuvidhiy- true comfort is this --- Previous kings have, and amti tena vadhita cha I myself have contributed to the welfare of men ) vadhisamti cha matapitisu sugasaya gulusa by various ameliorations; but to make them sususkya vayomahalakanan anupatipatiya enter on the ways of religion, with this object I babhanasamanesu kapanavalakesu avada- rule my actions. Thus saith Piyadasi, the beloved sabhatakegu sampatipatiye [.] devanampiy of the gods :- I have created also supervisors ... dasi laja hevan kha () munisanam of religion in order that they may be occupied chu ya iyan dhammavadhi vadhita duvehi in all kinds of works of charity, that they may yeva akalehi dhammaniyamena cha nijha- be occupied also with all sects, sects of monks tiya cha [.] or of puople living in the world. I have had also ( tata chu laha sadhammaniyame nijhatiya in view the interests of the clergy, with which va bhuye (.] dhammaniyame chu kho esa these officers will occupy themselves, also the ye me iyam kate imani cha imani jatani ava- interests of Brahmans, of religious mendicants, dhiyani amnani pi chu bahu .. dhamma- with which they will occupy themselves, niyamani yani me katani [.] nijhatiya va about the Nirgrantha ascetics and the different chu bhuye munisanaris dhammavadhi sects, with which they will equally occupy vadhita avihimaye bhutanam themselves. The Mahamatras will occupy (1) analambhaye pananam [-] se etaye athaye themselves separately with the one and the iyam kate putapapotike chandamasuliyike other, each with one corporation; and my hofu ti tatha chu anupatipajamta ti [.] supervisors of religion will be employed in a hevam hi anapatipajanta hidatapalate general way, as much with these sects as aladha hoti [.] satavisativasabhipatena me with all others. Thus says the king Piyadasi, iyam dhammalibi likhapapita ti [.] etam the beloved of the gods :- These officers and devanampiye aha [.] iyam others besides are my intermediaries; they are (1) dhammalibi ata athi silithanhhani va sila- appointed to the distribution of my alms and phalakani va tata kataviya ena esa chilathi- those of the queens. In my whole palace tike siya [:] they give their attention) in different ways Translation. each to the apartments that are entrusted to In order that religion may make rapid pro- them. I intend also that, as here, so in the gress, for that reason I have published religious provinces, they be employed to distribute exhortations, I have given various instructions the alms of my children, and specially of the upon religion, I have appointed numerous royal princes, in order to encourage acts of (officers) over the people, each having his circle religion, the practice of religion, namely: comto himself, that they may spread the teaching, passion, almsgiving, veracity, purity of life, that they may develop (my thought). I have gentleness and kindness. Thus saith the king also appointed rajukas over many myriads of Piyadasi, beloved of the gods :-Indeed, the creatures, and they have received from me the acts of goodness of every kind that I perform, command to direct the faithfal people. Thussaith after these do people govern themselves: they Piyadasi, the beloved of the gods - It is with are ruled by my example. In this way have this only pre-occupation that I have raised men grown and will grow in obedience to pillars (covered with inscriptions) of religion, parents, to masters, in condescension to people that I have created supervisors of religion, that of advanced age, in respect towards Brahmang, I have published religiotis exhortations (*). Sramang, the poor, the miserable, even to slaves Thus saith the king Piyadasi, the beloved of and servants. Thus saith the king Piyadasi,

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278 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1883. beloved of the gods :-But this progress of (0) ambavadika va Alame va dana cheva religion among men is attained in two ways: etasi amne by positivo rule and by the sentiments which () kichhi ganiyati tAye deviye se nani sava every one may inspire in them. But of this (0) dutiyaye deviye ti tivalamata kaluvadouble action, that of positive rule is only of niye ..... mediocre value; the inner inspiration alone Translation. gives it all its influence. The positive rules This direction is addressed in the name of the consist in what I enjoin, when, for example, I king) beloved of the gods, to the Mahamatras interdict the killing of such and such kinds of of all districts: Every gift made by the second animals, and in other religions prescriptions queen,--the gift of a mango orchard or of a which I have enjoined in great numbers. But garden, equally every object of value found it is only by the change of personal sentiments in them (should be to the honour) of the that the progress of religion grows more and queen, whose religious zeal and charitable spirit more, in the (general) respect for life, in the should be acknowledged by saying: "all this care not to slay any being. It is with this view | comes from the second queen....." that I have placed this inscription in order, that * Edict of Kaubambi. it may endare for my sons and grandsons, that This fragment is 60 named by General it may endure as long as the sun and moon, so Cunningham because it is addressed to the that they may follow my directions ; for in Mahamatras of Kansambi. This is the only following this path they will obtain blessing information also that I can derive from it. I here below and in the other world. I have can make nothing of the rest of the transcript, caused this edict to be engraved in the twenty- too incomplete and imperfect to serve as a eighth year of my consecration. Thus saith basis for any useful conjecture. I only rethe (king) beloved of the gods Wherever produce it from the Corpus to complete the this edict exists on pillars of stone or walls of series. rock, it must be made to last long. () Devanampiye Anapayati Kosambiya The Queen's edict at Allahabad. mahamata Prinsep u. 8. p. 966 ff. (1)-ramari (?).. samghasi nilahiyo (") Devanampiyasa vachaneni saata maha i ...... thatibhiti . bhani nita.. mata chi (") vataviy&C.] cheta datiyaye deviye da (P)- ( be.... pinam dhapapita ata setha ne amyasayi. CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. BY HENRY H. HOWORTH, F.8.A. (Continued from p. 175.) XXII. | Yen-king reached him he sent one of his officers While Mu-khu-li in Liau-tung and Mingan to compliment Mingan, with orders to transport before Chung-tuwere prosecuting their successo all the treasures in the city to Tartary.' The ful campaigns, Chinghiz Khan was reposing at Huang-yuan tells us that Chinghiz sent on this Hoan-chau, a town, according to Hyacinthe, errand Khudukhu-noyan (who is called Shigifounded in the year 810 by the Khitans, and khutukhd in the Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi"), with situated 19 leagues N.E. of Tu-shi-keon, one of Yunggur yao guan-chi, and Arkhai Khasar." the gates of the Great Wall, and south-west of When the Kin emperor left for Nan-king he had lake Dolon. It is called Kurtun Balghassun by entrusted the treasury to the two officers, Khada the Mongols. When the news of the capture of and Gokhi. They presented Chinghiz Khan's 1 Hynointhe, P. 426, D'Ohason, vol. I, pp. 147 and 148. Chinghiz Khan's wifo, whose protege he was.-Erdmann, This is confirmed by the Ta-teling-yi:tungichi, which puts it in the sume place. Brotschneider, Notes on Chinese Called Unggur, the chief marshal, by Rashid, and Med. Travellers, p. 122, note. Vangur in the Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi. De Mailla, vol. IX, p. 72. * The Harkhi Khasar of Rashid. Rashidu'd-din tells us he was formerly called Shiki, Huang Yian, p. 188. They are called Kai-li-a and WM & Tartar by origin, and had been made over to Ku-i in the transcript of Rashid by Erdmann.

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OCTOBER, 1883.) CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. 279 messengers with some offerings of gold and services to some foreign princes, he gave him other things. Yunggur and Khasar took what the name of Chutsai or Thsu-Thsai, and the was offered them but Khutakku refused. They surname of Tsin-king, thus making a double took the Kin treasures- with them, and also allusion to a passage in the.chronicle of TsoKhada.' Chinghiz asked Khutakhu, "Did khieou-ming, which mentioned a fact of the same Khada give thee some things." He replied, "He kind. Chutsai lost his father at the age of three offered them, but I did not venture to accept years, but under his mother Yan-shi, who took them." "Why not?" said Chinghiz. He replied charge of his education, he surpassed older child. that he had said to Khada, "Before the surrender ren in his knowledge of various kinds of books, of the city all its treasures belonged to the Altan especially those dealing with astronomy, geogra. Khan. But now it has surrendered, it all be- phy, the calendar and arithmetic, studies which longs to my king. How can you secretly take the led him to the conclusion that the planetary property of my king, and appropriate it to motions were more accurately known in the west private uses P" Chinghiz greatly praised him for than in China, and he constructed a set of tables this act, and severely reprimanded Yunggur and under the name Mathapa, made on the system Arkhai Khasar. It is singularly curious how of those of the Mussalmans. In 1213 he obRashidu'd-din and the author of the Huang- tained his first public employment, which he yuan agree almost verbatim in this narrative, | quitted to take charge of the government of which is not mentioned by other Chinese Yen-king.' De Mailla says he was of a gigantic authors. In regard to the results of the stature 8 feet high (!!!) with a majestic bearing, capture of Chungtu, Minhaj-i-siraj says the had a venerable beard, and an imposing voice. Altan Khan's son and his vizier both fell into On his being presented to Chinghiz, the latter the hands of Chinghiz, and that he ordered an was struck by his appearance, and said to account to be taken from the records of the him - The Kin Tartars have been the enemies quantity of gold and silver which ought to be of the Khitans, from whom they have taken in the treasury, and insisted upon every bar their empire, I have come to revenge your being forthcoming. The same author reports family." Chutsai replied :-"My father and Bahau'd-din as stating that he actually saw the grandfather have been faithful subjects of the son of the Altan Khan and the vizier brought Kin, how can I condemn their conduct and into the presence of Chinghiz. In regard to venture to take vengeance upon them for what the son I can find no confirmation of the they have done to my family ?" Chinghiz was statement anywhere except in the Yuan-ch'ao. pleased with this reply and determined to keep pi-shi, where we certainly read that the ruler Chutsai by him, and to employ him in his of the Kins having arrived at Bian-lian, service. He insisted that before each enterprise submitted himself humbly to Chinghiz, and he undertook, Chutsai should predict for him Chinghiz received his son Tengeri, and 100 according to the rules of his science whether men into his service." By the vizier is meant the event would prove favourable or the reverse, & famous person, who became an important and also confided to him the duty of divining factor in developing the Mongol polity. His by means of burnt shoulder-blades of sheep.15 name was Yeliu-Chutsai. He was & member! A few days after his reception of Yeliu Chutsai, of the Khitan Imperial house, and descended Chinghiz Khan went in person to Yen-king. in the eighth generation from Thu-yo, a prince All the troops there were under arms to receive of that house. His father had been vice-chan- him, Mingan, otherwise called Chapar, being at cellor of the Kin empire, and he himself was their head. Addressing the grandees he told born in the district of Yan in the year 1190 them he owed the capture of the city to Chapar. when his father was 60 years old. As the After a short stay he set out again for Tartary latter, from certain prognostications, judged that and went to pass the summer heats of 1215 at the boy would some time render important Leang-king, a town in the district of Hoan-chau, Here called Kheda by Erdmann. Op. cit. p. 142. * Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi, p. 142: Huang-yuan, pp. 188 and 15 Abel Remuaat, Nowveanu Melanges Asiatiques, vol 189 ; Erdmann, pp. 329 and 350. II, pp. 62 and 63. 11. e. divination. Op. cit. pp. 968 and 963. 1 De Mailla, vol. IX, p. 73; Hyacinthe, p. 106; O pp. 965 and 966. use. Pien-liang. D'Ohsson, vol. I, pp. 148 and 14e.

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280 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1883. already named. He took with him the prin- and Gaubil say that, in order to traverse cesses, whom Monien-tsin-chong had deserted. the ravines and defiles in this difficult country, Leang-king is identified by Douglas with the he made bridges with pikes, and interlaced modern Koo-urh-too Pa-urh-ho-sun in Mongolia, branches of trees fastened by strong ehains. i.e., with Kurtun Balghassun already named." Douglas makes out that this contrivance was At this time the towns of Hokien Tsing-chau employed for crossing the Yellow River, and and Tsang-chau revolted against the Mongols. that the interstices between the boughs, &c., Douglas rames only Tsing, which he identifies were filled with earth and stones. Samuika at with the modern Tsing-hien in Chih-li and length reached Hing-hoa-ing, 20 lis distant Shun, which he similarly identifies with Shun- from the Nanking. The Kin emperor hastily i-hien in the same province. Chinghiz sent Wang- summoned the troops of Shan-tung, and the tsi with an army to recover them, and sent 3,000 Mongols were beaten and forced to retire Mongol and Chinese troops after him under the towards Shen-chau, called Shen-khua-in by command of Puto. They captured Hokien, where Hyacinthe. It is a town situated in the they increased their army by 1,000 men. Putu western part of Ho-nan, 15 leagues E.N.E. wished to exterminate the eitizens, as they were of Tung-kuan, ou the south bank of the very turbulent, but Wang tei baving interceded Yellow River. As it was winter, and the for them and answered for their good behaviour, Yellow River was frozen over Samuka traversed he not only pardoned them but also the leaders it on the ice, returned once more northwards, of the revolt. Rashidu'd-din tells us that in and the Kin troope, too anxions for the safety consequence of the capture of Yen-king three Kin of Tung-kuan, and San-fu, neglected pursuing officers, whom he names Jang-gu, Jang-gu-ging, him." The Huang-yuan says that after and Jim-gar-Ashu-leng, who had shut themselves passing Tung-kuan Samuka in this campaign up in the town of Chi-ngan which was situated ravaged the districts of Sun and Ju, and then in a marsh submitted. The text of the Huang- went straight to Pien-liang to the camp of yuan is corrupt at this point. In reporting Sin-khua-in," and plundered Khe-nan." Reapparently the same event, it says, on the tiring thence he went to Shan-chau" crossed contrary, that Jan-fu, Juan-khobun, Jun-gelsi the river," and withdrew northwards." Rashid and Yan-shuai occupied Sin-an, and did not sor. adds that on passing the great city of Pe-sin render. Meanwhile Chinghiz determined to two kin generals named Apendur and Fisher prosecute his advantage against the Kin empire Sani, submitted to him." According to the and detached a tuman, i.e. 10,000 men, towards Yuan-shi, Chingliz now sent Ekele, to offer the south under Samuka, who is called Samkhia- terms to the Kin emperor, and to remind him batur by Hyacinthe, Sanko-patu by De Mailla, that every city north of the river and in Sankepa by Gaubil, San-khe-badu in the Huang- Shan-tung was now in his possession, that yuan, and Samuka Behadur by Rashidu'd-din. resistance was useless, and if he would abdicate He had orders to turn the famous and difficult the throne he would make him king of the Tung-kuan pass by making a detour through district south of the river, i.e., of Ho-nan, and part of Si-hia, and advanced by King-chau or leave him in peace." According to the Kang-mu Si-ngan-fu upon Tung-kuan, situated near the the overtures came from the Kin side, and it southern bank of the Yellow River, and com- was Utubu, the Kin emperor, who sent an manding a defile from Shen-Bi to Ho-Dan. Un- officer to demand peace. Chinghiz was not able to capture it he determined to make a | indisposed to grant it. "It is in these matters," detour through the mountains of Sung, situated he said to Sa-mu-ho-ti se. Samuka, "as in N.E. of Ju-chan, in Ho-nan, and took the hunting, when we have enclosed the stags, road leading to Ju-chau or Yu-chau, De Mailla we can select what we choose. There only 25 De Mailla, vol. IX, p. 73. * > The place read Pu-big by Erdmann in Rashida'd. 11 Op. cit. p. 79. ain. 11 De Mailla, vol. IX, p. 73; Donglas, p. 77. * ? The Fey-tab-ta of Erdmann'e MS, of Rashid. 19 Erdmann, p. 330. * Sim-chau of Rashidu'd-din. 30 Op. cit., p. 189. 15 Rashid calls it the Kara-muran. 11 De Mailla, vol. IX, pp. 73 and 74: Hyacinthe, pp. 10 Huang-yuan, p. 189; Erdmann, pp. 330-331. 81 and 82; Douglas, pp. 81 and 82, Gaubil, pp. 29 and 30; * Erdmann, p. 331. Called Etsiri by Hyacinthe. Huang Yuan, 189; D'Ohsson vol. I, pp. 150 and 151. * Douglas, p. 80; Hyacinthe. .

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OCTOBER, 1883.1 CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. 281 remains a hare which we have not captured. a third campaign in these parts. They tell us Why not let it go ?" Samuka who blushed at that Chinghiz sent Totolu-an-Sherbi," who, the not having distinguished himself like the other latter says, was the son of Mengelig ljigeh, Mongol chiefs did not like this counsel. Chin- and was at the head of the Mongol, Khitan and ghiz proposed very hard conditions. Utubu was Chinese troops to fight in the south. They to surrender all the territory he held north of marched against Chaghan Balghassun, which the Yellow River, to renounce the title of he adds the Chinese called Jen-din or Jinemperor, and take that of king of Ho-nan, and | zin-fa, which they plundered, and defeated to acknowledge him as his suzerain. These Da-min. They then advanced upon Dun-pin, terms were rejected.Ro The negociations having but on account of the river could not take it; so broken down we read that in the spring of after pillaging the district greatly, they retired, 1216 the Mongols made a second effort to reach and the Kin troops reoccupied it." the southern capital of the Kin; we are told It is not surprising that the ill-fortunes of that Siu-ting the commander of Ping-yang-fu the Kin Tartars should have tempted their gent Pilan-alutai and Tashan-pekia with 15,000 neighbotirs on the south, the masters of the Sung men to defend the passage across the Yellow empire, and they now refused to pay the tribute River, and also the town of Shen-cbau. He which they had been in the habit of paying.** himself with a picked army went to cover the It would seem that Chinghiz Khan had tried to sonthern capital, and sent several other divi- arrange an alliance with the Sung against the sions towards Tung.kuan to oppose the Mongols Kin, but without avail. This fact is noticed in if they should ventare to attack it, but they the Tsian-yan-i-lai-ch'ao-ye-tsza-tszi, and the turned it as on the former occasion and went notice has been abstracted by Palladius. We and encamped between Ju-chau and the moun- there read that in the seventh year of the reign tain of Sang, whence traversing the mountain of Tzia-din (1214), and on the ninth day of the paths which were deemed impracticable they first moon, there arrived three horsemen at Vufell suddenly upon Tung-kuun and captured it vei-fu, a small place on the north bank of the almost without a blow." Siu-ting ordered the river Khuai. They crossed the river, and set governors of Kiang-chat, Hiai-chau, Shi-chan off towards the south. A scout asked them Ki.chau and Mong-chau to combine their forces why they had come. They produced a wallet in case the enemy should suddenly appear. containing a letter and a figured chart written on Shortly after the Mongols having crossed the a silken material, and said "The Dadan Vanriver near San-men marched towards Ping-yang, tzi," Chinghiz, has sent us to proffer lands to but were repulsed with loss by Siu-ting, who the Sung, and to ask for an auxiliary army." On also recaptured the fortress of Tung-kuan." the following day, when the chief of the scouts The Yuan-shi has a different story about this learnt this, he sent several men with an answer campaign. It says that when the Kin emperor to the effect that the district chief was at this refused to listen to the terms offered by Chin. time at the court, and that he dared not receive ghiz he sent the general She-tien-ne, called Shet- them without permission from the Emperor, kian-ne by Hyacinthe, and She-tian-i in the and he ordered them to be sent back, a Huang-yuan, to recommence hostilities, and to curious proof that the exclusiveness, Euroencourage his generals, he gave each of them a pean travellers complain about so much in paizah or official tablet of office, marked with a China, is of very old date. On the following tiger. She-tien-ne, we are told by this autho- day the scout met them on the mountain Miaority, went forth in the eighth month of 1215, Gan, and immediately made them recross the and took Ping-chau, and at the same time the Kin river on a raft. Unable to return northward minister, Kechu," surrendered." on account of the interruption of communications The Huang-yuan and Rashidu'd-din mention they lay hid in the lake Bo-lu-kha in the >> De Mailla, vol. IX, pp: 74 and 75; Hyacinthe, Pp. 82 and 83; D'Ohason, vol. I, p. 151. 'Si De Mailla, vol. IX, p. 76. 1 d., p. 77. 33 The Tai-chu of Hyacinthe. Douglas, p. 80; Hyacinthe, Pp. 75 and 76; Huangyuan, p. 289. >> Called Tulun-Sherbi by Rashidu'd-din. 36 Called Tu-ngin-fu by Rashidu'd-din. 27 Huang-yuan, p. 190; Erdmann, p. 331. De Mailla, vol. IX, p. 78. 30 i.e., the ruler of the Tartars.

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282 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1883. district of Khun-sian, and the district governor find the capital deprived of food, for the public three days later sent to take them to Si-chau. No- magazines and private stores there are not thing more is known about them. It was said a hundredth part of what they are at Chungthat one was a Tartar interpreter, another & tu. It is this which freezes our beasts. It captive Kin, and the third a North-Chinaman. would be well if your majesty were to order When subsequently the Mongols sent a con- the troops from Shen-chan to cover Tung-kuan tingent into Shan-tung, having reached Tsei. and to take up their position opposite the nan they told off 37 horsemen to escort three general Alibas; if you were to select in the fresh envoys, and afterwards sent 300. They capital some dozens of brave officers to whom rode through Vei-chau, where having seized to make over the best soldiers, in order to some boats they crossed the Yellow River and carry on a system of skirmishing (the petit then rode west to Bo-chan whence they were | guerre of the French), and if the same plan sent back, and it was strictly commanded by were adopted north of the river." the Sung authorities that in future no envoye The emperor remitted this memoir to the should be received ; those receiving them, being senate, but Chu-hu Kauki replied that the detected, were to suffer the penalty of death." officials of the tribunal of censors were not The Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi mentions the sending versed in war, and knew nothing of defensive of one of those embassies which it says was tactics, and it was laid aside. Kaoki had no headed by Jubkhan, but says it was hindered plan of his own, save that of summoning as by the Kin." It would seem that on their many troops as possible to the capital, and thus side the Kin authorities made advances leaving the provinces bare. for an alliance with the Sang against their Having traced the fortunes of the Mongol terrible enemies from the north. The Sung arms in the south, let us follow them farther emperor was disposed to listen to these over- east in Liau-tung and its borders where their tures, but was diverted by Kao-ju-li, who great general Mu-khu-li had control of matters. pointed out that it would be far better to While he had been engaged in conquering Liau. make common cause with the Mongols. It was si, Chang-king or Chang-tsing, called Changprobably in consequence of this attitude and ping by Gaubil, murdered the collector of taxes also of their refusal to pay tribute, that we find at Kin-chau at the head of the gulf of Liauthe Kin troops now, i.e., in 1217, attacking tung, and having proclaimed himself king their frontiers, but getting badly beaten." of Lin-hai sent his submission to Chinghiz." The mode of attack of the Mongols and the In the last month of 1215 Chang-king re-. defensive tactics of the Kin authorities may be ceived orders to march from Liau-yang, i.e. gathered from a memoir, which the tribunal of the Peking of those days, with a division of censors made to the emperor, on the occasion troops, and to march against Tuholan-salipi, of Samuka's attack, the Mongol general being called Dogolan by Hyacinthe, who coinmanded at the time encamped at Yu-chau. This runs a Kin army in the south. Chang-king intended as follows :-" The enemy's army having deserting the Mongol service. Mu-khu-li, who passed Tung-kuan, Yao-kuan and Mien-chan had heard of this, deputed the Uighur Siaoassien has advanced into the interior of Ho-nan, and to watch his movements. When they arrived at approached the western faubourgs of Nan- Ping-chan," Chang-king feigned sickness, and king. They know the capital contains a strong professed not to be able to march. Siaoassien garrison. This is why they do not attack it. accordingly forced his way into his palace, and They avoid a fight, and endeavour by different was just in time to prevent his flight. He detachments of cavalry to blockade the place, then put him to death. Chang-chi, brother while their other armies attack the surround of Chang-king, was then at Kin-chau. On ing towns. They are gradually tightening hearing of his brother's death, he killed the their grip upon Nan-king. If we refrain from governor of the town, which he occupied, took defending the other towns we shall presently the title of the prince of Ing, and declared for " Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi, note 551. "Op. cit., p. 141. " Situated according to Douglas in the modern Loo. ** De Mailla, vol. IX, pp. 78 and 79. lung-Heen. * D'Ohnson, vol. I, pp. 152 and 153. De Mailla, vol. IX, p. 75, Douglas, pp. 77 and 78; * Douglas, p. 75. Hyacinthe, p. 88; Gaubil, p. 30.

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OCTOBER, 1883.) CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. 283 the Kin emperor, who gave him command of his Tsin-jou Jan-tsin, which means apparently, troops in the country. The Yuan-shi says he if we accept the corresponding phrase in also pillaged Hin-chung-fu, while the Kang-mu Rashidu'd-din,--the general Chang-chi or Janadds that many towns situated between the tsi from the town of Kin-chau or Tsin-chau. sea, the river Liau, the Great Wall, and the On his submission to Chinghiz he had been barrier separating Liau-tung from Tartary, given charge of some districts, which are called including Ping-chan, Lnan-chan, Shui-chau, the Tsinsk or Kinsk and Guan-ninsk districts Li-chau, I-chau, Ye-chau, and Kuang-ning sub- in the Huang-yuan, and the Jurchi towns of mitted to him. Mu-khu-li and his Uighur Lariti, Falshi and Gug-ling by Rashidu'd-din. subordinate Siaoassien marched against the The former says he rebelled and styled himself rebel, who, according to the Yuan-shi, sent one Liao-si-van," ie., king of Liao-si, and gave his army against him under his son Tung-ping. administration the title of Dakhan, so which Mo-khu-li pointed out to his men that the enemy Rashid says corresponded to Sultan. These having no armour would be overwhelmed by two authorities make this outbreak the source their arrows. He then gave orders to his cavalry of Chinghiz Khan's wrath and the cause of to charge. The rebel army was completely his ordering Mu-khu-li to march against him." defeated. Tung-ping was among the slain, We now read that Ma-khu-li marched against while 12,800 officers and men were killed." Kuang-ning-fu, the modern Kuang-ning-hien Mu-khu-li now sent Siapassien to attack & in the department of Kin-chau, and subdued it, mountain fortress and arsenal named Lieon- making the eight hundred and sixty-second she-shan-pao, and sent Mongu-pu-hoa, called city which had fallen into the hands of the Mungu-bukha by Hyacinthe, to plant himself Mongols." The Huang-yuan says Mu-khu-li in ambush, 10 lis (Hyacinthe says 40) to the sent Da-tsin-dao and others to capture Kuanwest of Yong-te-hien, with orders to watchnin-fu, which surrendered." the movements of Chang-chi. When the latter In the tenth month of 1215, according to learnt that the enemy was attacking Lieou-she- the Yuan-shi, the Kin governor, Fusin-onolo shan-pao, he at once went to the rescue. conquered Liau-tung, proclaimed it the kingdom Mu-khn-li, who was then at Kuang-ning, was of Tien-wang, and adopted the dynastic style informed of this movement by his subordinate of Tientai. This was an invasion of th Mongu-pu.hoa, who also sent a body of cavalry rights of Yeliu-Linko, who no sooner heard of to cut off his retreat. Mu-khu-li marched in all the victory of the Kin general than he repaired hasta and reached Shin-shui at day-break, and to Chinghix to lay his case before him. there encountered the enemy's army. Chang-chi Chinghis received him well, and gave a place found himself between two fires. He fought about his court to his son, Yeliu Shesha." The bravely, but was at length defeated with a loss Yuan-shi-lei-pen gives a different reason for of 3,000 men killed, besides a great multitude Yeliu-Linko's visit to Chinghiz. It says that who were drowned or forced to seek shelter many Khitans proposed to him to declare himin Kin-chan, which was duly invested by the self emperor, independent of the Mongols, and Mongols, and which he defended for a month that he rejected this advice as contrary to his against all their efforts. Kao-i, one of his officers, duty. "I have sworn," he said, "to be the subwho had a grievance against him, then surren- ject of Chinghiz Khan. I carinot violate this dered him to Mu-khu-li, who beheaded him. promise. To make myself emperor in the east is Douglas says he himself surrendered, but that to oppose heaven, and to oppose heaven is to Mu-khu-li distrusted him as a double-dyed commit a great crime." He was much pressed traitor, and put him to death. This happened to alter his mind but would not do so, and in the eleventh month of 1216.* sent his son, Sieta, with 90 carts bearing rich The Huang-yuan calls Chang-chi the Shuai presents for the Mongol chief, who had the 16 De Mailla, vol. IX, pp. 75 and 76: Hyacinthe, p. 83; Gaubil, pp. 30 and 31; Donglas, p. 78. Dongles, p. 78. De Mailla, vol. IX, pp. 76 and 77; Hyacinthe, pp. 86 and 87; Douglas, pp. 78, 79 and 83 ; Gaubil, pp. 30 and 31. * The Liw-shi-wang of Rashida'd-din. 60 Thai-fan-bil of Rashidu'd-din. "Huang-Yuan, P. 190; Erdmann, p. 331. # Douglas, p. 80; Hyacinthe, p. 76. * Op. cit., p. 180. ** Called Puhe Wannn by Douglas, 66 Tkian-tkai.of Hyacinthe. - Douglas, pp. 80 and 81 ; Hyacinthe, pp. 76 and 77.

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284 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. gifts exposed for seven days on pieces of felt, which, says the history of Yeliu-Liuko, was to propitiate the sky. After this ceremony he accepted the presents, and honoured Sietu greatly. Liuko sent a census of the families subject to him, which numbered 600,000. Towards the end of 1215 he went in person to do homage."1 It may be that it was the dubious allegiance of his subjects which enabled his rival to set up authority in Liau-tung,-at all events we do not read of the latter being at once displaced, but the following year, we are told, he sent his son, Terge, with his allegiance to Chinghiz, but shortly after rebelled and usurped authority over Eastern Hia, (called Eastern Sia by Hyacinthe). This is stated in the Huang-yuan and also by Rashidu'd-din. The former says that when the Kin emperor moved to his southern capital he appointed Chao-tao and Yenu Suanfus, i.e., commissaries of Sian-pin and other districts. He afterwards transferred the administration to Khabi-alan, who presently submitted to the Mongols, and sent his son Tienge as a hostage, but he soon matinied and styled himself Tun-sia-van. Rashidu'd-din calls him Nujiu Taishi, and says he was privy counsellor of the Kin emperor, and had been entrusted with the administration of the empire when he went to Nan-king. He calls his son Tegeh, and gives his title as Ton-ging-wang. 50 Disorder was now supreme in various parts of the empire, and suspicion was everywhere rife. "At one time," we read, "a ory was raised against the Buddhist priests as traitors to their country, and this was followed by a fearful massacre which was carried out under the authority of She-gau-tun, who, however, was destined shortly to pay the penalty of his misdeeds, for on entering the Tung pass he was murdered by the hand of an assassin." We now read how Chinghiz Khan, to reward his great general, Mu-khu-li, for his eminent services, in the last month of the year 1217, nominated him head of all the princes of his empire and generalissimo of his armies in the newly conquered countries. He sent him written patents 51 Gaubil, pp. 26 and 27. ss Douglas, p. 82; Hyacinthe, p. 84. sei.e. king of Eastern Sia; op. cit., p. 187. 80 Erdmann, pp. 327 and 328. es De Mailla, vol. IX, p. 80. Douglas, p. 88. es Op. cit., p. 32. Erdmann, op. cit., p. 334; D'Ohsson, vol. I, p. 161. [OCTOBER, 1883. 63 of office and also a golden seal, i.e., probably a golden tablet cr paizah, and gave him charge of the countries south of Tai-hang-shan, and ordered that the same deference was to be paid to him as to himself, and that his cortege should be equal to his own. Gaubil tells us Chinghiz made a public eulogy in favour of Mu-khu-li, gave him the title of king, and desired that it might be hereditary in his family." The title actually conferred on Mu-khu-li was that of Kue-wang or Ki-wang, explained by Rashidn'd-din as meaning pudishah of the country; it had been already given to him by the Chinese, and he therefore deemed it of good augury. This we learn from Rashidn'd-din.** We will leave him and his further proceedings for the present, and turn once more to Chinghiz Khan and his doings. Whilst his generals were overrunning Northern China, he was apparently engaged in subduing the tribes of Manchuria, and in enjoying himself there. We have no details of this campaign, save a saga to which I shall revert presently, and only a bald notice of it in one authority, namely, the Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi. We there read that when Chinghiz returned back from Bei-piu by the Tsuin-kuan pass, he ordered his brother, Khasar, to go along the coast through Danin, (?) and to pass through Niujinin, i. e., to subdue the Niuchis or Jarchis, the people of Manchuria, with the division of the right hand. If they should submit he was to travel along the frontier provinces, cross the rivers Ula and Nau, and return to the camp along the river Taour." If the Jurchis should not submit he was to devastate their country. Khasar with Jurchidai and Tolun reached Danin. This town surrendered, and when they came to the Niuchis or Jurchis, their ruler, named Fu-khen, submitted, and all the other towns also surrendered. Thereupon Khasar followed up the river Taour, and returned to the chief camp." Palladius says in a note that the Mongol campaign in Manchuria is described in the Dun-go-shi-mo, where it is said apparently, that they were on the frontiers of Korea, and i.e., probably the Sungari-Ula, and the Nonni-Ula in the direction of the Khin-gan chain. The Taoerr, called Dalu by the Chinese, is a western tributary of the Nonni. See Palladius, note 561 to the Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi. 67 Op. cit., pp. 142 and 143, and notes. es History of Corea, and notes.

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OCTOBER, 1883.] CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. 285 had communications with the governor. This Altan Topchi and in the pages of Ssanang Setzen, work is not accessible to me. we have a curious romantic story relating to the In regard to Korea, we have & carious notice intercourse of Chinghiz Khan with the tribes which is contained in the Manchu translation of of Manchuria and the Solongae, which is very the Yuan history, entitled Thai-yuan-ni-bitkhe, interesting from its local colour and otherwise. which was published in 1644 by order of the It follows one or two shorter statements about emperor Shi-tsu, and which notice has been pub- other districts, which it will be well first to lished by Klaproth. In this we read that :-"In relate as they are not reported elsewhere. the thirteenth year of Tai-tsu Chinghiz Khan, The Altan Topchi tells us that Uran Chinkui, which is that of the yellow tiger or 1218, Luku," of the tribe Ingut (called Uran Tsenkoi of general of the mountain Tsin-shan of the king the tribe Angkud, by Seanang Setzen), with dom of the Khitans, sought refuge, with 90,000 31 clans or families, broke away or rebelled, men, who remained with him, in the kingdom and began to nomadize towards the northof Solgo," where he captured the town of west. Chinghiz Khan and Khabar went after Kiang-tang-ching, and established himself. I him. Khasar rode on the beautiful yellow Thereupon Chinghiz Khan sent his general horse belonging to his brother called SamaKha-jen-dza-la at the head of an army to oppose chin." While the son of Toktongui-bagatur," him." The Mongol general entered the territory commanded the advance guard, Khasar fought of the Solgos." Huang-ta-sigan, a grandee of 80 vigorously that his horse was covered with that kingdom, went to the Mongol camp to blood. Uran Chinkui was defeated and captured. organize a joint movement with him against He was taken before Chinghiz Khan. Khasar, the town in which Luku had shut himself up as his reward, received the woman, Balbal, while Wang-che, king of Korea" who supplied the Uran Chinkui presented Chinghiz Khan himMongol army with cattle, spirits and wine, sent self with a crystal pyramid. For this he was Chao-dsung, one of his grandees, to assist in the given the daughter of Altan. Alten's other siege. The two generals acted like brothers, daughter, Altan-Gorgoldoi,Chinghiz Khan gave and the Korean leader suggested that Korea to the Solongut Khan, Narin.18 should be tributary to the Mongols.". The It will be noticed that the account in the Altan Mongol general replied :-"Your kingdom is Topchi is more detailed than in Ssanang Setzen, very far from us, an envoy would have difficulty but it does not enable us now any more than the in going to and fro. It would be well, there. notice by the latter enabled his editor, Schmidt, fore, to employ ten men every year to take to say who the Ingut were, nor to what period the tribute." He then sent out to obtain rice of the great conqueror's reign the story is to be for his men, and was speedily furnished with assigned. With Schmidt I am disposed to think 10,000 panniers. The next year, in the first it refers to the earlier part of Chinghiz Khan's month of Spring, Wang-chi sent two of his career, but the mention of the Khan of the people, In-kung-dsieou and Sui-i, as envoys to Solongas raises a difficulty, since the Mongols the camp of the Mongol general. He returned had not apparently any dealings with Korea the compliment by sending Fiao-szu-yun; and until later. presently Chinghiz Khan sent the king letters. To continue : the Altan Topchi next tells us patent confirming him in his dignity. These that Oroshi Gushi, of the tribe Bariat, having were taken by Fulitai-yei. The king received captured a hawk on lake Baikal, took it to them from the ambassador on his knees, and Chinghiz, for which he got the command of gave a ceremonial feast, and thenceforward the Buriats." Ssanang Setzen says the Oirad Korea became tributary to the Mongols." Buriad sent Oroja Shigushi from lake Baikal Turning from the regular histories to the with an eagle, as a present to Chinghiz Khan, collections of Mongol Sagas contained in the and as a token of their submission. This * Id., note p. 563. 10 1.6. Yeliu-liuko. ** Joumal Asiatique, 1st Series, tome II, pp. 195 and 1 i.e., Koros. 197; Douglas, p. 88; Hyacinthe, p. 91. According to Douglas this was in answer to an 10 The Sain Samujin of Seadang Setzen. invitation from the Korean king. " Called Andun Ching Taiji, the son of Toktangha 1s 1.e. of the Koreans. Baghatur Taiji, by Banang Setzen. Called Wang-thun in the Chinese abridgment of Altan Topchi, p. 133; Ssanang Setzen, p. 75. the same notioe. 79 Op. cit., p. 133. 0 Op. cit., p. 75.

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286 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. submission of the Buriads is considered by Schmidt to be the same event as the submission of the Kirghises mentioned in an earlier paper. He would identify Oroju Shegushi with the Urus Inal of the Kirghises, there men. tioned as sending presents of falcons, but I do not see how this can be probable. The Kirghises did not live on lake Baikal, while the Buriats, who still do so, no doubt did so then also, and it seems to me the statement clearly refers to the Mongolian Buriats, and not to the Turkish Kinghises. It probably refers to some early event in the life of Chinghiz. We now reach the Saga about Manchuria, to which I referred. The Altan Topchi says that Dsanchun, the ruler of the Jurchis, called Wangchuk Khaghan by Ssanang Setzen, having noticed that Chinghiz Khan was hawking between the rivers Olkho and the Ulia, fled. Chinghiz sent an army in pursuit, but as there was no ford over the Ula, the sons of Khasar Anchi-Andu-shara and GaldsaguChing-Taiji," coupling together 20,000 geldings by the rings of their reins, with a shout drove them into the water, and thus got over. They proceeded to lay siege to Dsan-chun's capital, and demanded as the price of their withdrawal 10,000 sparrows, Ssanang Setzen says 10,000 swallows and 1,000 cats. They then made some kiebung, which they fastened to the birds and some wadding to the cats, and then fired it. They then let them loose. The birds flew to their nests while the cats jumped from roof to roof. The town being thus fired, surrendered. Dsanchun remarked, "What a wonder? What cats!" Chinghiz Khan married his daughter Balakhai," who, it is said, died on her way home."" [OCTOBER, 1883. Tsagan, as a sign of his submission, brought his daughter Khulun," in a boat, and gave her as a marriage gift, a kibitka covered with panther skins, and made over to Chinghiz the tribes of Bukha and Solongod. Noticing that Bukha Tsaghan Khan did not cross the river Chinghiz bade him go over if what he took with him was tribute. So anxious was he to complete the marriage rite that, in spite of the objection of his grandees that it was not etiquette to do so, he nevertheless completed the marriage ceremony with Khulan on the high road. This notice is certainly puzzling. According to every other anthority, as we have seen, Dair Ussun, the father of Khulun, was the Dair Ussun, chief of the Merkits, and not of the Solongod, and we are bound to follow them. It will be noticed that Ssanang Setzen actually calls the Solongod here Solongos-Merged. To continue the story, however, we are told that Chinghiz remained among the Solongod for three years.. Thereupon Arghassun Khorchin, who had been left in charge of his home," wanting to know the cause of his delay, set out on the red horse, Gurbelgu-dsegerdi, and compassed a three months' journey in thrice twentyfour hours. When he arrived he inquired after the health of the chief. The nobles told him he was well. Chinghiz then asked him after, the health of his wife, children, nobles and people. Arghassun replied:-" Thy wife and children are well, as to what appertains to thy great people I know not what it thinks. I only know it gets itself skins and food for its hungry mouth. As to the whole of thy people I can only say it wants water and snow for its thirsty mouth. I don't know what thy Mongol people think." Chinghiz Khan, not understanding these enigmatical phrases, told him to explain. He therefore went on:-"It is said that the bird salbar(?) lays its eggs on the tree sala (P), and trusting to the tree sala it allowed the predatory bird sar (?) to destroy its nest and eat its eggs and fledglings. It is Chinghiz Khan, we are told, now went on a campaign against the Solongod living in the east. The river Unegen had overflowed its banks, for which reason he halted when he reached it, and sent an envoy to the ruler of the Solongod to say he had come to demand tribute. The Solongod ruler -Bukha 81 Seanang Setzen says between the Olkho and the Ula. The former is no doubt the Olkui, which rises in the Soyolji mountains, a branch of the Khing-gan, about lat. 47 N., see D'Ohsson, vol. I, p. 64. The Ula is probably the Nonni Ula. Seanang Setzen says Andun-Ching-Taiji, son of Toklangha Baghatur Taiji. 85 Seanang Setzen says 10,000 horses were so coupled. This is a doubtful word, it probably means tinder. Schmidt reads the corresponding word in Saanang Setzen as cotton-wool. In the thatch. se Called Salikhai by Seanang Setzen. Altan Topchi, pp. 133 and 134; Seanang Setzen, p-75. 88 Seanang Setzen says Khulan was the daughter of Dair-Ussun, of the Solongos Merged. Altan Topchi, p. 134; Seanang Setzen, pp. 75 and 77. 90 Seanang Setzen calls him Arghassun Khurohi, the lute player. 91 Seanang Setzen says he had been sent by Chinghiz's first wife Burte Jujin.

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OCTOBER, 1883.] CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. 287 said the swan lays her eggs in the cane brake, trusting to the canes, and thus allows the evil bird khuto (?) to kill its young and eat its eggs, and destroy its nest. My Bogdo Edsen, Listen to my words." Chinghiz therenpon turned to his nobles, and asked them if they understood what he meant. They said they did not, whereupon he explained as follows:"The tree sala represents my friends, the bird salbar myself, the predatory bird, sar, the Solongod, the eggs and chicks, are my wife and children, the nest my grand empire. Again, the cane-brake represents my people, the swan myself, the khulo the Solongod, the eggs and fledglings my wife and children, the nest my grand empire." Having said this he marched the army towards home. He presently began to say :-"I am ashamed to meet Burte, my wife, whom I met in my younger days. If I go home with another family how can I prevent a broil at home when the two houses meet ? If there is a disturbance in the presence of strangers I shall be ashamed and disgraced. It will be better to send on one of my orluks to have a preliminary interview with my family." Mu-khu-li was accordingly chosen. Having arrived he bowed to the em- press, and sat down. Burte asked him abont the health of Chinghiz, and also inquired about his errand, upon which Mu-khu-li said he had been sent with the following message :- "He has not obeyed the laws that rule us, but has been wilful. He has not taken the advice of his nobles, bat has been allured by the outward attractions of the panther skin yurt. The Bogdo Edsen has united himself on the pillow with Khulun." Thereupon Burte said :"He depends on his own will, and not on the Mongol people." It is said there are many geese on the river Irtish, but my Edsen knows how many it is necessary to shoot, so as to sustain life. There are many women and maidens in great empires, but my lord knows whom to choose. It is said there are many gwans in the cane-brakes, my lord knows how long he can shoot at them without growing weary. It is said that a man who has a big finger will hit both the ground and the duck with his arrow, and a husband if he likes can marry two sisters. Does a wild unridden horse wish himself to be saddled ? Does the first wife wish her husband to take a second wife? It is bad to have too much. Is not too little also bad ? In a double suit of clothes it is said you won't be cold, and a twisted rope will not break." Mu-khu-li returned with this message, whereupon Chinghiz returned home again. After Chinghiz arrived, Arghassan Khorchin got drunk with arsi," and he entered the golden tent i.e. Chinghiz Khan's tent, and slept in it. Ssanang Setzen says he used his golden lute, but golden lute' seems to be a euphemism for the Khan's tent. For this offence Chinghiz ordered Boghorchi and Mu-khu-li to go and find him, and gave a sign with his hand that they were not to let him speak, but to kill him. They went to him, and said :-"We have been sent by the ruler and ordered by the movement of his hand to put you to death. He would take no. excuse, since you have got drunk and slept in his golden lute." Arghassun replied:-" It is said you ought always to listen to the words of those sentenced to death. It is said a dying man should always express his last sentiments." On hearing this they did not kill him. Holding at his breast wine,"s prepared for the commander, and under his arm wine for the tribunal, they took him to Chinghiz, who was asleep." They then repaired to the tent, and said "In thy bright chamber there is already light. By the grace of God thy boys and girls shall be good and domestic. The accused are already assembled. Order them to disperse by thy great command." In thy jasper palaceglory is already effulgent, order the doors to be opened ; the unfortunate and the suffering are already assembled, condescend to order them to disperse by giving thy jewel-like orders." When they had spoken thas, Chinghiz rose and they entered the tent, taking Arghassun with them. Chinghiz the tent, taking Argha did not speak, no more did they; whereupon 09 Ssanang Setzen has this phrase: "The will of Burte Jujin Khatun as well as the wish of the whole people are subject to the might of our lord. It depends on his own will whom he shall befriend, and to whom unite himself." 03 A custom disapproved of among the Mongols. 9. P Airak. 95 P Kumis, & skin. * Shanang Sotzen says they gave him two leather bottles filled with strong drink. 3 i.e. show thy clemency. Ssanang Setzen reports their speech thus "The light already shines in thy bright dwelling. He who has offended thee is without; and awaits thy oommands; when your effulgent person shall have awoke and risen, condescend to open the door, to hear and judge the repentant culprit and to exercise your favour and clemency."

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288 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1883. Arghassun began:-"It is said that the seventy- was drunk and I took thy Khoton lute, but I tuned bird, Tsaktsagai, becomes hushed when had no evil intention." On this Chinghiz the hawk with outspread wings directs its said :-" Thou art forgiven on account of thy flight towards it. I must also declare that clever speech, my Arghassun Khorchin, mercy I cannot say what is appropriate in the presence | is shown thee because of thy eloquence."100 of our heavenly appointed ruler. For ten He thereupon had him released, and withdrew years," I have looked after the golden lute and his sentence.1% have learnt thy wisdom and thy policy. Never This saga, however wanting in actual hiswas I known to behave ill. It is true I was torical basis, and however incongruous in some drunk and used thy golden lute, but for twenty of its statements, is assuredly not wanting in years I guarded thy Khoton lute. I listened dramatic force and local colour, and is a good to thy wisdom and humour, but I was never example of the tales current in the yurts of the noticed doing anything wrong. It is true I Mongols in early times. MISCELLANEA. BUDDHA AND ST. JOSAPHAT. been recognised nearly three centuries ago by Prof. Max Muller, in his interesting essay on the Couto. After telling the story of Buddha's youth, Migration of Fables, has pointed out (also quot the latter proceeds :ing Reinaud) that 'Ivarad, the name by which "This prince is called in the histories of him by Buddha found a saint's place in the Greek inany different names. His proper name was Church calendar-transformed in the Latin Drama (Dharma) Rajo; that by which he has been legend into Josaphat-is a corruption, through known since he came to be held for a saint is the the uncertainties of Persian transcription, of Bad & o, as much as to say, The Wise.... Bodhisattva. I have never seen it noticed how "To this name the Gentiles throughout all strongly this suggestion is confirmed by a pas- India have dedicated great and superb pagodas. sage in the Chronology of Ancient Nations, by With reference to this story we have been diligent Albtrunt, of which the English translation by in enquiring if the ancient Gentiles of those Prof. Sachau was published in 1879. Here we parts had in their writings any knowledge of St. have mentioned (p. 186), among the "peeudo- Josaphat, who was converted by Barlam, who in his prophets," "Bad h&saf, who came forward in legend is represented as the son of a great king India." This brings us a long step nearer to of India, and who had just the same up bringing, Bodhisattva. with all the same particulars, that we have reHaving touched on this most curious subject, counted of the life of the Budko. And as the let me say a few words on another branch of it. story of Josaphat must have been written by the I had pointed out briefly in 1875 (Marco Polo, natives ... it would seem that in the lapse of 2nd ed., vol. II, p. 308) that the identity of St. time there grew round it many fables such as they Josaphat and Buddha had been recognised by the have in the life of Budao, and these we pass by, famous Portuguese historian Diogo de Couto. for not in two whole chapters could we rehearse This had not been observed by Mr. Rhys Davids, the stories as they have them. who, some years later, in the Introduction to "And as a thing seems much to the purpose his translation of the Jataka Tales, observes :- which was told us about St. Josaphat by a very " It was Prof. Max Muller, who has done so much old man of the Salsete territory in Bacaim, I to infrise the glow of life into the dry bones of think it well to cite it. As I was travelling in Oriental scholarship, who first pointed out the that island of Salsete, I went to see that rare strange fact-almost incredible, were it not for and admirable pagoda which we call the Canara the completeness of the proof-that Gotama the Pagoda [i.e., the well-known Kenhari Caves] Buddha, under the name of St. Josaphat, is now made in a mountain, and with many halls cut out officially recognised and honoured and worshipped of the solid rock-one of them as big as the throughout the whole of Catholic Christendom as larger of the mansions on the Ribeira at Lisbon a Christian saint !" (p. xli.) 4 and more than 300 chambers rising like a stairThere is nothing to correct in the spirit of this case in the mountain, each with its cistern at the passage; but, as a matter of fact, the identity had door, cut in the same solid rock, containing water ** Seadang Setzen says twenty. and as then pardoning him. 100 Ssanang Setzen reports him as merely exclaiming : 101 Altan Topchi, pp. 134 and 138 ; Seanang Setzen, PP, "My loquacions Arghaseun, my chattering Arghaseun," | 77 and 81.

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OCTOBER, 1883.] BOOK NOTICE. 289 as cool and excellent as you could desire, whilst at the gates of the great hall there are carved beautiful figures of the stature of giants, but of art so subtle and exquisite that better could not be wrought in silver; and many other fine things which we omit for brevity. "And enquiring from this old man about the work, and what his opinion was as to who had made it, he told us that without doubt the work was made by order of the father of St. Josaphat, to bring him up there in seclusion, as the story tells. And as this informs us that he was the son of a great king in India, it may well be, as we have just said, that he (St. Josaphat) was the very Budko of whom they relate such marvels." (Dec. v., liv. vi., cap. ii.)" H. YULE. London, August 28, 1883. as the times went, a kindly and impartial man, than of Mulraj, who was mean, grasping, suspicious and vacillating in character. Sdwan Mall and his son Ramdas. One day a peasant complained to the Diwan that some chief had destroyed his crop by turning his horses loose to graze in the field. Sawan Mall asked the man if he could point out the offender in Darbar. The peasant pointed to Ramdas, the Diwin's eldest son. He admitted the complaint to be just, and Sawan Mall ordered him to be imprisoned. The injured man begged for his pardon, but for several days Ramdas remained in confinement and his spirit was so broken by this punishment that he fell ill and died shortly after his release. R. C. TEMPLE NOTE ON THE STORY OF MULRAJ AND HIS SON. In vol. XI, p. 41 ante, I gave a short story cur. rent all over the Panjab illustrating the sacred character of the dohai or poetic justice of the celebrated Diwan Mulraj of Maltan. It purport. ed to say that the Diwan put his favourite son to death for robbing his garden after the gardener had demanded the protection of the Diwan's do. hat. I have since chanced on the real tale in Griffin's Panjab Chiefs, which ought to be told, with modifications, of the greater Diwan Sawan Mall, Malraj's father. The victim was Malraj's elder brother Ramdas, who died in 1831, not his son Harisingh, who survived his father for many years as a Government pensioner on Rs. 360 a month. Sawan Mall was murdered in 1844, and Malraj, as is well known, died in captivity at Calcutta in 1850. From the true version of the tale it appears that the circumstances, which the Panjabis have poeticised into the pretty story of MQlraj and his son, really occurred in 1830. I give the story in Sir Lepel Griffin's own words, with the additional note that it is much more characteristic of Sawan Mall, who was above all, KIRTTANA. At pp. 228 ff. above, Professor Bhandarkar has pointed out the true meaning of the two verses contained in lines 14 to 17 of the Baroda grant of the Rashtrakata king Karka II., by explaining the word kerttana as meaning 'a temple, in addi. tion to its usual and etymological sense of praise.' This meaning, which was not known to me when I translated the grant in question, clearly supplies the keynote of the passage. In addition to the authorities quoted by Professor Bhandarkar in support of this meaning of kirttana, I have since found that it is used in the same sense in the five inscriptions of Dovalabdhi, the grandson of the Chandella king Yasovarma, and the son of Krishnapa and Asarvva, in the temple of Brahma at Dudahi' (Archaeol. Surv. of India, Vol. X. Plato xxxii.) No. 3 of them, for instance, runs Maharajadhiraja-Sri-Yasovarmma-naptra SrtKrishnapa-sutena matsi-Sri-Asarvva-udar-odbhavena Chamdell-&nvayena Sri-Devalavdhi(bdhi). [na] kirttanam=idam sarvva[m] karitam J. F. FLEET, Bo. C. S. Simla, 24th August 1883. BOOK NOTICE. A CATALOGUE of the BUDDHIST TRIPITAKA. By Bunyiu Beal's catalogue. Mr. Bunyiu Nanjio in 1880 Nanjio, Priest of the Temple, Eastern Hongwanzi, Japan. Oxford, Clarendon Press. 1883. "thought it his duty to correct this wrong This Catalogue is a rearrangement and expan. arrangement," and we have now before us the sion of that prepared by Mr. Beal in 1876 for the result of his work, viz., the same books classified India Office Labrary. The books were sent from according to the original division by determining Japan, as Mr. Beal explains, in "cases" or characters taken from the Thousand-letter classic. " covers," one hundred and three in number, and Mr. Bunyiu Nanjio has done his work very comas they were sent so they were arranged in Mr. pletely, and with almost "Chinese exactness ; " and The Academy, Sept. 1, 1883, p. 146. * Lahore, 1865, pp. 277-278.

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290 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1883. his catalogue will no doubt supersede the old one, and be generally used. Mr. Bunyiu Nanjio thinks that Mr. Beal was ignorant of the original arrangement of these books (p. 11). What ground he has for this opinion he does not state. Mr. Beal on p. 2 of his Catalogue speaks of the original division" of the works, and on p. 110 he writes :-"The books in this catalogue may be classed generally, and for the sake of brevity, under the heads Vinaya, Satra, Abhidharma and Miscellaneous." This also is the division adopted by Mr. Nanjio; we observe also that he has used the term sannipata (p. 9) or mahdsannipata for the last division, a term first employed by Mr. Beal in disagreement with Stanislas Julien (Beal's Catalogue, p. 3). The "irrational" character of the "tripartite division," to which Mr. Beal refers in the passage quoted by Mr. Nanjio, is, that it is made to include four sections of books; and it is irrational to attempt to put four pegs into three holes. Why does Mr. Bunyiu Nanjio call this collection of books "a sacred canon P" It does not claim any character of sanctity. It is a collection of Buddhist books brought to China by haphazard. Of course, the imperial sanction under which the catalogue is issued, may give it a character of sacredness in the eyes of some; but we cannot let the use of cuch a phrase as "sacred canon" pass by unchallenged. The teaching of Buddha may be termed "holy," as it is so used in the original; but a series of books including travels, catalogues and dictionaries, can only be called "sacred" by a misuse of language. Mr. Bunyiu Nanjio's account of the steps that led on to the preparation of the collection of these books in their present order in China, is interesting and exhaustive. If anything, it is too minute; but, anyhow, it will do for all time, and settle the question, which has hitherto been rather a perplexing one, as to the cause of differences which occur in the various lists respecting the number of the books and their right place in the Tripitaka. We note, too, as an important feature in this consideration, the real shown by private persons in arranging and printing these books. This alone is sufficient to show the hold which Buddhism still has on the minds of the people who profess a belief in its teaching. Altogether there are 1662 distinct works separately named and described by the author of this Catalogue. In this respect it is a most useful help for an exact knowledge of Buddhist literature, and it will take its place beside the catalogues being now, or already, prepared, of similar books known in Nepal and Tibet. In fact our acquaint. ance with Buddhism in all its branches is becom. ing daily more accurate and more extensive, and we look forward with interest to the solution of questions involved in the rise and progress of this religion in the East, which will be suggested by an analysis or translation of some of the books in these various collections, and an exact comparison of points of agreement and divergence between them. Mr. Bunyiu Nanjio, in the last clause of his "Introduction," "humbly asks all students of Buddhist literature to assist him in correcting any mistakes he may have made" in compiling his catalogue; we will therefore point out a few errors. In the Maharatnakula class of books (No. 23), Mr. Nanjio has translated the symbol "lwui" in every case as: "that (spoken at) an assembly"-but why so ? The idea appears to be that each of these sutras is a portion, or part, of the "gems heaped up; " and the term hwui (saligraha) might just as well be rendered by "collection" or "portion," as by the long and unusual phrase adopted by the author. No. 303.-Mr. B.N. translates into rather obscure English. Surely if he had consulted Stas. Julien's Methode (1315), or the Indian Antiquary, vol. IX, (1880), p. 85, he might have explained this title somewhat more accurately. No.399.-Mr. B. N. here risks the assertion, the term Surangama has no connection whatever with Sura, the sun." But the explanation of the title given by Kumarajiva, viz., chien-siang," the mark of a hero";-siang here as elsewhere corresponds with lakshana,-seems to point to the Sun's rays, under the figure of horns (sringin). The possession of horns (as in the case of Alexander the Great) is especially the mark of a hero. The explanation which Mr. Nanjio seems to adopt, viz., "going from heroism," is, to say the least, unsatisfactory. No. 551.-Mr. B. N. restores experimentally the expression leu-than to lokadhatu. But from the work Fan-i-ming-i-tsi (Book IX, fol. 19), it seems that the right restoration of this title is Pindadhana, or Pindadana. No. 1492.-Mr. B. N. has here separated the symbol nei from the preceding kudi, and instead of translating the whole as, "Records of the Law sent from the Southern Sea by one returning to China," he has rendered it, "Records of the Inner Law,'" &c;" but kwei nei is "to return to China," the Inner Land. There are other similar mistakes to be found scattered through this work. We point these out, not for the sake of fault-finding, but to show how easily the most careful writers may fall into error. With respect to the book as a whole (though the errata are quite unusually numerous), it deserves great commendation.

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NOVEMBER, 1883.] NOMENCLATURE OF HINDU ERAS. 291 ON THE NOMENCLATURE OF THE PRINCIPAL HINDU ERAS, AND THE USE OF THE WORD SAMVATSARA AND ITS ABBREVIATIONS. BY J. F. FLEET, Bo.C.S., M.R.A.S. (Continued from p. 215.) II. THE VIKRAMA ERA. to denote 10.* The objections to interpreting A S in the case of the Saka era, the earliest it in this grant as 30, to the purport that, A technical expression for the era of Vikrama though the grant was made on the tenth day or Vikramaditya, supplied by an epigraphical of Ashadha, the actual writing of the charter record, is the simple word was effected or completed on the thirtieth day Samvatsara of the same month, are-that the thirtieth or the year.' It is furnished by--1, the Kavi day of the month belongs to the dark fortgrant of the Gurjara king Jayabhata,' in night, not to the bright; -and that it does which the date, which is given in both words not seem possible, from any of the computaand numerical symbols, is expressed (11. 15-16 tions of this date, that the thirtieth day of and 24-5) by Ashadha-buddh*]a-dasam[y]d[11] Ashadha of Vikrama-Samvat 486 can have Karkkataka-rasau sa[i]krante ravare fallen on a Sunday. In order to interpret it . . . Sasivatsara-sata-chatushtaye sha...! as 10, we ought to have some form or other .............. [Sali 400 80 6 of the vowel si below it. And I think, from Ashadha su 10 Adityavare. indications in the photograph which are too In my reading of this date, I differ in one faint to be reproduced with certainty, that a detail from Dr. Buhler's reading, as published; variety of the vowel si is below it. This can but probably he would now adopt what I pro- only be determined by another examination pose. He read the sign before Adityavard as of the original plate. But the advantage of di, i.e. su di. This, however, was at a time accepting that we have here the symbol for 10 when the system of numerical symbols was is, that, whether the tenth day of the bright not as fully understood as it is now. On the fortnight of Ashadha of Vikrama-Samvat 486 analogy of the two Kaira grants of Dadda II.,' fell on a Sunday or not,--this interpretation we should expect to have after sua numerical is at any rate in exact accordance with the symbol for the day of the fortnight. In deter- distinct specification of the tenth day in line mining what the reading is, three aksharas have 15 of the text. to be noted, viz. : This date has recently been strongly critia 9 cised by Professor Max Muller. He seems, in The first of these is the symbol that follows the first instance, inclined to question the fact eu;' the second is the sign used for di in this of the Jayabhata of this grant being identical grant, e.g. in the following word Adityavare ; and with the Jayabhata who is mentioned as the the third is the sign used for di in this grant, father of Dadda II. in the four grants of the c.g. in gandha-dhupa-pushpa-dipa, 1. 10. It is latter. But, with regard to this, I think that the evident at once that what follows su is not di, arguments put forward by. Dr. Buhler in his or even di for di. Also, this symbol that paper on this grant leave no reasonable doubt follows su does not occur, even approximately, as to the identity of the two Jayabhatas. anywhere else in this grant; and therefore it Further, his special objections are--(a), the imcannot be interpreted as any ordinary syllable. probability of the father, Jayabhata, using one It is, however, almost identical with, and era, and the son, Dadda II., using another;-(0) evidently is only a variety of, the la which is the injury to the date in the original plate; used-(a), by itself, in Gupta and Valabhi and-(e), the doubt induced by the differing inscriptions, to denote 30,--and (6), in conjunc- results of the computations of the details of tion with the vowel ri, in Gupta inscriptions, the date. Irrespective of the fact that the Ind. Ant. Vol. V. pp. 110 ff.; and Pali, Sanskrit, by the copper pushed up by the engraver's tool. and Old-Canarere Inscriptions, No. 272. Ind. Ant. Vol. VI. p. 44, columns 4 and 5. Nos. 1 and 2, p. 208 above. See, for instance, No. 81, p. 213 above. * The slight space between the horizontal line and India; What can it teach us? pp. 285 f.; and ante the bottom of the vertical line seems to have been caused I p. 232.

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292 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [NOVEMBER, 1883. computations of the details of this grant, made for Dr. Buhler by Professor Keru Lakshman Chhatre of Poona and a Joshi of Surat, give even a less satisfactory result for Saka-Samvat 486 than for Vikrama-Samvat 486,' I would remark on these points-(a), The fact that the father and the son should use two separate eras, is not at all more strange than that, assuming the Kavi grant to be dated in the Saka era ; in which case the Jayabhata of this grant must be a descendant, in the third or fourth generation, of Dadda II., -Jayabhata should in this grant revert to the simple ex- pression of Sarivatsara for the era, in disregard of the more specific, technical name of Sakanripa-kala which, on the same assumption, had been established at least eighty-six years before the date of his grant, and had been used in the two later grants of Dadda II. And, as an instance in which at any rate grandfather and grandson have undoubtedly used different eras, I would quote the inscriptions of the Western Chalukya king Palikesi II., which are dated in Saka 534 and 556, while a Nausari grant of his grandson Siladitya-Sryasraya, the son of Jayasimhavarma-Dharasraya, -recently laid before the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society by Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji, --is dated in "the year 421," the expression in the original, in both words and numerical symbols, being (11. 20-1) Makha(gha)-suddhatrayodasyain * * * * * * Samvatsara-satachatushtaye eka-vinsaty-adhike 400 20 1 ||*; this plainly cannot be referred to the Saka era.' And further,--as an instance in which even two brothers have used different eras,-in his paper on this Nausarigrant the Pandit mentionsa Balsar grant of Vinayaditya-Jayasraya, also called Mangalaraja and Yuddhamalla, another son of the same Jayasimhavarma, in which the Saka era is specifically adopted again, the date being Saka 653.10-(6), The first of the three numerical symbols in this grant has certainly been a good deal injured by the breaking away of the plate. But, enough of it remains to show beyond any possibility of doubt that it is the symbol for 400. And, in addition to this, there is in line 24 the verbal expression sata-chatushtaye, which is distinctly legible, and which explains this symbol quite sufficiently even if the whole of it had been broken away. As regards the others, it is not quite easy to say from the photograph whether the second symbol is entire and is to be read 80, as was done by Dr. Buhler, or whether it also has been injured and is to be read 90, as suggested by General Cunningham in the remarks quoted by me below. The third symbol is an unquestionable 6; and it is corroborated by the remnant sha of shat in the verbal expression.-(c), Professor Bapudeva Sastri, of Benares, computed that the 10th of Ashadha Sudi of Vikrama-Samvat 486 did fall on a Sunday, and that on that day the sun did enter the sign Karka, Karkata, or Karkataka; and that the grant was issued on the 10th July, A.D. 429. On the other hand, Professor Keru Lakshman Chhatre of Poona, and a Joshi of Surat, computed that, in Vikrama-Samvat 486, the Karka-sankranti fell on the 13th of Ashadha Sudi, and the 10th of Ashad ha Sudi was a Tuesday." General Cunningham has favoured me with the following remarks on this date:-"The Vikrama-Samvat year 486 began in Gujarat, according to the present reckoning, on the 1st of Karttika Sudi, or the 28th September, A.D. 429; so that the 10th of Ashadha Sudi would have fallen in the following year, A.D. 430. As there was no intercalary month in that year, the 10th of Ashadha Sudi was the 99th day calculated from the 1st of Chaitra Sudi or Tuesday the 11th March, A.D. 430, which brings the date to Tuesday the 17th June, thus agreeing with the Tuesday already calculated by two Bombay Ind. Ant. Vol. V. p. 112, note 1: No. 83, p. 210 above, and No. 4, p. 211. Nor will the Vikrama era suit; nor the Gupta Valabht era, as commencing in either A.D. 167 or A.D. 190. But the Valabhl-Samvat which commenced in Saka 241 seems to suit fairly well. 10 l'hese two grants, and some others of this Chalukya dynasty of Gujarat which the Pandit will shortly publish, place in an entirely new light the Kaira grants of Vijayaraja or Vijayavarma (Ind. Ant. Vol. VII. pp. 241 ff), the date of which, in both words and numerical symbols, in expressed by Sarhuatsira-sata-trayd chatur-ravityadhikl Vaidkh 1-paumnimasyarh ...... Sarhvataira 300 90 4 Vaisakha fu 10 5 11. When I pablished these two grante, I took the era to be the Saka era, and identifiod the Jayasimha of these grants, the grandfather of Vijayaraja, with the Jayasitha I. who according to the southern in scriptions was the grandfather of the grandfather of Pulikal II. But it now seems that these grants must be referred, not to the Saka era, but to the era that is used in the Nau Ari grant, and that the Jayasinha of these grants must be identified, not with Jayasinha I., but either with the Jayasir havarm-Dharisrays of the Nirpan grant (Ind. Ant. Vol. IX. pp. 123 ff.), who was & younger brother of Palikai II., or with the other Jaye simhavarma-Dharaaraya of the Nausari and Balear grants who was one of the song of Pulikel II. "Soe ante p. 232, note 14.

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NOVEMBER, 1883.] NOMENCLATURE OF HINDU ERAS. 293 authorities for Dr. Buhler. But, as the day masi sukla-pakshe trayodasy an tithau Ravidine was a Sunday according to the inscription, it ankato-pi saivat 1232 Bhadra su (ou) di 13 seems to me not improbable that the date may | Ravau ; and in-6, the Kadi grant of Jayannot have been read quite correctly. The only tasimha," (11. 21-3) Gata-samvatsara-dvadasayear which I can find that agrees with the varshasateshu asity-uttareshu Pausha-mase week-day indicated is Vikrama-Samvat 497, kukla-pakshe tritiyayam tithau Bhaumavare in which year the 10th of Ashadha Sudi fell on sarijata uttaragata-surya-sakrama-parvani Sunday the 15th June, A.D. 441. If the aikkato-pi sasivat 1280 varshe Pausha su di figure for 80 was injured below, as the figure 3 Bhaume-dy=e ha sarjata uttaranayana-parfor 400 certainly was, then the figure read vami. as 80 might have been 90, and the Sam- The next expression, viz. vat year might perhaps be 497."-What Vikrama-Sarivatsara ever may be the case as regards the reading | or the years of Vikrama, is supplied by-7, of the second numerical symbol and the com. the Dhiniki grant of the J eth va king Jazka," patation of the details of the date, the fact (11. 1-2) Vikrama-samvatsara-sata(te)shu saptasu remains that the first numerical symbol is | chatur-navaty-adhikeshr=arikatoh P 794 Karttiundoubtedly 400, and that we have here a date ka-inds-para-pakshe amavdsydyn Adityavare which can only be referred to the fifth century Jyeshta(shfhd)-nakshatre ravi-graha-naparvvami. of the Vikrama era. And the only substantial An abbreviation of the preceding expression, objection to it is, that it is destructive of the vis. theory that the era was only invented by Vikrama-Saivat Harsha-Vikramaditya of Ujjayini in A.D. 544, or of the years of Vikrama' is furnished by i.e. exactly after the completion of six centu- -8, the Radhanpur grant of Bhima II. of the ries from the epoch that was selected as the Chauluk ya dynasty," (1.1) Vikrama-saravat commencement of the era, and more than 1086 Karttika eu di 15. The same expression a century after this, the first known date in is used also in--9, the Girnar inscription of the era. Vastupa la, the minister of Viradhavala of the The same simple expression is used in-2, same dynasty," (1.2) Sri Vikrama-saivat the Malwa grant of Vakpati of Dhar &," 1288 varshe A(Q)svina ta didi) 15 Some; (11. 13-14 and 32-3) Eka-tri(tri)sisa-sahasrika- in-10, the Girnar inscription of Jayantasimha, samvatsare=smin Bhadrapada-bukla-chatur- son of the same Vastapala," (11. 1, 3, and 4) ddasyain pavittra(tra)ka-paruvami ..... Sri Vikrama-sarvat 1288 varshe Pha[lo]gunaSan 1031 Bhadrapada su di 14; in-3, the (na) bu di 10 Budhe ...... sari 79 var Dewal'inscription of Lalla of the Chhinda sha-purvvari .... sarh 76 varshafamily, " (1.24) Sarivatsara-sahasra 1049 Md- puruvarh; and in-11, the Dohad inscripgha va di 3 Gurudine ; in-4, the Ujjain grant tion of Jayasimha of the Chauluky a of Bhoja of Dhara, (il. 8-9 and 30-1) Atit- dynasty," (11. 8-9) Sri-nripa-Vikrama-samvat Ishta-saptaty-adhika-sdhasrika-samvatsare Ma. 1196......saj 1202, gh-asita-tritiyayam Ravav=udagayana-paruvani And a further abbreviation of the same ...... sarvat 1078 Chaitra su di 14; expression, viz. in-4, the 'Ingroda' inscription of Vijayapala Vikrama-Sam of Inganapadra," (1.1) Samvatsara-sateshv=eka- or of the years of Vikrama,' is furnished daeasu navaty-adhikeshu Asha dha-su(su)kla- by-12, the Somanath-Pathan inscription of paksh-aikadasyari sanat 1190 Ashddha bu Arjuna of the Chaaluky a dynasty," (11. 2-4) di 11; in-5, the Sihvar grant of the Sri. Visvanatha - prativa (ba)ddha-tau nau)jand. Rathor king Jayachandra of Kananj, Dve- nain (bo)dhakara-sula-Mahamada-saavat trinsad-adhika-dvadasa-sata-samvatsare Bhadre 662 tatha Srinsipa-[Vi]krama-sama 1320 tatha 13 Ind. Ant. Vol. VI. pp. 51 f; and Archaeol. Suru. of 11 Ind. Ant. Vol. VI. pp. 196 ff. Weat. India, Vol. III, pp. 101 f. Id. Vol. XII. Pp. 161 ff. Archaeol. Suro. of India, Vol. I. pp. 354 f. and Plats 10 This mark of punctuation is unnecessary. LI. Ind. Ant. Vol. VI. pp. 193 f. 1* Ind. Ant. Vol. VI. pp. 53 ff. Archeol. Suru. West. India, Vol. II. p. 173. 15 d. Vol. VI. pp. 58 f. Id. pp. 170 ft. " Ind. Ant. Vol. X. pp. 158 . * The Pandit, Vol. IV. pp. 94 ff. # Ia. Vol. XI. pp. 241 ff.

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294 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [NOVEMBER, 1883. arimad-Valabh-sari 945 tatha Sri-Sinha-sarh 151 varshe Ashadha va di 13 Ravau. The earliest instance that I have been able to trace out in which the simple expression Sarivat or of the years' is used alone, is-13, the Deogarh 'inscription of Bhoja of Kana u j, (11. 6-8 and 10) Sativat 919 Asva (eva)y uja. sukla-paksha-chaturddasyan Vri(bri) haspatidine Uttara-Bhadrapada-nakshattre (tre)# # # # # # Saka-kal-abda-sapta-satya(t)ni chatur-a(a) fityadhikani 784. After that date it is of frequent occurrence; e.g.-14, the Kadi grant of Mularaja of the Chauluky a dynasty, *' (11. 21-2) Sarivat 1043 Magha va di 15 Ravau ;-15, the "Deogarh' inscription of Kirttivarma of the Chandella dynasty," (1.8) Sarnvat 1154 Chaittra(tra) [ba* ?) di 2 Vu(?)dhau(?) ;-16, the Gaya inscription of Govindapla, " (1. 3) Saivat 1232 Vikari-sanvatsare ;-17, the Timena grant of Bhima II. of the Chauluk ya dynasty," (1.1) Samvat 1264 varshe lauo Ashadha ku di 2 Some ;-18, the Abu inscription of the same king, '' (1. 20) Sanvat 1265 varshe Vaisakha bu 15 Bhaume; and-19, the second Prasasti of Nanaka, the court poet of Visala of the same dynasty," Sahvat 1328. The next technical expression, vis. Vikrama-Kala or the time of Vikrama' is furnished by 20, a grant of Ajayapala of the Chauluk ya dynasty." (11. 11-12 and 31) Npipa-Vikramakalad=arvvak eka-trinsad-adhika-dvadasa-satasamvatsar-avntarvarttini Karttike mdsi suklapakshe ekadasy an Somadine uposhya Karttik- odyapana-parovani . . . . . . Sanoat 1231 varshe Karttika su di 13 Vu(budhe. The same expression occurs in-21, a grant of Bhima II. of the same dynasty," (11. 1-3) SrimadVikrama-ntipa-kal atita-saivatsara-sateshu dvddasasu shalal t-) sha(-sha)shty=adhikeshu laukikao Margra(sic)-masasya sukla-paksha-chaturdasydrin Gurudine atr=dinkatah=pi Sri-Vikrama-saivat 1266 varshe Sri-Sinha-samvat 96 varshe laukio Margra(sic) su dhi(sic) 14 Gurau ; and in--22, the Kadi grant of Visala of the same dynasty," (11. 1-2) Srimad-Vikrama-kal-&tita-saptadasadhika-trayodasa-satika-samvatsare laukika Jye. (jyai)shta(shtha)-masasya krishna-paksha-chaturthy din tithau Gurau. The next technical expression, viz. Vikramadity-otpadita-sariatsara or the years established by Vikramaditya,' is furnished by-23, the Patan grant of Bhima II. of the Chaulukya dynasty," (11. 17-20) Srimad-Vikramadity-otpadita-samvatsara-sateshu dvadasasu shalt-) pa (-pa) nichasad-uttareshu Bhadrapada-mdsa- krishna-paksh amavlisyayurn Bho(bhau)mavare str=unkato=pi sashuat 1256 laro Bhadrapada va di 15 Bhuume Sayain sanvatsara-masa-paksha-vara-purvvikedy dni tithau. It occurs in precisely the same way in the Kadi grants of the same king, of VikramaSamvat 1263, 1283, 1287, 1288, and 1295; 81 and, with the slight difference of using Vikra. ma-saivat in the place of sanoat and omitting the words asyari &c., in-24, the last Kadi grant of the same king, " (11. 19-21) Srimat(d-) Vi(-vi)kramadity - Otpadita - sariwatsara - sateshu dvddasasu what(-) nal-na)vaty-uttareshu Marggamasiyd-krishna-chaturddasyan Ravivare s tr s * ankato s pi Vikrama-sarvat 1296 varshe Margga va di 14 Ravau. And it also occurs in -25, the Kadi grant of Tribhuvanapala of the same dynasty," (11.14-17) Srimad-Vikramadityotpddita-samvatsara-sateshu dvadasasu navanavaty-uttare shu Chaitramusiya-sukla-pakshashashthyanh Somavare str sunkata spisahvat 1299 varshe Chaitra su di 6 Some soyan san. vatsara-masa-paksha-vara-purvvikuyan. Sanz lauo Pha[zaguna(na)masiya-amavdbya (sya)yan sanjata-suryagrahana-parvvani sannkalpitat tithau. An abbreviation of the preceding expression, diz. 15 Archeol. Suru. of India, Vol. X. p. 101, and Plate XXXIH. No. 2. The date is equivalent to Thursday, the 10th September, 862. 10 Ind. Ant. Vol. VI. pp. 191 ff. - Archaeol. Surv. of India, Vol. X. p. 103, and Plate XXXIII. No. 3; re-edited by Dr. Hultzsch in the Ind. Ant. Vol. XI. pp. 311 f. 15 Archaeol. Suru. of India, Vol. III. p. 125, and Plate XXXVIII. No. 18. 1. Ind. Ant. Vol. XI. pp. 337 ff. 30 d. Vol. XI. pp. 220 ff. * Id. Vol. XI. pp. 106 ff. ** Not yet published. 33 Not yet published. 3. This Visarga is a mistake. 36 Ind. Ant. Vol. VI. pp. 210 ff. 36 Id. Vol. XI. pp. 71 #. 31. Id. Vol. VI. pp. 194, 199, 201, 203, and 205. 38 Id. Vol. VI. pp. 206 ff. 3. In the original, this second Avagraha stands after the syllable am. 40 Ind. Ant. Vol. VI. pp. 208 ff. In the original, this second avagraha stands after the syllable ath.

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NOVEMBER, 1883.) THE OLD PALACE OF CHANDRAGIRI. 295 - Vikramaditya-Saivat or of the years of Vikramaditya,' is furnished by-26, a Gaya inscription" (1.1) Vikra. maditya nripateh sasivat 1257 ) Jye(jyai). shtha va di 15(?) Ravau. Finally, the last technical expression, via. Vaikrama-Saka or the era belonging to Vikrama,' is furnished by-27, the Nepal inscription of Lalitatri- purasundaridevi," Veda-sapta-gaj-endu-mite 1874 Vaikrame take Sachi-sukla-naramydin Som-anvitayasir. A little further on, the inscription uses the simple word Saka,--tasminneva sake Bhadra-krishna-navamyam Sukle (kre) bilapravesain vidhaya bana-svara-naga-bhu-mit& 1875 sake Magha-masi trittyayarn Gurau &c. ;but it seems to be used in the sense of year,' rather than of 'era ;' and, at any rate, it can hardly be taken as furnishing a technical name for the era of Vikrama or Vikramaditya. THE OLD PALACE OF CHANDRAGIRI. BY R. F. CHISHOLM, F.R.I.B.A., GOVERNMENT ARCHITECT, MADRAS. Chandragiri, in the Madras Presidency, domes. Each floor is projected 6 or 7 feet in the Collectorate of Chittur or North beyond the face of the external row of piers, the Arkat, is situated 30 miles N.N.E. from projecting portion resting on strong stone Chittar, and is the head-quarters of a taluqa of corbels. the same name. It will be seen from the plan, that the rooms The town of this name is some distance from are all small. The largest which, no doubt, the building which forms the subject of this served as a Darbar Hall, is only 21 ft. square. article. The old Palace and the Zenana buildings This apartment rises through two storeys, the now stand amid cultivated lands; the fort on the upper tier of arches forming a kind of clerestorey, adjoining hill and the remains of gateways and conveying a lesson on light and ventilation, other ruins which lie about are the only other in which might be advantageously studied by dications of former greatness. Chandragiri greater architeots than those old builders possesses peculiar interest to the British, for here professed themselves to be. resided the Raja who gave us the first foothold in As usual in Eastern domestic art, the buildIndia by granting to the representatives of the | ing, as it stands, is a perfect puzzle. There are ing, as it standa, is a perfect. East India Company the Sanad which permitted two different kinds of work, executed apparently them to erect Fort St. George at Madras. at two different periods, the earlier being stone, The date of this Sanad was 1639 and the Raja and the later brick. It is not necessary, who granted it Sri Ranga Raya, the last re- however, to place these periods at a wide inpresentative of the Vijayanagar dynasty. He terval, as both kinds of work may have been was himself subdued by the Muhammadan king executed contemporaneously. In nearly all the of Golkonda in 1645, only six years after this temples and other structures in Southern India, event. brick is always used in the upper parte, and The main building (shown in the accompany generally in those places where the strains and ing illustrations) is about 150 ft. long, presenting loads are insignificant. Most of the civil builda well-balanced facade of three storeys sur- ings in the south have rough stone piers, mounted by tarrets in the form of gopuras, wooden corbels, and brick arches. Wooden which break the sky-line pleasingly. With the corbelling was resorted to when the octagonal exception of the angles (of comparatively solid form had to be worked out from the square in a construction) each floor consists of a pillared limited vertical space; only one kind of hard hall, the piers are arched across both ways, wood was used, - a wood which neither rots nor corbelled at the angles, and closed with flat expands. The exterior was invariably covered Archaeol. Surv. of India, Vol. III. p. 127, and Plate XXXVIII, No. 22. - Ind. Ant. Vol IX. pp. 193 f. After the battle of TAlikota in 1565, their repre. sentatives made Pennakonda, in Anantapur district, their capital, and it continued so until 1592 A.D. when Venkatapati Raya retired to Chandragiri.

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296 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. with coir rope to form a key for the plaster. Work executed in this manner appears to be as durable as lath and plaster, if not more so. The removal of this timber corbelling seldor affects stability. [NOVEMBER, 1883. At Madura I accidently knocked a piece of plaster off a tall cornice figure, and by this means discovered about an inch below the surface an older and better-proportioned figure, and in another place, beneath a particularly coarse and uneven pier, I found (also about an inch below the surface) a better finished pier; the latter was bound with coir rope to key the new plaster. This rope was sound and strong, and could not possibly, I think, be more than 50 years old. Now all historians agree that the Madura Palace was abandohed after the Court removed to Tiruchinapalli. It appears to me, therefore, not unreasonable to conclude that the old servants of the East India Company, with characteristic love of India and everything Indian, instituted these innovations, making use of local labour only, which would account for the coarse finish. On the north or rear face of the palace in question the walls, pierced by the arches which have crossed work, are built with brick entirely. Again on the south side, the arches are not pointed but segmental, rising from a succession of corbels. It is noticeable also that while all the lower arches are stilted on bands rising from corbels, the upper piers have no preparation for the arch,-the salient angles changing suddenly to hollow angles in a particularly bald and disagreeable manner. Further, the older vaults, particularly those in the lower story, appear to be worked in stone from stone corbels, while the upper vaults are of brick; and lastly, with one exception noted further on, not a particle of ornament of any kind exists above the basement! These facts would lead to the conclusion that the building was never finished at all, but such a conjecture is contradicted by the fact that the lower and presumably meaner apartments were finished to the intrados of the arches with clean-cut plaster mouldings, griffin brackets and coffered ceilings, while in the floor of State, where a superior finish would be expected, we find on one or two arches only a coarse imitation of the lower work, and higher still on the third storey is a coarse piece of cornice work worthy of the later Golkonda tombs. There is nothing beyond these miserable attempts at ornament above the lower storey. It is a curious fact that many of the remains of civil buildings in the south of India present similar characteristics. In the old Palace of Tirumal Nayyak at Madura, in the ladies' bath at Hampi, in the Zenana tower at Jinji, and here in the Chandragiri Palace, well conceived and carefully executed designs are marred by the coarsest of plaster finishing, and frequently, as in the present case, the better finished parts are found in what should be inferior positions. May it not be that the walls of the superior apartments were covered with a surface of intrinsic value, such as tiles, mosaics, tapestry, &c., since removed, and if so, what good genius adorned their nakedness with the present coarse plaster work? It is difficult at the present time to form any conception of the finished exterior of the buildding. The bold projections beyond the face of the arches, supported by massive corbels, probably carried a network of Hindu cusped openings tier upon tier, not unlike the rude imitation seen in the central compartment of the south elevation. This network would hide the larger pointed arches, and completely alter the character of the work. The central screen cannot, I think, be accepted as original work, although it is undoubtedly cotemporaneous with some of the coarse work executed on the later parts of the building, and in the absence of anything better it might be accepted as the kind of work which extended over the whole of the face of the building. The present condition as regards stability is highly satisfactory. There is no structural weakness, the few pieces of exposed wood used to corbel out the octagonal pendents will rot and fall without damaging the more durable parts, and the wear and tear for some years will be confined to the crumbling of the brick and mortar projections, and possibly to the fall of a brick column or two in the outer projecting works. The accompanying four plates of illustrations were drawn by Mr. Lewis, my assistant, at the expense of the Government of Madras, who have directed me to prepare plans for renovating the structure.

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NOVEMBER, 1883.] CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. BY HENRY H. HOWORTH, F.S.A. (Continued from p. 288.) XXIII. The campaigns of Chinghiz Khan in China affected very largely the fortunes of himself and his people, and consequently the history of the world. A man of the highest vigour and genius, taken from the unsophisticated steppes of Asia and brought into immediate contact with the oldest, and at that time the most intricate, civilization in the world, he naturally had his horizon very much enlarged, and his views of policy very much altered; and this not merely in the more obvious fields of military and political life, but in more intimate and deepseated respects. I now propose to consider one or two of these, and first in regard to religion. China has virtually three religionsConfucianism, if that may be called a religion: which is really a system of philosophy; Taouism, and Buddhism. With Confucianism Chinghiz Khan could hardly be expected to have much sympathy, nor do we hear of any relations he had with the professors of the sect. It is very different with the other two religions. First, in regard to Taouism. In the Ch'e-keng-lu, a work written at the end of the Yuan dynasty, chapter 10, we have an article entitled K'iu-chen-jen. K'iu is the family name of the famous Taouist sage, Ch'ang Ch'un; and Chen-jen means the man of the truth, i.e. the Taouist. Ch'ang Ch'un was born in 1148, in Si-Hia, a city in the Department of Teng-chau-fu in Shan-tung. Ch'ang Ch'un, as is well known, paid Chinghiz Khan a visit, and his journey is described in the Si-yu-ki which has been so admirably annotated by Palladius and Dr. Bretschneider. In the article on him above cited, we have recorded a very curious and interesting correspondence between Chinghiz Khan and Ch'ang Ch'un. This correspondence has been translated into Russian, and published by Palladius as an appendix to the Si-yu-ki in the 4th volume of the Records of the Pekin Ecclesiastical Mission, 1866. Dr. Bretschneider has re-translated two of the letters, and published them with annotations in his Notes on Chinese Medieval Travellers to the West, pp. 120-122. As the subject is one of the highest interest, I have had the third letter translated, and now publish the correspondence. The first two letters, with the notes, are taken entirely from the text of may distinguished correspondent, Dr. Bretschneider. He says, by way of preliminary introduction, "Chinghiz, in his simplicity professes such sound principles for governing people, and his words express such deep verities, that they would be valid even in our days, and for our countries. On the other side, Ch'ang Ch'un inspires sympathy by his modesty, candour and sincerity. He seems to have been endowed with high intelligence, knowing well his time and human nature. This was the reason that Chinghiz, who was about to include northern China in 'his empire, laid such stress upon his advice. But there was yet another reason for which he was impatient to make the sage's acquaintance. According to Palladius,' Ch'ang Ch'un belonged to the northern Taonist school, to the sect of the Kin-lien, or 'golden lotus,' the professors of which called themselves Ts'uan-chen, or the 'perfect true,' and sainted men. They were all adepts in spiritual alchemy, i.e., they looked in the spiritual world for the t'an, or philosopher's stone, the secret of immortality, &c., which mysteries had been vainly searched after for centuries by material alchemists. One of the first questions Chinghiz addressed to Ch'ang Ch'un at his first audience was: 'Have you a medicine of immortality?' There is a tradition, that the conqueror, in his veneration for the sage, went so far as to propose to him his daughter in marriage, and that the latter escaped from this imperial honour only by performing a surgical operation on his body. It is a curious fact that Chinghiz Khan and Ch'ang Ch'un died in the same year and in the same month, i.e., in the 7th month of 1227. With reference to Chinghiz Khan's letter to Ch'ang Ch'un, I need not mention," says Dr. Bretschneider, "that it was not written by himself; he could not write in any language. Probably the ideas of the conqueror were taken down by a Chinese in his suite; 1 Loc. cit., p. 297 262.

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298 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [NOVEMBER, 1883. very likely by Ye-lu C'hu-ta'ai. The letters could not find worthy men to occupy the places are written in a classical Chinese style." of the three (kung) and the nine (k'ing)." The correspondence begins as follows with a With respect to these circumstances I inquired letter from Chinghiz and heard, that thou, master, hast pene"Heaven has abandoned China owing to itstrated the truth, and that thou walkest the haughtiness and extravagant luxury. But I, path of right. Deeply learned and much exliving in the northern wilderness, have not perienced, thou hast much explored the laws. inordinate passions. I like simplicity and Thy sanetity is become manifest. Thou hast purity of manners. I hate luxury, and exercise conserved the rigorous rules of the ancient moderation. I have only one coat and one sages. Thou art endowed with tho eminent food. I eat the same and am dressed in the talents of celebrated men. For a long time same tatters as my humble herdsmen.' I thou hast lived in the caverns of rocks and consider the people my children, and take an retired from the world; but to thee the people interest in talented men as if they were my who have acquired sanctity repair, like clouds brothers. We always agree in our principles, on the path of the immortals, in innumerable and we are always united by mutual affection. multitudes. I knew that after the war thou At military exercises I am always in the front, hadst continued to live in Shan-tung at the same and in time of battle am never behind. In the place, and I was always thinking of thee. space of ten years I have succeeded in accom- I know the stories of the returning from the plishing a great work, and united the whole river Wei in the same cart, and of the invitaworld in one empire. I have not myself tions in the reed hut three times repeated. distinguished qualities, but the government of But what shall I do? We are separated by the Kin is inconstant, and therefore Heaven mountains and plains of great extent, and I assiste me to obtain the throne of the Kin). cannot meet thee. I can only descend from my The Sung, to the south, the Hui-ho to the throne, and stand by thy side. I have fasted north, the Hia to the east, and the barbarians and washed." to the west, altogether have acknowledged my "I have ordered my adjutant, Liu Chung-luo supremacy. It seems to me that since the to prepare an escort and a simple cart for thee. remote time of our Shan-yu, a vast empire Do not be afraid of the thousand li. I implore has not been seen. But as my calling is high, theo to move thy sainted steps. Do not think of the obligations incumbent on me are also the extent of the sandy desert. Commiserate the heavy; and, I fear, that in my ruling there people in the present situation of affairs, or have may be something wanting. To cross a river pity upon me and communicate to me the means we make boats and rudders. Likewise we of preserving life. I shall serve thee myself; I invite sage men, and choose out assistants for hope that at least thou wilt leave me a trifle keeping the empire in good order. Since the of thy wisdom (literally spit out a little). Say time I came to the throne I have always only one word to me, and I shall be happy. In taken to heart the ruling of my people;- but I this letter I have briefly expressed my thoughts, * Palladius states that the gown of Chinghiz Khan, wisdom had reached. He was found (A.D. 207) inhabit. made of simple stuff, was kept as & relic by his succes- ing & reed hut, and was with difficulty persuaded to sors, the Mongol emperors of China. abandon his hermit's life. - There is some confusion in the position assigned to Chinghiz here proposes that he should descend from these nations. the throne, and that Ch'ang Ch'un should take his * The Shan-yu were the ancient chiefs of the Hiong. place. she. The use of the phrase, "our Shan-yu," shows that # A Chinese phrase of politeness, meaning that the host Chinghiz claimed the latter as his ancestors. has worthily prepared himself to receive the guest. The The Ean-kung and the Kiu-king are meant. Since phrase in its literal meaning "fast and wash" would the Chou dynasty, 1122-249 B.C., the three Kung were seem strange from the lips of Chinghiz. Rashidu'd-din the highest councillors of the empire, the nine K'ing reports that it was a rule amongst the Mongole never to occupied different parts of the administration. - wash or bathe themselves. The Musalmans in Mongolia, * This is an allusion to two examples from Chinese who sometimes infringed these rules were put to death. history, that sages had been invited by Emperors to It seems that the Mongols of the present time follow occupy high charges. Wen-wang. the virtual founder conscientiously these practices of their ancestors. of the Chou dynasty, found an old man fishing in the . He was a deserter from the Kin who entered the river Wei, whose conversation proved so sage that the Mongol service when Chinghiz Khan entered China. prince begged him to enter his service as minister, and Chinghix valued him for his skill in making arrows. took him along with him in his cart. The other allusion Palladius. refers to Chu-ko-liang, who was sought out by Liu Pei, the 10 In ancient times the Emperors used to send a cart founder of the Shu-Han dynasty, whom his fame for for the sages when inviting them.-Palladins.

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NOVEMBER, 1883.) CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. 299 and hope that thou wilt understand them. I hope also, that thou, having penetrated the principles of the great 'lao, sympathisest with all that is right, and wilt not resist the wishes of the people. Given on the first day of the 5th month 1219." To this letter the sage replied as follows:- "K'iu-Ch'u-ki from Si-Hia-hien" devoted to the Tao, received lately from afar the most high decree. I must observe that all the people near the seashore (i. e. of Shan-tung, Ch'ang-Ch'un's native country) are without talent. I confess that in worldly matters I am dull, and have not succeeded in investigating the Tao, although I tried hard in every possible way. I have got old and am not yet dead. My repnte has spread over all kingdoms, but as to my sanctity I am not better than ordinary people; and when I look inwards I am deeply ashamed of myself. Who knows my hidden thoughts ? Before this I have had several invitations from the southern capital (i.e. Kai-feng-fu), and from the Sung, and have not gone. But now at the first call of the Dragon court" I am ready. Why? I have heard that the emperor has been gifted by Heaven with sach valonr and wisdom as has never been seen in ancient times or in our own days. Majestic splendour je accompanied by justice. The Chinese people, as well as the barbarians, have acknowledged the Emperor's supremacy. At first I was undecided whether I would hide myself in the mountain cr flee into the sea (to an island) but I dared not oppose the order. I decided to brave frost and snow, in order to be once presented to the Emperor. I heard at first that your Majesty's chariot was not farther than north of Huanchan and Fu-chau." But after arriving in Yen (Pekin), I was informed that it had moved far away, it was not known how many thousand li. Storm and dust never cease obscuring the heavens. I am old and infirm, and fear that I shall be unable to endure the pains of such a long journey, and that perhaps I cannot reach your Majesty ; and even should I reach (I would not be good for anything). Public affairs and affairs of war are not within my capacity. The doctrine of Tao teaches to restrain the passions, but that is a very difficult task. Considering these reasons I conferred with Liu-Chung-lu and asked him that I might wait in Yen (Pekin), or in Te-hing (now Paoan-chau) the return of your Majesty. But he would not agree to that, and thus I myself undertook to lay my case before the Emperor. I am anxious to satisfy the desire of your Majesty, and to brave frost and snow; wherefore I solicit the decision (whether I shall start or wait). We were four, who at the same time became ordained monks. Three have attained sanctity. Only I have undeservedly the repute of a sainted man. My appearance is parched, my body is weak. I am waiting for your Majesty's Order." "Written in the 3rd month of 1220." The third letter is addressed thus:"The Emperor Chinghiz to the Teacher Ch'u. "I read with pleasure your statement that, according to my commands. von have set out and I have taken into consideration all that you have written. In holiness you excel three learned men, your brilliant qualities are renowned in many countries. For this reason I sent an official with a tempting present, who travelled by post-horses to seek you near the ocean. The result was in accordance with my desire. Heaven did not set itself against man. Two Courts have several times invited you, but you did not go to them; but when my single envoy invited you but once, you resolved to leave your abode. Because I am favoured by heaven, you are coming to me. You did not refuse to brave wind and weather in the open air, and have determined to cross the sandy deserts. When your letter was presented to me, I need not say how glad and satisfied I was. Military and state affairs engross my attention, but not by my desire I must confess, but in the sense of the spirit Daude. Because of the insubordination of certain chiefs, I have threatened them severely; and abused them roundly. My army no sooner arrives than distant conntries become quiet and submit themselves. Whoever comes to me is on my side- and who ever leaves me is against me. I employ strength so that by some temporary labour I -whisk'ou gate (great wall). 180 li distant, where the present Kurtar balghastin stande, Fa-chan was the old name of Karabalghasun. * Really a piece of cloth. "A mero figure of speech. another name of the sage; Si-His-hien was his native place. Lang-ting, meaning the Mongol court, >> Ancient Han-chou according to the Ta-to'ing-ye-t'ung.

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300 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [NOVEMBER, 1883. "Siquidem eorum multi hermaphrodite sunt. Adeo foedi sunt, ut, quando aliquid ex magica eorum arte facere volunt quemcunque qui iis obviam fit, vi cogunt ut eos polluat." Abu'l-faraj continues, and says that "Chinghiz Khan, having heard that the Chinese possessed idols and sacrificing priests, sent envoys to summon some of these, promising to receive them honourably. When they arrived he ordered them to have a discussion with the Kams. When the priests had spoken and read out of their book called Num, the Kams were discomfited, for they were of small understanding, and thenceforward the reputation of the sacrificing priests (ie, of the more enlightened Buddhists of China) among the Mongols increased. They were ordered to make some images and statues such as they made at home, and also to offer sacrifices and offerings as they were accustomed. Although they greatly honoured the priests, the Mongols did not despise the Kams. Both of them were tolerated; one did not abuse the other," says our author, "as is the custom among people who have sacred writings and prophets, among whom it is customary for each person to indulge in insults, to abuse his neighbour and call him an infidel." He also tells us how "in the book Num, just mentioned, besides profane sentences similar to those recorded by Saint Gregory, were laws of great excellence, ex. gr. violence and wrong-doing were forbidden, evil was not to be returned for evil but good. The smallest animal was not to be killed by man, not even bees and flies. Like Plato, they believed in the transmigration of souls, and that the spirits of good and upright men migrated after death into the bodies of kings and grandees, while those of evil-doers passed into the bodies of criminals, who duly suffered torture and were killed. The latter also passed into the bodies of animals. When some one took flesh for the priests to eat, they inquired if the animal had been killed purposely for them or had been bought in the market place; if the former, they would not eat it." This is surely a very fair and generous notice of Baddhism for an ecclesiastic of the 13th century to have recorded. In addition to the influence exercised by the Chinese upon the religious opinions of the higher Mongols, they had a very potent in may receive a continuous peace, and intend to cease as soon as people's hearts are well disposed towards me. With this end in view, I parade a martial greatness and live amidst chariots and warriors. Again, I fancy I see your closed chariot moving from Pin-li-ya and that you direct your way on a stork towards India. Da-mul came to the East in order to impress the spirit of learning with the truth of tradition. Lao-tsi travelled to the West in order to enlighten the barbarians and to raise them to a state of grace. Although the deserts are wide it is not too far for me to see your table and your staff, for this reason I reply that you may know my sentiments. I hope you will be happy and well during your journey. I will not enlarge." The result of this correspondence was that Ch'ang Ch'un paid Chinghiz Khan a visit, which we shall describe later on. These letters will suffice to show the impression which must have been created upon Chinghiz Khan's mind by the mystical faith which has survived so much persecution and ridicule in China, namely, Taouism. We will now shortly consider his connection with Buddhism. This he was first brought more immediately into contact with in consequence of the Uighurs, who were so intimately connected with his people, having been Baddhists. Their Buddhism was of very old date, and was doubtless the same as that professed by the Red or Unreformed Buddhists of Tibet, who have been so put in the shade by the Yellow or Reformed Buddhists, followers of the Dalai Lama. These Red Buddhists were much contaminated with necromancy and apparently also with immoral practices. Abu'l-faraj has preserved a curious notice which has apparently not been quoted, in reference to Chinghiz Khan's intercourse with them, and with the more respectable Chinese Buddhists. He tells us that when the Mongols conquered the Uighurian Turks, they found among them certain necromancers called Kams. We have heard from many,' he says, 'who reported that they (the Kams) had heard the voices of demons speaking with them through the light-holes in the tent; but these manifestations, they declared, only took place when they allowed themselves to be polluted by other men.' 16 Bar Hebraeus, Chron. Syr. pp. 451 and 452.

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NOVEMBER, 1883.) CHINGHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS. 801 fluence also in moulding that magnificent the biography of Chen-hai in the Yuan-shi, was force which swept over half the civilized world established by Chinghis Khan as a military with such rapidity and success. It seems settlement, Chen-hai being its governor and incredible how a body of mere shepherds, ruler; there were also three hundred families however brave and disciplined, should have there from Pien-king, the modern Kai-feng-fu engaged in elaborate siege operations and in Ho-nan, engaged in making woollen cloths." elaborated a scientific strategy which is the | The mention of these Chinese officers in wonder of our time, and it is only explained Chinghiz Khan's service reminds us that one of when we remember that Chinghiz induced & the most puzzling things in the strategy of the large number of educated and skilled warriors Mongols is to realize the apparent certainty and from China to join his forces. Northern China, knowledge with which they marched through as we have seen, had only been conquered by the most difficult countries with great rapidity at a Kin dynasty a comparatively short time, and time when surveys were of the rudest kind, while the partizans of the former dynasty, the Liau, the Mongols themselves were entire strangers were not only willing but anxious to help one in every way in the countries they traversed. who was likely to give their mortal foes such It is quite clear that a much more elaborate heavy blows. The Khitans, who had old tradi system of espionage and a much better tions of culture, became his eager allies. In organized intelligence department existed in addition the Kin empire was itself, as we have their armies than we have hitherto dreamt seen, the prey of intestine feuds, and there of. A passage of Sherifu'd-din, referring to were not wanting many experienced Kin officers Timur's campaigns against the so-called Jets of who joined the vigorous Mongol chief. We Mongolistan, is suggestive enough in this view read in the Yuan-shi-lei-pen that when Chin- to tempt me to quote it. When he had deterghiz Khan set out on his western com- mined upon his campaign Timur held a grand paign, many Tartar princes and grandees were council with the princes his sons and the other selected to accompany him, and he also had grandees of the empire; and it was resolved with him several Chinese generals. He also that the army should be divided into several organized several companies of soldiers whose sections, each one of which was to advance by duty it was to assail besieged towns with a separate route, that the country of the Jets stones (i.e., no doubt he got together from should be surrounded, and that they should be China a body of men skilled in using the mercilessly pursued wherever they retired. mangonels and other primitive artillery of "To carry out this plan there were summoned to those days). These quasi-artillerymen, we are the council those who knew the roads and who told, were commanded by a Mongol named could act as guides. They made their reports in Yenmuhay and by Suktalabay who had lived regard to the various passes and routes in the at Yenking, but was a stranger by origin." district to be invaded, and in accordance with this The number of Chinamen and others frowa information memoirs were drawn up, copies of the far East who thus accompanied Chinghiz which were distributed to the princes and the must have have very considerable, and some of generals of the army ; lastly a guide was selected them were apparently planted in military settle to lead each division, and the route he was to ments, for when Ch'ang Ch'un, in his journey follow was marked out for him, while the general to see Chinghiz Khan in 1221, approached & rendesvors was fixed at Yulduz." town which his biographer calls T'ien-chen-hai- When Chinghiz withdrew from China, he left ba-la-ho-gun, and which Bretschneider places Mu-khu-li as his vicegerent there, with orders somewhere near Uliassutai, there came out to prosecute the campaign. We will return to to meet him a number of Chinamen, artisans him presently, and meanwhile consider what and workmen who lived there. There were also was taking place elsewhere. I must repeat that two concubines of the late Kin emperor and a we are not at all certain of the exact chronology Chinese princess. This colony, we learn from of the events. Thus we read of a campaign 11 Gaubil, p. 34. 1 Bretschneider, Noter on Med. Travellers to the West, Sherifu'd-din, by De la Croix vol. II, pp. 44 and 45.

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302 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [NOVEMBER, 1883. against the Tumats, but we do not know whether it took place before or after Chinghiz Khan's withdrawal from China. Probably it was before. Who these Tumats were is not easy to decide. The Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi calls them the Kholi or Khori Tumat. Rashidu'ddin speaks of them as living near Burghurjin Tuguna and among the Kirghises, and says they were a powerful tribe.90 One of the five sections of the Kerait or Kirais was called Tumait or Tumat, and if the Kirais of Wang Khan were, as some Russian inquirers believe, the ancestors of the Kirais, who still form an important section of the Kirghises, this world support the view that they were of Kirghiz race. On the other hand, the Kalmuks have a legend that one of the four original sections of their race (the Durben Uirad or four Virads), was called Tammut. They do not know what has become of the Tummut, but believe that they still live somewhere in further or Eastern Asia, and say they were separated from the other Uirada by the spirit"-Shara Shuliua, who frequently leads astray wandering tribes. Pallas, who quotes the tradition, suggests that the wellknown tribe of the Tumeds among the Mongols of the Forty-nine Banners may possibly be the Tummut of the Kalmuk tradition. I am disposed to consider the Tumats as originally & section of the Kalmuks, more especially as Rashidu'd-din in his article on the Hushins calls them the Mongol race of the Tumats." The word truned or tumat is the plural of tuman, meaning 10,000, but, in the cases above named, is clearly a proper name, and not a mere appellative. To revert to our story. According to the Huang Yuan and Rashidu'd-din, the Tumats had submitted, but after a while, profiting by Chinghiz Khan's absence, they broke out into revolt under their chief called Dulaskhoi, by the former authority, and Tatulah Sakhar by the latter. The Huang Yuan says Chinghiz sent Bolokhun Nayan and Duluto against them, and the former died there." Rashidu'd-din says that the Baim Buyan was first sent against them, but as he excused himself on the ground of illness, Chinghiz ordered Bugharul to march against them with a division. When he received the order he asked the minister if 90 Erdmann, Temudachin, p. 190. * i. e. the ignis fatuus. Pallas says the Irrgeist. * Saml. Hist. Nach.; etc., vol. I, p. 7. 1 Erdmann, p. 209. he had suggested his name to Chinghiz, or whether it was the latter's own choice, and on hearing that it was, he said I will obey his command, and spill my blood in the work. Having commended his wife and children to the care of the Khakan, he set out and speedily subdued the Tumat, but he lost his life in the struggle." The Yuan-ch'ao-pi-shi gives us some interesting details of the campaign. When Bugharul, whom it calls Boroul, set out, the Tumat ruler Daidulul was already dead, and his widow Botokhuitarkhun had control of matters. The Mongol general having set ont ahead of his army with only three men, the Tumats surrounded him, cut off his retreat and killed him. Chinghiz, hearing of this, was very angry, and wished to march against them himself, but Boorcha or Bughurjin and Mu-khu-li persuaded him not to do so, and he accordingly sent Dorbodokhshin with an army against them; he made a feint to approach the place where Boroul had been killed, but actually advanced through the district Khulaanbukha along a narrow path which had been trodden by animals, and for fear his soldiers might be afraid to traverse such a road, he distributed 10 rods to each man with orders to beat those who would not advance. The soldiers also provided themselves with axes, saws and chisels with which to hew down the trees obstructing the path. Having at length reached the crest of a ridge, they looked down upon the Tumats "like looking down the smoke-hole of a tent." They fell on them while they were feasting, and conquered them. The victors released two Mongol chiefs, namely Khorchi and Khudukhabeki who had been imprisoned by the Tamate. The former, as we saw in a previous paper, had as a reward for some service requested permission from Chinghiz to select 30 beautiful girls as his wives, and having learnt that the maidens among the Tumats were beautiful, he determined to secure thirty of them. The Tumats objected and seized him. When Chinghiz heard of this, he sent Khudukhabeki, who was well acquainted with the forest peoples, to secure his release, but he also was seized. When the Tumats were subdued, Chinghiz gave Boroul" a hundred Tumat families; to Khorchi * Op. cit. * Erdmann, op. cit., p. 353. >> 1. mave to the family of Boronl, whom Rashid say he took under his special protection.

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NOVEMBER, 1883.] SOME NOTES ABOUT RAJA RASALO. 303 thirty Tumat maidens, while Botokhuitarkhun u'd-din tells us he belonged to the tribe Hushin. the widow of the Tumat ruler, was made over He at first filled the post of bukaul or head of to Khuduk habeki. We do not again read of the the kitchen in his establishment, and that of Tumats, and I am disposed to think they were baverji, i. e. chief marshal of the court. He incorporated with the Mongols and became the then joined the vanguard of archers, then ancestors of the modern Tameds of the Forty- became its commander, then head of a tuman, nine Banners. and eventually second in command of the right In regard to Bugharul, who was one of wing under Boorchi. Erdmann, says Boorchi, Chinghiz Khan's most trusted officers, Rashid. I whom he calls Bughurjin, was under him." SOME NOTES ABOUT RAJA RASALU. BY CAPT. R. C. TEMPLE, B.S.C., F.R.G.S., M.R.A.S., &c. At vol. XI, pp. 346-349 ante, I gave a tale wise hard to solve, but he rarely gives specimens about Raja Rasulu, the great Skythian hero of of his originals, and when he does give any, they Panjab legendary lore. Subsequently General are very faulty philologically, nor was he always (Major) Abbott's paper on this hero in the fortunate in catching the sounds of his words. J. A. 8. Reng. for 1854, pp. 123-163, was brought Thus he calls our old friend Salivahana (whose to my notice. The paper is entitled, "On the Panjabi names are Salhahan, Salbahan, SaliBallads and Legends of the Panjab: Rifacimento bahan or Sahilwan), Sahl Byne and Sala Byne. of the Legend of Russaloo," and consists of a He does, however, to ase his own words (pp. longish poem in English heroics, with notes on 159-161), give one legend, "precisely as he took the legends the author had collected. General it from the lips of a minstrel when shut in by Abbott's tales were gathered apparently in what the snow in a rickety and dark bastion of one are now known as the Marhi (Murree) Hills, of the rude castles of the Dhoond (Malrhi) and therefore his poem represents the same mountains." This tale happens to be the same vernacular version of the legends as do the MSS. as that I gave previously in this Journal, and in given me by Mr. Delmerick, and referred to in order to make my remarks on it as clear as vol. XI, page 347 ante. There are, I find, several possible i think it best to transcribe it here versions in the Panjab of the Rasalu legends, exactly as he tells it in his old-fashioned way of both in Hindi and Panjabi, and the use of General spelling the oriental words. Quoting him then Abbott's for the present purpose is that it can word for, word, he relates this tale as follows: be closely compared with that previously alluded "Recitation. to by myself. In many respecte General "Rajah Russaloo, son of Rajah Sala Byne, Abbott's version is much fuller than mine, was sleeping in his tent in the castle of Sialkot, especially as to the names of the places and when the Panj Peer' appeared to him in a actors in the tales, and his great local knowledge vision, and said :has enabled him to clear up many difficulties "Go thou and slay the Rakuss.' of topography, which would have been other- "So the Rajah went to Ooda Nugr, and, " op. cit. pp. 132 and 138. saintly orders-vis. 'Ali and his successors in saintship, * D'Ohsson, vol. I, p. 157 note. Erdmann, op. cit. p. 209. Khwaja Hasan Basri, Khwaja Habib 'Azimi, 'Abdu'l1 The Dhunds are a tribe of converted Musalmans wahid Kaft. See Herklot's Qanoon-e-Islam, Madras Ed., living about the Majhi Hills in the R&wal Pindi and 1863, page 190. Hazard Districts. See Calcutta Review, vol. LXXV, 3 Rikhas : fem., Rakhasnt and Rakhi, are the modern pp. 272-274; Wace, Hasard Settlement Report, 1876, pp. forms of Rakahasa and Rakshasf. They were evidently 58-59; Cracroft, Riwal Pinde Settlement Report, 1875, Arace antagonistic to the heroes of Panjabi legends, and SS 218, 220, 226, 342-346. perhaps in translations had best be called " giants" and * No doubt originally the Panj Per, or five saints, were a giantesses." See Abbott's account, page 150 and ante, the five holy persons, Muhammad, Ali, F&tima, Hasan vol. XI, p. 348. and Husain, but in modern Indian times they mean. * Adinagari, Hodinagari, 'Ohdenagari : ante, vol. XI, p. any five saints of fame known to the bard who is singing. 349, note 26, I have suggested Ohind opposite Atak on the In this case according to Abbott they are-(1), Bahau'l. Indus as its rite. Abbott more than once says it is old haqq (he calls him Bhawulnug) of Multan; (2), ShAh Baga- Lahor, but that seems impossible. At p. 118 he says 1. Alam Hazrat of Lakhnau; (3), Shah Shams Tabriz of there is a site called udinagar on the right (west) bank Multan; (4), Makhdum JahAnia Jahangacht of Multan; of the river below Jhelam, where there are remains of a (5). Baba Shekh Faridu'd-din Shakar Ganj of Pakpattan. largish town with ooins exclusively Hindd. The Bar or This may have arisen from a confusion with the Char forest in this tale being placed west of it; would seem to Per, from whom are supposed to be descended the modern fix that as the site, at any rate, for these legende.

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[NOVEMBER, 1883. brother they saw Russaloo with his naked sword, and fear fell upon them because of a prophecy which said that the son of Sal Byne should destroy them, and one of them said to Russaloo Kahan toomhari vutn hy, quon nugri shihr, graon? "Kis Rajah ka too bete ra, k'a toomhara nam ? To which Russaloo answers: Hus'rut Sialkot ma wutn, woohi nugri, shihr, graon, Sala Byn da my bete ra, Russaloo mera nam. "The answer causes great dismay, nevertheless one of the brothers advances to the combat, but is slain by one of Russaloo's fatal arrows, and another, Pehoon, is wounded, and flies to Gundgurh. Pugrputt also flies, but being hotly "She replies: Sut bete Raja Jee, my jahch, kye n'h keeta kahj, pursued utters a spell, and is instantly enclosed in solid rock. Aikulla beta rehguya, oosdi bari ahj. Neela ghorawallah shuksa, too moohndari sir pug Jereh zalum soohj deh aah! phirani uj. "Then on the morrow Russaloo departed in company with the old woman's only remaining son, who was mounted on a pony, and who drove a buffalo laden with bread. And they reached the Neel Rao River, and Russaloo stopped to bathe. And the sound of thunder was heard in the clear vault of heaven, and fell upon Russaloo and the child. And from the forest appeared a column of cloud stalking forward to the spot and lightnings and thunders proceeding from it. And it paused at the river-brink and an arm, huge as a palm-tree was stretched forth with its mighty hand to seize the youth. But Russaloo drew his sword and severed the hand from the arm. And the Rakuss uttered a dreadful roar and fled, and his brother and sister came to see what was the matter, and as they met their bleeding 304 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. alighted at the abode of an ancient woman. She was cooking bread, but the whole of her mohulla (ward) was desolate, and sometimes she wept, and sometimes she sang. And in that city the inhabitants sent daily a buffalo, loaded with bread and a human victim to the Rakuss as his rations, otherwise he would have destroyed the city. And the Rakuss dwelt in the Barrh, or wilderness, west of the city, and the Rajah addressed the woman thus:-(Chaunted to music). Oochcheh mundul mata marria do russ killah bazaar, Kye ra sub dur disn sukna kavur lisseh sunsar Natoo rooh my booddiah, hunjoo na dul karr, Jie rub rukh si tera betera my sir deh sa char: However, Raja Sirikap's fort is shown as being at Kot Bithaur, near Atak, overlooking the Indus, ante, vol. XI, p. 349, note 26, and also at Mangala, a fort overlooking the Jhelam at the point where it leaves the Himalayas : Abbott, pp. 130-151. So there is not much credit to be placed in the traditions. Bar means what we should call "foreet-land"; thickly wooded jangal, generally on riverain lands. Abbott has here an extraordinary footnote, "Bari is a peculiar word, denoting a lot of sheep or other animals for slaughter." Bari here and elsewhere means turn." "His turn is to-day," is the meaning of the passage. Bard, is a penfold; with dim. form bart, a fence. The Nilrao River is probably the Indus at Bigh Nilab, where it is very blue. My version makes these adventures all take place at the Nila City. See ante, vol. XI, p. 347, note 18. Lately I have had reason to elieve that Nila should be $ila. "And Russaloo saw in a dream that the Rakussnie Beera, was concealed in the forest, and he came upon her with a drawn sword and compelled her to teach him the spell by which Pugrputt, her brother, might be drawn from the rock. And Russaloo muttered the spell and thunders-pealed and Pugrputt came forth, and Russaloo slew him with an arrow. "And Beera said to Russaloo : "Behold, I am beautiful, make me thy wife." "And Russaloo consented, and, as they walked with infolding arms round the caldron of boiling oil, the Rakussnie who was very strong, tried to hurl Russaloo into the caldron but failed. And Russaloo hurled her in and cut off her head. "And he mounted and rode to Gundgurh, whither the first Rakuss had fled. And the Rakuss Tera burrowed in a cavern of Mount Pir Than.10 And when Russaloo found that he The names of the Rakshasas are all in modern Panjabi. Four males are mentioned and one female: viz., Chindia, Pagrpat, Pihan, and Tera, with their sister Bira (most likely Birin, as Abbott frequently drops the final nasal n). Chindia I take to be Chandia, the moon or glorious, Pagrpat means lord of the household (pagrt, literally, turban), thus, sau paghi da malik, master of a hundred households, is a common phrase to express a great man: Pihan means a quarreller: Tera, means crooked; biran lit., betel leaf, is a common name for beauty, the betel leaf being a conventional model of beauty. Abbott notes curiously (p. 150) that Terra is of Roman not Greek my thology, and could scarcely therefore have been transmitted to the Panjab! "A nuptial ceremony of those days," says Abbott. If so, it is well worth remarking. 10 Pirthan, Saint's Abode, is the highest point of the Gandgarh Hills, 4500 ft.

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NOVEMBER, 1883.] SOME NOTES ABOUT RAJA RASALU. 305 could not get him forth he hung his terrible Rakhasan. bow of steel" in the cavern's mouth. And Kahan tumhari watan hai ? kaun nagari shahr whenever the Rakuss would come forth the graon ? sight of this bow sends him back howling to his Kis Rdja la ta betra ? kya tumhard ndon ? retreat. And many who are living have heard Rasala. his voice and I amongst others. It is like Hazrat Sialkot mera watan; wahi nagari shahr distant thunder. But the last twenty years it graon: has almost if not wholly ceased." Salibahan da main betra; Rasulu mera ndon. "And many other acts were performed by Rasalu. Russaloo contained in other traditions and Lofty palaces, mother mine, on both sides songs, and the steed of Russaloo still stands fort and bazar; . caparisoned in a cavern at the summit of The people seem all absent; the world seems Mount Sirbonn,18 waiting for his master." i empty and blank! All the verses quoted by Abbott are hard toW eep not, ancient mother, drop no tears; follow, and are clearly very incorrectly recorded, If God will preserve thy boy, I will give my and as incorrectly translated. I will here head for him). write down those already quoted, giving the Old Woman. words as I believe them to be in reality after Seven sons, Sir King, I bore, none bave much consultation with Panjabis who ought married. to know what they should be. One only son remains; his turn is to-day. Rasulu. O man with the dark-grey horse, thou hasta Uchchhe mandal, Mata merie, do rukh khila beard on thy face, a turban on thy head: bazar; The evil fate I dreaded, alas! comes again Khere sabh dur dissan, sakhna kora disse to-day. sansar! Rakshasas. Na tu ro, Mai budhie, hanju na dhalka : Where is thy home? what thy town, city or Je Rabb rakhsi tera betrd," maini sir desan village ? cha. What king's son art thon? what is thy Budhia. name? Sat bete, Rajaji, main jache ;15 kai na kita Rasala. kaj: Holy Sialkot is my home; that my town, city Ikalla beta rah-gaya; us di beri aj. and village : Nilo-ghosewali shakhsa, ti munh dari, sir pag: I am SAlibaban's son: RasAld is my name. Jehre zalim sujh'' de, ah! phir ani ajj. General Abbott gives besides the above 1 Abbott, p. 155, gives good description of the reflected on to the plains as Gandgash's thunder. Gandforniation of the ordinary Panjabi bow. It is made of gash has not, however, spoken for many years (50 from three pieces of mulberry wood; one for centre or present date), and this Abbott ways can be secounted handle, and two for the horns or ends. These are joined for by the cataclysm of 1839 (see Cunningham, Ladak, by springs consisting of slips of buffalo horn, and the 1854, pp. 99-111), which has so cleared the sides of the Inwhole bound tightly together with gut, then covered dus gorge as to prevent large masses of rock again falling over with glue and varnished. They are wonderfully into it for many years. Cunningham's account of the elastic and strong considering the materials, and are cataclysm and its causes hardly bears out this theory. inoreover handy and light. 15 Sirbhan, one of the peaks of Gandgah. 13 Gandgarh, Naked Fort, is a remarkable mountain of black clay slate capped with blue limestone about Betyd, little son, dim. from beta. In Panjabt the 30 miles long, and is the last through which the Indus termination sd, and arare all diminutive. The followcuts its way from the Himalayas. It has always been ing saying clearly shows this,"wohti to nahi mill, par an unusually strong place, and resisted the efforts of wohtri Iya han, -I found no bride, but have brought Nadir Shah, and afterwards of Hari Singh N Alwa. The only a kind of bride," said by disappointed bridebellowing or roaring of the mountain has been an groom. My explanation of the r, J. 4. 8. B. vol. LL.established fact. It is described as being like distant p. 165 (w), is therefore incomplete. See Hoernle, Gaudian thunder, and is of course put down to Tere by the people. Grammar, p. 107, S 215, and pp. 123, 124, 257. Ham yun mentions it, calling the hill Garigach, Thunder w Jache: this is a new word to me, but is a legitimate ing Fort. Abbott (pp. 152, 153, 158, 159), thus accounts form in its obvious sense of "brought forth, if we for it. Gandgarh is the last mountain in the long deep admit it w . verb from the imported Persian word trough of the Indus, in parts of which sounds reverberato sachd or saja, a lying-in woman, to be found in Panjabt and multiply as in a speaking trumpet, and the last ss jachchan and in Hindt as jachd and jachchd in wave of sound being reflected from Gandgarh appears to Persian tachage is child-birth. people in the plains to come from the mountain itself. 10 Lit. the evil fate (adlim) of my sight. Ante; vol. XI, About 160 miles above Gandgarh the Indas clove ite p. 348, the translation of sujhanharf adjh gae, se "our way through gigantic cliffs, masses of which were always fate has come," is rather free : literally it is that which plunging into it, and creating waves of sound to be was to be seen has been seen."

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306 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [NOVEMBER, 1883. several other verses, and one of them is this, "as the opening of a legend : Sawun, Sawun, too kahoh, pee, kurunta pee; T'ainko Sawun k'a kurreh, jin ghur n'h byl n'h bee?" And he translates it :"Harvest, harvest, dost thou sing Popeeia," peeia pee? What, thou who hast nor ox nor seed, shall harvest do for thee ?" In modern form these verses run thus:"Sawan, Sawan," tu kaho, Pi karanta pi: Tain ko Sawan kya kare? jin ghar na bail na bi. And they could be translated in two ways; firstly :Sing Rain, rain," cuckoo, calling pi! What shall the rains do for theep in whose house is neither ox nor seed ? Secondly :Sing "Rain, Rain," my beloved, calling my beloved : What shall the rains do for thee? in whose house is neither ox nor seed ? Fallon, New Hind. Dict. 8. v. 0. papiha and piya gives a similar.verse playing on the senses of pi. Are, papaiyd baore! to he samjhave kaun ? Pi mero, main piu ki, ti pa pa kare so kaun? Out on thee, silly cuckoo ! who hath taught thee this? My beloved is mine and I am my beloved's: who is he thou art calling my beloved (pl)? Again, our author quotes a triplet from the sayings of one Pilu, a poet of those parts, whose verses are still in the minds of the peasants and bards according to him. "Peeloo churria Gundgurh, nuzr kurreh kulloh; Age bhuggeh Sind Rania, pichchh bhuggeh Hurroh. Chuch Bunnarr Sumundur ki, jo bheejeh so hoh, Peeloo climbed Gundgarh and stood gazing, Before hin rolled Queen Sind, behind him flowed Hurroh. Chuch Bunnarr like the ocean, whatever you Bow there will spring up." These I would write and translate thus - Pilt chashid Gandgarh, nazar kare khalo: Agge bagge Sindh Ranid, pichchhe bagge Haro. Chach band samundar si, jo bije so ho. Pilu climbed Gandgarh and stood gazing. Queen Sindh flowed before him, behind him flowed Haro. 20 The Chach appeared as the ocean, (where) what is sown springs up." Lastly, General Abbott, in remarking that the bards have a way of prefacing their recitations with long strings of aphorisms unconnected with their tales, makes the following quotation, the major part of which is misquoted, and very little correctly rendered. His words and translations are as follows: .Ulla dehwari. Uvl bdoti Pandoon, pheer booti Jusrut, "Mairi mairi kur gyee,"toor kisi nuggeh hut, Sumbhul ki, to buddia kia ? kooah jis ki mooshe nhvass. Gidr ko, to, sut nhuye, jis da nhlul, nh mahss. Puttr ko, to, pald kia? khoosre ko lour wass? Unde ko chanoon kia? toorreh deveh bullun panjahss, Moorool manoo admi hust mooeeka (wuh) mahss. Sussoo bahj nh sahoreh, huldi bahj nh mahss. Bahj subooneh, lhapra, trieh t'hohl n'h rahss. Uk n'h lourrieh dundna, sup n'h khyeh mahss. Narr n'h kurrieh lahdleh, nh hassoh kurreh bunahss. Jummeh si, to, sut guz, bur jo bun gus to chart, Piu, pootre, mojah lehguya do-no ail sh' narr. Kooloo koot'rr lehguya, chukki lehguya khan. Taili kati ninglia, chourasi hurff graon." With the preliminary remark that he cannot answer for more than the general accuracy of the translation because the bards themselves can never explain and frequently misquote to such an extent as to render themselves unintelligible," he translates as follows, but he 11 The paptha, the black and white crested cuckog, according to Fallon, 8. v., the sparrow-hawk, according to Bate, Hindi Dict., 8. v. The name being onomatopoetio, it might well stand for either. According to Abbott's remarks (p. 156) he means by it the golden oriolo (pllak). 15 Sawan is July-August, the wet month, when the crops most benefit by the rain : harvest, as Abbott has it, is in the following month, Bhadohi, Angust-September, during which every native prays for dry weather, me many a proverb and saying shows. 1 bana of, Panj., is band tha, Hindi: bocame, was * The Haro river is a foodor of the Indus running about 90 miles through the Hazard and Rawal Pindi Districts, and joining the Indus near Atak. Alluding to the flat and fertile appearance of the Chach Plain from Gandgash. It is the soene of the struggle between Mahmud of Ghasnt and Prithvi Raj. Every one who takes down verses direct from the bards finds this. Personally I have long given up stopping a bard to explain or correct a passage: to do so is simply to confuse him. The only thing to do is to let him go on in his own way, and try and piece together anintelligible passages as best one can afterwards. Strict attention to the literal sense and excluding secondary senses is the surout way to get at the real meaning, like..

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NOVEMBER, 1883.) SOME NOTES ABOUT RAJA RASALU. * 307 has sometimes completely misunderstood the sense. The last four verses are nonsense from any view as they stand, and natives explain them allegorically. * First were the Pandoos, after them the Jusrat." Each said "the world remains mine own." Yet none remains to either of you. What harm is there in arsenic, or in the well whose odour is rotten ? " Spare to beat the jackal, that hath nor hide nor flesh. What careth the rock for frost ? The eunuch for matrimony ? To the blind what profiteth the lamp, tho' you should light fifty. Man is an ignorant compound of hair and flesh," The mother-in-law without her son-in-law," meat without huldi, Clothes without soap, these three things are amiss. Bring not the swallow-wort to your teeth." Eat not the flesh of snakes. Weep not despondently, nor laugh over much." Born an infant of seven ells, would you grow into a man of four ? The father hath entered his son's boots, one measure serves for both. The dog hath run off with the sugar press, the Khan hath seized the millstone. The worm hath eaten the saddle of the village of 84 figures (in letters).81" These lines I would quote, and render thus:Alla de wari ! Awwal bufi Pandun pher buti Jasrath. "Meri, mert" kar gae, tor kisi na a gae hath. Sumbal ki to badili kya, kahiye jis ki na mushk na was ? Gidr ko to sat na hoiye, jis da na khal na mas. Patthar ko to pald kya ? khusre ko gharwas? Andhe ko chanun kya ? torin die ballan panjas? Murakh mano admi hast m de ku mas. Sassu bdjh na sauhre; halda bajh na mas; Bajh saban na kapra: tre thok na vas. Akk na karye dandna; sap na khaye mas ; Nar na karye ladli, na hason kare binds ! Jamme si to sath gaz, bhar joban gaz to char: Piu putre maujan legaya donor iksi nar. Kaulu kuttar legaya, chakki legaya kahan? Teli katti nigalia; chaurasi harf garan. God be praised! The first race was Pandu; the second race was Jasrath. Each claimed the earth) as his; in the end it came into no one's hand. What is the value of the cotton tree, in which men say, is nor smell nor scent ? Let not the jackal be killed, which has nor skin nor flesh (of any use). What is frost to a stone ? matrimony to a eunuch ? What is lamplight to the blind, even though you light fifty lamps P An ignorant man is like the (useless) flesh of a dead elephant. Let not the bride's home be without the bride's mother; let not flesh be without turmeric; Let not clothes be without soap; these three things are amiss. Use not the swallow-wort for a tooth-brush; eat not the flesh of snakes; (meha indica) or babal (klkar) tree (acacia arabica). * A carious mistranslation. Lit., make not thy wife & darling that she may not ruin thee by laughing. It expresses & universal sentiment among the Panjabi lower orders, and is a very widely known verse.' * I read this to translate," she was born indeed sixty yarde, at full youth (she was) indeed four yards: father and son both enjoyed the same wife." I take it to be one of those riddles natives are so fond of, with the answer, "chhdyd, shadow." The natives say the morning and evening shadow of a tree is sixty yards," sdth gas." 13 Abbott more than once notes curiously that the Pandu rule precedod the Jasrath in the Punjab. Panda Was of the Lunar race, and Jasrath is the modern form of Daratha, the father of Ramachandra of the Solar race. The bard probably refers vaguely to the two great races of Epic heroes. Chronologically if there be any real chronology in this matter-I fanoy Dasaraths must have been anterior to Panda. ** A complete mistranslation. Grammatically Abbott's kooah must stand for kahiye, they say, men say, on dit. At p. 131, footnote, Abbott mentions the sumbal or cotton-tree, which makes his misapprehension here all the more remarkable. The line is literally, "what in. deed is the value of the cotton-tree, of which, they say, is neither smell nor scent" * Lit., the flesh of a dead elephant (i.e. something absolutely useless) is like an ignorant man. * Lat., let not the bride's house be without the bride's mother. The Indian son-in-law looks chiefly to his wife's mother for affection of all her relatives. Abbott explains," alluding to the custom of treating the motherin-law with marked tenderness and affection, but this is incomplete. 91 Akkor ak is the asclepias gigantea or large swallowwort. It has an acrid and blistering milk. The aniversal Indian toothbrush is a twig of the nim troe 90 Lit., the words mean, "the little dog took away the small brass bowl, where has he taken the sweet-oake ?" but they appear to have no sense in the context. $1 Lit., the little she-baffalo swallowed up the oilmaker, the village of 84 letters. I fancy really this last couplet is of the riddle nature, the three last words being the answer chaurdust jand, the 84 (Lakhs of) lives is a common erpression for transmigration of souls. The oguplet in, however, from any view confused. The turning of the oil-maker into his buffalo would be a just retribution, the life of the latter being universally and justly uphold as the personification of hard and thank loss toil for another's benefit.

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308 . THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [NOVEMBER, 1883. Make not thy wife a darling, lest she destroy thee with dalliance. She (the shadow) was at birth sixty yards, at full youth four yards; Father and son both enjoyed the same wife. The dog has taken away the brass bowl, whither has he taken the sweet cake P The buffalo has swallowed the oil-maker; (this is the transmigration of souls. TRANSLATION OF TWO BRIEF BUDDHIST SUTRAS FROM THE TIBETAN." BY W. W. ROCKHILL. The two Satras, of which I offer the follow- ' by the constant repetition of one word; but ing translation from the Tibetan, serve to show, generally he teaches them to repeat a few lines in a certain measure, that Buddhist literature which contain that portion of the doctrine best is in reality a comparatively meagre one, if suited to their intelligence. Frequently the we take into consideration the immense collec- triviality of the simile struck their untatored tion devoted to it extant at the present time. minds, and in every case the verses were so I might have taken a hundred other Satras short that it required but little application to in the Tibetan Bkah-hgyur that would have commit them to memory. equally well served my purpose; but these are "He who, though he can only recite a few especially commendable, because they are short lines of the law), walks in the way of the law, It must have struck every one who has read and has forsaken passion, anger, and ignorance, any number of Baddhist works how the same he has a share in the priesthood" (Udanavarga, stereotyped phrases, the same similes, occur on iv, 23; Dhammapada, 20). every page, and that one Satra differs from It is these oft-repeated aphorisms that have another only by slight changes introduced into served as the basis of the greater part of the these stock phrases, and by a selection suited Sutras, which were set down in writing long to the text of the sermon. Take the Dham- after the death of the Buddha; and it is unmapada, the Sutta Nipata, or the Tibetan questionably a proof of the estimation in which Udanavarga, and you will find the substance they were held, to find them everywhere of nearly every Sutra in the canon; these repeated, or so slightly altered that we cannot works have probably been used as compendiums help detecting the source from which they are from which the long diffuse sutras like the taken. Lalita Vistara, or the Prajna Paramita, have For these reasons, I think that wherever we been derived; but turn to whichever work one see these aphorisms, we may take them as the will, one finds the same sentiments, the same utterances of the Buddha, with much greater old precepts of the Dhammapada and other probability than any other part of the works like works. we may have before us. The two following I do not claim that these works are in them. Sutras are therefore worth notice, for they are selves among the oldest of Buddhist literature; undoubtedly compilations. It is remarkable on the contrary, they cannot have been composed that, beside Stras like these, in which moral until after the Dharma had been taught for & virtues are so highly exalted, we find passages long while; but they certainly contain the like the following, taken from the Brahmdjala best authenticated versions of the sayings of Sutra: "Bhikshus, all those foolish beings the Buddha Gautama. who have not heard (the law) speaking in praise The founder of Buddhism addressed himself of the Tathagata, only speak of trifles, such as to the masses of the people, to the learned and morality (sila), and of the removing of desires to the ignorant; and to all he taught, not an by seclusion" (Bkah-hgyur, Mdo, xxx. f. 110b). elaborate system, but a few irrefutable truths'; The explanation of this discrepancy seems to in some cases, even, he enables a hopelessly lie in the fact that morality, charity, good-will, stupid person to perceive the truth by the &c., were the foundation-indispensable, it is simple performance of some manual labour, or true-the preliminary steps, of him who would From the Proceedings of the American Oriental Society, May 1883.

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NOVEMBER, 1883.) BUDDHIST SUTRAS FROM THE TIBETAN. 309 reach perfect enlightenment, who would become a Buddha. The omniscience of which the Buddha was possessed made the more humble virtues sink into insignificance-in the case mentioned in the Brahmajala, at least. Morality-that is to say, keeping the ten or the six commandments binding on a mendicant or on a lay follower-was a virtue essential to all beings, and was a source of great future felicity; but this only required to be impressed upon the ignorant crowd; and to such were these sermons or "trifles" spoken. I have endeavoured to preserve, as much as possible, the style of the gathas forming the latter part of the Maitribhavana Sutra, which appears to me to have been something like a song. This Sutra gains especial interest from the fact that it is one of a rather numerous class of Sutras which were translated into Tibetan directly from Pali, as we are informed by the colophon, which says that "it was translated in the Mahavihara, in the island of Ceylon, by the great pandit Anandasri and the bahusrutya lotsava, the bhikshu of Sakya, Ni-ma-rgyal. mtaan dpal-bzang-po (Suryadhwaja Sribhadra ?), who (both of them) understood the two languages (Pali and Tibetan or Sanskrit)." 1. BHIKSHU PRAREJU SUTRA. In the language of India, Bhikshu prarejt sutra ; in the language of Bod (Tibet), Dg-e slong-la rab-tu gches-pai mdo (the sutra called * very agreeable to a bhikshu'). Praise be to him who knows all ! I once heard the following discourse, while the Blessed One was residing in the Phullapadma vihdra in the great city of Srivasti, accompanied by a retinue of twelve hundred and fifty bhikshus. Then it happened that from amidst the retinue of the Blessed One, the Ariya called Upali, whose senses were well controlled, who was attentive, whose wisdom was profoud, who was particularly esteemed on account of the way in which he could recite the disciplinary rules that had been set forth by the Blessed One, rising up from his mat, throw. ing his cloak over one shoulder, touched the ground with his right knee with hands joined over his breast, and smilingly said to Bhagavat: "Thou who, like a lotus, art free from the mire of the world, thou who art unshaken as a mountain, whose mighty body is adorned with the ornaments of symmetry and beautified with the flowers of signs, thou whom one gazes at unwearyingly, who art the best of the best, thee do I worship! We who are here gathered together, all of us bhikshus, we teseech the Mighty One to tell us these four things: 1, the nature of a bhikshu ; 2, the different kinds of bhikshu); 3, what constitutes (this condition); 4, the deportment (of a bhikshu)." Then the Conqueror, the Blessed One, well pleased; turned toward Up&li and said: "Give thou only ear, Upali, and I will satisfy you by explaining what is becoming in bhikshus. The real bhikshu, being the chief ornament of the Law, the real bhikshu is a living diamond. The real bhikshu, having cast off suffering, the real bhikshu is the son of the Conqueror. The real bhikshu, having destroyed all corruption, the real bhikshu goes to the garden of freedom. The bhikshu controlling (or who controls) his whole nature, knowing the four fundamental (truths), and observing the two hundred and fifty (rules of the Pratimoksha ), is pure and virtuous. There are many kinds of bhikshus: the signs and characteristics of the real bhikshu, of him to whom that name only really applies, are these: He who seeks for virtue (dge-slong=bhikshu), and who seeks for his food by begging, who is dispassionate, who walks in the way, whose life is correct, who has cast off passions, he, on account of these qualities, is a bhikshu. The real bhikshu is adorned, for having cast away (worldly) ornaments, he is well adorned. He has attained his great desire when he has cast off desires. The mendicant who cares about unguents, baths, choice food, jewels, (fine) garments, collyrs, horses, elephants, palanquins, waggons and carriages, for which he ought not to care, is not a (real) bhikshu." Then Upali said to the Blessed One: "What the Sugata has said is obscure; I beseech the Sugata to illuminate with the light of his words the obscurity of his (previous) sayings/" Then the Blessed One said: "He who has cast far away gold and all the other ornaments of the world, and who is merciful, he is adorned with the most precious of ornaments. Not the garments of the world, but the garment of the doctrine, the saffron-coloured gown, is the best of raiment. It is not camphor and such like, but morality, that is the best of unguents. There are 253 rules in the Bhikshu Pratimaksha and 373 in the Bhikshuns P. in the Tibetan version. The Chinese Pratimo kaha has 250 rules.

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310 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [NOVEMBER, 1883 It is not white, red, or such like, but faith, that is the most beautiful colour. It is not worldliness, but application, that is the best and swiftest conveyance. Contemplation and the practice of the Law is the best food, and has a sweeter aroma than boiled rice. They who in the abode of the community are dispassionate, who are content with a single mat, come not back again (to this world), they are truly bhikshus. They who, weary of the three perfections (pradhana) and their accompaniment, become hermits, and take up) cool dwelling places, their bodies, speech, and minds all well controlled, knowing the proper way to comport themselves, they are truly bhikshus. Both of these kinds of bhikshus) arrive at the city of freedom, where they enjoy the perfect happiness of freedom. He who scoffs at the alms-bowl and the other (possessions of a bhikshu), will be plunged in bell in molten bronze for four thousand kalpas. To some morality (6tla) brings happiness, to others morality (i.e. the want of morality) is a source of suffering. fle who has morality has the greatest blessing. He who acts against morality is in misery. He who has brought himself to perfectly observe morality, the appearance of that man is beautiful. He has nearly conquered, I consider, the man who has learnt morality; for in a single day he acquires an incalculable amount of merit, which vies with the fruit of enlightenment (bodhi). He who convinces himself that he understands the spirit of the Law (lit. the sign of victory) of the Sagata, when he is not keeping the precepts of the Law, that man is only devoted to form (rupa);' that bhikkhu I consider like a mad bull held by a hair, or like one who drinks acids rather than sweets. That man sows in a single day innumerable seeds of wickedness, and does himself all kinds of injuries. He who keeps not the bila precepts, who, though not keeping the precepte, (thinks) that he comprehends rightly the Law of the Sugata, who approves of the saying that one can hold on to form (rupa) and to a home (life), that man, not keeping the precepts, perceives not the characteristics that mark all worldly (existence) as essentially connected with sorrow; so all the utterances of that man are evil. The live trunk of a tree can send forth shoots for a long time; so that man will talk for a long time the language of sin, and will greatly add to his wicked works. Morality is the greatest happiness! Morality is the road to freedom! Morality is the field of perfection! Morality is the foundation of enlightenment! Morality is the chief of good things! Watch over morality as over the apple of your eye, for life is at stake! He who renounces it, unwise, foolish is he! All things that are born have but a linited existence; but morality has no such future.? Therefore, Upali and all you other disciples, watch well over these laws." When the Blessed One had thus spoken, Up&li and the bhikshus greatly extolled his teaching. The sutra called Bhikshu prareju is finished. 2. MATTRIBHAVANA SUTRA. In the language, of India, Maitribhavana sutra in the language of Bod, Byams-pa begompai mdo (the sutra on showing good will'). Glory to the blessed Triratna! This discourse I once heard, while the Blessed One was stopping at Sravasti, at Jitavana, in the grove of Anathapindika. It happened that the Blessed One called the Bhikshus to him; and when they were in the presence of the lord Bhagavat, he spoke to them as follows: "To thoroughly emancipate the mind, one must show good will; to steadfastly keep it in one's thought, one must show it to many: one must be dispassionate, one must make it a fundamental law, one must strictly adhere to it; to this accustom yourselves, devote yourselves. There are eleven blessings (attached to good will) which I will explain. They are as follows: one sleeps peacefully, one awakes peacefully, one has no bad dreams, meri delight in him, supernatural beings delight in him, the gods protect him, fire or poison or the sword harm him not, his mind is always happy, his countenance is beaming, he will die with his mind at peace, through his righteous deeds he will be born in the world of Brahma. Bhikshus, steadfastly keep the thought of good will in your minds, practise it, show it to many, be dispassionate, make it your fundamental law, strictly adhere to it, to this accustom yourselves, devote yourselves. These then are the eleven blessings Gtso-bogeum : this most likely means Buddha, Dharma, Sangha, but in a very restricted sense. * They attain arhatahip or kissanirvana, "If one has heard little, but does carefully observe the moral laws, he, because he honours the moral laws, is the best kind of hearer." --Udanavarga, xxii, 8. * Cf. Dhammapada, v. 388. ? Or it may be rendered : "He who is born has a limited life, but he who observes the sfla precepte has no such future." Taken from the Bkah-hgyur, xxvith vol. of the Mdo, f. 189,192.

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NOVEMBER, 1883.] MISCELLANEA. 311 Bhikshus, I will tell you of yet other blessings that good will brings: He lives with food and drink in plenty, Which he finds near at hand, He lives in the midst of great abundance, The man who is not without good will. Where'er he goes within the town, Be it in the city or in the royal palace, Everywhere he meets with honour, The man who is not without good will. To him thieves and robbers come not, To him the king does no harm, He is a friend to all creation, The man who is not without good will. Free from anger, he happily lives at home; To mankind there shines no such pleasing vane, But he is better than them all, The man who is not without good will. He who shows honour, honour he will find, He who bows, to him shall others bow, Glory and fame shall he find, The man who is not without good will. He who is respectful, respect he shall find, Reverence comes to him who shows it, He will have the bloom of health, The man who is not without good will. He shines as does a blazing fire, . His body like that of some (bright) god; He will not lose his wealth, The man who is not without good will. Great will be the herds, Great the grain in the field, Many the sons and the daughters, Of the man who is not without good will. Falls he from off the mountain-top, Or falls he from off a tree, He drops not, but (gently) reaches the earth, The man who is not without good will. The man who climls a phata (P or tala) tree, Cannot be shaken by the wind, So enemies cannot bring to harm, The man who is not without good will." When the Blessed One had thus spoken, the Bhikshus greatly extolled his teaching. The sutra on showing good will is finished. (Bkah-hgyur, Mdo, xxx. f. 575, 576. MISCELLANEA. NAGAPATAM BUDDHIST IMAGES. in ours. The left hand, also, is held up, instead SIR,- In the VIIth volume of the Indian Anti- of pointing downwards. In all other respects quary (1878), at pp. 224-227, Sir Walter Elliot they are identical." has published a paper, entitled The Edifice known "It is probable that these three (figs. 5, 6, 7) as the Chinese or Jaina Pagoda at Negapatam, have been deposited in the Academy of St. Quenin which he describes the ruined tower once tin, and that the one retained by the Fathers is in the vicinity of the Jesuit College there, and that which was given to Lord Napier." alludes to several Buddhist idols found by the I can supply some information about the Jesuit Missionaries under the roots of a Mohws statues. Of the five, two have been brought to tree, which was cut down in 1856. the Rev. T. Carayon in Paris (and not one only) On reading it I have been struck by some mis- by the Baron Textor de Ravisi himself, one bronze takes, which, I think, it will be interesting to statue and that in porcelain and clay alluded to correct. in the article of Sir Walter Elliot. Two, those . As regards the author's account of the tower under numbers 5 and 6, were given to M. Textor and of the discovery of the images, I have nothing de Ravisi by the Missionaries; of these he to object, the second part being the transla- gave that numbered 5 to M. Ph. Ed. Foucaux, tion of a paper communicated by M. Ph. Ed. and it will soon be published as an illustrative Foucaux to the Athenee Oriental, and by Baron plate in the new translation of the Lalita Vistara Textor de Ravisi to the Academic Society of St. in the volume VI of the Annales du Musee Quentin. But the author says, at page 226 : Guimet; the other, the bronze standing image is "M. Foucaux adds that one of the idols has still, I think, in M. de Ravisi's possession. been retained in the college, and that the fifth had T he fifth was retained by the Fathers, as stated been sent to the Rev. T. Carayon in Paris, but by Sir Walter Elliot, but it was not given to he does not state what becaine of the remaining Lord Napier, for M. Textor de Ravisi says--in a three. One of these is almost identical with note to a paper issued some years ago (I don't that figured for our article (fig. 3), differing only know the date), in answer to the critics of the in the absence of the square pedestal bearing paper in the Travaux of the Academic Society of the inscriptions, which, however, forms a separate St. Quentin, entitled Interpretations d'Antiques piece from the lotus stand common to both, and Idoles Bouddhiques-"By a letter of the 7th in the disposition of the mantle, which is pendent September 1860 the Missionaries also gave me the from the left shoulder only and not from both as fifth Buddha. I sent it to a relation of mine,

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312 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (NOVEMBER, 1883. M. Elie Pajot, landowner in Reunion Island, and Member of the Societe des Arts et des Sciences of that Island." As regards the statue numbered 7 in the plate accompanying his article, Sir Walter Elliot is entirely mistaken. First, this image was not found at Negapatam, but it was taken by a captain of Sipahis out of a shrine' under the Colossal Buddha statue in the Shwe-Dagon-Prah at Rangun, after the conquest of the city by the English troops, during the Burmese war in 1824, and acquired for M. de Ravisi from the heirs of the captain by M. Alling, police inspector in Karikal, as stated in the same paper of M. Textor de Ravisi. Sir Walter Elliot has certainly been led into this error by a misunderstanding of M. Textor de Ravisi's communication be- fore the International Oriental Congress, held in London in 1874, or perhaps he had forgotten, after some years had elapsed, that there were two different papers in the Travaux of the Academic Society of St. Quentin, the one relating to the idols of Negapatam, the other to the said Burmese image. He also says at page 227: "No. 7 appears to be a female devotee of very rude workmanship." Here, also, Sir Walter Elliot is mistaken, though, in that case, he follows the interpretations of M. Textor de Ravisi, who thinks the statue may represent Maya Devi, the mother of Gautama Buddha. It would be needless to follow the author in the discussion of the reasons he gives for considering this statue as May&Devi; he finds them in the various parts of the figure, and refers principally to a tradition, preserved in the family of the captain of sipahis, that the idol was wor. shipped in Shwe-Dagon-Prah under the name of the Virgin and Mother of Buddha. Those conclusions we cannot accept, for the following reasons : The said statue is now in the Musee Guimet Collection, at Lyons, having been given to M. Guimet by M. Textor de Ravisi four years ago. It stands in the gallery of the first floor, first room, in the lower range of the case 3 A. The image is thus described in the new edition of the Catalogue at p. 63 - "CAkya-Mouni debout, vetu d'une grande robe et d'un manteau, la main droite etendue sur la poitrine, la gauche pendant vers la terre et tenant le bord du manteau. Marbre peint; hauteur 0 700mm. (avec le socle). Provenant de Rangoon, Birmanie." The statue has been carefully examined by M. Guimet and myself, and by our native collaborators MM. Panditileke and Lewis da Sylva, Buddhist priests of Ceylon, M. Y. Ymayzoumi, a scholar of the Buddhist Singon sect in Japan, and quite recently by M. Louis Vossiou, the present General Consul of France at Rangun, and their unanimous opinion was that it represented the exact features of the Gautama Buddha of the Burmese. As regards M. de Ravisi's interpretation I objected in the following terms in a letter that I wrote to him on the 5th of June 1883: "I cannot agree with the opinion that our statue represents the Mother of Buddha : "lst. Because there is no trace anywhere of worship paid to Maya-Devi, except perhaps, according to Dr. Edkins in Religion in China, by the Eastern Mongols, who worship the Mother of Buddha under the name of Ehe Borrhan. But such worship of a woman is quite contradictory to all Buddhist tenets, who place women in a quite inferior rank, so as to oblige them to be reborn as men before they can hope to attain to Nirvana. "2nd. Because, though the features of the face are somewhat those of a woman, they are identi. cal, notwithstanding, with those generally given to Gaudama, as illustrated by numerous other representations of the same personage, the face being intended to represent that of a young man of about eighteen. " 3rd. Because the conical ornament on the top of the forehead is by no means a flame, but the Uenisha, the sacred elevation of the forehead peculiar to the Buddhas when they have attained to Bodhi. "4th. Because the equality of length in the fingers of the hands and feet is a particular characteristic of a Buddha,-one of the thirty-two external characters by which he is to be recognised as soon as born. "5th. Because there is absolutely nothing in the general form of the body to allow us to conclude that it is that of a woman, the garments differing in no way from those of other images of Buddha in Burma, Siam, and Kamboja." We, therefore, hold the said statue to be that of Sakya Muni, the Gaudama Buddha of the Burmese. Nevertheless, in order to settle entirely this question we prayed M. Louis Vossiou to try, in Rangun, to ascertain from the priests of the Shwe-Dagon-Prah whether, at any time, there was in that Pagoda an image of Maya-Devi, and whether any worship was ever paid to her. DE MILLOUE, Directeur du Musee Guimet a Lyon. Lyons, 1883. Memoire sur l'idole de la Vierge de la Pagode de Shox-Dagon-Prah d Rangoon, pp. 43, 4.

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NOVEMBER, 1883.) BOOK NOTICES. 313 BOOK NOTICES. THE SACRED BOOKS of the EAST, Edited by F. Max Mahakasyapa, whereas the Chinese versiot con Muller : Volume_XIX.The FO-SHO-HING-TSANKING, A Life of Buddha, by Asvaghosha Bodhisat. tains 11 vargas more, continuing the story down tva; translated from Sanskrit into Chinese by to the division of the Sariras, and Prof. Beal Dharmaraksha, A.D. 420, and from Chinese into English by SAMUEL BEAL. (Oxford : 1883). thinks this may arise from our Sanskrit MSS. The publication of the Sacred Books proceeds being incomplete, rather than that the additions apace,-nineteen volumes having been issued and were made by some other writer before the Sansfour more announced as being in the press. krit work was carried to China. The volume by Prof. Beal adds another to the Like all other Oriental Lives of Buddha, it various Lives of Buddha we now possess in dwells on his teaching with a tiresome amount of English, translated from Tibetan, Burmese, and reiteration. Written five centuries after the death Chinese sources. The translator, in his introduc- of the Founder, the body of the discourses put tion, mentions that he had first begun upon a into his mouth in this work must be regarded as translation of the Phu yao king, an early Chinese apocryphal, but the doctrines they contain are none version of the Lalita-vistara, made by a monk the less the legitimate outcome of his teaching. whose name was also Dharmaraksha, in A.D. 308, "There are many passages throughout the poem but from the corruptness of the text and the of great beauty," even in its Chinese dress, the turgidness of the style, this had to be given up translator remarks: "There is also much that is when about three-fourths complete. It is, he dry and abstruse, yet we cannot doubt that in that tells us, in eight chapters, and belongs to the day and among those people, the great poem' of expanded class of Satras. In it "the story of Asvaghosha must have had considerable populaBuddha's life is told from his birth to his death, rity. Hence the translations of it are numerous." but in the exaggerated and wearisome form As a specimen of the tone of this Buddhist writer peculiar to the works of this (expanded) school. we may quote the following passage from Varga It would seem as if the idea of merit attaching to 19 (vv. 1543-47) describing the meeting of king the reproduction of every word of the sacred Suddhodana with his son, after the latter had books had led the later writers, not only to assumed the role of a Buddha : reproduce the original, but to introduce, by an "Furthermore, he (Suddhodana Raja] thought easy but tiresome method, the repetition of a with himself how he had long ago desired (this simple idea under a multitude of verbal forms, interview) which had now happened unawares and so secure additional merit." Of this work he (without arrangement). Meantime, his son in has given us a good sample in a long note (pp. silence took a seat, perfectly composed and with 344-371) appended to the present volume. unchanged countenance (1543). Thus, for some The introduction further contains some interest- time sitting opposite each other, with no expresing details on the divisions of Buddhism, the sion of feeling the king reflected thus): 'How formation of the Northern schools, a list of the desolate and sad does he now make my heart, as various Lives of Buddha in Chinese, of which he that of a man who, fainting, longs for water upon enumerates fourteen, the earliest being the Fo-pen- the road, espies a fountain pure and cold (1544) hing-king or Buddhacharita-sutra of Asvaghosha(?) with haste he speeds towards it and longs to translated by Fa-lan in A.D. 68; and to this he adds drink, when suddenly the spring dries up and disremarks on the value of the Chinese translations. appears. Thus, now I see my son, his well-known Asvaghosha Bodhisattva, the author of the features as of old (1545); But how estranged original Sanskrit work the Buddhacharita-kdvya, his heart! and how his manner high and lifted was the twelfth Bauddha patriarch' and a con- up! There are no grateful overflowings of soul, temporary of the great king Kanishka who prohis feelings seem unwilling to express themselves; bably ruled in the end of the first century. He cold and vacant (there he sits)! and like a thirsty was a native of Srivasti, and a Brahman by birth, man before a dried-up fountain (so am I) (1546). Stil but was converted to Buddhism, and travelled distant, thus (they sat) with crowding thoughts about as a musician and preacher, and seems to have rushing through the mind, their eyes full-met, been the popular hymn writer of the Buddhists." but no responding joy; each looking at the other The Sanskrit MSS. of the Buddhacharita, seemed as one who, thinking of a distant friend, however, break off at the end of the 17th section gazes by accident upon his pictured form." (1547). or varga, after the account of the conversion of This scene pictures with studied clearness For the contents of this work see Senart's Legende Ind. Ant. vol. II, pp. 59-63, 207n. ; vol. IV, p. 362; du Buddha, p. 497 n. vol. VI, p. 218; vol. ix, p. 259; vol. X, pp. 213-227; Ind. Ant. vol. IV, pp. 141-141; vol. IX, pp. 149, vol. XI, p. 129. 316; vol. XI, p. 49; Beal's Abst. of Four Lectures, pp. 95 ff. 1

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814 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [NOVEMBER, 1883. how Buddhism deals with natural affections. It of the Bkah-hgyur as the Udinavarga, a collecrepresenta, in this direction, its highest achieve- tion of versified thoughts on various subjects, by ment in the example of the Buddha himself, "the Dgra-vcom-pa-chos-skyob, i. e. the Arhan DharPerfect being," "the blessed One," and the pic- matrata. This Dharmatrata is said to have been ture is not an attractive one; Buddhism aims, not the maternal uncle of Vasumitra and perhaps the at purifying all human feeling, but at destroying same as the pupil of Aryadeva, and hence must some of the best impulses of humanity. Nor is have belonged to the lst century A.D., and of this the only instance of the kind: the student of his different works in the Chinese collection, the Bauddha literature can point to many such; yet Dharmapada sitra is said to have been translated we find Mr. Arnold in the preface to his Light into Chinese in the year 224 A.D. of Asia stating, with most unwarranted assurance, This Uddnavarga was first discovered by Schiefthat "the Buddhistical books agree in the one ner to be a form of the Dharmapada (Mel. Asiat. point of recording nothing-no single act or word, tom. VIII, p. 560). There is also a Chinese version which mars the perfect purity and tenderness the Chu-yao-king or Avuddna-sutra, translated in of this Indian teacher." While such very exag. 398-9 A.D. by Sanghabhuti (a native of Kabul) gerated statements are contradicted by the most and Fo-nien; and the Tibetan version,-made by trustworthy records, it still however remains that Vidyaprabhakara, probably in the 9th century, the singular beauty and attractiveness of Buddha's appears to follow it very closely,-both being character" warrant us in ranking him as among divided into 33 chapters, with the same titles in divided into 33 chanters with the e the greatest and noblest of men,-one who lived most cases, and identical contents. It contains and laboured, however mistakenly, in order that 989 sentences or verses, of which 300 are nearly he might, if possible, lighten the miseries of his the same as verses in the Pali Dhammapada, and fellow-men." Beautiful as his ethical uphorisms 150 more resemble verses of that work; 20 are are, in the estimation of those who have been found in the Sutta Nipdta, and about as many brought up amid the culture and civilization of more are very similar to parts of the same. Thus the west, their potential efficacy can only be in. it will be seen that more than half the book is ferred from the practical operation of the system found in these works which are already well known in Nepal, Tibet, China, Siam, and other lands to us. where it has had a fair and prolonged trial; and The Udanavarga belongs entirely to the ethics the result is well known to be a very sad one. of Buddhism, a subject which has of late This volume of Professor Beal's forms a valu received so much attention, that the history of able contribution to the materials hitherto at our the developments of the system has been almost disposal for the study of the doctrines of lost sight of. Is it not time that scholars were Northern Buddhism, and the translator--already directing their studies again to the latter field, so well known by five or six valuable works as an well opened up by the illustrious Burnout in his accomplished sinologue and student of Buddhism, Introduction a l'histoire du Buddhisme Indien P -appears to have discharged his difficult task with Mr. Rockhill'e version seems conscientiously conscientious care. It forms an important addi. executed, with footnotes and a comparative table tion to the interesting series of translations of the verses in the Dhammapada, Beal's Fa. embraced in the Sacred Books of the East, and is kheu-phi-yu, and the Sutta Nipata, that agree with specially fitted to supply the desideratum so well the Udanavarga; but the book has no index. expressed by the Editor in his preface to the collection:-"We want," he says, "to know the The QUATRAINS of OMAR KHAYYAM. The Persian text ancient religions such as they really were, not with an English verse translation, by E. H. Whinsuch as we wish they should have been. We field, M.A. (London: Trubner and Co. 1883.) want to know, not their wisdom only, but their It was only last year that Mr. Whinfield pub. folly also." By the translation of books like this, lished his translation of 253 of the Quatrains of hitherto unknown in any western language, the Omar Khayyam which we noticed favourably at series is doing much to supply this want. the time (see ante, vol. XI, p. 240); and now he has issued a greatly enlarged edition, containing 500 UDANAVARGA: a collection of verses from the Buddhist of these verses,-nearly the whole number in most Canon, compiled by Dharmatrata, being the Northern Buddhist version of Dhammapada. Translated editions.-with the original Persian text on the from the Tibetan of the Bkah-hgyur, with notes and page opposite to the version. This edition includes extracts from the commentary of Pradin varman. By W. W. Rockhill.(London: Trubner and Co. 1883). all those in the first, but many of them have In the Asiatic Researches (vol. XX, p. 477), M. been recast and improved. The introduction also Csoma Korosi described at some length a section is enlarged from 6 to 30 pages. * Prof. S. H. Kellogg, of Allegheny U.S.A., in Cath. Pres. Rev. 1883.

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DECEMBER, 1883.] THE RITUAL OF RAMESVARAM. 315 THE RITUAL OF RAMESVARAM. BY THE EDITOR AMONG the great temples of Southern India ing the inner buildings, and is by far the perhaps no one is more interesting than most imposing feature of the temple. Like that of RA m avaram, on the east side of the the entrance passage it has a corridor on a raised small island which takes name from it. The large platform on each side of it, and runs round the temple, in its present form, is not very old, but four sides of the rectangle which it encloses. its proximity to the sacred bathing place or This third corridor or prakura alone is open Tirtha of Dhanush koti, on a spit of sand to all castes. Within it, and nearer the east that runs out on the south-east of the island, face than the west, is an area 386 feet from and the great wealth lavished on it by the east to west by about 314 feet from north to Setupatis or Chiefs of Ramnad (Ramana- south, also surrounded by a high wall enclosing thaparam), have rendered it a place of great note the second prakara, which is by no means so among devout Hindus. It is still visited daily imposing, though somewhat older than the by scores of pilgrims from all parts of India, and third ; and within this again are the first at sacred seasons by hundreds and thousands,- prakara, or inner enclosure round the shrines and of these the vast majority come from great of the god Ramalingas v a mi and of his distances. Probably more come from Nepal and consort Parvatavardhini Amman, of north of the Ganges than from the Tamil dis-j Visvanatha Sva mi and Vis a lakshi tricts in the immediate vicinity, while the Dakhan Amman, besides a number of smaller chapels and Maisur seem to contribute the majority and rooms. The principal shrines are said to Few great temples are now much venerated by have been built by Udaiyan Sotupati, with the the people in their immediate neighbourhood. aid of a Ceylon prince styled Parara ja Sekhara The temple buildings are very large, and like in S. 1336(A.D. 1414), the latter having had the others in the south they are surrounded by a stones hewn at Trinkonamalai and numbered on high wall on the four sides, covering an area the spot, ready to be put together. This is said measuring about 865 feet from east to west by to be supported by the architectural style of 657 feet from north to south, with unfinished these buildings themselves, and by inscriptions gopuras or gate towers on the east, south and on the base of the chief shrine. The north and north, and a single complete one about 78 feet south goparas are unfinished, and ascribed to one high on the west side towards the village. On Kirana Rayar, of the Dakhan, about 1420 A.D. the east side is the largest unfinished gopura, not 1 The western gopara, like the others, built on the wall of the present outer enclosure, but entirely of hewnstone, and theoutersurrounding on that of an inner one surrounding what is walls are said to be the work of Udaiyan Setapati known as the second prakara, or enclosure, while and a Komatti of Nagur, near Nagapattanam, in outside the main wall on that side are two large 1434 A.D.; and statues of the merchant and his porticos, one opposite this gopura and leading wife surmount the eastern wall. In 1450 addi. up towards it, and the other a little to the south, tions were made to the inner buildings by a leading in towards a subordinate gopura in line wealthy Hindu from Madura, and others in S. with the last, and surmounting the gateway in 1490 by Chinna Udaiyan Setupati Kattatevar. front of the temple of the goddess or Amman. then a feudatory of Visvanatha Nayakkar of Inside the great enclosure is the third pra. Madura, whose statue and that of his son Kri. kara abutting on the east wall, and measuring shnappa were set up in front of the Nandi. An about 690 feet by 435. A passage about 18 feet | inscription relating to this by the side of the wide with raised corridors of about the same door into the first prakaram, in front of these, was breadth on each side, leads from the western destroyed, with others, some twenty yer rs ago entrance into this outer prdkara or enclosure, or more, during a suit between the Pandaram which contains the great corridors surround. of the temple and the Zamindar of Ramnad." 1 This represents an area of 13 acres 5 poles. appealed to the Privy Council, was given in favour of 1 The suit was conducted by one Appavu Pillai, still the forgers, and the Soupati deprived of his right to living, who had number of inscriptions forked and appoint the Dharmakartas or interfere in the manage inserted in the walls, and produced translations of them ment of the temple which his ancestors had built and Ad evidence against the claims of the Setupatis. This so richly endo ved. The older copperplato grante din evidence never seems to have been questioned. The suit. appeared at the same time.

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316 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. DECEMBER, 1883. The southern half of the second prakara was erected, it is said, about 1540, by Tirumalai Sotupati, whose statue and that of his son Raghunatha stand by the side of the south entrance into the Amman temple, and are honoured with garlands and an offering of betelnut and flowers every Friday night when the image of the Svami is brought to this place on its way to the bed (Pallivarai) in the Amman temple. Raghunatha Tirumalai Satupati, just named, built the rest of the second prakdra about S. 1580. The great unfinished eastern gopura is as- cribed to Dalavai Setupati in S. 1571, who also built the Sabhapati shrine in the north-east corner of the third prdkara. In . 1624 Hiranyagarbhayaji Ravikola Vijaya Raghunatha Stupati, besides other buildings, erected the Palliyarai or bedroom of the Amman temple, and the mandapa in front-in which are statues of himself and his brother Kadamba Tevar. About S. 1662 the Setupati began the third prakara, setting up the entrances into it from the gopuras on all four sides, and it was com- pleted by Muttu Ramalinga Sotupati (born $. 1647, A.D. 1725-6) in S. 1691. The statues of the latter and of his two mantris-Muttirulap. pa Pillai son of Saundara Paudiyati Pillai, and Krishna Ayyangar", with members of his family are conspicuous in the western entrance corridor. The temple therefore is not the work of one age, but extends over a period of 350 years, and has been erected and endowed almost exclusively by one family, the Stupati Chiefs of Ramnad. It is one of the last great works of the Hindus, and the latest addition to it is the finest of all. The pujd or ritual of this temple may deserve notice, as it will be found peculiar in some details, and differing from what is the practice in temples north of the Tungabhadra and Krishna. At half past 4 or 5 A.M. the padasaiva (Tam. Osan) comes into the east porch in front of a shrine of Hanuman and blows thrice on a conch, tinkling on a jayaghana (T. sekandi) or small gong hung on his right wrist with a small stick held between the fingers of the same hand. Then he proceeds to the south, west, and east gates in succession, and repeats the summohs. Daring certain seasons he visits the temples outside, and blows also on the sea-shore. Then come the melakdran or musicians, -three with drums, bheri (T. peri or nagard), msidanga-bheda (T. tavil), and damaruga, two pipers (nagasvara), a castanet (kaita!am) player, and one with a trumpet kukala (T. elckalam), -and play in front of the Hangman shrine in the east entrance. The Sthanikars, who keep the keys, and have charge of th jewels, the Bhattars or priests, and the dancinggirl (Muraikdrt) officiating for the day, with rudraksha beads in place of jewels, dressed as a Brahmani and her hair uncombed-all having already bathed-come with the peons and servants of the Dharmakarta or superintendent, and open all the doors up to the Mahamandapa, and light the lamps. The cooks go to the kitchen, and the storekeeper gives out rice and other provisions for the day. A hundred and eighty measures of rice is said to be the daily dole-40 to the servants, and 140 to be cooked for the worship. Besides these officials it may be as well here to enumerate also the following:-- The Gurukka! is the priest whose duty it is to make the puja. His assistant is the Sadhu. charya. The Savaiyar assists at the abhisheka, bringing the naivedya and the water (tirumanjanam) in a silver pot (ghata) on the elephant. The Nayinar is superirtendent of all the temple servants. The Mantrapushpa repeats the mantra when the Bhatar or Gurukkal asks forgiveness at the conclusion of each paja. The Agama assists in making Saniprokshana according to the Agamasastra. The Vedaparayana repeats the Veda behind the image when it is carried out during a festival, | The Kattiyam holds the silver baton when the image is brought out at the time of dipara. dhana and repeats the Kattiyam every evening when the Svami is carried to the Palliyarai. . These go to the Zamindar's servants if any are of lime, &c. prosent. . To his grandson SatAvadh&nam Muttuavami Ayyangkr, His statue appears also in two other places with Iris an able Pandit and poot, I am indebted for much of the Mantel, Tollakadu Muttirulappapillsi opposite, together information given below respecting the paja. with others of his friends; but about 1835 & Pandiram See Ferguson's Hist. of Ind. and Eastern Architechad some of them chiselled into ascetics, affixing beards | ture, pp. 355-358.

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DECEMBER, 1883.] THE RITUAL OF RAMESVARAM. 317 The Sirpadam carry the image in the the third and fourth fingers and thumb and palanquin. Inside the temple the Siviyars repeats the words :(Sivikaiyars) bear it, Oh bat || ba bhutah || Oa guoistupah || Onh The Periyamurai bring the curds, milk, &c., mahah | Om jana) || Om tapah | Ogurisatyasan | from the Araivasal and also light all the dipasand Om tat savitur varenyain || Bharg3 devasya give them to the Gurakkal during the pujds. 1 dhimahi || Dhivo vo nah prach3dayat || About half-past five, when the cooks have Then he puts his hand to his right ear, and prepared the naivedya (food), the doors of the joining his hands he says :Mahamandapa of the temple itself are opened. | Sri Sivujnaya Sivaprityarthai suprabhataThe pujakars or bhattars, sthanikars, and pujcirin vidhivat tu ahai karishye II dharmakarta's servants then go to the Mahi- " By Siva's order and for Siva's kind mandapam of the Amman temple with the acceptance, I perform the sacred rite of the musicians and open the door, and the priest morning worship as prescribed by rules." presents a camphor light at the bed in which Then he performs Punydhavachanam-pourthe images lie, with fruit and betel-nut. A ing water into a brass vessel after fumigating it sthanikar' in a reverential attitude then says with lighted camphor, he places it on some rice to the image or svami: laid on a raised stone (punydhavachana kuradu) Udbudhyasva jagat-svamin sarva-182-aika-San in the floor, having first tied a thread round the kara jagatam upakaraya nitya-pujarn grihana pot four times over the shoulder and bottom, and bho putting akshatah (rice grains coloured with tur" Awake, Lord of the Universe, Anthor of meric) on four sides of it, tying a small piece of good to this whole world! and for the world's cloth round the neck, putting mango leaves in the benefit be pleased to accept my daily wor- month of it, laying a cocoanut on them, and a ship." garland over it, he knots together three darbha They then.place the image, which is of gold, stalks and spreads out the lower ends (darbha in a small palankin and carry it out at the kurcha) so that it may stand over the cocoanat, south door, and, preceded by musicians and and makes pranayama, saying:dancing-girls, two silver sticks, two torches, a Sivajnayd Sivaprityartham suprabhatakdis silver umbrella and a chamara, it is carried sthalapatrasuddhyartham punydhavachana round the second prakara by the west, to the karishya || east entrance of the svami temple and placed "By Siva's order and for Siva's kind in the Ardhamandapa or room between the acceptance I perform the Punyahavachana shrine (garbhagriha) and Mahamandapa. The ceremony, for the purification of the place and bhattar next goes into the shrine,' and removes the vessels during the holy morning time the old garlands (nirmalya) from the linga and (service)." puts them upon the image of Chandikesvara, He then lays down the cocoanut, and darbhawhich is in a small chapel just behind the kurcha, and taking the mango leaves, dips the shrine. If this were not done, the puja would tips of them six times into the water and droplose its merit or be of no benefit to the god. ping it into a smaller vesselsays (1st). Vpid thin," The bhattar next performs a short sankalpa, to which the Sadhacharya answers, astu' ;' the thus-sitting in the Mahamandapam facing the 2nd time he says, 'pushtin,' to which the Sadhaeast he puts a pavitra of darbha grass on the charya again says, 'astu'; 3rd, tushtin," Ans. fourth finger of the right hand, and bending two astu', 4th-drogyam," A. "astu'; 5th-dhaother stalks of darbha round the same finger nadhanyasamriddin'," A. "astu'; and 6thhe makes prinayama, i.e., holds his nose with gobrahmanebhyah subham," A. "astu.' The * The Sthanikirs prepare the lights, carry the water, Powers, food, &c. used in the paja, keep the jewels, carry the silver sticks in processions, cook the rice, naivedya, ring the bell during puja, and hold torches to let the Sudras see where they are not permitted to enter. For these translations I am indebted to Mr. S. M. Natika Sastrl. As the same ceremonies are gone through in all the four shrines it will be sufficient to confine this account to the principal shrine. 10 Those from the Amman temples are carried to the image of Chaodikevari. 11 "Increase!" or "May thore be increase !" 11 " Amen," or "Bo it so." 19 "Prosperity!" 16 " Pleasure !" 15 "Health!" 20 Ploaty !" or " Abundance of grain and wealth!" 11 "Good to kine and Brahmaga."

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318 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (DECEMBER, 1883. bhattar now pours the water back into the first named Manasa, which is as it were another pot and replacing the coconnut he takes 5, 7 or Manasa" itself, and the Dhanushkoti-tirtha (also 9 darbha stalks and touches the pot, while the form the number.") Sadhacharya (adhyayanabhatta) repeats the Gangi Sindhu Sarasvati cha Yamuna Godavari Veda's_-the bhattar following him; this last Narmala Kuver Kapil Prayaga-niyatd Vetratakes 10 or 15 minutes. Again the bhattar vat-ity adayah || Krishna Bhimarathi cha Phalgu takes off the cocoanut and garland and lays Sarayuh Sri-Gand vlci G3 mati Nadyah Sri Harithem down, and dipping the darbha and mango palipankaja-bhovih kuryat sala mangalam || leaves in the water he drops it on his head. This "May the Sindhu, Sarasvati, Yamuna, Gois called atma-prokshanam. The rest of the davari, Narmad, Kavori, Kapila, Prayagawater he sprinkles over the floors of the Maha- niyata, Vetravati, Krishna, Bhimarathi, Phalgu, and Ardha-mandapas and the shrine, and on Sarayu, Gandaki, Gomati-May these rivers the vessels used in the puja,-to purify them. that take their source from the feet of Hari Asthanikar brings water from a well called ever give prosperity!" the Kotitirtha, in the first Prakara, and fills a A sthanikar then draws a curtain, that runs large vessel that stands in the shrine. The on a rod, across the Ardha-mandapa, and brings bhattar then takes a handful of sandalwood a dry cloth to the bhattar, who dries the linga paste," and rubs it on the linga and the pitham in with it, and with the rest of the water he which it stands. Next he pours water over it washes the floor round the vedi and ties two froin the large vessel, repeating the mantra :- cloths round the linga, one of them in front Sri-chakra Parame avare na ghaitam betala- and round the middle of it (for vastra and upapapapahan | Sitd-mangala-vapikamsita-sard bra- vastra); then he dips the second and fourth hmyan Hanumat-sarah | Agastyarh Raghu-Rama- fingers" of his hand in sandalwood paste and Lakshmana-Jard-Lakshmi-sarah pavakah || Cha- draws them across the front of the linga, krukhyan Siva-Sancha-tirttha-Yamund-Ganga- leaving 3 lines on it, and on these he makes & Gaya kolayah | Sri-sadhyamrita-Mdnasakhyam round spot--forming the tilaka. Then he puts aparai Srimad-Dhanushkoly-api || a garland over it and lays three bilva leaves "The Sri-chakra-tirtha (holy water) which is (hilva-dalam) upon it. powerful to wipe off the sin of the Betala, 1 About 6 o'clock & sthanikar, accompanied was created by Paramesvara. The holy waters, by musicians playing, brings to the door of the Sitavapi, Maigalavapi, Amrita-saras, Brah. shrine naivedya, of boiled rice, bread, curriesmyam-saras, Hanumat-saras, Agastya-tirtha, more than an ordinary meal to a single person. Raghurima-tirtha, Jata-tirtha, Lakshmana- The bhattar sprinkles the food with a few saras, Chakra-tirtha, Siva-tirtha, Samkha-tirtha, drops of water, and repeats the Gayatri :Yamuna-tirtha, Ganga-tirtha, Gaya-tirtha, and Oi bhur bhuvas suvah Oi tat savitur varlothers, form the karor of holy waters. The nyai bharge devasya dhimahi dhiyo yo nah holy Sadhyamrita-tirtha, the holy (water) prachodayat" | 1 Printed in the Party Thavachanam panchadi. Purchagavya; seventh, by the milk-bath; eighth is said 1. Composed of sandalwood powder, musk, saffron to be cards; ninth is said to be ghi; tenth, is Panchimflowers, sandalwood oil, civet (javadu and puruhu). rita; eleventi, the fruit juice ought to be poured; besoar (garichana), and pachchz-karpura. The following twelfth is said to be honay ; thirteenth, the sugar-cane are the sixteen kinds of baths : juice; fourteenth, the tandar cocoanut (juice); fiftoonth, Prathaman gandhatailan cha dvitiyaris likuch na tu fragrant water; and sixtaenth comes the pura water. Trittyam mudgupishtari cha chaturthalt rajanin Thus sixtoon kinds of bath, with the pouring of pure tath41 wator in the midst, are enumerated." Panchamam ardravastraris cha shashlhar gavyabhi Abhishka-phalam sh&chanam Piranhnd chabhishkuh tu sarva pepa-vint anam Saptaman payasa eninam ashtamah dadhir uchyate|| Madhythnd chibhishekaih tu sarva-savi patpradam Navamanh ghritam bhavet buktavis dazam pafchampitazh tatha Sayahnt chabhishkash tu sarva-vyidhi vinasanam Phalasdran dadt Raudranis dvadasam madhur "The performanca of the bath worship in the morning nchyate | takes away all our sins. The performance of the bath Ikshu-r/raih traydalaris naliktranh chaturdasam worship at the noon gives us all prosperity. The perPanchadalasis gandhahaimais suddhodash shcasam formance of tho bath worship in the evening drives bhavet || Away all our sickness." Shidara-sapanam proktam madhye suddhodakais 20 i.e., of a man possessed by the Betala. saha 21 The famous Manas Saras. "First of all, by the scented oil; second, by the lime * Sometimes this is done with three fingers. juice; third, by the flour of green pulse; fourth, by 30.n! Let us meditate on the gloriaus splendour of turmeric powder; fifth, by the wet cloth; sixth, by the that divine sun, that he may inspira us."-H. H. Wilson.

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319 DECEMBER, 1883.) THE RITUAL OF RAMESVARAM. Then he takes water thrice in his hand and pours it on the floor, the Adhyayanabhattar saying, arghyam, padyam, achamaniyam, as he lets them fall in succession. Then taking bilva leaves in his hand he sways or waves them thrice towards the linga, the other saying (for rice) - annan naivedyami, (for bread) - apupanii naivodyami and (for corry)--vyanjanan naivedyami. Again he pours water thrice on the floor saying as before-arghyam, &c., and the curtain is withdrawn. A sthanikar next gives the bhattar a lamp" (ahupa) in which gum benzoin (or incense) is lighted, and he incenses the linga, moving it first downwards in a wavy line, then thrice round, and up and down once. Another lamp (ilipa) is given and waved as before; then a camphor light. The bhattar during all these services faces the north, and now, at the close of the morning puja (Suprabhatam, Tam. Tiruvanandal), he requests the Svami or god to accept the food, repeating the sloka : Annai cha payah bhakshya Sita-16hyasamanvitam dadhi-kshira - ghritair yuktai grihana Sura-pujital "O thou that art worshipped by the Devas, be pleased to accept the rice, payasa (Rice boiled in milk) and paddings and cakes mixed with sitaldhya (chilly-powder) together with curd, milk, and ghi!" and prostrates himself with joined hands in front of it. About 7 A.M. the second service (Udayamartanda) begins. The bhattar taking water in a vessel goes into the shrine, joins his hands, and thus asks the svami to accept this pujd : Namo Rudraya bhimaya Nilakanthaya Vedhase Kapardine Suresaya Vyoma-kesuya vai namah 11 Tatha phalais cha dhupais cha naitedyair vividhair api upacharaih shodhasabhih pujain grilnishva Sankara || "Salutation to Rudra, to Bhima (the fear- ful) to Nilakantha, to Vedhas, to Kapardin, to Suresa, to Vyomakesa. O Samkara accept my worship which is performed with fruits, holy incenses, holy rice of various kinds, and the sixteen kinds of external honours." Then he dips his fingers in the water and casts it on the linga, saying : Apavitrah pavitro va sarvavasthani gatopi val Formed somewhat in the shape of a quadruped, with the cup for the light in place of the head. yas smaret Pundarikakshan sa bahy abhya ntaras-suchih || "Whether pure or impure, in whatever state of body (physical or mental) a man may be, if he only contemplates the lotus-eyed (Vishnu) he becomes pure both externally and internally." He next throws water thrice on the floor, saying drghyam, &c. A sthanikar then brings naivedya-rice mixed with curd (dadhyodana), bread, fresh butter and curry, and the curtain is drawn. The bhattar sprinkles the food with water, and then waves his hand four times towards the linga saying-dadhyodanai naivedyami, apupai naivedyami, navanitan naivedyami, and vyanjanam naivedyami, --with the successive movements. The curtain is again removed and the sthanikars bring dhupa, dipa and camphor lights, which are successively waved as before. Then the bhattar locks the door and goes out. The same is done in all the four temples, and the food is distributed to the temple servants. The third or Udayakalapuja commences about 9 o'clock. A sthanikir takes water in a silver pot from the Kotitirtha, and with it he mounts an elephant which is ready in the second Prakara and comes out by the east gate with musicians, chamara, umbrella and the dancing girl of the days in advance, and before them a second elephant. The procession turns to the south and comes round the temple, reenters at the east gate, and proceeds round the third Prdkara to the east entrance, where the sthanikar dismounts with the water and carries it into the Ardhamandapa. Then the bhattar comes, and the sthanikar brings water in another vessel into which the bhattar dips his fingers and drops it on his own head, saying - Pancha-suddhih || Atma-suddhis tu purvari syat "The five kinds of purity: Let there be first of all purity of soul!" This is called atmasuddhi; he also drops some of it on the floor as (sthanasuddhi,) saying Sthana-buddhir dvitiyakah || "Secondly, purity of place." Again he sprinkles the vessels (cravyasuddhi). saying : Tritiyar dravya-suddhis tu *Thirdly,parity of things (accompaniments)." * They serve in turns, each a whole day. 30 Here the other elephant makes his salam, and retires.

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320 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. Then the linga, (lingasuddhi,) saying:Chaturtham linga-suddhi-dam || "Fourthly, purity of the Linga." And to prevent his yawning, coughing, &c., he makes mantrasuddhi, repeating : Panchamai mantra-suddhis syat || Prichyante pakaka-juddhayah ||| "Fifthly, let there be the purity of the mantras. Thus five kinds of purities are enumerated." He then sits down in the Mahamandapa and worships Surya. Then he observes the following,Sthandila-vidhih Uttaman drona-salis tu madhyamam tu tad ardhakam | dviprastham kanyasamproktam sthandilam tu vidhiyate || adhamam tv adhakam proktam tri-vidham parikalpayet || "Rule for covering the ground. The best mode of covering is by two measures of Sali grain; a medium mode is by half of that quantity'; a low mode is by half a measure; these (three) form the definition of Sthandila. The lowest mode is by a quarter measure." This rule is otherwise given thus:Siva-sthandilam evoktam madhyamam tu tad ardhakam || And the rule for worship is,Sthandila sthal-alamkara-vidhih Darbhaih pushpais samastirya Sridevim tatra sa yajet || On a raised stone in the floor in front of him a sthanikar places 4 measures of rice, which the bhattar spreads into a square and traces on it a circular flower with 8 petals. On it he places darbha grass and flowers, saying: Sri devyai namah, and then puts a little sandal paste on it. He then takes an empty vessel like a teapot without handle, and after fumigating it with lighted camphor he ties a thread over it, passing it five times at equal distances down the sides and over the shoulders and bottom, and putting sandal paste and akshatah on four sides, he places it over the figure drawn on the rice. Next, taking akshatah in his left hand he places it on the rice at the bottom of the vessel, saying: Pade Brahmanam avahayami." Again he puts more on the body of the pot, saying:-Madhye Vishnum avahayami; on the lip, saying:Osh the Rudram avahayami; again on two sides, [DECEMBER, 1883. saying:-Dvi-parevayor nandikalau avahayami; next inside the pot, the assistant saying: Patre jalavahana-vidhih || Ganga cha Yamuna chaiva Narmada cha Sarasvati | Sindhur Godavari chaiva Kaveri Tambraparnika || kalase tu samabiyarla ghrupe Vighneivars yojet | Suddhodam kalase purya krichhram tu anyato nyaset || 27 Patravahana-vidhik | Pade Brahmanam abhyarchya madhye Vishnuns samarchayet|8shtke Rudram samabhy. archya nandikalau dvi-parvy || The precept for deifying the vessel. At the foot "The precept for deifying the water in the vessel. Inside the vessel, Ganga, Yamuna, Narmada, Sarasvati, Sindhu, Godavari, Kaveri, and Tambraparnika, are to be worshipped. At the spout of the vessel, Vighnesvara is to be worshipped." Lastly he puts some into the spout, saying:Kanthimukhe Vighnesvaram avahayami :"I worship Vighneevara at the spout (of the vessel.)" A sthanikar now takes the silver pot full of water and pours it into this vessel. The bhattar puts a pavitra of darbha grass on his finger, thus described: Pavitra-vidhih|| Darbha-dvayena samklishtam dvadasangulam ayatam || dvir-angulam tu valayam granthir ekamgulam bhavet || chaturanguli tat puchham pavitrasya cha lakshanim|| "The rule for making Pavitra :-Two darbha grasses each of twelve finger-breadths long must be twined together. Two finger-breadths in length must be devoted to form the ring of the pavitram; one finger-breadth for the knot; four finger-breadths for the tail; this is the description of the Pavitram." The sthanikar brings a large flat brass tray called tambalam, with half a measure of rice, some betelnut, fruit (plantains), sandal paste, flowers, sugar, darbha grass, cocoanut and mango leaves, and sets the tray on the south of the kumbha. Pusakavachane-peje-elmagra-vidhik Patre tandula-tambula-phala-gandham cha pushpakam || gudam-darbhamra-patram cha daksha-bhage vinikshipet || "The rule for the collection of the things required for Punyahavachana :-In the vessel rice, betel-leaf, fruit, sandal-powder, and flowers; molasses, darbha grass, and mango leaf must be placed to the right." The bhattar sits facing the east, and the Sadhacharya and any other Brahmans knowing of the vessel Brahma is to be worshipped. In the middle Vishnu must be worshipped. On the brim Rudra is to be worshipped. And on the two sides Nandi and Kila are to be worshipped."

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DECEMBER, 1883.] THE RITUAL OF RAMESVARAM. 321 the Veda who may wish to join, sit down near He next dips the mango leaves and darbha him. The bhattar asks :-Punyah punyuhani in the water and drops it on his head, then vachayishye ? on the floor, and on the vessels (as pro. "Charitable people! Permit me to pro- kshana). The kumbha is now set aside" and nounce the Punyahavachanam !" asthanikar brings the panchaga vyam-curds, They reply--Vachyatam, -"Let it be said !" ghi, milk, cow-urine (mutram) and dung He says-Akshatak ? (gomayam) for which five cups are arranged They reply-Santo akshatah ---"Let there be in the form of a cross; the milk is put in the akshatas." centre, the curd on the east, the ghi on the south, Bhattar-Dakshinah?--" Fees P" the cow-dung on the west and the urine on the Brahmans--Svasti dakshinah, -"Let there north. The bhattar taking akshath in his left be fees." hand, lifts a little of it with his right and puts it The bhattar then takes the mango leaves, on the curd, saying :-Purvasydin dili dadhi cocoanut, darbha grass and a cloth, and lays pujayami : "I worship the card (placed) in the them on the kumbha,--the head of the cocoanut eastern direction." pointing to the east. Then the bhattar performs Again on the ghi, saying :sankalpa, as before. A sthanikar brings him Dakshinasyai disi ghritak pujaya mi: "I a cloth and garland, and the bhattar ties the worship the ghi in the southern direction." cloth round the neck of the kumbha and puts the Next on the gomayan,--Varunasydin didi Farland over it. Then taking down the cocoanuty gomayan pujayami: "I worship the gomayam he dips the mango leaves into the water thrice, on the west." and drops the water into another vessel with Then on the ganutram saying - Uttarasyari the same formula as in the first pojd. Next, disi gojalan pajayami: "I worship the cowtouching the pot with some darbha stalks, he urine on the north." and the Brahmans repeat portions of the Veda And lastly on the milk, saying - Madhyam for about an hour. The bhattar then offers dugdhan pujayami: "I worship the milk in betel-leaf, sugar and flowers, as naivedya to the middle." the kumbha, saying, Varunarajdya nanah, and He now presents molasses as naivelya, from another vessel he sprinkles water thrice saying :-Fanchagavya-de vatayai namah gulani on the floor with the usual formula - Arghyam, naivedyami:" "Salutation to the god Pancha&c. Now taking water and a flower in his gavya, I offer molasses as naivedya." hand, he waves it twice, as an offering, to- Then taking a little akshatih and holding it wards the kumbha, saying :-Kadaliphalam nai- ont in his joined hands, he says: -Yathivedyami; gulani naivedyami. Then he says: sthanam pratishtha payimi. "I consecrate it in Pagi-phala-sanayuktai naga-valli-dalair yu- its usual place." tai | karpara-churna-sanyuktai tambalan Next he pours into the milk, first the curds, prutigrihyatan || next the ghi, third the yomayam, and lastly * Be pleased to accept betel-leaf with nuts, the the gonutrain, and takes the vessel into the tender leaves of Nagavalli, and camphor powder." garbhagriha or shrine, and sets it on the north Then he adds Tambilani naivedyami, and side of the linya." taking akshatah he joins his hands, and says :- Again a sthanikar brings four measures of Vurunarljaya namah yathasthanai pratish- rice and places it on the raised stone or fing thapayaini and the bhattar spreads it in a square and draws "Salutation to Varunaraja. I consecrate on it a lotus flower with ten petals, the 3rd him in his usual place." pointing to the south and the 8th to the north, * The bhattar geta the rice, &c. the milk must be placed. In the East the curdy. In 30 Puncha-gavy -vidhih the South the ghi. In the North and Weet the two Nava-krita-padu-madhy" dugdham aindre dadhi syat gomayas-dung and urine. In the South-East (Anala), Yama-dibi gkrita-85ml wirund g mayd deel South-west (Niriti), North-West (Vayu), and North-E:et Nifichara-jala-viyir fta-kin shu pishtamalaka-rajani. (Itdna), rice flour (paste), Amalaka (fruit mixed in water), toye sthapitan pancha-guvyam | Turmeric (dissolved in water) and pure water must be The second part is also given thus placed respectively. All these nine ingredients mixed Anala nirita viyoufia k ineshu pishta together form the Panchgavya componnd. malaka rajanikipah sthapayet Panchaguye 30 The North is the proper side in all marriage and That is propitious ceremonies; in Sraddhas and ceremonies "In the middle of a square divided into nine sections relating to the dead the South is the proper side.

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322 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEMBER, 1883. the numeration commencing from the east. pareve sakabde asmin vartamane pravarttamOn it he places sandal paste and flowers, and anasya vyuvaharike Prabhavadi-shashti-saivate putting akshatah in his left hand he places a sarand it madhye (Chitrabhanu)-nama-saulittle of it on the petal No. 1, with the words- vatsare (utarayi me hemanta-ritau MakaraAnantyam ardhayami. mase suklapaleshe-saptamydi) subha-tithaus On No. 2, with-Sukshmam dvdhayami. (In luvasara)-yuktuyam (Revati-)nakshatraOn No. 3, with-Sivam avahayami.. yukta yani eri Siva nakshatra, sri Siva-yoga, On No. 4, with-Ultamam dvahayami. sri Sicu-karana Subhz-yiga subha-karana On No. 5, with - Yekanetram dvdhayami. evanguna-visesha na-visishtayai. subla-tithau. On No. 6, with - Yekaru tram avahayami. "In the second-southern division of the ConOn No. 7, with--Srikantham dva tinent of Brahma which is going (its round) On No. 8, with-Srikanthim avdo by the command of the great and reverend On No. 9, with-Agnim hva Siva; in the present) time of Svetavaraha, in On No. 10, with-Sivavardhinim dva the reign of Vaivasvata-mang; the twenty, And on the small circle in the centre, with- eighth ; in the first quarter of the Kaliyuga; Saktisameta ekadasi rudrin avahayami. in Jambadvipa; in Bharatavarsha, in BharataPlacing a large pot (ghalam) on the centre khanda; in the southern direction from Meru; of it and ten smaller ones (kalasam) round it in the Saka-era ; in the sainvatsara Chitrabhanu on the petals, all fumigated first with camphor, of the cycle of 60 years beginning from and with threads tied round each in the usual Prabhava; in the Hemanta season; during the fashion here, he puts akshatah and candal paste (sun's) northern course; on the puspicious day on the four sides of each. A sthanikar then Monday the 7th tithi of the light half of brings water (from the Koti-tirtha) and pours the month Makara ; on the auspicious day in into each poty, and ties a cloth round the which is the asterism Revati, the Siva neck, placing mengo' leaves, a cocoanut, darbha nakshatra, Siva yoga, Siva Karana, the Subha and a garland on all. The bhatur now yoga, Sabha Karana, and other (auspicious) washes his hands and feet at a well close to the times are in conjunction," Mandapa and returning into the mahamandapa, Then he says,-Sri-Ramanathesvarasya pratalhe sits down facing the east (the pavitra being kule abhishekarthai snapanapujen vidhivad ahan still on his hand), and here he makes prand- karishye;-"For the holy morning-bath of yama in the usual way, then crossing his fore- Ramanathesvara, I perform the necessary arms, with closed fists he beats his temples worship of the bath as prescribed by rules" : with the knuckles and muttering Sri Ganesdya and taking akshatah in his right hand he namah. Then he begins the sannkalpa :S1 saying; puts small quantities of it, with his left; Suklambaradhara vishnuii sasivarnail chatur- Ist, on the ghagam or large pot, saying bhujam prasanna-vad man dhyayet sarva-vigh- Sapta-vidha-samudra-tirthan dvdhayami : "I nipasantaye li "For the pacification of all 'deify the seven kinds of ocean waters in the obstacles let us think on him who is dressed vessel;" 2nd, into the kalasa on petal No. 1, in white robes, who is Vishnu himself, who saying :-Gangam uvapayami: "I fill up water is of the colour of the moon, who has four from Ganga." Into the 2nd kalasa, saying :hands, and who is of pleasing appearance." Yamunam kvapayami; into the 3rd-Narma And then, holding his two hands clasped on dam avupayami ; into the 4th-Sarasvatim the right knee, the right hand above, he repeats dvapayami; into the 5th-Sindhunadim dvdthe mantra : Asya sri-Bhagavatah maha- payami; into the 6th--Godavarim avapayani; purushasya Sivasy-ujnaya 2 pravartamdnasya into the 7th-Kaverim avapayami; into the alya brahmano dvitiye-pararddhe svetavardha- 8th-Tamraparnim uvapayami; into the 9thkalpe vaivasvata-manvantare ashtavigum, sateSivatirthan doapayami; and into the 10th kalatame Kaliyuge prathama pade -Jambu-dvipesa saying Survan punya-tirthan avupayami. Dharata-varshe Bharata-lchande Merir dakshine Asthanikar brings betel leaf, plantains and 31 Mental vow or resolution. * A Vaishnava would say Vishnor djiayu. 33 i. c. 1882-3. 3Corresponding to 15th Jan. 1833. 5 Punyatithau would be used in sriddha ooremonies,&o. 3Monday.

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THE RITUAL OF RAMESVARAM. DECEMBER, 1883.] sugar, and another brings a single dipa and dhupa, and the bhattar waves the dhupa, saying, -sarva-tirthebhyah maha-purushebhyah dhupam aghrapayami; then the dipa, saying:-sarva-tirthebhyah maha-purushebhyah dipai darsayami." Then he sprinkles a few drops of water over the betel-leaf, sugar and fruit, and offers them in succession as naivedya saying:-sarva, &c., kadali-phalam naivedyami; gulam naivedyami; and pugi-phala-samayuktam nagavallidalair-yutam kalpura-churna-samyuktam tambulam pratigrihyatam sarva-tirthebhyah mahd-purushebhyah tambulan naivedyami. And then taking akshatah in his hands he places it over the gha tam, saying: Sarvopacharan samarpayami: "I perform all the obeisances." A sthanikar next brings, in separate dishes, honey, plantains, curds, milk, ghi and sugar thus enumerated : Panchamrita-vidhih || Dadhi-madhu-paya-sarpi-sarkara madhyamadi sara-padasivakoshte vinyased brahma-mantraih || guduva-yugala-yuymam prasthapadam tu panchamrita-maya siva-yogyam sthapitam trini kale | "Of the curds, honey, milk, ghi, and sugar, begin from the middle and place them all in the five sacred spots, pronouncing the Brahmamantra. Twice two, and a quarter times of sugar must be in the mixture. This kind of mixture, which is called Panchamrita must be offered three times to the god." The bhattar goes into the shrine and removes the garland, flowers and bilva leaves, and hands them to a second sthanik ar, who takes them to the chapel of Chandikesvara. Then the bhattar stands before the figure of Ganapati or Vighnesvara, in the Ardhamandapa with joined hands, and says: Skandagraja ganadhisa devy vallabhaya saha Sivapjak prevrittani nirvignate prasida me || "Thon elder brother of Skanda, the lord of all the ganas! I have begun the worship of Siva with his beloved wife; be pleased to favour me with freedom from all obstacles." Then he goes to the Nandi and removes the garland of the previous evening, and those on all the other images in the temple, and takes 3" To the great persons-all the great rivers I present incense. 35 I present light. 39 At the Ardra feast (Tam. Tiruvadirai) on the Ardranakshatra in Margairaha, jackfruit, mangoes, pome 323 those of the gods to Chandikesvara-those of the Ammans to Chandikesvari. This takes half an hour to do. Returning to the garbhagriha, he sprinkles water on the linga (prokshana), and now begins the abhisheka. The curtain is drawn and a sthanikar has already filled a large vessel in the shrine with water from the Koti-tirtha, and now brings the sandalwood paste or ointment already described and the bhattar, rubs it over the linga, and pours water on it. The sthanikar next brings powder of yakkay (mimosa abstergens) and the bhattar mixes it in a brass cup with water, forming a very thin paste, and pours it on the linga, and again water. The same follows with powdered cinnamon, and turmeric; then the sthanikar opens the tender cocoanut and the bhattar pours the water of it into a bowl and thence over the linga, followed by water; then the curds, the ghi, the milk, the sugar mixed with water and the honey are successively poured on, and each followed by an ablution of water. Next the panchagavya already described is brought and poured on, and again water, and lastly thin sandalwood ointment. Then he ties a cloth to the middle of the linge, and offers naivedya of mudgannam (Tam. pongal) made of boiled rice, green dhal, ghi, pepper and cumin, first sprinkling it with water and then moving his hand five times towards the linga, saying:-Mudgannas naivedye. Next he waves a dhupa with 4 or 5 lights on it whilst the sthanikar rings the bell; then dipa; then camphor, and the curtain is withdrawn and again drawn. The bhattar now takes the cloth off the linga and pours water over it, and a.sthanikar brings over the ten kalasas of water in the order in which they have been already numbered, and gives them to the bhattar who pours them over the linga and gives the empty vessel to another sthanikar. The ghatam (or large vessel) is next brought, and the sthanikar holding it, the bhattar takes a mango leaf and dips the top of it into the water thrice dropping it each time on the linga. Then throwing the leaf into the Ardhamandapa, he takes the sankh and the sthanikar pours water into it which the bhattar poars granates, tender cocoanuts, grapes, sugarcane and butter are added. * sadyojAta and the five Mantras beginning with it are called Brahmamantras,

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324 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEMBER, 1883. over the linga : this is repeated thrice. The wards the image, saying :-Mudgannasi naivesthanikar now gives him the ghagam, which he dy mi gulannani najvedyamil sambharanna empties also over the linga. Next the sthani- naivedyami mashapupai naivedyd mi apapa kar brings to the bhattar a vessel of Ganga naivedyamil atirasa naivedyamil vichitrawater, which he pours in the same way. Then bhakshyar naivedyamil payasash naivedyami dry cloth is given with which to dry it. supas nuivedyanil ajyan naivedyumi dadhi Next he washes all round the linga with water naivedyami and vyanjanan naivedyamita-warfrom the large vessel in the shrine. Then two ing his hand five timer mes ing his hand five times; meanwhile music is cloths are brought for vastra and wpavastra, going on in the Nandi-mandapa and a sthanikar which are tied round the middle and thrown rings a bell in the temple. over the top of the linga. The sthanikar next The sthanikars now remove all the food to a brings the silver tripundra or mark, of three room to the south-east of the Amman shrine, horizontal bars, and the bhattar, making the beside the kitchen, delivering it into the charge usual mark with sandal paste, presses the of a Maniyakaran, who locks it up. In the tripundra against it so that it sticks, and puts temple a sthanikar takes a bell in his left hand a tilaka or round mark over the central bar. and a dhupa and dipa in the other, and ringing Then silver eyes are brought which are similarly the bell gives the dhupa to the bhattar and stuck on; and lastly a garland is put over it. withdraws the curtain. The bhattar waves The sthanikars come out of the mandapa! the dhupa, saying-dhtipam aghrapayami, and and pour water in front of the great Nandi- pours water thrice on the floor (achamaniya); which is built up and plastered over, and is of then waves a dipa with one light (ekamukha) great size. Water is also poured on all the other saying :-dipuin darsayami; then a sthanikar lingas. The bhattar takes sandal-wood paste in gives him a lighted saptasthana-dipa which a cup and bilva leaves in a plate, and goes round he waves with both hands, saying :-alarikarato all the lingas and images, putting a tilaka on dipan darsayami. He returns each in turn each, and laying two bilva leaves on the top. to a second sthanikar. Then he pours water on The stnanikars next bring with music from the floor saying, dahamaniya, and receives the the kitchen, mudgannam (T. pongal), gulannam pancha-sirsha-naga-dipa, which he waves say(or rice prepared with sugar, ghi, green dhal, ing, dipaih darsayami; and so in succession he cardamoms, milk and cocoanut), sambhd. receives the vrishabha-dipa, the purusha-mrigarannam (rice cooked with tamarind, sesamum dipa, the nakshatra-dipa and the kumbha-dipa, oil, chillies, mustard and salt), bread made of and waves each, first in a wavy line from black gram (phaseolus radiatus), bread of rice- above downwards, then thrice round going up flour with sugar and ghi, a cake made of rice- on the left and down on the right side and lastly flour drawn into threads like maccaroni, rice bringing it straight downwards, and saying the with milk, dhal boiled with salt, curds, ghi and same words." Here the sthanikar stops ringing curries. This is brought into the Ardha-man. the bell, and the priest repeats the words :dapa near the shrine door and the bhattar Dhupah dadyat prathamato naite dyan aprinkles it with water, and taking a bilva leaf depayed guruh tambulni tu ninddyatha punar he places it at the foot of the linga, saying:- dipah tu dariayet || mahadipasi tatahpasohad bhuMaya sarvan naivedya-padarthan angkritam iti tarudrani sajinikan naga-dipann kesha-dipar prarthaniyam purushamriga-sarhjhikan || Nakshatra-sarifikasi Then pouring water thrice he says, as before:- diperin panchatrinekavaktrakain | Gratrikani cha arghyam, &c. Next he waves a bilva leaf to- sarvatra samdropya samarchay6t || gandhapushpair Pilgrims from the north often bring Ganges water which is received with great echt, elephants and dancing girls going out with music to convey it to the temple. . Mudgannam-Rice cooked with greon dhal, butter, ginger and spice. Gulannam-Rice cooked in milk, sugar, butter, grapes, &e. Sambharannam-Rice cooked in Tamarind juice, spiced and soented. MashoppamCakes prepared from black gram. Apupam-Cakes. Atir gam-Cakes prepared from rice flour and sugar in equal parts. Vichitrabhakshyam-Various cakes and sweptmeats. Pdyasam-Milk boiled with sugar, grapes, &o. Spam-Cake prepared out of a kind of pulse. Ajyim-Ghi. Dadhi-Curd. And Vyanjanam-Curry stuffs. " At a festival I observed that the bhattar who waved the lamps held down his hand after each, that one of the sthanikere might pour a little water on the fingers of it, then he took a flower out of his left hand and threw it at or upon the dips he was about to receive. A second bhattar always reposta tho formula at his left hand.

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DECEMBER, 1883.] THE RITUAL OF RAMESVARAM. 325 dh upayuktan digbandhan chapakunthanara | pan- namah Isvaraya namah | Chandrasekharaya chamudra-samayuktar dhe numudran pradar- namah | Khandaparasave namah &c., to 108or sayet || panchabrahia shadangais cha paschad- | 1008 names. ardtrikan nayet | Niranjane tu tatkale ghanta Asthanikir has now brought back the food sabda-nivarjitan || niranjanar tato dattvd ma- from the arai or pantry, and the bhattar dhye chachamaniyakam bhasmani dariayet pas. sprinkles it with water and waves his hand chat bhrumadhye tilakunkuman H from it towards the linga, saying: "First the incense is to be offered; then Kadali - phalan naivedyami | Pagi - phalathe priest presents the sacred meal; then samayuktan naga-valli-dalair yutam | karpuraafter presenting betel-leaf the light must be churna-samyuktai tambilan pratigrihyatam || presented; then the mahadipa ; bhuta rudra Tambulum naivedyumi. dipas; the nlga dipa; the besha dipa; the Next, he gives holy ashes (vibhati), bilva purushumiriga dipa; the nakshatra dipa which leaves and water, to those who are worshipping is arranged in three rows of five, three, and in the Mahamandapa. A sthanikar then takes one respectively; all these depas each with some boiled rice in a basin and covers it with a its worship must be waved before the god; cloth, another brings a bell in his left hand and then the digbanda and Apakuntha ceremony a dhupa and dipa in his right, and they go with with sandal powder and incense must be per- music to all the lingas in the enclosure, the formed; the Panohamudra and Dhenumudra bhattar following. To each linga the sthanikar must be presented; the waving of the Aratri lifts the corner of the cloth, the bhattar waves with the five Brahmas and the six angas must his hand, offering naivedya, and presents the be performed; then the waving of camphor dhupa and dipa. The same is then done at the ceremony must take place when the sound of shrines of Vinayaka, Subrahmanya, &c. the bell must be stopped ; after the Niranjana Next the bhattar pours water and lays down the uchamaniyaka must be offered; then the bilva leaves and rice on each end of the sparkling mark of kunkuma must be placed threshold of the east door of the Mahamandapa. A between the eye-brows." copper image like a trisala (Sivali-a Balidevata) Then the bhattar poars water on the floor, fixed in a hemispherical base is now carried in a saying, achamaniya, and with ashes, kept by small palanquin by two men out at the east door the door-jamb, he puts a tilaka on the linga. of the Mahamandapa, down the north steps, and A sthanikar next gives him a looking-glass round the shrine by the south, the bhattar which he shows to it; a small umbrella which following and putting water, bilva leaves, and he holds over it for a little; a chamara that he food on all the balipithams-of which there are whisks twice or thrice, and a fan of peacock nine to the south and three on the west of the feathers which he waves for three or four shrine outside, and three in front of the Mahaminutes. Then he takes flowers and bilva mandapa. Coming round by the north the palanleaves, and presenting them to the linga, with quin is carried out to the Nandi-mandapa, round joined bands he repeats : the north side of it, out into the second Prakara Pujaparadha-satyarthau kshamasveti may- and to the Yagasala in the north-east. There urchand | Namnd kritachutaradhya tanotu ta- the sthanikar puts fire into one of the homavatim mudam || kundas and the bhattar goes in and taking as "For the atonement of any mistakes that I much food thrice as his fingers will lift, he may have committed in my worship, I have puts it into the fire, saying, Devabalt, Bh dtabali now performed the worship. May it give you and Isvarabali. The palanquin is now brought pleasure (sctisfaction)!" back to the great gilt balipitham behind the He next commences the archana ; facing the dhuajastambha, on which the bhattar pours north, and holding a tray in his hands with water, and lays bilva leaves and a ball of food bilva leaves, the bhattar stands in the shrine, from the tray carried by the attendant sthaniwhile the Adhyayanabhattar, standing in the kar, this he sprinkles with water and offers Ardha-mapdapa says : saying Bahya-devatabhyo baliin naivedyami. Sivaya namah | Sankaraya namah Maha. This food is then given to the attendant whose devaya numah Sambhave namah Pasupataye daty it is to blow the sankh. The bhattar then

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326 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. DECEMBER, 1883. pours the remaining water on the balipitha and lands before it enters. At the south entrance throws the rest of the bilva leaves upon it, and of the Amman temple, the bhattar takes out the palanquin proceeds by the south side of the image and places it in the bed besiuu the Nandi to the Mahamandapa, ascending to Amman. There a camphor light is waved; the the east door by the south steps. The bhattar sthanikar brings milk, and the bhattar offers it now locks the door of the Ardha-mandapa, as naivedya. and the third or Udayakalapuja is closed, the He now comes out, and the dancing girl at time being now about noon. the door repeats a Tevara unjal or verse in The fourth service or Uchhikdlap uja begins honour of Siva :soon after the close of the last, and is exactly Mandiramam Saduragiri kalka!aka like the first after the svami or image has been Mahameru Ponmalaiyum vitamaka removed from the Amman temple, that it need. Vindaiyanda Seshan iru kayiradaka not be gone over again. It lasts about an hour Vilangukinra Meyjnunam palakayaka and a half, after which the doors are locked and Tandiramamalayanum vadantotatta all go to their houses for meals. Chaturmarayor arukirun du sadangukatta Again about half-past five the drummers and Sundarame tirumeninadar pankil some of the musicians sit in the entrance porch Tunai Malai nayakiyar a dirunjal and play with might and main in the shrillest "Mandara and Sadaragiri mountains are of keys. At sunset the sankh is blown in the turned as it were into two pillars for the susporch and the lamps are lit, servants being pension of the swing ; Mahameru and Ponmalai appointed for that purpose. The sthanikars are converted into beams; the powerful Sesha then open the doors and light the temple,*and has made himself into two cords; the true the bhattar, having bathed and having put on wisdom itself which shines supreme is turned * clean cloth and ashes, comes and makes the into a plank; Vishnu and Brahma hold the Sayarakshap uja, which is a repetition of the third cord and sway the swing to and fro; the learned or Udayakala described above. This is attend- Vedic Brahmans stand near and perform the ed by many pilgrims, and lasts till 9 or 10 necessary rites; the beautiful goddess Malainao'clock P.M. yaki (Sans. Parvatavardhini) sits by your The sixth and last puja-Ardhajama, is also side. Let us rock the swing." a repetition of the first, including the abhisheka. And a Pandaram (Oduvar) also repeats another After this, the bhattar puts the golden image tevara. into a small palanquin and waves a camphor Manana noleki vaiteki tannaiyoru mayaiyal light before it; then the sthanikars, preceded Kanadil vavviya kararakkan uyir Serravan by musicians and the attendant dancing girl, Yenamilappugalannal seyitavi ramechhura (dasi) carry it out by the north steps from the Nanamum nanporu!agi ninratoru nanmaiye. east door, the bhattar presenting dhupa and "That the daughter of Videha (Sita) seeing dipa and offers betel nut and leaf (kalanji) in the deer mistook it, without knowing that it front of the Nandi, they bring it round the was a Rakshasa come in disguise to entrap north side of the Nandi, in front of the treasury, her, has after all taken a beautiful turn by (karuvalam) where again dhipa and dipa aro establishing for ever the name of Ramesvaram." presented, and again on the north-east opposite The sthanikar meanwhile swings the cot to the store-room. It then proceeds east and and fro and fans the images, and people attendsonth along the second Prakara to the southing for worship are supplied with sacred ashes. entrance into the Amman shrine. By the sides | Other sthanikars now lock and seal the doors of the door out of the Prakara are statues of of all the shrines; all go out, and the sthanikir Tirumalai Setapati (on the east) and his son counts the jewels on the images, closes and Raghunatha Tirumalai Setupati," where it seals the door, locking the prdkdra doors stops, and the statues are honoured with gar- and departs about midnight. * The shrine being perfectly dark, lights are kept in S. 1570 Raghunatha gave Muluttakam, Nambitalai and barning behind the linga all day. Attur, with reparate copper-plate deeds for the first, * In S. 1562 Tirumalai is said to have given to the and the other two. None of these copper-platos are now temple the villages of Pnliyankudi, Kumrakurichi and to be found in the temple. Karuma! with its hamlets, and a copper-plate dood; and

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DECEMBER, 1883. CORRESPONDENCE AND MISCELLANEA. 327 CORRESPONDENCE AND MISCELLANEA. KUKKUTAPADA-GIRI AND KUKKUTA distinct localities; the former near Patna, the SANGHARAMA. latter some 15 miles to the E. or S.E. of Gaya." SIR, --On the fourth page of vol. XV of the It will be seen from the above that I make no Reports of the Archeological Survey of India is accusation, but I say that General Cunningham's this passage "Mr. Beal has accused me of con. account increases the confusion which exists in founding the Vihar of the Cock's foot,' which regard to the situation of the convent known as was just outside the city of Pataliputra, or Patna, the Kukkutarama, for he states that "the situawith the Hill of the Coek's foot,' which, accord tion of Kurkibar agrees exactly with Fah-hian's ing to Hwen Thsang, was 16 miles to the east of account," but Fah-hian places the "Cock's hill" Gaya. But it is Mr. Beal himself who has made three li to the south of Gaya, and this does not a mistake, as I particularly mention in my report agree with the position of Kurkihar, which is 16 (vol. I, p. 16), that there was a monastery also miles or so to the east of that place, neither of the same name (Kukkuta-pada Vihdra), but does Fa-hian say anything about a three-peaked this was close to Pataliputra, or Patna.' The name hill, and yet General Cunningham remarks that of Kurkihar I took to be only a shortened form "the situation of Kurkihar agrees exactly with of Kurak Vihar, which must certainly have re. Fa-hian's account, excepting that there is no three. ferred to a monastery. In fact, no Buddhist peaked hill in the neighbourhood." establishment could have existed without a I think it will be seen that the difficulty before monastery, and I presume that the monastery of me at the time I wrote the note was (as indeed Kurkihar was known as the Kukkuta-pada-giri I state) to know to what account General Cunning. Vihara, or Vihar of the Cock's-foot hill,' while the ham refers. But doubtless I overlooked the monastery at Pataliputra was simply the Kukkuta- allusion made to the monastery of the same pada Vihara, or Vihar of the Cock's-foot." name close to Pataliputra" (although the names In reference to this extract I ask your per were not presumably the same, as the Surveyor. mission to make the following remarks :-In the General remarks in the extract given above from first place, I fail to understand what General the, XVth vol. of his Reports), and to that extent Cunningham means when he says, I "accuse him" I would wish to modify my criticism. of so and so. In the note in my book (Buddhist But the matter has become more involved, and Pilgrims, p. 132), to which reference is made, the confusion worse confounded, by what has been I was speaking of the confusion which exists written since 1861. I hope General Cunningham in reference to this "hill of the Cock's-foot." will pardon me for making some further remarks First of all Fahian places it three li south of on what he has written (undoubtedly by oversight, Buddha Gaya; then Stas. Julien in his Index yet misleading to those less informed than himself) (Voy. des Pal. Boud. tome II, p. 452) refers to the on this subject. In the Ancient Geography of "Koukkout&rama," and says it is the same as the India, p. 460, he says :-"According to Fah-hian's convent alluded to by Hiuen Tsiang (tome I, account the hill of the Cock's.foot was three li, p. 139), which was near Patna, and yet, he adds, or half a mile, to the south of the holy tree of the correct form is * Koukkoutapada Sangha- Buddha Gaye. For 3 li we should no doubt read rima." und refers us to tome III. D. 6. where the 3 yojane's or 21 miles, which agrees very closely allusion is to a hill of the Cock's-foot," at with Hwen Theang's distance of 17 miles." least fifty miles from the convent near Patna. I had myself proposed to substitute yojanas for Then I add that Burnout in his Introduction lis in Fa-hian's account (Fa-hian, p. 132 n.), and de l'hist. Ind. Bud. (p. 366n.), has stated that I was therefore gratified to find that General the celebrated hermitage of "the Cock" was Cunningham thought, in 1871, that there was situated on the mountain called Kukkutapada, "no doubt" this was the right solution (although near Gaya; after this I go on thus :-" To add only a partial one,--for we must also substitute to the confusion-the Archaeological Surveyor's east for south in the pilgrim's narrative) of the Renart (1861. p. 15). identifies Kurkihar, about difficulty. But now all this is changed, for in the 16 miles to the east of Gaya, with the Kukkut- 15th vol. of his Reports, printed in 1882 (to which rima, and then adds that this situation reference was first made in this letter) I find to my agrees exactly with Fah-hian's account, excepting astonishment the following remark (p. 4, n. 2) - that there is no three-peaked hill in the neighbour. Fa-hian himself has made a mistake in placing hood." "I am at a loss" (the note continues) " to the Cock's-foot hill only 3 li, or half a mile, to the know to what account he refers. On the whole, south of Pataliputra. Mr. Beal would correct I prefer to consider the hermitage and the hill as this to 3 yojanas, or 21 miles. But as the actual

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328 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (DECEMBER, 1883. distance is over 50 miles, I would suggest 300 li, or 50 miles, as the true reading." But, where are we? Fa-hian says nothing about Pataliputra; and I had thought General Cunningham was satisfied, without doubt, that three yojanas must be substituted for 3 li, in the Chinese text. This note certainly adds to the previous confusion. Then, again, with reference to the "three. peaked hill;" in 1861 the Surveyor-General remarks that "there is no three-peaked hill in the neighbourhood of Kurkihar, but there are three bare and rugged hills which rise boldly out of the plain about half a mile to the north of the village." (Reports, vol. I, p. 16.) These he identifies with the Cock's foot mountain of Hiuen Thsiang. In the Ancient Geography, p. 460, this is repeated. But in vol. XV, p. 5, we read :"Hwen Tsiang describes the hill as lofty and scarped, with three bold peaks that spring into the air. These peaks I have already identified with the three peaks of the Murali mountain, which stands three miles to the north-north-east of the town of Kurkihar." Are these "three peaks of the Murali mountain three miles to the N.N.E. of the town," the same as the "three bare and rugged hills about half a mile to the north of the village" P Here the confusion is as great as ever. And I am unable to find the reference to the Murali mountain. There is, indeed, allusion in the firat volof the Reports to a distinct peak of the Barabar group of hills which is called Murali (p. 42), but the Barubar district is 16 miles north of Gaya. Possibly the right reference has escaped me; but yet it is confusing, for the three peaks of a mountain either half a mile to the north of the village, or three miles to the N.N.E., would seem to correspond with the description of the Cock's. foot mount given by Hiuen Tsiang, and yet we are told, "There is no three-peaked hill in the neighbourhood of Kurkihar." (Ancient Geography of India, p. 460). But once more: General Cunningham on p. 4 of his Reports, vol. XV, says, that Fa-hian's account is as follows:-"The great Chia-yeh (KAkyapa) is at present in this mountain." It is plain, therefore, that when Fa-hian wrote he was supposed to be in the Kukkyta-pada-giri. He was there, as Hinen Tsiang's account plainly says, awaiting the coming of Maitreya Buddha, to whom he was to deliver the golden robe presented to Sakya Buddha by his aunt Praja pati. Accord ingly Fa-hian tells us a little lower down that in a fastness within the mount, the entire body," that is, the human body of Kasyapa, is enshrined. But General Cunningham, quoting from a wrong translation of the Chinese text would resolve all this into " a full length image of Chia-yeh placed in a niche." Of course anyone has a right to translate a Chinese text. But I should have thought that some small acquaintance with Bud. dhist legend was desirable in the case of a person undertaking to translate a Buddhist book. But in any case I shall be borne out by all acquainted with the subject and by none, I believe, more than by General Cunningham, after consideration) that the legend of Kasyapa requires the translation I have given of his "entire, or, uncorrupted body," being still preserved in the Cock's-foot mount, awaiting the advent of Mai. troya. This is manifest from Hiuen Tsiang's account, which General Cunningham refers to on p. 5 of the same volume. Here we are distinctly told that Kasyapa ascended the north side of the mount, and passed to the S.W. side. There, being balked by the opposing rock, he opened a way for him. self, and passed through the mount to the northeast summit; there he sat down with the robe of gold tissue in his hand; then by his spiritual power he caused the three peaks to unite as a sierral over him, he being underneath the middle one. There he will await the coming of Maitreya, who will receive from him the saintly robe, then Kasyapa will ascend into the air, exhibit miracles, and his body will be consumed by self-produced fire, and thus men will be led to believe in Maitreya. This is the account of Hiuen Tsiang. Unfor. tunately Stas. Julien has missed the key to the interpretation, and translated it as though Maitreya had come. But the Chinese is plain enough, and the mere fact that Kasyapa was still supposed to be in the mountain when Fa-hian wrote his account, taken together with the fact that Maitroya, the lord of the world, has not yet come, would be sufficient to show that this is the true version if there were any doubt about it; but there is none, for as I said before the Chinese is plain enough. I have made the foregoing remarks not with any desire to find fault, much less to accuse, any one, but I have thought it right to explain myself, and to point out what I conceive to be errors of translation, and other inadvertencies, which gain authority by appearing without remark in the pages of such valuable works as the Reports of the Archaeological Survey of India. Wark, Northumberland. S. BEAL. * Julion given it "devent en dsme," Mem. vol. II, p. 8.

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DECEMBER, 1883.] BOOK NOTICES. THE TIGER AND THE CAT. Tigers at first were ignorant until the king of the tigers once came to the cat and begged him for lessons. The cat consented, and taught the tiger to watch, to crouch, to spring, and the other accomplishments familiar to the race. At last, when he thought he had learnt everything the BOOK NOTICES. CATALOGUE du MUSEE GUIMET: Premiere partie-INDE, CHINE et JAPON, precedee d'un apercu sur les Reli gions de l'extreme Orient, &c., par L. de Milloue. Nouv. ed. (Lyon, 1883). CATALOGUE AND HANDBOOK of the ARCHEOLOGICAL COLLECTIONS in the INDIAN MUSEUM, by John Anderson, M.D., &c. Part I. Asoka and Indo-Scythian Galleries. (Calcutta, 1883). The importance of good museums both for the scientific study of history, mythology, ethnology, art, products and manufactures, and for the purposes of general instruction and education is now recognised, and can hardly be over-estimated. Museums are beginning to be no longer mere stores for curiosities,' where the contents were generally arranged at hap-hazard, without any idea of classification or aim to be instructive. Unfortunately too many are still so arranged, and their real public value entirely overlooked. Nor can we hope that it should be otherwise until men of influence and means, as well as governments, take an active interest in developing their utility. M. Emile Guimet, of Lyon, has set a noble example. After a mission to India, China and Japan, where he made large collections, he has built and endowed in his native city a large and very complete museum. Opened by the Congress of French Orientalists in 1878, this museum contains(1). A library of books and MSS. in Sanskrit, Tamil, Simhalese, Tibetan, Siamese, Chinese, Japanese, and in European languages, treating specially of religions. To these are to be added French translations of such as have not been already rendered into that language. Grammars and dictionaries of almost all the dialects of India, and of the ancient languages of Egypt, Greece, Rome and Phoenicia, will be available for persons desiring to study ancient or oriental languages. (2). A museum of Religions-containing all the gods of India, China, Japan, Egypt, Greece and the Roman empire. (3). A school in which Eastern Students may learn French, and Frenchmen study the living languages and religions of the far East. This school has native professors of different creeds (there are six Orientals in it we believe), who explain the different mythologies and the illustrative objects in the museum. cat had to impart, the tiger made a spring at his teacher, intending to tear and eat him. Instantly the cat ran nimbly up a tree whither the tiger could not follow. "Come down," cried the tiger, "come down at once." "No, no," replied the cat, "how fortunate for me that I did not teach you more, or you might have been able to pursue me even here!" 329 The aim of M. Guimet in establishing this magnificent foundation was "to facilitate the researches of scholars, and still more to extendby popularising-the taste for Oriental studies and the religions of the East." Notwithstanding the far greater interest that Britain has in India and the East, there is no such establishment so handsomely endowed, either in England or India, for the pursuit of Oriental studies. The only institution of the kind is the Indian Institute at Oxford, still in its infancy, and which is so largely, if not exclusively, due to the personal exertions of Prof. Monier Williams, but which, if properly supported, promises well. The Musee Guimet at Lyon is a very elegant and commodious building, covering an area of fully 3300 square yards and of three stories, and since its establishment and the publication of the first Catalogue in 1880 (in 112 pages 3vo) the collections have grown so rapidly that the new edition is divided into three volumes-the first alone containing over 330 pages 12mo, and embracing, besides a short introductory sketch of the principal Oriental religions, only the collections from India, China and Japan. The second part will be devoted to the religions of Ancient Egypt, Greece, Italy and Gaul, with a list of donors to the museum; and the third will describe the collection of the ceramic works of China and Japan. 66 The library, we learn, contains more than 12,000 volumes in all languages, printed and in manuscript, relative to the religions, history, philosophy and literature of different peoples, voyages and travels, ancient and modern, palmleaf MSS. from India, Japan, &c." The walls are decorated with Chinese, and Japanese paintings, and with a special series made by M. Felix Regamey in India, China, and Japan. There are also specimens of Chinese, Singhalese and other coins, objects of jade, &c. &c. In the collection are numerous images, of bronze, brass, stone, &c., from all parts. The whole forms a most important collection of mythological and artistic objects. Among them, we observe (p. 43), a stone head (probably of a Bodhisattva) from the Elura Caves. 1 Jour. As. Soc. Beng. Vol. LII, p. 88.

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330 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. (DECEMBER, 1883. What Vandal was allowed to break this off and its Revue de l'histoire des Religions, edited by carry it away to France ? M. Maurice Vernes, assisted by other scholars. Nor is this all; besides the Reports of the of this magazine a number of about 144 pages Provincial Oriental Congress of Lyons (1878) in appears every second month. With such potent two volumes, the Musee issues its Annales in quarto accessories the museum could scarcely fail to be volumes, of which four have already appeared, a success. and other three are promised immediately. The Dr. Anderson's Cetalogue of the Indian Mufirst volume, of 386 pages, issued in 1880, contains seum at Calcutta, Part I, is also only a section fifteen separate papers, of which two are transla- of the complete catalogue, but so far as it goes tions of articles by Dr. Eitel and the Rev. Mr. it makes painfully manifest how imperfect are Alwis. The second volume (1881) is of 578 pages, even our best collections in India compared with and contains :-(1). A translation of Prof. Max what has been attained by the efforts of single Muller's paper on "Sanskrit Texts discovered in individuals like M. Guimet and Dr. Jagor in Japan," from the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Europe. The Indian Museum, founded in 1866, Society (N.S., vol. XII, pp. 153-188). (2). O-mi. received the archaeological collections of the to-ching or the smaller edition of the Sukhavati. Bengal Asiatic Society as the nucleus of this vyuha as translated into Chinese by Kumarajiva department, and this has been enriched since by (A. D. 402), rendered into French by MM. Ymai- sculptures from Bharhut, Gandhira, and Buddhazumi and Ymata,--to which is added a facsimile Gaye,- very important treasures indeed; but how of the Sanskrit text, but the editor does not say many of the Jamalgarhi figures have been from what MS., or whether it has been corrected carried off by private individuals, and sold or in any way. (3). The Metre or Prosody of Bha- presented to foreign museums, or are in private rata being the Sanskrit text of the latter half of hands, and so lost to the public-whether in India the 5th and the whole of the 6th adhyayas of the or England ? Our Government has need to beNatya-sastra, with a French version by M. Paul stir itself if it would secure either for Indian or Regnaud. (4). A. Csoma Koroei's "Analysis of English museums a fairly complete historical the Kanjur" from the XXth volume of the Asiatic representation of the art and mythology of India Researches (1834), translated into French with and the East. The private donors to the Indian some notes and additions by M. Leon Feer: some Museum are strikingly few, we could wish Dr. seven separate indexes and vocabularies are add- Anderson would give in Part II, a complete list ed to this translation, but unfortunately-from of them, with references to the pages where the their referring to book and section, rather than to donations are described. With the exception of page, and from the absence of head-lines indi- Dr. Rajendralkla Mitra, C.L.E., we have observed cating the sections in the text-these indexes do the name of no native among them; yet how not facilitate references so much as they ought easily could many a native afford help to form a to have done. At the end are six pages of errata national collection of which India might be proud! in small type, again without reference to the Natives complain of Government allowing foreign pages, and with the preliminary notice that only libraries to purchase copies of manuscripts which the more glaring mistakes in the Sanskrit names are by no means unique, yet they do not loyally are corrected, the Tibetan titles and the French come forward to aid in forming either national or text (in which are many mistakes) being left to provincial collections of unique sculptures, coins, the reader's care. copperplates and manuscripts, but either hoard The third volume (1881) contains a transla them to be destroyed or lost or sell them clandestinetion of Em. de Schlagintweit's Buddhism in Tibet, ly to caterers for museums in Austria, Germany, &c. by M. de Milloue, the Director of the Musee. Dr. Anderson's Catalogue and Handbook is too The errata to this volume consist chiefly in the i much of the latter to be a clear and handy strange mistake of "apres J.-C." for "avant Catalogue. The Index, though good, does not J.-C.," but on p. 32 we observe the omission of help this, and the Table of Contents, where it about a line of the original (p. 48 top). It may might have been remedied, is far too brief to do be questioned whether the funds of the Musee 80. But much judicious care has been spent upon would not have been better spent in translating it, and the compilation is a most creditable one. Koppen's valuable work. And the same may be When completed it will show the wants of the said of the version of Dr. Eakins's Religion in Museum, and may we not hope that all who can China, which occupies the greater part of the will help to make it as complete as it really ought fourth volume. The other three papers in it to be-embracing a full representation of the art, relate to Egyptology and classical mythology. history and mythology of the Hindu races, as Besides these larger volumes the Musee issues well as of their ethnology in all its bearinga!

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INDEX. 21 . .. 1 ....... 87 .... 98 116 PAGE PAGE PAGE AbdAli tribe... 259 | Alaktakapura or Raktapura, c. 20 Annigere, Annigere, town 216, 220 'Abdu'l Muttalib 1,4 Albaida, town in Arabia ...... 114 Antiquarian remains at Su'Abdu'l Wahhab, date of ..... 178 Albirani's Chronology of An para ......... Abhayanandi, Jain author ... cient Nations .................. 116 anubaddhakevalis ............ Abhidharma ......................... 23n Albiruni............... 116, 231, 288 apakuntha ceremony ............ Abhiras ........... 6 Al Khalasa, Arab idol ......... 1,4 Aparakuntis.................... abhisheka 323! AllAh ............ Apisali, grammarian ............ Abhyashakhas........... 253 Allahabad Asoka inscription... 278 'Arafat mosque .................. Abraham, Religion of' ...... 1, 3 Al Muktadir b'illah, Al Mut. Aras savas ....... dchamaniyaka .................. 325 aki b'illah......................... 260 drdtri ........ 325 achdrdngadharas ................ Alopen, Syrian missionary of arddhajama, 6th temple service 326 Adaraguchi inscription of the 7th century ......... 232n, 234 Apdokpo.... ................... 8,11 Kottiga (Rash.) .............. 255f Altan Khan, Kin emperor 130, 131, coins ..................... 6 Addaka, king (Chapa) ......... 194 279 Arghassun Khorchin .........286-88 Addanaka, country .........191, 195 | Amarasimha ....................... 234 Arhaddaea quoted ............... 19 Aden epitaph..................88, 206 Amitabha Buddha ................ arithmetic, Hindu .............. 89 adhirdja ........................... 15 Amitagati,author of the Dhar. ariya, title ......... adhyayanabhattar,-priest, 318-19, mapariksha Arjuna, k. (Kala. of Tripura). 253 325 Amma I. and II, kk. (East. Arkakirtti, saint................ 18 Adipurdna .................. 216 Chal.) ........................... 94 Arnold's Light of Asia ......... 314 apd, noble .......................... 61 Ammana, k. (Kalachuri of arrows-casting of ............ 1-3,5 bera, Alexandri, &c............... Tripura) ........................ 253 Arsakes ........................... 7 ,, Mu'tadidi .................. 116 Amoghavarsha, k. (R&sh.)...... 150 aru-gadyana ..................... ... 256 agama,-assisting priest ...... . I.-Sarva, k.(R&sh.) 188, arunas ............................... 74 Agraharas, the Eighteen ...... 215ff, 218, 252, 268 aruvana ............................ 256 Aguta, Manchu leader ......... . II. (Rash.) 218, 255, 268 Aryabhata, astronomer......90, 261 Ahavamalla (P W. Chal.) 122, 125 III.-Kakka III., k. Aryadeva ............................. 314 Ahavamalla-Bhtteyadeva...... (R&sh.)... 188, 218, 269 'Acax .............................. 7 Ahavamalladeva, k.............. 'Amr bin Luhai, introduced Asanga, Buddhist ...............233-4 Ahivarma, k......................... 275 idolatry into Hijaz......... 1, 2 Asiatic Societies : Bengal, 88, 262 Aihole inscrip. of Krishna II. Amritesvara, god .............. 99 Bonubay .. 178 (Rash.) ..................... Amutunuri, vill. ...............91, 95 Ceylon...... 53 .. miscellaneous inscrips. 99 Analysis of Kanjur.............. 330 Madras ... 501 ajstart-registry ................. 26 Anandaeri, Bauddha pandit... 309 Paris ...... 113 djnapti ... anasthika fish Royal ...... 261f Akalavaraha-Krishna I.(Rash.) Anathapindika ............... 310 Asirgash seal...............274 & err. Anderson's (Dr.), Catalogue of Asoka inscriptions.71f, 87, 114, 275 . Krishna II. (Rash.) 217, Indian Museum ............... 330 astragalus bone .................. 81 222, 253, 268 Andhra and Kshatrapa kinga 2728 Asvaghosha ........................ 110 son of Dhruva II. Anga, co. ....... ... 219 Asvaghosha's Buddhacharita. 313 (Rash.) ....188, 190 angas, the six .................. 325 asvamedha .................... 92, 246 , Krishna IV.(Rash.) 258, angaraka, angaraksha, office. 258nAtisayadhavala, --Amoghavar. 269 Anjaneri inscription of Seuna. sha I., k. (Rash.) ........... 219-20 ... IV. or V........... 271 chandra III. (Y&dava) ......126 dimaprokshana ceremony ... 318 de or akk, asclepias gigantea 307n Ankor Thom in Kamboja...... 114 | dtmasuddhi........................... 319 akshatah .....................317, 320-2 Ankottaka, v.............. 158, 164-5 | Avadana Sutra ........... ... Akshobhya Buddha ............ 115 Annales de Musee Guimet ... 330 Avalokitesvara, god .......... * Abbreviations, as in former volumes. 316 47

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332 Avalokitesvara-Khasharpana.. 88 Bharatakshetra Avantis....................... 8 Avatamsakasutra,-Hwa-yen ching .106, 108 Avvaladevi, queen (Yadava)... 122 Awan, 'Aden .....88, 206 Awans, Muhammadan tribe. Ayugalochana,-Siva, g. Ayyapa, k, 150 94 249 Ba'al, g. (Ganga)... ************* Baddega-Permanadi-Bataya Bage, t. ...... *********............ ************ *********... *************. Bagumra plates of Dhruva III. (Rash.)................. ..179ff Bakhshali MS. 89, 90 Balavarma, k. (Chalukya)...... 18 balidevata ........................................................ 325 balipttham ........................ 325 Ballala II., k. (Hoysala)... 257 Ballala, k. (Silah&ra of Kolha 99 **************** 2 pur) 102 Ballagere, v........................ 19 Balotkaragana sect Balqa in Syria............ ban-quercus arcana............103n Bina's Harshacharita .......... 233 Banka, Bankeyarasa (Chella.) 217n Bank&pura, city ........110, 217 Bannivaru, v...................... 99 banert-flute ..103n Bappadeva ********... Bar&bar hills and dist. 241 328 bar forest land........ ......304n Barapa .199, 200, 203 Baravai, Dvaravati, t. 124 Barma 98-9 Baroda plates of Kakka II. (Rash.). ........................ 156 basadi Bassein plates of Seunachandra ............................ *************. ....101-2 III. (Yadava)....119f Baxitae, Bakhshis, magicians. 35 Beal's Fo-sho-hing-tsan-king.. 313 Begdse, Mongol spirit 83 Belgetei .37-38 18 Bellinda, v. 257 Bellittage fort... Belvala, Belvola Three-hundred 47, 220, 256, 271, 300 318 .305n *********... ********* Bharata-natya Sastra Bharavi, poet Bharoch, find of coins 47, 98 ........ 330 234 178 Bhartrihari, grammarian.226f, 234 Bhartrimentha 234 Bharukachchha, Bharoch, c.27,189 Bhaskaravarma, k......... 232n, 233 Bhata (Chaulukya).............. 198 Bhatarka (Valabhi) 5 bhatdrakdnatiud. bhattaraka 148 206 27 Bhavanaga, k............. 246 Bhavavarma, k., of Kamboja. 113 bheri,-a drum ............................................................. 270 271 ***************** 32 189 35 INDEX. 35 31 23 .......................................... r ****************** ************** 316 bhikshupatra 115 Bhikshuprareju Sutra 309 Bhillama I.& II.,kk.(Yadava) 121,22 Bhima, g. 319 9 ***************** Bhima I. & II., kk. (E. Chal.)94, 249 Bhimadeva, k. (Chaulukya)... 198 Bhimadeva, k.... 260 Bhogesvara, Siva, g............. 224-5 Bhojadeva, k. of Dhara......88, 231 Bhojakata, province ..240, 246 Bhrigukachcha, Bharoch,c. 27, 189 Bhri-Shaka coin Bhumilika, t. and prov. 152-3, 155 Bhuta, Bhuteyadeva, Bhutiga. 98 Bijja, k. 249 304 3 Boge or Kami;-medicine men 40 Chang-chi....................282-3 Boh-a Shaman....... 76 Ch'ang Chun, Taoist priest... 297f Bon religion 89 Chang-tsung, Kin emperor... 130 Brahmagupta 90, 234 Chapa, k. ................................................... 194 Brahmajala Sutra Chapa kings of Vardhamana 190ff ... 308-9 brahmamantras, the five 325 Charaka, writer on medicine 227 Buddha, Life of 313f Charmanka, v...... 239-40, 246 Chashtana, k. (Kshatrapa) 32, 115 Chatta I. and II.................. 98 Chaturapana-Satakarni,k.(An Biran,-a Rakshasi Black stone of the Ka'ba *************** ****************** 23 *** .......... a sermon of and St. Josaphat 288 Buddha-Gaya, t. ...88, 327 Buddha Gay& or Vajrasana... 88 Buddhism in China ......88, 104 Buddhism in Tibet, Schlagentweit's 330 Buddhism and Chinghiz Khan 300 Buddhist ethics 313-14 images from Nagapattanam 311 layman's duty......23, 26 Betola, demon priests. 284 betra-little son. schools 88 bhadramukha Sutras, Two ......... 308f Bhadrapali, dis. tope, at Pittapuram. 258 Bhandi-Po-ni ..................233-4 Buddhist Tripitaka, Catalogue Bharasivas *********................ ********* *************** ..241, 246 of ************ ********* ...... ************ *********** ********************* ****** ******... ************************ Badhasaf, Buddha................ 288 Bugharul.... 302 Buriat tribe .285-6 289 Calendar, Madras .............. 52n Calpentyn, Kalpitiya. ............ 53 Cambojan inscriptions ......113-14 cat, tiger and the... Catalogue of Musee Guimet. of Indian Museum 330 centre-santar,-street 26 *************** 329 329 "" 18 74 *********.. Chach plain.....306n Chaki, k. (Ganga). chakravdkas........ Chalukya-Bhima, k. (E. Chal.) 94 Chalukyas, Early 112-13 Eastern 91ff, 122, 156-7 218, 248-9, 252-3, 268 Western... 111 112-13, 122, 156-7, 248, 252-3, 268, 270 Chamunda, k. (Chaulukya)... 198 Chamundaraja, Jain author of Chalukyas, the Chamundardjapurana... 21 Cham or Kam, Turk .9,40 Chandella kings. .................. 289 Chandikesvara, g. 817, 323 Chandikesvari, g..........317, 323 Chandraditya, k. ............... 10 Chandradityapura, c. ...... 121, 124 Chandragiri palace 295f Chandraprabhasvami ..124, 128 ************ *********...... 33 ********** .115, 272ff dhra) chaturvedis. ........................164-5 Chaulukya, k. ............................................ 203 Chaulukyas of Aphilwad......196 Chedi, co........... 268 Chelladhvaja (Chella) 217 Chellaketana (Chella) 217 Chella Mahamandaleevaras... 217 Chia-yeh (Kasyapa) ............ 328 China 129 Chifichuli, v.....122, 124 Chinese laws and customs Ching-fa-men-ching... Chinghiz Khan and his ancestors 35-46, 75-86, 129ff, 278,297f 262 108 ********** ......... ************

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INDEX. 333 226 178 198 Chinghiz Khan and religion... 297 Devasena, k. (Vakataka) ...... 242 Dvadiyappa, k: (Y&dava) ...... 121 Chinna Udaiyan Setupati of Dhalaga, k.......................... 249 .......... 249 Dvaravati, c. ......... 121, 124, 127 Ramnad............................ 315 | Dhammapada...................... 308 Dvijamb, q. (R&sh.)........... 253 Chitrakata hill fort........216, 219 dhamkirid--a small drum ...175n Chi teang ................. .... 107 | Dhandhesvara, Siva, g. ...191, 194 Early Chalukyas.............. 112-13 Chelas..................... 187, 249, 268 Dhanika, Dhenika, v.......... 154-56 earneatness in Chinese Bud. Christian dates converted into Dhanurudda, by Dr. Oppert... 51 dhism ............................104ff Muhammadan ...............47-50 Dhanushkoti-tirtha.........315, 318 Eastern Chalukyas, 91ff, 218, 221, Chronology of ancient nations Dhanyakataka (Amaravati)... 88 249, 252 by Albiruni..................... 116f dharana ........................... 256 eclipses, lunar, 2074, 249, 258, 269, Chodkaamas.......................... 192 Dharanindravarma, k. of Kam. 2914 Chulukya, k. ....................... 197 boja ................................. 114 solar, 154-5, 189, 207ff, 220, Chung-hei, Kin emperor... 130, 166 Dharanivaraha, k. (Chapa) ... 190ff 256, 291ff Churnt of Bhartrihari ......... Dharagena II., k. (Valabhi)... 149 Edkins's Religion in China... 330 Charnikara ........................ Dharkvarsha-Dhruval.(R&sh.)17 Ehe-Borrhan-Maya-devi ... 312 clout-gudri-kalot ....... .. -Dhruva III.(R&sh.) Eighteeri Agraharas ............ 47 club-kallaf, kallab ............ 189-90 eddabdngadharas .............22 Cock, hermitage of the ........ 327 Dharmaditya,-Siladitya I. (Vala- Ekasamdhibhattaraka ......... 19 Cock's foot Vihar ............. 327 bhi) .............................. 149 Elapura hill ...... 156-7, 163, 228ff coins found at Bharoch ...... dharmakarta-temple superin. Elavarru, v. ........................91, 95 coins (Hindu) of Kabul ...... 260 tendent............................ 316 Elliot, Sir W. ..................311-12 coins of Pathen kings ......... 262 Dharmaparikshd of Amitagati 20 Elu (or Helu) language...54-60, 69 coins, Parthian and Indo-Sasa. Dharmaprabhasa-Buddha ... 115 Elura Caves, see El&pura. nian .................. 6, 262 Dharmaraja, Buddha ......... 288 Elura Caves, stone head from coins of S. India.................. 262 Dharmasindhu ..................... in Musee Guimet ........... 329 Corea... 137 dhenumudra........................ 325 emblems engraved on plates . 151 Dharmatrata, author of the Erambarage, t. ...............99, 257 Dadaka (Chaulukya) ........... Uddnavarga..................... 314 Erathana district............201, 205 Dadda of Bharoch......... Dhillisvara or Villisvara, dis.. 205 eras, Hindu, nomenclature of 207ff, Daggumbarti, .......... Dhiniki grant of J&ikadeva, 291ff Dahanuka, riv ............. (Jethw.)..................... 151, 262 Etagiri, c. ........................ 110 Dalai Lama ..... 300 Dhruva I., k. (R&sh.) 157, 163, 187 Dalavai Setupati of Ramnad.. 316 . II., k., , ......... 188 Fa-hian............................. 108 Damana, r. ......................... 27 III., k., ......... 188 felt or woilok images, Ongon. 41-2 damaruga-a drum ........... 316 Dhruvabhata, k. (Chapa) ...... 194 fire worship....................... 41 Dandapur inscr. of Jagattunga Dhund, Muham. tribe ...150, 303n Firuz Shah's Lat ............... 71 II. (Rash.) .....................222 dhipa-censer .............. 319, 323-6 fish emblem on copper-plates 151-3 Dandin ............................... 234 digbandha ceremony............. 325 Folk songs .......................... 90 Dandina-Gava .................. 98 dikarion of Ktesias ............234-5 folklore in the Panjab : Dantidurga, k. (R&sh.) 186, 252, 267 dindra-denarius ...............89-90 18 Little ankle-bone .........1034 Dantivarma (P Rash.) ......... 165 Dinika ................................ 27 19 Lambikin .................. 175 darbha grass...................317, 320 dipa--lamp .............. 319, 323-6 20 The tiger, the Brahman, Dababhumi-Sutra ............. 106 dipdrddhana ...................... 316 and the jackal................ 176 Dasapura, C. .......................... 27 dit-evil genius ........... 21 The vixen and the tiger dalapurvadharas ................. 22 Doddavada, town ................. 98 folklore of Gorakhpur ......... 262 Dasaratha dramma-drachme 90, 128,223, 258 Fo-sho-hing-tsan-king, transdates on Hindu Coins of dravyaeuddhi ..................... 319 lated by Rev. S. Beal......... 313 Kabul .......................... 260 Dsidhaprabara, k.(Yadava)121,124, Fu-chau, t. ....................... daurian, vessel ............... 103n 126 Fuhrer's ManusaradhammaDevaramalla I. and II. ....... 98 drums ......... 316 Delhi Lat........................... 71 Dudahi inscr. of Devalabdhi Fu-sing......................173-4 Deblyagana sect................. 102 (Chandella) ....................... 289 dudi-tortoise ................... 74 Gabhira-darsana, Bauddha school Devagupta, k. ...............241, 245 Durlabharaja, k. (Chaulukya) 198 88 Devalabdhi, k. (Chandella) ... 289 | Durr-i-Durran, 'Durrani' ... 259 Gadaha or Gadhia coins ...7, 9, 10 Devanagart, early use of ...... 151 dutaka, o....................165, 186 gadyana ............................ 256 Devanandi, Jain author ......19-21 I duty of a Buddhist layman... 23 I gairdtas............................... 74 232 95 27 ..... 131 "....... ........... 178 devabalt ......................

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334 INDEX. ...... 150 .... 27 ......... 1 ..... 101 Gakhar, tribe.... gotra, Vishuuvsiddha ...240, 246 | Hatti-Mattor inscr. of Indra Gandaraditya, k. (Silh. of Kol. gotras acquired by affiliation.. 240 IV. (Rash.) ..................... 224 hapur) .......................... 102 Gava ...................... ......... 98 Hebbal inscr. of Krishna IV. Gandgarh Mt...................7, 305n Govardhana....... or V. (Rash.) ................... 270 Ganga, r. .......... .............. 253 | Govinda I., k. (Rash.) 16, 162, 186 heggade, o. ...... .............. 100 Ganga & Yamuna insignia 157, 248 II., k.(Rash.) 187, 252, 267 Helara ja ........................ 226-7 Ganga kiags ............11-13, 111ff >> III., k. (R&sh.) 11ff, 163, Helu, see Elu , Mahamandalesvaras. 218, 187, 218-9 hergade, o..... 221, 270-1 , 'V., k. ...249, 253 hermitage of the Cock ......... 327 Gangamandala 18 ,, younger brother of Hij&z........ Gangavadi province ........... 256 Dhruva III. (Rash.) ......... 190 Hinayana school ............. 88 Gardabhillas ...................... 6 Govindamba, q. ......... 268 Hiranyagarbhayaji Ravikula . Garudaldnchhana ............... 220 Gregory, St. Bory, St. .................... 300 Vijaya Raghunatha Setu. Garga, astronomer.............. 53 griffins........... ............... 234-5 pati ............ ................ 316 Gatha dialect, 27ff, 89, 90, 139ff, Guchu, adopted brother of Hiuen Tsiang ...... 108, 109, 327-8 205-6 Chinghiz Khan ............... 36 Hlaba, Tibetan medicine men 40 Gauda, co......................... 164 gudda ............................. 99ff Hoi-hoi sect ....................... 88 gauda, o............................100-1 Guddanur, y. ..................... 18 Holalugunda, t. .................. 98 Gautamiputra (Andhra) ...... 115 guddi. holy tree of Buddha-Gaya ... 327 Gautamiputra, k. (Vakataka). 240, gudrt, kalot, clout ................ 26 homakundas........................ 325 246 Guhasena, k. (Valabhi) ...... 149 Honnor inser, of Ballala and gdvunda, o. ...... ...... ... 102 Guimet (Musee), Catalogue of. 329 | Gandaraditya (Sila. of Kol gdyatri verse ...................... 318 Gunaganka-Vijayaditya,k.(East. I hapur) ............................. 102 Gejaravavi () C. ................... 269 Chal.) .. ........... 94 horbu, Shaman's staff ......... 46 Genukaras ......... Gundhgarh.....................7, 305n horse, consecrated ............ 80-1 Gihivinaya--Bauddha layman's Gundur inscr. of Kakka III. Hoysalas ............ 257 rule of life ..................... 23-26 (Rash...........................270ffHubal, oracle and image of... 1.6 Girnar-Ujayantagiri ......... 20n Gupta coins ..................... 10 human sacrifice ............... 236 Gobi steppe ........................ 132 Gupta dates .....................260-1 Hanas ................................. 268 Godaphara, Gondaphares, k.. 7 Guptas ..................157, 241, 248 huniyam-image used in SimhaGogiraja, k. (Chalukya) ...... 122 Gupta, k. of Gauda ............ 234 lese sorcery ................. 33 Gogerly, Rev. Mr. ............. Guptigupta, saint ................ 18 Hwa-yen-ching................106, 108 Goghnatas ..................... 8 Gurjaras 157-8, 163-4, 181, 188, 219, Hyt in Mesopotamia ............ 2 Gojjiga,-Govinda V. (R&sh.). 249 Gomaduvu, v. ...................... 95 gurukkalofficiating priest... 316 Iba, r.............. ............... 27 Gonardiya-Patanjali ......... 227 Gutti fort ................... 257 Iddhatejas-Dhruva I. (R&sh.) 252 Gondophares, Godaphara..... 7 Idigar vishaya ................... Gongiraja, k. (Chaulukya) ... 203 ignis fatuus ..................... 302 Gopnath plates of a Valabhi Habba'al ihram of al Hajj ............. 87 king ...... Hadinent- Agrahara ............ 47 Ikshuvardhana country ...... 88 Gorakhpur folklore ........ 262 Haddala plates of Dharaniva- Ilichpur grant of Pravarasena Goravas.............................. 258 raha (Chapa) ................... 190ff II. (Vakataka)..............239ff. Gore Gangaya Reddivaru ...... 51 Haihayas .................259, 268 'Ilm-i-Tajwid .................... 51 gotra, Atreya ..................... 247 Hajj ............ ................. 87 Imegilchin, or Immegiljin, lamb | Bharadvaja .........247, 269 | halakim-measure of time ... 118 gods ........................... 43 Gautama ................ 247 Hamma, q. ......................... 122 Indian Institute at Oxford ... 329 Kasyapa .............94, 247 hanneradu-hittu ............... Indo-Skythian coins ............ 6 Kaurdinya ............... Harami ............................ Indra.................................. 238 Kausika .................... 254 Haribans of Manbodh ......... Indra, k. (East. Chal.) ......... 93 Lakshayana ............... Harishena, k. (Vakataka) ... 242 II., k. (Rash...........17, 186 Manavya .................. 93 Haritiputras ...................... III., k. , 163, 165, 188 Muntalla (P=Mudgala) 154-5 Harivikrama (Chaulukya) .... 197 . IV., k. , 224, 253, 268 Parasarya.................... 247 Faro, r. ............................306n Indrabhati quoted ............ 19, 20 Sandilya ................... Harsha of Ujjayini ............ 231 Indravarma, k., of Kamboja.. 113 Satyayana ............... 247 Harshavardhana of Kanauj... 233 Ingut tribe ........................... 285 Vatsya ................... 247 Harshavarma I. and II., kk. inscription on a clay seal from Vatsyayana ............... 164 of Kamboja ............... Wald.......................... 274f 23 268 101 247 189 93 247

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INDEX. 335 115 288 195 319 ..... 226 inscriptions, Sansk., from Kam. | JayavarmA I-IV, kk. of Kam- kami-medicine men.......... 40 boja .......... 113 boja ............................ 113-14 keamma, 1. m. ...................... inscriptions from Lalitpur ... 262 Jerome .............................. 6 kana ................................ inscriptions on copper : Jathvis ...........................151ff | Kanaka............................. Chapa .................. 190 190 Jewish reckoning ............ 117-18 KAnchi, c.......................... Chaulukya ............ 196 Jhasha, k. ..................... 125-6 Kanheri caves......... Eastern Chalukya... 91 Jingir Bukhi .................... 37 Kanishka, k. 313 Jethva................. 151 Jitavana monastery ........... 310 Kanjur-Analysis of ........... 330 Rashtrakata 11, 156, 179, Jodha, tr. ........................ 150 Jodha, tr.... Kannara,-Krishna II.(Rash.) 222 247, 263 Josaphat and Buddha ........288-9 IV. 258 Vakataka ............ 239 IV.or V., 271 , Valabht ............... 148 Ka'ba ...... ......1-3,5 Permanadi - Batayya Yadavas of Chandra- Kabul, Hindu coins of ......... 260 (Ganga)........................... 270 dityapura ......... 119 Kachchiyana's date ............ 89 Kannesvara,-Krishna I. (Rash.) inscriptions on stone - Kadab plates of Govinda III. , Chandella.................. 289 (Rash.) ........................ 11ff Kanthika sthalt ............... >> Kshatrapa ...............27, 32 Kadako! inscr. of Singhana II. Kapardi, g. .................. >> miscellaneous 95,99, 100, 101 (Yadava) ............ 100 Kappadokia ..................... Rashtrakata 215, 220, 222, miscellaneous inscrips. 1001 Karabena, r............. 224, 249, 255, 256, 270 Kadakula, Kadakola, V. ...... 100-2 Karda plates of Kakka III. Silahara of Kolhapur... 102 Kadambas ........ 111.13 (Rask.) ............................ 263ff Yadava of Chandraditya Kadamba-Tevar of Ramnad... 316 Karka, see Kakka. pura ...................... 126 Kadekeri, V......................... 271 Karnata, co....................... 187 Yadava of Devagiri ... 100 Kailakila Yavanas ............6, 242 Kasakritsna, grammarian ... 227 Inthari, v. .....................91, 95 kaitdam-castanet................ 316 Kasikd-vritti ......................226-7 1 sanavarma, k. of Kamboja 113-14 Kaiyata.............. Kasyapa ............................ 115 Istikhara or Khiva................ 6 kakala-a trumpet ............... 316 Katakaraja ........................ 95 Itoga, Mongol g...................... 40 Kakka, Karka I., k. (Rash.)16.162. kattiyam-baton holder ...... 316 I-tsing .............. 226-7 186 Kauk Tangri, g.................. 40 >> II., k....163, 165, 188 Kausiki, g. ........................ 93 jdche-brought forth ......... 305n III., k.180, 188, 263#f, Kavi inscriptions ............... 232 Jafar Khoja ...................... 130-1 268, 270ff , plates of Jayabhata Jagattunga I., -Govinda III., k. Kakkala,-Kakka III. (R&sh.) 269, (Gurjara) .................... 291-3 (Rash.)... 219, 252, 268 271 Kavi-Parameshthi.............. 20 , II., k. (R&sh.) 222, 224, Kalachuris of Tripura 220,224,255, Kawi language .................. 55 253, 255, 268 263-4 Kayasthas ........................ 270 Jaikadeva, k. (Jethva) .........151ff Kala, g. ..............................320n Kerala, co. ..................187, 219 Jainendram ......................... 150 Kalah emporium in Ceylon ... 53 Kerulon Mts. ................... 131-2 Jainandra-Vyakarana, author- Kalas inscr. of Govinda V. kevalis ............... 22 ship of the ...................... 19ff (Rash.) ........................... 249 Khanbaligh................................. 129 Jaitugi I., k. (Yadava of Deva- Kaldwa, superstition in Ceylon 53 Khandas or Shandas ......... 8 giri) 257 KAlidasa ............................ 234 Kharagraha I., k. (Valabhi)... 149 Jalamangala, v. ................ 18 Kalinga ........................... 65 Kharavela-raja .................. 87 Jamalgashi figures............. 330 Kalivallabha,-Dhruva I. (Raah.) Khazar,Chinghiz Khan's bro. 36-9, Jambadvipa.................. 219 284-6 Jambuvavika, v. .............158, Kali. Vishnuvardhana, k. (East. Khing-gan Mts................. 129 Janjaa tribe...... 150 Chal.) ................... 4 Khitans ..................... 129, 171 Jasdan inscr. of Rudrasena kallaf, lullab-club ............ 26 Khitan culture ................ 301 (Kshatrapa) ..................... 32 Kalpitiya, Kalaputti, or Calpen- Khoilun-mother of Chingiz Java ................ .............. tyn in Ceylon .................. 53 Khan............... ***....... ... 36 Jayabhaga of Bharoch ......... 232 Kalyana, c. ..................110, 262 kholbuga ............. .............. 77 Jayad&ma, k. (Kshatrapa) ... Kam, Turk g....................... 40 Khorijin Boddissado ......... 84 jayaghanta-a gong ........... 316 kam-Mongol necromancer 40, 300 Khosru Nushirwan ........... 284 Jayasimha, k. (Chalukya)...... 122 Kamara or Kamra, k. ......... 260 Khottiga, Kottiga, k.(Rash.)256-6, Jayasimha I. and II. (East. Kamarupa........................... 239 268 Chal................. 93 kamba, land measure ......... 99 Khubilai Khan ............... 78. 84 Jayaskandha, k................. 275 Kamboja or Camboja .........233n | Khubtu-khabu ................ 134 47 164 55 32

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336 INDEX. 11 Leggen Khurjah or Khurjat, co....... 137 | Kukkutarama ................... 827 Mahadeva, g. ................ 272 Khuza', a tribe in Hijaz ...... 1,2 Kumara, g. ........................ 94 mahakshapatalika, ............. 155 Khuzanna, supposed ancestor Kumkrajiva, author ............ 327 mahakshatrapa ................. 32 of the Kinana tribes ......... Kumarapala, k. of Gujarat ... 150 mahdmdtya, ................120, 155 Khvadavayaka, k. ................ 260 Kundakadevi, q. (Rash.)...255, 268 mahapradhanandyaka, ....... 120 Khwarazm, co. .................. 175 Kuni, grammarian................ 227 Mahdpurdna ....................... 216 Kin dynasty in China... 129, 130 Kuntala, co. ..................... 47, 98 mahattama, o. ............120, 122n Kin Tartars ........... 137, 167-70 Kunungil, co. ...............11, 18-19 mahdvardha ..................... 156 Kinana tribes ..................... 1 Kurak Vihar ..................... 327 Mahdvastu ............ ........ 90 Kirana Rayar..................... 315 Kurkihar, V.......................... 327 mahdsannipata ...................29011 Birttana-temple ......... 228ff, 289 Kurugod, t. ........................ 257 Mahavira's, date of Nirvana... 21 Kirttiraja, k. (Chaulukya) ... 203 Kurtun Balghassun, t.......... 280 Ma havfra tirtha .................. 19 Kirttyacharya .................... 18 Kurus ................................ 8 Mahayana school ............... 109 Kisukad, d. .......................... 271 Kurukshetra, (?) Kordr......... 231 Mahendra's mission to Ceylon. 56 Kiu-yung pass......... 135-6, 165-6 Kusambhipura ................... 261 Mahendra, Mt..... ................ 113 Kokkala, Kokkalla I., k. (Kala. Kushans or Kashans........... 7,9 Mahendravarma, k. of Kamof Tripura)... 248, 253, 263, 268 boja ......... Kokkili, k. (East. Chal.) ...... 94 lakshana ......................... 290 Mahesvara .... Kokochi or Kukja, Shaman 35, 38-9 Lakshmi, . (Rash.) ...... 253, 268 Maheyas .......... Konjin Boddissado ........... 84 LAIA on the coast of India. 53n, + of India Kan Mahi coin ................. . . Kolenuru, t. ......................... 98 54-5, 65 Mahikas or Mahishas............. Kollabhiganda-Vijayaditya, k. Lalitpur inscription .......... 262 Mahinda III. of Ceylon ...... 56 (East. Chal.) ................... 94 lamb gods, Imegilchin ......... 43 Mahipaladeva, k. ............ 192, 195 Kondaraja ........................ 246 Aapirn ...............................54, 65 Mahipativarma, k. of KamKongudesa chronicle ............ Lassen on the Simhalese lan boja .............................. 113 Kon-yuen-chau ................ 134 guage ........................... 54 Mahjsamandala, Maisar......... 90 Koramiya ....................... 94-5 Lasthiyavva, q. (Yadava) ...... 122 Mahmud of Gazni ..............306n Korea-Chinghiz Khan in ... 285 Lata or Latika, co. 54, 55, 65, 157, Mahuya, V. ........................ 122 Korur, battle ...............231, 234 163, 180, 188, 199, 204 Maisor, co......................... 90 Koti-tirtha ........................ 318 Latesvara ---Kakka II. (R&sh.) 164 Maithili language ............ Kottiga, see Khottiga. Lattalor, c. .......................... 220 Maitrakas............................... 148 Kakuchchhanda Buddha...... 115 Lauriya-Araraj Lat ........... 71 Maitreya Buddha ........ 115, 328 Krishna I., k. (Rash. 162, 187, 215, Liang-wu-ti, Chinese emperor 107 Maitribhavana Sutra .........309-10 228ff., 252, 267 Liang-king, t. in Hoan-kau 279-80 Malagasy place names ......... 262 >> II, k. , 216, 220, 223, Liau-yang-chau ........... 129, 138 Malaprahari, r. .................. 98 268 Lohagrama, v...................... 254 Malava, co...................... 164, 219 ,,III., k. , ...... 255, 268 Lokaditya (Chella)............... 217 Malaya tribe ...................27, 31 >> IV., k. , ........ 255-7 Lokamahadev (East. Chal.)... 94 Maldivan language............... 60 ,, IV. or V., k.,,.........270-1 Lokapura, t.......................... 98 Maldive Sultan-Maharadung 59 Krishna, k. (Early Rash.)...... 112 Lovabikki, k. (Chola)............ 249 Mallikarjuna, k.of the Konkana 150 Krishnappa Nayakkar ......... 315 Mana tribe .......................... 188 Krishnaverna, r. ................. 257 Ma'ab or Areopolis............... Manasasaras, lake ...............318n kumbha ........................... 320-1 Madhariputra ................... 115 Manatunga-Sari .................. 234 kunkuma ............................ 325 Madhavachandra,commentator 21 Manbodh's Haribane............ 88 Kshahardta .......................... 27 Madhavagupta.................... 233 Manchuria, Chinghiz Khan in 284-6 Kshatrapas ............... 278, 272ff Madhu, a Brahman disputant Mandakas............ ............. 8 kshatriyas........................... 27 against Nagarjuna............ 88 mandala ............................. 155 Kubja-Vishnuvardhana,k.(East. Madhu, r. ...................... 240, 246 Mandalesvara .................... 90 Chal.) ............................ 93 Madhupaghna-Mathura, c. ... 197 Mandalika-Kusumakodanda ... 230 kachd-street ..................... 26 Madhva, teacher................... 262 Mandalika-Pitamaha............ 230 Kuchu Khatun, princess ...... 169 Madhyamika, school ........... 88 Mandara, Mt. ..................... Kuhn on the Sinhalese lan- Madina ......... ..................... Mangi, Mangi, k. (East Chal.) guage .......................... Madras, tr. ................ Kukkutagiri and Kukkuta Madras High Court ........... 51 Manikyala ........................ Sangharama...................... 327 Magadha, co...................... 219 Manipura, c. .................. Kukkutapada Vihara............ MahAbal@svar plante ............ 178 Manja, k. of Orissa ............ Kukkutapada giri Vihara...... 327 | Mahabhashya ..................226-7 Mangu Khan........................ 44, 45 531F ... 12 327

Page #383
INDEX 337 115 108 98 .... 272 Manjusri-Mansushiri ......... 84 84 | Muhammadan dates converted Nasik inscr. of Ushavadata 27, 139 Mafijusri ................. into European ............... 47-50 Natigay, g. ...................... 41, 43 Manorhita or Manoratha 233n, 234 Muhammadan sect in China. 88 Natya-Edstra of Bharata ....... 330 Mangushiri, g., Mongol......... 84 Mukden, C. ......................... 137-8 Navilugundu, t. ..................... 98 mantrapushpa-priest.......... 316 Mu-khu-li, Mongol general. 167-8, nayindr--head temple servant 316 mantrasuddhi..................... 320 172, 282-84, 287, 301-2 Nayiyalladevi, q. (Yadava) ... 122 Mamuadradhammasattham ... 178 Malaraja, k. (Chaulukya)...... 198.9 nelevidu................................. 110 manuscripts in Musee Guimet 329 Malaraja of Lahor and his son 289 Neacus or Nesca in Arabia ... 114 Manyakheta, c. 12, 215, 254, 263, Munisuvratakavya of Arhaddasa 19 Nie-pa'n-ching-Nirvdoa sutra.106, 268-9 Mulija, k. ...................... 198, 270 Manyapura, c. .................... 12, 18 Munlik...........................35, 38-9 Nigalanka. Barma ............... mares (white), consecrated by railsri_dancing virl.... 316 Nigalankamalla .................... the Mongols............ 44 Murati, Mt. .......................... 328 Nilakantha, g........................ 319 martikhora .........................234-5 Musee Guimet, described ...... 329 Nilrao, r......................... 304n mdea, Ashidha... mustajab ............. 87 niranjana ........................ 325 Aevayuja............... .256, 269 Muta'm-Arab idol ............ 1 Nirgrantha, asceties ............ 277 , Bhadrapada ...........32, 101 Muttu Ramalinga Setupati ....316 Nirriti, a Dikpala ...............321n Jyeshtha ............... 189, 220 Nirupama, -Dhruva I. (R&sh.) 219, Karttika..................... 155 Nadir Shah ................... hah .................... 305n 252, 267 Magha ............101, 221, 249 Nagachandra, Canarese poet.. 20 . II. 188 Margasira ............100, 102 Nagangana, g. Mongol ........ 84 III. ,,188,190 , Margadirsha .............. 258 Nagapacam images ............... 311 -Krishna IV., 268 Pausha ..................195, 223 Nagarjuna, Buddhist .........20, 88 nirudna ........................ 105, 106 , Pushya ..................... -ndgasvara-a piper................ 316 Nishapur Sravana ................ 122, 254 ndganduli-a plant ............... 321 'nishidhi, nishidhige .......... 99ff . Vaisakha ................... 164 Nagor, v. ............................ 315 nisidhi, wifdhi ................ 99ff mdal, maternal aunt............ 103n Nahapana, k. (Kshatrapa) ... 27 Nissankamalla, k. of Kalinga. 65 Mathiah Lat ...................... 71 Nahik or Muhadzir Arab idol. 1 Nitiprakdsikd, by Dr. Oppert 51 Mathura ............... naivedya............................ 3176 Nityavarsha, -Indra IV.(Rash.) Matrigupta, k. of Kasmir ... 234 nakshatra, Jydahthe ............ 155 224-5, 254 mattar, 1. m. 99, 101, 223-4, 256, 258 . Punarvasu ............ 74 -Khottiga ......255-6 Ma-Tuan-lin Parva-Bhadrapada . 254 Nogit, Mongol god ..........43, 78-9 Maurya era ........................ 87 Rohini ............... 258 Nolambas ......................... 271 Mayd-devf .... Tishya Nripatindravarma, k. of Kam. Mayarakhandi, C...............11, 18 Uttar-Ash&dha ...... 221 boja ........................ 113 medicine men ...................... .' 40 ndigdmundu, ...................... 271 Nripati-Trinetra ............... 230 Meghachandra, Jain author... 21 Namakkara, Burman'work ... 262 Nripatunga-Amoghavarshal, Megati inscription ...............233n names(proper) in Thana district 259 (Rash.) ........... 219-20 mdakdran-temple musicians. 316 names of places, Malagasy ... 262 Govinda V. (Rash.) 249 Menander ............. ............. 41 Nanangola, V. ..... >> Kakka III. Raah... 269 Merkara plates ................... 12-13 Nanda era 87 numerals,genealogy of modern 261 Morn, Mt............. Nandi, g. ....................... 323-4 Narmadi-Taila II.,k.W.Chal.) 98 metronymics, use of ............ 241 Nandimukhas ..................... 74 nyagrodha trees .................. 277 mhowa (Bassia latifolia) ...... 235 Nandisavigha sect ............. 18 obo, sacred hut .................. 83 Michael the Syrian............... 40 Nandwadige inscr. of Krishna Ochigin ............................36, 38 Mihira, k. ..................180-1, 189 Ochirbani, g., Mongol ......... 84 Mingam-Chapar, Mongolleader 279 Oitu-ochikhu 37 Ming-ti, Chinese emperor ...... 106 Nanorao khorano. Okodil, Tungus demon ......... 42 Mirdkantiri, festival in Ceylon 53 Narapati dynasty ...............51-2 Omar Khaiyam's Quatrains .. 304 Modabage, t. .................... 19 Narayana, 8 ..................... 93 '0-mi-to-ching-Sukhavativydha330 mogoi ............................... 77 Narendra inscr. of Saka 1069... 47 Ongon, Onkhon, Tungus gods. 42,43 mokshumahdparishad............ 232 Narendramsigaraja-Vijayaditya Ongotui, Mongol demons...... 83 Mongols, strategy of the ...... 301 k. (East. Chal.) ................ 94 Onguts, White Tartars......... 132 Morbi plate......................... 163-4 Narondravarma, k. of Kam. Oppert on the Sukrantti ......50-51 Mottaka, V. ................... 181, 189 boja .............................. 113 on Vijayanagara dynasty.51-2 mridanga-bheda,-a drum ... 316 | Narmada, r........................... 189 oracle of Habal ................... 1.6 Muhadzir or Nahik, Arab idol. 1 Narugunda, ................... 47 Otachi, g,, Mongol............. 84 .... 7 ** 27 ... 98 135 . . . 8

Page #384
338 88 Otisha, Orissa........... Oxford, Indian Institute at... 329 Oxus find.. 262 Pauras................................ 6 pavitra 317, 320, 322 Pennakonda, Penugonda...52,295n pergade, o...... 258 115 periyamurai-temple servants 317 316 peri-good spirit......... 131 47 Permanadi,-Butayya(Ganga) *********.... **************** ********... 227 290 27 270-1 -Marasimha (Ganga) 256, 270-1 Pethapangaraka, v........ 263 Phrygia 262 Pien-leang or Kai-fung-fu, c. 129 Pihun, a Rakshasa........ 304 Pina, Pida, or Vina of Bhartrihari Pindadana Pinditavada, t. Pinjtar. 7 Pipasa kingdom 198 pitham-receptacle of the linga. 318 Pittapuram tope......... 258 Piyadasi inscriptions 71f, 113, 225f Ponmalai Mt. ..................... 326 Popalzai tribe..................... 259 Po-Tengri, g.................... ..35, 40 pots, earthen Prabhakaravardhana, k. Prabhasatirtha Prabhavatigupta, q.(Vakataka)241, ****************** 90 ......233-4 27 *********** Padana hill.... padasaiva-conch blower. Padinent-Agrahara Padma, k. ...................................................... 260 Padmalaya family. ... 217 Pagrapat, a Rakshasa ......... 304 paizahs. 40 palidhvaja.......187, 219, 253, 267 palimpsest copper plates Pali-Prakrit. 27, 139 ********..... 91 Pallavas ..271n Paltiya-Maltavura, v.......224, 225 palliyarai-bed-chamber..... 316 paksha, bahula...... 32,99, 102, 155 sukla. 100-1, 122, 155, 195 224 panchagavya ....................... 321 Panchagavya, g. 321 & n Panchala, k. 98 Panchala, k..... 270 Panchalas......... pana ********************* 8 panchamahababda-explanation ....... ...... ****** ************... ************ ************* ************ ********...... ************** *********... *******.. ************** ****............................. ************** **************** ********. 33 95f 323 325 232 of the......... panchamrita-vidhi panchamudra panchaparishad Pindus **************** 307n Pandyas 187, 268 Pangavika, v... ...263, 269 Panini. .........205-6 Papini, by Gupatilaka Panipat 39 ... cuckoo 53 259 Prajapati panj pir ..303n Prajnd-Sutra-Po-jo-ching.106,108 Panthipura, c... 110 prakara-enclosure...315, 318, 319 paptha-black and white-crested Prakirnaka of Bhartrihari 227 ....306n pranauama....... 317, 322 Parada, r........................... 27 prasastis 19 Parahanaka, v...... 189 Prasnottararatnamalika ...217-18 Pratapa-Rudra 52 Pratapesa, dist. 88 Pravarapura, c... 245 Pravarasena I. & II. kk.(Vaka Parakramabahu I. of Ceylon.. 56 Parameshthis ********************. 127 Pararaja-Sekhara of Ceylon... 315 Paridhavi Samvatsara Parnas 21 8 74 .........240ff 95 parnasasas Parthian and Indo-Sasanian coins .............................. 262 Parvatavardhini.Amman,g.315,326 taka)....... Premparti, v... Prithivindravarma, k. of Kamboja 113 Prithivishena, k. (Vakataka)... 240 242, 245 Prithivivallabha,-Govinda III. 123 Pasupatas patalakarani........ 120-1, 122 Pataliputra, c................327, 328 Patanjali-Gonardiya Patna, c. ***************** Paulus al Yunani 227 327 234 *************** INDEX. ************... 39 ************ ********** 245 Prabhutavarsha,-Govinda II. (Rash.) 17 Govinda III.(Rash.) 18,219 Jagattunga II. (Rash.).223 ..238, 328 *************..... ****************** ****************** 187 (Rash.) prokshana ******************* 321 proper names, Thana dist. pujd of Ramesvaram...316f 259 ************.. ***************** Pajyapada, Jain author....19ff, 160 Pulakesi, k. (Chapa). 194 Pulakesin II ..233-4 Pali, v.......... 47 Pulumayi, k. (Andhra)......... 115 Punarvasu nakshatra............ 74 Pundavardhananagara, c. 248, 251, 254 Punnagavrikshamulagana... 18 punydhavachana ceremony317,320 321, 323 Punyaraja, author. ............... 227 pupputas ***************** 74 Purigere co...225, 256, 271 115 ...... ********************* Panamaitrayaniputra Parnananda-Chakravartin's Tattva-Muktavali 262 262 237 Pushkaras.......... .28, 32 Pushkaraksha, k. of Kamboja. 113 Pushpabhati, k. of Kanauj... 233 Pushyena, k. 275 234-5 pygmies Parnapraja school Purusha ************ ************ ***************** Quatrains of Omar Khaiyyam, by E. Whinfield...... .... 314 Radha, LAIA Radhiah Lat Radnasambova-Ratnasambha *************** va ............. Raghavapandavtya of Srutakirtti...... 21 Raghunatha Setupati ......... 316 Raghunatha Tirumalai Setupati326 Rahappa, Rahapya .180, 187 Raichur inscription ************ 51 Rajagaha, Rajagriha..... 23 rajadhant..... ..110f rajadhiraja *********************** 15 rajadhyaksha, o. .120, 122n Rajamayya, k... 249 Rajapativarma, k. of Kamboja. 113 Raja-Pitamaha 150, 230 rajaputra. 165 Rajaraja-Trinetra 230 Raja Rasai .....................303-8 Raja-Sarvajnabhupa. ...... 230 Rajendravarma, k. of Kamboja 113-14 Rakshasa, names of, ..303, 304n Raktapura, or Alaktapura, c... 20 Rama (Chaulukya). 197 Ramalingasvami, g....315, 322 Ramanathapuram, Ramnad... 315 Rama of Vijayanagara ........ 51 ********....... *********** ************ 65 71 ****************** 84.

Page #385
INDEX 339 .. *-**. 253 . 101 Ramapuri, C............ .......... 254 Sahasrarjuna (Kala. of TriRamatirtha ... ................ 27, 30 pura) ................. ......... 253 Ramdas, son of Sawan Mall. 289 Sahib al-Azlam .................. 4 Ramosvaram ritual............... 315f saiga-Mongol feast ............ 79 Ramnsd, t. ........................ 315 Saka ................................... Ranavigraha, k. (Kala. of Tri- Saka ...........................202, 214 pura Sakabda 212 Ranga Raya ............... 295 Sakabda ........................... 213 Rasala Raja..................... 303-8 Sakabhapdlakdla ............210, 224 Rashtrakatas 11ff, 112-13, 122, Saka era, nomenclature of the 2074 1564, 179ff, 215ff, 247ff, 263ff, Sakakala .....................210, 223 270ff, Sakalakirti ... ...... 19 Rashtrakatas of Kanauj ...... 203 Sakanripakala 161, 185, 208, 217, rasmi, ritsa, ray .................. 63 219, 221-2, 251, 256-7, 266 Ratnamalika ...................... 218 Sakanripasamvatsara ......16, 210 Ratnasambhava-Radnasam. Sakanripatirajyabhishekasanvatbova .............................. sara .............................. 210 Ratta-Kandarpa-Govinda I. Sakanripatisamvatsara ......... 210 (Rash................*..**** Sakaraja, k........................21-2 Rattapalli, v. ..................... 257 Sakas ............................. 197-8 Rattas,-Rashtrakatas. 216, 218, Sakas (Shakas P) ................ 8 220, 221, 256, 270 Sakasamaya........................ 211 Rawal Pindi Sakasavvat ......120, 126, 194, 213 Raya-Murari .................... 230 Sakavarsha ...... 97, 101, 211, 271 Rdya-Nardyana............ 100, 230 Sakavatsara........................ 213 Rdya-Pitamaha ................. 230 sakha, Bahvricha .............. 269 Regamey's (M. Felix) paint- , Madhyandina ......... 164 ings ................................ 329 . Vaji-Kanva ............ 254 registry-ajstari ............... 26 Saku ........... 214 Religion in China, Dr. Edkins's 330 Sak ya Buddha.. Revue de l'histoire des Reli- Sakyamuni 115 gions............................... 330 salivdhana-Saka............ Ricold, Father .................. 35 Salsette.............................. 488 ritual of Ramesvaram .........315f Salwas ............... . : 8 rivers-holy ............318, 320, 322 sam.... ..................... 207, 2916 Rockbill's Udanavarga......... 314 samadhi ............................. 100-2 Rodiya dialects .........55n, 66, 68 Samaida (Bani), Amalikite tr. 2 Romaka-Siddhanta ......233n, 234 Saman-Manchu, medicine men.40, Rona, v. ........................... 256 44-6 Rudra, g. ......................... 320 samana............. ............... 61 Rudradama,k.(Kshatrapa)32, 272ff Samanta, k. .....................260-1 Rudrasena I. II. & III., kk. Samantabhadra, Jain ......... - 20 (Vakataka) ..................... 240ff Samanta-Pitamaha ............ 230 Rudrasiha, k. (Kshatrapa) ... 32 Samayabhushana of IndraRudravarma, k. of Kamboja 43 bhati............ 19 Sambhu, g. ............ Samkara, g............. Sachau's translation of Albi Samkara, king of S. India...... runi's Chronology of Ancient Sankaracharya ................. 20 Nations .......................... 116 Samkaragana, k. (Kala. of Tri. Sacred Books of the East...... 313f pura) .............................. 268 sadhacharya,-assistant offi. sankramana, dakshinayana... 272 ciating priest ......316, 318, 320 makara 223 Sadozai family ............... 259 ,, uttarayana...... 195 Saduragiri Mt. .......... 326 sankuja fish ...................... Baffina-sub-poena .................. sangraha .......................... 290 SAhasanka, k......................233n' Sampagadi, t.........................110 Samuka, Mongol leader ...... 280-2 samvat 87, 120, 185, 207ff, 230f 266, . 291ff samvatsara.- Saka era ......... 208 -Vikrama era ... 291 samvatsara, Angiras ............. 269 Dhatu ................ Dundubhi ......... Khara............... Parabhava......... Paridhavi ......... Plavamga ......... Prabhava ......... Prajapati.....222, Pramathi ......... Saumya ............ 122 Srimukha ......... 272 Vijaya............... 254 Vikrita ............ 246 Virodhikrit ...... 257-8 Vyaya ......... 102, 220 sariwatsardnam ............... 207, 251 samvatsaras ........................ 52 samvatsaras,-classification of the sixty ........................ 225 Sangkt plates of Govinda V. (R&sh.) ............................ 247ff sankalpa ceremony .........321, 322 Sankuka, k. (Kala of Tripura) 268 Sannipatu ......... santar-centre-street ............ Sarartha-darsana school ...... 88 Saratavura, t. ................... 258 &drikas ............. ................ 74 Sarva-Amoghavarsha I.,k.(Rash.) 188 Sarvadarsanasangraha ......... 262 Sasanka, k. of Karnasuvarna 233-4 kataghni, gun ....................... 51 Sati, tribe............................ 150 Batra ................................. 33 Satrunjaya-Mahatmya .........231n Satyasraya-Vallabhendra, -Puli kesi II., k. (West. Chal.)...... 93 Saurashtramandala, co....... 155 Saura vocabulary ................ 53 Sautas..............................216, 219 savaiyar-a priest ............... 316 Advanta ........................... 100-2 S&wan Mall ....................... 289 Sawantwadi (or Sangli) plates of Govinda V. (Rash.) ...... 247ff Sayam-Shaka coin ............... 9 sdyarakshd pujd, fifth service in a temple .................. 326 Schlagentweit's Buddhism in Tibet .... ..... ........... 330 398 . ........ 214 ... 98 ....... 319 88

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340 INDEX 319 325 113 323 4 Sovola ...... seals, emblems on, 11, 91, 156, 179, Sindi, v. ........... 122 suprabhatam-morning ptijd. 319 263 Sindinera, v. .................. 121, 124 Surasenas............ .. ....... 8 . legends on, .91, 245, 263, 274 Singhana II., k. (Y&dava).100, 178 Sarasthagana ................ 100, 102 , from Wala .............. 274-5 Sing-pi .............................. 173 Sarat plates of Trilochanapala Seamy Side of the Vedic reli- Siptakhora tree ................. 235 (Chaulukya) ..................196ff gion .............................. 236 | Sirpddam-temple servant ... 317 Saresa, g............................ 319 Sirar inscr.of Aungghavarsha I. Surya, g. .. Sebbi, v. ...........................255- 6 ....... . 320 Sebgin or Sukin, c................. 137 (R&sh.) ........................... 215 Saryavarma, k. of Kambaja ... 114 40 stalehyachilly-powder ...... Seljuks ........ Sushena, physician ............. 233 sutrapitaka .................. .............. 23 Seljuks in Asia Minor ....... bivali..................................... Senam-Shaka coin ................. Siva Vijayesvara.................... Suvarnamukha, t. or Mt....... 27 sondpati, o. .............. 241 Siviyar, Sivikaiyar-temple Suvarnavarsha-Govinda V. (Rash.) 254 Senart on Piyadasi's inscrip- Bervant ................... 317 108 Kakka II. (Rash.)... 164-5 tions ......................... 71f, 275f Si-yu-si monastery................ Setupatis of Ramnad ......... 315 Skanda, g.......................... Svaetimangala, v. ............... 18 Svami. Mahasena, 8. ............ 93 Seunachandra I., k. (Yadava).. 121 286 Solongod, Manchu tr............ svdmin......................32, 158, 180 >> II., k. ,, ...... 122 Somadeva ........... ............ 19, 21 Syalapati, k. ..................... 260 III., k. , ...... 127 Soratur, t. ........................... 257 Syrian inscription in China... 109 Seunapura, 6. ....................... 121 Sorator inser. of Kfishna IV. Seven Pagodas, by Col. Branfill 51 (Rash.) ............................ 256ff Tebala, Arab idol ............... Sevuna ......... ............... 257 Sorparaga .......................... 27, 30 Taila II., k. (West. Chal.).199, 200, Shah Mukadd..................259-60 270 Shakr Ganj ........................ 260 spiritualism among the Mon. III., k. ................ 98 Shamans................ 35, 38, 39, 75-9 Tai-tung-fu or Si-king 199,133,139, Shamanism...............39-46, 76-85 spiritualism ......................... 75 165 Shandas, or Khandas ......... Srdddha ceremonies ............ 321n Talapa, k. (East. Chal.) ...... 94 Shandhas ................ . Srdvakachdra of Maghanandi. 21 taldvdrika, ........................ 165 Shandhi coins...................... 10 Sravasti, t......................310, 313 Talikota battle, 1564 ...51-2, 2950 Shan.yu Chiefs ................. 298 Sri-Harsha, k.................... 187 Shwe-Dagon Prah, Rangun... 312 tambaram--tray ..................320 Sriraja, k. (Yadava) ............ 121 Tangri or Tegri, Mongol g. 40, 42 Siau-si-tien hill, where the Bud Srt-Tribhuvanankuka........... Ta-ning-fu or Pe-king ... 129, 172 dhist books are inscribed... 107-8 Arivallabha,-Govinda III. (Rash.) Tantrika School .................... 88 Sibira.............................. 111 Taoist Ch'ang Ch'un............ 297EUR Siddham ........................... 32 Srivara, v. ....................... 220 Tapi, r.................... ......... 27 Siddhasami, c. ....................... 164 Srutakevalis.......................... 22 Tarinatha.... Sigala, a Buddhist layman...23, 26 Srutakirtti, Jain author...... 19, 21 Taripa!, V....... 18 Sigalavdda sermon ............ 23-26 sthanafuddhi ...................... 319 Tarnis-Dharanis. Sigg&rhve, miscellaneous inscr. 102 sthanikars-temple officers ... 316 Tatabikki, k. ....................... 249 Sihala, Simhala, Ceylon ...... 56 sthirasibira ......................... 111 Tattva-muftdvall of Gauda Sikhi............... ............. 115 Subandhu............................ 234 Parnananda Chakravartin. 262 Siksha patri of Swami Nara- Subhatunga,-Akalavarsha,son Tatodrtha of Umgevati......... 20 yana ........ 261 of Dhruva II. Tawdf .............................. 87 Silanditya I, k. (Valabhi) ...... 149 (Rash.) ............188-90 Tegri-v. Tangri Siladitya-Harsha ............... 233-4 . Krishna I. (R&sh.) 187, 215 temple of R&meavaram ...... 315 Siladitya-Pratapasila............. 234 234 sub-poena-saffna ............... 26 Tengeri Tokkho ................ 77 Silagrama, sudi .............. 194 Tengri.................................. 131 Sildharas of Kolhapur...... 102, 110 Sugata ........ 309 Tep-tengri ...............35, 36, 38-9 Silara title, Rajapitamaha...... 150 Suggaladevi.............. 99 Teguka, k. (Yadava) ........... Silpasastra .......................... Suggalesvara, ---Siva, g. ......99 Tavdra song .................... 326 simalas.............................. Suhas tr. ........................... 10 Thandist. proper names...... Simhaghosha Buddha ........ Sukhdpatloyuha, -Tsing-ta- thavanakolu ........................ Sinhalese Vocabulary, Aryan wen... .......................109, 330 thian, Chinese for heaven ... element in, ...... ............... Sulbundu, Mongol g............. 80 Tractame, Chashtana............. Simbalese superstitions ........ sun-worship ....................40, 41 Tibet history ..................... Simbapura in Kalinga ......... 65 Sung dynasty .................... 129 | Tibetan vowels .................. 57n Sinhi, v. ............................ 122 Supara and Padana, antiqua. tiger and the cat................. 329 Simon Magus ..................... 35 rian remains at ............... 114 tilaka ....... ................ 318, 325 163 DWUTUT 84 . .... ..... 122

Page #387
INDEX. 341 318 309 .. ......... 921 164 314 124 Timur Lang.................... 301 udugun-Shamaness .........76,81 vara, Sukra Tirtharkaras .............. 21 Uigurs ............ 7 Vadda ..................... 99 tirthas ... Ujayantagiri, Girar............ 20n Varaha coins ................... 262 Tirumalai Setupati......... 316, 326 Uma, g........................... 94 vardhalanchchhana ............ 92 Tirumala of Vijayanagar ... 51 Upali, Ariya.................... Varahamihira............... 234, 261 T'ishya, nakshatra ............... 74 posatha ............ 74 Vardhamana, Jina ......19, 21, 227 tithi, fourth.......................... 195 Uppalika, C. ............... .. 269 Vardhamana, date of the Nir. fifth................32, 100-1, urgdmundu, .................... 271| vdna of ........................... 211 , sixth ........................ 101 arodeya, o. ........................ 268 Vardhamana, C. ........... 191, 195 tenth ............................ 99 Ushavadata ........................ 27ff | Varka, Vakka or Vanka, k. in eleventh ....................... 102 Uttamabhadras ............27-8, 31-2 Kabul ........................... fourteenth.................. 122 Uttarapurana ..................... 216 Varnasa, r. ....................... full moon..164, 249, 254, 258, Utubu, Kin emperor ............ 280 Varunarija, g. ................... 269 vdsapaka, o. , new moon. 155, 189, 220, 256 Vadagambh, v............... . 122 Vasubandhu ..................... Sripalichami................ 217 Vadapadraka, v. ............... Vasudeva, k. .................... tooth-brush .................... 307nVaddiga, k. (Yadava) ......... 121 Vasumitra ........................ tope of Pitt&puram ............ 258 Vaeddo, Veddis of Ceylon... 53, 66 Vatapura, c. .................. .... 165 Toragal inscr. of Barma Mahd- Vaedda, language of Ceylon ...55-6 Vatsaraja, k. (Chaulukya) ... 204 mandalesvara ................. 95ff Vagghalachchha, v. .............. 164 valura-water .................. 57n Toragale, d. ........................ 98 vaidarseyakas ...................... 74 Vavvulatalla, t. .................. 269 'raividya ............................ 102 Vaikrama-Saka .................. 295 vedapardyana-repeater of the Treme, v. ............ Vaipulya-darsana school ...... 88 Veda ........... ................ 316 Trilochanapala,k.(Chaulukya)196ff Vairamegha, ---Dantidurga,(Rash.) Vedhas, g........................... 319 Trildkasara of Nemichandra. 21 17 Vedic religion .................. 236-8 Trinkonamalai, t. in Ceylon .. 315 vajjani .............................. 256 Velanandu, d: ..................... 94 Tripitika, Catalogue of ...... 289 Vajrakumara (Y&dava)......... Veluvana grove ................... 23 tripravara ........................ Vajraprajna-Satra ............... 106 Vengi, c. and co. ...93, 218,19, 221 tripundra ........... ....... Vajrasana or Buddha-Gaya ... 88 Venkata of Vijayanagura...... 51 Trirasmi, Mt. ... ............ Vajrata............................ 187 utbhati, holy ashes ... Triratna ................. Vakall hill .......................... 115 Viddamayya, and Viddamiya 94 Trivikrama, Jain author... 21, 150 V&kataka, co. and tr. ............ 239 Videha,'c ........................... 326 Triyagesvara, g. ............... 165 V&kataka kinga ..................289ff Vighnesvara, g..............320, 323 Tsing-wan-tsing-Buddhist Vakula stupa ...................... 115 Vijayaditya I. II. III. IV. and priest ............ 108 Vakyapadiya of Bhartsihari 226-7 V., kk. (East. Chal.) ......... 94 Tsui-yun-kuan pass ........... 135 Valabhi, c. ................... 148, 164 > --Amma II. (East. Tukiu-Turks................... 40, 41 Valabhi kinge .................. 148ff Chal.) ........................... 94 Tumata, tr. ..................... 302-3 valaha, valasa, bear........... 62 VijayAditya-Gunaganka, k. (East. Tungavida, v. .................... 95 Valav&da, t. ........................ 111 Chal.).............................. 221 Tung-kuan pass ......... 280-2, 284 Vallabha, k. ..................181, 188 Vijayaditya-NarendramrigaTurimindi, v. ..................... 95 Vallabha, -Dantidurga (Raeh.)187 raja, k. (East. Chal........... 218 Tusharas ............. ............... 6 >> Dhruva I. (Rash.) ... 18 Vijayakfrtti, saint ............... 18 Tzia-din, Sung emperor...... 281 , Govinda II. ....... 187 Vijayanagara ..................... 295 Vallabhanarendra, -Govinda vijayaskandhavdra............16, 111 uchhikilapujd-fourth service V. (Rash.). 254 vijndpita ........................... 16 in a temple ..................... 325 Kakka III. 269 Vikramaditya ...................... 7 Udanavarga. ........................ 308 Vallabharaja, k. (Chaulukya) 198 Vikramaditya. I. and II., kk. Udinavarga, by W. W. Rock- Vallabhendra -Govinda III. (East. Chal.) ................. 94 hill. (R&sh.) ............................. 18 Vikramaditya VI.(West Chal) 87 Udaiyen Sotupati ............... 315 Van, cuneiform inscriptions... 261 Vikramaditya era ............... 230f Udayadityavarma, k. of Kam Vanavisa.co..................... 217 Vikramaditya-Harsha, k. of boja ......... ........... 114 Vanga, co. ...............55, 164, 219 Ujjayint ........................ 234 udranga ............... 189n vdra, Aditya 155, 220, 256, 258, 272 Vikramaditya-Samvat ......... 295 udayakalapuja, third temple Btihaspati ......... 100, 221 Vikramdditya-otpadita-samservice ........ ... 319 Budha ..................... 269 vatsara ........................... 294 udayamdrtandapuja, second Guru .................. 122, 254 Vikrama era, -nomenclature . temple service .............. 319 Soma ......................... 101 of the ...............291ff

Page #388
342 ****** 294 Vikrama-Kala Vikramarka, k. (Chapa) 194 Vikrama-Sam...... .............. 293 Vikrama-Samvat 293 Vikrama-Samvatsara......155, 293 Vikrama-Simha,k.(Chaulukya) 197 Vikranta-Narayana........... 230 Villisvara or Dhillisvara, d.... 205 Vutavura, v. Vyomakesa, g. 18 | Vimaladitya, k. (Chalukya). Vimalakirtti sutra,-Wei-mo ching Vinaya. Vindhyasakti, (Kailakila-Yavana) ........ *************** *************** 106 23n 242 (Vakataka)...... 242 Vingavalli, v. 253 Vinkala, v..................... 195 Vipasyi 115 Vira, date of the Nirvana of, 21f Vira-Narayana 230 Vira-Narayana,-Govinda V. 249 22 (Rash.) Virasvami Viratakote, Hangal, t... 257 Visaladeva, k. (Chaulukya). 154 Visalakshi, g. Vishnu, g.................... 241 315 ********** INDEX. ********* Vishnu (Gupta) coin. 10 Vishnuvardhana I. II. III. IV. and V., kk.(East. Chal.) 93-4 Visvanatha Nayakkar 315 Visvanathasvami, g. 315 Vithala of Vijayanagara 51 Vrittavilasa, Kanarese poet... 20 225 319 ****** ********************* 27 *********...................... Wahhabys 178 Wala clay seal of Pushyena.. 274-5 Wang-jih-iew 109 Yezidis *******...... Wasai (Bassein) ................. 259 Wei-hien-wen-ti, Chin emperor 107 Western Chalukyas...... 111, 252 Chalukyas... 112-13, 270 Whinfield's Quatrains of Omar Khayyam ........................ 314 white mares 78 Whole duty of a Buddhist layman ...23-26 ....... Yadava-Narayana. 230 Yadavas of Chandradityapura 119ff of Devagiri...... 100, 257 Yadukula............. 248, 252, 267 * 325 115 yagasala Yajua Satakarni. Yamuna, r..... Yapaniya sect. Yasovarma, k. (Chalukya) Yasovarma, k. of Kamboja Yavanas .253 .201 18 113 ....6, 242 Yelavarru plates of Amma II. (East. Chal.) 91ff Yeliu-Chutsai, his history... 278-9 Yeliu-liuko, Khitan Chief 137-8, 166, 283-4 114 Yh-king....... ................................................... 261 yoga, Siddhi..... 221 yojanas and lis, substitution of one for the other......327, 328 Yuddhamalla I., k. (East. Chal.)249 II, k., 94 Yule, Col. H., quoted......... 35-39 Yung-Cheng, Chinese emperor 109 Yuvaraja, k. (Kala of Tripura) 268 **********..... ... *********... Zamzam well Zemarchus Ziu'l-Khalasa, temple ..................... ********************** *****.... 2 41 4

Page #389
ERRATA IN VOL. XII. p. 43b, 1. 3 fr. bot. for Jmmegiljin read Imme. giljin p. 476, 1. 12, for olpim read olpirii , 1. 13, dele the last two of the marks, indicating illegible letters, after the word sira , I. 15, for The read the p. 47b, 1. 35, for Dharmaprau read Dharmapura p. 50, Table V. 1st col. for 1634 read 1664 53a, 1. 21, for Gargya read Garga 56a, n. 1. 3 for Acoka read Asoka 57b, 2nd fr. bot. for c and naturally ch, read ch and naturally chh 606, 1. 37, for p. 586, read 566 6la, 1. 4 for grhine read grihint 616, 1. 14 from bottom read Beitragen sur 610, 1. 20 after Vedd, only a comma. 636 1. 13 for matica read maricha 69a 1. 19 for c read ch p. 148 () for at read it. >> [] fur oft read 'rez. p. 1486, 1. 7, for bring read brings > note 1. 3 from bottom, for at read 4 . p. 149 (*) join os[a]<<:. p. 149a, 1.5 from bottom, for Tero read the 1. 3 from bottom, read aro. , 1.1 from bottom, for read . p. 1496, 1. 1 from bottom, read obliterated; ___read samarazatajaya p. 2006; 1. 39, for Gorjarat, read Gujarat p. 200a, Tr. 1. 19, and 2036, notes, last line, for kamandalu read kamandalu p. 228, 1. 1, for KRISHNARAJAI read KRISH. NARAJAI p. 231a, 1. 6, for + read X in two places , 1. 8, for + read X , 1. 16, for Vikrama read Vikrama p. 231a, note, last line, for Vikrama read Vikrama p. 232, note 14, 1. 4, for karkasam read Karka san p. 2326, 1. 1, for 864, read 486 p. 233, note 22, 1. 8, for Manati read Meguti >> 1.9, dele below he gives A.D. 635; >> 1. 10, for give read gives ,, note 26, 1. 3, for Sahasanka read Saha sanka p. 234a, 1. 42, for Paulus all Yunani read Paulus al Yunani >> 1. 45, for Va-aha read Varaha p. 2346, 1. 19 delete comma after .varman p. 150a, 1. 19 from bottom for Pindi read Pindt, p. 150a, 1. 33, for Vrittarildsa read the Vritta vildsa p. 179a. line 18, for in read on p. 185, ['1 for 11 [] read 1 [*] ', [1] for pArAhaNakaM grAma : read pArAhaNakaM nAma 49: ["] for watoa ufto read more ["] for "brahmadAya read. brahmadAya [] for vidA read vidyu'. [+] for vedavyA- read vaidavyA[ ] for naca- read . [] for sAdhU: read sAdhuH / p. 185 footnote, insert 1. 7, read hearts, 1.17. read 1. Plate III. p. 186, [] for Ter[ 1 ] read 72/). [7] for brahmANDa read bajhADaM. p. 186a, 1. 24 of translation, for Brahman read Brahman. p. 1876, 1. 15 from bottom, for (forced her) read (and forced her). p. 1886, 1. 9, for Ksitavirya read Ksita. viry a , . 16 from bottom, for Dhruvaraja read Dhruvaraja. 1. 36, for raja, read raja p. 189a, 1. 10 from bottom, for Doddhi read Dhoddhi. p. 190a, 1. 7, for Govindaraja read Go vindaraja p. 200a, 1. 28, for Kalyata read Kalyana p. 246, note 34, 1.2, for see Inscr. read see e.g. Inscr. , 39, 1.6, for Agraharis read Agraharas p. 247a, note, 1. 4, for harartham read hdrartham p. 247b, note, 1.2, for dityalaliyo read dityalaliyo p. 2746, 1. 7 from bottom, for and on the seal read and on the Asirgarh seal. p. 2746, 1.5 from bottom, for vol. III, p. 378, read vol. V, p. 482. p. 2756, 1. 12, for ff*AEITTH [74] read BTHEITTHIE [4] p.2750,1.13,for sunomahArAja mahI read sunomahArAjamahI p. 3156, note, for Dharmakartas read Dharma kartas p. 317a, 1. 24 from bot. for Svami read Svami p. 317a, note 7, for puja read puja in two places. p. 3176, 1. 29 from bot., for punydhavachana read punydhavachanam p. 3195, 1. 8, for drghyam read arghyam p. 3206, 1. 1, for nandikalou read nandikalau p. 321a, note, 1.3 from bot.,for Panchagvye read Panchagarye

Page #390
1. 36, for dikastotra read di-kustotra p. 2406, 1. 25, for the compilations read the Srautasutras and the compilations 1. 29, for learn regarding read hear of p. 241a, 1. 22, for Bhagirathi read (Bhagirathi) , 1. 26, for Mahabhirava, read Ma h a bhairava p. 2426, 1. 33, for Arya, read Arya p. 245, 1. 14, for read to p. 246a, 1. 8, for who bathed read who (viz. the Bharasivas) bathed p. 246, note 31, 1. 5, for ansa read ansa p. 323a, 1. 31, from bot., for koshte read koshte p. 325a, l. 31, for purushamiriga read, puru shamriga; and for nakshatra read nakshatra p. 325a, 1. 17, for digbanda read digbandha p. 325a, 1. 24, for Niranjana read Niranjana p. 326b, 1. 15, for sadangukatta read sadangukatta p. 3266, 1. 18, for Saduragiri read Saduragiri p. 3266, 1. 28, for Parvatavardhini read Parvata vardhini p. 326b, 1. 33, for Serravan read serravan