Early History of Orissa

Author(s): Amarchand Mittal
Publisher: Jain Cultural Research Society
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/006922/1

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AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA Dr. AMAR CHAND MITTAL Hortide cadamaTAna SC ST2 JAIN CULTURAL RESEARCH SOCIETY P. O. BANARAS HINDU UNIVERSITY Jain Ec h ternational For Personal & Private Use only www.jainelibrary.one

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Sanmati Publication No. 16 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA [From Earliest Times upto First Century B.C.] BY DR. AMAR CHAND MITTAL, M.A., Ph.D. (B.H.u.) Reader in Ancient Indian Flistory of Culture, VIKRAM UNIVERSITY, UJJAIN (M.P.) With a Toreword by THE HON'BLE DR. H. K. MAHTAB sacaM loga nAgamimA ATRIUM JAIN CULTURAL RESEARCH SOCIETY P.O. BANARAS HINDU UNIVERSITY 1962 For Personal & Private Use Only

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A Thesis approved for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy by the Banaras Hindu University, 1957. Sizety Rupees FREY Printed at the Tara Printing Works, Varana si-1. For Personal & Private Use Only

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PUBLISHER'S NOTE The Society is happy to publish "An Early History of Orissa" by Dr. A.C. Mittal of the Vikram University, Ujjain as Sanmati Publication No. 16. It deals with the history of Orissa from the earliest times upto the time of Kharavela. Hitherto study of Orissan history, especially of the ancient period has been quite limited. Dr. H. K. Mahtab has attempted to produce a real work of merit, still there was need of a book dealing with the early period of Orissan history. I can say confidently that my friend Dr. Mittal has filled the gap very efficiently. He has tried to give an accurate and linked account of the vicissitudes of the early Kalingan kingdom than any yet published. He has tried to clear up many misconceptions and has placed the early history of Orissa on a firmer basis of chronology. He has assigned an appropriate place to king Kharavela in the history of India and has related his life story in all possible details. It is hoped that this book would meet the muchfelt need of scholars in the field. On behalf of the Society, I thank the author for this precious and painstaking study. I also extend our thanks to Dr. Mahtab for writing a foreword to this work inspite of his otherwise busy life. DALSUKH D. MALVANIA Secretary Jain Cultural Research Society For Personal & Private Use Only

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FOREWORD I am glad to have the opportunity of writing a brief foreword for a book which was the thesis of the author for Doctorate of the Banaras Hindu University and which at that stage passed through me as an examiner of the University. Dr. Amar Chand Mittal has devoted considerable attention to the study of Kharabela's inscription which still gives rise to different interpretations and inferences drawn therefrom. Kharabela was a great king and only in his inscription we find the type of education the princes used to be called upon to receive in those days. Kharabela is a Dravidian word which gives a clue to many Dravidian words which have been absorbed in the Sanskrit and other languages born of Sanskrit. Dr. Mittal has examined many knotty points relating to Kharabela. The book relates to a period which was a formative one for different regions of India. It was Ashoka who made a scrious effort to bring the whole of India under one administration, but he stopped at Kalinga. Nevertheless, he brought the major portion of the country under one type of rule and it is during this time that the state undertook the task of integration of the country on the basis of 'Sadhamma' or true civilisation. But unfortu. nately only about fifty years after Ashoka, India again went to pieces and different Khandas or regions built up their own history independently. Kharabela belonged to that period and the history of Orissa as a region began from him. It is not easy to For Personal & Private Use Only

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write precisely the early history of any part of India. But the attempt which has been made by Dr. Mittal is commendable. In the meanwhile, several other authors have published the history of Orissa including its early history. Dr. Mittal's book is a helpful addition to those which have already been published. Finally, I congratulate Dr. Mittal on the study which he has made and on the way lie presents his study to the readers. HAREKRUSHNA MAHTAB For Personal & Private Use Only

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PREFACE This book is an humble attempt at reconstructing the early history of Orissa. It deals with the history of Orissathe country lying between river Suvarnarekha in the north and river Godavari in the south, hilly tracts of the land between modern Orissa and Madhya Pradesa in the west, and the Bay of Bengal in the east. The period covered ranges from the earliest tiines to the reign of king Khara vela in the closing years of the first century B. C. The early history of Orissa, as is the case with various other regions, is very obscure and it is not quite easy to reconstruct it on the basis of various legends and fables come across in ancient literature. I have, however, attempted to bring out elements of historical truth out of the maze of legends and have tried to trace the various stages in the gradual march of history in its various fields. The work starts with the prehistoric period of Orissan history weaving out a connected account of primitive life and culture. So far as the historical period is concerned, earlier authors had dealt with the major events and features of Orissan history and their works are valuable in their own way. Since then, however, a mass of new material have become available. This book hence takes the stock of later discoveries too in the fields of history and archaeology, and attempts at giving an up-to-date account of the early history of the region in a comprehensive manner. The sources are both literary as well as archaeological. I have been extremely careful in collecting and piecing together materials from both these. The Rigveda is silent about Orissa and it is only in the later Vedic literature For Personal & Private Use Only

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( viii) that Orissa first finds a mention. The Ramayana contains only passing references, but the Mahabharata gives details of different regions and peoples of Orissa, talking at one time with contempt and at another slowering praise upon them. Both the Buddhist and the Jaina literature are full of references to various parts of Orissa. So far as the historical period is concerned, the chief sources are archaeological and among them the epigraphical ones are most important. For instance, Asoka's edicts are the main source of tracing the history of Orissa during the Maurya period. The Hathigumpha inscription is of the greatest value in tracing the history of Kharavela and assessing the condition of the country and the people under him. But due to damages at places the reailings as well as the interpretations of various passages of the inscription differ widely. And what is worst is that most of ihe events are not corroborated by any other set of data. I have therefore aimed at utilising the most accepteil readings while cons. tructing the history of Klaravela. The entire scheme has been divided into three books and sub-divided into fourteen chapters. Book I is divided into three chapters ( No. I to III). The first chapter deals with the physical features as well as the political divisions of Orissa from time to time. How Odra, Utkala and parts of Kalinga have merged into Orissa has been shown here. The second chapter deals with pre-history. Orissa has, for a very great length of time, been inhabited by pre-historic peoples. Hence, it is quite rich in prehistoric implements and weapons used by those people and it stands well in comparison with various other regions noted for prehistoric antiquities. The third chapter deals with the traditional history of Orissa as depicted in literature-Brahmanical, Buddhist, Jaina and For Personal & Private Use Only

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( ix ) Greek. Gradual spread of Aryan culture in various parts of Orissa is clearly noticeable here. It is quite interesting to watch the process of gradual mingling and synthesis of various layers of Aryan and pre-Aryan culture in Orissa which was the meeting centre between the north and the south on the eastern sea-shore of India. BOOK II deals with the history of Orissa under Magadhan Imperialism. It has been divided into five chapters (Nos, IV to VIII). The fourth chapter deals with the Nanda rule in Kalinga, while the rest of the chapters deal with the Maurya rule there. The problem as to why Asoka had need to conquer Kalinga has been dealt with in the fifth chapter. The sixth and the seventh chapters deal with the administration of Kalinga under Asoka' as is gleaned in his edicts engraved there. The most noteworthy fact about the people of Orissa has been that they were always freedomloving people and they reasserted t!emselves whenever they got opportunities for doing so. And, this they did practically throughout the entire period beginning from the Nandas to the Kanvas. Book III deals with the historicity of Kharavela and is divided into six chapters (Nos. IX to XIV). The ninth chapter has been subdivided into sections dealing with the political conditions of the country at Kharavela's accession ; sources for the historicity of Kharavela and their evaluation ; lineage of Kharavela ; the Mahameghavahana dynasty and the predecessors of Kharavela. The tenth chapter deals with the Date of Kharavela'--one of the chief problems in Indian history. Every effort has been made to deal with the problem of chronology from all possible points of view before arriving at a conclusion. The eleventh chapter deals with the early history of Kharavela up to his coronation, while the For Personal & Private Use Only

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next chapter deals with his conquests, administration, military force and capital city. The thirteenth chapter deals with the wealth and prosperity of Kalinga under Kharavela, his religious policy and ending with an estimate of him. The fourteenth and the last chapter deals with the architecture and sculpture in the Khandagiri-Udayagiri caves, most of which are ascribed to him or to his period. The present work substantially represents my thesis for the Ph. D. degree of the B.H.U. I started to work on this topic in 1952 with the University scholarship under the encouragement and guidance of my teacher Dr. R.B. Pandey, then Professor and Head of the Depratment of Ancient Indian History & Culture and Prircipal, College of Indology, B.H.U., and I take this opportunity to pay my respects and sincere thanks to him. I must also express a sence of gratitude to the late Dr. A. S. Altekar, Drs. R. C. Majumdar, V. S. Agarwal, D. C. Sircar, D. C. Ganguli, K. C. Panigrahi, P. K. Acharya, Pt. Sukblalji and Shri Dalsukh Malvania for their valuable suggestions and all other help I needed in the preparation of this thesis. I am grateful to Shri B.B. Lal, then Supdt. Eastern Circle A.S.I., Cal. The Hon'ble Dr. H.K. Mahtab has laid me under obligation by inspiring me through this difficult task and now sparing time for writing a foreword to it. Lastly I desire to thank the Jain Cultural Research Society for undertaking publication of this book. I must end by apologizing to my readers for the numerous printing mistakes which have crept in. A.C. MITTAL For Personal & Private Use Only

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LIST OF ABBREVIATION ADH : Ancient History of Deccan AGI : Ancient Geography of India AHI : Asoka & His Inscriptions AI : Ancient India AIHT : Ancient Indian Historical Tradition Ait.Brah: Aitareya Brahmana ALU : Age of Imperial Unity AMBO : Archaeological Monuments in Bihar & Orissa ARASI : Annual Report, Archaeological Survey of India Arth : Arthasastra ASI : Archaeological Survey of India ASR : Archaeological Survey Report ASWI : Archaeological Survey of Western India CAI : Catalogue of Coins of Ancient India CCAI : CIM : Catalogue of Coins in the Indian Museum . CCIM CGMT : Chandragupta Maurya & His Times ch : Chapter CHI : Cambridge History of India, Vol. I CII : Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum DHNI : Dynastic History of Northern India Dist.Gaz: District Gazeteer DKA : Dynastics in the Kali Age DPPN : Dictionary of Pali Proper Names Ed : Edited by EHD : Early History of Deccan EHI : Early History of India For Personal & Private Use Only

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(xii). EI : Epigraphica Indica fig : figure fn : foot note GBI : Greeks in Bactria and India HO : History of Orissa IA : Indian Antiquary IHC : Indian History Congress IHQ : Indian Historical Quarterly JA : Jain Antiquary JAHRS: Journal of the Andhra Historical Research Society JASB : Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal JBORS: Journal of the Bibar & Orissa Research Society JISOA : Journal of Indian Society of Oriental Art JNSI : Journal of the Numismatic Society of India JRAS : Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society JRASB: Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Britain 1 : left LAI : Life in Ancient India as Depicted in Jain Canons MASB : Memoirs of the Asiatic Society of Bengal MASI : Memoirs of the Archaeological Survey of India Mbh : Mahabharata Meg : Megasthenes Ms : Manuscript MSA : Maurya and Sunga Art Nat. His : Natural History OBI ; Old Brahmi Inscriptions oby : obverse OHR : Orissa and Her Remains OHRSJ: Orissa Historical Research Society Journal P : page PE : Pillar Edict PHAI : Political History of Ancient India y For Personal & Private Use Only

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(xiii ) PI Pt qtd r Ram RE rev RV SBE sec SI SKE vol : Plate : Part : quoted from : right : Ramayana : Rock Edict : reverse : Rig Veda : Sacred Books of the East Series : section : Select Inscriptions, Vol. I. : Separate Kalinga Edict : volume For Personal & Private Use Only

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AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA CONTENTS Pages iii Publisher's Note Foreword Preface List of Abbreviation BOOK I PHYSICAL FEATURES, PREHISTORICAL AND TRADITIONAL HISTORY Chapter 1-Physical features 1-43 Section I-Geographical Factor Orissa--The Name Region Topography Rivers Lakes : (i) Chilka (ii) Sar Peoples 13 Languages 16 Section II-- Political Divisions Odra Utkala Kalinga 24 Tosala Kongoda 31 Trikalinga Trilinga 18 21 28 33 39 For Personal & Private Use Only

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( xvi) 44.80 46 49 51 a a 56 Chapter II-Prehistoric Orissa Part 1--The Lithic Age Sec. A The Palaolithic Period Problem Orissa Finds Latest Sites : (i) Kuliana Topography and Solid Geology Mode of Occurence Excavations : Kuliana-Quarry C Kuliana-Tank A Kuliana-Tank B (ii) Kamata-Quarry C (iii) Kalaberia (iv) Koilisuta (v) Nuaberi (vi) Pariakoli Proportions of Different Families Conclusion General Observations Correlations Peoples and Their Conditions Their Habits & Practices Sec. B-The Microlithic Period The Hiatus Sec. C--The Neolithic Period Art of Firing Vessels Habitations Part II--The Metallic Period (Copper Age) Cultural Aspect - Problem of Authors 56 57 Un 63 65 65 71 72 74 75 79 For Personal & Private Use Only

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81-124 82 83 83 89 ( xvii) Chapter III-Traditional History as Depicted in Ancient Indian Literature Section 1-Brahmanic Literature Vedas Brahmanas & Aranyakas Puranic Traditions (A) Origin of Kalinga & Utkala (B) Other References Ramayana Mahabharata Baudhayana Dharma Sutra Panini's Ashtadhyayi Kautilya's Arthasastra Mani Mekhlai Briliatsamhita Section 11- The Buddhist Literature Section Ill--The Jaina Literature Section IV--The Greek Literature 94 94 103 104 105 107 107 109 116 121 BOOK II KALINGA UNDER THE MAGADHAN IMPERIALISM Chapter IV.--The Nanda Rule in Kalinga 127-147 Nandas and Kalinga 127 Identification of Nandaraja 128 Mahapadma Nanda 129 References to Nandaraja Considered 133 Prevalence of Jainism in Kalinga 136 Administrative and Public Works 139 Art and Architecture 143 Identification of Kalinga-Jina 144 Religious Life (Image Worship) 146 For Personal & Private Use Only

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148-165 ( xviii ) Chapter V-Kalinga Under the Mauryas Under Chandragupta and Bindusara Asoka's Conquest Change in Asoka 148 155 158 166-130 166 169 Chapter VI-Administration of Kalinga Under the Mauryas Sources of Information Under a Kumara Viceroy Date of Separate Kalinga Edicts Governorships in Kalinga Administrative Officers : Mahamatras Rajjuka Pradesika Yukta Pulisa Pativedika Vachabhumika Lipikara Duta Ayukta Karankar Selection of Officers 172 177 179 180 182 184 185 186 187 137 187 187 187 188 189 Chapter VII- Administration of Kalinga (Cont'd) 191-214 Administration of Justice 191 Jail Administration 197 City Administration 200 Forest Administratfon 203 Tour System of Government 210 Resume 212 Appendix-Tishya Nakshatra and Kalinga 215-216 For Personal & Private Use Only

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( xix ) Chapter VIII 217-226 Sec. A---Maurya Art in Kalinga 217-223 The Dhauli Elephant-- Artistic Valuation of 217 Sec. B-From Aster Asoka to Kanva Rule 224-226 (a) Sunga Period 225 (b) Kanva Period 226 BOOK III THE EPOCH OF KHARAVELA Chapter IX 229-263 Sec. I---Political Condition of the Country at Kharavela's Accession 229 Sec. II-Sources of the Historicity of Klaravela 237 The Hathigumpha Inscription 237 Condition of the Record 238 Size 239 System of Spacing 239 Authorship 240 Composition 240 Sec. III--Mahameghavahana Dynasty 243 Sec. IV-Precedessors of Kharavela 246 Sec. V-Lineage of Kharavela 254 Aira 254 Chedi Vamsa 257 Chapter X-Date of Kharavela 264-294 Sec. 1-Internal Evidences Satakarni 267 Brihaspatimitra 269 Yayanaraja Dimita 274 Phrase "T':-Vasa-Sata' 277 For Personal & Private Use Only

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305 306 Sec. II-Circumstantial Evidences Palaeography 282 Titles 'Malataja' and 'Chakravarti' 283 Kavya Style 284 Sisupalgarh Excavations 286 Absence of Coins 288 Art and Architecture in the Udayagiri. Khandagiri Caves 291 Conclusion 294 Chapter XI 295-321 Sec. 1- Name Kharavela--Its Etymology 295 Sec. II--Childhood of Kharavela 298 Sec. III-Education of Kharavela 303 Lekha 304 Rupa Ganana Vavahara-vidhi 307 Sava-vija Sec. IV-Marriage of Kharavela 313 Sec. V-Coronation of Kharavela 318 Chapter XII 322-353 Sec. 1-Conquests of Kbaravela 322 Extent of Empire 332 Resume 333 Sec. II-Kharavela's Administration 334 Sec. III-- Military Force 338 Numerical Strength 338 Equipment 342 Militia Policy of Kharavela 343 Ferocious Nature of the Army 345 Sec. IV-The City of Kalinga 346 -Identification of 349 309 343 For Personal & Private Use Only

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368 ( xxi ) Chapter XIII 354-363 Sec. 1--Wealth & Prosperity of Kaliga 354 Really Honey 354 Food Stuffs 357 Precious Stones etc. 358 Forest Wealth 358 Sources of Income 359 Economic Condition of the People 361 Sec. II- Religious Policy 362 Sec. III-Estimate of Klaravela 366 Resume Chapter XIV--Cave Architecture in Orissa 370-394 Sec. A-Flathigumpla 374 Svargapuri-Manchapuri 375 Ananta Gumpha 377 Rani Gumpha 379 Ganesa Cave 384 Jayavijaya Cave 385 Bagha Cave 385 Serpent Cave 386 Sec. B-State of Sculpture & Architecture Zoology of the Caves 390 Vegetables & Flora 392 Excavations & Drainage 393 Resume 394 Appendix A--Text of the Hathigumpha Cave Inscription of Khara vela Appendix B -- Text of the Manchapuri Cave Inscription of the Chief Queen of Kharavela 401 Appendix C-Text of the Manchapuri Cave Inscription of Vakradeva 401 Bibliography 402 Index 412 386 395 For Personal & Private Use Only

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( xxii) Description of the Plates 453 Illustrations --- 56 In the end Maps ---- 4 In the end. 1. Modern State of Orissa 2. Ancient Orissa showing different political divisions. 3. Plan showing Khandagiri-U dayagiri, Dhauli hills & Sisupalgarh fort. 4. Plan showing Khandagiri-Udayagiri hills & distri bution of Caves therein. For Personal & Private Use Only

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BOOK I PHYSICAL FEATURES, PRE-HISTORICAL & TRADITIONAL HISTORY For Personal & Private Use Only

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AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA CHAPTER I ( Section I) THE GEOGRAPHICAL FACTOR IN THE HISTORY OF ORISSA Geography has moulded the destiny of India to a very great extent. India is a vast sub-Continent separated from the rest of Asia by the great mountain ranges in the north, north-west and north-east, and is bounded by sea on the rest of its sides. These physical barriers which 'played a highly important part in directing human destiny,' have given it a distinct 'geographical personality' as the anthropo-geographers call it. This will be apparent when we see a population map of the world which shows India as one of the most densely populated countries. The main centres of civili. zation in India were away from the 'plenty of the tropics and the poverty of the poles--the conditions that stimulate man to sustain efforts';3 and that is the most note-worthy geographic feature that has made India the centre of one of the most ancient and high civilizations of the world. Only the distinct 'geographical personality' of India, and probably, the limited capacity of the openings into the land account for the fundamental unity of Indian culture. Yet, there is a distinct diversity and variety in its component regions. Vidal de la Blanche' has drawn atten1. Ray H. Whitbeck & Olive J. Thomas-Geographical Factor, p. 27. 2. Fabore--Geographical Introducion to History. 3. Whitbeck & Thomas, op. cit., p. 102. 4. Fabore, op. cit., p. 315, For Personal & Private Use Only

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AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA tion to what he calls national states and provincial states, which have been explained by Fabore as follows :-"There are actions and reactions, the same people who tend to resemble each other more and more everyday, imitating each other, taking other as a pattern and diffusing a common civilization as a sort of subtle emanation ; these same people are striving no less ardently to separate themselves more everyday from their neighbours, and by carefully cultivating their special gifts to accentuate, as much as possible, their characteristic features. There is no doubt that the conflict between these two tendencies is one of the dominating facts of history." Ratzel' considers that the individuality of local regions is more strictly due to their geographical situation", to which, in the opinion of the present writer, should be added "and also local circumstances". Thus we proceed on the assumption that there are minor cultural regions within the geographical framework of India. ORISSA-The Name That part of the country, which is now known to us as Orissa, originally included Odra, Utkala and Kalinga in ancient times. The modern term, Orissa, is derived from Olra, which was the name of a very small part of the present-day Orissa. But during the early medieval period the country of Kalinga was practically co-extensive with the now Oriya-speaking tracts of Bengal, Bihar, Madhya Pradesa, Hyderabad and Madras. It is also quite possible that portions of the Telugu-speaking districts, to the north of the delta of the Godavari, were originally Oriya-speaking districts. The Godavari-Krishna doab, especially that part 1. Anthropo-Geographie, 1912, Qtd., Subbara |--Journal of the Deccan College Research Institute. Vol. IX, p. 168. 2. For fuller discussion see further Section JI. 3. R. D. Banerji, H. O., Vol. I, p. 1. For Personal & Private Use Only

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GEOGRAPHICAL FACTOR of it which lies at the bottom of the Eastern Ghats, was the march-land between the Kalinga and the Andhra countries. An account of Orissa, known as Kalinga from the early medieval period, must, therefore, necessarily be an account of these areas (rather Greater Orissa) as she originally included them until the last days of her independence. The country of Kalinga, as already pointed out, extended upto the modern districts of Medinipur and Howrah in the West Bengal. Even in Mughal times, the Suvarnarekha river, now passing through the south-western part of the district of Medinipur, was regarded as the northern boundary of Orissa. Even now the titles of the majority of Hindu zamindars of Medinipur prove that they were land-holders and feudatories of Hindu kings of Orissa at no distant date. The people of south-western Medinipur are very much like those of Balasore and Mayurbhanj in manners, customs, language and caste. Towards the west the language of Orissa gradually merges into that of aboriginal tribes who live in the secluded valleys of the Eastern Ghats, beginning with Dhalbhum and Singbhum to the north and west of Mayurbhanj, and ending with the former states of Karond, Kanker and Bastar in the Madhya Pradesa. The districts of Khammamet and Nalgonda in Hyderabad, lie on the ghats immediately to the west of the Krishna-Godavari doab, and these are the northern-most districts of the Telugu couatry on the Deccan plateau. If, in the past, the inhabitants of this tract of land happened to be one of the most enterprising and prosperous peoples, it was mainly due to the unique position that Kalinga enjoyed in the geography of India. With the impassable hilly jungles on her back, with the fertile valley of the Ganga-Brahmaputra to the north, the GodavariKrishna doab to the south, and with the mighty water mass For Personal & Private Use Only

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AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA of the Bay of Bengal, guarded by the Indian Ocean, at her eastern side, Kalinga enjoyed a commanding geographical position. Guarding the land between the Vindhya and the sea, she was the gateway between the Uttara patha and the Dakshinapatha. Guarding the seas, she was the gateway between India and the Indian Archipelago & Far East. As a result of this strategic position, Kalinga played a vital role in the cultural fusion of the North and the South as well as in the maritime trade and the colonization of Indian Archipelago. Added to this fortunate situation she possessed favourable local circumstances. She had a better climatic advantage to her credit over most parts of India. The sea provided her abundant rains ; innumerable big and small rivers, flowing through its very length and breadth, rendered her a bed of alluvium. Nature's bounty gave her people ample individuality, out of which grew up a culture representing a strange mixture of the Aryans and the Dravidians. Importance of Orissa is also due to its being one of the most sacred regions. REGION Orissa is a natural division in the true sense of the term, according to the anthropological geography. Orissa belongs to a category of region which Comille Julia'n' would call a complicated, truly strategic and economic unit, formed of complementary lands and territories, plains and mountains, forests and arable lands, opening on the same routes, converging on the same rivers commanding one another and making it necessary to exchange their produce and their means of defence--in short, societies for mutual protection and moral physical solidarity. There can be no linear boundaries in the common geographical parlance, but the region under review has a personality of its own, if we take into consideration its climate, soil, 1. Pabore, op. oit., p. 311. For Personal & Private Use Only

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R GEOGRAPHICAL FACTOR geology, people and the last but not the least-the historic and social traditions. TOPOGRAPHY Nature has divided the vast country of ancient Kalinga into three different parts the first of which consists of the flat alluvial plain which begins from the western bank of the Damodar river and consists of the hilly tracts of Mayurbhanj, Keonjhar and Angul. This tract is intersected by great streams like Rupnarayan, Haldi, Suvarnrekha, Burabelang, Vaitarni, Brahmani and the now-defunct, Prachi. The second division begins from the right bank of the Mahanadi, and consists of the hilly tracts between that river and the Godavari, and is bisected by the Risikulya river. Here the hills extend almost to the sea and the width of the coast-land is extremely narrow with certain extensions, as in the tract country between the Mahanadi delta and the Chilka Lake, and again between the southern bank of the Chilka Lake and the basin of the Risikulya river. To the south of the Berhampur-Ganjam area the ghats almost touch the sea and reach one of their highest points at Mahendragiri. To the south of Mahendragiri, there is a stretch of plain flat country along the banks of the Langulia river, which represents the third division. It was on this part of the coast that Kalinganagara, the ancient capital of the country of Kalinga, was situated. There is no important river between the Languliya and the Godavari rivers and the country too is much less productive. From the Chikakole to the Godavari delta the country is very beautiful, but in this tract the ghats are divided into a number of parallel ranges, which reduce the breadth of the flat plain country to a minimum. The rivers in this tract are few and far between, and very small in size. For Personal & Private Use Only

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AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA This is Kalinga proper as described by Hiuen Tsang in the Seventh century A. D. The people of this country were war-like from the very dawn of history. The ferocity of its people may be judged from the number of people killed and captured during Asoka's campaign in Kalinga.? The country was reduced with great difficulty by the Muslim conquerors in mediaeval times. The network of rivers, in the deltas of the Godavari and the Krishna, prevented passage of large armies through it along the eastern coast of the Bay of Bengal. The coastland, from Hijli in the Medinipur district upto Madras, does not include any good harbours or roadsteads. The shore slopes down gradually from the coast and deep water is available only after two or three miles. Moreover, the sea is very rough during the south-eastern monsoon when cyclones visit this coast almost every year. Inspite of these natural defects the people of ancient Kalinga developed into good sailors very early in the history of the country. On its western frontier, Kalinga is protected by range after range of hills-the off-shoots of the great Eastern Ghats, which form a very effective bulwark on that side. But at the same time the secluded valleys between these ranges have sheltered the primitive inhabitants from times immemorial The former Bastar state formed a continual boundary of Kalinga proper towards the west. The country between Bezwada on the Krishna and Rajmahendri on the Godavari, has been a battle-field between the armies from the North and the South since very early days. This part of the country is much more readily accessible from the 1. R. E. XIII. Line, 1. "Diadha matre prana-sata-sahasre ye tato apavudhe sata-sahasra matre tatra hate bahu-tavatake va mute". For Personal & Private Use Only

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GEOGRAPHICAL FACTOR plateau of the Deccan than any other part of Kalinga. In this area the network of rivers in the deltas of the Krishna and the Godavari have rendered it extremely fertile and it is very densely populated. The general characteristics of the entire coast-land are somewhat different from those of the southern portion of Bengal. The soil is either alluvial or a reddish laterite, cut up by low hills, which yields a poor harvest even in the best of seasons. Irrigation is possible on account of the existence of a number of rivers. In early days irrigation was in vogue in this country, as there is a reference to the extension of an acqueduct in the Hathigumpha Inscription of Kharavela. The lower parts of many great rivers intersect the coast-land, and their deltas spread fan-wise in the flat plains near the sea. Fishing and salt-making are the principal industries along the sea-coast. RIVERS "It is the devastating rivers, and not foreign invasion or domestic tumult, which the Oriyas have chiefly to fear", remarked Sir W. W. Hunter. The water supply, which pours down from the interior table-land upon the Orissadelta, has hitherto defied control. Three great rivers collect the drainage of 75,000 Sq. miles of Madhya Pradesa, and gradually converging the coast, dash down their accumulated waters within 30 miles of each other upon the Cuttack district. The velocity, which they had obtained in descending from the inner table-land, finds itself suddenly 1. L. 6. "Parichame cha dani vase nandaraja ti-vasa-sata Ogha. titar tanasuliya vala pavadin nagaram pavesayati". 2. Orissa. Vol. II, 1880, p. 175. 3. The account and figures are based on the data collected in 1880 by Sir W. W. Hunter and incorporated in his work entitled Orissa" in two volumes. For Personal & Private Use Only

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AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA checked upon the level delta, and they break up into a hundred tributaries like a pitcher of water thrown violently on the ground. These tributaries roam over the delta, struggling by a thousand contortions and convolutions towards the coast, and forming a network of rivers, which, after innumerable interlacings and bifurcations generally reunite with one of the three parent channels as they approach the sea. Only a map on a very large scale can give a complete idea of their innumerable twistings, combinations and divergencies. Besides these great rivers--namely, the Mahanadi, the Brahmani and the Vaitarni--three other of less importance enter Orissa farther north-the Suvarnarekha, the Burabalang and the Kansbans. The drainage of an area aggregating 63,350 sq. miles is thus accumulated on the narrow Orissa strip between the mountains and the sea. The Mahanadi ( lit. the Great River ) rises in the Madhya Pradesa, and after collecting the rainfall of 45,000 sq. miles, pours down on the delta through a narrow gorge just above the city of Cuttack. It illustrates with peculiar clearness the biography of a great Indian river. In its first stage it runs on a lower level than the surrounding country winding through mountains, valleys and skirting the base of the hills. During the long part of its career it receives innumerable streams and tributaries from the higher country on both banks. But no sooner does it reach the delta its whole life changes. Instead of running along the lowest ground it gradually finds itself hoisted up until its banks form ridges which rise high above the adjacent country. Instead of receiving confluents, it shoots forth a hundred distributaries. In short, it enters upon its career as a deltic river. This change arises from a single cause. The rapadity of the current, acquired among the mountains and table. For Personal & Private Use Only

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GeoGRAPHICAL FACTOR lands, brings down a vast quantity of silt suspended in its water. But no sooner does it reach the level delta the river finds its current checked. The farther it goes the more sluggish it becomes and less able to carry down the sand with which it is charged. It accordingly deposits the silt in its bed and during floods, upon its banks. By degrees, therefore, the bed and the banks gradually rise until the river forms a sort of canal running along a higher level than the adjacent country. The silt accumulates more rapidly in the bed itself than upon the banks, which gets only an occasional over-flow--the channel gradually shallows, and its capacity as an outlet for the water which pours into it from above, diminishes. The same process goes on in every one of the distributaries into which the parent stream breaks up and their total discharging power becomes less and less adequate to carry off the water-supply to the sea. The deltic rivers of Orissa form, therefore, a net-work of high level canals raised above the surrounding country and unable to furnish an outlet for the water poured into them at their heads. During summer their upper channels in the interior table-land dwindle into insignificance, but in the rainy season the same rivers issue from the table-land in tremendous floods. As the river runs along the highest levels of the delta so the lowest levels lie about half-way between each set of their tributaries. The country, in fact, slopes downward from the river banks, and in times of flood it is impossible for the inundation to find its way back again into the river. The waters cover the crop-land even long after the river itself has subsided. They painfully search out the lines of drainage, accumulating in swamps, drowning the harvests, and poisoning the air with malaria, until they dry up or For Personal & Private Use Only

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10 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA slowly reach the sea. These are alike disastrous to the people and costly to the State. LAKES :-(i) Chilka Lake The Chilka Lakel is a shallow inland sea situated in the extreme south of the district of Puri and extending into the district of Ganjam. It is separated from the Bay of Bengal by a group of two islands formed by silt deposit and by a long strip of land, which for miles consists of nothing but a sandy ridge little more than 200 yards wide. It communicates with the Bay, by a narrow inlet through the sandy bar constantly thrown up by the sea--an inlet which in some years has to be kept open by artificial means. On the south-west, it is walled by lofty hills in some places descending abruptly to be water's edge and in others thrusting out gigantic arms and promotories of rock into the lake. On the south, it is bounded by hilly watershed which forms the natural frontier between Orissa and Madras. To the north, it loses itself in endless shallows, sedgy banks and islands, just peeping above the surface formed year by year from the silt which the Daya and other streams bring down. Thus hemmed between the mountains and the sea, the Chilka spreads itself out into a peer-shaped expanse of water 44 miles long of which the northern half has a mean breadth of 20 miles, while the southern half tapers into an irregularly curved point barely about five miles wide. Its area fluctuates with the season, with the intensity and duration of the annual river floods, and with the ebb and flow of the tide. It is returned at 344 sq. miles in the dry weather and about 450 sq. miles during the rainy 1. The account is based on the District Gazeteer, Puri by L.S.8, O'malley, I.C S, Calcutta, 1908, pp. 3-6, For Personal & Private Use Only

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GEOGRAPHICAL FACTOR season. The average depth is five to six feet and scarcely anywhere exceeds 12 feet, except in the south-west. The bed of the lake is only a few feet below the level of the sea high-water, although in some parts slightly below low-water mark. The neck, which joins it to the sea, is only 200 to 300 yards broad; but the narrow tidal stream, which rushes through it, suffices to keep the lake distinctly salt during the dry months. Once the rains have set in and the rivers come pouring down upon its northern extremity, the sea-water is gradually driven out, and the Chilka becomes a fresh-water lake. The scenery of the Chilka is very varied and in parts exceedingly picturesque. In the south and the west, hill ranges bound its shores ; and in this part, it is dotted with a number of small rocky islands rising from deep water. Proceeding northwards, the lake expands into a majestic sheet of water. Half-way across is Nalabana (Lit: Reed Forest), an island about 5 miles in circumference, scarcely anywhere rising more than a few inches above water level. This island is altogether uninhabited, but is regularly visited by parties of thatchers from the main land, who cut the reeds and high grasses with which it is covered. On the eastern side of the lake lie the islands of Parikud with new silt formations behind, and now partially joined to the narrow ridge of land which separates the Chilka from the sea. At some places, they emerge almost imper. ceptibly from the water ; at others, they spread out into well-raised rice-fields. Their northern extremity slopes gracefully down to the lake, dotted with fine trees, and backed by noble mass of foliage. Beyond the northern end of Parikud, the lake gracefully shallows, until it becomes solid ground, for here the Puri streams empty them. selves into the lake. Water-fowl of all kinds, and in cold For Personal & Private Use Only

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IZ AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA weather, great flocks of ducks are very abundant in all parts of the lake. Black huck and other deer are common on the islands and the shores, and large number of fish, especially prawns and crabs, are found in its waters. According to tradition, the Chilka was formed by an inrush of the sea. The legend is, that in the fourth century A.D., a strange race came sailing across the sea, and cast anchor off the holy city of Puri hoping to surprise the city-temple with its store of jewels and treasure-house of costly oblations. But the priests having seen for days before-hand, quantities of litter from the horses and elephants drifting ashore, fled with the precious image and left an empty city to the invaders. The disappointed general, enraged at the tell-tale tide, advanced in battle array to punish the sea. The sea receded deceitfully for a couple of miles, and then suddenly surging in upon the presumptuous foreigners, swallowed them up. At the same time, it flooded a great part of the district, and formed the Chilka lake. There seems little doubt, however, that the lake was formerly a bay at the sea, which, with the advance of the river delta, hemmed in on the north-west, while a spit of sand was formed across the mouth and eventually separated it from the sea. (ii) Sar Lake The Sar lake is a fresh water lagoon to the east of Puri town which is formed by a back-water of the Bhargawi stream. This lake is four miles long from east to west and two miles broad from north to south. It has no outlet to the sea and is separated from it by desolate sandy ridges. It is utilized neither for nagivation, nor to any extent for fisheries. The sandy desert that divides it from the Bay of Bengal is destitute of population, and For Personal & Private Use Only

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GEOGRAPHICAL FACTOR on the north, a few miserable hovels at wide intervals dot its shores. Its water however is used for irrigation when the rainfall proves deficient; and as it is very shallow, a large portion of it is cultivated with dalua rice in winter months. PEOPLES The population of the entire country is as varied as its topography. The first human inhabitants, that we can discern in Orissa, are hill-tribes and fishermen belonging to the non-Aryan stock. Their descendants still survive and perpetuate their ancient names. The western part of northern Orissa, called Garhjats, contains a very large and varied aboriginal population, such as Bhuiyas, Binjhals, Bhumijes, Gonds, Hos, Juangs, Kharias, Khonds, Koras, Oraons, Santals, Savaras and Sudhas. Among them, the Khonds and the Savaras have preserved their ethnical identity most intact even to this day. The Khonds are one of the most noteworthy aboriginal tribes of Orissa. They are very prominently settled in the entire region extending from Kalahandi in the central Garhjats to the extreme west of Vizagapatam district. They call themselves as Kui or Koi also. In Madras state they are called Konds. Formerly, they were addicted to human-sacrifice and infanticide. After the Khonds are the Savaras, variously pronounced as Savar, Sabar, Saoras, Saur or Sar. In the Aitareya Brahmana,' the Sabaras are regarded to be the descendants of the sons of Visvamitra, who were cursed by their father to become impure. They are said to have lived on the border of the territory held by the Aryans in those days. 1. Ait. Brah. VII, 18 ; cf. Sarkhayana Sutra, XV, 16. For Personal & Private Use Only

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AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA The Ramayanal states that they were met by Sri Ramachandra in the Central India forests. A pious Sabara woman by name Sabari met him there. The Sabaras are mentioned in the santi Parvan of the Mahabharata as practising some wicked customs along with the Dasyus. In the Puranas they are called Vindhya-maulikas. They are mentioned by Plinyo as Suari and by Ptolemy as Savarai. References to the chiefs of the Sabara tribe are met with in many historical records down to the Muslim rule.? In the Mahabharata, the Sabaras and other forest races are described to have originated from the sweat of a cow. They were goblins, they were devils, they were raw-eaters, they were man-eaters. We are informed that they were as black as crow, with tawny hair, with red eyes, with a chin jutting out, short arms and legs, and the typical flat nose. They appear to have made their individuality very strongly felt in ancient India. The beginning of their territory long marked the last point of the Aryan advance. Even the fisher-tribes, who lived upon the shores their pirate galleys were the scourage of the Bay of Bengal till within historical times. Hiuen Tsang was warned not to face the resistless fleet of these 'demons', and instead of taking ship for Ceylon, he proceeded by the long 1. Adi Kanda, I, p. 59 ; Aranya Kanda, LXXVII, 6-32. 2. Aranya Kanda, LXXI, 23, 26. 3. Qtd. Banerji, H. O. Vol. I, Ch. II, p. 20. 4. Ibid. 5. Nat. Hist. VI, 22, 6; McCrindle, I.A. VI, p. 127. 6. McCrindle, Ptolemy, p. 172. 7. For other references see Banerji, H.O. Vol. I. 8. Adi Parvan, CLXXVII, p. 50+. 9. cf. Accounts of the Vizagapatam District, Chap. II, Sec. III, Madras, 1867 (Ed. Carmichel). For Personal & Private Use Only

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GEOGRAPHICAL FACTOR 15 and wild land-route. He describes the inhabitants of Orissa as of tall stature, of black skin, of rude habits, and speaking a clear ringing language different from the tongues of inner India. They are described exactly what we might expect of the people of a delta to be, who had settled long enough to acquire the dark colour of a damp tropical region, but had not yet lost the manly forms which they brought from their ancient high-lands. The State of Orissa, however, came under the Aryan influence soon after their spread in Northern India. Since then there have been slow and gradual migrations of the Aryans in this part of the land, with the result that the majority of the people at present are Hindus, and among them, the principal caste is the Brahmana. The highest class among tha Brahmanas is called Sasani i. e. those who had been honoured by various rulers with grants of lands embodied in Tamara-sasanas or the charters written on copper plates. There are many other sub-divisions of the Brahmanas, some of which have emigrated into the State in mediaeval time. The next important class may be called the Rajanyas in the absence of a better generic term. Most of the Indian Chiefs and Zamindars in the country claim to be Kshatriyas or Rajputs. Prof. R. D. Banerji, however, argues that in the majority of cases they are of mixed descent and their present rank or caste is due to their position. After quoting good many such instances, be concludes "A careful consideration of the data available, at the present date, would tend to prove that the majority of the chiefs of Kalinga or modern Orissa and Telingana are of indigenous descent." 1. H. 0. Vol. I, pp. 16.17, 2. Ibid. For Personal & Private Use Only

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16 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA In northern Orissa, a multitude of sub-castes follow the Rajanyas, and it is not very convenient to locate them in any order of sequence. LANGUAGE Language is one of the most important factors which have conferred an individuality to a region. "Each language is a product of a social tradition and itself reacts on other modes of thinking", remarked Gordon V. Childe'. The State of Orissa has its own language--the Oriya or Utkali, which like the Bengali, had its origin in the ancient Magadhi Apabhramsa and is therefore an Aryan language as distinguished from those of Dravid origin. The earliest example of the Oriya language, which is at present spoken, consists of some Oriya words in an inscription of the 13th century A. D. An inscription, dated a century later, contains several Oriya sentences, which shows that the language was then fully developed and differed little from the modern form of speech either in spelling or in grammar. It is a sister language of the Bengali, but has one great advantage over the Bengali in the fact that, as a rule, it is pronounced as it is spelt. Each letter in each word is clearly sounded, and it has been well described as a 'comprehensive and poetical, with a pleasing sound and musical intonation, and by no means difficult to acquire and master." Its verbal system is, at once, simple and complete. It has a long array of tenses, but the entire thing is so logically arranged and built on so regular a model that its principles are easily impressed upon memory. But, it is handicapped by possessing an exceedingly awkward and cumbrous written characters. 1. Gordon V. Childe - What Happened In History, p. 17. 2. The above account is based on Grierson's Linguistio Survey of India, Vol. I, Part I, Calcutta, 1927. For Personal & Private Use Only

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GEOGRAPHICAL FACTOR 17 The greater part of each letter is a big curve, while the real soul of the character, by which one is distinguished from the other, is hidden in the centre, and is at times so minute that it requires second careful look to notice it. This area was under the influence of Prakrit till at least the third century A.D., and under Sanskrit after that, until it had developed its own language in about the 13th14th century A.D. There is not much of foreign influence on the Oriya language, and she was able to keep up her individuality in this sphere also in view of her geographical situation, For Personal & Private Use Only

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Section II POLITICAL DIVISIONS OF THE COUNTRY IN EARLY TIMES Political divisions of the country differed very much during different periods of history. It was divided into three parts in very early times--Odra, Utkala and Kalinga. These different regions acquired their names from the tribal or the racial titles of the people who inhabited them and tilled the soil. In some Dravidian languages the words Oddisu' and 'Okkal' mean "the cultivator'.1 In the Canarese language, at the present day, the cultivator is called "Okkalagar' and in the Telugu language the word "Oddisu' means a labourer'. It is from these words viz. 'Oddisu' and 'Okkal' that the early Aryans might have derived the Sanskrit names Odra and Utkala respectively. Similarly, on the southern bank of the Chilka lake, there is a race of cultivators known even today as 'Kalinga or Kalinji'. And, this appears to be the derivation of the name given to the country. At some later date, however, when the tribes migrated from one place to another, either for their convenience or having been forced by other invading tribes, the names and boundaries of these regions underwent a change and some new divisions appeared under quite different names. It is, therefore, no easy task to determine the exact and permanent boundaries of any of the regions. ODRA The land inhabited by the Odra people comprised the western Midnapur and perhaps, Manbhum or the eastern 1. Vinayak Misra-History of Oriya Language, Qtd. Mahtab, H.O. Luoknow, 1949, p. 1. For Personal & Private Use Only

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POLITICAL DIVISIONS OF THE COUNTRY 19 part of Singbhum, and southern Bankura. This appears to have been the boundary during the Epic period. Pliny, mentioning a certain people as Oretes, identified as the people of Orissa, places them near a mountain Mallus. In another passage, he locates this mountain amongst the Monedes and Suari ; while in a third passage, he places mountain Mallus among the Malli. Cunningham has pointed out that as the last people were to the north of the Calingae and as the Monedes and Suari were to the south of Polibothri, we should look for the Oretes somewhere about the river Mahanadi and its tributaries. B. C. Majumdar also holds the same view and writes--"The hilly country lying between Kalinga and Dakshina Kosala was the Odra land." He further makes it more clear--"The high lands of Orissa extending from the southern limit of Keonjhar and Mayurbhanj to the left bank of river Mahanadi constituted the land of Orissa." R. D. Banerji calls the Odras as people of northern Orissa.? Coming to the Puranic age, the Matsya Purana clearly mentions the Odras with the Utkalas and regards them as people inhabiting the Vindhya range (Vindhya-vasinah). Here the position assigned to the Oiras does not appear to be of former significance and might point towards their decreasing power about this time. But the tribal name Odra again gains importance in the 1. Mahtab, H.O., p. 2. 2. Cunningham, A.G.I., Ed : S. N. Majumdar, 1924, pp. 511.12. 3. Ibid. pp. 511-12. . 4. Ibid. 6. Orisga in the Making, p. 16. 6. Ibid. p. 17. 7. H.O. Vol. I, p. 64. 8. Qtd. Banerji, H.O. I, p. 53. For Personal & Private Use Only

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20 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA early mediaeval period, say, in the sixth century A. D.this time as a distinct territorial division. In many inscriptions, Olra is treated as a Vishaya,' and in some records it is called a Desa. The inclusion of Uttara Tosala in Odra suggests that in about 508 A. D. (Sora Plates) Odra embraced the region between the river Vaitarni and the Suvarnarekha. The Chinese traveller Hiuen Tsang does not mention Tosala but refers to Wu-t'u or Uda country, which he reached by travelling south-west about 700 li from Karna Suvarna. On the south-eastern frontiers of the country, on the borders of the ocean, was the capital city Che-li-to-lo. It is located in the Mahanadi delta and is connected with a channel still known as Chitratola, 16 miles south of Cutt ack. In another grant of A. D. 899," the mention of Olra-vishaya again shows that the name which was afterwards applied to the whole province, was till then confined only to a small region and originally denoted a small district, possibly nearabout Mayurbhanj. So all these accounts clearly do not agree. If, however, we combine these bits of information, we see that the application of the term Olra comprehended the entire region from the Chilka lake to the Suvarnarekha river, 1. (a) Copper Plate from Soro. (b) The Talcher Grant, JASB, X, (New Series), p. 293, line 21. (c) The Bengal Asiatic Society's Grant, JASB, V, (New Series) pp. 347-350, 1. 20. Here mention is made of Odra-vishaya and its village Kururabbata. 2. (a) E. I., VIII, p. 141, 1. 16. Mention is found of Odra-desa and its village Purushamandapa. b) E. I., III, p. 353. I. 33. Mention is made of Odra-desa and its village silabhanjapatir. 8. E. I., XXIII. p. 199. 4. v. C., Vol. II, pp. 193-5; B. H., p. 131 ; Life of Hiuen Tsang by S. Beal; Buddhist Records of tbe Western World by 8. Beal, Vol. II, p. 205. 8. E. I, Vol. XXV, p. 159. For Personal & Private Use Only

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POLITICAL DIVISIONS OF THE COUNTRY 21 exactly the tract to which the modern name Orissa has been applied. A Telugu work refers to Oddadi and its capital Kataka. In one record, Uttara Tosala forms a part of Odra-vishaya. This would suggest that Odra was the more well-known name of this region. UTKALA The region inhabited by the Utkala group or tribe is said to have been situated between the lands where the Mekala and the Kalinga tribes settled. It was probably the region lying to the south of the river Kapisa--the modern Kasai in the Midnapur district. They had, hence, occupied the land extending from Balasore to Lohardaga near Ranchi and Sarguja in the Madhya Pradesa. Probably the southern boundary of their occupation was the river Vaitarni." B. C. Majumdar opines that the country of Utkala consisted of a narrow strip of land extending through the native states of Nilgiri, Mayurbhanj and Keonjhar to the western limit of Gangpur. Utkala is grouped with Mekala in the Mahabharata. The Ramayana also has a reference to this connection 1. Imperial Gazeteer of India, Vol. XIX, p. 249. Orissa means the country in which the sjeakers of Oriya language form the dominant people. Mediaeval inscriptions give various forms of the name, such as Odivisa (I.A,, 1V, 364); Oddavadi (E. I., V, 108) ; Oddiya (E. I., IV, 270) etc. It was the Orya of the Purtuguese writers (DHNI, I, 491). E.I., XXV, 299. In inscriptions we have references to Kathaka, E. I., VII, 17; and Kaldaka), Ibid, p. 145, which refers to Katak (DHNI, I, 341). 3. E.I., XXIII, pp. 199-202. "Oara-vishaye-uttara-tosalyam". 4. Mahtab, H.O., p. 2. 5. Orissa in the Making. p. 15. 6. IV, 41, 9. In a book of the Pali Canon, Okkala or Ukkala i. e. the Utkalas are mentioned along with the Mekalas (Tribes in Ancient India by B. C. Law, p. 934). For Personal & Private Use Only

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22 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA (Mekalanutkalamichaiva). It is quite possible that the Utkalas were living close to the Mekalas. i. e. the people inhabiting the Maikala range, which is the eastern outerwall of the Satpuras bounding Chhatisgarh on the west and the north. In early times, Utkala may have been the name of some region close to Maikala which was thus in Kosala-desa. Pargiter thinks that the two names possess something in common, and that Utk ala comprised the southern portion of Chhota Nagpur and the northern tributary states of Orissa. In the Puranas, we find that the country of Utkala was situated just adjacent to that of Kalinga. In the third century A. D., however, the Matsya and the Vayu Puranas regarded the inhabitants of the Utkala along with those of Odra-desa as the Vindhyans, and those of Kalinga as the South Indians.5 But from about the sixth century A. D. the epigraphic and literary references mention Utkala, sometimes as a separate country but generally identifying it with Odra. Utkala has been left out by Hiuen Tsang, but Utkalavishaya was certainly conterminous with the region round 1. Mekala is grouped with Kojala as a country in the Plates of Prithvisena II, E. I., IX, p. 269. 2, Amaraka taka, about 12 miles from Pendra in Bilaspur, across the Rewat border, is the source of the Narbada and the Son, and forms the eastern peak of the Maikala range. The river Narbada has been described by ancient writers as Mekala-suti and the Son is described as rising from Mount Mekala in the Ramayana. 3. Markandoya Purana, p. 327. For the etymology of 'kala' in Utkala and Mekala, and its connection with Kurala of the Allahabad Pillar Inscription of Samudragupta, seo G. Ramdas, IHQ, Vol. I, p. 685. In the time of Sasanka, Utkala-dega was attached to the Dandabhukti. 4. Mahtab, H. O., p. 11. 8. Ibid, p. 12. For Personal & Private Use Only

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POLITICAL DIVISIONS OF THE COUNTRY 23 Bhuvanesvara in the 12th century A.D., as the local inscriptions prove. A verse in an Oriya manuscript runs thus : "Khandagiri-ti namasan pavitra ch-otkale bhuvi":3 Utkala, therefore, embraced a portion of the Kongoda country, but it is separately mentioned in the Maranja-mura Charter of Mahasivagupta, where Odra is left out (Kalingakongadotkalaka Kosala).3 If Kongoda was identical with the Mahanadi-Risikulya valley, the collection of names suggests that Kalinga was to the south of the Risikulya, and Utkala lay to the north of the Mahanadi river. The transfer or extension of the name to the plain country along the sea-board was perhaps later. The name. Utkala implies that it was situated to the north of Kalinga, and the situation of Utkala-vishaya, in what has been found to be the Kongoda country, agrees well with the references we have of Kalinga and Utkala. Kalidasa makes no mention of Odra as does Hiuen Tsang of Utkala, which according to the former, stretched from the river Kapisa as far south as Kalinga. Perhaps, Odra was another name of Utkala from which the modern appellation of Orissa is derived.6 Sri Purshottamadeva, king of Kalinga, and the author of the lexicon Trikandasesha? writes "Audra-utkala-namano". In later times, the names Utkala 1. The Bhuvaneswar Stone Inscription refers to Ekamra (viz. modern Bhuvaneswar) in Utkala vishnya (E. I., XIII, pp. 150-55). Utkala. deja is referred to in ancther inscription (E. I., XI, pp. 20.26). 2. HAIB, p. 27, fn. 5. 3. JBORS, II, p. 45f. 4. Pargiter (Markandeya Purana, p. 327) identified it with river Cossya in Midnapur. 5. Raghuvansa, IV, 38. 6. Levi, Pre-Aryan & Pre-Dravidian, p. 84. 7. p. 31. For Personal & Private Use Only

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24 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA and Kongoda seem to have been dropped in popular use and the name Odra generally employed.' KALINGA The name Kalinga has been very often used in the widest sense. The Mahabharatarecognized the Vaitarni river as the north-eastern boundary of Kalinga. Pliny's references3 to the Gangaridae as a Kalinga people may indicate the extension of ancient Kalinga as far as the Ganga. His Calingae perhaps means Kalinga proper, and MaccoCalingae may have a reference to the Mekala portion of Kalioga. The Puranas also refer to the connection of the Kalinga country with Amara kanta ka hills. According to the Kurma,Skanda' and Vayu(r) Puranas the Amara kanta ka hills formed the western boundary of the country. In the Matsya Purana' it is clearly stated that the Narmada drained the Amarakantaka which was situated in the western half of Kalinga. The boundaries of the country reached even upto the Gangetic delta in the north in the time of the eastern Ganga king Anantavarman Chodaganga. But the natural geographical limits of a country are not to be confused with the extension of its territorial frontiers due to conquests abroad. To regard Kalinga country as extending from the Gangetic valley upto the Godavari or even Krishna, in the 1. In the South Indian Inscription of A. D. 1336 (E. I., XXI, 263), Orissa is referred to as Voddiyaraya. Another grant of Saka era 1523 refers to Orissa by the name of Oddiya (E.I., IV, 270). In the times of Asoka it formed a part of Kalinga. Dr. R. C. Majumdar writes that Utkala and Udra were used as synonymous terms for modern Orissa (JASB, XI, 1945, No. 1, p. 7). 2. Vana parvan, Ch. 113. 3., 114, 4. 3. Nat. Hist. VI, 17-18 ; 20-21. 4. II, 39, 9. 5. V, 3, 21, 7. 6. 77, 3-14. i 7, Ch. 84, 5, 12. For Personal & Private Use Only

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POLITICAL DIVISIONS OF THE COUNTRY 25 south, is to ignore all ancient notices of the geography of this portion of India. There are indications in the inscriptions to maintain that Kalinga lay to the south of Risikulya. In the Raghuvarhsa the Kalinga king is described as the overlord of both the Mahendra hills' and the sea, and similar references to the close connection of the country with the Mahendra mountain, which are also recorded in inscriptions, suggest that the territories round about the Mahendra-giri' in the Ganjam district were in the heart of the Kalinga country. The Jaina Upanga called the Prajnapana refers to Kanchanapura, and the Mahabharata to Rajapura as the metropolis of Kalinga, while Dantapura, a famous Kalinga town,' has been plausibly connected with the fort of Danta. vaktra near Chicacole. The Kathasaritasagara refers to Sabhayati as a Kalinga city.' The Hathigumpha Inscription of Kharavela?deg refers to Kalinga-nagara as being the capital city. Most of the Early Garga rulers!like Hastivarman,12 Indravarman,13 Devendravarman who describe 1. IV, 38-43 ; VI, 53-54. 2. V, 56. 3. E. I., XIX, 135 ; DHNI, 1, pp. 443 & 452. 4. I, 150. 5. I. A., XX, p. 375. Dalsukh D. Malvasia in Jainagama (p. 23) assigns a date between 135-94 before the Vikrama era to this work. 6. XII, 4, 3. 7. Mbh., VII, 68, 5; "Dantakura." 8. PHAI, p. 75 ; See also E. I., XXV, 285. For Ptolemy's Paloura and Dantapura, and other views connected with the location of the latter BOB HAIB, 29. 9. II, pp. 351 & 412. 10. E.I., XX, pp. 79.80. 11. 1.A., XIII, 273. 12. E.1., XXIII, 68. 13. E.I., XXV, 195. 14. E.1., XXVI, 63. For Personal & Private Use Only

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26 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA themselves as lords of Kalinga, issued their grants from the victorious comp (vijayavatah) at Kalinga-nagara. The later Ganga kings of Kalinga also in most cases issued their grants from this city. The city is variously identified with Mukhalingam, some 20 miles from Parlakimedi in the Ganjam district. It was also called a nagar. R. Subba Rao says that Mukhalingam was the ancient capital city of Kalinga, both in times of early and later Gangas, identified with Calingapatam, a sea-coast town in the Bay of Bengal about 20 miles from Chicacole at the mouth of the Vamsadhara river. But, besides Kalinganagara, the Plates of the early Ganga kings of Kalinga, like Jayavarmadeva and Indravarman, refer to the victorious residence of Svataka,' which has been sought to be identified with Chikati in the Ganjam district. It should be stated in this connection that some epigraphs of a line of kings whose names end in 'varman' and who call themselves Kalingadhipati throw much light on the history and geography of Kalinga. Thus a grant of Visakhavarman" was issued from Sripura which is regarded as identical 1. Original: "Sakala Kalingadhirujyah". 2. E.I., XXVI, 67. 3, DHNI, I, pp. 457-8. 4. Ibid. pp. 448 & 485, fn. 3. 6. E.I., XXIII, 65. 6. JAHRS, VI, pp. 52-62 & 83-81. 7. E.I., XX, pp. 79-80. 8. Kalingapattam is perhaps also referred to in the Pattanabhoga of the Plates of Anantavarman (E.I., XXIV, 49, fn. 5) which is evidently derived from Pattana, perhaps an abbreviation from Kalinga.pattana. 9. E.I., XXIII, 261 ; XXIV, 181 ; XXVI, 167. 10. Dr. R. C. Majumdar holds that they ruled in Kalinga during the interval between the invasion of Samudragupta and the rise of the Ganga dynasty, and that they all flourished between A. D. 400-500 (E.I., XXIII, 68 ; XXIV, 50). 11. E.I., XXI, 24. For Personal & Private Use Only

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POLITICAL DIVISIONS OF THE COUNTRY 27 with Siripuram in the Palkonda taluka of the Vizagapatam district. A grant of Anantavarman was issued from the royal residence of Devapura, variously identified with places in the Srungavarapukota taluka and in the Chicacole taluka. But Kalingadhipati Anantavarman also issued another grant from the victorious city of Pishtapura which is the same as Pithapuram in the Godavari district. The grants of other kings like Chandravarman and Anantasakti. varman were issued from Singhapura. One grant of Umavarman was issued from Varddhamanapurab and another from Sunagara. Now, from the above place names come across in the records of kings calling themselves as Kalingadhipati and from the epigraphs of the early and later Ganga kings as well, it is clear that the Kalinga country stretched along the eastern coast from the Ganjam district in the north to the Goda. vari district in the south as far as the river of that name.? The country to the north of Ganjam as far as the river Maha nadi also occasionally formed part of Kalinga. And this is corroborated by the evidence of Hiuen Tsang the Chinese traveller of the seventh century A. D. In his days Kalinga occupied a much smaller area. Ki-ling-kia (Kalinga) is distinguished from Wu-t'u (viz. Uda or Odra) 1. E. I., XXI, 24; XXIV, 49, fn. 11. It is also identified with Sirpur, 18 miles from Parlakimedi in the Ganjam district, (E.I., XXIII, 119). 2. E.I., XXIV, 50. 3. E.I., XXIII, 57. 4. E.I., XXIV, 49; cf. Sirihapura of the Mahavastu (Senart's Edition, p. 432) which may be modern Singupuram near Chicacole (Dubreiul-A. D. H., 91). 5. E. I., XXIV, p. 19. This is identified with Vadama in the Palkonda taluka in the Vizagapatam district. (E. I., XXIV, 49, fn. 14). 6. Ibid. 50. 7. E.I., XXIV, 50. For Personal & Private Use Only

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AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA and Kung-yu-to (Kongoda) in the north and An-to-lu (Andhra or Vengi) in the south, and seems to have embraced part of the Ganjam and Vizagapatam districts. According to Hiuen Tsang's accounts, the kingdom of Kalinga was 5000 li or 833 miles in circuit.' Cunningham opines that as it was united to the south by Andhra and to the west by Dhankatak, its frontier line cannot be taken to have extended beyond the river Godavari on the southwest and the Gaoliya branch of the river Indravati in the north-west. Within these limits the circuit of Kalinga would be about 800 miles definitely. In course of time, however, these boundaries underwent a change. The kingdom of Utkala grew in extent as far as river Mahanadi. The kingdom of Kalinga extended towards the Godavari river and as a result of an internecine struggle between the two royal dynasties inside the kingdom of Kalinga, there came into being new kingdoms of Tosala (which too was divided into two distinct portions, viz. the northern and the southern) and Kongoda (sometimes pronounced as Kongada). TOSALA The Kalinga edicts of Asoka found at Dhauli-a hill in the Kharda sub-division of Puri district about seven miles south of Bhuvanesvara, and Jaugada3 are addressed to the Mahamatras at Tosali and Samapa* which may have been the earlier capitals of the country of Kalinga. Tosali or Tosala, perhaps, occupied the same site as that of Dhauli today--the transformation of Tosali into Dhauli being not a 1. Cunningham, ACI, p. 815. 2. Ibid. 3. This is about 18 miles west of Ganjam town on the northern bank of river Risikulya in the Berhampur taluka of the Ganjam District. 4. I. A., Vol. LII, pp. 66f. For Personal & Private Use Only

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POLITICAL DIVISIONS OF THE COUNTRY 29 phonetic impossibility. As for Samapa, it is said that the headquarters of the district to which modern Jaugada belongs was called Samapa. The inclusion of Tosali (Dhauli) and Samapa (Jaugada) thus shows that in Asoka's time the Mahanadi-Risikulya valley formed a part of Kalinga. But Tosala (Ptolemy's Tosalei)3 was also the name of a country as we have a reference to the Tosala-vishaya* and even to the division of the country into two distinct parts-Uttara Tosalas and Dakshina Tosala. Dakshina Tosala was perhaps the same as the country (Janapada) of Amita-Tosala in Dakshinapatha, which, according to the Gandavyuha, had a city called Tosala.? Dakshina Tosala was thus the name of a wide territorial division. The combined evidence of several inscriptions implies that it consisted of a vishaya called Anarudra,' and a mandala of the name of Kongoda (Dakskinakosalayam kongodamandalake). Uttara Tosala appears to have been smaller in extent than the Dakshina Tosala and its vishayas so far known. were Panchala, Vubhyudayalo and Sarephahara.' Reference 1. S. Levi (Pre-Aryan & Pre-Dravidian, Trans : P. C. Bagchi, p. 68) says that the vestiges of a large city that have come to light near the site of Dhauli confirm this identification and indicate beyond doubt that in Asoka's time Dhauli or Tosali was the capital of Kalinga. 2. CII., Vol. I, p. xxxviii. 3. M. T., p. 230. 4. H. C. Ray, DHNI, I, 421. 5. E I., XV, 1-3, Verse 5. 6. E. I., IX, 286-7, V. 4. 7. S. Levi, op. cit. p. 68. 8. JBORS, 1928, pp. 292-306. 9. E.I., VI, 141, 1. 21. It is pointed out that here Kogala is & mistake for Tosala (JBORS, V, pp. 564-78). 10. E. I., Vol. V, p. 3, 1, 6. 11. E.I., XXIII, 202. For Personal & Private Use Only

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30 : AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA is also made of Subhadeva Pataka in Uttara-Tosala.? Neulpur grant refers to certain villages in Uttara Tosala which have been located in the Balasore district. The evidence we obtain from the Copper Plates of Soro (Balasore district) which record the grant of land in a village adjoining Sarapha (Soro in Balasore) in Uttara Tosala: also indicates that the Balasore region was the centre of the Uttara Tosala country. All these show that the Tosala country which was divided into two distinct parts-Uttara and Dakshina (in which was included Kongoda or Kongada mandala) was perhaps the name for the whole expanse of territory extending from Suvarnarekha down to Risikulya. From an epigraphic point of view we are bound to accept this position of the Tosala country although it is not consistent enough with other indications of traditional and historical geography of this region. One of the most noticeable features of mediaeval inscriptions is the employment of more than one name for a particular region. Administrative designations like mandala, bhukti and vishaya have been tacked on to country names, which in some cases, even when due allowance is made to changing political conditions of the time, cannot be accounted for. For instance, in Plate 'C' of the Copper Plates from Soro," Varukana vishaya is said to have been within Sarephahara which in Plate 'B' of the same records is called a vishaya itself. Further we have noticed that Sarephahara vishaya was in Uttara Tosala ;o evidently, Uttara Tosala was 1. JBORS, II, 421. 2. E. I., XV, pp. 2-3. 3. E.I., XXIII, 199. 4. Ibid, 199. 5. Ibid, 202. 6. E. I., XXIII, 202, For Personal & Private Use Only

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POLITICAL DIVISIONS OF THE COUNTRY 31 bigger than a vishaya. Curiously enough, the same record (Plate 'B') includes Uttara Tosala within Odra vishaya (Odra-vishaya uttara-tosalayam). And so far as traditional geography is concerned, epigraphy, which deals mostly with political geography, is not always the best approach. Every little bit of epigraphic reference to items of geographical character is not too precious an evidence to be reckoned with.' Tosala was not the name of the entire country as outlined above. Its ancient appropriate application was confined within the limits of the city of that name, the rest of the country being known by other names. Even Uttara Tosala formed only a part of Odra vishaya and indeed Qdra was the more well-known name of this region. KONGODA Kongoda mandala appears largely in the epigraphs of the Sailodbhavas, and as their records referring to this manqala have been mostly found at Cuttack, Khurda and Ganjam, it may be presumed, though we have no positive evidence to prove it, that the Kongoda mandala was roughly equivalent to the region bounded by the river Mahanadi on the north and the Risikulya on the south. It may have been even bigger than that, for, from epigraphic sources we learn that it consisted of the following vishayas--Varadakhanda, Arttani, Khidingahara, Kataka-bhukti? and Krishnagiri-vishaya.8 1. Dr. S. B. Chaudhary-Indian Culture, Vol. XIV, p. 132. 2. One writer identified Tosali with the modern Khijjinga in Mayurbhauja whore borders were wasbed by the Vaitarni. (JAHRS, III, 41f.) 3 E. I., XXI, 35. 4. E.I., VI, 138, 1. 26. 5. Ibid, pp. 141.2. 6. JBORS, Vol. V. p. 564. 7. E. I., XI, pp. 283 & 286. 8. E, I., VI, 144 ; also R. C. Majumdar in JAHRS, X, pp. 7-10. For Personal & Private Use Only

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32 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA Thus the bearing that Kongoda was to the south-west of Odra, as noticed by Hiuen Tsang, is tolerably consistent, but that Odra with its capital at Cuttack undoubtedly shared rivers Mahanadi and Rishikulya was variously known in ancient times. Mediaeval inscriptions, already referred to, prove that it was a part of Dakshina Tosala and particularly equivalent to the Kongoda country. It was also known as Odra. The Bhuvanesvara Stone Inscription of the twelfth century A. D. refers to Ekamra (viz. modern Bhuvanesvara) in the Utkala-vishaya. It is idle to speculate on the political reasons of such a variety of names, for, none of the above mentioned people excepting the Kalingas played any important part in the political history of the country. The others are purely ethnographical and geographical names. In course of time the Odra and the Utkala tribes were merged into one. It might have been, as Dr. Mahtab' thinks, that one tribe completely extirpated the other or in the natural course of time they united into one. After a lapse of some time there began the gradual fusion of the Utkalas and the Kalingas into one people. This process of amalgamation was complete only when the two peoples had remained together under one political authority for a considerable time, and the language and literature had been fused into one. But in the process of history the kingdom of Kalinga could not maintain its territorial limits upto the Godavari in the south for a long time. Utkala too lost its northern boundary upto the Ganga. Thus through the vissitudes of political fortune out of the above mentioned regions ultimately there evolved one single state in the shape of modern Orissa. 1. E. I., XIII, pp. 150-5.; Utkala-deja is referred to in E. I., XI, pp. 20-6. %. 8.0., p. 2, For Personal & Private Use Only

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POLITICAL DIVISIONS OF THE COUNTRY 33 TRIKALINGA Besides the names of the above quoted regions we come across another name 'Tri-kalinga' as distinguished from 'Tri-linga' or 'Tilinga'. R. D. Banerji says that the country of Kalinga was divided into three parts in very early times and was called Trikalinga.' Cunningham writes that the Mahabharata names the Kalingas three separate times and each time in conjunction with different peoples. Sylvain Levi has discussed all the three appelations which do not help us to find out the term 'Trikalinga' from them.3 Asoka's edicts mention only one Kalinga,and after him under Kharavela, Kalinga became the centre of a powerful empire so that he assumed the title of Chakravartin'." As Kharavela's inscription omits Trikalinga, it is unsafe to think of it in those days. Pliny mentions Macco-Calingae, GangaridaeCalingae as separate peoples from those of Calingae and this led Cunningham to write that--the name Trikalinga is probably old and was known as early as the time of Megasthenes from whom Pliny chiefly copied his Indian geography?.6 Wilford writes on Trikalinga--"The sea coast of Calinga is divided into three parts emphatically called Tricalinga or three shores. The first Calinga includes the sea-coast about the mouth of the Indus, the second extends all round the Peninsula and the Gangetic shores of Cuttack to Chatgarh constitutes the third".? He further writes 1. H. O., Vol. I, p. 1. 2. AGI, 1924, p. 591. 3. lro-Aryan & Pre Dravidian, p. 75. 4. R. E. XIII. 3. E. I., XX. 6. AGI, p. 594. 7. JASB, XX, 1851, p. 233, For Personal & Private Use Only

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34 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA "This is a well known legend in India and these three towns are styled Tripuri or Traipuri under Tripurasura who was Tricalingadhipati and had a town in each Calinga. These were destroyed, at once, by the unerring arrow of Siva who was standing in the district of Tipperah. One of these towns was to the eastwards of the Ganges, the other near Amaracantaka, and the third to the west of Indus." I Unfortunately, Wilford has not given the source of the above legend and no Sanskrit Dictionary gives the meaning of Kalinga as a 'sea-shore'. According to Wilford's interpretation, Pliny's three Calingas may be interpreted as the three shores of India and Farther India, and we have found it historically true that the two shores on the east and the west of the Bay of Bengal represent the two Kalingas, but there is nothing to support that the western coast of India was ever known as Kalinga." In the Harshacharit, 8 the epithet 'tri-samudradhipati' is found and it reminds us of 'trikalingadhipati' in the same sense as put by Wilford. Burnell however mentions--"Western and Eastern Kaliogas",' and in the footnote he adds--"Kalinga or rather Trikalinga is very old name for the greater part of the Telugu coast on the Bay of Bengal". Dr. Caldwell took Pliny's Modogalingam to be the old Telugu Modaga' and 'linga' meaning "three lingas', and thus accepted the native chronology of Telugu. There can be no doubt that it is merely Mudu-kalinga or three Kalingas and has nothing to do with 'linga'. In the second edition of his work, however, Dr. Caldwell gives up this explanation and states that the Trikalinga theory is certainly not supported by Ptolemy's Triglypton or Trilingon, which is most probably 1. JA8B, xx, 1851, p. 484. 2. P. Acharya, JBORS, Vol. I, No. 1., p. 80. 3. Book VIIT. 4, Elements of South Indian Palaeography, 1878, p. 23. For Personal & Private Use Only

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POLITICAL DIVISIONS OF THE COUNTRY 35 a copyist's error for Trikalinga. At all events a derivative of 'Glypto' could never mean 'linga". Cunningham recognizes three Kalingas and rightly doubts the name having any. thing to do with 'linga'.' Regarding the geographical extent and significance of Trikalinga Cunningham says : "Trikalinga or three Kalingas must be the three kingdoms of Dhanakata ka or Amaravati on the Krishna, Andhra or Warrangal, and Kalinga or Rajamahendri."'? In 1895 Fleet wrote : "The Charters issued in the 31st year of Mahabhavagupta the First style him as 'Kosalendra', and convey villages in different divisions of the Kosala country......... and, unless one of their titles Trikalingadhipati was simply a meaningless attribute, they were also paramount kings of the territory that was known as the three Kalingas and which included evidently Kataka and probably the whole of Orissa.''3 M. M. Chakravarty points out--"The epithet Trikalingadhipati is merely an honorific title just as the old kings of Orissa used to style themselves 'Kings of Gauda and Karnata' without having the smallest bit of land in those countries. The word 'Kataka' should be taken as a common noun denoting camp'-the old name of modern town Kataka being 'Baranasi Kataka'."4 G. Ramdas discussing the significance of the title Trikalingadhipati writes--"Thus Trikalinga means high or elevated or hilly Kalinga and signified in those days the region of the Eastern Ghats from the upper course of the Mahanadi to about the source of the Languliya river in the south. It cannot be understood to signify the country occupied by Kalinga proper, Kongoda 1. Elements of South Indian Palaeography, 1878, p. 23, fn. 1. 2. AGI, p. 594. 3. E. I., III, pp. 327 & 337. 4. JASB, 1898, p. 378. For Personal & Private Use Only

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36 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA and Orissa, nor does the affix "tri' means three'.!!R. D. Banerji writes--"The existence of the term Trikalinga in Sanskrit tempts us to accept Mudu-Kalinga as a direct translation. The natural division of the northern extremity of the eastern coast of the Bay of Bengal is very well suited to the term Trikalinga." But elsewhere he writes that Trikalingadhipati was high sounding and meaningless title. 4 Subbarao writes that the three Kalingas are Utkala or North Kalinga, Kalinga proper and Tel Kaliuga or South Kalinga, and that Trikalinga country extended from the river Ganges in the north to the river Godavari in the south. From the geographical existence of a country called Madhya-Kalinga in the Ganga inscriptions, Dr. D. C. Gangooli concluded that it corresponded roughly to the modern Vizagapatam district. The designation, he adds, was probably given to this province in order to distinguish it from south and north Kalinga which corresponded roughly to the modern districts of Godavari and Ganjam. These three divisions seem, according to him, to have constituted the country known as Trikalinga. Dr. R. C. Majumdar however holds the following view-- "In Eastern Chalukya records of the Tenth and subsequent centuries, Trikalinga is distinguished from Kalinga and is obviously regarded as a place of lesser importance than Kalinga...... We cannot take Trikalinga, in the present record, to denote the whole Kalinga and that it was the designation of a separate region, most probably, the hilly 1, B. C. Majumdar-Orissa In The Making, pp. 172, 187 & 194 ; B. Misra, JBORS, XIV, p. 145; and Dr. R, G, Basak, History of NorthEast India, p. 161, hold the positive view. 2. JAHRS, I, pp. 16-23 ; JBORS, XIV, pp. 539-47. 3. H.O., Vol. L. pp. 1-3. 4. Ibid, pp. 204 & 218. 5. JAHRS, VI, pp. 201 & 203. 6. IHQ, VIII, p. 29. For Personal & Private Use Only

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PULITICAL DIVISIONS OF THE COUNTRY 37 tract to the west of Kalinga.'' Dr. H. C. Ray at first took the title of Trikalingadhipati as a conventional one, His notes on Trikalinga at page 392 of Volume I and pages 783-84 of Volume II of his work entitled Dynastic History of Northern India refer to the evidence of Pliny. But in map I in Volume II of his work he has shown the position of Trikalinga as the very same as Dakshina Kosala comprising the modern areas covered by the former princely states of Kanker, Patna, Kalahandi, Sonpur and Baud portions of Raipur in Madhya Pradesa and Sambalpur and Ganjam in Orissa. And, the same extension appears to have been accepted by H. K. Mahtab.3 The term Sakala-kalinga, occuring in a Copper Plate of Samantavarman dated 64 of the Ganga era, shows that the kingilom of Kalinga was divided into different parts and the term Madhya-kalinga shows that it was divided into at least three divisions. In Eastern India, we find from inscriptions that countries are generally divided into northern and southern portions such as Uttara-radha and Dakshina-radha, Uttara-tosala and Dakshina-tosala, and so we shall not be wrong in assuming that there were: Uttara-kalinga and Da ksina-kalinga, as suggested by Dr. Gangooly. If this interpretation is accepted we can safely say that Trikalinga comprised northern, central and southern divisions of Kalinga proper and that Trikalinga was used in the same sense as Sakala-kalinga. The Ganga and Vigraha inscriptions clearly prove their indlependence in the sixth Century A.D. But in the seventh Century A. D., we find Sasanka, the king of Karnasuvarna, as the over-lord of Madhyamaraja, the 1. E.I., XXIII, pp. 69-70. 2. DHNI, I, p. 231. 3. H.O., p. 3. For Personal & Private Use Only

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38 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA Sailodbhava ruler. Just at this period Harshavardhana also tried to establish his supremacy in Kongoda. At the same time, Pulakesin II had also conquered South Kosala and Kalinga. This goes to prove the weakness of the Gangas in this area. The kingdom of the Sailodbhavas was known as Kongoda mindala which formed a part of Dakshina-tosala under the rule of the Bhauma kings. The Talcher Copper Plate of Sivakara III of the Harsha year 149 mentions that Unmattasingh conquered Radha and his son Subhakaradeva subjugated the Kalinga people. The Copper Plate Inscription of Jayavarmadeva of the Ganga dynasty of Kalingas mentions Unmatta kesari as his overlord. From these it appears that the title of Trikalingadhi pati had no significance for Sasanka, Harsha or the Bhauma kings. The Bhaumas ruled this area for long and it was natural for them to use this title but they did not do so. Yet, it is not understood what led the kings of Soma kuli dynasty to use the title of Trikalingadhipati. Its further use by the later Ganga kings of Kalinga and Utkala, the Haihayas and the Chandratrayas is equally unintelligible to us. Thus, it appears that it was simply an honorific title in the tenth Century A.D. and onwards. From the epigraphic references to Trikalinga, it will appear that it was not an independent territory with its own ruler. It was a tract of land which changed hands from time to time. Its history starts from about the sixth or seventh Century A.D. Prior to that there is no historical reference to it. And it figures in the epigraphic records of rulers of different dynasties till about the thirteenth 1. EI, VI, pp. 143-46, 2. HO, I, p. 129. 3. Ibid, p. 130. 4. Orissa Under the Bhauma Kings, p. 4. 5. IHQ, XII, p. 49f. For Personal & Private Use Only

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POLITICAL DIVISIONS OF THE COUNTRY 39 Century A. D. Further, from the nature of references it appears that the rulers of adjoining territories were eager to annex it to their kingdom and looked upon the possession of it as an achievement and were proud of assuming the title of Trikalingadhipati. It is quite natural that the tract having no lord of its own should excite the greed of the neighbouring rulers. Besides, on account of keen rivalry for supermacy and desire for expansion at the cost of the neighbours. Trikalinga (the mid-ocean tract) had acquired strategic importance. Hence, the desire among the princes of the neighbouring kingdoms to possess it. TRILINGA The Markandeya Purana records the form of Trilinga and Tailanga, and the Vayu Purana mentions Tilinga.? Silvain Levi writes--"Trilinga takes diverse forms which presents the terrible perplexity of the scribe in face of a kind of monster."3 It may hence be understood that Tailanga and Tilinga are derived from Trilinga. Rajasekhara (Tenth Century A.D.) whose patron was the Chedi king Keyuravarsha Yuvaraja I, mentions the text Trilingadhipati on page 43 and Trilingadhipi on page 138 of his work Viddhasalabhanjika. Vidyanatha (Fourteenth Century A.D.), the court post of king Prataparudradeva of the Kikataya dynasty of Warrangal, styles his patron as Trilingadhi pati at page 118 and Trilinyadesa-paramesvara at page 151 of his work entitled Partaparudriya. Rajasekhara is silent on Trilinga country in Kavyamimanga which otherwise deals with the geography of 1. 58, 28. 2. 45, 11. 3. Pre-Aryan & Pre-Dravidian, pp. 75-76. 4. Balamanorma Series, Madras. 6. Javananda Vidyasagar's Edition, 1883. For Personal & Private Use Only

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40 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA India in details. He only mentions that Kosala was then included in Purva-desa lying to the cast of Varanasi. It may have been, hence, that the Trilinga country was included in Kosala. Looking through epigraphs we find that in verse 2 of the Brahmesvara inscription, Janamejaya has been described as the lord of Trilinga (Trilingad!ipa) and the conqueror of Odra-desa.' Purle Plates of Indravarman, the lord of whole Kalinga (Sakalu-kalinya), mentions that the donee came from Trilinga and got land in Kalinga. The date of this Plate has been assigned as A. D. 631 by R. Subba Rao.3 The Thana Plate of Ramachandra" of the Saka year 1194 (1272 A. D.) mentions the defeat of Trilingas. The Srirangam plates of Muminandi-nayaka of the Saka year 1280 (1358 A. D.) gives the boundary of Tilinga as follows: l'aschat-purastadapi yasya desau Khyatau Maharashtrix-Kalinga-s fijou Avag-udak-Pandyaka-Kanyakuvjuu Descsma tatrasti Tilinganama (Verse 5) viz., to the west and the east two famous countries Maharashtra and Kalinga, to the south and the north Pandya and Kanya kuvja--it is that country which is called Tilinga. The Akkalapundi Grant of Singayanayaka? of the Saka year 1290 (1368 A. D.) mentions Desastrilinganama and Trilingudesadhipati. 1. P. Acharya, OHRJ, Vol. I, No. I, p. 73. 2. E.I., XIV, p. 362. 3. JAHRS, VI, p. 79. 4. E.I , XIII, pp. 199 & 202. 5. Original : "Tilinga-tunga-tarunmulandantavala." 6. E.I., XIV, p. 90. 7. E I., XIII, p. 262. For Personal & Private Use Only

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POLITICAL DIVISIONS OF THE COUNTRY 41 These inscriptions give a history of Trilinga from the seventh to the fourteenth Century A. D. As regards foreign sources, Ptolemy's writing (A. D. 150) has been transliterated as Triglypton or Trilingon. The Arab and the Persian authors wrote Tilong' and 'Tilingana'.' Hobson Jobson contains quotations from passages translated into English under 'Telinga' and these give us date from A. D. 1390 to 1590. "Taranatha (A. D. 1573)" writes Caldwell, "repeatedly designates the Telugu country as Trilinga and describes Kalinga as a portion of Trilinga, and Kalingapura as its capital." All the above references clearly show that the antiquity of Trilinga is well established from A. D. 150 to the 16th Century A. D. viz., from the time of Ptolemy to that of Taranatha. Caldwell wrote : "General Cunningham* thinks that Telinga was derived not from Trilinga but from Trikalinga but this derivation of word needs to be historically confirmed. Kalinga and Linga may, probably, in some way be connected, but the nature and history of this connection have not as yet been made out." McCrindle opines--"The Andhras and the Kalingas, the two ancient divisions of the Telugu people are represented by Greeks as Gangetic nations. It may be taken as certain that Triglypton or Trilinga or Modogalinga was identical with Telingana or Telingam which signifies the country of the Three Lingas'. The Telugu name and language are fixed by Pliny and Ptolemy as near the mouth of the Ganges or between the Ganges and the Godavari. Modo or Modoga is equivalent 1. Qtd. Pre-Aryan & Pre-Dravidian, p. 76. 2. Comparative Grammar of the Dravidian Languages, 1913, p. 28, 3. Ibid. 4. AGI, 1924, p. 594, For Personal & Private Use Only

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42 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA to 'Mudu' of modern Telugu. It means 'three'."} It is a problem to distinguish between Trikalinga and Trilinga. There is mention of Trilinga in the Puranas and also in the writings of Greek historians, while there is nothing at hand to trace back the antiquity of the term Trikalioga in that period. Curiously enough the earliest epigraphic reference to Trikalinga is to be found in the Copper Plates of the second and third kings of the Ganga dynasty of Kalinga, viz., Indravarman and Samantavarman. It may have been that a portion of the Trilinga country might have been called Trikalinga after the occupation of it by the Ganga kings. But the original word Trilinga did not become extinct. Rather both the words remained in use synonymously. That is why we find the use of both the terms in the records of the Somavartisi and the Kalachuri kings. Since Trikalinga sounded more dignified, especially owing to its association with Kalinga which was one of most powerful kingdoms in India, that word was more frequently used. From the thirteenth Century onwards the word Trikalinga appears to have lost its glory and made room for its aged rival Trilinga. Regarding the location of Trilinga country it is difficult to say anything definite. From the epigraphic references it appears that it extended from the Godavari in the south to the Tel river in the north along the western border of Kalinga and Tosala. It roughly included the former princely states of Kankar, Bastar, Kalahandi, the hilly portions of Ganjam and Koraput, and some portions of the Madhya Pradesh, roughly comprising the Jhada-khanda or the 1. Ptolemy's Ancient India, 1927, p. 234. For Personal & Private Use Only

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POLITICAL DIVISIONS OF THE COUNTRY 43 Gondwana of the Moghal period.' But according to the Sri-rangam Plates referred to above, the central tract of the Deccan plateau from the Vindhya upto the border of the southern-most Pandya country, was known as Trilinga. That might have been the extension, but during the mediaeval period the entire land to the south of the Godavari was occupied by different dynasties like the Eastern Chalukyas, Western Chalukyas, Maharashtras, Kadambas, Banavasis, Banas etc. Only a narrow strip of hilly and deeply wood-land * tract lay unoccupied along the borders of the old kingdoms of Kosala, Kalinga and Tosala. ], Orissa in the Making, p. 63f; Qtd., OHRJ, I, p. 92. For Personal & Private Use Only

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CHAPTER II PREHISTORIC ORISSA The cultural stages of man, antecedant to the time when until metal was first exploited by him, are collectively known as the Lithic (Greek: Stone) Age from the materials chiefly used by him in fabricating the tools with which he began his career of power and control over the environments. This Age has customarily been divided into two main divisions, christened by Lubbock in 1863,1 as the Palaeolithic (Old Stone) Age and the Neolithic (New Stone) Age. In the palaeolithic period, man was like his contemporary animals, parasitic upon nature for his food, hunting them with stone implements, characteristically chipped and flaked. In subsequent periods, man learnt to live in co-operation with nature so as to increase his food-supply through agriculture and the domestication of animals, and to practise some of the basic arts of civilised life. The stone artifacts, now employed by him, are characterised by a grinding and polishing system that have led some to name this stage as the Polished Stone Age; and during these 1. Daniel G.E.-The Three Ages, Camb. Univ. Press, 1943; J. Coggin Brown was of opinion, however, that in the presont state of prehistoric archaeological science in India, it was not possible to sub-divide the Pleistocene period into shorter stages as had been accomplished with success in Europe. (Cat. of Pre-historic Antiquities in the Indian Museum, Calcutta, 1917, p. 1.) For Personal & Private Use Only

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PREHISTORIC ORISSA 45 times, if not earlier, the art of making pottery vessels was invented." Of these stages, the palaeolithic has a geological antiquity deeply rooted in the Pleistocene. It comprises a far larger period than can be assigned to the later stages taken together, the era of which has been distinguished as the Holocene (Recent) period. In the opinion of Sir Leonard Woolley, India is one of the richest countries in the world for remains of the earliest phases of man's existence. And, the share of Orissa in that is of no mean importance. 1. The gap originally postulated between the two Agee in Europe vanished by the close of the last Century, when other industries were discovered sandwiched between the two and assigned to a Mesolithic (Middle Stone) Age (J G D.Clerk--The Mesolothic Age in Britain, 1932). This Age was essentially a continuation of the nomadic Palaeolithic stage. 2. A report on the work of the Arch. Sur. of India., 1939. For Personal & Private Use Only

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Section A THE PALAEOLITHIC PERIOD The palaeolithic period is one of immense monumental inanition spread over millennium accomplished by human progress, as deduced from the tangible remains of man's handiwork that have survived, making but the slowest imaginable move. Throughout the palaeolithic period, the basis of subsistence was hunting and food-gathering in one form or another, and the available evidence permits us to visualise a small population living in tiny groups of families or small tribes, following the animals they killed for food over great tracts of the country. Life was impermanent, precarious and isolated ; and ideas could not readily be transmitted from one group to another. The surviving elements of palaeolithic material culture are confined to tools made of imperishable stone. Discarded stone tools lying in river-gravels--an occasional human fossil, and frequently those of the animals hunted, are almost that we have to rely upon for our study of the palaeolithic man and his achievements. Problem All archaeological study suffers from the accident of survival. The least perishable substance will survive alone out of a people's material culture, but of no period of prehistory is our knowledge so imperfect as of the palaeolithic period. One of the fundamental Stone Age problems in Indian prehistory is the correlation between the now-esta blished Himalayan glacial cycle and observed. Peniusular pluvial For Personal & Private Use Only

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THE PALAEOLITHIC PERIOD 47 cycle, and the clarification of the links between them into a pan-Indian scheme. Foote" pointed out the great cause of imperfection of the record of palacolithic man in India as the exceeding scantiness of the Quarternary deposits in the Peninsula which are extremely poor in this country as compared with those in Europe, especially in France, Belgium and Switzerland. Be it as it may, efforts are however in progress to correlate the Indian Stone Age with the Himalayan Ice Age.3 Orissa Finds In the hilly tracts to the west of the flat coast-land in Orissa the oldest stone implements have been discovered. The earliest discovery of palaeolithic implements was recorded by Valentine Ball in the year 1876. He found as many as four different specimens in the former Garhjat States of Dhankenal, Angul and Talcher, and one in the district of Sambalpur.5 All these were picked on the surface. Out of these four specimens, two have been preserved in the Indian Museum at Calcutta :-6 No. 53-Boucher, elongated oval, pebble butt broken point; light tinted quartzite-(Dhenkenal). 1. V. D. Krishnaswamy & K. V. Sundarajan--The Lithic Tool Industry of the Singrauli Basin, Ancient India, Vol. VII, Jany '51, p. 40. 2. Cat. of the Prehistoric Antiquities in the Madras Museum, Calcutta, p. 7. 3. V. D. Krishnaswamy-Stone Age India, Ancient India, Vol. III, Jan, 47, pp. 12-57. 4. On Stone Implements in Orissa, Pro. As. Soc. Bengal, 1876, pp. 122.3. . See also Coggin Biown-Ind. Mus, Cat , p. 68; V. Ball-Jungle Life in India 1880, p. 507, Pl. I, App. B; R.D. Banerji, H.O., I, pp. 27.8, and Plates. 6. Cat, of Prehistoric Anti. in the Ind. Mus. Calcutta, 1917, p. 68. For Personal & Private Use Only

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48 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA No. 54--Palaeolith, flat, discoid, worked edge, brown tinted quartzite-(Angul). These are all roughly chipped quartzite tools similar to those which have been obtained so abundantly in certain districts of the Madras State and in smaller numbers in Bengal, Madhya Pradesa and other parts of the country.1 Furthermore, not only is there a resemblance in form but also in material, and in some instances, atleast in the case of the Bengal specimens, they were picked up at localities far remote from the nearest possible source of origin, thus, necessitating some human means of transport. It can, therefore, be concluded that there was some connection between the peoples who manufactured these implements. But the palaeoliths discovered were so few that no definite conclusion could be based on them regarding the palaeo. lithic culture in Orissa, though efforts ware occasionally made in that direction. In 1923, however, Parmanand Acharya, thenState Archaeologist in Mayurbhanj, drew attention of the Archaeological Survey of India to the occurrence of lithic implements in that State. Later on, R. D. Banerji visited the site at Baidipur (in Mayurbhanj) and expressed his opinion that the State was rich both in palaeoliths and neoliths.5 Latest Sites But it was not until 1939 that the exact richness of the area in lithic industry came to light, when Eugene 1. V. Ball-Pro. of As. Soc., 1876, p. 394; J. C. Brown, Ind. Mus. Cat., 1917, p. 68; R. D. Banerji, H.O., I, p. 28f. 2. Ibid. 3. Ibid. 4. Annual Report of the ASI, 1923-24. pp. 100-101, 6. H.O., I, pp. 35-47. For Personal & Private Use Only

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THE PALAEOLITHIC PERIOD 49 C. Worman (Jr), a Research Fellow of the Harvard University, visited Baidipur and Chakradharpur in Singbhum. He wrote--"There is some of the finest lot of palaeolithic in Mayurbhanj that I have seen anywhere....., I found about six new palaeolithic sites around Baripada and on the road leading north-west from it to Rairangpur... Name of the place is Kuliana, 10 miles from Baripada."1 The other palaeolithic sites in the neighbourhood of Kuliana are Kalabaria, Koilisuta, Nuaberi, Pratappur, Kendudiha, Sandim, Brahmangaon, Buramara, Patinja, Mundaboni, Bhuasuni, Pariakoli, and Kamata. Except for the localities of Mundaboni (41 miles) and Bhuasuni (7 miles), all other sites are situated within a radius of three miles from Kuliana. Topography of Kuliana The village of Kuliana is situated at an approximate elevation of 240 feet and on a piece of ground which rises rapidly towards the north and slopes down to the south. The southern slope is rapid for some distance when it becomes gentler until the 150 feet line is encountered nearly 6 miles away. Towards the north, the rise culminates in a low ridge, bounded on two sides by the 250 feet line, extending east-west and ending at Burabelang river at a distance of about 6 furlongs. Solid Geology The country rocks along the Burabelang are Archaean in age. The river bed dips at angles between 38deg and 45deg 1, Qtd. Excavations in Mayurbhanj, 1948, p. 2; Cf. also the State Archaeologist's D. O. No. 1091.A dated the 30th March 9 to the Culcutta University, Qtd. Ibid. 2. Bose & Sen-Excavations in Mayurbhanj, p. 3, 3. lbid, p. 6. For Personal & Private Use Only

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50 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA towards the east by east-north-east. The river flows strictly along the strike of the beds between Brahmangaon and Kamata. Beyond Sargachira towards south it enters alluvial country. The character of its course and flow is markedly altered at village Kamarpal. On the river bank and away to the west, the hillocks of Patinja Bhadna and Bhatuabera are quartzose talc-schist and quartz-phyllite. The river-bed near Pratappur, Kuliana and Kamata appears to be formed of quart-schist and antinolite-schist. On the eastern bank, the underlying rocks are obscured for a small distance by alluvium. The latter appears to be fairly deep in the intermediate vicinity of the river because of the fact that in 1939 a well dug 33 feet deep did not yet strike harder rocks. Hillocks of harder rocks, however, stand out at Kamata and Pratappur. They are composed of schistose quartzite interspersed in places by sheared conglomerates. Farther east, there is an isolated hill of quartzite at Chheliadungri near Tikaitpur. At Nuaberi and some portions of Tikaitpur, the rock is of mica.schist but highly decomposed and lateritized. To north west, it gives place to mica-phyllite near Koilisuta. Occasional outcrops of granite gneiss occur at Sunsungaria near Tikaitpur and further north. At many places along the railway line, which runs through this area, dykes of dark dolerite are traceable. These have weathered into spheroidal blocks, but in many cases the surface is converted into ferruginous hydroxides though outwardly appearing to be laterite. Mode of Occurrence As already mentioned, most of the above villages are situated on laterite beds often overlain by a short and variable thickness of soil. In the course of digging pits For Personal & Private Use Only

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THE PALAEOLITHIC PERIOD 51 by the Public Works Department in order to obtain roadmetal, a large number of stone artifacts have been unearthed in these areas. In the villages of Koilisuta, Pratappur Kendudiha, Patinja, Mundaboni and Bhuasoni tools were, however, collected from surface itself. In these cases the surface is uneven and strewn with blocks of quartzite of irregular shape. Well-flaked tools were also picked from pebble-strewn dry beds of streamlets. A small number of tools were also found in the rounded boulders or pebbles lying at the extreme margin of the bed of Burabelang. These were subjected to a certain amount of rolling along with pebbles in the river-bed. EXCAVATIONS1 Kuliana (Quarry 'C') Excavations carried out near the southern extremity of the elevated region of Kuliana have yielded palaeolithic implements in abundance. Here occurs a bed of boulder conglomerate of unknown thickness. Implements are found at a general depth of 2 ft. 4 in. One split pebble was, however, obtained at 9 feet. The boulder conglomerate has a ferraginous matrix-very compact. and shows the characteristic vermicular structure associated with laterite. An interesting feature about the boulders is that they are almost all of quartzite with different grades of compactness from finegrained and friable to coarsely granulated and harder. Besides these, one or two pieces of decomposed gneissose rock (?) and bluish igneous rock of the type met with in dykes were also discovered. The locality where Quarry 'C' stands is more than 30 feet above the bed of the Burabelang and is never reached by 1. The accounts of the excavations are based on Bose & Sen, Excavations in Mayurbhanj Calcutta, 1948. For Personal & Private Use Only

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AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA even the highest floods of the river. An examination of the boulders found in the river-bed near Kamata and Sargachira revealed that they were of various sizes but those of over 9 inches were quite common, while those lying near the eastern bank and nearby being smaller. The boulders were mostly of quartzite but a fair number were also of greenish or bluish trap derived from the dykes which run across the country. This is significant. The boulders obtained in Quarry 'C' are generally of medium size and are almost wholly of quartzite. This would seem to indicate that this boulder bed is not the work of the Burabelang but of some tributary nala, which fact is also corroborated by an examination of the contours of the neighbourhood of Kuliana. Kuliana itself and its neighbouring regions are thus made up of two kinds of rocks. Artifacts found at equal depths were not necessarily laid down at the same point of time. If tools found at different depths within one pit of restricted horizontal extent are compared, their relative sequence can reasonably be fixed. But tools discovered from equal depths but 50 yards away from each other need not be contemporary. No fossil has hitherto been recovered from the detrital laterite in Kuliana and, therefore, the exact age of the bed will naturally remain obscure. If the laterite plain of Kuliana had been a river-built terrace it could be of some use. But it being only an erosional plain resulting from the complete weathering down of various kinds of metaphoric rocks and a local redistribution of the leterite material to fill in the inequalities of the surface of the ground--the entire process having taken place sub-aerially--the method of dating by means of river-terraces, which have been For Personal & Private Use Only

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THE PALAEOLITHIC PERIOD employed by Krishnaswamyl and Paterson in connection with the laterite tracts near Madras, is ruled out in the present case. Dunn has remarked--"The Subernrekha river, in a region in the Singbhum district, lying less than 20 miles from Kuliana, shows evidence of late Tertiary uplift. There are terraces on its banks and it has also cut down to a level 60 ft. below the basel gravel of an older alluvium." Hence, inspite of a careful research, no satisfactory evidence was obtained of recent rejuvenation. There was proof of corration, but not of the degradation of the streambed. No terraces were observed lying above the reach of the present river. A few pebbles and boulder-beds were noticed overlying clay of the kind found above the Middle Miocene ostrea limestones of Mahulia. There must have been uplift in this region after Middle Miocene times. But when did it actually take place is not sure. The boulder beds by the river bank could not again be satisfactorily equated with that found in Quarry 'C'. The edge of the latter, hence, remains obscure. The ostrea beds of Mahulia and farther north prove that the sea extended up to that point atleast in Miocene times. But whether an arm reached right upto Sargachira and Kamarpal, where the Archaean beds seem to end, can only be established on the basis of the above examination. At present the age of the boulder conglomerate of Kamarpal and its neighbourhood remains uncertain. They cannot also be equated with the bed exposed by excavations 1. Jour. Madras Geog. Assn, 1938, Vol. XIII, Pt. I, pp. 58-90. 2. Studies in the Ice Age in India and Associated Human Cultures, 1939, pp. 327-30. 3. Journal & Proceedings of the As. Soc. of Bengal, Vol. XXIX, 1933, p. 285. For Personal & Private Use Only

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54 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA in Quarry "C'; the date of the latter thus remaining as obscure as before. Kuliana-Tank 'A' The earliest tool was a small thick knife-like tool and a pebble trimmed into the form of an end-scraper. A sidechopper with convex working edge and a thick margin opposite, suitable as a holder, came next in the first trench. In the second trench, the earliest tool was a larger flake knife, which was, first of all, detached from a boulder and then dressed marginally. Its platform is unprepared and inclines at an angle of 115deg with the ventral face, so that the flake resembles Clactonian tools, but with the difference that its margin shows some neat retouch, some of which is alternate and laid close to one another. A finely finished amygdaloidal biface of vein-quartz came much later and was shortly followed by a rather irregular cleaver. A heavy side-chopper, with a thick edge for holding it, followed next. Two more tools discovered in-situ were a spindle-shaped biface and an irregular chopper on pebble, but they were found in isolation and so cannot be related to the two excavations. Kuliana.-Tank 'B' The earliest tool was a biface with one convex and another straight lateral margin which might have been used as a knife or a large side scraper. This was followed by a pointed pebble tool, possibly a borer. A rostroid handaxe with truncate anterior (broken ?) came next, but its workmanship is much cruder than that of the biface found deeper down. This was followed by two rather irregular bifaces. For Personal & Private Use Only

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THE PALAEOLITHIC PERIOD 55 Kamata-Quarry 'C' This Quarry yielded many artifacts, one of them having been obtained from the greatest depth among the whole series of excavations. This was a heavy split boulder having a straight cropping edge at one side, thick at the opposite margin, and suitable for use as a holder. This was followed much higher up by a thick discoidal chopper. Then came a transverse cleaver on pebble and an ovate biface of crude workmanship. A thick discoidal tool on boulder was discovered nearby at a slightly greater depth than the uppermost tools in this trench. The second trench was comparatively richer in tools. The earliest was a thick chopper with upright holder and a convex working edge opposite. Another smaller one of similar type came after this. It was followed by an amygdaloidal biface and an irregular flake-knife showing a large cortical surface on the dorsal face. The bulb, on the ventral face, is at one lateral margin and the un. prepared striking platform makes an indeterminable angle (because it was broken) with the ventral. These few tools were followed by a layer much more prolific in tools, most of them being well-worked bifaces of various types--oblong, ovate, amygdaloidal. A transverse cleaver with a body having the section of a parallelogram followed, while choppers of cruder workmanship with upright holder and convex sinuous margin opposite continued. This last type seems to have been influenced by the technique of manufacturing bifaces, for one chopper (No. 35-Ku. C. 51) resembles an ovate biface in form. The trimming of discoidal tools also became neater. Cleavers of irregular, indifferent workmanship had already appeared, and near 1. These numbers refer to the illustrations in Excayations in Mayurbhanj'. For Personal & Private Use Only

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56 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA the upper end of the trench one has a convex margin and squarish butt. Crude choppers, but smaller in size than the earlier ones, continued to exist. Right near the top, a different technique appears in a deeper layer in Kalabaria. These tools seem to have been dressed on one lateral margin by nearly vertical blows, while the block was resting on the other margin upon some hard object serving as an anvil. Under such blows, symmetrically disposed step-fractures developed on or near the margins--the fractures being generally deep and extensive. Kalabaria The in-situ tools here begin with a fine worked pearl. form biface. But cruder handaxes continued side by side, for they also appeared several inches higher. Cleaver-like tools with working edge are found here. Discoid tools used as chopper or side-scraper too continued. The method of working on an anvil appears fairly early (No. 46, Kb. 6B-1), but this does not appear to have been a very common process. Koilisuta It yielded a very crude heavy boulder trimmed on one margin and was followed by a neat transverse cleaver with pebble butt. Nuaberi All the tools here are confined to a thin layer of secondary pisolitic laterite at the top of the mound. The earliest was a small guillotine-type of cleaver with U-butt. Close-by lay a neately worked biface, with parallel sides and obtusely pointed anterior, possibly a knife. Then came another guillotine cleaver with divergent lateral For Personal & Private Use Only

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THE PALAEOLITHIC PERIOD 57 margins, and lastly, a thick heavy pearlform biface. This is interesting as it shows that crude bifaces continued to be manufactured even after better techniques had been mastered. Pariakoli It yielded only one thin biface, possibly a transverse cleaver with pointed butt. The total number of artifacts, which have been described or are incorporated in 'Excavations in Mayurbhanj' in various tables, is 663 and the proportion is as follows:Pebbles 12.21 % Cores 81.29 % Flakes 7.00 % Cores thus form by far the largest number and pebble tools are about twice those of flake tools. Proportion of Different Families Name Tools found in-situ Other (Total number 57) (Total number 663) Round Chopper 10.5 % 10.56 % Side Chopper 12.3 % 13.72 % Knife 8.7 % 6.63 % Rostroid Handaxe 3.5 % 5.24 % Rostrocarinate 0.30 % Handaxe. 38.5 % 44.34 % Cleaver 12.3 % 13.72 % Scraper 8.7 % 2.56 % Point 3.5 % 1.66 % Miscellaneous 1.20 % Hence, the largest number of tools is comprised of choppers, hundaxes and cleavers. Discoid chopper constitute 10.56% and side chopper 13.72% If restroid handaxes For Personal & Private Use Only

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58 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA are taken along with handaxes and cleavers their total would make 63.3%, while scrapers and points together would form just over 4% of the whole. The general resemblance between both the tables is fairly great. Conclusion The earliest tools seem to have been choppers with straight or convex working edge (trimmed from one side or irregularly or alternately) at one side and a thick margin opposite suitable for serving as holder. The chopping edge does not show any secondary retouch but is often with step-fractures, which evidently resulted from heavy vertical blows dealt with the tool on some hard object. This was followed by bifaces of irregular form and flake tools with unprepared striking platform forming an abtuse angle with the ventral face. Unlike Levalloision flakes, these were first of all knocked off from the core and then dressed. One of the earliest, curiously enough, shows good marginal retouch of strokes being frequently alternate. After this came much more neatly worked bifaces of regular form and then a few rather cruder cleavers. Only one cleaver (No. 31, Ku. C---29) of well executed and regular form was found in course of the excavation. One interesting fact noted is that choppers of an earlier type continued to exist side by side with the more regular tools. But these choppers show a decided improvement in technique. They become smaller, often indistinguishable from side-scrapers, and resemble some forms of bifaces. Even in such cases, however, step-fractures, resulting from heavy vertical blows, show how they had been used. Here another technique is also met with. Tools were dressed while they lay on one of their sides upon an anvil. But this method does not appear to have been generalised. For Personal & Private Use Only

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THE PALAEOLITHIC Period 59 It apparently began fairly early in Kalabaria, a little after fine pearl-form bifaces were being manufactured. General Observations (a) The industry at Kuliana is mainly a core-industry with an important addition of pebbles and a small admixture of flakes with high flaking angle and unprepared or unifacetted striking platforms. (b) Handaxes and choppers predominate, and in the former class, ovate and oblong types are more numerous than almond forms showing better flaming technique. Restroid handaxes, which are obviously cruder, are well represented, while crude knives with rough, straight and parallel sides with an anterior. and not designed for use, form an important part of the entire lot. Flake tools are on the whole few. Tools resembling Clactonian forms are also represented, but none is prepared in the Levalloisian way. A very small number of flakes, however, show a Levalloisian manner of working, but the tools turned out are crude or merely waste flakes knocked off during manufacture of other tools. Thus tools of an advanced type are on the whole few when compared with more primitive ones. (c) On a review of these tools, we note that the Kuliana industry extended over a period when skill in flaking quartzite or in producing regular forms was not very highly developed. There was, however, a distinct growth in skill leading to newer methods of flaking as upon an anvil or growth of skill in secondary touch or in the production of new tools like advanced amygdaloidal bifaces and various forms of cleavers. But majority of tools represent what may be called the mediocre skill. Judging from their number, this For Personal & Private Use Only

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60 AN EARLY HISTORY Of Orissa must indicate that progress was restricted during a considerable period of time. Correlations The Kuliana industry also shows certain amount of agreement with industries from other parts of India as well as of some far off countries. For instance, discoids and side-choppers' are very much similar to Waylands Early Kafnan and Leakey's Oldowan Industries of East Africa. 2 They are also similar to the pebble tools from the Punjab described by Paterson. Some of the handaxes of Kuliana, particularly the larger ones having a heavy butt and broad anterior, are not unlike Stellenbosch coups-de-poing described and illustrated by Burkitt.4Some cleavers from Kuliana show a rhomboidal section as in one from Pniel illustrated by Burkitt. A rather narrow, long, pick-like handaxe found in-situs with a roughly rhombiodal section, is similar to a tool described and illustrated by Sandford." The Mayurbhanj palaeoliths have also much in common with those discovered in the Singrauli Basin in the Mirzapur district of the Eastern Uttara Pradesh.8 The similarity of the quartzite industry of both these areas is shown in 1. Like type B -I (a), B- I (b) etc., illustrated in Excavations in Mayurbhanj, p. 128. 2. Leaky-Stone Age Africa, 1936, pp. 38f. 3. De Terra & Paterson-Studied in the Ice Age in India and Associated Human Cultures, 1939, pp. 305f. 4. South Africa's Past in Stone and Paint, 1928, pp. 69f, Fig. vi. 5. Ibid, Fig, ix. 6. Bose & Sen-op. cit., No. 47, Kb. 6. C-1. 7. Palaeolithic Man and the Nile Valley in Upper and Middle Eypt, 1994, p. 111, Plate, xix, 8. V. D. Krishnaswamy & K. V. S. Soundarajan - The Lithic Tool Industry of the Singrauli Basin, District Mirzapur, Ancient India, Vol. VIII, Jan. '51, pp. 40-65. (Contd.) For Personal & Private Use Only

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THE PALAEOLITHIC period 61 the bifacial tool-types such as Abbevillis-Acheulian coupsde-poing, various cleaver types, scrapers on cores and Clactonian flakes. At the same time, there appears a certain amount of development in the Singrauli industry over the Mayurbhanj one, in which region progress is considered to have been slow and spread over a fairly long period. Perhaps, the Singrauli tool-makers were initially vitalized by the Mayurbhanj bifacial industry and advanced at a faster rate than their inspirers, owing to the influence of the Sohan technique, which gave a stimulus to the flaking capacity. This is clearly borne out by the nature of the flake tools in the Singrauli basin. But all this does not carry us very far. None of these single types or sub-types has a restricted zonal distribution and a consequent high index value. All that can be said, on the basis of such evidence, is that the typological age of Kuliana industry, as suggested by the above resemblances, is lower palaeolithic. Perhaps it was early than late, because handaxes of cruder forms are comparatively more numerous, and well-finished tools are fewer. But this need not necessarily mean that the industry of Kuliana was (From pre-page footnote) Note--"The occurrence of palaeolithic tools in the Rewa region (Details & Descriptions on p. 63 Ancient India, Vol. VII, Jan' 51) along with those reported from another place north-west of Rewa, near Raipur (from where quartzite palaeo. liths; akin to the Madras Industry, was discovered by C. Maris in 1894 and deposited in the British Museum) would clearly encourage another link-survey of the region lying between the Tamasa basin in Rewa and the Sohan basin in the Punjab. This would help us in fixing chronologically the mutual reactions between the southern Madras biface industry and Sohan pebble flake industry. A similar survey of the not-too-vast reign lying between the Singrauli basin on the Suvarnarekha and the Sankh basin in Orissa is also equally desirable". (Krishnaswamy and Soundarajan--Excavations in Mayurbhanj, p. 64). For Personal & Private Use Only

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62 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA certainly homotaxial with similar industries in other parts of India or Africa. These may or may not have been so. It is necessary, therefore, to fix accurately the date of the Kuliana industry on the basis of local geological evidences before trying to correlate it with regions yielding the same or comparable types of human artifacts. De Terra and Peterson1 have described a section of the Narbada valley, which is comparable to the section exposed near Kamarpal in Mayurbhanj.2 In the Narbada section, there was first a coarse cemented conglomerate bed overlain by a red silty clay with lime concretion. The conglomerate yielded some fossils---Hexaprotodon, Namadicus and Bos, and a few rolled, rather crude artifacts resembling handaxes and choppers.3 The upper clay yielded several unrolled flakes and a fresh acheulian biface. De Terra is of opinion that the basal conglomerate is Middle Pleistocene and, on typological grounds, is equable with the terrace deposits of the Punjab. The section at Kamarpal has not yielded any fossils, nor perhaps, a correlation is justifiable with sections in the Punjab, the Narbada valley or Madras4 on the basis of typological evidence alone. Apart from this, the few flakes and flaked core-resembling artifacts, which have so far been unearthed, can be accounted for by natural causes alone. 5 We have, therefore, to wait for a further discovery of fossils and artifacts from the conglomerate bed or overlying or underlying it, in order that some dependable scale can be 1. Studies in the Ice Age in India and Associated Human Culture, p. 316. 2. Bose & Sen-op. cit., Sec 21, p. 15. 3. Ibid, Plate xxxii. 4. Ibid, Sec. 16, p. 1 2. 5. Ibid, Sec. 28-29, pp. 17-19. For Personal & Private Use Only

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THE PALAEOLITHIC PERIOD 63 set by means of which a reasonable date can be assigned to the culture bearing laterite beds. Palaeolithic People and Their Condition In the palaeolithic age, man was not only unacquainted with any of the metals, but was also ignorant of the act of grinding and polishing, and prepared his weapons and tools simply by chipping hard stones of convenient size and shape with strikers made of other stones, so as to produce sharp cdges and points which fitted them for many useful purposes. No traces of the use of fire have so far been met with in the deposits containing the old chipped stones, but their makers must have known it. Nor have any traces of their old habitations been found in Orissa. Similarly, no traces have been found of the manner in which they disposed of their dead. No human skulls of the palaeolithic age are known to have been found. It is, therefore, impossible to speculate upon their physique. There have also been no traces of pottery whatsoever along with any of the lithic finds. From the shapeliness and good workmanship, however, of many of their tools and weapons, one can infer that they were a distinctly intelligent people. Their Habits and Practices As already mentioned, no palaeolithic habitations have come down to us, and likewise, no signs of the mode of burial, cremation or exposure of the corpses, and no objects in any way indicative of religious thoughts have been discovered. In view of the nature of Indian fauna and of the great size and ferocity of many of the larger animals, it has been concluded, not unreasonably of course, that the palaeolithic man was very badly provided with means wherewith to 1. Foote-Mad. Mus. Cat , p. 12. For Personal & Private Use Only

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64 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA protect himself and his kind against the wild beasts which shared the country with him. If those people had no other weapons at command than the palacoliths, even well and securely mounted and hafted, they would certainly have been heavily handicapped against their foes. But it must not be forgotten, suggests Foote,i that they could hare made very effective weapons out of the hard woods which grow so freely in Indian forests. These hard woods could be worked into spears with extreme sharp points and of sufficiently big size, so as to be very formidable weapons of defence and offence if wielded by strong and active men and, especially so, if a number of them were so armed and acted in concert.2 Clubs too of the largest size could easily have been prepared by uprooting young trees of various kinds and trimming away tops and thin roots. 1. Mad. Mus. Cat., p. 12. Compare, for instance, the wondan bows and arrows so often used in India from times immemmorial. There were other weapons also mado likewise of wood which were equally effective. For Personal & Private Use Only

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Section B THE MICROLITHIC PERIOD V. D. Krishnaswamy' noticed the presence of a microlithic industry about 4 ft. below the upper alluvium along the southern bank of the Balia nadi in district Mirzapur in Uttara Pradesh. He states that 'the presence of microliths in the top layers of the older alluvium of Balia Nadi shows clearly that after the end of the palaeolithic period in the Singrauli basin, a microlithic culture flourished on the riverbank as a result of progressively desiccational change in the environment since the palaeolithic period." This site is perhaps distributionally linked with the microlithic sites discovered by Carlleyle3 and Gordon4 in Banda, Bundelkhand and Baghelkhand. It is hence probable that such or an allied industry might have flourished in the portion of the land occupied by the Oriya-speaking people today, though no indication to that effect has been made by any pre-historic archaeologist. The Hiatus (GAP) This is a theory which has met with the approval of many of the most experienced and leading pre-historic archaeologists, foremost among whom stood the late Sir John Evans. The theory is that a vast lapse of time occured between the latest appearance of the work of the neolithic 1. Ancient India, Vol. VII, Jan' 51, p. 69 2. Ibid. p. 69. 3. Qtd. V.A. Smith, Pygmy Flints, I.A., Vol. xxxv, 1906, pp.185.95. 4. D. U. Gordon--The Microlithic Industries of India, MAN, Feb. 1938; The Stone Industries of the Holocene in India and Pakistan, Ancient India, VI, 1950, pp. 64-90, For Personal & Private Use Only

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66 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA people. Sir John? argues that such a hiatus or gap did really occur in Western Europe. The existence of a similar gap in India is strongly supported by geological features, especially in Gujarat. In the valley of the Sabarmati river, R. B. Foote' discovered typical palaeoliths deposited by flood action in a bed of coarse shingle over which more than 50 ft. of other alluvial materials were piled by the action of the river. And, over this again blown loess of about 200 ft. in thickness was heaped by the westerly winds from the Gulf of Cambay and the Rann of Cutch. On the top of the high level loess, which occurs in the shape of small plateaus at intervals, capping alluvial banks or on the top of isolated loess hills away from the river, the earliest remains of the neolithic people were discovered. Such a gap must have occured in the region under study, though no such evidense has come to light so far. 1. Sir John Evans-The Ancient Stone Implements, Weapons and Ornamente of Great Britain, last pages. 2, Prehistoric & Protobistoric, Mad. Mus. Cat., p. 2. For Personal & Private Use Only

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Section C THE NEOLITHIC PERIOD1 After a time, probably a great duration of the palaeolithic period, some races of men discovered the art of grinding and polishing chipped implements, and produced a great variety of them, of different shapes, for different purposes. These have been called neoliths and the age is known as the Neolithic age. Many of these artifacts give no little idea of the beauty of form and finish. For a number of minor purposes, the neolithic men prepared a great variety of small tools by cleverly chipping hard silicious stones as chert, flint, agat and jasper etc., which in many cases had to be brought from great distances. These must have been procured either by travel or through barter with the residents of the regions where such stones were found. They gave up the use of quartzite which was utilized by their precursors and possible ancestors. In the State of Orissa, the territory held by the former Garhjat States are rich in neolithic remains, but much attention has not been paid to this subject there except that in Mayurbhanj. There are atleast three different sites in Mayurbhanj where neoliths have been discovered by P. Acharya and R. D. Banerji.: Two of these lie to the west of the Bangidiposi bills and are, therefore, connected with RanchiHazaribagh-Singbhum series. In this particular area, on account of the erosion of the banks of the Vaitarni near 1. This Section is based on R. D. Banerji's H.O., Vol. I., Chapter III, and informations collected by the author during a visit to the State Archaeological Muecum, Bhuvanesvar and also to Sri P. Acharya. 2. H.O., Vol. I., p. 34f. For Personal & Private Use Only

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68 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA Khiching, a number of neolithic implements have been found. Excavations by P. Acharya on the Manada-Jasipur road yielded neoliths about two or three feet below the surface. These implements consist of rough cherts or scrapers and celts or bouchers of the type as those discovered subsequently at Baidyapur. The village of Baidyapur lies on the eastern slope of the high ground to the south of the river Burabalang. It lies about 14 miles from Baripada. The first discovery of neolithic implements was made here by P. Acharya sometime in 1928-29. The village stands on the sloping ground between a mound to the west and a tank to the east. The top of the mound is formed of conglomerate or kankar which is still in a process of growth. But the slope has accumulated either alluvium or vegetable mould with the passage of time and cultivation is possible where this mould is of sufficient thickness. To the south-east of the village, in the corn fields, stone implements are found at a depth of 2 or 3 ft. R. D. Banerji, however, could study the actual stratification with advantage on the southern bank of the tank. He writes :- Here, below the bund formed during re-excavation, we found the bottom of the vegetable mould which is about 2 or 3 ft. in thickness. Below this comes the disturbed conglomerate of the same type as that to be found on the top of the high mound to the west of the village. It is disturbed and mixed with small boulders, most probably from river beds, the action of the current having rounded off the sharp edges.'' The most important feature of the Baidyapur finds is the association of palaeoliths with neoliths in the same area. Among early finds, brought by P. Acharya to the Calcutta Museum, was one large axe with a distinct cutting edge 1. H.O., I, p. 34f. For Personal & Private Use Only

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THE NEOLITHIC Period with one side raised into a distinct ridge. It measured 4.5 inches in height, 4 inches in length at the cutting edge, but only 2 inches at the top. However, it could not be styled as a palaeolith or a neolith, because it was manufactured with a few deft strokes and did not require any clumsy chipping. The neoliths, discovered by R. D. Banerji, begin with a short narrow boucher with a beautifully rounded cutting edge measuring 4.1 inches in length and 2 inches in breadth. The cutting edge and the portion adjoining it are made smooth by rubbing, but the portion above that shows signs of chipping. The remaining neoliths show a distinct polish in addition to smoothing. They are, for the most part, small celts or bouchers in which all traces of chipping appear to have been carefully removed. The following specimens have been described :(1) A celt measuring 2.8 inches in height and 1.8 inches in breadth. The polish is less distinct on the smooth surface. The cutting edge is slightly rounded and the surface shows signs of weathering. (2) The other specimen measures 2.8 inches in height and 1.8 inches in breath at the bottom. It is sufficiently polished to 'reflect light. Here the cutting edge is perfectly straight-a characteristic very rare in Indian neoliths. (3) A small adze measuring 2.6 inches in height, 1.9 inches at the base and 1.1 inches at the top. The polish is distinctly bright. The cutting edge is curved and one side of it is much more convex than the other. 1. U. o., 1, p. 37. 2. Ibid, pp. 37-39. For Personal & Private Use Only

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90 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA (4) This is a celt or a chisel. It is highly polished and is almost an isosceles triangle in shape. The greatest height is 3.2 inches and the cutting edge, though slightly rounded, is 1.5 inches in breadth. It was found along with older palaeoliths and also with neolithic pottery. This shows that this site was inhabited throughout the palaeolithic and the neolithic periods. (5) Exactly of the same type is a shouldered adze of high polish included in the Baidyapur finds.' It measures 4 inches in height and 2 inches in breadth. The shouldered portion is 1.2 inches and the cutting edge is broken. It links the Central Indian neoliths with the series from the Khasia hills, and proves that neolithic culture in Orissa must also be divided into two, different series connected with two different and long separated waves of Austric immigration into India from the East. (6) The other finds are corn crushers. These are like small truncated cones, pyramidical in shape, very often with polished sides. The largest one is convex in shape at the base, while both the top and the bottom are blunt. It is 4.7 inches in height and 2.5 inches wide at the base. The majority of these implements have straight sides and, hence, have rectilinear bases. Further, Nabendu Dutta Majumdar, Collector of the district of Sundergarh (Orissa) in the years 1951-52, has reported the finding of six neolithic implements and a 1. ARASI, 1923-24, pp. 100-1 ; R. D. Banerji, H. O., I, p. 88. 2. Cf, H, O., I, Plate facing p. 32. For Personal & Private Use Only

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THE NEOLITHIC PERIOD 71 number of neolithic sites containing numerous flint fragments bearing clear marks of chipping.' Art of Firing Vessels The neolithic age saw great advances in civilization not only in improved arms and tools but also in the discovery of the art of firing the vessels constructed by skilful potters out of plastic clay. The importance of the neolithic site at Baidyapur lies in its association with early pre-historic pottery. Pottery fragments were discovered along with these stone implements on the southern side of the tank. R. D. Banerji selected two particularly thick specimens from a spot, about a foat below the place, where the polished axes and celts were found. The material is coarse mould in which rounded pebbles of limestone were fairly abundant. On breaking one of the pottery fragments, it was found that the wet material had. not been passed through a sieve or even carefully selected. The vessel appears to have been hand-made or at best turned on a hand-lathe. The other specimen was also of the same type and the material was so coarse that it looked like brick piece at first sight. Certain fragments were thin. Banerji picked up one other fragment in which there was a fine red slip on the vase, which possessed a carinated mouth and looked like a cooking vessel. Many such fragments, covered with a red slip, were collected by P. Acharya for the Calcutta Museum. R. D. Banerji was of opinion that the shape of these vessels was nothing new, and had traced similarity with round specimens discovered by him at Mohenjo-daro and by S. C. Roy in the Ranchi district. 1. Vide a Paper read at the Indian Science Congress Session at Baroda in Jany. 1955-Prehistoric Section, 2. 7.0., 1. p. 40. For Personal & Private Use Only

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72 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA Habitation No traces of neolithic habitations have been observed anywhere. May be that houses in the neolithic period were constructed of perishable materials, and hence, have disappeared by fire, natural decay or the ravages of white ants. But there is evidence, in various places, of neolithic men having made use of convenient rock shelters on the granite hills. In the State of Orissa, some such caves have been discovered recently. Sri Nabendu Dutta Majumdar, a Collector of Sundargarh' district in Orissa in the years 1951-52, reported' the discovery of a group of four caves known as Usha-kuti situated on the hill range in the northwestern corner of the district bordering Madhya Pradesh. It has further been reported that these caves contain some paintings, carvings and inscriptions. There are good many neolithic sites round about the hill-range, mostly in the valleys of rivers Ib and Brahmani. Similar caves were discovered near Raigarh in the eastern Madhya Pradesh, decorated with rough drawings in ruddle or hematite illustrating hunting and other scenes. The method of disposing the dead during this period was most probably by cremation, which would account for 1. The district of Sundergarh consists of the ex-States of Gangpur and Bonai. 2. Vide a Paper read by him in the Prehistoria Section (Anthropo. logy and Archaeology) of the Indian Science Congress Session held at Baroda in January 1955. Local legends connect these caves with the epic heroes Rama, Lakebamana and Sit. The locality of the caves is even now regarded as a part of the ancient DandakAranya-the great forest belt of Central India of the epic (Vide a brief report published in the Bharat Jyoti of Bombay, dated the 9th January, 1935). C. J. Brown-Indian Museum Catalogue, p. 7. For Personal & Private Use Only

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73 THE NEOLITHIC PERIOD the great rarity of human bones in the neolithic regions. Yet, another great advance appears in this Age, namely, the domestication of animals. The remains of bovine animals are common in the neolithic sites. However no such information is forthcoming from the region under review. 10 For Personal & Private Use Only

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PART II METALLIC PERIOD Copper Age That there was a distinct copper age in the prehistoric period of the history of Orissa is proved by the discovery of stray specimens. The oldest specimen was discovered in the Balasore district near the find-spot of a grant of king Purshottam (1470 to 1497 A. D.) of the Surya dynasty.5 This implement is a shouldered axe,1 The next discovery was also a battle axe having a large round cutting edge ending in two well-marked shoulders. It was found near Sildah in Jhatibani Pargana in the Medinipur district.2 The other discoveries were recorded in 1916. Several copper axes were discovered in Bhagra Pir village on the bank of river Gulpha in Mayurbhanj area by Cobilen Ramsay--then Political Agent there. Most noteworthy fact about these axes is that they are very thin. In addition to the cutting edge, which is larger than a semi-circle, there is another semi-circular projection on the top which is connected with the former by a narrow neck. The largest specimen measures 18} inches in length and 15% inches in breadth, while others are 10 by 84 inches and 101 by 7 inches. These are most noteworthy battle-axes because of a particularly different type.3 The last and the latest finds include a celt from 5. H. O., I, pp. 40.41. 1. I. A., Vol. I, 1872, pp. 35.5-66 and plate. See also C. J. Brown, Ind. Mus. Cat., p. 142 ; Anderson, Cat. of Arch. Coll. in the Ind. Mus., Vol. II, 1883, pp. 485-6; V. A. Smith, 1. A., Vol. XXXIV, 1905, p. 232, 3. JBORS, II, pp. 386-7, Fig. 1-3. 2. s For Personal & Private Use Only

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METALLIC PERIOD 75 Dunaria in Pal Lahara in Orissa. It is 72 inches long, 64 inches wide and nearly sinch thick at the butt end. The cutting edge, however, is not sharp. Though it is a shouldered type but it differs from other specimens" in respect of the concavity of the sides. Apart from these, there are a number of finds recorded of copper implements of proto-historic period in the adjoining regions to Orissa, as would be clear from the table on pages 76-77 :Cultural Aspect---Problem of In recent years, the study of these objects has gained a fresh momentum. Professors Stuart Piggot3 and R. Heine Geldern* have put them on an 'internaltional footing' by citing parallels from beyond the frontiers of India-Hissar and Anan in Persia, and Caucasia in Southern Russia. R. Heine Geldern believes that these finds are infact traces of the Indo-Aryan migration, and hence, it is the Vedic Aryans who produced these objects. Stuart Piggott too made a similar observation earliar in 1944.5 Later on, however, he modified his views, and associated the copper hoards with refugees from Harappa after its break up. He thus gave up his earlier theory of associating the copper hoards with the Aryans. 1. Ancient India, Vol. VII, 1951, p. 29, PI. XB., Fig. 3, No. 8. 2. Ibid, Fig. 3, No. 5. ; 3. Prehistoric Copper Hoards in the Gangetic Basin, ANTIQUITY, 1944, No. 72, pp. 173-82. 4. Archaeological Traces of the Vedic Aryang-Journal of the Indian Society of Oriental Art, IV, 1936, pp. 87-113 ; New light on the Aryan Migration to India, Bulletin American Institute for Iranian Art and Archaeology, V, June 1937, pp. 7-16. 5. Prehistoric Copper Hoards in the Gangetic Basin, ANTIQUITY. 1944, No. 72, p. 180. 8. Prehistoric India, 1950, p. 238. For Personal & Private Use Only

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Table Showing the Distribution of Copper Implements in Orissa & Adjoining Regions i Locality District Description Where Lodged References For Personal & Private Use Only ORISSA Bhagra Pir Mayurbhanj 3 Double edged One each in the JBORS., II, 1916, pp. 386-7. Axes State Mus., Lucknow; Baripada Mus., Orissa; Patna Mus., Patna. Dunria Pal Lahara 1 Shouldered Celt State Mus., Lucknow. Anc. Ind , Vol. VII, p. 20. WEST BENGAL Tamajuri Midnapur 1 Shouldered Ind. Mus., Cal. Anderson-Cat. of Ind. Celt Mus., Cal. Vol. II, pp. 485-6. V. Smith-I.A., Vol. XXXIV, 1905, p. 238. BIHAR Indefinite Hazaribagh 3 Flat Celt Indian Mus., Cal. PASB 1871, p. 221. Anderson-op. cit., pp. 392 95. Baragunda 1 Flat Celt Madras Mus., Madras Foote-Cat. of Mad. Mus., 1 Ring 1916, p. 164. AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA

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Bartol Ranchi 21 Flat Celt Patna Mus. Bichna 1 Flat Celt Dargama 5 Flat Celt J. C. Brown-JBORS., I, pp. 127-8. s. C. Roy--Ibid., I, p. 242. s. C. Roy-Ibid., I, p. 239. S. C. Roy--Ibid., II, pp. 482-3 J. C. Brown-Ibid., I, pp. 125-6. A. Campbell--Ibid., II, pp. 85-6. Hami Palamau 6 Flat Celt 17 Bar Celt 1 Flat Celt Sanguna Various Manbhum 27 Flat Celt For Personal & Private Use Only MADHYA PRADESH Gungeria Balaghat METALLIC PERIOD Flat Celt-several Ind. Mus., Cal. PASB., 1870, p. 131. Shouldered Celt- Bri. Mus., Lond. Anderson-op. cit., Vol. II, several National Mus., Dublin pp. 414-25; Read-Guide Bar Celt-several National Mus., Edin- to the Antiquities of the borough. Bronze Age, Bri. Mus. 1920, pp. 182-3 ; V. Smith op. cit., p. 233f. ANDHRA PRADESH Kallur Raichur 2 Flat Celt 3 Antennae sword Hyd'bad Mus. Ann. Rep. Arch. Deptt Hyd. 1937-40, pp. 22-24.

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98 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA B. B. Lal,2 after having examined the find spots of various copper implements, concludes--"It will be seen that there exist no good paralles to these copper hoards in either Indus Valley Culture or any of the prehistoric cultures of Western Asia ......Profs. Piggott and Geldern have assumed that the well known swords from Fort Munro in the Punjab, the trunion celt from Shalozan in the Kurram valley, socketed axes from Shahi Tump and Chunhu, Daro, and the adzes-axe from Mohenjo-daro also belong to these (viz. the Gangetic Basin Hoards) and can be treated as such. In point of fact this is not true. None of the four types in the Gangetic Basin and conversely no harpoons, anthropomorphic figure? or antennae sword etc., occurs west of that basin......... Thus while the socketed axe, adze-axe, trunion celt and fort Munro sword etc., with their demostrable West Asiatic affinities are likely to have been associated with the upheaval and movement of people that followed the break 1. Ancient India, Vol, VII, 1991, p. 35 f. 2. An 'anthropomorphic figure' from Bisuli, U. P. (Fig. 2, No.5, Ancient India, Vol. VII, 1931, p. 25) preserved in Bharat Kala Bhavan, Banaras, was examined by Dr. B.. the Archaeological Chemist. It was found to be containi 91% copper and 0.66% nickel. No other metal was presenu. The report says :-"The small amount of nickel detached in the specimen represents only an impurity derived from the copper ore. The fact is significant is it shows that the ore, from which the metal was smelted, was of Indian origin. The Indian copper ores have generally arsenic or nickel or both as impurities, and these are considered the key-elements in placing the source of the raw material. The nearest copper mines and ancient copper workings exist in Rajputana and Singbhum, and it is probable that the specimens in question may have been derived from ores from such a source.' The fact that this object is made of copper and not of bronze-and the same applies to most of the other objects as well-seems to play an important part in ascertaining the cultural affiliations of the copper boards. --------------------- -- For Personal & Private Use Only

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METALLIC PERIOD 79 up of the Harappa culture, the copper hoards, on the cont., rary seem to point to a culture which was mainly confined to the Gangetic basin with a possible southern extension across the Vindhya and the Kaimur ranges." Authors In a trial excavation, very close to the find spot of the Bisauli hoard (U. P.), B. B. Lal found some rolled fragments of an ill-fired, thick, ochre-washed ware.' Another such find was recorded in 1949 by him from Rajpur Parsu in U. P.--other copper hoard site. Yet, another such site was at Hastinapura, where the strata, overlying this pottery, contained Painted Grey Ware, which appears to have been associated with the Aryans, when they occupied the upper basins of the Sutlej, Saraswati, Yamuna and Ganga round about 1000 B. C.? Thus, if the copper hoards are to be associated with the ill-fired, ochre-washed, thick ware, it would follow that they are the products of a people who inhabited the Gangetic basin, presumably before the arrival of the Aryans. Who exactly these pre- and non-Aryans were, it is very difficult to determine in the present state of our knowledge. But it may not be out of place to recall here two typological observations made previously. Firstly, the bar-celts, which constitute an important type among the copper-hoards, seem to have developed from stone celts of a similar shape occuring in the hilly tracts of north-eastern Madhya Pradesh, southern Bihar, western West Bengal and northern Orissa. 1. Ancient India, VII, 1931, p. 36, soe also p. 27. 2. B. B. Lal-The Peinted Grey Ware of the Upper Gangetio Basin: An approach to the Problems of the Dark Age - JRASB, New Series, (Latters) Vol. XVI, 1950, pp. 89f; S. Piggott-Anti. quity, Vol. 99, Sept, '51, pp. 166f; Amar Chand-Hostinapura, 1951, pp. [5f ; seo aleo Illustrated London News, Oct. 4, 1952 3. Ancient India, Vol. VII, pp. 32 & 35. For Personal & Private Use Only

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80 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA Secondly, the harpoons, another outstanding type in the copper hoards, have a resemblance to certain tools depicted in the cave-paintings of Mirzapnr in Uttara Pradesh. If these similarities have any significance, it would appear that the authors of the copper hoards were once associated with the areas just stated. At present, these tracts are known to be chiefly occupied by the Mundas, Santhalas and other tribes belonging to the Proto-Austroloid group of the Indian population. Can it then be said that the ancestors of these tribes were responsible for the copper hoards ? The archaeological evidence available at present is indeed too meagre to answer the question, but literary evidence may be of some interest here. The Velic Aryans, on reaching the plains of northern India, encountered certain aboriginal tribes whom they called the Nish das and described them as having a dark complexion, short stature and flat nose (anas). Since, more or less the same physical features characterize the proto-Austroloid tribes, the question posed above should appear to gain support from the Vedic literature itself. But looking to the cultural equipment of these tribes at the present day, one wonders if their ancestors were capable of producing the highly-evolved implements some 3000 years ago. Such an objection, however, is subjective rather than objective, and may lose its force when it is recalled that the mighty cities of Harappa and Mohenjo-daro were never reproduced by the cultural heirs of that civilization. 1. Macdonell & Keith --Vedic Index, London, 1912, Vol. I, pp. 453.4 ; R. Chanda-The Indo Aryan Raees, Rajashahi, 1916, Vol. I, pp. 4-11 ; These references would make it clear that the Nishidas were too powerful to be enslaved or expelled en masse. The aryans were compelled to meet them half way. For Personal & Private Use Only

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CHAPTER III TRADITIONAL HISTORY OF KALINGA AS DEPICTED IN ANCIENT INDIAN LITERATURE VEDIC LITERATURE In the period of the earliest strata of the Indian literature, viz. the Vedas, there is no direct reference to Kalinga, Utkala or Olra as such. The origin ascribed to the country of Kalinga is mythical,' and has a close connection with Kishi Dirghatamas who was a blind-born son of Uchathyaand Mamata. That there was a Rishi Dirghata mas Auchathya Mamateya, son of Uchathya and Mamata, who was blind, is proved by various references in the Rig Veda. He lived in his paternal cousin's hermitage whom the Puranas apparently call Saradvant. There he indulged in gross immorality and misbehaved towards the wife of the younger Auchathya (viz. his uncle's wife-his aunt). He was, therefore, expelled from the hermitage, and was set adrift in the Ganga. He was carried down-stream to the Eastern Anava kingdom and was there welcomed by king Bali, as the Puranas mention. This incident also finds support in the Rig Vedas where he is spoken of as 1. Vayu, 99, 26-34, 47-97 ; Brahmanda, III, 74, 25-34, 47-100 ; Matsya, 48, 23-9, 43.89; Brahma, 13, 29-31 ; Vishnu, IV, 18, 1; Bhagwata, IX, 23, 5; Mahabharata, I, 104, 4193-221; AIHT, p. 158. 2. Variant :-Utathya. Pargiter (AIHT, p. 158) believes that Uchathya is the correct form. 3. I, 47, 3; 152, 6; 158, 1, 4, 6; AIHT, p. 158. 4. Viyu, 99, 26-34, 47-97 ; Brahmanda, III, 74, 25-34, 47-100; Matsya, 48, 23-29, 43-89 ; Brahma, 13, 29-31; Vishnu, IV, 18, 1; Bhagwata, IX, 23, 5; Mbh, I, 104, 4193-221 ; AIHT, p. 158. . I, 58, 3, 5, For Personal & Private Use Only

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82 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA having been delivered from bodily hurt and from danger in the river. This is not improbable, opines Pargiter,' because these Angirasa Rishis were living in the kingdom of Vaisali, so that he might easily have been put on a raft in the Ganga there and was drifted some seventy miles down to the Monghyr and Bhagalpur territory which was the Anava realm and was soon afterwards called the Anga kingdom. In the Anava kingdom, Dirghatamas married the Queen's sudra nurse and had many sons from her. At a request from king Bali, Dirghatamas begot on his Queen Sudeshna five sons according to the well-established Indian Law of Levirate." These sons were called Baleya-kshatra and also Baleya-brahmanas and were named The counAnga, Vanga, Kalinga, Pundra and Suhma. tries, over which they ruled, were named after them. The above tradition, hence, makes it clear that Rishi Dirghatamas was the progenitor of prince Kalinga, after whom the country, where he ruled, came to be called, and since the Rishi in question is known to the Rig Veda, the conclusion is irresistible that the country of Kalinga also existed during that period as a separate unit. THE BRAHMANAS & THE ARANYAKAS During the Brahmana period also Kalinga as such does not appear to have been mentioned anywhere in literature. It is again left more as a matter of inference. Among the kingdoms of the south, the rulers which are 1. AIHT, p. 158. 2. Brahmans in those early days rendered this service. Vasishtha begot Asmaka to king Kalmashapida's Queen (Mbh, I, 122, 4736 37; 177, 6787-91; Vayu, 88, 177; Brahmanda, III, 63, 177; Linga, I, 66, 27-8; Kurma, I, 21, 12-13; Bhagwata, IX, 9, 38-9). Vyasa begot Dhritarashtra, and Pandu (Mbh, I, 64, 2460-4; 104, 4176-8). For Personal & Private Use Only

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TRADITIONAL HISTORY OF KALINGA generally described in the Aitareya Brahmana as assuming the title "bhoja', Kalinga appears capable of inclusion, though there is no explicit statement to that effect. But that Kalinga was in existence and that too as an independent kingdom during the period of which the Brahmanas speak is established by the evidence of the Buddhist literature. Mahagovinda Suttanta mentions a certain king Sattabhu of Kalinga as a contemporary of king Renu of Mithila and king Dhtitarashtra of Kasi,l who are also mentioned in the Satapatha Brahmana.? The Taittiriya Aranyakade finitely mentions the Odras. 8 Parasurama, the youngest and the ablest son of Jamadagni, after exterminating the kshatriyas off the earth as many as twenty-one times, sacrificed at Rama-tirtha with Kasyapa as his Upadhyayi. On completion of the sacrifice, Parasurama gave him the Earth (or golden alter ?) as his fees, whereupon Kasyapa banished him to the southern seas. Parasurama consequently retired to the Mahendragiri," which has been identified with the Mahendra ranges in Orissa. He is fabled to have lived there till long ages later. PURANIC TRADITIONS (A) ORIGIN OF KALINGA & UTKALA Tradition naturally begins with myth, and the myth that seeks to explain the earliest conditions in India 1. Dialogues of the Buddha, II, 270 ; PHAI, p. 87. 2. XIII, 5, 4, 22. 3. II, I, 11 ; CHI, Vol. I, p. 601, 4. Agni, 4, 19-20; Brahma, 213, 122; Padma, I, 39, 14; Brahmanda, III, 47, 39-62 ; Mbh, III, 99, 8681-2; 85, 8158; 117, 10209 ; V, 187, 7338 ; VII, 70, 2447 ; XII, 2, 59; AIHT, p. 200. 5. Harivanga, 42, 2321-22 ; Mbh, I, 130, 5118-20 ; III, 99, 8681-12; 117, 10211-13; V, 176, 6054; XII, 2, 59 to 3, 107 ; AIHT, p. 200. For Personal & Private Use Only

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AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA derives all the dynasties, which reigned there (not the populace), from a primaeyal king Manu Vaivasvata, son of Vivasvant (lit: the Sun). It is narrated in three forms, of which the second and the third are very much alike than the first. According to the first, Manu had ten sons and amongst them the eldest was named Ila. While on his campaign of conquests, ila entered Siva's 'grove called Saravana. On this, Uma cursed him and changed him into a woman named Ila. In this form, Ila consorted with Budha-- the son of Soma (viz. the Moon). A son was born of this union who was named Pururavas Aila. Then, through Siva's favour Ila became a kimpurusha Sudyumna, and remained a man for one month and changed into a woman in the other. This Puraravas Aila was the progenitor of the great Aila race to which the kings of Kalinga belonged, as would be shown presently. The Kalinga kings were, according to this tradition, Kshatriyas of the Lunar family (viz. descendants of Soma or the Moon). According to the second tradition, Manu had nine sons. He offered sacrifice to the gods Mitra and Varuna in order to be blessed with one more son, but a daughter Ila was born therefrom.2 Ila met Budha, the son of Soma, and bore Pururavas. Then, she became a man named Sudyumna, but through the same curse as of the above tradition, was turned into a woman. Finally, through Siva's favour she regained manhood as Sudyumna. Puru 1. Matsya, 11, 40 to 12, 19; Padma, V, 8, 75-124; Amplified into a Brahmanical romance and connected with the Godavari (Brabma, 108). King Ila is mentioned also in the Padma Purana, II, 64, 41; AIHT, p.253. 2. Vayu, 85; Brabmanda, 7, 1-23 ; Harivansa, 10, 613.40 ; Siva, VII, 60, 2-19; AIHT, p. 254. 3. Vayu, 85, 27; Brahmanda, III, 60, 27. It calls the forest as Umavana. For Personal & Private Use Only

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TRADITIONAL HISTORY OF KALINGA 85 ravas Aila was the progenitor of the great Aila race to which the kings of Kalinga belonged. The kings of Kalinga were, according to this tradition, like the previous one, Kshatriyas of the Lunar family. The third form? agrees mostly with the second version, but places the transformation of ila into manhood and back again into womanhood before Ila met Budha of which union was born a son by name Pururayas Aila. He was, quite in agreement with the other two traditions, the progenitor of the great Aila race to which the kings of Kalinga belonged. The kings of Kalinga, hence, like other traditions, were Kshatriyas of the Lunar family. In this way, Ila bore two kinds of sons--Pururayas Aila, born to her by Budha when she was in the form of a woman,' and Utkala, Gaya and Haritasva (or Vinatasva or simply Vinata) born to her when she was transformed into a man named Sudyumna.3 As pointed out above, Manu had nine or ten sons. He divided the earth (i.e. Bharata) into ten portions. Some Puranas imply that kimpurusha Sudyumna had a portion, but others mention that he obtained none because he had been a woman. Nevertheless, the authorities generally declare--firstly, that he received the town of Pratishthana 1. Vishyu, IV, 1, 5-11 ; Markandeya, 111 ; Bhagwata, IX, 1, 11-40. 2. Matsya, 24, 9-10; Vishnu, IV, 6, 20 ; Vayu, 90, 45; 91, 1; Brahmanda, IJI, 65, 45; 66, 1; Crahma, 9, 33; 10, 1; Harivamsa, 25, 1357 ; 26, 1363 ; Caruda, I, 139, 2 ; AIHT, p. 254. 3. Vayu, 85, 18-19. Brahmanda, III, 60, 17-19; Brahma, 7, 17-19; Harive msa, 10, 631-2; Siva, VII, 60. 14-15; Linga, I, 65, 26-27; Agni, 272, 8-9; Matsya, 12, 16-18; Padma, V, 8, 121.3; AIHT, p. 254. 4. Vayu, 85, 20-1; Brahmaoda, III, 60, 20-1 ; Brahma, 7, 20.1 ; Harivamsa, 10, 633-5; Siva, VII, 60, 16; cf. Baudhayana, II, 2, 3, 2; AIHT, p. 254. 5. Matsya, 12, 18-19; Padma, V, 8, 123.4 ; AIHT, p. 254. 6. Vishnu, IV, 1, 12 ; Linga, I, 65, 29 ; AIHT, p. 255. For Personal & Private Use Only

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86 - AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA (later named Prayaga) and gave it to Pururavas Aila? (viz. the son born to him when he was transformed into a woman lla) and secondly, that his three sons (born in the present form) had territories of their own. Thus, Utkala had the Utkala country, Vinatasva had a western country, and Gaya had the city of Gaya along with the eastern region. These three principalities were, sometimes, designated collectively as the "Saudyumnas'. , . It is hence clear that Pururayas Aila, the progenitor of the great Aila or Lunar race, reigned over Pratishthana. The early part of the Aila genealogy from Pururavas to Yayati's five sons is found mentioned in twelve Puranas and twice in the Mahabharata. Pururavas is said to have had six or seven sons, of which Ayu (or Ayus) continued to rule at Pratishthana and thus continued the main line there. Out of Ayu's five sons, Nahusha continued his father's line at Pratishthana and had six or seven sons, but only two-Yati and 1. Vayu, 85, 21-3; Brahmanda, III, 60, 21-22 ; Brahma, 7, 20.1 ; Harivamsa, 10, 635-6 ; Siva, VII, 60, 17-19; Linga, I, 65, 29-31; AIHT. p. 255. 2. Original: Utkalasyotkalau rashtram vipatasvasya paschimari Dik purva tasya rajarshergayasya tu gay& puro" Bhagwata, IX, 1, 41. 3. Utkala was the country situated to the south-west of Bengal and to the south of Caya. It was mostly a hilly region containing forests. 4. Vayu, 99, 266. 5. Vayu, 91, 50 : Brahmanda, III, 65, 21 : Linga, 1, 66, 56; Brahma, 10, 9-10; Harivamsa, 26, 1371, 1411-2; AIHT, p. 85. 6. Brahmanda, III, 66, 22-3 (Eix); Vayu, 91, 51.2 (six); Vishiu, IV, 7, 1 (six); Brahma, 10, 11-12 (seven); Harivamga, 26, 1372-3 (seven); Linga, I, 66, 57.8 (seven); Kurma, I, 22, 1.2 (six) ; AIHT, p. 85. 7. Brahmanda, III, 68, 12-13; Vayu, 93, 12-13 : Brahma, 12, 1-2 ; Harivamia, 30, 1599.1600 ; Linga, I, 66, 60-62 ; Kurma, I, 22, 5-6 ; Vishnu, IV, 10, 1; Garuda, 139, 17; Bhagwata, IX, 18, 1; Mbh, I, 75, 3165 (all mention six sons); Matsya, 21, 49-50 ; Padma, V, 12, 103-4 ; (These mention seven sons) ; AIHT, p. 86. For Personal & Private Use Only

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TRADITIONAL HISTORY OF KALINGA 87 Yayati, are important. Yati, the eldest, became a muni and gave up the kingdom and hence Yayati succeeded him on the throne. He was a renowned conqueror, 1 extended his kingdom widely and was known as a Samrat. He appears to have conquered not only all Madhyadesa, west of Ayodhya and Kanyakubja kingdoms and northwest as far as the river Sarasvatibut also the country west, south and south-west of his kingdom of Pratishthana." Yayati had two wives--Devayani, daughter of the great Bbargaya Rishi Usanas-sukra, and Sarmishtha, daughter of the Daitya-danavasura king Vrishaparvana. The former bore two sons-Yadu and Turvasu, and the latter three - Druhyu, Anu and Puru. Yayati divided his territories among them and it developed into five kingdoms, From these sons were descended the five famous royal lines of the Yndus (or Yadavas), the Turvasus, the Druhyus, the Anus (or Anavas) and the Purus (or Pauravas). Here we are concerned with the fourth viz. the Anavas. The seventh successive king after Anu had two sons - Usinara and Titikshu, and under them the Anavas were divided into two important branches. Usinara and his descendants occupied the Punjab. The other branch of the Anavas under Titikshu moved eastwards and passing beyond the Videha and the Vaisali countries, descended into Eastern Bihar among the ruder Saudyumna stock, reference to which has already been made. There, they founded a kingdom which was called 'the Kingdom of the East'. 1. Voyu, 93, 80 ; Brahmayda; 111, 68, 19, 92; Matsya, 24, 55-6; Linga, I, 67, 13; Brahma, 12, 4, 18; Harivamsa, 30, 1602, 1616; Mbh, XII, 29, 987; AIHT, p. 258. 2. Mbh, I, 76, 3156. Also Sirvabbauma (Mbh, 129, 10516). 3. Rig Veda, VII, 95, 2; Mbh, IX, 42, 2349.52; AIHT, p. 258. 4. Mbh, v, 113, 3905, rightly makes Pratishthana bis capital. 5. Vayu, 68, 23.4 ; Brahmanda, III, 6, 23, 25; Matsya, 6, 20, 22; Vishnu, I, 21, 6 ; AIHT, p. 87. For Personal & Private Use Only

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88 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA Titikshu's lineage is given in the nine Puranas and the Mahabharata. A few successive reigns after him, this Kingdom of the East' was divided among Bali's five sons, begotten on his Queen Sudeshna by Rishi Dirgha tamas, reference to which has already been made above. Each division was named after each son, viz. Aiga, Vanga, Kalinga, Pundra and Suhma. In this way, we find a somewhat connected genealogy of how the countries of Kalinga and Utkala came into being and were assigned the Aryan origin. The Utkala country came into existence much before the country of Kalinga. In the myths regarding origins, there is no connection between Manu's nine sons, Pururavas Aila and Sudyumna except through Aila with her fabulous change of forms. It seems probable, writes Pargiter, that the three different myths have been blended together in an attempt to unify the origins of three different dominant races, which are said to have been derived from Manu, Pururavas and Sudyumna, apparently constituting three separate stocks. According to tradition, therefore, Pururavas Aila and his lineage at Pratishthana formed one family, the chieftains of Gaya and Eastern India formed a second family and all the kings and chiefs of the rest of India belonged to a third family. The first is the well-known Aila (or Aida) race' often called the Lunar Race, because myth derives it from Soma---the Moon. The second may be distinguished 1. Brahmanda, III, 74, 21-103 ; Vayu, 99, 24.-119; Brahma, 13, 27-49; Harivamsa, 31, 1681-1710; Matsya, 48, 21-108; Vishnu, IV, 18, 1-7; Agni, 276, 10-16; Garuda I, 139, 68-74; Bhagwata, IX, 23, 4-14 ;Mbh, XIII, 42, 2351 ; AIHT, p. 109. 2. AIHT, pp. 287-88. 3. Aida Pururavas, Vayu, 2, 20 ; 56, 1, 6, 8; Brahmanda, I, 2, 20 ; II, 28, 1, 9, For Personal & Private Use Only

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TRADITIONAL HISTORY OF KALINGA 89 as the Sudyumna race, but it never played any noteworthy part. The third had no definite common name in tradition, yet being derived from the sons of Manu who was the son of Vivasvant (the Sun), it was designated the Manava or Solar Race. Later on, however, it appears that the Saudyumnas had been almost overwhelmed by the Anavas--descendants of the Pururavas Aila, and were restricted to the Utkalas and other people, who occupied the hilly tracts from Gaya in Bihar to Orissa. And this points to the establishement of the five Anava kingdoms in the East-viz. the Anga, the Vanga, the Kalinga, the Suhma and the Pundra, which held all the sea-coast from Ganjam to the Gangetic delta and formed a long compact curved wedge with its base on the sea-coast and its northern point at Bhagalpur in Bihar. (B) OTHER REFERENCES IN THE PURANAS In the Puranas, as we have seen above, the country of Kalinga has been assigned an Aryan origin. Of the country, we are told that Prithu, son of Vena, gave the country of Magadha to bards called the Magadhas and the Sutas, and the country of Kalinga to the Charanas.3 There was also a hill of this name which is supposed to have been founded by a son of king Bali, whose name was Kalinga. Kalinga is said to be a southern country of 1. Vagu (99, 266) refers to Sudy umnas distinct from Ailas and Aikshvakus. 2. Brahmanda, III, 74, 28 & 87; Matsya, 48, 25; 114, 36 & 47; Vayu, 45, 125; 99, 28 ; Vishnu, II, 3, 16; IV, 18, 13-14. 3. Vayu, 62, 147; Brahmanda, II, 36, 172 ; Mbh, XII, 59, 2234; Brahma, 4, 67 ; Harivamsa, 5, 325; Padma, V, 1, 31 ; AIHT, p. 16. 4. Vayu, 85, 22 ; 42, 28. 12 For Personal & Private Use Only

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90 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA Madhyadesa un fit for fraddha. It is called a Janapada of the Dakshinapatha. Its king is said to have been stationed by Jarasandha on the eastern gate of Mathura and in the same direction during the siege of Gomanta. The king of Kalinga was present at Pradyumna's marriage. He also advised Rukmin to vanquish Balarama in dice and laughed at the latter when he was defeated. His teeth were broken by Rama? (Balarama). There are mentioned 32 kings of the Kalinga country upto the time of the Nandas 3 The Narmada river is said to be flowing on its south (?) where there is situated the Amarakantaka hill." Kurma Purana mentions Kalinga as a breeding place of the best type of elephants.5 The Puranas mention Utkala as a son of Dhruva by Ila and a grandson of Uttanapada. He obtained the kingdom of his father when the latter renounced this world and went to the forests for practising penances. Utkala, however, was not to be involded in worldly affairs and without caring least for the kingdom, gave himself up entirely to penances. Another reference to Utkala is found as the name of an Asura who was a follower of Vsitra and fought with Indra. He also took part in the war said to have taken place between the Devus and the Asurus.? The third reference to Utkala is as a son of kim purusha Sudyumna and a lord of the Dakshinapatha (viz. the 1. Brahmanda, II, 16, 42 & 57 ; III, 13, 13; 14, 33 & 80; 74, 198 & 213; Matsya, 163, 72 ; Vayu, 77, 13; 78, 23; 99, 324, 386 & 402. 2. Bhagwuta, X, 50, 11 (2) ; 52, 11 (5); 61, 27-29 ; 32 (1) & 37; IV, 5, 21 ; Vishiu, V, 28, 10, 15, 24. 3. Matsya, 272, 16. 4. Miteya, 186, 12. 5. II, xxxix, 19. 6. Bhagwata, IV, 10, 2 ; Skanda, 13, 6-10. 7. Bhagwata, VI, 10, 20 ; Skanda, VIII, 10, 21 & 33. For Personal & Private Use Only

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TRADITIONAL HISTORY OF KALINGA 91 Utkala kingdom). Utkala is further called a kingdom of Madhyadesa noted for vamana elephants. Its people were called the Utkalas. It is also called a Vindhyan tribe. The Tosalas are also called a Vindhyan tribe. The two rivers Languliya and Vamsadhara are mentioned among the rivers rising from the Mahendra mountain in the Matsya and the Vayu Puranas. The verses occur almost in an identical form in both the Puranas :-"Tribhaga, kishikulya, Ikshuda, Tridiva, Langulini and Vamsadhara are daughters of the Mahendra."6 The Matsya adds Tamraparni, Muli, Sarava and Vimala to these.? As the Languliya and Vamsadhara are omitted here, the text of the Vayu Purana appears to be more correct. In the chapter entitled 'Bhuvan-kosa-varnanam' of both the Puranas, the Kalingas are mentioned with the Setukas, the Mushikas, the Kumanas, the Vanavasikas, the Maharashtras and the Mahishakas. A few lines later, 1. Bhagwata, IX, 1, 41 ; Brahmanda, III, 60, 18 ; Matsya, 12, 17; Vayu, 69, 240 ; 85, 19. 2. Brahmanda, II, 16, 42 ; III, 7, 358 ; 60, 18 ; Matsya, 12, 17. 3. Matsya, 114, 52. 4. Vayu, 45, 132 ; Matsya, 114, 54 ; Brahmanda, II, 16, 63. 5. Brahmanda, II, 16, 64. 6. Original : "Trisama ritukulya cha ikshula tridiva cha ya Langulini vainsad bara mabendratanayah smtitah" Vayu, 45, 106. R. L. Mitra's edition makes Tribhaga, Trisama, Rushikulya and Ritukulya. Qtd. Banerji, H. O. Vol I, p. 52. fn. 7. Original : "Tribhaga rishikulya cha ikshuda tridivachala Tamraparni tatha muli Sarava vimala tatha Mahendratanayah sarvah prakhyatah subhagamini'' (Matsya, 113, 31). 8. Original : "Setuka mushikaschaiva kumana vanavasikah Maharaghtra mahishka kalingascbaiva sarvasah" (Matsya, 113, 47; Vayu, 45, 125). For Personal & Private Use Only

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92 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA the Utkalas are mentioned along with the Malavas, the Karushas, the Mekalas, the Dasarnas, the Bhojas and the Kishkindhakas. In the next verse, the Tosalas and the Kosalas are mentioned along with the Traipuras, the Tumuras, the Tumbaras and the Nishadas. The Matsya clearly mentions the Odras with the Utkalas, while the text in the Vayu Purana corrupts this word into Uttamarna. This grouping of the countries proves that the compilers of the Puranas did not place them haphazardly according to the needs of the metre but according to the position of the country. Thus both the Puranas clearly state that the Kalingas, like the Mushikas and the Vanavasikas, were inhabitants of the Dakshinapatha or the Southern India. The Utkalas or the Odras are placed in south-central India along with the Malavas, the Mekalas, the Dasarnas and the Bhojas. The mention of the Tosalas and the Kosalas along with the people of Tripuri and Vidisa shows that Tosala or (central Orissa) and Kosala (or Chhattisgadha) were situated in north-central India. In this way, the verdict of the two Puranas shows that of the three different divisions of Orissa, the people of Kalinga were regarded as inhabitants of southern India. But the people of Odra or northern Orissa and Utkala or the hilly tracts were regarded as people inhabiting the Vindhya ranges (Vindhyavasinah) along with the Bhojas of Berar and the Mekalas of southern Madhya Pradesa. The people of Tosala (or central 1. Original : "Malavascha karusbascha mekalaschotkalaih saha Uttamarna dasarnascha bhojah kisbkindhakaih saha" (Matsya, 113, 52; Vayu, 45, 132) 2. Original : Tosalah kosalascbaiva traipura vaidikastatha * Tumarastumburascbaiva shatasura nisbadhaih saha" (Matsya, 113, 53 ; Vayu, 45, 133). For Personal & Private Use Only

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TRADITIONAL HISTORY OF KALINGA 93 Orissa) and Kosala (or Chhattisgadha) were not classed with the people of southern India or the hill tribes of the Vindhya mountains, but with the more civilized inhabitants of the celebrated Danava (or Daitya) capital of Tripuri and with that ancient stronghold of Indian culture viz. Malava. In the Padma Purana, the Kalingas are mentioned twice-once with the Bodhas, the Madras, the Kukuras and the Dasarnas,' and again, in the same chapter, with the Droshakas, the Kiratas, the Tomaras and the Karabhanjakas.2 The Odras are mentioned in the same chapter with the Mlechchhas, the Sairindras (the hillmen), the Kiratas, Barbarians, the Siddhas, the Videhas, and the Tamraliptikas. So far, therefore, as Puranas are concerned, Kalinga was a well-known kingdom occupying the geographical position that it did in later times, and according to one reference in the Mahabharata, it was the land of virture where Dharma--the god of righteousness (viz. Yudhishthira) himself performed a yajria (sacrifice) at the particular spot which has since borne the name Yajnapura-the modern Jajpur. 1. Original: "Bodha madrah kalingascha kasayoaparakasayah Jathara kukuraschaiva sadasarnah susuttamah" (Padma, Adi Kanda, VI, 37) 2. Original : "Doshakasoha kalingascha kiratanam cha jatayah Tomara hanyamanascha tathaiva karabhanjakah" (Ibid, 64). 3. Original : "Kirata barbarah siddhavaidehastamraliptikah. Audramlechchhah sasairindra parvatiyascha sattamah" (Ibid, 52). 4. Vana Parvan, Ch. 114, p. 352 (Trans : P. C. Ray). For Personal & Private Use Only

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94 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA THE RAMAYANA A town named Kalinganagara, evidently, one of the cities of the Kalinga country, is mentioned in the Ramayana as situated on the west of the river Gomati and not far from it.' The Ramayana associates the country of Utkala with the Mekala and the Dasarna countries. In sending his army of monkeys (vanara-sena) to different countries in quest of Sita, Sugriva asked Sushena to send his retinue, among other countries of the South, to Mekala, Utkala and Dasarna. THE MAHABHARATA Kalinga is mentioned in the Mahabharata: as a warrior of Skanda and has been described as armed with diverse weapons and clad in various kinds of robes and ornaments. The origin ascribed to Kalinga is the same as referred to above, viz., a son of Rishi Dirghatamas begotton on Sudeshna--the queen of king Bali. At another place, Kshema and Ugratirtha---the kings of the Kalingas, are mentioned to have been born of the Asva class called Krodhavasa. A king of Kalinga (Kalingeshu naradhipah) named Kuhara (?) was among the incarnations from the Krodhavasa Gana. The king of this country was present along with other kings at the Svyamvara of Draupadi, the daughter of king Drupada of Panchala. In the santi Parvan,' the name 1. Ayodhya Kanda, LXXIII, 14, 15. 2. Canto, XLII. 3. Salya parvan, IX, 45, p. 178 (Trans: P. C. Ray). 4. Adi parvan, Ch. 104, p. 316 (Ray). Original :-"Kalingavishayasachaiva Kalingasya cha sa smritah." 6. Adi parvan, Ch, 67, p. 197 (Ray). 6. Adi parvan, Ch, 188, p. 527 (Ray) 7. Sec. IV, p. 9 (Ray). For Personal & Private Use Only

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TRADITIONAL HISTORY OF KALINGA 95 of the ruler of the country of the Kalingas has been mentioned as Chitrangada. His capital city was at Rajapura, which was full of opulence. He had, once, arranged a Svyamvara for his daughter, which was attended, apart from many others, by sisupala, Bhishmaka, Vakra, Duryodhan and Karna. As the princess made her round in the Suyamvara-hall, being informed of the names of kings present, so as to enable her to make her choice, she passed Duryodhana as she had passed others. But Duryodhana could not tolerate such rejection of himself. Disregarding all the kings present, he commanded that 'maiden of excellent beauty' to stop and seizing her hand took her up on his car (ratha) and brought her to the City called after Elephant' viz. Hastinapura.1 Akrodhana, son of Ayutanayi and Kama, married Karambha--the daughter of the king of Kalinga. Their fourth descendant was Matinara who performed a sacrifice (yajna), said to be efficacious, on the banks of the Saraswati for twelve long years. On the conclusion of the sacrifice, Saraswati appearing in person before the king, chose him for her husband. The king begot on her a son named Tamsu, who married the princess of Kalinga and begot upon her a son named Ilina. This llina, according to the Mahabharata, was the father of Dushyanta and grandfather of Bharata.? The country of the Kalingas has been mentioned to have been vanquished at different times by Sahadeva, 1. For this derivation see present Author's work 'Hastinapura' 2. Adi parvan, Ch. 95, p. 213 (Ray). 3. Udyoga parvan, 23, 708 Sorensen) ; 22, p. 53 (Ray) ; 60, 1997 (Sorensen); 49, p. 183 (Ray). For Personal & Private Use Only

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AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA Koishna,' Bhima, Sik handi, Jayadratha,4 Karna," Dronacharya and Rama Jamadagni.? Bhima while out on a digvijaya attacked the king of Vanga. "And having vanquished king Samudrasena and king Chandrasena and Tamralipta and also the king of the Karvatas and the ruler of Suhma and also the kings that dwelt on the seashore that 'Bull among the Bharatas' then conquered all the Malechha tribes dwelling in the marshy regions on the (eastern) sea-coast, and received tributes and various kinds of wealth and sandal wood and aloes and clothes and gems and pearls and blankets and gold and silver and valuable carols.'8 Before the great Mahabharata war began, the Pandavas enlisted the king of the Kalingas among the princes to whom invitations were to be sent to fight on their side. The king of the Kalingas however joined the side of the Kurus,10 and has been mentioned quite a number of times in the army of Duryodhana!--very frequently playing most important roles in the battle-field. The king of the Kalingas was placed at the neck of the 'Formation' (Garuda-vyuha) under the supervision of Bhishma" and at another time, under the supervision of Drona.13 The 1. Udyoga, 48, 1883 (Sor); 47, p. 174 (Ras) ; Drona, 11, 397 (Sor). 2. Udyoga, 50, 1986 (Sor); 49, p. 183 (Ray). 3. Udyoga, 50, 2002 (Sor) ; 49, p. 184 (Ray). 4. Udyoga, 62, 2426. 5. Karna parvan, 8, 237 (Sor) ; Vana parvan, Ch, 252, p. 756 (Ray). 6. Drona, 4, 122 (Sor). 7. Drona, 70, 24:6 (Sor). 8. Sabha, Sec. 30, p. 85 (Ray). 9. Udyoga, 4. 87 (Sorensen). 10. Udyoga, 94, p. 292 (Ray). 11. Udyoga, 95, 3403 (Sor); Bhishma, 16, 54 & 17, 58 (Sor). 12. Bbishma, 54, 2409 (Sor). 13. Drona, 7, 179 ; 20, 798 (Sor). For Personal & Private Use Only

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TRADITIONAL HISTORY OF KALINGA 97 Kalinga-king also decided to protect Jayadratha when he was vowed to be killed by Arjuna.? The king of the Kalingas fought with Arjuna, 2 Bhimasena, 3 Satyaki, Abhimanyu, Dhrishtadyumna, Nakula? and many other heroes of fame on the side of the Pandavas. Below is given a description of the fight between the ruler of the Kalingas and mighty Bhimasena which Sanjaya described to Dhritarashtra : 48 "Urged by thy son (Duryodhana), O Great King ! the mighty king of the Kalingas, accompanied by a large army, advanced towards Bhima's car (ratha ). And, Bhimasena then supported by the Chedis rushed towards that large and mighty army of the Kalingas, abounding with cars, steeds and elephants, armed with mighty weapons, and advancing towards him with Ketumat, the son of the king of the Nishadas. srutayus, also, excited with wrath, accountred in mail, followed by his troops in battle-array, and accompanied by king Ketumat came before Bhima in battle......... Then the Chedis, the Matsyas, and the Karushas with Bhima at their head and with many kings, advanced impetuously towards the Nishadas. And, then commenced the battle, fierce and terrible, between the warriors rushing at one another for desire of slaughter... ........ Displaying their manliness to the best of. their powers, the mighty Chedis abandoning Bhimasena turned back but not the son of Pandu. Indeed, 1. Drona, 74, 2629 (Sor). 2. Drona, 93, 3369 ; Karna, 17, 671 (Sor). 3. Drona, 155, 6703 (Sor). 4. Drona, 141, 5851 (Sor). 5. Drona, 46, 1884 (Sor). 6. Karpa, 22, 864 (Sor). 7. Karna, 22, 882 (Sor). 8. Bhishma, Ch. 54, pp. 197 f (Ray). 13 For Personal & Private Use Only

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98 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA the mighty Bhimasena, from the terrace of his car, covered the division of the Kalingas with showers of sharp arrows. Then, that mighty bowman, the king of the Kalingas, and that car warrior, his son known by the name of Sakradeva, both began to strike the son of Pandu with their shafts ...... Sakradeva, shooting in that battle innumerable arrows slew Bhimasena's steeds with them...... But the mighty Bhimasena staying on his car, whose steeds had been slain, hurled at Sakradeva a mace made of the hardest iron. And slain by that mace, the son of the ruler of the Kalingas fell down from his car on the ground with his standard and his charioteer. Then, that mighty car-warrior, the king of the Kalingas, beholding his own son slain, surrounded Bhimasena on all sides with many thousands of cars......quickly hurled at him 14-headed darts whetted on stone. The mighty-armed son of Pandu, however, fearlessly cut it into fragments in a trice with the help of scimitars ....... and beholding Bhanumat (Prince of the Kalingas) rushed at him........ and shouted very loudly...... so that the army of the Kalingas became filled with fear ...... Then, Bhimasena impetuously jumped upon Bhanumat's excellent elephant with the help of the animal's tusks and cut the prince into two by his sword. Having thus slain the prince of the Kalingas, he descended upon the neck of the elephant, struck its head off and that best of elephants fell down with a loud roar...... Then, beholding Srutayus at the head of the Kalinga troops, Bhimasena rushed at him. And seeing him advancing, the ruler of the Kalingas, of immeasurable soul, pierced Bhimasena in his chest with nine arrows ..... on which he (Bhimasen) blazed up with wrath like fire fed with fuel ......mounted on a car offered by Asoka, the best of charioteers......and drawing his bow with great strength, slew the ruler of the Kalingas with seven shafts made wholly For Personal & Private Use Only

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TRADITIONAL HISTORY OF KALINGA of iron. And with two shafts he slew thet wo mighty protectors of the car-wheels of the Kalinga-ruler. And he also despatched Satyadeva and Satya to the abode of Yama. Of immeasurable soul, Bhima, with many sharp arrows and long shafts, caused Ketumat to repair unto Yama's abode. Thereupon the Kshatriyas of the Kalinga country, excited with rage and supported by many thousands of combatents, encountered the wrathful Bhimasena in battle. And armed with darts, maces, scimitars, lances, swords and battle axes, the Kalingas, in hundreds upon hundreds surrounded Bhimasena......and thus heroic Bhima of terrible powers repeatedly felled large bands of the Kalingas ...... Then the might-armed Bhima scimitars in hand and filled with delight blew his conch of terrible loudness ...... and caused the hearts of all the Kalinga-troops to quake with fear and they fled away in all directions. When however they were rallied again, the Commander of the Panlava army Dhoishtadyumna ordered his troops to fight with them...Bhima, Vrikodar and Dhtishtadyumna furiously encountered the Kalingas in battle and began to slay the enemy. They caused a river to flow there of bloody current mingled with the blood and flesh of the warriors born in the country of Kalinga. Satyaki, the tiger. among the Yadus, of prowess incapable of being baffled, gladdening Bhimasena, said unto him--"By good luck the king of the Kalingas and Ketumat, the prince of the Kalingas, Chakradeva also of that country and all the Kalingas have been slain in battle. With the might and prowess of thy arms, by thee alone, has been crushed the very large division of the Kalingas which abounded in elephants, steeds, cars, noble warriors and heroic combatants." The king of the Kalingas was among rulers who went For Personal & Private Use Only

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100 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA to attend the Rajasuya sacrifice performed by Yudhishthira in Khandvaprastha. In the Karna parvan, it is stated that the Karaskaras, the Mahishakas, the Kalingas, the Keralas, the Karkotakas, the Virakas and other peoples are of no religion and that one should avoid them always. It is stated further that a Rakshasa woman of giagantic hips spoke unto, a Brahmana who on a certain occasion went to that country for bathing in a sacred river and passed a single night there. The regions are named as 'the Arattas'. The people residing there are called the Vahikas. The lowest Brahmanas are said to be residing there from very remote times. But they are described as without the Vedas and without knowledge, without sacrifice and without the power to assist at other's sacrifice. They are all fallen and many amongst them have been begotten by Sudras upon other people's girls. The gods never accept any gift from them. Karna tells Salya :-"In former days, a chaste woman was abducted by robbers hailing from Aratta (Kalinga). Sinfully was she voilated by them, upon which she cursed them--'since ye have sinfully violated a helpless woman who is not without a husband, therefore the women of your families shall become unchaste.' It is for this, concludes Karna, that the sister's sons of the Arattas and not their own sons, become their heirs." At another place in the same chapter, there is found a statement that the Kauravas with the Panchalas, the Salvas, the Matsyas, the Naimishas, the Kosalas, the Kasapaundras, the Kalingas, the Magadhas and the Chedis are all highly 1. Karna parvan, 44, pp. 155-6 (Ray), 2. Karna parvan, 45, p. 157 (Ray). For Personal & Private Use Only

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TRADITIONAL HISTORY OF KALINGA 101 blessed and know what the eternal religion is. Hence, within a few verses of each other two contradicting statements are met with in the Mahabharata, regarding the social and religious condition of the Kalingas. But Kalinga was essentially considered to be a virtuous country. For we find the Pandava heroes visiting it on pilgrimage. Below is given a description of one of their such visits' :-"Accompanied by his brothers the valient prince (Yudhishthira) proceeded by the shore of the sea towards the land where the Kalinga tribe dwells. Through it passeth the river Vaitarni, on the bank whereof even the god of Virtue performed religious rites having first placed himself under the protection of the celestials. Verily this is the northern bank inhabited by saints, suitable for the performance of religious rites, beautified by a hill and frequented by persons of the regenerate caste. This spot (in holiness) rivals the path whereby a virtuous man, fit for going to Heaven, repairs to the region inhabited by gods. And verily at this spot, in former times, other saints like. wise worshipped the immortals by the performance of religious rites. And at this very spot, it was that the god Rudra seized the sacrificial beast and exclaimed :-"This is my share'. When the beast was carried away by Siva, the gods spoke to him :-Cast not a covetous glance at the property of others disregarding all the righteous rules'. Then they addressed words of glorification and of a pleasing kind to the god Rudra. And they satisfied him by offering a sacrifice and paid him suitable honours. Thereupon the god Rudra gave up the beast and went by the path trodden by the gods. Influenced by the dread of Rudra, the gods set apart for ever-more the best allotments out of all shares such as was fresh and not stale (to be appreciated by that 1. Vana parvan, Ch. 114, p. 352 (Ray). For Personal & Private Use Only

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102 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA god). Whosoever performs his ablutions at this spot, while reciting this ancient story, beholds with his mortal eyes the path that leads to the region of the gods. Then all the sons of Pandu and likewise the daughter of Drupada, all of whom were the favoured of fate, descended the river Vaitarni and made liberations to the manes of their fathers. Having taken a bath there in a proper form Yudhishthira exclaims: --How great is the force of a pious deed. I seem to touch no more the region inhabited by mortal men. I am beholding all the regions. And this is the noise of the magnanimous dwellers of the wood who are reciting their audible prayers.' The Mahabharata mentions the Utkalas as people who were vanquished by Karna for Duryodhana. They are combined with the Mekalas and the Kalingas.3 Similarly, the Odras or the Udras are also mentioned as a people who waited upon Yudhishthira. They were defeated by Sahadeva along with the Keralas while on a digvijayab and were present at the Rajasuya sacrifice performed by Yudhishthira, along with the Pundras. During the Kurukshetra war they joined the side of the Pandavas.? The references to Kalinga, Utkala and Oora in the Mahabharata clearly indicate that these territories were well-known and recognized as separate political units and as such they had inter-state relations with other political units of the country. 1. Drona parvan, 4, 122 (Sor). 2. Bhishma, 9, 348 (Sor). 3. Karpa, 22, 882 (Sor). 4. Sabha, 51, 1843 (Sor). 8. Sabha, 31, 1174 (Sor). 6. Vana, 51, 1988. (Sor). 7. Bhishma, 50, 2084 (Sor) For Personal & Private Use Only

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TRADITIONAL HISTORY OF KALINGA 103 BAUDHAYANA DHARMA SUTRA The Baudhayana Dharma Sutral mentions different countries and nations in a certain order which is quite significant. The country between the river Indus and the Vidharani (viz. Yamuna), where black deer roam, is regarded as the Aryan country proper where religious rites were to be performed. The Avantis, the Angas, the Magadhas, the Saurashtras, the Dakshinapathas, the Upavsits, the Sindhus and the Sauviras are regarded as of mixed origin. The commentator states before the beginning of this Sutra that after the country between the Indus and the Yamuna begins the Mlechchha country, The actual commentary on Sutra 29 states that in these countries there is no arrangement or regulation with regard to women. In Avanti customs approved by the Aryans are not prevalent. So the people of southern Bihar along with those of south-west Malva, Kathiawar, western India and Sindh formed a belt of the Mlechchha countries around the provinces inhabited by the Aryans and were gradually coming within the pale of Aryan civilization in the period of which the Baudhayana Dharma Sutra speaks. The people of the countries lying to the south, east and west of this belt were still untouchables. The commentator states before beginning the Sutra that 'certain countries should not be entered'. In the Sutra itself we are informed that any one who goes to the countries of the Arattas, the Karaskaras, the Pundras, the Sauviras, the Vangas and the Kalingas has to perform the Sarvaprishti sacrifice (in order to purify bimself of the sin of visiting these non-Aryan countries). In the next Sutra we are informed that whosoever goes to the Kalinga country commits sin with his feet and must perform the Vaisvanariya Ishti. Such was the 1. I. i, 29-3}. For Personal & Private Use Only

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104 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA case in so far as the Kalinga country was concerned, that is a person going there could expiate by performing a sacrifice, but in the case of other Arattas (viz. the people of Pundra, Sauvira and Vanga etc.) the sin arose even if an Aryan spoke or sat together with them. The people of eastern Bengal, northern Bengal and Kalinga were therefore regarded, in the time of the Sutras, as belonging to the Mlechchhas and as being altogether out of the pale of the Aryan civilization. But among them the people and the country of Kalinga obtained a slight preference. So while the people of Bengal were regarded as untouchables and were not to be spoken to or touched by an Aryan, the people of Kalinga were not treated so. We have, however, no means to determine for what reasons the Aryans condescended to confer this distinction on the dark Dravidians of Kalinga. Though the country of Kalinga has been regarded as an impure one yet it was frequented by Aryans, since during the Epic Age, our heroes of the Mahabharata are clearly mentioned to have visited this country. There was also considerable Brahmana population in the country of the Kalingas as is clear from the Asokan inscriptions and also from various references in the Mahabharata itself. PANINI'S ASHTADHYAYI Kalinga was certainly known to Panini and in his memorable work--the Ashtadhyayi, he groups together Anga, Vanga, Kalinga, Pundra etc.? Probably the boundaries of Kalinga and Magadha touched each other in those days." He mentions Kalinga as a Janapada with 1. IV, 1, 70; Cf. II, 4, 62 ; Qtd. Barnett, CHI, Vol I, p. 60. 2. V. 8. Agarwala-India A3 Kpown to Panini, pp. 37 & 60, For Personal & Private Use Only

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TRADITIONAL HISTORY OF KALINGA 105 a monarchy. This view appears to be quite correct since in the Mahabharata the term 'King of the Kalingas' definitely carries the sense that the Kalingas were a tribe. The name was, however, given to the country also in which that tribe lived. Further, Panini refers to Taitila-kadru" which is mentioned after pare-valava (viz., a mare from across the Indus) and may have denoted a tawny-coloured mare of the Taitila country. Kautilya refers to horses imported from Taitila.3 The Mahabharata refers to horses of partiridge colour as tittirakalmasha, which seems to be an equivalent of taitila-kadru. These horses came from the Uttara-Kuru region (viz., North of Pamir in Central Asia). The Taitila Janapada may, therefore, be looked for in the neighbourhood of that region. But according to mediaeval lexicons, Taitila was synonymous with Kalingas which may be identified with Fitilgarh situated in the south of of the Sambalapur district in Orissa. In this case Panini's taitila-kadru would refer to some tawny-coloured material produced in Kalinga, probably rhinoceros hides. KAUTILYA'S ARTHASASTRA Kalinga is mentioned several times in the Kautilya Arthasastra. In the Maurya army, there was a separate Department of Elephants. It looked to the business of recruiting elephants from various places and kept them in specially managed forests and preserves. In the first 1. Agarwala, op. cit. 2. VI, 2, 42; Qtd. Agarwala op. cit. 3. Arthasastra, II, 30. 4. Sabha parvan, 28. 6, 19, 5. Nanartharnava, II, 891 ; Vaijayanti p. 37, verse. 26. Qtd. Agarwala, op. cit. 6. Cf. Agarwala, op. cit. 14 For Personal & Private Use Only

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106 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA place, Kalinga finds a reference as one of the countries which produced the best type of elephants. Kautilya mentions that a touch-stone meant for testing the purity of gold, silver etc., should be soft and of shining splendour, and the touch-stone of the Kalinga country, with the colour of green beans, is the best." He further states that the root Kalingaka is poisonous, just as snakes and worms kept in pots are the group of poison. Commentator tells us that Kalingaka was a product of the country of Kalinga and was like barley in shape. The Arthasastra goes on to record the production of the best type of cotton fabric (Karpasika) which was imported from Madura, Aparaiita, Kalinga, Kasi, Vanga, Vatsa and Mahisa.This feature of Kalinga is borne out by Tamil word "kalingam' for cotton cloth, which probably had the original significance of cotton cloth of a particular kind and later on extended as a general name for all cotton stuff. The Indravanaka hill in the Kalinga country was famous for yielding the best type of diamonds. 1. "Kalinanga gaja freshtha prachyascbedikarus jah Dasarnaschaparantascha dvipanam madhyama matah Saurashtrikah panchanadastesham pratyavarah smatah Sarvesbam karmana virys javastejascha vardhate" (Kautilya, Bk II, Ch. II). 2. "Sakesgrah snigdho mridurbhajishnuscha nikasharagah Sreshtha Kalingakastayipashano va mugdavarno nikashah sreshthah" (Kautilya, Bk II, Ch. XII). 3, "Kalakutavatsanamabalahalameshasbtingamustakushpamabavish. avellitakagaurardrabalakarmakatabaimavatakalingakadaradakankolas arakoshtrakadivi vishani sarpah kitascha ta ova kumbhogatah visbavargah" (Kautilya, Bk II, Ch. XVII) 4. Qtd. Barnett--CHI, Vol. I, p. 601. 5. JBORS, III, 1922, p. 3. B, R. K. Mookerji, CGMT, 1952, p. 210. For Personal & Private Use Only

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TRADITIONAL HISTORY OF KALINGA 107 The law-books of Manu classify the Odras with the natives of Pundra and the Dravidians as degraded Kshatriyas.' MANI MEKHALAI According to the Tamil work Mani Mekhalai, the heroine, who had lost her husband, is said to have caused the destruction of the city of Madura by fire. Once the city-godess, Madurapati, is fabled to have appeared before her and related the following story about her previous birth :-Two princes, cousins by birth and ruling respectively in Simhapur and Kapila, in the fertile country of the Kalingas, fell fighting against each other in great hatred. This was between Vasu and Kumara, for these were the names of the princes, left the country desolate for six gavudas (Leagues) and made it impossible for any body to approach on account of the prevalence of the war. A merchant Sangama by name, with his wife, eager after profit, went to Simhapura to sell jewellery and other articles of sale. In the course of his business, he was arrested by Bharata--a police officer of the king and was shown up in the court as a spy. Under royal orders, he was beheaded and his wife bewailing the unfortunate death of her husband put an end to her own life by throwing herself from the top of a hill. It is the curse that she invoked at the moment of her death that has now resulted in the mishap of your husband." THE BRIHATSAMHITA The Bsihatsamhita of Varahmihira mentions the Kalingas at several places. In the chapter entitled 'GrahaBhakti-Yoga', the countries of Odra and Kalinga as well as 1. X. 44. 2. S.K. Iyangar-Mani Mekhalai in its Historical Setting, p. 187. For Personal & Private Use Only

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108 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA the people of Kalinga are mentioned as being under the direct influence of the Sun.2 The rivers Mahanadi, Son, Narmada, Vetravati, Sipra, Godavari, Vena (Ksishna) and Indus, the mountains Vindhya and Malaya, and the people of Chola, Dravida etc., are said to be under the influence of the son of Vasudeva viz. Mangala (the Mars). When Bhauma is defeated by Sasija or the Budha, the people of Kalinga along with those of Surasena or Mathura and the Salvas are troubled. When Sukra (the Jupitar) is over-powered by Guru or Brihaspati then the the people of Kalinga, Vanga, Kosala, Vatsa (Vainsa or Kosambi), Matsya (Alwar state) and those of the Madhya-desa (viz. central Uttara Pradesa) are very much troubled. The people of Odra are mentioned along with the Tanganas, the Andhras, the Vahlikas, and the Kasis as the people who are troubled when sukra (the Jupitar) overpowers Sanaischara (the Saturn). The Btihatsamhita being a work on astrology, no arrangement or order can be expected among countries or nations under the influence of any particular planet. The conclusion, however, is irresistible that the various references to Kalinga, Odra etc., clearly indicate that these 1. Original - "Prangnarmadarddba sonodravangasuhmah kalingavablikah Saknyavanamagadhasavara pragjyoti va chinakambojah Mekalakiratakitaka vahirantah Sailaja pulindascha Dravidanam pragaddba dakshinakulai cha yamunayah Champodumbara kausambichedivindhyatavikalingascha Pundragolangulasriparvatavarddhamanati" Brihatsambita, Banaras, 1895, Vol. X, Port I, p. 36 (xvi, 1-3); Qtd. Banerji, H.O., Vol. I, p. 55. 2. XVI, 9-11 ; Qtd, Banerji, op. cit. 3. XVII, 13. 4. XVII, 22. 5. XVII, 25. 1,11.0., vol. I, p. 56. For Personal & Private Use Only

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TRADITIONAL HISTORY OF KALINGA 109 territories were well-known and recognized as separate political units and had some sort of inter-state relations with other political units in the country. THE BUDDHIST LITERATURE Kalingaratha (Kalinga-rashtra) bas been mentioned in the Buddhist literature as one of the seven' political divisions during the time of the mythical king Renu. It bas been given the first place in the list. It was ruled by king Sattabhu with his capital at Dantapur. This is further corroborated by the evidence of the Mahagovinda Suttantawhich mentions king Sattabhu of Kalinga as a contemporary of king Renu of Mithila and of Dattaratta (Dhtitarashtra) king of Kasc, who are mentioned in the Satapatha Brahmana. Taking into account the evidence of the Kumbhakara Jataka, a certain king Karandu of Kalinga must be considered to have been a contemporary of king Nimi of Videha, king. Nagnajita of Gandhara and king Bhima of Vidarbha, who are often mentioned in the Brahmanas. This is again corroborated by the evidence of Jaina work--the Uttradhayana Sutra. But the name of the king of Kalinga mentioned here is Karakandu. It follows from the above that the kingdom of Kalinga too was is existence in the time of king Nimi and his contemporaries of the Brahmana period. Thus, there can be little doubt that Kalinga existed as an independent kingdom in the time of which the Brahmanas speak. 1. The seven divisions of the kingdom are named: Kalinga, Assaka, Avanti, Sovira, Videha, Anga and Kasi, Their capitals were Dantapura, Potana, Mabissati, Roruka, Mithila, Champa, and Varanasi respectively. 2. Digha Nikaya, II, pp. 235f; also Mahavastu, III, p. 208. It mentions a king Uggata of Dantapura, III, pp. 364f. 3. Dialogues of tha Buddha, II, 27. 4. XIII. 5, 4, 22. 5. Cowell, Jataka, III, pp. 228-32 & 376. 6. J. C. Jain, LAI, p. 252. For Personal & Private Use Only

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110 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA The Sarabhanga Jataka' refers to a time when Kasi was just an independent kingdom and existed, side by side, with the kingdom of king Dandaki. The city of Kumbhavati was his capital. He was a powerful monarch, so that his supermacy was freely acknowledged by Kalinga--the king of the land of the Kalingas (Kalinga-raja). King Kalinga is described as one of the lords of subordinate kingdoms (Antara-rattha-adhipatino). Name of the capital city of king Kalinga at that time is not mentioned. But the Jataka contains a pathetic story of the dire calamity that befell the Dandaka kingdom and brought utter destruction upon it. It indicates a turning point in the political history of ancient India, because in subsequent chapters of the same Jataka, the annals of the rise and influence of the Kasi empire can be traced. The Budhha's birth-story, given in the Mahagovinda Suttanta, may hence be taken to be an annal of the full flowering of the Kasc empire with Kalinga, Asvaka, Avanti, Sauvira, Videha and Anga as the six subordinate kingdoms under it. Kalinga is, however, not included in the list of sixteen Maha-Janapadas enumerated in the Anguttara Nikaya," but is found mentioned in the extended list of the Niddesa. The Digha Nikaya, one of the earliest Buddhist works, mentions Dantapura as the capital of the Kalingas and the same is reproduced in the Mahavastu in a very incorrect form. It proves that, at the time when the four Nikayas were put into their present form, it was believed that before the Buddha the distribution of power in northern and eastern India had been different from what it afterwards became. 1. Fausbell's No. 622. 2. I, 2, 13. 3. II, 37. 4. Qtd, Rapson-CHI, Vol. I, pp. 172-3. For Personal & Private Use Only

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TRADITIONAL HISTORY OF KALINGA 111 Kalinga is referred to more than once in the Mahavastul as an important kingdom. Renu, son of king Disampati of Kalinga, was once compelled at the instigation of Mahagovinda--the son of the family priest, to cede the six provinces of his father's empire viz., Kalinga, Pattana, Mahesavati, Varanasi, Roruka and Mithila to the refractory nobles. Brahmadatta, a wicked king, once reigned in Kalinga. He used to have Brahmanas and Sramanas invited to his palace and then get then devoured by wild animals. Dealing with a previous birth-story of the three Kasyapa brothers, who are counted among the first converts and disciples of the Buddha, the Mahavastu' relates how they were born in previous birth as three half-brothers of the previous Buddha Pushpa (or Pushya), and reigned together amicably in the city of Simhapura in Kalinga. Dantapura, which is also referred to by Hieun Tsang in the seventh Century A.D., was probably one of the capital cities of Kalinga, where ruled a king by name Nalikala at that time. The alphabet of the Kalinga country is referred to in the Lalitavistara as having been mastered by the Bodhisattva. The Bodhisattva-Avadana Kalpalata mentions a country named Khandadipa burnt by the king of Kalinga, The country of Kalinga was noted for its manufacture of fine muslins.? A later tradition states that after the Buddha's death, a Tooth was taken from among his Relics and 1. III, pp. 204 f. 2. III, p. 361. 3. III, pp. 432-3. 4. JII, p. 361. 5. pp. 125-6. 6. VIII, p. 27. 7. Cosmos de Koros-Asiatic Researches, XX, pp. 85 & 317; Cunningham, AGI, p. 519. 8. Buddhavamsa, XXVIII, p. 6. For Personal & Private Use Only

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112 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA placed in Kalinga where it was worshipped. From Kalinga, the Tooth was brought to Ceylon in the time of king Siri Meghavanna (Meghavahana ?) by Hemamala--daughter of Guhasiva, the king of Kalinga, and her husband Dantakumara, a prince of the Ujjeni royal house. In Ceylon, the Tooth became the palladium of the Simhalese kings. The Jatakas contain various references to Kalinga. There was once a great draught in Dantapura and the king, acting on the advice of his ministers, sent Brahmins to the king of the Kuru country to beg the loan of his Royal Elephant-Anjana-vasabha, who was credited with the powers of producing rains. On this occasion, however, the elephant failed. But the Kalinga king hearing of the virtues practised by the king and the people of Kuru, offered them himself, upon which rains fell.2 Another king of Kalinga was a contemporary of Aruna, the Assaka king of Potali. The Kalinga king, in his eagerness for a fight, picked a quarrel with Aruna but was worsted in battle and had to surrender his four daughters with dowries to Aruna. 8 The Kalingabodhi Jataka relates the story of another ruler of Kalinga. The Kalinga king of Dantapura had two sons-Mahakalinga and Chullakalinga. Sooth-sayers foretold that the younger son would be an ascetic, but would also become a Chakravartin. Knowing this prophecy, Chullakalinga became so arrogant that Mahakalinga, on coming to the throne, had to order for his arrest. At this Chullakalinga fled to Himava and lived there as an ascetic. Near his hermitage lived the king and queen of Madda (Madra) 1. Chulavamsa, XXXVII, p. 92. 2. Kurudhamma Jataka, II, p. 367 ; also Dhamma-Padattha Katha, IV, pp. 88 f. A similar story is related in the Vessantara Jataka (VI, p. 47) where the Kalinga Brahmins ask for and ebtain Vessantara's White Elephant that he may stay the draught in Kalinga, 3. I taka, III, pp. 3f, For Personal & Private Use Only

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TRADITIONAL HISTORY OF KALINGA 113 who had ned, with their daughter, from their city of Sagala (modern Sialkot). Soothsayers had predicted that the princess's son would be a Chakravartin and hence all the kings of Jambudvipa sought her hand. Her parents, however, not wishing to incur the enmity of any of the kings, fled with her from the city. One day a wreath of mango.flowers, which the princess had dropped into the river, was picked up by Chullakalinga, who thereupon went in search of her. With her parent's consent, he married her. A son was born to them whom they called Kalinga, When the stars revealed that Maha kalinga had died, Kalinga was sent to a courtier in Dantapura who had been an ally of Chullakalinga. The prince's identity having duly been established, he was crowned king, and his chaplain, Kalinga-Bharadvaja, taught him the duties of a Chakravartin. Prince Kalinga has been identified with Anand and Kalinga-Bharadvaja with the Bodhisattva.1 The Kalingabodhi Jataka is repeated also in the Mahabodhivamsa in much greater details. 2 According to the Sarabhanga Jataka, a certain king of Kalingas went with two other kings, Atthaka and Bhimarattha, to ask Sarabhanga questions referring to the fate of Dandaki. There they heard the sage preach and all the three became ascetics. Another king of Kalinga was Nalikira, who, on having ill-treated a holy man, was swallowed up in the sunakha-niraya, while his country was laid waste by the gods and turned into wilderness (Kalingaranna).4 1. Malalasekera, DPPN, pp. 585-6. 2. Ibid. 8. Jataka, Vol. V, pp. 135f. 4. The Kalingiranna is referred to in the Upali-Sutta-Majjhima Nikaya, 1, 378. The story is related in Jataka (V. 144), and in greater details in Papancha Sudani, Majjhima Commentary, II, pp. 602f, 15 For Personal & Private Use Only

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114 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA The Pali texts mention Kalingaranna, which might denote the jungles far inland on the Amarakantaka range in which the Narbada rises and which is situated in the western portion of Kalinga. Pargitar suggests that the tribes inhabiting these jungles must have been under the suzerainty of the kings of Kalinga. There is another reference in the Buddhist literature which gives us a glimpse as to the division of Kalinga into two kingdoms, while in regard to its general features, it appears to support the description of the country found in the Mahabharata also. According to the Ceylon Chronicle Mahavainsa, the mother of prince Vijaya, the great conqueror of Ceylon, was a princess of Bengal. But her mother was a daughter of the king of Kalinga. She was banished by her father on account of her lascivious waywardness. She, hence, left the country in the company of a caravan of merchants bounded for Magadha. While they were yet on the way passing through the country of Ladha (Radha or western Bengal), they were set upon by a furious Simha. The party scattered in fear and the princess fled, as did the rest, for life. Incidently she took the path by which the Simha was coming so that he found the princess. He was so much charmed of her beauty that he carried her away and begot on her a son and a daughter. Sihabahu (Simhabahu) was the name of their son and was called so because of the peculiar feature that he had the arms of a lion. Simhabahu, later on, became the father of prince Vijaya. In his later days, the Siinha grew very much troublesome to the frontiers of the kingdom of Bengal and so Simhabahu, at the instigation of his maternal grandfather, killed him (viz., the Simha). In the meanwhile, Simhabahu's uncle married his mother and became the ruler of Bengal. In order, probably, to divert the attention of For Personal & Private Use Only

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TRADITIONAL HISTORY OF KALINGA 115 his nephew from him and his newly-seized kingdom, the uncle permitted him to clear the forest and to set up a kingdom of his own, which Simhabahu, of course, did. Thus, the kingdom of northern Kalinga is said to have come into existence. Its capital was Sihapura or Simhapura, named after its founder. This country was, probably, the forest region of Kalinga, immediately adjoining the territory of Bengal, in the lower reaches of the Ganga. It is very likely that the older kingdom, lying further south, did continue to exist, since we find the kingdom of Kalinga described in early Tamil literature as composed of two parts with their respective capitals at Kapilapura and Siinhapura.* Certain scholars interpreted the above story as involving the banishment of the Bengal princess to Lata or Gujarat (original : Ladha). Prof. R. D. Banerji, however, believes that Ladha, under reference, is the eastern Prakrit form of Radha and represents a division of the Vajjabhumi on the bank of the Son river, rather between the Son and the Ganga, what might be called in the modern terminology West Bengal.3 According to the Challa Kalinga Jataka, 4 at one time, Aruna, the king of Assaka, accepted the challenge of king Kalinga of Dantapura to war and defeated him. Later on, he married Kalinga's daughter and the relations between the two countries remained amicable. In the Hathigumpha inscription of Kharavela, it is stated that 1. It is quite probable that the village of Singur in the Hoogly district of the south-west Bengal is identical with Sinhapura. 2. Already referred to above. Soo supra, Mani Mekhalai Section, p. 107. 3. Cf. Raychaudhari, PHAI, 1950, pp. 330-31, fn ; also B. C. Law, Geographical Essays, I, 1937, pp. 49f. 4. Jataka, IIT, pp. 3.5. 5. E. I., Vol. XX, pp. 71f. For Personal & Private Use Only

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116 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA Kharavela, regardless of Satakarni, sent a large army to the west (pachhime disam) to strike terror into Asika-nagar (Assaka-nagar). B. C. Lawl thinks that the Assaka of the Chulla Kalinga Jataka, the Asika-nagar of the Hathigumpha inscription and the Assa ka of the Sutta-Nipata? are one and the same place-names. From early times, there seems to have been political intercourse between the peoples of Kalinga and Vanga. Susima, the grandmother of Vijaya, who was the founder of the Simhalese race, was a Kalinga princess and was married to the king of Vanga.3 . Friendly relations between Ceylon and Kalinga were evidently of long standing, for, we find that during the reign of Aggabodhi II (A. D. 601-11), of Ceylon, the king of Kalinga, accompanied by his queen and ministers, paid a visit to Ceylon intent on leading a life of a recluse, and joined the Order there under Jotipala. Aggabodhi and his queen treated them with great honour. The queen-consort of Mahinda IV of Ceylon was a princess from Kalinga, and Vijayabahu I also of Ceylon married a Kalinga princess Tiloka Sundari.5 We are told that princes of the Kalinga country had many times obtained the sovereignty of Ceylon and that there were many ties of relationship between the royal families of the two countries. But it was Magha, an offspring of the Kalinga kings, who did incomparable damage to Ceylon and to its religion and literature.? THE JAINA LITERATURE The earliest reference to the country of Kalinga, in 1. Early Geographical Essays, Vol. I, p. 21. 2. V, 977. 3. Mahavamsa, VI, 1 ; Dipavainsa, IX, pp. 2f. 4. Chulavamsa, XLII, pp. 44f. 5. Ibid, LIX, p. 30. 6. Ibid, LXIII, pp. 7 & 12f. 7. Ibid, LXXX, pp. 58f. For Personal & Private Use Only

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TRADITIONAL HISTORY OF KALINGA 117 the Jaina literature, is in connection with Lord Aranatha, the eighteenth Jaina Tirthankara, who received his first alms in the city of Rayapura (Rajpur), which is said to be the metropolis of that country. In the Mahabharata? too Rajpur is mentioned as the capital of Kalinga. The other reference to the country is found in connection with Lord Parsvanatha, the twenty-third Jaina Tirthankara. The story goes : "Naravarman was the king of Kusasthalapura. After him his son Prasenjit ascended the throne. Prasenjit had a very handsome daughter by name Prabhavati. When she reached an age of marriage, king Prasenjit tried his best to obtain a suitable match for her but did not succeed. One day, however, when the princess was moving in her garden, she heard some Kinnari's singing a song in praise of Parsvanatha, a very virtuous and handsome son of king Asvasena of Varanase. The Kinnaries said that the wouldbe wife of Parsva was present in that very garden and further that who could be more fortunate than that lady. That song created a longing for Parsva in the heart of Prabhavati. When the matter was reported to king Prasenjit, he decided at once to give Prabhavati to Parsva in marriage. In the meantime, this news reached the ears of the king of Kalinga who was known as "Yavana'. He got enraged at the 'news and declared in his Parishat"Who is Parsva and how can anyone else marry Prabhavati when I am alive? Who is Prasenjit to give away Prabhavati to Parsva ?" He then proceeded to Kusasthalapura with a huge army. Prasenjit, at this, sent his envoy to king Asvasena requesting for help, who, in turn, sent Parsva 1. Avagyaka Niryukti, 325. 2. Santi parvan, 4, 3, 3. Parsvanatha Charita of Sri Bhavadeva Suri. Ed : Pt. Hargovind and Pt. Bechardas, pp. 26, -70, Slokas 155f. For Personal & Private Use Only

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118 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA to check the invader and save Prasenjit. Having known the presence of Parsva in the city, however, the KalingaYavana decided not to fight and finally withdrew to his kingdom." The historicity of the above story and also the identification of the Kalinga-Yavana is not very easy in the present state of our knowledge, for, we find no corroborative evidence of such an incident in any other literary work. The country is, again, referred to in the time of Lord Mahavira, the twenty-fourth and the last Tirthankara. It is stated in the Avasyaka Niryukti that in the eleventh year of his monkship, Lord Mahavira left Savatthi (Sravasti)for Sanulatthiyagama and then proceeded towards Dadhabhumi (probably, Dalbhum in Singbhum district in Orissa)? which was a land of the Mlechchhas. From here, the Venerable Teacher went to Pedhalagama3 and stood in meditation in the garden of Pedhala, near the shrine of Palasa. He is said to have suffered extreme pains in this land.4 From here, the Teacher journeyed to Valuyagama, Subhoma (Suhuma), Suchchhetta,5 Malayagrama and Hatthasisa. At all these places, Mahavira had to suffer great tortures. Then he set out for Tosali? where he was taken to be a robber and hit hard. From here, the 1. Avasyaka Niryukti, 495. 2. Ibid, 496. 3. Ibid, 497, 4. Ibid, 498.505. 5. Ibid, 506. 6. Ibid, 507. Hatthasisa was a centre of trade and a number of sea-going merchants of this town are mentioned to have started for Kalingadvipa for trade (Nayadhammakaha, Ed: N. V. Vaidya, Poona, 1940, 17, p. 201). 7. Ibid, 508. For Personal & Private Use Only

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TRADITIONAL HISTORY OF KALINGA 119 Teacher went to Mosali, where too he was taken to be a robber, was arrested and brought to the king's court, but was released as the king of that city was a friend of Mahavira's father. On bis return journey from Mosali, Mahavira again came to Tosali. Here, again, he was caused great troubles and was on the point of being hanged when he was rescued through the timely interference of the Tosali-Kshatriyas. Then, Mahavira left for Siddhattha pura.? It is stated that when Lord Mahavira sojourned in the garden of Subhumibhaga in Saketa, he declared the following Sutras restricting the movements of Jaina monks--"The monks and nuns may wander (on preaching tour) towards the east as far as Anga-Magadha, towards the south as far as Kosambi, towards the west Thuna, and towards the north Kunala."3 Later on, king Samprati, who was a great patron of the Jaina religion, made other countries suitable for the movements of Jaina monks, and in this connection 25} countries are mentioned. The Jambudivapannatti- includes Kalinga in the list of 25} Aryan countries suitable for wandering (on preaching tours) of Jaina monks. The country of Kalinga is mentioned along with the Dravida and the Vanga. Kanchanapura was its metropolis. This city was a great centre of commerce and there is free trade mentioned between Lanka and this town. The sovereign in Kalinga, at that time, has been mentioned to be Karakandu, which name points 1. Avasyaka Niryukti, 509. 2. Ibid, 510. 3. Bribatkalpa Satra, 1, 50 ; Nisitha Churni, 16, p. 1111; Qtd. J. C. Jain, LAI, p. 25). 4. 20, p. 107. 5. Ogha Niryukti Bhashya, 30, p. 20 (a); Qtd. J. C. Jain, op. cit. 6. Vasudeva Hindi, p. 111. For Personal & Private Use Only

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120 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA towards a Dravidian origin of that king. But elsewhere in the J aina literature, mention is made of another city by name Dantapura, which finds frequent mention in the Buddhist literature. The king of Kalinga here has been named as Dantavakka.' Sylvain Levi has identified Dantapura with Poloura, also mentioned by Ptolemy, and placed it in the neighbourhood of Chicacole. About Karakandu, it is mentioned that, once king Dadhivahana ruled at Champa. His queen was Paumavai (Padmayati). When she was pregnant, she went, along with the king, for a sport in the forest on an elephant. The elephant, however, went out of control and ran into the deep forest. The king saved himself by catching hold of a branch of a banyan tree. But the queen was carried away to a far off place whence she reached Dantapura and there entered the ascetic order. In course of time, she gave birth to a prince who was named Karakandu and who ascended the throne of Kanchanapura. After a lapse of few years, in order, probably, to expand his kingdom, Karakandu waged a war upon Champa not knowing that the king of that city was his father. At this time, the nun Paumayai appeared on the scene and introduced the son to the father and thus prevented bloodshed. Later on, Dadhivahana transferred his kingdom to his son and entered the ascetic order. But the conclusion, that the kingdom of Champa was annexed to that of Kalinga, does not carry us far. - Hence the above story may not be taken too historically. Tosali has been mentioned in the Jaina literature as a centre of Jaina preachers and laity. There was a marvellous 1. Avasyaka Niryukti 1275 ; Suyagadaga 1, 6, 22 ; Qtd. J. C. Jain, op cit. 2. Pre-Buddhist India, Bombay, 1941, p. 401. 3. Avasyaka Churni, II, pp. 205f ; Uttradhyayana Sutra, 18, 46. For Personal & Private Use Only

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TRADITIONAL HISTORY OF KALINGA 121 image of god Jina, which was guarded by king Tosalika.' Mahavira arrived here from Hatthasisa and proceeded to Mosali, as has already been mentioned above. He returned to Tosali again and set out for Siddhatthapura. He was caused many troubles here. Tosali is mentioned along with Konkana where people were fond of eating fruits and vegetables and where livelihood was earned by selling fruits and flowers. There was plenty of water in this country, and so the corn was grown here by the help of river water, when there were no rains. Sometimes due to heavy rains crops failed and so Jaina monks were allowed to live on palm-fruits which grew in abundance here.* There were large number of she-buffaloes in Tosali which attacked people with their hoofs and horns. Acharya Tosali was killed by a buffalo. The country was known for its lakes (Talodaka). Cuttack and the present village Dhauli stand on a site nearby or identical with Tosali, opines Sylvain Levi.Dhauli can be taken to be identical with Tosali but not Cuttack, which stands, at the present day, about 30 miles away from the modern village Dhauli. Hatthasis, another town, probably situated in the country of northern Kalinga, has been mentioned as a centre of trade, and a number of sea-going merchants of this town are mentioned to have gone to Kalingadvipa for trade. Identification of the above town is not easy, but it must have been situated somewhere near the sea-shore. Kalingadvipa, to be more or less certain, was the name given to a certain (or many) island in the Eastern Archipelago. THE GREEK LITERATURE Important light on the history of the Kalinga people 1. Vyavabara Bhashya, 6, 115f. 2. Pre-Aryan & Pre-Dravidian, pp. 63f. 3. Nayadhammakaha, Ed. Vaidya, 1940, Poona, p. 201. 16 For Personal & Private Use Only

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122 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA is thrown by Pliny,' the classical Greek writer. From the accounts of Diodoros, Curtius and Plutarch, we know that, at the time of Alexandra's invasion, there were two very powerful peoples in the lower Gangetic valley--the Prasii (Braisioi) and the Gangaridae whose king was Xandrammes or Agrammes. The capital city of the Prasii was Palibothra or modern Patliputra, while that of the Gangaridae was Gange (?) at the mouth of the Ganges, according to the author of the Periplus of the Erythrean Sea, or at the junction of the Ganges leading to the Maga and Kambirikhon mouths respectively." Pliny adds a third important people in Eastern India at that time, namely, the Kalingas. He says :- "The tribe called the Kalingas are nearest the sea and higher up are the Mandaei and the Malli whose country is mount Mallus, boundary of all that district being the Ganges.....the final part of its course is through the country of the Gangaridae. The royal city of Kalinga is called Parthalis. Over their king, 60,000 foot soldiers, 1,000 horsemen and 7,000 elephants keep watch and ward." An alternative reading of Pliny's text makes Gangaridae-Kalinga one people having a king, a capital city and an army of their own. Pliny, further, mentions two more tribes which must have been allied with the Kalinga people proper, viz. the Macco-Kalingae (may be Mukhalingam or Mukhya Kalinga - the Main Kalinga) and the Modo-Kalingae, (may indicate the Madhya Kalinga--the Central Kalinga), both inhabiting an island in the Ganges. The capital city Parthlis of the Kalingae has been identified with Puryasthali, a big village about 20 miles from the modern Burdwan town, which is not above criticism 1. Natural History. (English trans : Philemon Holland). 2. Qtd. Law-Tribes in Ancient India, Poona, 1943, p. 100. 3. IHQ, Vol. IV, p. 35. For Personal & Private Use Only

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TRADITIONAL HISTORY OF KALINGA 123 ofcourse. In any case, from the description of Pliny it is certain that the countries of the Gangaridae and the Kalingae were adjacent territories. Pliny also mentions Trylingon or Triligpton, which has been taken to denote the three Kalingas. There is a futher mention of Dandaguda or Dandagola situated at a distance of 625 Roman (or 524 English) miles from the mouth of the Ganges. It has been identified with Dantapura, so often mentioned in the Buddhist literature. Cunningham too has suggested the same identification but placed it on the Godavari, as it was said that Calingaon stood at the mouth of a great river. In the middle of the second Century A. D., Ptolemy, the famous Greek Geographer, mentions several ports of Kalinga. Some of these ports were Palur, Naingaina, Ktikardam, Kannagar and Madaina. Palur was situated at the mouth of the river Rishikulya and was a very important port from very ancient times. According to Ptolemy, it was from this port that ships sailed for the Malaya Islands. Kannagar has been identified with modern Konarka. The other ports, however, cannot be identified on account of the changes in names though abortive attempts have frequently been made by many scholars to do so. The northern-most point in Ptolemy's map identifiable at present is Maisolos' which is the same as modern Masulipatam. There is a further mention of Orctes as a people of India by Pliny, in whose country stood mount Malues, which in other passage, he locates amongst the Monedes and the Suari. Canningham has identified the last two 1. Three Liigas, according to P. Acharya in OHRJ, Vol. I. 2. Banerji, H. o., Vol. I, p. 62. 3. Ptolemy's India, Ed. S. N. Majumdar. For Personal & Private Use Only

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124 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA peoples as Mundas and Suars and has concluded that the Oretes must be the people of Orissa (the Odras, to be more correct). B. C. Law, however, objects to this identification and says :- "We cannot definitely equate the Greek Oretes with the Sanskrit Odra or Udra or Audradesa."i But he suggests no other equation. 1. Tribes in Ancient India, p. 335. For Personal & Private Use Only

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BOOK II KALINGA UNDER THE MAGADHAN IMPERIALISM For Personal & Private Use Only

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CHAPTER IV THE NANDA RULE IN KALINGA Nandas & Kalinga The veil of darkness that enshrouds the early history of Orissa, is partially lifted in the fourth Century B. C. The puranic tradition' records that when thirty-two kings of Kalinga had reigned, Mahapadma Nanda arose and exterminated all the Kashtriyas. This evidently suggests that between the period of the Mahabharata War (11th Century B. C.) and the conquest of Northern India by Mahapadma Nanda of Magadha (4th Century B. C.), thirtytwo kings had reigned in Kalinga. Nothing much is known about these thirty-two kings, but R. D. Banerjis takes them to be forming the first dynasty of Kalinga rulers, since he believes that Emperor Kharavala of Kalinga belonged to the third dynasty of Kalinga rulers. Hence the contact of Mahapadma Nanda with Kalinga is the starting point in the historical period of Orissa's annals. A certain 'Nandaraja' is twice mentioned in the famous Hathigumpha inscription of Emperor Kharavela of Kalinga.3 The inscription, a record of events of fourteen years of the Emperor's reign, has been badly preserved. Considerable. portions of it have been damaged, so that both readings and interpretations of many a passages have become uncertain. The record, in its present state, therefore, can be used as a basis for history only with the utmost caution. 1. Vayu Purana, Chap. 99, Slokas 324, 328. 2. H. O., Vol. I., p. 59. 3. Line 6 : Nandaraja tivasasata oghatitam......panadim. Line 12 : Nandaraja nitam cha kalingajina sardivesa. For Personal & Private Use Only

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128 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA Identification of the Nandaraja Now the first problem is the identification of the Nandaraja and also the dynasty to which he belonged. K. P. Jayaswal, at one time, placed Kharavela three centuries after Nandaraja, whom he identified with Nandivardhana. According to the Jaina tradition, Nandivardhana was proclaimed king after Udayin's assassination and sixty years after the nirvana of Lord Mahavira, the twentyfourth and the last Jaina Tirtharkara. But Nandi. vardhana was a Saisunaga king and the Saisunagas do not appear to have to do anything with Kalinga at all. On the contrary, the Kalingas appear in the Puranas among the contemporaries of the Saisunagas, who were overpowered by a Nanda king with epithet Sarvakshatrantaku viz., Exterminator of all the Kshatriyas. It is not Nandivardhana but Mahapadma Nanda, who is credited to have brought the entire land under his sole sway and also uprooted all the Kshatriyas-rather the old reigning houses. We should, hence, identify 'Nandaraja' of the Hathigumpha inscription, who held possession of Kalinga, with all-conquering Mahapadma Nanda--the founder ruler of the Nanda dynasty. Dr. B. M. Barua,on the other hand, objects to the identification of Nandaraja with a king of the pre-Mauryan Nanda line on grounds that in the Asokan inscriptions it is claimed very clearly that Kalinga remained unconquered (avijita) till the seventh year of Asoka's reign. But such claims of the Mauryan Secretariat are perfectly at par with the Gupta boasts. Samudragupta, for instance, has been 1. Parisishta parvan, VI, 243. 2. Raychaudhari, PHAI, p. 233. 3. Vayu Purana, chap. 99, Slokas 320-328. IHQ, Vol. XIV, 1938, pp. 259f. For Personal & Private Use Only

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THE NANDA RULE IN KALINGA 129 called 'Ajitarajajeta' viz., conquerer of unconquered kings. The term avijita may, therefore, simply refer to the fact that Kalinga was not included within the limits of Asokan vijita empire (Rajavishaya viz., Royal dominions). Such claims, if taken too literarily, will appear to have very little of substance in them. The suggestion of Prof. Rapson" that Nandaraja may have been a local ruler of Kalinga, is negatived by the internal and positive evidence in the Hathigumpha inscription itself. The passage meaning that 'Nandaraja came and took away the image of Kalinga-Jina' proves at the very face of it that he was an outsider and did not belong to the Kalinga country. Otherwise the question of his taking away the image of Jina could not arise at all. Secondly a post-Asokan neo-Nanda line of Magadha is also unknown to any historian.* Mahapadma Nanda The personal name or epithet of the founder and the greatest of all the rulers of the Nanda dynasty was Mahapadma or Mahapadmapati meaning 'Sovereign of an infinite host or of immense wealth', according to the Puranas, 6 and Ugrasena i.e. Possessor of a terrible army, according to the Mahabodhivainsa--the Buddhist work. The Puranas 1. J. Allan,--Catalogue of the Gupta Coins, p. cx. In the later mediaeval period, Emperor Jahangir boasts that not even one of the Sultans of lofty dignity had obtained a victory over Kangra (Rogers, Tuzuk, II, 181 ; also ASIAR, 1905-6, p. 1l). 2. CHI, Vol. I, p. 538. 3. Original : Nandaruja nitain cha kalingajina sanivesa'. 4. A later Nanda or Nandodbhava line is, however, known to Epigraphy. But it ruled in Orissa itself, and hence the question of taking away the image of Kalinga.Jina to Magadha could not arise in this case (E. I., Vol. XXI, App. 2043). 5. Vishnu Purana (Trans. Wilson), Vol. IX, p. 184, fn, 6. p. 98. Cf. also Mababodhivamsa Tika, pp. 177-79, 17 For Personal & Private Use Only

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130 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA describe him as a son of Mahanandin, the last king of the Saisunaga dynasty by a Sadra woman (Sidra-garbha-odbhava). The Buddhist works call the first Nanda, Mahapadma, as a bandit who captured the throne.' The Jaina Parisishta Parvano represents him as the son of a courtesan (ganika) by a barbar (napita-kumara or napitasuta) and this is strikingly confirmed by the accounts of the Greek writer Curtius.3 He states that "His (Agrammes's)* father was in fact a barbar scarcely staving off hunger by his daily earning, but who, from his being not uncomely in person, had gained the affection of the queen and was by her influence advanced to too near a place in the confidence of the reigning monarch. Afterwards, however, he treacherously murdered the sovereign, and then, under the pretext of acting as guardian to the royal children, usurped the supreme authority, and having put the young princes to death, begot the present king. It may, however, be noted that the Parisishta Parvan5 relates a story that the deposed Nanda king (Dhana Nanda, 1. According to the Buddhist literature, nine Nanda kings, called the Navananda, reigned in India after the dynasty of Kalasoka and his son (Mahavamsa, V, 15). The first of the Navananda dynasty was a bandit who captured the throne. The names of these rulers are given in the Mahabodhivalinga (p. 98. For further details see Mahabodhivanga Tika pp. 177-79) as follows :Uggasena Nanda, Panduka Nanda, Pandugati Nanda, Bhutapala Nanda, Ratthapala Nanda, Govisanaka Nanda, Dasasiddbaka Nanda, Kevatta Nanda and Dhana Nanda. The last was killed by Chanddagutta with the help of Chanakka and his throne was seized. The nine Nandas together reigned for twenty-two years. Qtd Malalasekera, DPPN, II, p. 15. 2. p. 46. Text, VI, 231-32 and 244. 3. Mo Crindle-The Invasion of India by Alexander, p. 222. 4. The name Aggrammes and later on Xandrames is probably a distorted form of Sanskrit Augrasainy i.e. son of Ugrasena, the first of the nine Nanda kings. For full discussion see Raychaudhari, PHAI, p. 233, fn. 2. 5. VIII, 320. For Personal & Private Use Only

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THE NANDA RULE IN KALINGA 131 the last ruler) was allowed by Chanakya to leave his kingdom carrying with him all that he could place in one chariot (ratha). Accordingly, he put his two wives and a daughter in his carriage and loaded it with some treasure. While they were ready to move, the girl saw Chandragupta and fell in love with him, whereupon the ex-Nanda ruler allowed her to marry Chandragupta, because it is customary for Kshatriya girls to marry according to their choice'.? This seems to imply that the Nanda king was still claiming himself to be a Kshatriya. The Nanda army was a powerful fighting machine, and we are told by the classical Greek and Latin writers that the last king of the line "kept in the field for guarding the approaches of his kingdom twenty thousand cavalry and two hundred thousand infantry, besides two thousand four-horsed chariots, and what was the most formidable force of all, a troop of elephants which ran up to the number of three thousand".2 Diodorus and Plutarch raise the number of elephants to four thousand and six thousand respectively. The latter puts the strength of the army of the Gangetic nation as eighty thousand horses, two hundered thousand foot-soldiers, eight thousand warchariots, besides six thousand fighting elephants. It is no wonder, therefore, that the lord of such an immense host should aspire to be a sole monarch (Ekarat) of the vast regions stretching from the Himalayas to the Godavari and its neighbourhood. The historians of Alexander speak of the most powerful peoples who dwell beyond the Beas river as being under one sovereign. Pliny informs us that the Prasii nation surpasses in power and glory every other people in India, their capital being 1. Original: ---Prayah kshatriya kanyanam sagyate hi svayamvarah" 2. McCrindle, op. cit pp, 221-22. For Personal & Private Use Only

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132 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA Palibothra (Patliputra) after which some call the people itself Polibothri.! Here, the reference is probably, to conditions prevailing in the time of the Mauryas and not that of the Nandas. But the greatness that the Prasii people (viz., the Magadhans and other Eastern People) attained in the Maurya Age, would have been hardly possible without the achievements of their predecessors, of which we have a record in the writings of the historians of Alexander. In the Puranas, as already stated, Mahapadma Nanda, has been called Sarvakshatrantaka or the destroyer of all the Kashtriyas, and Ekarat or the sole monarch of the earth which was under his undisputed sway. This might imply that he subjugated all the Kshatriya-houses which ruled contemporaneously with the Saisunagas, namely, the Aikshvakus, the Panchalas, the Kasis, the Haihayas, the Kalingas, the Asmakas, the Kurus, the Maithilas, the Surasenas, the Vitihotras etc. Conquests of some of the territories, occupied by the tribes and clans mentioned above, does not necessarily mean the total extinction of the old ruling houses, but merely a deprivation of their yasah or glory and an extention of the suzerainty of the conqueror. The Jainas too allude to wide dominions of the Nandas.' The existence, on the Godavari river, of a city called Nau-Nanda Dehra (Nander); also suggests that the Nanda dominions had once embraced a considerable portion of the Deccan and, therefore, of the Kalinga country also. 1. Megasthenes & Arrian, p. 141. 2. "Samudravasanekhebhya asamudramapisriyah Upaya hastairakrishya tatah sokrita nardasat" (Parisashta parvan, vii, 81). 3. Macaulifeo, Sikh Religion, Vol, V, p. 230. 4. The ascription of this city to the later Nandas or Nandodbhava line known to epigraphy, may also not be improbable, For Personal & Private Use Only

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THE NANDA RULE IN KALINGA 133 References to Nandaraja Considered With the Nanda house, we reach a stage of the East Indian History when the inhabitable evidence of inscriptions becomes available to supplement the information gleaned from traditional literary sources. But the reign of the Nandas, on the whole, is one of the darkest, even of the many hopelessely dark, epochs in the history of Ancient India. As already pointed out, the Hathigumpha inscription twice mentions Nandaraja in connection with Kalinga. In the first place it mentions in the sixth line : "And, then in the fifth year (Kharavela) caused the canal opened out by king Nanda 103 (or 300) years before."! It is clear from this that in the fifth year of his reign, Kharavela executed a public work which was associated with the memory of king Nanda. Different versions of this passage depend chiefly, though not solely, upon translation of "ti-vasa-sata'. The following renderings have been proposed :(i) "He opened the three yearly alms-house of Nanda raja", as translated by Indraji.2 He took sata as sattara, which is equivalent to satra in Sanskrit and it means 'alms-house'. But this rendering is not accepted by scholars. (ii) "He has an acqueduct conducted into the city which had been used for 103 years since king Nanda." This translation has been proposed by Prof. Luders. He took sata to be sata which means 'hundred'. 1. Original : "panichame cha dani vase nandaraja tivasasata oghatitain panadim." 2. The International Oriental Congress Proceedings, Leidon, 1884, Pt. II, p. 135. 3. Epi, Ind., Vol X, App. 1345, p. 161. For Personal & Private Use Only

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134 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA (iii) "He brings into the capital the canal excavated by king Nanda 300 years before", as has been proposed by K. P. Jayaswal and R. D. Banerji.1 Now, according to K. P. Jayaswal, the year in this passage may be taken as referring to the Nanda era mentioned by Al-Biruni in Tahqiq-i-Hind. Pargiter places accession of the first Nanda ruler approximately in B. C. 402, calculating back from the accession of Chandragupta Maurya in B. C. 322, by adding $0 years as the duration of the reign period of the nine Nanda kings. According to this estimate the canal excavated by the Nanda king in Kalinga would be in (402-103) 299 B. C. But then it would be too late to ascribe the public work to Mahapadma Nanda because he was ousted in about 322 B.C. from the throne. Even if we take the puranic account of one hundred years as the duration of the Nanda kings (i. e. 88 years for Mahapadma and 12 years for his sons) then we reach (322 + 100-103) 319 B. C. as the year of excavation of the acqueduct which too is absure. R. D. Banerji believes that the canal may have been excavated by the first king of the Nanda house 103 years before the fifth year of Kharavela's reign, viz., 108 years before his accession. Agreeing with K. P. Jayaswal, he takes the era to be counted from 458 B. C. Hence the canal was 1. JBORS, III, 1917, pp. 425 f. 2. There is hardly any unanimity among our authorities-Pauranic, Buddhist and Jaina, regarding the reign period of Ugrasena Mahapadma Nanda and also the total duration of the rule of his house. The Matsya Purana assigns 88 years (ashasiti) to the reign of the first Nanda, but some Mss. of the Vayu Purana, which is the oldest work of this class and is referred to by Bana in the seventh century A. D., the first Nanda ruled for 28 years (ashtavim sati). According to Taranatha, Nanda reigned for 29 years (Ind. Ant., 1875, p. 362). But the Buddhist chronicles of Ceylon inform us that the Nandas ruled only for 22 years, whereas the Jaina traditions put the reign period to 155 years. For Personal & Private Use Only

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THE NANDA RULE IN KALINGA 135 excavated, according to him, in B. C. 355, say at least 33 years before the accession of Chandragupta Maurya. Here the learned Professor appears to have taken the figure 103 to express not the interval between Nandaraja and Kharavela, but a date during the reign of Nanda, which may have reckoned from some pre-existing era. But use of any such era in any particular part of the country or epoch is not proved. Kharavela himself, like Asoka, uses only regnal years and not any era. Dr. Raychaudhari,1 on the other hand, suggests that the interpretation of "ti-vasa-sata' accords substantially with the puranic tradition as regards the interval between the Nandas and the dynasty to which Satakarni, the contemporary of Kharavela in his second regnal year, belonged--viz. 294 years (137 years for the Mauryas, 112 year for the Sungas and 45 years for the Kanavas). If the expression is taken to mean 103 years, Kharavela's accession must be placed (103--5=) 98 years after Nandaraja. His elevation to the position of Yuvaraja took place nine years before that (viz. 98 - 9 -89 years after Nandaraja, or not later than 32+ - 89=235 B. C.). Kharavela's senior partner in the royal office was on the throne at that time and he may have had his predecessor or predecessors. But we learn from the Asokan inscriptions that Kalinga was actually governed at the time by a Maurya Kumara under the suzerainty of Asoka and not by a Kalinga-adhipati or a Chakravarti. Therefore oti-vasu-sata' may be understood to mean 300 and not 103 years. The second reference to the Nanda king is to be found in the twelfth line of the Hathigumpha Inscription, which says 1. PHAI, 1950, pp. 2:9f. 2. Original: Nandaraja nitam cha Kalinga Jina sannivesa." Sannivesa is explained in Monier William's Dictionary as an assemblage, station, seat, open space near a town etc. Commentator (Carried over) For Personal & Private Use Only

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136 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA that "(Kharavela) brought back the image of Kalinga-Jina which had been carried away by Nandaraja." Here Nandaraja has been charged with having taken away the image of a Jaina Tirtharkara to Magadha, from where the same was brought back by Kharavela. This shows that the image was well-preserved by Nandaraja and subsequent rulers of Magadha, so that it was there till the time of Kharavela. This would suggest that Nandaraja was a believer in the Faith of the Jina. Literary traditions also confirm that the Nandas were followers of the Jaina religion. Therefore, Nandaraja of the Inscription must be identified with a ruler of the Nanda-house, which was uprooted by Chandragupta Maurya in B. C. 322 or nearabout. The above discussions prove that the Nandas had conquered and brought all the adjoining territories under their sway. It would be in the fitness of circumstances to believe that a great conqueror, Mahapadma Nanda, to whom the Puranas ascribe the subversion of all the Kshatriya kingdoms, put an end to the local rule in Kalinga also. Prevalence of Jainism in Kalinga The reference to Nandaraja as having taken away the image of Jina from Kalinga is very interesting from the point of view of ancient religion and culture in that country. It was a Jaina stronghold, atleast, from the time of Lord Mahavira. The Jaina Harivainsa Purana informs us that Lord Mahavira had preached his Faith in Kalinga. Haribhadriya-Vtitti on Avasyaka confirms Mahavira's visit to the country of Kalinga and adds that the king of that country was a friend (or relation) of his father. (From pre. page) takes it to mean a halting place for & caravan or procession. Kunda. grama, for inetanco, wag a sannivesa in the Videb country (SBE., Vol. XXI, the Jaina Sutras, Pt. I, Introduction). For Personal & Private Use Only

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THE NANDA RULE IN KALINGA . 137 Above are some positive evidences confirming the prevalence of Jainism in Kalinga. There are certain negative evidences too. The Mahabharatal informs us that the Kalingas are people of no religion. They should be avoided. The lowest Brahmanas reside there from very remote times. They are without the Vedas, without knowledge, without sacrifice and without power to assist at other's sacrifice. The gods do not accept any gifts from them and so on. Perfectly in the same spirit, the writer of the Baudhayana Dharma Sutra 2 regards Kalinga as an impure country, but evidently not unfrequented by Aryans. The commentator says that certain countries should not be entered. We are informed that whosoever goes to Kalinga, commits sin with his feet and hence must perform the Vaisvanariya Ishti. Now, why so much of fuss was created against the people of Kalinga in the Brahmana works ? What made the highest and the most orthodox ones in the Aryan society--mainly based on the Varnasrama Dharma, to raise a cry and create a stir against the very culture of the Kalingas, who were one of the most strong allies of the Kurus and played no less important role in the great Mahabharta battle ?3 It must have been mainly the reason of the prevalence of a hetrodox religion or Jainism in that country. The followers of Jainism and Buddhism were not liked by Brahmanas, for they preached against the authority of the Vedas and the efficacy of Vedic ritualism. That appears to be the reason why people of Kalinga were severely criticised, their religion and culture was questioned, they were degraded to the status of sudras, so that their very sight was sufficient to pollute any orthodox Brahmana. Instances of such condemnation are not 1. Karna parvan, Ch. 44, pp. 155-6 (Ray). 2. I, 1, 30-31. 3. Ch. III, the Mahabharata Section, supra pp. 97f. 18 For Personal & Private Use Only

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138 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA wanting in ancient Indian literature. Brahmana writers created all sorts of doubts in the Kshatriya origin of the Nandas, may be because they were believers in the Jaina faith and had connections with Jaina ministers and patriarchs. The Maurya dynasty, to which Asoka--the Great Maurya belonged, too, was not spared, may be because most of the rulers of that dynasty did not have faith in Brahmanism and preached against all sorts of sacrifices. Even Brahmanas living in the Kalinga country were 'condemned in the most severe language. All this goes to prove indirectly the prevalence of Jainism in Kalinga. But this condemnation on the part of the Brahmanas, it appears, was not unanimous. The Mahabharata contains references, side by side showering praises upon the people of Kalinga. The country has been described as consisting of many sacred places of pilgrimage. Our heroes of the Mahabharata war are very frequently spoken of visiting Kalinga on pilgrimage tours. Probably, the tour was not thought to be complete without a bath in the river Vaitarai there. The detailed description of Yudhishthira's visit to Kalinga on pilgrimage is most noteworthy in this connection. The Kalinga country, though included in the list of non-Aryan or Mlechchha countries, was credited with an Aryan origin. It is said to have been founded after prince Kalinga, the son of king Bali from queen Sudeshna, begotten by the great sishi Dirghatamas.3 The Baudhayana Dharma 1. M. M. Harprasad Sastri was of opinion that the downfall of the Maurya empire was mostly due to the stoppage of sacrifice of animals by Asoka, which was certainly directed against the Brahmanas as a class (JASB, 1910, pp, 259f). 2. See supra, Ch. III, pp. 101-2. 3. See supra, Ch. III, pp. 81-2. For Personal & Private Use Only

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THE NANDA RULE IN KALINGA 139 Sutra, as already stated, allows a person visiting Kalinga to perform certain sacrifice in order to purify himself. But such favour was not bestowed upon visitors to other nonAryan countries. Duryodhana goes to the extent of marrying the daughter of Chitrangada, the king of Kalinga, and there is not a single word against this union found in the Mahabharata and other Brahmanic works. We are, hence, on a safer ground in surmising that social contacts with Kalinga were maintained at least by the Kshatriyas of Aryavarta, viz., the country lying to the north of the Vindhya ranges upto the kingdom of Kasi in the east. Administration & Public Works We have very little information as to the way in which the vast dominions of the Nandas were administered. If tradition is to be believed, Mahapadma Nanda, the founder of the line, was a vigorous ruler. He clearly aimed at the establishment of a Unitary State. The reference to the extermination of all the Kshatriyas coupled with the use of the term Ekarat and Ekachhatra can have no other inference. Greek writers, however, make separate mention of the Prasii and the Gangaridae people, though hinting at their subjection to a common sovereign ; and Arrian notices the existence, beyond the Beas river, of 'an excellent system of internal administration' under which the multitude was governed by the aristocracy, who exercised their authority with justice and moderation. The unanimous testimony of Sanskrit, Tamil, Ceylonese and Chinese writers describe the Nandasi as 'the possessor of enormous wealth. Firstly, the very names Mahapadmapati and Dhana Nanda suggest these kings 1. These references are probably to Dhanananda, the last ruler, who was deposed by Chandragupta Maurya with the help of Chinakya. Cf. K. A. N. Sastri -The Age of the Nandas & Mauryas. For Personal & Private Use Only

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140 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA as possessors of enormous wealth. The Mudrarakshasa refers to the Nanda as Navanavatisata-dravya-kotisvarah" and 'Artharuchi'. A passage of the Kathasarit Sagara says that king Nanda possessed 990 millions of gold pieces.3 According to the Ceylonese tradition, "the youngest brother among the sons of Ugrasena was called Dhanananda, from his being addicted to hoarding treasure... He collected riches to the amount of 80 koti (crores) in a rock in the bed of the river (Ganga), having caused a great excavation to be made, he buried the treasure there...... Levying taxes, among other articles, even on skins, gums, trees and stones, he amassed further treasures which he disposed of similarly."4 Dr. Aiyanger points out that a Tamil poem contains an interesting statement regarding the wealth of the Nandas as having accumulated first in Patali, then hid it in the bed of the Ganga. Smith(r) says that the stupas near Patliputra, ascribed to Asoka, were attributed by another tradition to Nandaraja and supposed to be his treasuries. Hiuen Tsang refers to the five treasures of king Nanda's seven precious substance.'? This vast amount of money was extorted from his subjects of different provinces including Kalinga, it may be surmised. The above references certainly give us an insight into the greed of the Nanda kings for wealth. It may, however, be pointed out that this tradition started from popular 1. Act III, V, 27. Trans : 'A master of 99 hundred crores of coins of gold'. 2. Act I. Trans : Having a liking for wealth.' 3. Tawny's trans. Vol. I, p. 21. 4. Turnour, Mahavamsa, p. xxxis. The articles enumerated under taxes here may be compared with those mentioned in the Arthasastra of Kautilya, where there is left no single article without tax. 5. Beginnings Of The South Indian History, p. 89. 6. E.H.I., 1924, p. 43, fo. 2. 7. Watters, II, p. 296. For Personal & Private Use Only

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THE NANDA RULE IN KALINGA 141 Brahmanical works and passed on to the Greek and other writers. Mahapadma Nanda was succeeded by his eight sons, that is to say, the dominion was either distributed among them or they were appointed governors of various provinces with Dhana Nanda as the reigning monarch in Magadha. The empire appears to have been in the worst state under these eight rulers, and people who were against their regime, must have spread such news in the public as might create a popular feeling against them. This is quite natural for people having belief in the Brahmanic religion. But the same may not have been true about Mahapadma Nanda, who is ascribed an undue long reign of eighty eight years by the Brahmanical writers. The country might have been in normal state under him. Further, it may also be argued on the basis of the above references that Nandaraja, while taking away the image of Kalinga-Jina, myst have taken great wealth from the defeated Kalinga country. This is not improbable. But such a conclusion may not have been in the fitness of things, for we know at the same time that Nandaraja is reputed to have excavated irrigated projects in Kalinga, one of which, atleast, was in existence at the time of Kharavela in the first Century B. C. This gives us an insight into positive public works of the Nandas. Kalinga was a vijita country and the interest shown in the welfare of the people there suggests greater interest in their own people viz., the Magadhans. If tradition recorded by the epitomisers of the Brhatkatha is to be believed, Patliputra, under the Nanda rule, became the abode (kshetra) of goddess Sarasvati as well as of goddess Lakshmi, viz. the home of learning as well as of material prosperity. A galaxy of scholars-Varsha, Upavarsha, Panini, Katyayana, Vararuchi, Vyadi, is said For Personal & Private Use Only

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142 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA to have added lustre to the age. While much of the traditional account may be mere folk-lore unworthy of credence, we may well believe that the cultivation of Grammar (Vyakarna) received an impetus in this age. The scholia on Panini, presupposed by the famous Commentry of Patanjali, (Mahabhashya) shows acqaintance with the Yavana-lipi (Greek language) and it is by no means improbable that some of the predecessors of Patanjali are to be assigned to the age of the Nandas. Kings of the Nanda house are credited, by certain grammarians, with the establishment of a particular kind of measure called "Nandopa-Kramani-Manani' referred to in the Ashtadhyayi of Panini.3 The heavier Kars hapana of 20 masas (visatimaso kahapana) was current in Rajagriha during Bimbisara's reign. It was the local currency of different Janapadas. The Nandas felt called upon to introduce, for the first time, a uniform system of weights and measures, and standard coinage for their empire, extending from Kalinga in the south to Panchala in the north. This system is known in medical works as Magad ha-mana as distiuguished from Kalinga-mana, which continued as a separate system. The coinage of the Nandas showed the following new features : (a) A standard Karshapana of 16 masas in place of Vimsatika of 20 masas. (b) Punching of obverse and reverse symbols on two sides of a coin instead of on the same side as before. 1. See Nanda & Maurya, p. 25. 2. Qtd. Nanda & Mauryag, p. 25. 3. II, 4, 21. Trans. 8. C. Basu. 4. Qtd. India As Known To Panini, p. 472. 5. Ibid. For Personal & Private Use Only

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THE NANDA RULE IN KALINGA 143 (c) Increasing the number of obverse symbols to five in each group instead of four as on Vimsatika and earlier coins. (d) Introducing the sun and the six-armed (shadara) symbols as constant in the five-symbol groups. (e) And, simplifying the forms but greatly adding to the variety of the symbols punched. The new Karshapana of 32 rattis of the Nandas may actually be traced in the thin and broad flat pieces of punch-marked coins with clear symbols punched on them, which are known from actual hoards. The thick and small variety, in which peacock or crescent-on-hill symbols appear, belongs to the Maurya period. The distinction of the earlier and later Karshapana is best seen in the form of their six-armed symbols, those having an oval as a constituent are earlier than those with an arrow or a taurine. Art & Architecture The image of the Kalinga-Jina itself is of no less importance to a student of art and architecture. It gives us an insight into the sculptural activities of the Kalingas. The image must have possessed all qualities of sculptural art. It must have been most attractive and life-like image. The very look at it must have brought the greatest and the proudest down upon his knees and bow before it in reverence. That is why it was valued most and taken away by Nandaraja. The Kalingas, too, on the other hand, could never forget their great loss for times to come. So that when they could assert their independence and found themselves strong enough under the able leadership of Kharavela, they attacked Magadha and brought back their lovely and dear image. This act was of no little 1. Qtd. India As Known To Panini, p. 472. For Personal & Private Use Only

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144 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA importance for the Kalingas and, hence, a mention of it was made in the Hathigumpha inscription. On the basis of antiquities unearthed at Taxila and other places it has been inferred that the cutting and polishing of hardstone in the fifth and fourth Centuries B. C. had reached a level of technical accompalishment which was sustained in the Maurya period, but never afterwards surpassed. 1 Identification of the Kalinga- Jina There is great difficulty in the identification of the Kalinga-Jina, firstly, because the only reference to it is found in the Hathigumpha inscription of Kharavela. There is no literary tradition preserved in that connection. Secondly, we have found no material remains of an image from any of the excavations carried out in Orissa, which could safely be attributed to any of the Jaina Tirthankaras. Jayaswal and Banerji' have suggested that it should be taken to refer to the tenth Tirthankara, Lord Sitalanatha, who was born at Bhadalpura, which was, probably, identical with Bhadrachalam or Bhadrapuram in the Kalinga country. This town is, at present, situated in the Godavari district. But the identification appears to be wrong, for Bhadrilpura was the capital of the Malaya Janapada, which is included in the list of 25} countries enumerated in the Jaina literature. The Malaya Janapada lay to the immediate south of Nalanda and its capital city has been identified with Bhadiya, a village in the Hazaribagh district.* Many Jaina images have been discovered at this spot. 1. A. K. Coomarswamy-History Of Indian And Indonasian Art, 1927, London, pp. 9-14. 2. I. A., Vol. II, p. 136. 3. Avasyaka Niryukti, 383. 4. Dist. Gaz., Hazaribagh, p. 202. For Personal & Private Use Only

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THE NANDA RULE IN KALINGA 145 Rishabhadeva, the first Tirthankara, has been most frequently represented in the Khandagiri caves at Bhuvanesvara. The Jaina temple, standing at the highest point of that hill, has been dedicated to that Tirthankara. Ajita natha, the second Tirthankara has elephant as his emblem represented in images. And, elephant is the most reputed animal for which the country of Kalinga was famous. Lord Sreyamsanatha, the eleventh Tirthankara, 1 was born at Simhapura, which city is so often mentioned in the Mahavastu and has been called the capital of the Kalinga country. But there is another identification suggested with Sarnath (near Varanasi) which is otherwise called Saranganatha.' Reference to Lord Parsvanatha, the twenty-third Tirthankara, in connection with Kalinga, has already been made.3 Lord Mahavira, the twenty-fourth Tirthankara visited that country in the duration of his penances in the eleventh year and is believed to have suffered great pains there. Other Tirthankaras too have been represented in the Udayagiri-Khandagiri caves at Bhuvanesvara. But Lord Mahavira was most prominently revered in the north-eastern Janapadas and also in Magadha. Memories of his visit to Orissa, prior to his Enlightenment (kevalin), may have been quite fresh in the minds of the people there, so that after his demise, the people of Kalinga probably made a lofty image of his for the purpose of worship. The same image was carried away by the Nanda king during his conquest of that country, and the same was brough back by Kharavela after having subdued the 1. Avasyak Niryukti, 313 ; Also mentioned in the Commentary on the Uttaradbyayana, 18, 239a. 2. J. C. Jain, L. A. I., p. 334 ; Pracbina Tirthamala, p. 4; also Prachina Jaina Tirtha. 3. See supra Ch. III. pp. 117 f. 19 For Personal & Private Use Only

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146 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA people of Magadha later on. The Kalinga-Jina, hence, may be identified with Lord Mahavira, the twenty-fourth and the last Jaina Tirthankara. Religious Life-Image Worship From the reference to the image of Jina, we learn that image worship had begun just after 200 years or a little earlier to the passing away of the last great teacher Vardhamana Mahavira. Prevalence of image worship in the fifth Century B. C. is corroborated by various literary evidences. Panini's Sutras' give us positive information about representations of gods. The rule applies to the images of gods which were made as means of subsistence by low order of Brahmanas, not by selling them but by exhibiting them from door to door. In the fourth Century B. C., Kautilya, in the chapter on Durganivesa (viz., Buildings within the Fort) says, "In the centre of the city, the apartments of gods shall be made. In the corners, the Guardian Dieties of the Earth shall be set up." Here he mentions a number of gods and goddesses. He also mentions figures of goddesses and alters which were to be carved on wooden door-frames of the royal underground chamber. In his Rock Edict IV, Asoka mentions about showing to the public representations of aerial chariots, of elephants, of masses of fire and of other divine figures, and all these denote sculptural pieces. We have no archaeological evidence worth the name supporting image-worship in those days, but mention may be made of two images (torso fragments) found at Lohanipura in Bankipura district in Bihar. Both are cut in the round and show excellent moulding. Their style leaves no doubt about their being the images of Jaina 1. V, 3, 99, also 96. 2. J. N. Banerji-Hindu Iconography, p. 44. For Personal & Private Use Only

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THE NANDA RULE IN KALINGA 147 Tirthankaras. The site yielded a large number of bricks of the Maurya style and the foundation of a square temple. There was also found a worn-out coin which has been attributed to an age earlier to tue Maurya period and, hence, would point to the Nanda period.1 In social matters also the rise of the Nandas may be regarded as symptomatic of surging up of the lower classes. The puranic chroniclers represent the dynasty as harbingers of Sudra rule and as irreligious (adharmika). Very little is known of the state of society in Kalinga during the period of the Nandas. Further, the Nandas developed a fighting machine that was adopted by the later rulers of Magadha (and probably, by the people of Kalinga which might have been used during an attack by Asoka) with terrible effect in resisting the onslaught of foreign invaders and carrying on the policy of expansion. As a matter of fact, the glamour of the Nandas has been dimmed by the greater splendour of the succeeding dynasty. But it is well to remember what the kings of the line bequeathed to their immediate successors and to posterity. 1. Jayaswal-JBORS, Vol. XXIII, 1937, pp. 130-32. For Personal & Private Use Only

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CHAPTER V KALINGA UNDER THE MAURYAS The Nanda empire in Kalinga appears to have been only a passing episode. The strong position held by the Nandas in the heart of their dominion viz., Magadha, as contrasted with their comparative weakness in the frontier regions, is the theme of certain interesting anecdotes that Buddhist Commentators on the great Chronicle of Ceylon and other later writers tell of Chandragupta's ambitious adventure on the threshold of his career. This fact casts a doubt if the Nanda rule was so deeply established in Kalinga as in other parts of the country. But what happened of Kalinga immediately after the fall of the last Nanda ruler is not easy to determine. Whether this part of the country, along with the rest of the Nanda empire, passed into the hands of Chandragupta Maurya or the people of Kalinga regained their independence during the period of the decline of the Nanda power and the accession of Chandragupta Maurya, and were able to retain it till it was subsequently subdued and annexed by Asoka, is a problem on which no clear light is thrown by any evidence-literary or archaeological. Even in the case of Chandragupta Maurya, there are no clear and contemporary records--either Greek or indigenous, of his wars and conquests in India, after his accession to the imperial throne of Magadha, except the one with the Greek king of Syria, Seleukas Nikator. The fact that Asoka found himself. at his accession, master of the country as far south as Mysore, shows that Southern India, upto the borders of the Tamil countries, had already been For Personal & Private Use Only

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KALINGA UNDER THE MAURYAS 149 conquered and annexed to the Maurya empire. Asoka's inscriptions at Maski, Palkigundi and Govimath in Hyderabad; Brahmagiri, Siddhpura and Jatinga-Rames vara in Mysore ; and, Yerragudi in Kurnool district declare his sovereignty over almost the whole of the South, except the southern-most Tamil countries of the Cholas, the Pandyas, the Satiyaputras and the Keralaputras, who, according to Rock Edicts II and XIII, lived beyond his frontiers. Rock Edict XIII further informs us that Asoka's first and the only conquest was that of the Kalinga country. A question, therefore, arises that if Asoka did not conquer the South then who did it ? There'is the possibility that Bindusara might have done it. His title of Amitraghata (Slayer of Enemies)? shows that he was not a pacifist like Asoka, and that it might have been earned by him on account of his conquests. The Arya Manjusri Mulakalpa, a Mahayana work of about the 8th-9th Century A. D.; the celebrated Jaina author Hernchandra (12th Century A. D.) and the Tibetan historian, Taranatha (14th Century A. D.) state that Chanakya--the apostle of violence, outlived Chandragupta 1. There is, of course, a mention in the Rajatrangini (I, 102.6) regarding his conquest of the Kasmira valley. 2. This name was adopted in Greek as Amitrachates by Athenaios, and Allitrachades by Strabo, who is stated to have been the son of Sandrocottug'or Chandragupta (Weber, IA , Vol. II, 1873, 148; Lassen and Cunningham, Bhilsa Topes, p. 92). Fleet takes the Greek appelation as meaning Amitrakhuda i. e. Devourer of Enemies, which occurs as an epithet of Indra (JRAS, 1909, p. 243). The term Amitraghuta "Slayer of Foes' occurs in Patanjali's Mahabhashya (III, 2, 2). "Amitranamhanta" is a well known title of royalty in the Aitareya Brahmana, and Amitraghatin is frequently used in the Mahabharata as an epithet for princes and warriors (Ait. Bra., VII, 17; Mbh, II, 30, 19; 62,8 ; VII, 22, 16. Qtd. K. A N. Sastri, Nandas & Mauryas, p. 166; H. C. Raychaudhari, PHAI, p. 296). For Personal & Private Use Only

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150 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA and continued as a minister (Mantrin) of Bindusara. We are told by Taranatha that Bindusara, with the help of Chanakya, destroyed kings and nobles of sixteen cities, and reduced to submission all the territory between the eastern and the western seas. In view of the late date of the author, it is difficult to determine as to what element of truth is contained in his narrative. The vanquished monarchs, between the eastern and the western oceans, have been taken to refer to the petty sovereigns of the Southern Peninsula. This is not a necessary inference however, as Northern India itself, extending right from Saurashtra upto Bengal, may also be said to extend from sea to sea. To quote an example, the Junagadh Inscription of Rudradamana 13 describes Saurashtra--the country lying on the Western Sea, as forming a province of Chandragupta's empire, while Rock Edict XIII* records that eight years after his consecration, Asoka conquered Kalinga--the country situated on the Eastern Sea. The statement of Taranatha, if based on any authentic tradition, need mean nothing more than the suppression of the revolts of the type alluded to in the Divyavadana" in the vast stretch of territory between Saurashtra and the Gangetic delta. But no Greek or Indian record of I. Parisishtha Parvan, VIII, 446f. Kathasarit Sagara, Katha. pithalambaka, Traiga V, verse 115 ; I.A., 1875 ; K. A. N. Sastri, The Nanda & Maurya, p. 167; Raychaudhari, PHAI, 296. Subandhu, the author of Vagavadatta Natyadbara was a rival of Chanakya (Parisishla. Parvan, VIII, 447, and Proceedings of the Second Oriental Conference, pp. 208-11). The post of Chief Minister (agramatya) eventually went to Khallataka and later on to Radhagupta (Divyavadana, p. 372 ; K.A.N. Sastri, Nanda & Maurya, p. 167; Raychaudhari, PHAI, p. 296). 2. JBORS, Vol. II, pp. 79f; JRAS, 1919, p. 698; EHI, III Edition, p. 149. 3. Sircar, Select lngs, Vol. I, pp. 169-74. 4. Ibid, pp. 35-40. 5. It refers to the revolt of Taxila (Cowell & Neil's Edition. p. 371). For Personal & Private Use Only

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KALINGA UNDER THE MAURYAS 151 any early date connects the name of Bindusara Amitraghata with the conquest of any large tract of Peninsular India. On the contrary, the Greek accounts reveal that one of the chief delights of Bindusara was sweet wine, dried figs and discussion with sophists. That might show that Bindusara was a man of somewhat easy and leisurely temperament, and it was enough if he was able to keep the vast empire intact. Hence, if it be true that Bindusara did not conquer the South and that Asoka inherited it (since the only conquest of Asoka was that of the Kalinga country), the conclusion is irresistible that Chandragupta had conquered it. We come across various literary and epigraphic references to Chandragupta's connection with the South. This is further strengthened by a passage of Plutarch, which states that 'Sandrocottos (Chandragupta) over-ran and subdued the whole of India with an army of six hundred thousand'.3 Further, we know that Chandragupta Maurya ascended the throne of Magadha in about 321 B. C. and fought against the Greek king Seleukas Nikator in 305 B. C. But then how did he occupy himself during the long interval between 321 B. C. and 305 B. C ? There is no doubt that he was an imperialist and expansionist. In the political condition of India in those days, especially after a great dynastic revolution and subsequent upheaval of the political, statusquo, to stand still was to invite disaster and downfall for a newly established Imperial power. 1. MoCrindle, Invasion, p. 409 fn: Hultzsch, Asoka, p. XXXV; Bindusara's interest in philosophy is also proved by his association with Ajiva.Parivrajakas (Divyuvadina pp. 307 f). Cf. A statement in Pillar Edict VII of Asoka that kings in the past also desired progress by the promotion of Dharma; K, A. N. Sastri, op. cit. p. 169. 2. Refer CGMT, pp. 38.42. 3. Lives, Chap. LXII. For Personal & Private Use Only

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152 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA Naturally, therefore, Chandragupta Maurya would have looked forward to expand and consolidate his power beyond the Vindhyas, after having seen himself master of the northern part of the country. He had both the strength and the inclination for it. It seems more probable, hence, that the Greek, Jaina, Tamil, Epigraphical, Monumental' - all evidences are based on some facts, and in Chandragupta's wars and conquests may be included the conquest of the South too. There is also the possibility, however, that Chandragupta Maurya had not to conquer the South, but found it a part of the empire that he seized from the Nandas. That the Nandas were masters of the South, as far as Kuntala in northern Mysore, has already been shown in the previous chapter. But does it preclude the idea that even if Mahapadma Nanda-in fact a powerful sovereign, had conquered the South, it had not fallen off from the Magadha Empire and Chandragupta had to conquer it again ? There are, therefore, the following possibilities. Firstly, that the Kalinga country threw off the Magadhan yoke during the weak rule of the successors of Mahapadma Nanda and continued to enjoy home rule till it was finally reduced by Asoka in the eighth year of his coronation. Pliny says--"The tribe called the Calingae are nearer the sea...the royal city of the Calingae is called Parthalis. Over their king sixty thousand foot soldiers, one thousand horsemen and seven hundred elephants keep watch and ward in procinct of war."3 The statement of Pliny is of no little importance, since it was mostly copied from the Indika of Megasthenes, who visited the court of Magadha in the 1. Refer C. G. M. & T. pp. 38.42. 2. Supra pp. 131 f; Also refer Rice, Mysore & Coorg In Ings, p.3. 3. I.A., 1877, p. 338; PHAI, p. 305; Cf. Indika, Frag, I, vi. For Personal & Private Use Only

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KALINGA UNDER THE MAURYAS 153 closing years of Chandragupta Maurya's reign. That would mean that Kalinga remained an independent country during the reign period of Chandragupta Maurya. But it appears strange as to how Chandragupta could leave an unconquered Kalinga, so near the borders of the home-province, before he launched his farthest adventures. The Machiavellian statesmanship, as applied by Chanakya, to absorb the small and big republican as well as monarchical states in the Mauryan Empire, could not have possibly omitted the conquest of Kalinga. Rather the. Maurya statesmanship should have liked to conquer Kalinga at the first instance in order to acquire an easy and direct passage into the far off South. It appears more natural on the part of the Maurya Emperor to have crushed his near neighbours first and distant and far off rulers afterwards. It is, hence, very probable that if Chandragupta was the master of the South, he must have conquered the Kalinga country also. The statement of Pliny can also be interpreted in another way. Reference to the king of Kalinga and his army does not necessarily mean that he was an independent ruler. He might have also been acting only as a Viceroy in his territory under the suzerainty of Chandragupta Maurya. Chandragupta had also the example of Poras (Puru) and Ambhi being appointed governors (Satraps) of their respective territories under the suzerainty of Alexander. F. W. Thomas" remarks "the Indian conquerors do not, for most part, displace the rulers whom they subdue." Accordingly, we may assume that 1. Cf, for instance, Saurashtra, in the reign period of Chandragupta Maurya, was under a governor, Vaishya Pushyagupta, who might have been a local ruler (Junagarh Rock Inss of Rudradaran I of Saka year 72, Line 8). Mookerji (CGMT, p. 43) holds that it may still be a kingdom', Cf. also PHAT, pp. 288f, As in British India, an Imperial State till recently, accommodated its hereditary ruling princes figuring as feuda. torles acknowledging the paramount sovereignty of the King of England. 2. CHI, Ch. XVIII, p. 473. For Personal & Private Use Only

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154 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA the empire of Chandragupta included feudatory kingdoms, and same might have been the position of the king of Kalinga. The king of Kalinga, however, may have enjoyed considerable amount of autonomy. And just as in the days of Asoka, the grant of autonomy to Rajukas ultimately let loose centrifugal forces, which helped in the dismemberment of the Maurya empire, in the same way, it might have been that as soon as the iron-hand of Chandragupta disappeared and Bindusara succeeded him on the throne of Magadha, the Kaliiga ruler declared himself independent of the Maurya rule. The revolts of Takshasila (Taxila) referred to in the Divyavadana, during the reign period of Bindusara, give air to this supposition. But whereas the Taxila revolts were an open fact, the Kalinga king does not appear to have announced his intentions publicly. But the ruler of Kalinga, during the reign period of Bindusara, remained conscious of the coming danger of an attack from Magadha at any future time, for he increased his army considerably during the period which elapsed from the time of Megasthenes (cf. the statement of Pliny quoted above) to that of Asoka, because during the Asokan war the casualties exceeded two hundred and fifty thousand. The Magadhan rulers could not have been indifferent to the existence of a powerful kingdom of Kalinga so near their borders possessing a huge army. Magadha learnt to her cost what a powerful Kalinga meant in the time of Kharavela. R. D. Banerji? takes this period, counted from the downfall of the Nandas to Asoka's conquest, as the rule of the second Dynasty of the kings of Kalinga, since Kharavela, according to him, belonged to the third Dynasty. 1. Tho presence of Chandragupta's viceroys would not necessarily imply, for example in Taxila or Ujjayini, the extinction of local rulers in those regions. (Thomas, CHI, Ch. XVIII, p. 473). 2. H. O., Vol. I. p. 62, For Personal & Private Use Only

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KALINGA UNDER THE MAURYAS 155 Asoka's Conquest of Kalinga In Rock Edict XIII, Asoka says that the country of Kalinga was conquered by him when he had been annointed eight years, viz., in about 262 B. C.' But why was it necessary for Asoka to conquer the Kalinga country and annex it to his Empire, which was already very extensive, is not quite clear. It seems, however, that the country of Kalinga, which had a powerful political existence of her own was a thorn in the body politic of the Maurya dominions. From Rock Edict XIII, we know that the provinces of Andhra and Parinda (line 10) were included in Asoka's kingdom. Of these, Andhra denoted roughly the country comprising the Krishna and the Godavari districts. As the capital of the empire was Patliputra, it is not unreasonable to suppose that it included a greater portion of the modern Bengal. Kalinga' was, thus, a sort of wedge driven into the body politic and might have at any time conspired with the Choda kingdoms which lay to the south. For the safety and consolidation of his Empire, 1. Original : "Atba vasha-abhisitasa devanapriyasa priyadrasisa rano kalinga vijita"-Sircar, Select Inss., Vol. I, p. 35. 2. Dr. R. B. Pandey suggested to the present author that the Ideal of Ekarata' could also be responsible for the conquest of the Kalinga country on the part of Asoka. 3. Cf. Colonies of Kalinga in the Eastern Archipelago and the Far East. 4. D. R. Bhandarkar-Asoka, p. 25 ; Barua--Asoka and His Inse, Vol. I. p. 82; PHAI, pp. 309.10. A passage of Pliny clearly suggests that the Polibothri viz., the rulers of Patliputra, dominated the entire tract along the Ganga (I A., 1877, p. 339; Megasthenes & Arrian, pp. 141.42). That the Magadhan kings retained their hold upon Bengal as late as the time of Asoka is proved by the testimony of the Divyavadana (p. 427), and of Hiuen Tsang, who saw stupas built by that monarch near Tamralipti and Karnasuvarna, in Samatata, as well as in Pundravardhana-all situated in Bengal. Ct. Vincent SmithAsoka, III Edition, p. 255. For Personal & Private Use Only

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156 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA it was absolutely necessary for Asoka to conquer Kalinga and make his kingdom one compact mass, and this he did. The war that followed was destined to be a great holocaust for Kalinga. The victim, determined to resist the Imperial aggression, to preserve its independence and honour, was ready to fight to its last breath. Equally, the aggressor, bent upon achieving an imperial aim, determined to wipe out the existence of an independent Kalinga within the framework of his all-India Empire, was ready to perpetrate any possible carnage that would be necessary for the purpose. To quote M. N. Das,1 "From the bank of the Ganges to the bank of the Godavari, from river to river and hill to hill, from village to village and city to city, from one corner to the other of this hoary land, the fire and sword must have been carried by the soldiers of Asoka." It was the war of a mighty empire against the lone and solitary country of Kalinga which defied her power. Asoka himself has left enough material for us in Rock Edict XIII about the conquest of Kalinga. He vividly describes the horrors and miseries of that war. He says"During the conquest one hundred and fifty thousand people were captured and carried away into slavery, one hundred thousand were killed and many times that number died as a result of the war."2 The above are the figures of Kalinga only and do not include the casualties in Asoka's army. But the losses 1. Glimpses of Kalinga History, p 30. 2. Original: "Diadha-matre prana sata-sahasre ye tato apavudhe sata.sahasra-matre tatra bate babu tavatake va mute" -- (Line 1). 3. It appears that this Edict is guilty of an exaggeration here. If the number of those who died (cf. wounds received in the battle) be taken to be at least thrice that of the killed, the total number of casualties would be something like four lacs, and adding to these the (carried over) For Personal & Private Use Only

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KALINGA UNDER THE MAURYAS 15% of the war to the defeated people of Kalinga were not confined only to casualties. Asoka takes the more correct basis of the computation. He feelingly counts the suffering caused to the civilian population by 'violence or slaughter or separation from their loved ones'.' The losses of the war, according to Dr. R. K. Mookerji,? as mentioned in that ancient document (viz. Rock Edict XIII) are, indeed, computed on most modern principles under three heads :--- (i) The losses inflicted on the combatants by death, wounds and capture ; (ii) the losses suffered by the families of the combatants thus affected ; and (iii) the suffering caused to the friends of the bereaved or inflicted families. (Lines 3 to 5) In a small country like Kalinga, even if we take it at its greatest extension from the mouth of the Ganga to that of the Godavari, the slaughter of three to four hundred thousand men and the capture of one hundred and fifty thousand must have meant a very terrible carnage. D. R. (brought forward) number of deportees, the total number of the army, that fought on the battle-field, would be at least 5 lacs. If with Gltz (The Nation In Arms, p. 148; Qtd, Jayaswal, JBORS, Vol. III, p. 440), we assume that 'every 15th soul of the population can take up arms in defence, against a foreign invasion', the population of Kalinga, in Asoka's time, would number at least 75 lacs. We may arrive, in the opinion of Dr. Mookerji (Asoka, p. 162 fn), at that figure by slightly altering the proportion of its fighting strength to its total population from 6% as stated by Goltz to say-8%, which is quite reasonable. The heavy casualties in this war with the Kalingas were. no doubt, due to the heroism of their defence as well as to the number of the army. 1. Original: "Apagratho va vadho va abhiratana va nikramanam" (Line 5). 2. Asoka, pp. 16-17. For Personal & Private Use Only

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158 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA Bhandarkar1 also says--"Surely, these are appalling figures for a tiny district (?) like Kalinga, and indicate the extreme horrors of war even in that ancient period when the weapons of destruction were not so diabolical and deadly as now." The number of people who were captured, killed or died of privations, indicate the stubborn resistance of the Kalingas to the aggression of the Maurya Emperor. R. D. Banerji' opines that in that little strip of country, extending along the eastern coast, many a great battle must have been fought from the banks of the Suvarnarekha to that of the Godavari. A small but determined army could have opposed an invader at every river, and there are so many of them all through. Asoka is silent about the number of engagements, because it was not his object to record the events of his reign. There are hundreds of impregnable forts along the foot of the Eastern Ghats, at least some of which must have been stormed before the entire country submitted to Asoka Maurya. From field to field the Kalingans might have resisted and fell. In its life and death struggle, the nation must have forgotten everything except the war. The neglect of nation's economy, neglect of agriculture and the destruction of standing crops, the burning and plunder of markets and bazars by the enemy would have resulted in the country-wide famine. The war and famine in their natural train, might have brought serious types of pestilence, all of which follow in the wake of such catastrophes due to the wickedness of man. - Change In Asoka It was one of the decisive moments of history, when, 1. Asoka, p. 23. 2. H. O.. I, p. 63. For Personal & Private Use Only

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KALINGA UNDER THE MAURYAS 159 at the end of the war, the victorious Emperor stood over the heart of a conquered Kalinga. The Emperor was struck with remorse at the ghastly massacre of men which this compaign perpetrated. The Kalinga war opened Asoka's eyes to inherent dangers in the supreme political organization for the wellbeing of human life. He, so intensely, visualised the dreadful and soul-killing nature of the political state that his hatred for political principles, guiding and controlling the life of the State, set deep in his heart. To him, the political state became an embodiment of grossest instincts, finding outlet and expression in the field of politics. He understood that it sheds human blood without remorse for realising its ends ; it creates and fosters hatred and disunity ; it asserts, moreover, its own feigned superiority over political power by infusing awe, dread and fear in the lives of the people. As an ugly and crude instrument of political forces, it debases and dehumanises the personality of man. The Thirteenth Rock Edict, about the Kalinga war, is a living confession of the futility of political principles of the Mauryan Sovereign. Asoka himself says, "That is the remorse (anusochana) of the Devanampriya on having conquered (vijiniti) the Kalingas, because the conquest of a country previously unconquered involves the slaughter, death and captivity of the people. This is a matter of profound sorrow and regret to the Devanampriya." But what was more regrettable to him was that among those who died, were slaughtered or taken captive, there must have been many who were devoted to Dharma (pious deeds), and that such contingencies to those men, again, must have brought disaster and affliction to their friends, acquaintances and relatives, who, though they themselves might have been For Personal & Private Use Only

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160 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA safe, yet must have felt undiminished affection for those who were dead. 'Of all the people', adds Asoka, 'who were thus slain, done to death or carried away captive in Kalinga, if a hundredth or the thousandth part of that number were to suffer the same fate, would now be considered regretable by the Devanampriya.' The language is instinct with personal feeling, and the rock, in the opinion of D. R. Bhandarkar,' still echo, across the ages, the wail of a penitent soul. Asok a declared in Rock Edict IV in self-satisfaction that "instead of the reverberation of the war-drum (bheri ghosha) is now to be heard the reverberation of the religious proclamations (dharma-ghosha)". That is why many other states and peoples in India were left unconquered, when they could be conquered very easily by a sovereign of Asoka's paramount power and position--the Cholas, the Pandyas, the Satiyaputras, the Kerala putras (R. E. II), the Yavanas (Greeks), the Kambojas, the Nabhapantis of Nabhaka, the Bhojas, the Pitinikas, the Andhras and the Pulindas (R. E. XIII). All these have been mentioned as lying outside Asoka's conquered (vijita) country and direct dominion. He feels anxious to ensure further that this sons and grandsons may not think it their duty to make any new conquests'. The Kalinga-war was, thus, the last political event of Asoka's reign, so to say. The intensity of its violence produced a reaction in his mind towards the principles of non-violence, the principles of observing and enforcing peace not only between man and man but also between man and every sentinent creature. Thus, while the recent bloodshed has ended only in a talk about preventing future wars, the Kalinga-war was, for Asoka, the end of all wars, 1. Asoka, p. 24. For Personal & Private Use Only

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KALINGA UNDER THE MAURYAS 161 although he was not free from the provocations to war from the many unsubdued peoples of India. His deliberate policy was now cnunciated thus--"Even if any one does positive harm to him, he would be considered worthy of forgiveness by the Devanampriya so far as he can possibly be forgiven" (R. E. XIII). And, his message in respect of the unsubdued borders was--"The King desires that they should have no fear of me, that they should trust me and should receive from me happiness, not sorrow" (Separate Kalinga Edict II). This is in effect the doctrine of the equality of all States, great or small in sovereignty and liberty, which the modern world is striving so hard to establish. But Asoka conceived it and gave effect to it successfully. Regarding the change both in personal and in public life, Asoka says in Rock Edict XIII - Directly after the conquest of Kalinga, he (the King) has become keen in the pursuit of Dharma (Dharmasilana), love of Dharma (Dharmalcamata) and also in the inculcation of Dharma (Dharmanusasti). Thus he affected a change in his personal religion and adopted Buddhism, which, of all the then prevailing religions in India, stood up most for the principles of Ahirsa or non-violence (leaving aside Jainism of course). It is not easy to understand, why Asoka, the head of a great military empire, which had been acquired in no very remote time through wars and conquests should have been so deeply affected and become conscious striken by his experience of what were in those days the familiar horrors of war. There must surely have been some preparation for so great a change. Probably, the teachings of the followers of the Buddha had impressed him more than 21 For Personal & Private Use Only

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162 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA self-realisation on his own part. It is also possible that the experience of actual bloodshed on a large scale, merely to gratify his ambition and to enrich the kingdom, served to crystallize into conviction the impressions that had been slowly forming in his mind. Strange enough, however, no literature-Buddhist, Jaina or Brahmanic, and also no epigraphs other than those of Asoka himself, refer to this deadly war and subsequent annexation of Kalinga to the Magadhan Empire. The Pali Chronicles ascribe the conversion of Asoka to the Faith of the Buddha to a gifted novice of seven years of age by name Nyagrodha,' who was his nephew, viz., son of Asoka's elder brother Sumana. Another person credited with the conversion is the Venerable Samudra. The date of Kalinga-vijaya and the conversion of Asoka to Buddhism is, curiously enough, confirmed by a passage in the Mahavamsa referring to the above novice." But if we take Asoka at his own words, neither coercion nor temptation was a factor in his conversion. It was, rather, the profound reflection on the after-effects of the aggressive war waged against the Kalinga country, which served to produce in him an ardent desire (Dham mavaye), intense longing (Dhammakamata) and also imparting of instructions in the Law of Piety (Dhammanusathi). He felt remorse for the violence, death, separation and sufferings caused to the people of Kalinga. But the matter of deeper regret was that the cause of society, culture and civilization greatly suffered thereby. By these reflections, Asoka perceived the truth and came to certain conclusions as to what should 1. Cf. Tradition in the Buddhist literature that Asoka was converted to Buddhism by the venerable monk Upagupta shortly after the Kalinga war-AIU., Ch. V, p. 74. 2. Malalsekera, DPPN, I, p. 217; Barua, Asoka, I, pp. 19.34. 3. V, 37-38; Qtd. Mookerji, Asoka, p. 18 fn. For Personal & Private Use Only

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KALINGA UNDER THE MAURYAS 163 be the principle of action and what be the idea of conduct and duty. It dawned upon his consciousness that the conquest of the Law of Piety far outweighs the conquest by force in its effect and importance, and that the lower instincts and brutal passions should be controlled and higher principles of ethics and piety should be followed. Thus, his mind was, at that time, in readiness to grasp the significance of the Buddhist doctrine which incidently tallicd with his inner perception and vision. This fact, about his religious conversion, may be studied along with what he says in Minor Rock Edict First--"I was a lay-disciple (upasakit) without, however, exerting myself strenuously. But a year, in fact more than a year ago, I approachel the Oriler (viz., the Buddhist Sangha) and since then have exerted myself strenuously.". Taking this passage along with that cited from Rock Edict XIII, we arrive at the following findings :(a) That the suffering caused by his conquest of Kalinga made Asoka's zeal for Buddhism (Dharmakamata) very keen (tivra); (b) before the said conquest, he had been a follower, though ordinary or indifferent, that is, not zealous follower of Buddhism ; (c) before the said conquest, he had been a mere upasaka or a lay-disciple of the Buddhist Church for more than two years and a half, viz., during 265 B. C. and 262 B. C.; and, (d) the conquest of Kalinga ( 262 B. C.) was immediately followed by his closer association with the Order and strenuous exertions on his behalf. He exerted himself strenuously for more than a year, viz., during 262 B. C. to 260 B. C. For Personal & Private Use Only

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164 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA when he issued Minor Rock Edict I. The same year (260 B. C.) was associated not merely with his first Rock Edict, but also with the first of his "Pious Tours' (probably to the Bodha Gaya) which took place after he had been consecrated ten years' as has been stated by him in Rock Edict VIII. Such results out of a war. To the political annals of India, the greatest gift of Kalinga is her submission to Asoka after a heroic war. Without the Kalingit war, the name of Asok a might have remained one of the numberless unimportant names in Indian history. The Kalinga war is the one in the annals of human history that changed the heart of its victor from one of wanton cruelty to that of an examplary picty. It changed the very course of Indian history by affecting a change in the omnipotent personality of the Age. No longer, Asoka was it leader of the Magadhan armies, a champion of Indian Imperialism or an Emperor of the Maurya Empire, but hereafter he was the veritable father of men-all men, irrespective of caste and creed and also position--the great philanthropist and a preacher. *All men are my children and as on behalf of my own children, I desire that they may be provided with complete welfare and happiness, same I desire also on behalf of all men'-declared Asoka in his Edicts, which he specially engraved on a rock situated at Dhauli in the very heart of the Kalinga country. The conversion of Asoka is not merely a biographical fact of great importance. It reacted in many ways upon his policy and administration, and it led directly to the writing and publication of his historic Edicts, which, inscribed on rocks and pillars in all parts of his dominions, served, in the first instance, to inform his subject about his faith, about his life and For Personal & Private Use Only

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KALINGA UNDER THE MAURYAS 165 his purpose, and have now revealed to the modern world one of the most remarkable personalities of the ancient world. Thus, to the world's roll-call of heroes, if India has contributed the first name, the name of Asoka, it has been written with the blood of the people of Kalinga. For Personal & Private Use Only

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CHAPTER VI * ADMINISTRATION OF KALINGA UNDER THE MAURYAS Administration is the functional or working feature of the constitution of a State. It implies both the act of management and the agent. Vanagement means the systematic performance of various activities of the State, channelled into different departaments and under different authorities. The agent comprises of the administrative and departmental heads and the oficers under them, besides some semi-official personages. The quality and success of an administration depends not only upon the efficiency of the ruling authority, but also upon the loyalty and co-operation of the ruled. In the light of these observations, we may proceed to adjudicate on the administration of Kalinga under Asoka Maurya. Sources of Information The source of our information as regards the method and also the policy of Asoka's adininistration in the country of Kalinga is the set of his well-known Rock Edicts engraved in that country itself. These are found at two places--the northern set on the Dhauli hill, near Bhuvanesvara" in the Puri district, while the southern set is 1. Favourable corroboration, in respect of administration under Asoka, is obtained from the Kautilya Arthasastra, Accounts of the Greek writers and at times the Buddhist and thu Brahmanio Works. 2. The rock has been named Asvastama by kittce in 1837. It is situated close to the village of Dhauli. It has been variously described in Sanskrit works-Svarnnadri, Hem id i, Svarnakuta, Hemakuta-all meaning 'the golden bill or mount'. Baru eays-Though it is very much easier to derive the name of Dhauli from Dhavali, viz. a cow of the Vaishnava fame, the phonetic change of Touali into Dhauli through the intermediate Tohali-Dohali is not an impossibility." (AHI., Vol. II, p. 3). For Personal & Private Use Only

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ADMINISTRATION OF KALINGA 167 engraved on the face of a picturesque rock in a large old fort called Jaugada (Lit: Lac Fort) on the Risikulya river, about 18 miles to the west-north-west of the town of Ganjam in the district of the same name. But all the fourteen Rock Edicts are not found published in Kalinga as at other places, viz., Kalsi in Dehra Dun (U. P.), Mansera in Hazara (N. W. F. P. in Pakistan now), Shahbazgarhi in Peshawar (Pakistan), Girnar in Kathiawar, Sopara in Taana (Bombay), and Yerragudi in Kurnool (Madras). The Rock Edicts XI, XII and XIII have been omitted in Kalinga and in their place were added two Edicts special to this country. The reason why Edicts XI, XII and XIII have been excluded from the Dhauli and the Jaugada sets, is probably to be found in the statement in Rock Edict XIV, which states~"This set of Edict of the Law of Piety has been written in a form some:ines condensed, sometimes of medium length and someti nes expanded", because of :1. The impossibility of their promulgation all over the empire on account of its vastness ; 2. Repetition of the same thing over and over again justifiable only on grounds of sweetness of its meaning; and 3. Incompleteness of the records to be accounted for either by the comprehension of local circumstances or by the consideration of other reason, or by the fault of the scribes Lipikarus). 1. Rock Edicts III and IV refer to Asoka's 12th regnal year, Rock Edict V refers to the 1 th regnal year, Rock Edict VIII to the 10th regnal year and Rock Edice XIII to the 8th regnal year. According to Pillar Edict VI, Asoka began to issue rescript on Dhamma in his 12th regnal year, that is to say in 257 B. C. For Personal & Private Use Only

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168 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA Now, Rock Edict XIII refers to the conquest of Kalinga and the terrible massacres in that war and such an edict may not well have been considered suitable for the conquered territory itself. Bhandarkar opines that the inhuman and iniquitious nature of the war so much haunted his mind that he was even ashamed of engraving his edict in the Kalinga country. As regards the two other missing edicts, Rock Edict XI defines Dhamma--the Law of Piety, and Rock Edict XII declares the King's reverence for all sects, defines toleration and speaks of the appointment of censors. But as the appointment of those censors had already been notified in Rock Edict V, the King's toleration in Rock Rock Edict VII and the Dhamma had been defined in Rock Edict III, it is probable that Rock Edicts XI, XII, and XIII were omitted partly with a view of condensation and partly out of political consideration. Barua, however, opines that the proclusion of Rock Edicts XI and XII was certainly due to an error of judgement on the part of the Lipikara in Patliputra or his instructor. Elsewhere, he thinks that the three Rock Edicts (viz. Nos. XI, XII and XIII) were despatched for engraving in one batch and that explains the reason of exclusion of Rock Edicts XI and XII along with Rock Edict XIII. Obviously, otherwise, Rock Edict XII merited wide publication everywhere. It is hardly possible that the outlying parts of the Empire were governed with the same efficiency and attention to details as the chief Province of Patliputra, but we shall presently see from informations gleaned in the inscriptions and also literature-Indian and Greek, that they were not neglected. The ommission and addition of 1. Agoka, p. 24. 2. A.H.I., Vol. I, p. 25. 3. Ibid. p. 12, For Personal & Private Use Only

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ADMINISTRATION OF KALINGA 169 Edicts in the newly conquered country of Kalinga itself would indicate towards a very well organised administration. Under a Kumara Viceroy After its conquest and annexation to the Mauryan Empire by Asoka, the country of Kalinga appears to have been assigned the status of a Province (or rather Viceroyalty), under the charge of a Viceroy, for administrative purposes. The Special Kalinga Edicts refer to a Kumara (Aryaputra? in the case of Suvarnagiri, cf. Minor Rock Edict I)--a prince of the royal family, in charge of this Viceroyalty with headquarters at Tosali, no doubt Dhauli, where a set of Rock Edicts have been found. There is an incidental mention, in the same Edicts, of three other such Viceroyalties with headquarters at Takshasila (SKE I), Ujjayini (SKE II, Dhauli version), and Suvarnagiri (MRE I, Brahmagiri version), which, indirectly, proves that a full-fledged system of provincial government existed under Asoka. But the provincial Governors appear to have been of two classes in Asoka's time as also in the Gupta period in later times. The first provinces which were of political importance, and which, therefore, required loyal and tactful administration, were assigned to the princes of royal blood, designated as Kumaras. The second category consisted of 1. D. R. Bhandarkar (Asoka, p. 56), agreeing with J. F. Fleet, took Aryaputra to denote a Vice-Regent or a Yuvarija-a Crown Prince, who carried on the administration during the temporary absence of the Emperor from bis capital. The term Aryaputra of the Mysore Edicts denotos a Prince of the Royal Blood, who was higher in rank to a Kumara Viceroy. B. M. Barua (A.H.I., Vol. I, p. 170) opines that if by Aryaputra, in Minor Rock Edict were meant one of the brothers of Asoka, his posi. tion was not different from that of his sons--the Kumaras, who were appointed viceroys in other outlying provinces. 2. Bhandarkar, Asoka, pp. 52-53 ; Mookerji, Asoka, pp. 51-52, and AIU, Ch. V, pp. 79.80. 22 For Personal & Private Use Only

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170 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA. provinces of lesser importance, which were governed not by persons related to the royal family of Magadha, but by local chiefs called the Rashtriyas. To quote such an instance, the Junagarh Inscription of Rudradamana I states that the western Province of Saurashtra or Kathiawar, with headquarters at Girnar, was governed by Vaisya Pushyagupta in the reign of Chandragupta Maurya, while under Asoka, it was under Governor, Raja Tushaspha, the Persian. DR. Bhandarkar has, further, classified the Viceroys of Asoka into two more categories. Firstly, those who wielded practically independent authority, and secondly, those who wielded joint and limited authority subject to the control of the Emperor himself. He argues :- "From the Separate Kalinga Edicts it appears that although the Kumaras of Ujjayini and Takshasila were to send on tour a Mahamatra of their own, every three years, to make sure that there was no mal-administration of justice, yet, in the case of Tosali, this Mahamatra was to be deputed not by the Tosali-Kumara but by Asoka himself. Secondly, in connection with the despatch of such an officer, the Kumaras of Ujjayini and Takshasila are mentioned by themselves and not associated with any State dignitaries, whereas in SKE II (Dhauli version), where the Kumara of Tosali is referred to, he is mentioned not by himself but associated with the Mahainatras. Again, in regard to the latter (Kalinga) Province, we find that Asoka issues admonitions or instructions to the Nagaril-Vyilvalvarikas 1. The second categery of provinces might have been like bigger districts, because their in-charge has been designated as "Rashtriya' which goes to suggest him as an in-charge of a district, much smaller than a province. 2. E.I., VIII, pp. 46-47. However, Barua does not accept the above, (AHI, 1, p. 191). For Personal & Private Use Only

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ADMINISTRATION OF KALINGA 171 and other officers directly and not through the KumaraMahamatras. It is, thus, evident that while the Provinces of Ujjayini and Takshasila were under the charge of Kumara viceroys who wielded practically independent authority, the Province of Tosali was placed under the joint rule-of the Kumara Mahamatras, which was, again, not left unfettered but made subject to the control of the Emperor himself." Hence, we see that the Province of Kalinga was placed by Asoka under a Kumara--a Prince of the Royal-blood. Just because it was a newly conquered province, it stood the necessity of being entrusted to a faithful and vigilent ruler, and was, therefore, converted into a Kumara.Viceroyalty but under the direct control of the Emperor. Dr. Barua, however, opines that previous to the appointment of Viceroy for Kalinga, the Province was under the direct rule of Asoka himself. He states that the assumption, that SKE I was directly addressed to the city-judiciaries (Mahamatras) of Tosali and Samapa, when the Viceroy-in-Council (i. e. the Kumara subject to the control of the Emperor) remaincd in-charge of the Province of Kalinga, is questionable. The Edict, he continues, states the circumstances under which Asoka thought it expedient to depute a. Rajavachanika-Mahamatra to the Province for inspection and prevention of the rule of tyranny and miscarriage of justice. It must have been in the next stage that the Province was placed under the charge of a Viceroy.in. Council, while the administration of the Southern Divisioa (Samapa) remained entrusted to the Rajavachanika-Mahamatra (SKE II Jaugada version).* Disagreeing with Dr. Mookerji and others, 1. Asoka, p. 54. 2. AHI, I, p. 190. 3. Ibid, For Personal & Private Use Only

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172 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA he says, that the remoter provinces were not placed under the Viceroys from the beginning, and continues further, that the Pali Chronicles definitely state that Asoka was appointed Viceroy of Avanti some eleven years before the death of Bindusara, while the Divyavadana legends affirm that a Prince was deputed to the Province of Uttarapatba (with headquartars at Takshasila) only when an alarming report was received about the possibility of a 'popular revolt against the Government. The appointment of Viceroys, in the opinion of Dr. Barua, from among the sons and other princes of the blood, must be assigned to the later part of Asoka's reign. In this way, we find that there have cropped up two diverse opinions regarding the assignment of Kalinga to a Kumara-Viceroy. Bhandarkar and Mookerji in favour of appointing a Viceroy immediately after its conquest Dr. Barua favouring a late appointment. Now, in order to decide the issue, we must determine the date of the Special Kalinga Edicts. Date of the Special Kalinga Edicts According to Rock Edict III, both the Rajjukas and the Pradesikas were required to go forth on official tours of inspection every five years. This general rule appears to have undergone a modification in SKE I to the extent that the five-year rule applied to the Rajavachanika-Mahamatras under the King, but it was reduced to three years (i. e. tours of inspection were made more frequent) in the case of Mahamatras of similar rank under the Kumara-Viceroy. Here the question, naturally, arises which of the two modifications was later--the rule promulgated in RE III or that in SKE I ? Barua? states 1. AHI, Vol. I, p. 189; Also, Mookerji, Asoka, p. 123, fn. 8. 2. AHI, Vol. II, p. 244. For Personal & Private Use Only

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ADMINISTRATION OF KALINGA 173 that the rule of RE III, which was a general rule, had to be modified subsequently in the case of Provinces under the Kumaras in order to meet the changed political situation that arose there. He gives three reasons for this modification : (a) The actual placing of the two Separate Kalinga Edicts below or in the side of the set of Rock Edicts with the utmost care to keep them distinct proves beyond doubt that they were engraved later. (b) If the Kumaras mentioned in SKE I be Asoka's sons as distinguished from the Viceroy at Suvarnagiri referred to as Aryaputra (MRE), it is difficult to think that his sons, if he had any in his 12th, 13th and 14th regnal years, when the Rock Edicts were promulgated, were grown up enough to be 'eligible by age for Viceroyalty'. (c) It is not precisely a fact that SKE I sets forth the first conception of Asoka's scheme of quinquennial tours. Here, his chief object is to state certain circumstances which led him to think of including the checking of miscarriage of justice, arbitrary imprisonment and torture' by the high officials concerned, in the provinces under the Kumara-Viceroy in the tour programme of the Rajavachanikas. Now, as regards the first point, it appears rather more plausible that the Separate Kalinga Edicts were engraved first, and the set of other Rock Edicts only followed them. The actual placing of the SKEs suggest it. The inscriptions, on the Dhauli Rock, appear in three columns-RE I to RE VI in the middle; RE VII to RE X and RE XIV For Personal & Private Use Only

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174 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA on the right hand side, and the SKEs occupying the whole of the left column. Likewise, on the Jaugadal rock, the two SKEs appear independently within a space enclosed by lines. Further, the fact that all the Rock Edicts were not published in the Province of Kalinga, suggests that they were published after much thought. Rather it would suggest a well-balanced and quite advanced administrative policy-making in so far as the publication of the Edicts are concerned. Therefore their publication in Kalinga must be dated late in Asoka's reign. In so far as the third point is concerned, it may be argued that the RE III mentions the actual officers who were required to go on tours, whereas the statement in the SKEs is a general one, and hence, might suggest a late date. Dr. Mookerji' also opines that "Asoka's first conception of the scheme of quinquennial tours for his officers was fully elaborated in some of his Rock Edicts, which are, therefore, later than the Separate Kalinga Edicts" and states further that "....later when RE III was issued, the rule was that his administrative tour (anusamyana) should be undertaken every five years in each province of the empire (sarvata vijite mama) without any exception." Now, taking the second point into consideration, we find that Dr. Barua carries the view that Kumara as mentioned in SKE I cannot necessarily denote 'Asoka's son'. As a matter of fact, the Inscriptions of Asoka do not throw 1. At Jaugada, the upper portion of the Separate Kalinga Edicts is marked by a Svastika symbol wbich figures at the two corners, while the lower portion is figured four times by letter ma. HK. Dab (JASB, xvii, p. 232f) opines that the Svastika may be taken as a monogram made up of two Brahmi letters 0 and ma, tbe final letter indicuting the sacred symbol OM'. 2. Asoka, p. 123, fn. 6. 3. Ibid, p. 124, fr. 3. For Personal & Private Use Only

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ADMINISTRATION OF KALINGA 175 much light on the problem whether the Kumaras in-charge of Viceroyalties were Asoka's sons. It is evident from the Mahavarhsal alone that Asoka's brothers, brother's sons, sister's sons and his own sons were entitled to the designation of Kumara. Mookerji' says--"Where Asoka refers to his own sons and descendants, he uses the expression "putra cha potra cha prapotra cha devanam priyasu" (RE IV, Girnar version) or "me putra pota cha prapotra cha" (RE VI, Girnar version). Thus the princes, that are referred to here as Viceroys, must be taken to be Asoka's brothers and not his sons." That one of his brothers named Tissa was appointed as his Viceroy in 270 B.C. and continued as such upto 266 B.C., is confirmed by the evidence of the Mahavamsa.? The households of Asoka and those of his brothers, sisters and other kith and kin, situated at Patliputra and in outlying towns, are mentioned in RE V in connection with the distribution of charities, and the same as to his sons and other princes of the royal blood are mentioned in PE VII. Unless his brothers were then alive-atleast some of them, and held important positions, it would be difficult to account for the prominence accorded to them here. The Ceylonese tradition, as narrated in the Dipavaisa and the Mahavamsa," describes Bindusara possessing 16 wives and 101 sons, of whom only three are named, viz., Sumana (or Susiina), Asoka and Tishya. The Divyavadana" which does not mention the total number of Bindusara's sons describes the war of succession as between two brothers-Sumana and Asoka ; while the Pali legends, that give the total number, describe it as one between Asoka on the one side and a coalition 1. Chap. v. 2. Asoka, p. 121. 3. V, 33, 171 & 201-2; Qtd. Mookerji, Ibid, 4. Mookerji, Asoka, pp. 2-4. 5. Ch. XXVI. For Personal & Private Use Only

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176 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA of his 98 half-brothers with Sumana at their head on the other side. Whether the war of succession, referred to in the Buddhist literature, amounts to the death of all the 99 half-brothers of Asoka, we are not sure. Taranatha tells us that Asoka killed only six of his brothers. It may, hence, be concluded that atleast some of his (Asoka's) brothers were alive after he ascended the throne and that they were assigned posts of great importance, as is gleaned from his various inscriptions. Therefore, Dr. Barua's suggestion that the Province of Kalinga was under the Emperor himself in the beginning and that it was only late in his reign that the provinces were placed under the charge of the Kumaras (i.e. Asoka's sons) does not appear to be correct. The system of provincial government was in vogue right from the time of Asoka's illustrious grandfather Chandragupta and the same was continued by Bindusara. To suppose that Asoka did not follow such a system, and that the provinces were assigned only to certain high officers, like the Rajavachanika-Mahamatras and not to Members of the Royal blood, goes against the very scheme of the Maurya administration. Could the Mahamatras be more reliable than Princes of the Royal blood ? Certainly that could not have been. What, however, appears that Asoka did not have any occasion to refer to his Kumara-Viceroys prior to the issue of the Separate Kalinga Edicts in order to check the miscarriage of justice, arbitrary imprisonment and torture in that Province. It may, hence, be concluded that Asoka, after the conquest and annexation of the country of Kalinga to his Empire, changed it into a Viceroyalty and placed it under a Kumara-Viceroy, who, at that time, must have been a brother of his. Later on, however, one of the sons or any other Kumara of the Royal blood was placed in charge of that Viceroyalty. For Personal & Private Use Only

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ADMINISTRATION OF KALINGA 177 The Kautilya informs us that the salary of a Kumara was 12,000 panas per annum.' Governorships in Kalinga The next administrative divisions were probably Governorships--sometimes under the jurisdiction and command of the Kumara-Viceroy and sometimes under the Emperor himself. In the Province of Kalinga, with its Viceroy stationed at Tosali, there was atleast one smaller division with its headquarters at Samapa (Jaugada), under the charge of a class of Mahamatras who are described as Rajavachanikas i.e. those who were entitled to receive the Emperor's messages directly and not through the Kumara-Viceroy (SKE II, Jaugada version). Thus, these Mahamatras might be regarded as Provincial Governors, as they are given independent charge of their areas.? Perhaps thesc Mahamatras were distinguished from the other class of Mahamatras having the designation Pradesika Mahamatras. The term Pradesika is used in RE III for a class of cfficers who were required to go on tour of the country every five years, just as the Mahamatras were required to do in SKE I. Hence, the Pradesikas may be treated equivalent to the Mahamatras. Strictly speaking, the charge of a Pradesika Mahamatra was like the Commissionership of a Division, since PE IV mentions the Rajjukas as the Provincial Governors proper. Consequently, the Rajavachanikas may be placed in equal position to the Rajjukas, who are spoken as 'set over hundreds of thousand of souls' (RE III and 1. Arthasistra, Trans : Shamsastri, p. 217. 2. Can these be equated with the Divisional Commissioners who are placed over a few districts at the present day? 3. Isila (MRET, Brahmagiri version), Kausambi (Kausambi Edict) were seats cf other such governorships. 23 For Personal & Private Use Only

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178 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA * PE IV). The office of the Rajjukas had been in existence before Asoka, but he invested them with greater authority. They were granted independence in the administration of Law and Justice (PE IV). The unit of administration in the Kautilya scheme? was the Janapada or province, which normally consisted of atleast 800 villages, with 100 to 500 families (kulasatavarain panchasatakulaparam) in each village. If the normal family (kula), which was a joint family, be regarded as consisting of 10 members, the total population, under each provincial administration, would be nearly 40 lacs. The Rajjukas or provincial Governors under Asok a are stated to have been placed over many hundreds of thousand of souls' (PE IV). According to Kautilya, the provincial defences were well organised under the Maurya system of Government. The approaches to the provinces were protected by frontier pickets under the Warden of Frontiers called Antapalas,3 while, the interior was protected and policed by special staff recruited from Sabaras, Pulindas, Chandalas, Foresters and Deer-trappers. The head of the provincial administration, in Kautilya scheme, was the Samaharta--the Collector General," who controlled a number of district collectors in his province (Janapada). Each province was, in fact, divided into four districts (Samaharta chaturdhu janapadan vibhaj ya), each of which was placed under an officer called the Stlanika, 1. Arthasastra, II, 1. 2. Mookerji, CGMT, p. 92. 3. Original :-Janapada-dva runyaitapiludhishthitani sthipayet. 4. Arthasastra, II, 3; Qtd, Mookarji, CGMT, pp. 92-93. 5. Arthasastra, I, 1. 6. Ibid, II, 35. For Personal & Private Use Only

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ADMINISTRATION OF KALINGA 179 who was responsible for the affairs and administration of his district.1 Likewise, under Asoka, each province seems to have been subdivided into Ahalas or districts under regular civil administration and Kotta-vishayas or territories surrounding forts. Each civil administrative division had a Pura or Nagara (city) and a rural part called Janapada, which consisted of Grama (village). The designations like the Pradesika (RE III and the Rathika (MRE, Yerragudi version), possibly suggest the existence of territorial units styled Pradesa or Rashtra respectively. ADMINISTRATIVE OFFICERS IN KALINGA Dr. Barua thinks that the Maurya State under Asoka, precisely as under his father and grandfather, was apparently an absolute monarchy in its form in the legal and political sense of the term, and as such, its sovereignty or supreme power might be taken to have belonged to him, vested in his person. But with the appointment of his Viceroys in the outlying provinces, there took place the delegation of certain powers to them, although the policy, official directions and changes in the method of administration continued to be dictated from the Centre. As already pointed out that the supposition of Dr. Barua that the provinces were directly under Asoka himself formerly but were later on placed under Kumara-Viceroy, does not fit in the Maurya scheme of administration. Hence, to think that delegation of certain powers to the Viceroys took place only on their appointment later in his reign does 1. Mookerji, CGMT, p. 93. 2. Hultsch, CII, Vol. I, p. xi; cf. Sarnath Edict ; Barua, AHI, Vol. I, p. 152. 3. AHI, Vol. I, p. 131. 4. Barua, AHI, Vol. I, p. 146. For Personal & Private Use Only

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180 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA not appear to be correct. As a matter of fact, Asoka kept on transferring his powers to his Viceroys, Governors and other officers of high rank, from time to time, whenever he felt the necessity of it, in order to ensure smooth and efficient administration, the basis of which was the maximum public good-both material and spiritual. The Emperor and the Princes were helped by bodies of officials who fell under the following classes : ---Mahamatras, Rajjukas, Pradesikas, Yuktas, Pulisas, Pativedakas Vachabhumikas, Lipikaras, Dutas, Ayuktas and Karankas.? MAHAMATRAS-Literally the word means 'One of Great Measure', 'a Magnate', and hence, denotes a person of high rank. There was a body of Mahamatras in each great city and district of the empire. Asoka's inscriptions mention Mahamatras of Tosali and Samapa in the Province of Kalinga.? In the Separate Kalinga Edicts, we have certain Mahamatras distinguished by the term Nagalala and Nagala-viyohalaka, which correspond to the Nagaraka and the Paura-vyavaharika of the Arthasastraand no doubt, administered justice in cities. In the Asokan Inscriptions, the Mahamatras are mentioned in various capacities : 1. They are mentioned as members of the Mantri parishad or Councillors, to whom the! Emperor confided urgent matters (RE VI). In the Arthasastra", Mahamatra figures as a Minister. 1. Raychaudhari-PHAI, p. 316. 2. The other were those of Patliputra, Kausambi, Suvarnagiri and Isila. 3. pp. 20 & 143 f, Trans : Shamsastri. The Naglaka may have had the executive functions as well as is suggested by the evidence of the Artbasastra, II, 36. 4. I, 10, 12-13. For Personal & Private Use Only

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ADMINISTRATION OF KALINGA 181 2. They are associated with the Kumara-Viceroy at Tosali (SKE II) and Aryaputra-Viceroy at Suvernagiri (MRE). Dr. Barua concludes from this that, like the Emperor, the Viceroys too had a Council of Ministers to assist them in the affairs of the State. 3. Mahamatras are also mentioned as Heads of Depart ments, for instance, Dharma-Maltamatras in charge of the Department of Morals; Strz-odhyaksha-Mahamatras in charge of the affairs of women;" AntaMahamatras in charge of frontiers, who corresponded to the Antapalas of the Arthasastra' and the Goptris of the age of Skandagupta. The Kautilya tells us that the salary of an Antapala was equal to that of a Kumara, a Paura-vyavaharika, a Member of the Mantri-parishad or a Rashtrapala." The Mahamatras are also placed in-charge of over thousands of people, which might denote them as executive officers (SKES). 5. They are very frequently sent out on quinquennial inspection of judicial administration as on other duties (SKEs). 6. They are given independent charge of cities, viz., Samapa, Isila (and Kosambi). Here they are called the Naglaka or Nagalavyahalaka which corresponds to the Nacaraka or the Paura-vyavaharikas of the Artha sastra and had judicial and executive functions.? 1. AHI, Vol. I, p. 177, Vol. II, p. 289. 2. Cf. Rimayana, II, 163; "Vriddhana vetrapanin...stryadhakshan"; Mbh, IX, 29, 68,90; XV, 22, 20; 23, 13; Antarvainsika Ganikadhyaksha of the Arthasastra. 3. pp. 20 & 217, Tr: Shamsastry. 4. PHAI, p. 317. 5. P, 247. 6. IV, 5. 7. Arth. II, 36. For Personal & Private Use Only

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182 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA We have express mention of bodies of Mahamatras as city-judiciaries 'Mahamata-nayala-viyohalaku' or simply Nagala-viyohalaka (SKE I Dhauli version), Mahamata Nagalaka' (SKE I Jaugada version). 7. Mahamatras are also deputed abroad to work as the Emperor's Dutas or Ambassadors, not merely in the frontier States, but also in Foreigu States (RE V & XIII). In this way, we find that Mahamatras denoted practically all the high officials of Asoka. Buddhaghosha? defines the Mahamatras as "the great officials occupying different ranks and posted to different places'. The power and influence of a Mahamatra will be evident from the fact that the seditious Mahamatra was a cause of much concern to the king." RAJJUKAS-In RE III, the Yuktas. the Rajjukas and the Pradesikas have been mentioned as officers responsible for efficient administration in the provinces. Dr. Barua3 says--"Figuratively, the Rajjukas were the rein-holders of the Royal chariots of administration i. e., the Samahartri of the Arthasastra; the Pradesikas were the watchers of enemies i, e., the Pradeshtris of the Kautilya. If so, the Yuktas as "the horses at work' were to be controlled by the Rajjukas and by implication also by the Pradesikas." The Rajjukas are mentioned in Rock Edict III, Pillar Edict IV, Pillar Edict VII and Minor Rock Edict I (Yerragudi version). The Rajjukas as important officials figure prominently in, atleast, two of the Satavahana inscriptions." They are associated with the Yuktas in RE III, with the 1. Qtd. AHI, vol. II. p. 287. 2. Arth. IV, 5. 3. AHI, vol. I, p. 193; vol. II, pp. 239.43. 4. IV, 1. 5. Luder's List Nos. 416 and 1195. For Personal & Private Use Only

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DMINISTRATION OF KALINGA 183 Rathikas in MRE I (Yer. ver.), and with the Pulisas in PE IV and PE VII. Buhler identified the Rajjukas with Rajjugahaka Amachcha which finds mention in Pali literature and which means Rope-holder, Field-measurer-rather Surveyor, and hence, signifies a Revenue and Settlement Officer.1 Dr. Thomas agrees with Buhler in thinking that, while Rajjukas represented the highest local officials, their chief functions were connected with survey, land settlement and irrigation. The Arthasastra refers to a class of officials called Chora-rajjuka but there is no reference to the Rajjuka proper. Jacobi has found in the Kalpasutra, a Jaina work, the word Rajju, which he explains as 'a Writer or a Clerk'. The Rajjukas, however, do not appear in any of the above capacities in the Edicts of Asoka. On the contrary, in PE VII, they are represented as the officials with ruling authority exercised over many hundred thousand of the populace. The same statement occurs in a more elaborate form in PE IV. In it, Asoka tells as that he had delegated his full Royal authority to the Rajjukas and made them supreme heads of all administration. They were like expert nurses to whose care was entrusted the welfare of all the children viz., his subjects. In matters of the administration of justice and the maintenance of equitable transactions of human affairs, they were made free agents so that they might initiate all necessary measures and proceedings on their own authority with self-confidence and without any fear of interference. Even in the case of criminal justice, they were the supreme judges in the 1. E. I., vol. II p. 406 fn; Cf also the prose version of the Kurudhamma Jataka. 2. CHI, vol. I, p. 487. 3. II, 6. 4. Original-Lajuka pi bahukesu-pana-sata-sahasesu ayata. For Personal & Private Use Only

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184 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA sense that they were allowed to function as the final court of appeal--a position which theretofore belonged to the Emperor himself. Again in MRE (Yer. ver.) they figure prominently as officials to whom the king's message was directly delivered for communicating the same to concerning officers and to all people. In view of these factors, we may regard the Rajjukas as Governors under the KumaraViceroys, but directly responsible to the Sovereign at Patliputra. Dr. Mookerjil says-"Rajuke or Raju (Manshera version) is probably connected with tlie word Raja, which in Pali might mean even a Mahamatta (Mahamatra) and all those who have power of life and death ?'' In the Mahavamsa, there comes across the term rajako for a king. In the Asokan inscriptions, they are invested with some of the powers of the Sovereign, viz., independence as regards danda (punishment) and abhihara (reward) as well as anugraha (privileges and pardons). Thus, the Rajjukas ranked next to the King and the Viceroys, and were like the Provincial Governors. The effective control of collection and utilization of revenue, under various heads and through different departments, which the Arthasastra delegates to the Samahartni, was the basic duty of the Rajjukas. It is interesting to note that in the Dipavainsa, Prince Priyadarsana Asoka, as his father's Viceroy at Avanti, is called Karamoli i.e. one charged to collect taxes. PRADESIKAS--The word occurs only in Rock Edict III, where the functionaries in question are included with the Rajjukas and the Yuktas in the ordinance of the anusamyana (tours). Senart, Kern and Buhler understood the term to denote local governors or local chiefs. Smith took it to mean District Officers. Hultszch compares it 1. Asoka, p. 133, fn. 3. 2. Barua-AHI, Vol. I, p. 194. For Personal & Private Use Only

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ADMINISTRATION OF KALINGA 185 with Pradesikesvara viz. Provincial Chiefs occuring in Kalhana's Rajatrangini. Thomas derives the word from pradesa which means "report' according to him, but identifies them with the Pradeshtris of the Arthasastra? whose chief functions were collection of taxes, suppression of recalcitrant chiefs (bali pragraha), administration of criminal justice, tracking of thieves and checking various superintendents and their subordinates. They acted as intermediaries between the Samahartri on the one hand and the Gopas, the Sthanikas and the Adhyakshas on the other.' It is, however, doubtful if the Pradesikas can really be equated with "reporters' as suggested by Thomas. The Pradesika, in its literal sense, would indicate the ruler of a pradesa or local area and is, hence, similar to the term Rashtrapala of Kautilya" or to the term Rashtriyena applied to the Provincial Governor in the Junagadha Inscription of Rudradamana 1.6 Hence, they may be regarded as subordinate functionaries under the Rajjukas. YUKTAS-They find mention in Rock Edict III along with the Rajjukas and the Pradesikas. The Pali word is Rajayutta, which is taken to mean all Royal Officers carrying on administrative work in the districts.? 1. IV, 125. 2. JRAS, 1915, p. 97; Artha sastra Trang : Shamsastri, p. 111. - In tho Vishnu l'urna (V. 26, 3) pradera has apparently the sense of 'counsel, instruction'. S. N. Mitra (Indian Culture, Vol. I, p. 310) suggests that these were the Mahimitras of the Provincial Governments, while the liajjukas were the Mahimatras of the Central Government. 3. JRAS, 1914, pp. 583-36; CHI, Vol. I, pp. 488 & 508. 4. Cr. Arthasastra. I. 12 ; IV, 1 ; IV, 4; IV, 6; IV, 9; and II, 35. Pradeshtris also occur in the Indra Grant. E.L., Vol. III, p. 150f. 5. V, 1. 6. Mookerji, Asoka, p. 134, fn. 1. 7. Barua. AHI, Vol. I, p. 191 ; Vol. II, p. 239. 24 For Personal & Private Use Only

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186 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA Mookerjit takes the Yuktas as a general term for all Government employees and cites the authority of the Arthasastra," which connects the Yuktas, the Upayuktas and their subordinates (i. e. Purushas) with all Departments of the Government service in connection with the State funds which they sometimes misappropriated. Bhandarkar takes them as District Treasury Officers with powers to spend money where it was likely to lead to an increase of revenue. Manu" describes them as the custodians of lost property when recovered. If the Yuktas are treated to signify all Government employees, they become identical with the Purushas of PE I and Amatyas of the Arthasastra. But in RE III, they are accorded a prominent official position, probably next to those of the Rajjukas and the Pradesikas. Dr. Thomas" suggests that the Yuktas meant the subordinate secretariat staff which accompanied the Rajjukas and the Pradesikas on tours. Hultzsch, however, opines that they were the secretaries employed for codifying royal orders in the office of the Maha natras. The concluding statement in RE III gives air to this view, where the Yuktas were required to have clear instructions from either the Parishad or the Pulisa (Yeraguddi version) as to the nature of formulation or drafting of the Royal Order, determining, no doubt, the tour programme of the Rajjukas and the Pradesikas. PULISAS-The Pulisas or agents are apparently identical with the Purushas or Raja-purushas of the Arthasastra. Hultzsch prefers to equate them with the 1. A goka, p. 133 2. II, 5; Cf. also Mbh, IT, 5, 72. 3. Asoka, p. 57. 4. VIII, 31. 5. JRAS, 1914, p. 391 6, Trang. Shamsastri, pp. 59 & 75. For Personal & Private Use Only

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ADMINISTRATION OF KALINGA 187 Gudha-purushas and points out that they were graded into high, low and middle ranks. The Mahabharata' also mentions the same three classes of the Purushas. They were placed in charge of many people (PE VII) and controlled the Rajjukas, it appears. PATIVEDAKAS-The term means Reporters and are more or less equivalent with the Charas mentioned in the Arthasastra.? VACHABHUMIKAS-It means Inspectors of Cowpens who were evidently charged with the superintendence of vraja referred to in the Arthasastra.? LIPIKARAS-These were the Royal scribes, one of whom Chapada is mentioned by name in MRE II. DUTAS-They are referred to in Rock Edict XIII and indicates Envoys. If the Kautilya is to be believed, they were divided into three classes, viz, Nisrishtarthah or Plenipotentiaries, Parimitarthah or Charge-d'affaires and Sasanaharas or Conveyers of Royal Writ. AYUKTAS--They find mention in the Separate Kalinga Edicts. In the early post-Mauryan and Scythian Ages, Ayuttas appear as village officials. In the Gupta Age, they figure as officers in charge of vishayas or districts and also as functionaries employed in the restoration of the wealth of conquered kings. The full designation was Ayuktapurushas. They may be included under the generic name of Pulisa referred to above. 1. II, 5, 74. 2. P. 38, Qtd. PHAI, p. 320. 3. Pp. 59.60 ; also PHAI, p. 321. 4. Qtd. PHAI, p. 321. The Lekha-hiraka of the Harshacharit (II, p. 52 ) may be compared with the Sasa nanaharas, 5. Luder's List No. 1317. 6. E.I., Vol. XV, No. 7, p. 138. 7. Fleet, CII, pp. 8-14. For Personal & Private Use Only

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188 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA KARANAKAS--They appear to be mentioned in the Yerragudi copy of the Minor Rock Edict and probably refer to judicial officers, teachers or scribe and may be equivalent to Karnikas viz. Officers-in-charge of Documents or Accounts. In the Mahabharata," Karnika has, according to the commentary, the sense of teacher. In the text itself, the officer in question laul to iinpart instructions to the Kumaras and had cuties relating to Dharmit or Law and Justice. In this way, some sort of general scheme is indicated in the Edicts of Asoka as regards the Provincial administration. The head of the administration---the highest provincial officer, was the Rajjuka, while a smaller jurisdiction was placed under the charge of the Pradesika or the Divisional Commissioner. There were, also, the Heads of Departments called Mukhas ( PE VII) and also known by the general title of Mahamatras, while the departments assigned to them were indicated by their names being prefixed to that title (Cf. Dharm:l-Mahamatras, Anta-Mahamatras, Stri-adhyaksha-Mahamatras and so on). The Mahamatras in charge of cities were called Mahamatranagaraka or Mahamatra-nagara-syaraharuka. Wherever the name Mahamatra is used by itself without any prefix or suffix, it denotes a Minister (SKE II and MRE I). This sense is also borne out in a passage in RE VI, where the Emperor is said to have entrusted matters of urgency to the Mahamatras for discussion by the Parishat or the Council of Ministers, of which the Mabanatras were members. Thus, there was organised a regular Civil Service assisting the Kumaras and also the Provincial Chiefs. The 1. IAQ, 1935, p. 586. 2. II, 6, 34. Qtd, PIIAI, p. 321. For Personal & Private Use Only

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ADMINISTRATION OF KALINGA 189 Civil Servants are distinguished as being high, middle and low in rank ( PE I ). Selection of Officers. Asoka may, naturally, be expected to have taken special care in tlic sclection of his various officers. The ministerial qualificatio:is demanded by Asoka of the officers, desciving to be appointi 10 ivigher offices and entrusted with responsible duties, aulk', substantially, those stated in detail in the Arthusastra, and brictiy, hinted in the Classical Works. The Asokan way of stating them agrees rather with those in the Epics, the Pali Nikayas and also the Jatakas. The strength of character is to be judged by the power of self-control, the purity of sentiment, the feeling of gratitude and the firmness of devotion (RE VII). The banetul mental distemper to be avoided consisted in wrath, conceit, malignity, irascibility, fierceniess, cruclty, and oppressiveness (SKE I and PE III). Dealings witia men to be citeclive must be enlivened by one's genial temperament, avoiding rudeness and fierceness, and expressing wiusome cordiality (SKE I). Little sin, much of good deeds, compassion, liberality, truthfulness, moral purity, gentleness and nobleness are the qualities which go to ennoble human character (PE II & III). Moral and physical ercrgy, ardour and enthusiasm are to be applied to general good, avoiding lethargy, inertia and weariness for csertion. The very best kind of longing for piety, self-examination, attentiveness, fear of public opinion and enthusiasm are needed for success in work. The instructions received are to be grasped in their letter and spirit, and are to be properly and fully carried out (SKE I and RE III). The noble feelings to be cherished in rendering service is to think that one is just discharging his debts (SKE I).1 1. Viz., Debts to the gods, to the riehia and to the parents. For Personal & Private Use Only

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190 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA Sometimes, however, the lofty ideals of duty, set before the officers, were not realised. Cases of their neglect of duty or indifference to the Emperor's injunctions called forth vigorous but dignified protests from Asoka himself. For instance, he says in Separate Kalinga Edict I: -"With certain natural dispositions, success in administration is not possible to wit, envy, lack of sustained efforts, harshness, impatience, want of application, indolence and lassitude. You must desire that such dispositions be not yours. At the root of the whole matter lie steadiness and patience. He, who is tired in administration, will not rise up, but one must needs move, advance and march on. There will be special officers to remind you of your obligations to the King and of his Instructions. Fulfilment of these bears great fruit and non-fulfilment brings great calamity (Asoka, probably, means a threat here?). If this is not fulfilled there is neither attainment of Heaven nor that of the Royal Favour. By fulfilling my Instructions, you will gain Heaven and also will pay your debt to me" (SKE I). Further, lest his words be forgotten by those for whoin they were meant, the Emperor, besides having them indelibly engraved on rocks, ordered that they be recited publicly at the beginning of each season of four months i. e. each of the three seasons-hot, rainy and coll, on the Tishya day, nay, even once a month on the Tishya day and in the intervals between the Tishya days and on a fit occasions even to a single person (SKE II). For Personal & Private Use Only

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CHAPTER VII ADMINISTRATION OF KALINGA (Continued) ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE Asoka paid special attention to the administration of justice. No wonder if he kept a watchful eye when the newly-conquered country of Kalinga was formed into a province of his Empire, since when a territory is newly subjugatel and is in an unsettled condition, the officers, who are charged with proper administration and maintenance of peace and order there, are apt to transgress the bounds of justice and mercy. That such a transgression did actually occur on the part of his officers, we know from his various inscriptions. In Separate Kalinga Edict I, Asoka takes the Nagara-vyavaharikas severely to task, because some people of the district-towns of Tosali and Samapa were subjected to arbitrary imprisonment or were harassed without much cause. He plainly gives them to understand that they had not fully grasped the meaning of his words when he said that all men were his children (Save munise paja mama--SKE I and SKE II), and that he desired for them as for the latter, both material and spiritual happiness. . When his expostulations were over, he gave them a healthy piece of advice. He pressed on their attention the fact that unless they performed their duties sedulously, they would neither gain Heaven nor would discharge their duties to the King. Still fearing that notwithstanding all these remonstrances the state of affairs might not improve and that arbitrary imprisonment and causeless harassment might continue, he threatens them with sending forth a Mahamatra every five years to see For Personal & Private Use Only

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* 192 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA that all his injunctions, for the proper administration of justice, are carried out. Thus, the administration of justice, specially the correction of its abuses, was assigned by Asoka to Dharmamahamatras (RE V) in the second stage. But, in the 26th year of his reign, Asoka was again obliged to take an important step for further ameliorating the administration of justice in so far his provinces were concerned. Pillar Edict IV informs us that in that year Asoka placed "Rajukas in sole charge of reward and punishment in order that they may perform their duties with confidence and without fear, cause welfare and happiness to the people of the provinces, and confer favours on them," and further, that "the Rajukas shall make themselves acquainted with what gives happiness or pain, and exhort the people of the provinces so that they may gain happiness in this world and in the next." It would appear from these passages that the revision of justice by the Dharma-malamatras was abrogated by the King in the 6th year of his reign, when its administration was consigned to the Rajukas. The Rajukas, hence, were made supreme in the execution of judicial function, implying thereby that appeals to higher authorities or courts were abolished. But, why did Asoka find it necessary to place the Rajukas in sole charge of reward and punishement of the muff: sil people. Asoka himself gives an answer to it, namely, in order that there may be uniformity in administration (vyavahara), and uniformity in punishment (danda). From the inscriptions, it appears that the Rajukas were not the only officers who were connected with the administration of justice. There were :atleast two more of them, 1. This schemo would place Separate Kuling Edicts, Rock Edict V and Pillar Edict IV in a chronological order. For Personal & Private Use Only

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ADMINISTRATION OF KALINGA 193 viz., the Nagara-vyavaharikas and the Pradesikas, who too performed the functions of a judge. As there were thus three classes of officials in one and the same province, who performeil judicial in dilition to other duties, uniformity in respect of vyavahura and danda was not possible. The administration of justice could not, consequently, be expected to be uniform even so far as the people of one province were concerned. This was a veritable evil and Asoka tried to remcde it by handing over to the Rajukas the sole charge of judicial administration and by relieving the other two classes of officials of this duty. Hence, he could with great relief say--"Just as one feels confident after making over his offspring to a clever nurse, saying unto himself--the clever nurse desires to bring up my offspring, even so have i appointed the Rajukas for the welfare avd happiness of the people of the provinces (hevari mama lajuka kata janapadas it hita-sukhaye) in order that they may perform their duties with self.confidence and without any fear and perplexity." This might also be taken as an indication that, prior to that, the Rajukas had not a free hand as they had to work under constant fear of interference from higher authoritics -- possibly the King and his Deputies. Delegation of judicial authority to the Rajukas may not mean, however, that the Dharma-mahamatras and corresponding State-officials in a province ceased to help them in the execution of their duties as Judges. This may only indicate that in order to avoid pressure of work upon himself, and hence delay in judgement, Asoka delegated his powers to the Rajukas as the final court of appeal in so far as the provinces were concerned (May be, except the home-province of Magadha). The Kautilya Arthasastra? mentions two kinds of 1. III, 1. 25 For Personal & Private Use Only

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194 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA tribunals. The first, for the trial of civil suits and quasicriminal cases, where only fines were imposed. It was constituted of three Dharmasthas i.e. Jurists, capable of interpreting the Sacred Laws, and three Amatyas i. e. Judges, capable of administering the King's Laws. The second tribunal was meant for the trial of criminal offences and quasi-civil cases, involving severe punishments as arrest, imprisonment, mutilating of limbs and death sentences. It was constituted of either three Pradeshtris or three Amatyas. In the Vrijji system of administration of justice as described by Buddhaghosha, the King was the highest judiciary of the State, next was the Crown-prince, below him the Sanapati or Commander-in-Chief, followed by the Atthakulika or the Tribunal of Eight, the Sutradharas, the Vyavaharikas and the Vinischaya Mabamatras in descending order.? The criminal offences, in the case of Asoka's administration, were those which involved arrest, imprisonment and death sentences as punishments. The Rajukas became the final court of appeal since the delegation of the Royal authority in the matter of judgement to them. Further, in the case of a death sentence, three days respite was to be granted for having the judgement reviewed by the Rajukas, as well as allowing the person to die to be prepared for death, in case the appeal failed. In this way, an attempt was made by Asoka to mitigate the rigours of the penal code. Going by Asoka's statement, taken in its literal sense we are to understand that the kinsmen (natika) of the 1. IV, 2. 2. Sumangala Vilasini, II, p. 519; Rhys David --Buddhist India, p. 22; B, C. L&W---Some Kshatriya Tribes in Ancient Todia, p. 1021; Barua, AHI, Vol. II, p. 250. 3. RE V, PE V; Cf. also McCrindle Ancient India, p. 70. For Personal & Private Use Only

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ADMINISTRATION OF KALINGA 195 convicts were the persons expected to make the judges reconsider their case for the sparing of their life. The word natika may be taken not only to denote the relative of a person, near or remote (SKE I, PE IV), but also widely the kinsfolk, friends, associates, comrades and companions, cven neighbours (RE III, RE IV, RE IX, RE XII), in short, all persons who were interested in his welfare--all active well-wishers. The expression nijjhapana employe:l in the Jatakas as a legal term means 'convincing the Judge of the innocence of the accused'.' Asoka himself has specifically mentioned the condition of release of prisoners before they have served out the term of imprison. ment (RE V), which means by way of commutation of the sentence passed by the court. Dr. Mookerji" cites the Buddhist tradition from the Asokavadana, which represents Asoka as abolishing capital punishment altogether. This however, lacks corroboration from his Edicts. The Edicts of Asoka do not enlighten us as to the actual forms in which the death sentence was executed. The Arthasastra broadly distinguishes between putting to death with torture and without torture.4 Beheading and drowning may certainly be mentioned as methods of execution without torture. The different forms of torture are listed in the Pali Nikayas5 and detailed in the Arthasastra. The Pali texts mention robbery with violence as a typical offence which was punishable with different forms of death.? In RE XIII, Asoka warns the Atavis, viz., the 1. Barua, AHI, Vol. II, pp. 351.3. 2. Asoka, p. 179, fn. 7. 3. IV, 11. 4. Ibid. 5. Majjhima, I, p. 87 ; Aiguttara, I, p. 47; Barua, AHI, Vol. I. p. 199. 6. IV, II. 7. Digha, IT, p, 32; Barua, AHI, Vol. I, p. 199. For Personal & Private Use Only

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196 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA predatory tribes or gangs of thieves with forests as their hiding place, saying 'let them be judicious and not get killed'. Asoka has, further, mentioned.---"If there be none who pursuades (the Rajukas), they (the prisoners) will give alms for the sake of the other world or will perform fasts" (PE IV) that is, if the convict must dic, he should try to be better off in the next worll by gifts and fasts in this. But such a case as above, may have occured very rarely, since Asoka says in RE V that he has employed Dharma-mahamatras for taking steps against imprisonment, for freedom from molestation and for getting release on grounds that one has numerous offsprings or is overwhelmed by misfortune or afflicted by age.? In this way we find that Asoki tried to benefit people to the maximum extent. Dr. Barua, however, says that the sacredness of lower animals was disproportionately emphasised, while that of human life was not recognised by abolishing capital punishment. The only concession showil was the three day's reprieve granteil to convicts condemned to death, which might have also been utilised by their relations to get them i revision of the sentence (PE IV) as well as the institution of jail-deliveries on the anniversary days of his coronation (PE IV and V). Dr. Mookerji", in regard to the greater kindness shown by Asoka to animals, says--"Perhaps the responsibility of man for 1. As regards these anubandhas or grounds of relief, K. P. Jayaswal was the first to explain them in the light of Smriti texts referring to the various grounds for revision o judicial sentence (M>>nu, VIIT, p. 126; Gautama, XII, 51; Vasislitha, XIX, 91; Yijiavalkya, I, 367; Artha. sastra, IV, 85. Qtd. JBORS, IV, pp. 144-146). 2. Asoka, p. 60. For Personal & Private Use Only

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ADMINISTRATION OF KALINGA 197 his actions accounts for the hard treatment prescribed for him and leniency towards the lower forms of life." JAIL ADMINISTRATION The Arthasastra? not only speaks of the Superintendent of Jails as the officers placed in charge of prisons, but also prescribes specific rules for the administration of Jails. It distinguishes between the lock-up (charaka) and the prison proper (ban thanagara). The rules prescribed provide that no obstruction should be caused to any prisoner in thcir daily a vocations, such as sleeping, sitting, eating and easing nature. No person should be put in the lock-up without the declaration of the grounds of provocations. The prisoner should not be subjected to torture (parikalesa) or deprived of food and drink. They must not be beaten to death, unnecessarily harassed or molested. In the case of women, particular care must be taken to see that no rape was committed upon them either in the lock-up or within the prison. The criminals condemned to death were put in the prison until the execution. The Arthasastra" also states--"Once in a day or once in five nights, jails may be emptied of prisoners in consideration of the work they have done or of whipping inflicted upon them or of an adequa te ransom paid by them in gold. Whenever a new country is conquered, when an heir-apparent is installed on the throne, or when a prince is born to the king, prisoners (should be) set free." The prose text of the Arthasastra enjoins--"On the days to which the birth-star of the king is assigned, as well as on full-moon days, such prisoners as are young (under age), 1. IV, 9. 2. II, 36. 3. Ibid. For Personal & Private Use Only

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198 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA old, diseased or helpless (bala-vriddha-vyadhita-anathanam) or those who are of charitable disposition shall be let out from the jails." Servitude, indebtedness and imprisonment were painted alike by the Buddha as states of woe and release from a prison, like emancipation from servitude, is held out as a state of well-being? Asokan word for prison is simply bandhana'. The triple purpose concerning the prisoners, as stated in RE V, is substantially the same as that behind the prescriptions and injuctions in the Arthusastra. Asoka too shows much concern for making arrangements through the agency of the Dharma-ma hamatras, to provide the prisoners with money to pay ransom, to protect them against coercion and oppression and to see them released, especially in the case of such prisoners as were minors or mere tools (anubandha) or burdened with the maintenance of family (ajava) or entitled to consideration by reason of their good conduct (katabhikale) or old age (mahalake). In SKE I, Asoka expresses his earnest desire that the city-magistrates should always endeavour so that there may be. no sudden restriction on man's liberty or sudden torture. "Well established is the rule", says Asoka, "that if a single person suffers either arrest (palibodha) or torture (pariklesa) and there occurs on that account a sudden imprisonment (or death --bandhanartika), others, the blood relations and many people distantly related, feel aggrieved." In PE V, Asoka states--"Until (I had been) annointed 26 years, in this period, twentyfive jail-deliveries have been 1. Samannephalla Jataka, Qtd. Barua, AHI, Vol. II, p. 271. 2. Original : Patividhanaye, apalibodaye mokhaye cha. For Personal & Private Use Only

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ADMINISTRATION OF KALINGA 199 effected by me (bandhana-mokhani katani)." This would mean that every year there was such release effected. Asoka, however, does not inform us the occasion of these releases. Obviously, when he has stated the fact in his inscriptions, he must have kept a particular occasion in view. From the importance attached to the Tishyal and Punarvasu days, the first, eighth, fourteenth and fifteenth days of the Lunar half-month; the first full moon day in each of the threc season (in a year); the first half-month during the Indian Lent as well as to other auspicious days in the same way, it may be inferred that the general rules that guided Asoka's actions were more or less the same as or similar to those met with in the Arthasa:tra. The idea of the State providing the helpless and the aged with maintenance, is not a new one and was known even before the time of Asoka. For instance, Kautilya? says-"The king shall maintain the orphan, the aged, the infirm, the afflicted and the helpless." It is possible that this duty of the State upto Asoka's time was observed more in the breach, and in order to renew the practice and ensure its continuance, Asoka entrusted it to the Dharma-mahamatras. And even if we suppose for a moment that this humanitarian measure was not, for the first time, devised by Asoka, it was no insignificant matter that he attempted to revive it, cnsure justice where it was set at naught and soften it with clemency where it was likely to hit severely. 1. Refer appendix to this chapter. 2. II, 36; K.P. Jayaswal (JHORS, Vol. IV, pp. 144 f) has explained anubandhas viz. grounds of relief. in the light of Smriti texts (Manu, VIII, 126; Gautama, XII, 51; Vasishtha, XIX, 91; Yajnavalkya, I, 367; also Arthasastrs, IV, 8). For Personal & Private Use Only

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200 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA CITY ADMINISTRATION There are two cities--Tosali and Samapa, mentioned in the Asokan Edicts, situted in the Province of Kalinga, of which the former was the seat of a Viceroyalty and the latter that of a Governorship. The inscriptions, however, do not throw much light on the system by which these cities were administered. But it may be presumed that the method of administration in all big and important cities in the Maurya Empire was, practically, the same as that in the capital city of Patliputra, about which information is obtained from the accounts of the Greck writers and the Arthasastra of Kautilya. In RE V, Asoka distinguishes his capital Patliputra from other outlying towns (bahereshu nagareshu). Among these outer cities, we find mention of Tosali and Samapa in the Province of Kalinga, Suvarnagiri and Isila in the Southern Province, Ujeni in the Province of Avanti, Takasila in the Province of Uttarapatha and Kosambi situated in the Province of Vatsa. Patliputra served as the official headquarters of the Imperial Government as also of the home Province of Magadha. The accounts of Megasthenes and Strabo in regard to the city administration, under the early Maurya regime, is remarkable for its perspicuity and clearness. The accounts correspond closely though not wholly with those of Kautilya as has been shown by Dr. R. K. Mookerji. According to Strabo, the Officers i, e. the City Magistrates, who had charge of the city of Patliputra, were divided into six boards of five members each. Their respective functions were :-? 1. CGMT, pp. 75 and 143-45 ; also CHAI, pp. 285-89. 2. Qtd. CHT, Vol. I, Chap. XVI, p. 418; Dr. Mookerji has compared these with those of Kautilya, CGMT, pp. 148-45 ; Mog. Frag. 36a ; Cf. Strabo, XV, C, 707. For Personal & Private Use Only

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ADMINISTRATION OF KALINGA 201 (1) Supervision of factories, (2) Care of strangers, including control of the inns, provision of assistants, taking charge of sick persons and burying the dead. (3) The registration of births and deaths. (4) The control of the markets, inspection of weights and measures. (5) The inspection of manufactured goods, provision for their sale with accurate distinction of new and second-hand articles. (6) Collection of 10% tax charged on sale. Such are the functions which these boards separately discharged. In their collective capacity, they had the charge both of their respective departments and also of matters affecting the general interest, such as keeping of public buildings in proper repair, regulation of prices, care of markets, harbours and temples. Kautilya has a regular plan on the basis of which the administration of cities were modelled and it differs little from that of the Greek accounts. The city was entrusted to a Mayor or Prefect called Nagarika and sometimes Puramukhya. The term used in the Asokan Edicts for these officers is Mahamatanagala-viyohalaka (i. e. Nagara-vyavanarika-mahamatra) corresponding to the term Paura-vyavaharika used by Kautilya' for one of the eighteen Chief Officers (Tirthas) of the State. Elsewhere, Kautilya; uses the expression "Nagarika-mahamatra' corresponding to the expression 'Mahamata-nagalaka' as used in the tenth line of the Jaugada text of the Separate Kalinga Edict 1. 2. 3. II, 16. I, 12. IV, 5. 26 For Personal & Private Use Only

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202 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA I, showing how both Asoka and Kautilya are at one in giving the city-magistrates the rank of a Mahamatra. We are, further, told that the Nagarika stood in the same relation towards a city as the Samaharta towards a province. Hence, like the province, the town also was divided into four parts or wards, each of which was placed under an officer called Sthanika, while each Sthanika controlled a number of subordinate officers called the Gopas, who were responsible for ten, twenty or forty households. Here, one is to imagine that the city administrators were responsible for the proper discharge of their duties either to the King or to the Kumara-viceroy or as the case may be, to the Rajuka i. e. Governor.3 In SKE I, Tosali and Samapa are spoken of as two cities, each placed in the charge of City-Magistrates called Nagara-vyavaharikas or Nagaraka-mahamatras. Thus, the administration of neither of the cities was entrusted to a single officer. The city administrators were many, in the opinion of Dr. Barua, although from the present edict it does not appear whether they had formed one Judiciary (Board) or more. But in both versions of the edict in question, the city administrators are addressed to in their collective capacity, no matter, whether they had belonged to one body or six. To take them as independent would be against the general principle of the Asokant as well as the Maurya administration which was against reposing full trust in a single person and always thought it safe and wise to provide mutual checks. 1. Mookerji, CGMT, p. 120. fn. 2. 2. Ibid, p. 1:3. 3. Barua. AHI, Vol. I, p. 203. 4. Barua, AHI, Vol. II, pp. 288f, 5. MoCrindle, Ancient India, pp. 86f; Arthasastra, III, 1; IV, 1.. For Personal & Private Use Only

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ADMINISTRATION OF KALINGA 203 In SKE I, Asoka reprimands the Nagarakas for certain high-handed and rash actions on their part, such as sudden arrest, coercion and imprisonment, and takes steps to stop these evils. According to the Arthasastra,' it was one of the main duties of a Nagaraka to try to detect internal thieves inside a fortified town, while the duty of a Pradeshtri consisted in detecting and bringing to book the thieves with the help of the Sthanikas and the Gopas. The designation Vyavaharika, in the opinion of Dr. Barua,' does not necessarily imply that the duties of a Nagaraka-maha. matra was confined to those of Presidency and Police Magistrates. Presumably, the duties assigned to them embraced all administrative affairs of a city, including the municipal duties. Thus, they were not, except in their collective capacity, members of a single judiciary or magistracy. As regards thefts, Strabo3 writes--"Megasthenes, who was in the camp of Sandrokottos (Chandragupta Maurya) which consisted of four hundred thousand men, says that he found that the thefts reported on any one day did not exceed the value of 200 Drachmai i. e. about one hundred rupees." FOREST ADMINISTRATION The Kautilya Arthasastra4 broadly distinguishes between the Reserve forests (Vana) and the Wild Tracts (Afavi). The former i. e. Reserve forests were again subdivided into Games forests, Elephants forests and Produce forests. The latter viz., the Wild tracts denoted such forest regions as were inhabited by predatory tribes or used 1. IV, 6. 2. AHI, Vol. I, p. 204. 3. XV, 1, 53. 4. II, 2. . For Personal & Private Use Only

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204 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA as hiding places by thieves and plunderers. Of the Game forests, some were to be specially reserved for the King's sport, while the rest were meant for public. The Elephant forests were to be situated in out-of-the-way places and were separated from the wild tracts (atavz). The next were the forests specially maintained for the purposes of obtaining various kinds of forest produce. The same distinction between these two kinds of forests i. e. Vana and Atavi, is also to be noticed in the Asokan inscriptions. For instance, in RE VIII, Asoka speaks of hunting as a Royal pastime, which presupposes the existence and maintenance of Game forests, specially reserved for the purpose. In PE V, there is a clear mention of the Elephant forests (Nagavana) in which killing of animals was prohibited on certain days of the year, which shows that these were used as hunting grounds by the public. Elephant was one of the most important animals, since it was used in army and also in various social and religious functions. In the Maurya army, there wos a separate Department of Elephants, which looked to the business of recruiting elephants obtained from various places. The ele. phants of the Kalinga country were thought to be the best, as has been mentioned by Kautilya. Megasthenes records that the elephants were the special property of the King.? There was a Superintendent of Elephant-forests (Naguvana. dhyakasha) as has been mentioned by Kautily. He was to maintain them with the assistance of forest.guards, those who rear elephants, those who enchain their legs, those who guard the boundaries and those who dwell in the forests. 1. II, 2. "Kalingangagaja sreshlul." 2. Qtd. Mookerji, Asoka, p. 58. 3. II, 2 & 31. 4. II, 17. For Personal & Private Use Only

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ADMINISTRATION OF KALINGA 205 The second type of forests viz., Atavi or the Wild Tract has been of much political importance in Indian history throughout. As already mentioned, such regions were inhabited by predatory tribes and also used as hiding places by thieves and plunderers. The predatory tribes have always been a source of menace and depredation to the neighbouring kingdoms and also to the people in general who lived in the neighbourhood of these regions. It was essential, therefore, for a ruler to conciliate the wild tribes. Kautilya explains wliy such a policy of friendship was to be extended to them. In the Arthasastra he says that the robbers carry off the property of the careless and can be put down as they are easily recognized and caught hold of whereas wild tribes have their own strongholds, being numerous and brave, ready to fight in broad daylight and seizing and destroying countries like kings. Hence, they could cause greater harm to the State than robbers. That the Hindu monarchs extended to the wild tribes their hands of friendship is clear from the observations of foreign writers. Ktesias, who calls them by the general appellation of Kynokephaloi or Kynomolgoi, describes them? and states how they brought presents to the King annually and sold wares made by themselves to the people in exchange for bread, clothes, bows, lances etc. Every fifth year, the King presented them with three hundred bows, three thousand lances, fifty thousand swords, and one hundred and twenty thousand small shields. Evidently, they were reckoned more than mere hunting agents in the wilds. 4. 1. VIII, 4. 2. McCrindle-India as Described by Ktesias, Calcutta, 1882. pp. 23.4 ; Cf. Dr. B.A. Saletore--The Wild Tribes in Indian History, Lahore, 1935, p. 2. 3. McCrindle, Ibid, p. 86. For Personal & Private Use Only

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206 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA The Jatakas also describe vividly the manace caused by Ataviyo to a kingdom which was not well guarded against them. Hence, while it was necessary to conciliate the wild tribes, it was also very essential to make arrangements in home territories to guard against such menaces and for that purposes, according to Kautilya, Atavipalas were appointed. The duties assigned to the Atavipalas (the Protectors of wild tracts), the Sunyapalas (the Protectors of no-man's land), and the Vivitadhyakshas (Supe. rintendents of barren tracts) were all allied, tending to implement the work of the Antapalas and the Durgapalas.? These may be summed up as--"Hunters with their hounds shall reconnoitre forests at the approach of thieves or enemies, they shall also so hide themselves by ascending trees or mountains as to escape from them and blow conchshell or beat drums." Their duty was to protect timber and elephant forests, to keep roads in good repairs, to arrest thieves, to ensure the safety of mercantile traffic, to protect cows and to conduct the transaction of the people. The Jatakas also corroborate the above and mention that the main duty of the Atavipalas (Pali : Asavirakichitus) was to protect the Royal territory against the depredations caused by the predatory tribes or gangs of thieves. Kautilya, further, informs us that Wild Tribes could certainly be incorporated in the State army. He makes a mention of five kinds of armies, viz., Hereditary army, Hired army, Army formed of corporation of people, Friend's army and the Army composed of Wild Tribes. Of these armies, the Army of Wild Tribes was to be paid by the 1. Mahajanaka Jataku, VI. p 55. 2. Arthasastra, II, 34. 3. VI, p. 335. 4. VII, 8; Cf. Raghuvamsa, IV, 26, which includes a sixth, viz., the Army of a Conquered King. For Personal & Private Use Only

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ADMINISTRATION OF KALINGA 207 King either in raw produce or in allowance for plunder.1 The army of a conquered enemy and that of wild tribes both are anxious for plunder. In the absence of plunder and under troubles they prove as dangerous as a lurking snake." Strange as it may appear, but Asoka too was not free from internal troubles in his kingdom. If we study his statement in RE XIII critically, it would appear that the Atuvikas or the Forest Principalities were causing him no small anxiety. These people were altogether subordinate to Asoka, but enjoyed some degree of independence. Otherwise, there is no meaning in the statement that they have done him wrong and that though he is possessed of all terrestrial power to crush them, he is resorting to the friendly mode of winning them over to his side--a mode which no doubt suggested itself to him on account of his having become an ardent follower of Dhamma. The Wild Tribes receivedl particular favour at the hands of the Emperor. A law was passed regarding the safety of the inhabitants of forests. 'Forests must not be burnt, cither uselessely or in order to destory (living beings)'-- So runs the order in PE V. The success which crowned his efforts in this direction can be judged from the statement made in RE XIII-"And, even the inhabitants of the forests which are included in the Dominion of Devanampriya, even these he pacifies and converts." His deliberate policy was thus enuntiated--"Even if anyone does positive harm to him, he would be considered worthy of foregiveness by Devanampriya so far as he can possibly he forgiven." (RE XIII) 1. IX, 2. 2. Ibid. For Personal & Private Use Only

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208 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA Asoka, however, went far ahead of the maxims which the law-givers had enunciated concerning the treatment that was to be meted out to the wild tribes. With him, the primary need was not that of entertaining the wild tribes in State service, but of weaning them from their savage habits and of leading them along the path of virtue and progress. Asoka had another definition of his Dhamma, specially meant for the ruder people, who must first be trained in the elementary virtues of life specified in RE XIII, namely, freedom from harm, restraint of passions, impartiality and cheerfulness. They must first get over the state of nature' in which they live, the state of war among themselves, and form themselves into a 'civil society' resting on selfrestraint, fellow feeling and the joy of a communal life. Thus, Asoka does not place before these ruder folks his usual definition of Dharma, involving the cultivation of proper domestic and social relations. For Asoka, there was no distinction between his own and other people. But beyond the charter of impartiality, Asoka appears to have shown marked consideration to the border-land people. The Separate Kalinga Edicts tell what Asoka intended to convcy in regard to the wild tribes, who lived on the borders of his vast empire"Even upon the forest folk in his dominion, the Devanampriya, looks kindly. They need not be afraid of him, but may have trust in him and receive from him only happiness and not misery. Devanampriya will forgive them what can be forgiven." While Asoka was anxious to secure the confidence of these wild people, he was 1. Cf. His statement in SKE I 'all men are my children', suggestive of John Wesleys the world is my parish' as quoted by Macphail in his Asoka', p. 44. For Personal & Private Use Only

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ADMINISTRATION OF KALINGA 209 equally anxious to set them moving on the path of piety in order that they may obtain happiness in this world and in the next. They are distinctly bidden to turn from their evil ways so that they may not be chastised. In fact, freedom of these people was conditioned on morality. These people were to be told over and over again that the King was to them even as a father, loving them as he loves himself. A message in writing would reach only a small proportion of the people. Therefore a command was given that the Edicts may be recited at the beginning of each of the three seasons-hot, wet and cool; at a certain stage of the moon; and even at any time suitable. Those literate would naturally read the Edicts themselves and follow them, but not so in the case of illiterate population, which, it may be presumed, formed a majority. And, it is for these people that the Emperor made adequate arrangements for reading out the Edicts and insisted upon their following the Law of Piety, so virtuously enunciated by him. The Rock Edicts do not, it may be confesssed, enlighten us on the particular names of the wild tribes who formed the subject of Asoka's favour. Nevertheless, it may be judged from various other evidences. In the Puranas, the Atavyas are mentioned side by side with the Pulindas, Vindhya-muliyas and Vaidarbhas. And, one Copper Plate Grant describes Hastin, a Parivrajaka king, as master of the Dabhala kingdom 'together with eighteen forest kingdoms (Atavi-rajya)."" Dabhala, according to D. R. Bhandarkar," must be the older form of Dahala, 1. The Puranas (Brahmanda, II, 18, 50; 31, 83; Matsya, 121, 45; Cf. also Hultzsch, p. xxxix) however know of a land of the Paradas in Eastern India, watered by the Ganges and noted for its horses. Otd. K. A. N. Sastri, Nandas and Mauryas, p. 223, fn. 2. 2. Gupta Ings, p. 114. Qtd. Bhandarkar, Asoka, p. 47, 3. Asoka, p. 48. 27 For Personal & Private Use Only

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210 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA the modern Bundelkhand. The Atavi country, which comprised no less than eighteen tiny kingdoms in the Gupta period, must have extended from Baghelkhand right upto the sea-coast of Orissa. And, this may explain why two copies of Minor Rock Edict I are found engraved at Rupanath and Sahasram, which were on the eastern and western frontiers of the Atavi country. Further, from the name of one of the many tribes, dealt with in the edictsthe Andhras, we may conclude that Asoka must have taken equal care of and bestowed favours on other wild tribes living in the hilly tracts of the eastern ghats and these must have included tribes living in the hilly tract of Orissa. The Andhras, in early days, were a barbarous tribe? and we can assume that the other kindered wild tribes must also have come in for their share of the Emperor's unrivalled magnanimity. Again, Asoka exhorts his officials to announce his sympathy and affection to the people of the bordering territory. Ja Drissa, there could be no territory adjoining Asoka's empire except the independent or quasi-independent part of the Atavis. TOUR SYSTEM OF GOVERNMENT One interesting point to be noticed in connection with the administrative systein of Asoka is that some of his officers--high or low, had to undertake tours for the despatch of their business. This is clear from the Sarnath Edict where the local Mahamatras have been instructed to go out on tour as far as their jurisdiction went. The same instruction has been issued in the Rupnath Edict. And, as a matter of fact, the Rajukas, the Pradesikas and the Yuktas have been mentioned in RE III as going on tour for their routine work, and we know that they were dignitaries of a high class. The touring Malamatras and higher 1. Ait. Brah. VII, 18. Cf. also Sarkhayana Sutra, XV, 16. For Personal & Private Use Only

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ADMINISTRATION OF KALINGA 211 officials were expected to return to the district headquarters by turn on the uposatha (fast) days, as may be inferred from the Sarnath Edict. But they had all to be present at the headquarters (probably provincial) on the day of the Tishya Nakshatra----that is, on the King's birthday, as can be inferred from the Separate Kalinga Edicts. The anusamyana (tour)? consisting in quinquennial and teriennial tours of inspection on the part of the Rajukas and the Pradesikas (RE III) or on that of the Rajavachanika-mahamatras (SKE I) was the method of official supervision introduced by Asoka for the following purposes :(a) To collect a first-hand information about the actual condition of the people. (b) To bring comfort and happiness to town and country folks, and to do thein favour by initiating various works of public utility." (c) To educate people in the laws and ideals of piety (RE III and PE IV), and (d) To pievent the miscarriage of justice and breaches of duty (RE IV, SKE I), in addition to their usual administrative duties (ahapayitu atane kammam SKE 1). In introducing these tours, Asoka's intention obviously was to fully utilize the adhimasa (additional month) which 1. Bhandarkar, Asoka, pp. 67-68. 2. Dr. Mookerji (Asoka, p. 125, fn. 3) says--"It may be noted that Kautilya (II, 9) provides for the transfer of goverment servants (Yuktas) from one post to another in order to prevent embazzlement (viparyasyat ch karmsu). He also uses the word niryana for anusarnyana for the King's tour (srth., I. 21)." 3. Original: ---"Sukhiyan, dukhiyana Jionieuw -PEIV. 4. Original :-"Janasa janapadasa hitasukhari upadahevu anugahi. nevu cha." For Personal & Private Use Only

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212 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA occured at the end of a cycle of five years, the working year consisting of 354 days and nights, as has been mentioned by Kautilya. In the case of the Viceroyalty of Kalinga, the rules of service provided for such tours every five years (SKEs), while in the case of Ujjaiyini and Takshasila, it was three years (SKE I). Dr. Mookerji' opines--"Perhaps the greater frequency of the tours was necessary in the latter provinces as being more populous than the newly annexed province of Kalinga with its strong element of forest folks in its population, and hence, less civilized and more sparsely populated." RESUME With regard to the newly acquired territory, the King is advised by Kautilya3 to adopt, among others, the following means of pacification :-. Trying to cover the faults of the fallen enemy with his virtues and excelling his virtues by doubling his own. Devotion to his own duties and works. The showing of favours (anugrahakarma), the offering of presents (pariharakarma), the giving of gifts (danakarma), the bestowing of honours (manakarma), and the doing of what is agreeable and good to the subjects (prakriti-priya-hitani). The adoption of the same mode of life, the same dress, language and etiquette (saminasila-vesabhasha-acharata), so as to avoid appearing as a stranger in the habit of life. The evincing of personal interest in their national, religious and social festivals and functions. The honouring everywhere of religious orders. The offering of land, articles of use and other gifts and presents to persons 1. Arthasastra, II, 7. 2. Asoka, pp. 28-29. Cf. RE XIII. 3. Arth. XIII, 5. For Personal & Private Use Only

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ADMINISTRATION OF KALINGA 213 noted for their learning, eloquence and piety. The release of prisoners and the doing of favour to miserable, helpless and diseased persons. The prohibiting of slaughter of animals for half a lunar month during the period of chaturmasya, for four nights during the full moons, and for a night on the day of the birth-star of the conqueror King and on that of the national star, the prohibiting as well of the slaughter of females and young ones and the castration of males." We have seen above that Asoka took maximum care to apply these principles to the newly acquired country of Kalinga. Rather, it would be difficult to name a monarch who devoted more care and attention to the welfare of his subjects than Asoka. It cannot be denied that indirectly the province of Kalinga had gained considerably. The missionary activities of Asoka was a source of two boons. In his time, the entire country had been completely Aryanised, so that there was fusion of diverse races into one nationality, rather one political union. Owing to the stupendous efforts put forth by Asoka for the diffusion of his faith, the communication between one province and another became more frequent and brisk, and so the country and the people of Kalinga came into close contact with the rest of India. It may be expected that the people of Kalinga had their own dialect. But, in order to keep themselves in contact with people of other provinces, they accepted Pali or monumental Prakrit--the language which enjoyed the status of being the lingua franca of India in Asoka's time. D.R. Bhan. darkar? opines that originally Pali must have been some local dia lect. But when it was raised to the rank of a universal 1. Agoka, pp. 251-2. For Personal & Private Use Only

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214 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA language for the whole country, not only secular and religious documents, but religious scriptures too came to be written in that language. Even the Buddhist scriptures, which must have been preserved in the Magadhi dialect, came tobe translated into Pali, in order that they might be under. stood from one extremity of India to another. The official documents and the records of religious benefactions in the Mauryan period were couched in that language. Later on, Kharavela's historic inscription came to be written, more or less, in the same language. Even today, the Oriya language and also social customs, are more under the influence of Bengal and Bihar than those of the South. For Personal & Private Use Only

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APPENDIX TISHYA NAKSHTRA & K Why so much importance is attached to the Tishya Asterism--the Tishya day, in the inscriptions of Asoka ? Presumably, no such importance would have been attached if it had not a special significance in the life of Asoka. The Tishya days are the days on which the moon, in her monthly course, is in conjunction with the Tishya Nakshatra, situated entirely within the Cancer. There is another Lunar Constellation, viz., the Punarvasu, mentioned in PE V. The Punarvasu days are those on which the moon, in her monthly course, is in conjunction with the Punarvasu Nakshatra, forming a group of five stars---four situated within the Gemini and one within the Cancer. These two Nakshatras find mention successively in two contexts in PE V-the first for castration and the second for branding oxen, goats, rams and boars. Among the special days, on which Kautilyal prohibits castration and branding, are included the day of the birth star (Jata-nakshatra) of the conqueror or the national star (Desa-nakshatra) i.e. the Star of the conquest itself. As regards the release of prisoners, which is the subject matter of PE V, Kautilya* prescribes the day of the King's birth star and also that of the acquisition of a new country among proper occasions. As Asoka specifies only a regnal year in connection with each jail delivery, we may not be concerned here with the stars associated with other occasions as mentioned by Kautilya. But the star of coronation (Raja-nakshatra) cannot be less important to a reigning king, than his birth star, especially 1. Arth, XIII, 5. 2, Ibid, II, 36. For Personal & Private Use Only

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216 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA for Asoka, who has dated all important events in terms of a year of his coronation. Now, on the question as to which of the two Nakshatras-Tishya and Punarvasu, is the birth star of Asoka. Dr. Mookerji?, like Buhler, favours the latter, viz., Punarvasu. Bhandarkar, however, opines-- Of the two Nakshatras, greater importance has been assigned to Tishya. This may be seen, also, from the fact that although in the usual list of Nakshatras, Tishya comes after Punarvasu, it is placed prior to the latter in PE V, not once but twice. It is difficult to avoid the conclusion that as so much importance has been given to Tishya, that must be the Nakshatra of the Emperor." Dr. Barua, on the other hand, points out that the Tishya alone finds mention in the two Separate Kalinga Edicts promulgated in the conquered province of Kalinga. Here, it must be either Asoka's birthstar or that of the conquest of Kalinga. When the name of Tishya is repeated in PE V, which has nothing to do with Kalinga, we may establish by elimination that it is the birth star of Asoka, in which case, the Punarvasu must pass on as the star of abhisheka (coronation). To suggest that the Tishya was the star of conquest, will go against the fact that Asoka was discreet enough not to remind the people of Kalinga of its conquest by the Maurya army. 1. Asoka, p. 184, fn. 3. 2. Asoka, p. 11. 3. AHI, Vol. II, p. 373, For Personal & Private Use Only

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CHAPTER VIII (SECTION A) MAURYA ART IN KALINGA THE DHAULI ELEPHANT-ARTISTIC VALUATION OF On the metelled road from Cuttack to Puri, a little distance from river Prachi, near Bhuvanesvar, Asoka's Edicts are engraved on a low hill known by the name of Dhauli. It has been variously described in Sanskrit works' as Suvarnnadri, Hemadri, Suvarnakuta or Hemakuta-all meaning 'the Golden Hill or Mount'. The hillock has continued to be a place of importance for long as is attested by the fact that in 699 A.D. a monastry was built here in the reign of Sri Santikaradeva of the Bhauma dynasty." An inscription incised on the wall of an artificial cave, not far from the Asokan inscriptions, records the erection of the monastry of which no trace can however be found at present. At the top of the hill is to be found the basement of a temple, which too, in all probability, was constructed during the Bhauma period. Down below, at the foot of the hillock, are found some later temples, which still serve as living shrines. The low lying mounds in the close vicinity are probably remains of the Asokan age, but they represent the ruins of modest establishment and not of a city or a fort. 1. The Ekamra Purana, Suvarnuadri Mahodaya, Ekamra Chandika, Kapila Samhita. Qtd. K. C. Fanigrahi, Orissa Review, Monumental Special, 1949, pp. 33f. 2. B. Misra, Orissa Under the Bhauma Kings, p. 11. 28 For Personal & Private Use Only

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218 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA The rock surface, on which Asokan inscriptions are engraved, was smoothed and carved as a sunken panel in which the Edicts were inscribed. The surface of the penal is highly polished like the shafts of his pillars. Immediately above the inscriptions is a terrace measuring 10 ft. by 9 ft., on the western side of which is the forepart of a well modelled elephant, in the round, about 4 feet in height, hewn out of the solid rock. . The figure mostly belongs to the same age as the inscriptions and is so situated that it directly looks down upon them, and as such, is one of the oldest stone carvings in India. A small groove runs round three sides of the terrace leaving a space 21 ft. wide immediately in front of the elephant, while two other grooves are cut in the floor on either sides of it and rise up the perpendicular face of the rock behind. These grooves were, probably, intended to support a wooden canopy. The groove, on the northern side of the terrace, has been covered up by the masonry of the shed protecting the inscriptions. This clephant has become an object of general worship. At the time of Mr. Kittoe's visit in 1838, it is said to have been worshipped only once a year. Now it is held in great veneration, and among the neighbouring villages the most solemn form of oath is to swear by Dhaulesvari Mata i. e. the Tutelary Goddess of this spot. There is no label found incised anywhere on or near the elephant figure, but at the end of Rock Edict VI at this place, we have the word 'Seto' viz., the White One. Similarly, on the northern face of the Kalsi Rock is a figure of an elephant traced in outline, with the label "Gajatume' viz., the Most Excellent Elephant. A welcome light on the meaning of these terms is shed by the partially preserved line below Rock Edict XIII at Girnar, which reads"Sarva-sveto hasti sarva loka-sukh-aharo-nama" i. e. the Per For Personal & Private Use Only

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MAURYA ART IN KALINGA 219 fectly White Elephant bringing happiness, indeed, to the whole world. It seems that the Girnar rock also bore the representation of an elephant, traces of which are not found now. Commenting on the above terms, D. R. Bhandarkar wrote_"Here Sakya Buddha is implied there can be no doubt, for the legend says that the Bodhisattva, the future Buldha, left the Tushita Heaven to bring happiness to men and entered his mother's womb in the form of a white Elephant." Along with this association of the inscriptions with the elephant, we should also note the association of the Asokan Pillars with the four animals--the Elephant, the Bull, the Horse and the Lion, figuring as capitals and chosen for the purpose of symbolication of different stages in the life of the Buddha. The Elephant typifies the Conception, the Bull as the Presiding Diety over the Nativity, the Horse as the Great Departure or Renunciation and the Lion as the Lion among the sakyas viz., Sakyasiri ha' - the appellation by which the Budha was known. A further reason of Asoka's selection of these animals might, perhaps, be that 1. R. K. Mookerji, Asoka, p. 170, fn. 3; D. R. Bhandarkar, Asoka, pp. 176-177. 2. Asoka, p. 177; Cf. also the Digha Nikaya, II, pp. 12, 13, 55; Jataka, I, p. 50 ; Ind. Anti , Vol. V, pp. 257-59. In the Anguttara Nikaya (III, p. 315) one of the best royal elephants of Kosala is named 'Seta', while in the Dhammapada Commentary (IT, p. 1) it is called Punda rika' i. e. the White Lotus. In the Jatakas, an elephant of noble breed, endowed with personality, is generally described as all-White (IV, p. 90 ; V, p. 45), and occasionally as collyrium-coloured (IT, pp 65f), or black-stone-coloured (IV, p. 137). In the Vimanavatthu stories, the all-White and best elephant figures as a Vebiole of the gods. The Jataka (lescription, viz., 'Sabb iseto inaugali hatthi' (VI. p. 487) of the State-elephant of Vassantara corresponds very much with the Girnar label. 3. Mookerji, Asoka, p. 62. For Personal & Private Use Only

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220 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA they are traditionally associated with the four quarters as their guardians, viz., the Elephant with the East, the Horse with the South, the Bull with the West and the Lion with the North. These four animals on the Sarnath Column are thus intended to show that the Dhamma was proclaimed in all the four quarters. Hence, taking this elephant as the representation of the Buddha, we find that although no actual image of the Buddha has been found connected with the Asokan monuments or even of his time, yet the evidence of the inscriptions, as noted above, goes to prove that the Buddha was represented atleast in the shape of an elephant figure in Asoka's time. N. R. Ray, however, doubts if the above interpretations of the four animals could, with equal force, be applied to the Asokan animal capitals, since it cannot be said definitely that they are all exclusively Buddhist symbols. Except the horse, the three other animals figure as symbols associated with early Brahmanic tradition and mythology, though the elephant, especially the white one, was considered particularly sacred in the Buddhist legends as well. Dr. Barua, on the other hand, says that these elephants were obviously meant to serve as pointer meaning a sculpture device to draw the attention to the spot where the set of Edicts was engraved. Nothing but the popular notion of mangala (meaning victory, safety, prosperity, auspiciousness) was associated with them. 1. Mookerji, Asoka, p. 91, fn. 1; Cf. also the Paramattha-Jotika (II, pp. 437-9). Here the elephant is indicated by western quarters. But in the Chetiya-Jataka (III, P460) all-white elephant is associated with the eastern city-gate. 2. Maurya & Sunga Art, p. 25. 3. AHI, Vol. I, p. 344. For Personal & Private Use Only

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MAURYA ART IN KALINGA 221 To quote N. R. Ray, the Dhauli elephant shows a much developed sense of form and is artistically far superior to its Sankasya cousin. Indeed, such plastic presentation of bulky volume, such feeling for living flesh rendered with remarkable realism, such knowledge of the physiognomical form of the subject treated, such sense of dignified movement and linear rhythm has no parallel in Mauryan animal sculptures. Compared to this, even the Rampurva Lion or the Sarnath quadripartite, with their tight and coagulated treatment of the reins and muscles, shown in meaningless tension, and inspite of full reproduction of volume and advanced proof of visualisation, appear lifeless. The loud exhibition of pomp and power of the Rampurva or the Sarnath specimens has nothing to compare with the quiet dignity of the Dhauli elephant. With its right front leg slightly tilted and the left one bent straight in short angle, exhibiting a slight forward motion and with its heavy trunk flowing rhythmically in a delightful curve, it walks majestically out of a deep ravine as it were. It indeed symbolises His Imperial Majesty King Emperor Asoka Maurya presenting himself with quiet dignity before the people of Kalinga. The Dhauli elephant, and perhaps the Rampurva Bull, seem to belong to a somewhat different aesthetic vision and outlook, perhaps to a different art tradition other than that of the lions. True indeed, in so far as feeling for volume and its reproduction are concerned, they belong to the same fully developed stage of art as that of the crowning lions and there is nothing archaic and primitive about them, but it is equally true that there is nothing conventional about them as well, and the plastic sense and method of treatment are altogether different. 1. MSA, p. 36. For Personal & Private Use Only

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222 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA The fluidity of the modelling betrays a full knowledge of the softness of the flesh and of the flowing current of life that is within ; it is also restrained and is not contaminated by any conventional exaggeration or localised emphasis. Nor is there any evidence of schematization of form. It may correctly be assumed that it is Indian acsthetic vision and imagination, and Indian art tradition that are here largely at work, so far as art style atleast is concerned. Moreover, if the Dhauli and Sankusya elephants, particularly the former, are compared with the figures of elephants in bold and high relief in the frieze of the facade of the Lomasa Rishi cave, it will atonce be seen that they belong to the same style and tradition of art. This cave, even if not of the Maurya date, cannot be very much late. All scholars recognize that the entire facade of this cave is the exact and literal translation in stone of a wooden prototype. It may be assumed, therefore, that figures of elephants, in the same style and tradition as. we see them on stone facade, were already being rendered in wood for generations when they came to be transferred in stone. It is not unlikely that in the Dhauli elephant, the Rampurva Bull and partly, in the Sankasya elephant, all of which are decidedly Indian in appearance and spirit, we witness the traditional Indian conception of these objects and the older or contemporary Indian art style and tradition transferred into stone in terms of the requirements of that particular material and according to the dictates of bolder designs and bigger dimensions. In the opinion of Ray, the conventional art-form as represented by the lions is of foreign extraction, 1. Ray, MSA, pp. 43f. 2. MSA, p. 45. For Personal & Private Use Only

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MAURYA ART IN KALINGA 223 The art-form represented by the Dhauli elephant and the Rampurva bull, however, stand on a different footing altogether. It is perhaps the indigenous art tradition practised in wood, references to which are come across in the Arthasastra, the Manusamhita, the Ashtadhyayi of Panini and in certain early Buddhist texts. It is difficult to say anything about the nationality of the artists of the Maurya court. There is no evidence forthcoming on that point. But from what has been indicated above, it may be presumed that the Dhauli elephant, the Rampurva bull, and perhaps, also the Sankasya elephant are works of Indian artists, working in the contemporary Indian style and tradition, and having a thorough mastery of the third dimension and a full consciousness of the Indian outlook. The elephant is mostly represented in imitation in later times. We find them, for instance, among te sculptures and bas-reliefs of Sanchi and Bharhut. The imitation is shown in the capitals of the pillars there, such as four elephants standing back to back and carrying riders, four dwarfs and three elephants, a wheel of sixteen spokes, an elephant between two lions. At the southern gate, elephants figure in the royal procession when Asoka visited the Stupa of Raumgram, referred to in the Divyavadana. At the eastern gate on the back lower lintel, there is a representation of clephants bringing flowers and fruits as offerings. The Bharhut remains bring to light three bas-reliefs showing pillars surmounted by an elephant and so on." 1. B. M. Barua, Journal of Indian Society of Oricatai Art, Vol. XI, pp, 55-63 ; Also Ray, MISA, p. 45. 2. Ray, MSA, p. 45. 3. p. 380, Qtd. Mookerji, Asoka, p. 106. 4. BLOCK, ASR, 1908-09, pp, 144 f. For Personal & Private Use Only

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(SECTION B) KALINGA DURING THE PERIOD FROM THE SUCCESSORS OF ASOKA TO THE END OF THE KANVA RULE ABOUT 30 B. C. Very little is known about the historicity of Asoka's successors. However, whatever little details are forthcoming from various sources of this dark period, but Kalinga does not at all figure therein. During the time of Samprati, a grandson of Asoka and a staunch believer in the Jaina faith, there is a casual mention of Kalinga in the Jaina literature, being included in the list of 25} countries suitable for wandering by Jaina monks on preaching tours. It is, however, very much doubtful if that country formed a part of the Maurya dominions at that time. It is, hence, more or less safe to assume that the country of Kalinga had declared itself independent, probably, immediately after Asoka's death. A king named Kubiraka (Kubera ?) has been mentioned in two inscriptions discovered at Bhattiprolu-Stupa in the Repalle Taluka of the Guntur district, in Andhra Pradesa.' According to Buhler, these inscriptions belong to the period immediately following that of Asoka or say to about 200 B. C. It is, therefore, possible that King Kubiraka fought successfully with the weak successors of Asoka and liberated the Andhra country from the Maurya yoke." The Andhra country lay to the south of 1. Jambudivapannatti, XX, p. 207. See also p. 119 of the present work. 2. Luder's List Nos. 1335 and 1338 ; E. I. Vol. II, pp. 323f; Select Ings, Vol. I, pp. 215-18. 3. JRAS, 1892, p. 602; Select Inss, Vol. I, p. 215. fn. 1. 4. D. C. Sircar, Successors of the Satavabanas, 1939, p. 2. For Personal & Private Use Only

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KALINGA FROM AsOKA TO KANVA RULE 225 the Kalinga country. It is, hence, reasonable to surmise that Kalinga also threw off the Magadha regime. SUNGA PERIOD It seems certain that Pushyamitra Sunga succeeded to a realm already much diminished during the weak rule of Asoka's successors. The regions, which were once known as 'the king's dominions' and 'border peoples', are no longer under the immediate rule or under the direct or indirect control of any one power. The dominions of Pushyamitra covered only the central portions of the Maurya empire. It extended to river Narmada and included the cities of Patliputra, Ayodhya, Vidisa, and if the author of the Divyavadana and Taranatha are to be believed, possibly jalandhara and Sakala in the Punjab. Merutunga, the Jaina writer, includes Avanti also. Patliputra continued to be the capital city, and it may have been due to this fact that the Sungas were still called the Imperial Power. There is, however, no evidence to the fact that the territory held by Pushyamitra was ultimately handed down to his successors safely and without any break or loss. There is, however, no mention found anywhere in literature or inscriptions that Kalinga was included in the Sunga empire. The conclusion, hence, is irresistible that the Kalingas (and also the Andhras) had already asserted their independence. The very fact that certain scholars? place Kharavela of Kalinga as a contemporary ruler with 1. The city of Sakala (Modern Sialkot) is however called as the capital city of Menander, the Indo-Greek ruler, belonging to the House of Euthydemus. Milinda paha, Trans. Rhys Davids, SBE, XXXV, pp. 6-7; CHI, Vol. I, p. 519. 2. Qtd. PHAI, pp. 371-2; AIU, pp. 95f, 3. Cf. K. P. Jayaswal and R. D. Banerji in JBORS Volumes. 29 For Personal & Private Use Only

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226 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA Brihaspatimitra of Magadha, identified with Pushyamitra Sunga, goes very much in favour of the conclusion that the Kalingas were independent of the Magadban rule during the Sunga period. KANVA PERIOD In the case of the Kanvas too, we know nothing much of their historicity except the names of the rulers and the durations of their reigns although the Puranas make a general statement to the effect that they will keep the neighbouring kings in subjection and will rule righteously. It appears that the territories under their suzerainty were confined to Magadha and its neighbourhood, though they too have been styled in the Puranas as Imperial dynastic rulers. Kalinga may, hence, be taken to have enjoyed home-rule during the Kanva period as well. With the end of the Kanva rule, we reach about 30 B.C. in Indian history. For Personal & Private Use Only

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BOOK III THE EPOCH OF KHARAVELA For Personal & Private Use Only

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CHAPTER IX MAHAMEGHAVAHANA KHARAVELA (SECTION I) POLITICAL CONDITION OF THE COUNTRY ON THE EVE OF KHARAVELA'S ACCESSION With the fall the great Maurya Empire, Indian history for the time being loses its unity. The command of one single political authority is no longer obeyed from the snowy heights of the Hindukush to the verdant plains of Bengal and Upper Karnatak Hoards of outlanders passed through the north western gates of the country and estab. lished aggressive monarchies in Gandhara, Western Malwa and neighbouring regions. The Punjab is seized by foreigners and the Deccan by local dynasties. The political connection of the Madhyadesa with the valleys of the Indus and the Godavari is temporarily snapped and the splendour of the Magadhan metropolis is dimmed by the rising glory of Sakala, Vidisa, Prathishthana and other cities. Brahmanism gains ground in the Ganges valley and the Deccan, while Jainism flourishes in Orissa and possibly in Malwa. The sects of the Mahesvara and the Bhagvata became powers to reckon with. The study of Sanskrit receives an impetus at the hands of the Grammarians of Madhyadesa, while Prakrit enjoys the patronage of the courts of Pratishthana, Kuntala and also other parts of Southern India. Political conditions in the centuries at the eve of the Christian era were extremely complicated in India. The causes of this complications were two folds-internal strifes For Personal & Private Use Only

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230 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA and foreign invasions, and both of these were the natural and inevitable results of the downfall of imperial dynasties. In Central India and in the plains of the Ganges, the supremacy of the later Mauryas and of their successors--the Sungas and the Kanvas, was disputed by the Andhras of the Deccan and the Mahameghavahanas of Kalinga. Foreign dynasties were at war--the Parthians and the Scythians supplanting the Greeco-Bactrians in the Punjab and other territories, after a century or inore of hostile relations. The Yuga Purana, apparently, refers to the latter incident when it says that the Yavanas "soon withdrew because of a dreadful war among themselves, which broke out in their own country." Evidently, the Indo. Bactrian coins point to a tendency towards the creation of petty principalities which became a marked feature in the final phases of Greek rule in India in the later half of the first Century B. C. * . Various Indian coins, found at different sites in northern India and ascribed to the few centuries this side or that of the Christian era, reveal the existence of various tribal republics and independent states in India in those days. These communities were mostly military clans or groups of clans, and they were governed sometimes by a king, but more often by tribal oligarchies. Examples of such states are the Yaudheya (Warrior) Confederation in the southern portion of the Punjab and in the northern parts of Rajputana.3 The other people were the Arjuna 1. E. J. Rapson states--"With the conquest by the Sakas of the kingdom held by the last #uccessors of Euthydernos in the eastern Punjab, Yavana rule had already ceased in the north-western region of the subcontinent, which is now known as India, and Hormaeus was the last king of his race to reiga in India in its more extended historical and geogra. phical sense." (CHI, Vol. I, p. 560), 2. CHI, Vol. I, p. 528. 3. JRAS, 1897, p. 87. For Personal & Private Use Only

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POLITICAL CONDITION OF THE COUNTRY 231 yanas (Descendants of Arjuna), whose territory lay, probably, within the triangle Delhi-Jaipur-Agra.? Cunningham, however, procured his coin specimens of these people in Mathura. Both of these tribal oligarchies issued coins as early as the first Century B. C. A common legend on the coins of these people reads "Yaudheya-ganasya jaya' viz. Victory of the Yaudheyas and Arjunayananam jaya' viz. Victory of the Arjunayanas respectively. Later on, they appear among the peoples on the frontier of the Gupta empire as has been mentioned in the Allahabad Pillar Inscription of Samudragupta." The mountainous fringe of country, to the north of the Punjab and the Uttara Pradesa, was also occupied at this period by independent native tribes, and the names of some of them have similarly been preserved by coins. Among them are the Udumbaras, who claim to be descended from Visvamitra mentioned in the third book of the Rigveda. Visvamitra's figure appears on the coins of Dh ha, who ruled in the latter half of the first Century B.C. Likewise, there were the Kulutas, the Kunindas, the Sibis, the Madrakas or Madras-- all in the Punjab; the Uddehikas in the Madhyadesa between Kannauj and Mathura ; the Uttamabhadras, immediate neighbours of the Malvas in the Rajputana; the Abhiras having various 1. Allan, CAT, p. Ixxxii; JRAS, 1897, p. 886. 2. Allan, CAI, p. cli. 3. Ibid, 1). Ixxxii. 4. Rapscn, In lian Coins, pp. 11-13. 5. Pargitor, Markandeya Purana, p. 355. For the connection between Visvamitra and the couriry of tho Deis, refer to the Vedic Index Vol. II, p. 310; Rapson, CHI, Vol. I, p. 529. 6. Dharaghosha imitatad the coins of Azilises. Compare Plate V, 14 with Plate V. 15 in the CHI, Vol. I. For Personal & Private Use Only

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232 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA settlements in parts of western, central and southern India and so on." In this way, numerous independent states existed in lesser accessible regions. But there were powers, in addition to these, which dominated the country on the great highways. Mathura, Kosambi, Ahichchhatra, Ayodhya and a few other towns had become centres of powerful monarchical states, and of these, likewise, coins have preserved a record, though at times inscriptions also come to our help in tracing the conditions of the country in those early days. Inscriptions show that in the second half of the first Century B.C., the region of Mathura had passed to foreign (Saka) rule" and their evidence is confirmed and amplified by coins. The characteristic type of the kings of Mathura is a standing figure supposed to be Ktishna); and the same is continued by the Saka Satraps-- Ranjubula and his son Sodasa. The inscription on the Amohini Votive Tablet shows that the latter ruled in 17-16 B.C. On the Eran coins, (a village in the Sagar district) occurs a triangular-headed standard in railing resembling one of the four symbols in the Hathigumpha inscription of Khara vela. It is however not safe to arrive at any 1. For fuller details please refer to The Age of Imperial Unity, pp. 159.60, and notes. 2. CHI, Vol. I, Ch. XXIII, pp. 575-6. 3, Ibid, Platc V, No. 5, (Gomitra). 4. Ibid, Plate V, Nos. 9 and 10. 5. Rapson, Indian Studies in Honour of C.R. Lanman, Cambridge, Mass, 1929, pp. 19-52 ; CHT, Vol. I, p. 575 ; Ston Konow, CII, Vol. I, p. xxxiv ; Luder's List F.I., Vol. IX, pp. 2:31; Allen, CAI, pcxvi. 6. CHI, Vol. I, pp. 575.6. 7. Actes du Sixieme Congres des Orient, Loiden, 1885, III, 2, p. 136, Plate I ; Allan, CAI, Nos. 101-2, pp xc-xcii. For Personal & Private Use Only

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POLITICAL CONDITION OF THE COUNTRY 233 conclusion from this similarity in the absence of more convincing evidence and to connect the Eran region with Kharavela. From coins found at Ayodhya, two separate dynasties can be traced, of one the square cast coins show no trace of foreign influence in their style and types. These coins closely resemble each other in style and are connected by their types. Names of six rulers of this dynasty are known? and we have no literary or inscriptional references to them. They, probably, cover the second Century B. C. The other class of coins belong to a later dynasty. They are round pieces struck from dies leaving the seal-like impression, and hence, very distinct from coins of earlier dynasty. Names of four rulers are come across. Like the first, none of the rulers is otherwise known. Their reign period may be fixed in the next two centuries of the first dynasty.? Coins of more than a dozen rulers with names ending with "mitra" have been attributed by Cunningham' to a local dynasty ruling in Panchala. These form one of the longest and uniform series of ancient Indian coins. They cover a period from about the second Century B. C. to the end of the first Century B. C. The reverse type on these coins is a diety or his symbol--in most cases the former, whose name forms, as a rule, a component of the issuer's name and who was his patron diety, 4 and hence, are of special interest from the point of view of iconography. Cunningham found these coins in Rohilkhand and chiefly at 1. Allan, CAI, Nos. 98-100, pp. lxxxvii f. 2. Cunniugham, Coins of Ancient India, p. 93, Pl. IX ; Rapson, Indian Coins, p. 11; JRAS, 1903, p. 287 ; Allan, CAI, P. lxxxvii. 3. CAI, pp. 79-81. 4. Allan, CAI, P, cxvii. 30 For Personal & Private Use Only

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234 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA Ahichchhatra, Aonla, and Badaon;' which constituted the northern Panchala. Ahichchhatra was the capital then. According to Cunningham these coins are very rarely found beyond the limits of northern Panchala. V. A. Smith,? however, found them common in eastern Avadh and in the Basti district. Carllyle obtained about a hundred at Bhuila in the Bastar district, mostly of Agnimitra and Indramitra. Several coins of the 'mitra' kings were found at Pindari about two miles south-east of Buila Tel. A coin of Indramitra was found at Kumra har near Patna. Col C. E. Shepherd's coins of Rudragupta and Dhruvamitra come from Ramnagar, the ancient Ahichchhatra. Allan' thinks that while the coins are found over a wider area than Cunningham first states, there is no doubt that the main source for them is Ahichchhatra, from where Rivett-Carnac also obtained a considerahle number and variety of them. Quite a large number of rulers -- about a score, are known from coins with names ending with 'mitra' and hence ascribable to the Panchala series Dr. R. K. Mookerji, on the other hand, wrote that the so-called 'mitra' coins of Panchala have been found in regions outside Panchala-in Avadh, in Basti district, and even in Patliputra. The narnes of two 'mitra' kingsBrahmamitra and Indramitra,10 are inscribed on two pillars 1. CAI, p. 75. 2. CIM, Vol. I, p. 184. 3. JASB, 1880, p. 21. 4. ASR, XII, p. 153. 5. ASR, 1912-13, p. 85. 6. JASB, 1902, pp. 42-43. 7. CAI, p. cxx. 8. JASB, 1880, pp. 21.28 and 87-90. 9. AIU, Ch. VI, p. 100. 10. Rivett-Carnac (JASB, 1880, pp. 21-23) and K. P. Jayaswal (JBORS, 1917, pp. 476 f) have tried to identify these rulers with those of the Sunga and the Kanva dynasties. For Personal & Private Use Only

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POLITICAL CONDITION OF THE COUNTRY 235 at Bodha Gaya, as also on coins found at places like Mathura, Panchala and Kumrahar (Patna). Thus, the 'mitra' rulers of Panchala were not local dynasty of northern Panchala as was thought by Cunningham, but probably, held sway over extensive regions in northern India, and if some of these rulers were identical with kings of the Sunga and the Kanva dynasties, we must hold that there was the semblance of an empire during the rule of these two dynasties. Some, if not all, of these kings might have ruled in Magadha after the Kanvas. The Jaina works refer to Balamitra and Bhanumitra as successors of Pushyamitra. We know from epigraphs that Indragnimitra and possibly also Brihaspatimitra (Bsihatsvatimitra) ruled over Magadha.? A problem offered by the coins, referred to above, is that in some cases they lead to the attribution of a large number of rulers associated with a particular locality, to a comparatively short period of time. It is, however, not improbable that some of the kings, usually assigned to the same place and family, were actually ruling contemporaneously over adjoining districts.? While the Sungas and the Kanvas were engaged in their petty feuds, new powers were rising in trans-Vindhyan regions. There were the Satavahanas--the so-called Andhras or Andhra-bhritya, 4 of the Dakshinapatha. 1. PHAI, p. 401. For diverse views, refer Allan (CAI, pp. cxx cxxi) who says that none of the kings of this dynasty are known from inscriptions or literature. Brihaspatimitra has been r@ferred to in the Hathigumphi Inscription of Kharavela-Author, 2. AIU, p. 162. 3. The form Sativahana is found in the Bhagalpur Grant of Narayanapala and the form Salivahana in literature (Sir R G. Bhandarkar, EHD, Sec. VII). 4. The designation "Andhra-jatiga' or 'Andhra' is found in the For Personal & Private Use Only

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236 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA The other great nation which arose on the ruins of the Magadhan empire, to play its role in the struggle for supermacy, had also its home in the low lands of the Eastern Ghats. They were the Kalingas, under the guidance and leadership of Mahameghavahana family of the Chedi clan. In the first Century B. C., the Kalingas became one of the strongest powers. The splendid gift of this dynasty to Kalinga and to India was a great Emperor, rather the greatest emperor of the Kalinga history-Kharavela, whose history would be traced in the following pages. Puranas, which represent the founder as a bhritya' or servant of the last Kanva king. Sir R. G. Bhandarkar, following, apparently, the Vishnu Purana, styles the dynasty founded by Simuka as "Andhra bhritya' viz. Andhras who were once servants. But that designation should properly be applied to the seven Abhiras, who, in the opinion of Dr. Raychaudhari (PHAI, pp. 403-4) are mentioned as the successors of the line of Simuka by Pargiter (DKA, p. 45 ; Vishuu Purana, IV, 24, 13). For Personal & Private Use Only

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(SECTION II) SOURCES FOR THE HISTORICITY OF KHARAVELA Glimpses of the Mahameghavahan dynasty are afforded by a few inscriptions? engraved in the caves on the Udayagiri-Khandagiri hills? near Bhuvanesvara in Orissa. The immediate object of these inscriptions was to preserve the memory of pious benefactors--two kings, a queen, a prince and other persons, who had provided caves for the use of Jaina ascetics on the Udayagiri-Khandagiri hills. One of these inscriptions in the Hathigumpha or the Elephant cave contains a record of events in the first 13 years (or possibly 14 years) of the reign of the most important and notable king Kharavela of Kalinga. This is one of the most celebrated and also one of the most perplexing of all historical records of ancient India. The Hathigumpha is a large opening of irregular shape, more or less, a natural cavern, which was later on converted into a cave or a place of rest for Jaina monks. The rock itself is of white-sandstone and instead of standing perpendicularly, it bends in and is protruding in the middle. The roof consists of a huge boulder. The inscrip 1. Luder's List Nos. 1345-50. 2. In the Kharavela's inscription these are called Kumari ParvatLine 14. 3. (a) Terasame cha vase su pavat a-vijaya chake kumari-pavato arahatehi...kayanisidiyaya..pujunurata-uvasaga kharavela sirina jivade. hasayika-parikhata" (Line 14 of the Hathigumpha Inscription as in Dr. D. C. Sircar's Select Inss, Vol. I.) (b) "Arahanta pasudaya kalinganiin samanunam lenam karitari" (Chief, Queen's Edict, Ludors' List No. 1346). 4. Luder's List No.'1345. For Personal & Private Use Only

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238 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA tion begins on the southern face and continues upto a place where the stone has become actually the roof of the cave. The last 8 or 9 lines of the inscription occur on the sloping surface, where it is difficult to read or copy them. It is, hence, accessible with great inconvenience. One has to recline partly on his back to read the portion from the rock. The present height of the inscription from the ground level is some 32 feet. A history of the decipherment and publication of this record as given by R. D. Banerji' and Dr. Barua' would indicate towards one and a quarter century of ceaseless labour and hard work on the part of well-known Western and Indian scholars, viz., A. Stirling and Col. Mackenzie in 1825 ; James Princep and Major Kittoe in 1837 ; General Sir A. Cunningham in 1877 ; Raja Rajendra Lal Mitra in 1880 ; Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji in 1885; G. Buhler in 1895 ; J. F. Fleet in 1910; K. P. Jayaswal and R. D. Banerji in 1917 and a host of other eminent Indologists like R. P. Chanda, Sylvain Levi, Dr. R. C. Majumdar, Sten Konow, Dr. B. M. Barua and others. Condition of the Record Unfortunately, the inscription in question has been badly preserved. The entire inscribed surface of the rock, which was roughly dressed, is misleading due to long and irregular chisel-marks and tend to produce mis-readings of letters. It has also suffered very badly from exposure to wind and rain of 2000 years. Rain water, which trickles down the roof of the cave, has cut into letters and has produced a few letter-like marks. Natural decay produced by time has also given misleading turns to numerous letters. Even 1. JBORS, III, 1917, pp. 486 f ; Jaysawal and Banerji, E. I., Vol. XX, pp. 71 f. 2. OBI, pp. 3-5. For Personal & Private Use Only

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SOURCES FOR HISTORY OF KHARAVELA 239 hornets like to take liberty with perfect impunity and have added a few irregular marks. The result is that out of 17 lines, only the first 4 are completely readable. The 5th has about 13 syllables obliterated by natural decay, Half of the record of the 6th year (line 6) and the entire record of the 7th year (line 7) have disappeared. From the 8th upto the 15th lines, each one has got large gaps wrought by decay. The 16th and the 17th lines are comparatively well preserved except for the loss of 12 initial syllables. Visible signs of progressive decay, in recent times, are apparent from the fact that about four passages which were read by Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji in 1866, could not be traced by K. P. Jayaswal in 1917.1 Irrespective of such big lacunae, there still remains enough to show that not only it is one of the oldest engraved documents that have come down to us, but has, actually, preserved events in a chronological order of an otherwise unknown monarch of ancient India, whose history is, in another sense, the history of India in the first Century B. C. Size In so far the size of the inscription is concerned, it covers an area of about 15 feet 1 inch by 5 feet 6 inches, say about 84 sq. ft., divided into 17 lines. Each line contains about 90 to 100 letters, and the letters vary from 34 inches to 4 inch in height. System of Spacing There is an elaborate system of spacing in this record. New paragraphs, after the record of each year, are indicated by a large space which could have accommodated three to four letters. Full-stops and lesser stops are represented by smaller spaces sufficient for about two letters. There 1. JBORS, III, 1917, p. 427. For Personal & Private Use Only

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240 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA is a space before almost every proper name. The smaller spaces indicate clauses of a sentence. As a matter of fact, the stops have added more complications in the present state of the record, because they have changed the very meaning of words at many places. Authorship Now, with regard to the authorship, Jayaswal' says that there is evidence to prove that the inscription was composed by some one who was elderly, who must have seen Kharavela as a young lad playing about, for he describes him playing before his 15th year 'with majestic body of fair-brown complexion'. "In the Council of Ministers," adds Jayaswal "without whose approval the inscription could not have been published, there would have been some elderly men, who, by virtue of their office and age, could make a paternal reference to Kharavela's childhood." Dr. Barua? says that the concluding paragraph is so designed as to make the record appear as closed with the name of king Kharavela-siri, that is, to create the impression that the record is written and signed by the king with his own hand. Composition Coming to the question of composition, Barua writes that the concluding paragraph clearly brings out the fact that Kharavela's autobiographical epigraph was composed for him by a skilled composer, to whom the task of composition was entrusted. The composition must have received the warm approval of His Majesty before it was incised on the rock and set up on its hanging brow, wherefrom it might attract the attention of the visitors and 1. JBORS, vol. III, 1917, p. 452. 2. OBI, p. 176. 3. OBI, pp. 179.80. For Personal & Private Use Only

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SOURCES FOR HISTORY OF KHARAVELA 241 pilgrims of the Kumari hill. Thus in one important respect, the Hathigumpha record of Kharavela differs from the Edicts of Asoka and the Dialogues of the Buddha, namely, that in it one misses the personal touches of the personage in whose name it stands. Both the Edicts of Asoka and the Dialogues of the Buddha make one feel as though their texts were written to dictation by some reporters and were afterwards edited by certain agents with slight changes here and there, either in the soundsystem or in the expressions. Explanations were also required for repetitions, and certain ommissions, errors and irregularities in the Edicts of Asoka (cf. statements in RE XIV). But in the case of Kharavela's edict, the composition of its text is free from all such defects and is bright with numerous qualities." Most of the historicity of ancient and mediaeval kings is derived from their eulogies, which fill so large a proportion of the inscriptions which have come down to our time. These compositions are the works of grateful beneficiaries or court-poets, whose object was rather to glorify their royal patron than to hand down to posterity an accurate account of the events of his reign. It is evident that in them successes are often grossly exaggerated, while reverses are passed over in complete silence, 1. Barua (OBI, pp. 179-80) has enumorated the general method of the editorial agents in ancient India, ag. (a) the use of devanain piye piyadasi laja hevain aha or a similar set clause as a literary device for paragraphic divisions ; (b) the conversion of a direct narration into an indirect one by substituting devinampiye for luja; devanam piyena piyadasina lijini for me, mnya and mamaya; * and devanampiyasa piyadasino lajino for me and mama, precisely in the same way as in the Dialogues of the Buddha Tathagato is substituted for ahain, tathagat ena for me, maya and Tathagatassa for mi and mama. 31 For Personal & Private Use Only

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242 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA The statements of the inscriptions are, therefore, very frequently those of prejudiced witnesses and they must be weighed as such if we are to estimate rightly the value of these few scattered fragments of historical evidences which time has preserved. But in tracing the historicity of Kharavela, the Hathigumpha and other records in the Udayagiri-Khandagiri hills, have to be taken at their face value. If. Kharavela had really recorded falsehood in his record, there is no means of checking it. To raise the slightest suspicion as to the verocity of the Hathigumpha inscription is, in the opinion of Barua, to be over-indulgent in unnecessary scepticism. 1. OBI, p. xi. For Personal & Private Use Only

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( SECTION III) MAHAMEGHAVAHANA DYNASTY In line first of the Hathigumpha Inscription, Kharavela has been styled as "mahameghavahanena' and in another inscription, king Vakradeva, probably a successor of Kharavela, is referred to as mahameghavahanas ya', which titles would denote that these rulers were the descendants of king Mahameghavahana. Etymologically speaking, Mahameghavahana means Sa person whose vehicle is manamegha'--the great cloudlike State-elephant. The possession of a superb Stateelephant is one the tests for determining the status of a king overlord. The imperial style 'Mahameghavahana' adorning the names of Kharavela and Vakradeva goes to show that the State-elephant of the kings of the Royal family of Kalinga, of which they were the descendants, was known by the name of Mahamegha-(like) the Great Cloud.3 Apart from denoting clouds, the word also denotes "elephants'. In the Kautilya Arthasastra,' the elephants of Kalinga, Anga, Prachya and Karusa are said to have been of the noblest breed. The Kurudhamma Jata ka6 and also the Vessantara Jatakao bear testimony to the fact 1. Luder's List No. 1347. 2. OBI, p. 40. 3. The country of Kaliuga being a coastal region is subject to heavy rains. The annual rainfell being about 75 to 90 inches and hence, heavy dark clouds is a regular phenomena of the country. 4. II, 20, 20. 'Kalingaiga gajah sreshthah prachya cheti karusajah'. 5. Fausboll, No. 276. 6. Ibid, No. 547. For Personal & Private Use Only

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AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA 244 that a sort of religious sanctity was attached by the people to State-elephants. The epithet Mahameghavahana also reminds of the god Indra. His vehicle too is elephant (Airavata) thougii white and not black as those of Kalinga. Further, he is also the master of clouds and hence rains.' Indra is the god of all gods and hence is called Mahendra. The royal epithet Mahameghavahana may, accordingly, be taken to imply that Kharavela and other kings of that house were very powerful, each of them bearing comparison with Mahendra. As a matter of fact, every Indian king was regarded as an earthly representative of Indra or Mahendra. Dr. B. M. Barua' opines that Kharavela's comparison with Indra is corroborated by the royal title *Indraiaja' occuring in the 16th line of his inscription. But what he reads as 'Indraraja' has been read as 'Bhikhuraja' by K. P. Jayaswal and also by Dr. D. C. Sircar. The personal and dynastic name Meghavahana was not unknown in ancient India. It is known to the authors of the Mahabharata. Meghavahana as a personal name occurs in the Rajatrangini also. In the Jaina traditions as well, the Mahaieghavahana kings are said to have ruled in southern India. The name occurs in the Jaina literature too." 1. Cf. 'Govardhana.dhurana' legend ascribed to sci Krishna and Indra. 2. OBI, p.39. 3. SI, Vol. I, p. 211. 4. Sabha parvan, Ch, XIV, 13. "Vakradantah karushas cha Icarabho meghavahanah." 5. Dr. Sircar, AIU, p. 211. 6. "Dahina mahiyali vaddiyya viyappa Maheuri mehavahanu narindu-piya mehavila raikaiyavila" -Nyaya Kumara Charita, pp. 85-86; Qtd. K. P, Jain, Jaina Antiquary, Vol. XII, No. 1, July '46, pp. 33f. 7. Hemchandra's Sutra Vribata Vritti, Adhyaya 2, 2, 3; Algo in For Personal & Private Use Only

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MA HAMEGHAVAHANA DYNASTY 245 Apart from these, there are personal and dynastic names known in ancient India which are much akin to Meghavahana. Such instances are:-Satavahana or Salivahana, the great Andhra-Satavahana dynasty ; Dadhivahana, a Jaina king who ruled in Champa. Nahavahana was another king who was a contemporary of Salivabava.? It is very likely, however, as suggested by K. P. Jayaswals that Megha, in the Puranas, is but a shortening from Meghavahana or Mahameghavahana, which is the bigh-sounding epithet, whereby Kharavela and other kings of the same royal house were designated. The Meghas or Maghas ruled in Kosala as late as the 3rd Century A. D.4 the Tilaka Manjari. Rev. Pt Sukhlalji has very kindly given the author these references. 1. Avasyaka Churni, II, pp. 205f; Uttaradhyayana Niryukti, pp. 294f. 2. Cunningham, AGI, p. 374; J. C. Jain, LAI, p. 393. 3. JBORS, IV, p. 483. Meghi iti sanikhyitah'. 4. JRAS, 1911, p. 32; Pargiter, DKA, p. 51; PHAI, p. 532. For Personal & Private Use Only

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(SECTION IV) PREDECESSORS OF KHARAVELA There is a curious silence in the Hathigumpha inscription about Kharavela's predecessors. There are few records in the world dealing with the history of the reign of a single king, which omit the king's father or his predecessors altogether.' The silence in the inscription on this point gives rise to a number of theories. But in the absence of any other evidence in support of a particular theory, speculations would be fruitless. Two hypothesis are however possible according to R. D. Banerji," that Kharavela had inherited the throne of Kalinga as a minor or that the kingdom of Kalinga was like the modern ex-states of Travancore-Cochin. In that case, it was, probably, the custom not to mention father as parentage was doubtful. The Puranas mention the Kalingas as people of the Deccan and the country as being contiguous to the mythical "Stri-rajya'. Therefore, it is quite possible that some form of matriarchate was prevalent there." The above hypothesis however is no better than speculation. In the Inscription there occurs the phrase "Tatiye kalinga-raja-vase purisa-yuge' in the 2nd and 3rd lines. But the phrase is not free from complicated interpretations. K. P. Jayaswal' suggested it as denoting--"In the third dynasty of the Aira (Aila) line of the Kalinga kings." 1. Yasodharmana's inscription at Mandsaur is one of such cases. 2. HO, Vol. I, pp. 73-74. 3. Ibid. 4. JBORS, Vol. III, p. 435 ; 1918, p. 454. For Personal & Private Use Only

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PREDECESSORS OF KHARAVELA 247 According to Dr. R. C. Majumdar? the phrase does not mean anything more than--"In the third generation of the Kalinga kings, the third generation of the same reiging dynasty." Dr. D. C. Sircar, Prof. E. J. Rapson, Dr. H. C. Raychaudhari --all follow the same rendering. Dr. B. M. Barua, however, suggests quite a different interpretation. He takes the phrase to mean--"In the third generation of the same reigning dynasty of Kalinga, each generation of which was considered as consisting of two kings." The Jaina author Hemchandra explains purusha-yuga as 'gami-purus ha-yuyani nava yavattavanvayah'. Now, K. P. Jayaswal? has explained his rendering that Kharavela was crowned in the third dynasty of Kalinga. The Puranas, in their list of early Aryan genealogies, mention the Kalinga country as coming down like the other dynasties from the time of the Mahabharata war and even earlier. They mention thirty two successions in the Kalinga dynasty during the post-Mahabharata list.8 1. IA, 1919, p. 190. 2. SI, Vol. I, p. 211. Skt: "Tritiye kalingara javame purushayuge". or "Kalingara janvayasya tritiye purushe'. 3. CHI, Vol. I, p. 535. Rapson says that like the Satavabana, Kharavela was also the third ruler of his line. 4. PHAI, p. 419; Dr. Raychaudhari says that the names of the first two kings of the Cheta line are not clearly indicated in the Hathi. gumpha inscription. 5. OBI, p. 41, fn 5. Barua adds : 'Jayaswal's rendering is evidently based upon the authority of a few sanskrit stanzas quoted by him from an old Oriya manuscript." Note : The Ms. has been proved to be unauthoritative by Rev. Pt. Sukhlalji and Muni Jinavijay ji. The present author agrees fully with their views. 6. Paribishta Parvan, VIII, p. 526. 7. JBORS, Vol. III, p. 435. 8. Jaysawal (JBORS, Vol. I, Soc. 22) opines that the Saisunagas con quered the Kalinga country. For Personal & Private Use Only

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248 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA According to them, the Kalinga dynasty came to an end a little before or in the time of Mahapadma Nanda. It has already been noted that Kalinga was conquered by the Nandas. Thus, this early or the first dynasty of Kalinga would have ended with that conquest as the conquest of a permanent nature. It seems the conquest lasted upto the days of the last Nanda Alexander's generals call Dhana Nanda as 'King of the Prasii (Prachi) and Gangaridae.'' Megasthenes himself describes Kalinga as an independent people with their king and capital. Gangaridae seeems to represent Udra. The Natyasastra mentions Vangodra. Gangaridae would be the portion of Kalinga coming upto Bengal. Again, Kalinga became independent before the Mauryas, for Asoka conquered it after a terrible battle. The dynasty dethroned by Asoka must have been the second dynasty of Kalinga. Now, once more under the Cheta dynasty, Kalinga reasserted her independence in the last days of the Maurya rule. Thus the family founded by Kharavela's predecessors was the third dynasty of Kalinga. Dr. Barua' says that the interpretations advanced by K. P. Jayaswal and Dr. R. C. Majumdar have obviously missed the technical sense of the expression purisa-yuga. As for the ordinal "tutiya' meaning the third, there is no doubt that it qualifies purisa-yuga. Here the plural form of Kalinga-raja vamsa might seem to bear out K. P. Jayaswal's interpretation. But we must not forget, continues Dr. Barua, that the word purisa is understood and 1. J BORS, Vol 1, Sec. 22 ; Pargiter, Puranas Text, p. 23. 2. Refer Chapter IV-- The Nanda Rule in Kalinga"; Also, R. D. Banerji's note in J BORS, Vol. III. 3. McCrindle, Megasthenes, pp. 135 and 155. According to Megas. thenes Gangaridae and Kalinga aro one and the same terms. 4. OBI, p. 235. For Personal & Private Use Only

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PREDECESSORS OF KHARAVELA 249 that the expression Kalinga-raja-vamsanam may be better interpreted as meaning of those of the royal dynasty of Kalinga'. Corresponding to yuga or purisa-yuga in Pali, we have the use of yuga or purisa-yuga in the Hathigumpha inscription. And, the expression 'tatiya-yuga or tatiya. purisa-yuga' suggests the same kind of gradational enumeration as that of the four yugas or purisa-yugas in Pali. If so, there is no other alternative but to interpret the expression in the sense of the third couple of royal personages' one representing the 5th king and the other 6th king of one and the same reigning dynasty of Kalinga. "This is precisely the sense", concludes Barua, "ought to be conveyed by the rendering 'the third generation of two kings." Further explaining, if it implies a conjoint rule of two kings of the same royal family reigning at the same time, 1. Keeping the tradition of cosmogonio chaturyuga as a presup. position the Buddha or the Buddhist conceived four yugas (chattari yugani) of Ariyapuggalas 'those of the Aryan lineage' (Ratana Sutta in the Sutta Nipata and the Khuddaka Patha), which is the same as to say the Buddha or the Buddbist conceived four purisa-yugas (chattari-purusa-yugani) in Ariya-Vansa "the Aryan lineage." (Mahaparinibbana Suttasta, Digba Nikaya, Vol. II), understanding the term yuga in the sense of yugga (couple) or yamaka (twin). Thus with the Buddhists the four yugas or purisa-yugas denote the four couples of Aryan porsonalities (purisa. puggalas) representing the eight notable stages in the progress of the Buddhist pilgrim towards Arahatship, which is hie final destination. A notion of sequence or succession is implied in the Buddhist enumeration of four yugas or purisa-yugas as pathama (1st), dutiya (2nd), tatiya (3rd) and chatuttha (4th). But each yuga or purisa-yuja considered by itself, eliminates altogether the notion of sequence or succession, for a yuga, to be worth the name, requires as a sine quanon the co-existence of two persons, one representing, as the Buddhists put it, the stage of inception (maggattha) and the other that of fruition (phalattha)." - Paramattha. Jotika, Khuddaka Patha Commentary, Qtd. Barua, OBI, p. 236. 32 For Personal & Private Use Only

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250 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA Dr. Barua? has cited the following :-"In upholding the interpretation offered by D. R. Bhandarkar and R. C. Majumdar of the text of the Andhau inscription as implying a conjoint rule of king Chashtana, the grandfather and Rudradamana I, the grandson, of the same Kshaharata royal family, Dr. Raychaudhari(r) calls our attention to a number of facts deserving consideration :(a) The account given by Diodorus of the political constitution of Tauala (pasala), the Indus Delta, as having been drawn on the lines of Spartan, enjoining the conjoint rule of two kings representing the two eldest representatives of the ruling clan and as vesting the command in war to two hereditary kings of different houses. (b) The mention of dviraja' in the Atharva Vedas in the sense of a conjoint rule of two. (c) The danger of "dvairajya' viz. the conjoint rule of two kings, in the event of their disagreement and mutual enmity and hostility, discussed in the Arthasastra.' N.' N. Lawo maintains that dvairajya' or the rule by two kings was, according to the Arthasastra, a "vyasana' (distress) of the royal state ; it implying rather an abnormal than a normal state of things. The dvairajya form of government must have been ushered in as a means of avoiding keeping the crown-prince waiting indefinitely till the death or retirement of the reigning king. 1. OBI, p. 237. 2. PHAI, ED. V, pp. 486-8. 3. V, 20, 9. 4. VIII, 2, 128. 6. Technical Institutions' published in the Indian Historical Quarterly, referred to by Earua, OBI, p. 237, fn. 1. For Personal & Private Use Only

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PREDECESSORS OF KHARAVELA 25i (d) The system of dorajja (dvairajya) referred to in the Jaina Ayaranga Sutta. (e) The case of king Dhritarashtra, the father and Duryodhana, the son reigning together, to be cited from the Mahabharata. (f) The case of Eukratides and his son reigning together to be cited from Justin's work. (g) The conjoint rule of Strabo I and Strabo II or that of Azes and Azilises to be cited among other instances. (h) Attention has also been drawn to an anecdote in the Mabavastu, in which three sons of king Mahendra, the three uterine brothers, are said to have conjointly reigned in Simhapura, the then capital of Kalinga. (i) And, also to the Buddhist tradition of nine Nanda brothers, the nine kings of the pre-Mauryan Nanda dynasty, reigning conjointly the kingdom of Magadha. * The overwhelming evidence, thus produced, goes to prove that there is no inherent improbability, concludes Dr. Barua, of a conjoint rule of two kings in each generation of the then reigning dynasty of Kalinga being implied in the expression. The idea of an uninterrupted continuity of the royal line, from father to son, is contemplated also in a passage concerning purusha-yuga in the Lalitavistara. In the life-time of the grandfather and father, the son and grandson are to be in full vigour of life ensuring the prospect of the birth of the great-grandson and great-great-grandson. Considered in this light, if the grandfather and father represent the first purusha-yuga, the son and grandson would represent 1. III; p. 432. For Personal & Private Use Only

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252 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA the second, and the great-grandson and great-great-grandson would represent the third. And if, says Dr. Barua, as is recorded in the Hathigumpha inscription, the third purus ha-yuga, of the then reigning dynasty of Kalinga, was completed with the birth of prince Kharavela, it follows that he was the great-great-grandson of the first king of this dynasty and that the part of the third couple could be over only with the death of his father. Keeping consistency with this meaning of purusha-yuga, we might say that Kharavela's father remained joined as a king with his grandfather, when he had been discharging the administrative functions as the crown-prince for nine years-viz. from bis 16th to his 24th years :(1) that on the death of his grandfather, he himself became joined with his father as a king as soon as he completed his 24th year ; (2) that his father died in the 11th year of his reign, in the record whereof, we are told that part of the third couple was over by that time, and he paid proper homage to the memory of the former king of Kalinga, which is to say, he performed the Sraddla ceremony ; and (3) that Vakradeva? came to be joined with him as a 1. The meaning made out is this--"A & B represent the first purusha-yuga. After the death of A, the first yuga comes to be partly over and C comes to be joined as a king with B. After the death of B, C & D combine to represent the second purusha-yuga. After the death of C, the second yuga comes to be partly over and E comes to be joined as a king with D. After the death of D, E & F combine to represent the third purusha-yuga. After the death of E, the third yuga comes to be partly over and G comes to be joined as a king with F. Note: The author had the opportunity of discussing this problem with Pt. Sukhlalji the renowned Jain Scholar, and he accepted Dr. Barua's interpretations. 2. Dr. Barua teads Kadampa or Kudepa. For Personal & Private Use Only

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PREDECESSORS OF KHARAVELA 253 king after the death of his father in the 11th year of his reign. The tradition in the Puranas unanimously assert that among the different Indian kings who reigned in various parts of India as contemporaries of the Andhra-Satavahana rulers, were kings who reigned in Kosala and south Kosala, who were just nine in number, very powerful, intelligent and well-known as "Meghas'.' And, it is expressely stated in the Bhavishya Purana that seven Kosala kings of the Mahameghavahana dynasty and seven Anthra kings reigned as contemporaries.s Thus, the tradition in the Puranas, leads us to understand that altogether nine kings of the Mahameghavahan family reigned in south Kosala, which formed one of the three principal divisions of Kharavela's Kalinga kingdom.' And, if it can be elicited from the Hathigumpha and other records in the Udayagiri-Khandagiri caves that Kharavela reigned as the sixth and Vakradeva as the seventh kings of the Meghavahana dynasty, we can say that just two other kings of this family reigned after their death, which is to say, the rule of this family came to an end within thirty or forty years of Kharavela's death. 1. If the cave standing in the name of Vakradeva was one of the caves excavated in the 13th year of Kharavelo's reign, it is evident from the epithets Aira, Mahirija, Mahimeghavahana and Kalingadhipati, adorning tbe name of Vakradeva in his inscriptioa in the Manchapuri Cave (Luder's List No. 1347) that he, as the son of Kbaravela. was then joined with him as a king of Kalinga in the fullest sense of the term. (OBI, p. 239). 2, Pargiter, DKA, 51 : "Rofalayam tu rajano bhavishyanti mahabalah Megha iti samakhyata buddhimaito navaiva tu." 3. Eka kalah ime bhupah sapta andhral sapta kausalah'-Qtd. Pargiber, DKA, P. 51, fn. 16. 4. OBI, p. 272. 5. Ibid. For Personal & Private Use Only

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(SECTION V; LINEAGE OF KHARAVELA AILA (AIRA) The very opening sentence in the Hathigumpha inscription of Emperor Kharavela, after necessary innovations, begins thus: "Airena maharajena mahameghavahanena chetiraja-varsa vadhanena... Another inscription of Vakradeva (or Kudepa-siri ?)' probably a son and successor of Kharavela, engraved in the Manchapuri cave, too opens with the same word "airasa'. The word "Aira', occuring as a royal epithet, has been a source of much controversy. Baruas reads the word as "Vera', which is equivalent to vira, meaning 'hero or heroic'. Yet, accepting the reading 'Aira', he renders it as 'lordly'. He says that in the Jataka Commentary, a royal title 'Ayira' has been explained as meaning 'svami-master or lord, a master as distinguished from a slave,' that is to say, an Arya' whose condition, according to the Arthasastra, is not servitude. Dr. Sukumar Sen of the Calcutta University has suggested quite a different interpretation." He says that *Aira' is the same as the later Vedic 'aira'--a derivative of Vedic 'ira', which denotes 'water, refreshment, food, comfort, enjoyment and hence, is equivalent to Vedic irya' 1. Reading offered by Dr. Barua (OBI, pp. 59-64). 2. Luder's List No. 1347. 3. OBI, p. 266. 4. Ibid. 5. Vide a paper 'Airena in the Hathigumpha Inscription' read at the Waltair Session of the Indian History Congress, 1953, For Personal & Private Use Only

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Lineage Of KHARAVELA 255 meaning 'active, powerful, energetic, a lord'. In the last sense, that is equivalent to 'isvara', irya seems to have been current as the term indicating a follower of the "Cult of Isvara', and as late as the 11th Century A.D,, we find the word a(y)iri(k)a (airika, airyaka) to indicate the follower of the Isvara Cult. In his Dohakosha, Saraha speaks of the Airias as "The Airias smear (themselves) with ash-dust, and carry on (their) head the weight of metted hair. They sit at home and light the lamps. They sit in a corner and ring the bell. They shut the eyes and (remain) in a fixed pose. They whisper to the ears, deluding (i.e. deceiving) the people. (They appear as) cripples or sbaven-headed or in another guise, and give spiritual initiation (to people) for the fee."'1 "The Cult of Isvara", continues Dr. Sen, "was not necessarily a Saiva cult. The word Mahameghavahana following Aira, perhaps, points out to its connection with the now lost Indra-worship." The interpretations and arguments put forth by Dr. Sen appear as far-fetched and do not have much bearing upon the issue at hand; rather these tend to add complications to a simple problem. K. P. Jayaswal, however, states that the first word of the royal style is 'Aira'. This word occurs in a Satavahana inscription and has been translated by M. Senart as 'noble' (Arya). And accordingly, instead of taking it to mean 'noble', he took it as indicating the ethnic difference of Kharavela from his subjects. His subjects were mostly Dravidians or mixed Aryo-Dravidians, for according to the 1. The original, as quoted by Dr. Sen, is as follows: "Airihim uddiliya aichchurem sinasu vahiya ajadamarema Gharahi boisi diva jali konahim boisi ghanda shati Alkhi nivesi asana bandhi karnehim khusu khusai jana dhandhi randi mundi anna vi tesem dikkhijjai dakkhina uddesam." 2. JBORS, Vol. III, 1917, p. 434, For Personal & Private Use Only

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256 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA Natya-Sastra,' the people of Kalinga were dark but not black. If he was a pure Arya, continues Jayaswal, his dynasty would naturally take care to emphasise it. The same tendency is visible among the Aryan Brahmanas in the Dravidian South, who call themselves as Aryan or Aiyer (plural of Aiya). Kharavela, as a matter of fact, was an ideal ruler in so far as his subjects--the people of Kalinga were concerned. He did everything possible to please his subjects, as would be apparent from various statements in his record. The idea that he would have liked to distinguish himself from his people, does not carry much weight. On the contrary, a successful ruler should prefer to identify himself with his people and thus gain their support for the smooth run of the State administration. Far from the above renderings, at the very face of it, Aira' would appear to be an equivalent of 'Aida' or 'Aila' and it means 'a descendant of Ila or lla'.3 Dr. D. C. Sircar4 also states that it is tempting to connect Aira with the Ailas belonging to the Lunar dynasty. As has already been shown above, Pururavas Aila a son of Ila and Budha, was the progenitor of the great Aila race to which the kings of Kalinga belonged. The country and kingdom of Kalinga were founded by and after a son of the same name of king Bali, who was a 1. 21, 89. 2. On the stage, the people of Kalinga, like those of Panchala and Magadha, were to be represented 'syamala' as against 'asit of the Dravidian country. Qtd. Jayaswal, JBORS, Vol. III, p. 434. 3. R. D. Banerji, HO, Vol. I, p.72. 4. Seleet Ins. Vol. I, p. 211, fn. 6. 5. refer section "Puranic Tradition", Chap. III, pp. 83 f. in the present work 6. For fuller details refer ibid. For Personal & Private Use Only

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LINEAGE OF KHARAVELA 257 descendant of Pururavas, and hence, the kings of Kalinga were Kshatriyas of the Lunar family. There should, hence, be no hitch in ascribing Kharavela, the great king of Kalinga, an Aila descent. Many Dravidian kings at this time, according to R. D. Banerji," claimed to be Aila Kshatriyas. The Satavahana king Vasishtiputra sriPulumavi also calls himself the great Aila (Mala Airekena) in his inscription in Cave No. 3 of the Pandulena group in the Nasik district. 3 It is interesting to note in this connection that the king of Kalinga is called in the Mahabharata* as a Paurava--belonging to the house of Puru, who was a descendant of the Aila dynasty. At another place, however, in the same Epic, he is called the ruler of the Nishadas, viz. of the aboriginals, which is perfectly in keeping with the forest-folk population in Kalinga. CHEDI VANsA Further, Kharavela describes himself as "chetiraja vam sa vadhinena'," viz. 'an offshoot of the Cheti royal family'; whereas at another place, he is actually said to have been a descendant of the early Chedi monarch Vasu 1. Indraji wrongly suggests that Airena is not to be found in Pali and Prakrit. See Luders List No.1276--Aira Ulavipabhihi ; No. 1280Chula Ayira, Ayira Bhuta-rakhita, Ayira-Budharakhitu. Fausboll's Jataka, Vol. VI, p. 300--'Ayiro hi dusassa janinda issare'. Qtd. OBI, p. 8, fo. 2. 2. HO, Vol. I, p. 72. 3. E. I., Vol. VIII, p. 65 ; D. C. Sircar (Select Ins. Vol. I, No. 87, p. 201. 1. 3) explains it as 'maha airekena (Skt : maharyakena) i. e. rajnah prabhatamahena (?)'. 4. Bhishma parvan, 17, 27 ; 54, 4 ; 64. 5. Line 1. Some read Cheta, Cheti, Chedi ; Cheta, ChaidyaQtd. Sircar, Select Ings, Vol. I, p. 207, fn. 1. 6. Cf, line 17 of the Hatbigumpha inscription. 33 For Personal & Private Use Only

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258 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA Uparichara. Hence Kharavela belonged to the (Cheta or) Chedi dynasty. R. P. Chanda points out that Cheta princes are mentioned in the Vessantara Jataka. The Milindapanha contains a statement which seems to indicate that the Chetas were connected with the Chetis or Chedis. The particulars given in that work regarding the Cheta king Suraparichara agrees with what we know about the Chedi king Uparichara.3 The Chedi people are Veda.4 Their king Kasu Danastuti-'Praise of Gift'. powerful king. E. J. Rapson with 'Vasu' of the Epics. mentioned as early as the Rig Chaidya is praised in a He is said to have been a very proposes to identify him Vasu, the fourth successor of Sudharman, conquered the Chedi kingdom from the Yadavas and founded a dynasty there, whence he obtained the epithet 'Chaidyoparichara' viz, the Conqueror of the Chaidyas. His capital was Suktimati, which lay on a river of the same name. Vasu was a Samrat and a Chakravartin and extended his sway over adjoining He Magadha and possibly over the Matsya country also. had five sons, amongst whom he divided his kingdom. Brihadratha got Magadha, Kasu was given Kosambi, Yadu had Karusha and Pratyagraha got Chedi. The last got Matsya which adjoined Chedi in the north-west." 1. Rajasi Vasu-kula-vinisrito (Skt: Rajarshi Vasu (Chedirajoparichara Vasu)-kula-vinihsritah-Select Inss, p. 213. 2. Fausboll, No. 547. 3. Rhys Davids-Milinda, SBE, Vol. XXXV, p. 287; Mbh, I, 63, 14. According to Sten Konow (Acta Orientalia, I, 1923, p. 38) Cheti (not Cheta) is the designation of the dynasty of Kharavela occuring in the Hathigumpha inscription. 4. VIII, 5, 37-39. 5. CHI, Vol. I, p. 309. 6. A. D. Pusalkar in the Vedic Age, edited by R. C. Majumdar, p. 296. For Personal & Private Use Only

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LINEAGE OF KHARAVELA 259 The Chetiya Jatakat gives a legendary geneology of Chaidya kings, taking their descent from Mahasammata and Mandhata. Upachara, a king of the line, had five sons, who are said to have founded the cities of Hatthipura, Assapura, Sihapura, Uttara-Panchala and Daddarapura. Hatthipura may be identified with Hatthinipura (Hastinapura) in the Kuru country;a Assapura with the city of that name in Anga; Sihapura with the town of Lala in Orissa from where Vijaya went to Ceylon. Uttara-Panchala was Abichchhatra in Rohilkhand. Daddarapura* was apparently in the Himalayan region. This monarch is, probably, identical with Uparichara Vasu, the Paurava King of Chedi, mentioned in the Maha. bliarata," whose five sons also founded five lines of kings. But the Epic tradition associates the scions of Vasu's family with the cities of Kausambi, Mahoilaya (Kannauj) and Girivraja. The Mahabharata(r) speaks also of other Chedi king Damaghosha, his son sisupala Sunitha and his sons Dhoishtaketu and Sarabha, who reigned about the time of the Bharata war. 1. Malalasekera, DPPN, Vol. I, p. 1054. 2. See Author's work 'Hastinapura'. 3. There was also another Sinha pura in the western Punjab, Qtd Watters, Vol. I, p. 248. 4. Daddara occurs the name of a country in the Jain literature (Nayadhammakaha, 8, p. 98 etc.). It was noted for sandalwood. It is tempting to locate it so?newhere in Mysore. There is one more name much akin to it-Dadhabhumi, which was visited by Mahavira, and has been identified with Singhbhum (Dr. J. C. Jaio, LAI, pp. 260 & 278). 5. I. 63. 1.2. 6. I, 63, 30. 7. Ram. I, 32, 6-9 ; Mbb. I, 63, 30-33. 8. Qtd. PHAI, P. 130. For Personal & Private Use Only

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260 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA The Buddhist books mention Cheti as one of the sixteen great Janapadas. In the dynastic lists given in the Puranas, the Haihayas are mentioned as a branch of the Yadavas. The origin of the Chedis is thus stated by Pargiter3:--"Vidarbha of the Yadava clan had three sons named Bhima Kratha, Kaisika and Lomapada. Kaisika's son, Chidi, founded the dynasty of Chaidya kings in Chidi." From Chidi the name of the clan as well as that of the country became Chedi. Vasu, from whose line Kharavela's family descended (cf. Line 17 of the Hathigumpha inscription) was, however, not a Chaidya, but a conqueror of the Chedi country, as already stated. He was 5th in descent from Kuru, who himself was the 72nd Aila. The Jaina Harivamsa Purana also includes Vasu in the Aileya list and as the son of the founder of Chedi-lashtra in the Vindhyas. It is evident from the above Purana that king Abhichandra, who was a descendant of king Aileya of Harivamsa, founded Chedi. rashtra near the Vindhyas. His queen, Vasumati, was from the Ugravamsa and he was succeeded by his son Vasu. The Chetis or Chedis had two distinct settlements, of which one was in the mountains of Nepal and the other in Bundelkhand. The Mahabharata mentions the Chedi country as one of many encircling the Kurus' and it lay 1. Ribys Davide, CHI, Vol. I, p. 172. 2. Pargiter, AIHT, p. 102. 3. Ibid, p. 272. 4. JRAS, 1910, pp. 22f. 5. JBORS, Vol. XV, p. 277. 6. Harivamsa Purana, Sarga xvii, Slokas 1-39. 7. B. C. Law in AIU, Ed. R.C. Majumdar, p. 9. 8. Original : "paritah kurun". For Personal & Private Use Only

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LINEAGE OF KHARAVELA 261 near the Yamuna. It closely connected the Kasis of Banaras and the Karushas in the valley of the river Sono with the Matsyas beyond the Chambal, and are distinguished from the Dasarnas who lived on the banks of the Dhasan.3 Pargiter places the Chedis along the southern bank of the Yamuna, from the Chambal on the north-west as far as Karvi on the south-east. Its limits southwards may have been, according to him, the plateau of Malwa and the hills of Bundelkhand.' Bhandarkar thinks that the Cheta or Chetiya corresponded roughly with the modern Bundelkhand. In mediaeval period, however, the southern frontiers of Chedi country extended to the bank of the Narmada.. The Chetiya Jataka? mentions Sotthivatinagar as the metropolis of the Chedis. The Mahabharata too gives the name of the capital city as Suktimati or Sukti-sahvya. It also mentions a river of the same name which flowed near the capital city of Raja Uparichara of the Chedi 1. Pargiter, JASB, 1895, pp. 253f ; Raychaudhri, PHAI, p. 128 ; Mbh, I, 63, 2-68 ; IV, 1, 11. "Santi ramya janapadi vahvannah paritah kurun Panchulas-chedi-matsyuscha sucrasenah padhachcharah Dasarna navarashtrascha mallah salva yugandhrah" 2. Mbh, V, 22, 25; 74, 16 ; 198,2 ; VI, 47, 4 ; 51, 8 ; PHAI, p. 128. 3. Princesses of Dasarna were given in marriage to Bhima of Vidarbha and Virabahu or Subahu of Chedi-vamsa-Mbh. I, iii, 69, 14-15. 4. JASB, 1895, p. 253. 5. Carmichael Lectures, Vol. I, p. 52; N. L. Dey, Geographical Dictionary of Ancient and Medieval India, IInd Ed., p. 48 ; Cunningham, AGI, p. 725. 6. "Nadinam mekala-suta nripanam ranavigrah Kavina sha suranandarachedi-mandala-mandanari" Attributed to Rajasekhara in Jalhana's sukti Muktavali; Ep. Ind. Vol. IV, p. 280 ; Konow, Karpuramasjari, p. 182. 7. Fausboll, No. 422. 8. III, 20, 50 ; XIV, 83, 2; N. L. Doy, Ind. Ant. 1918, p. vii ; B.C. Law in AIU, Ed. R. C. Mojumdar, p. 9. For Personal & Private Use Only

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262 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA vishaya. Pargiter has identified the stream with Ken and places the city of Suktimati in the neighbourhood of modern Banda. Other towns of note were Sahajati? which stood on the trade route along the Ganga ;- Tripuri which was situated near the Narmada not far from Jubbulpur. In Haimkosha, it is called Chedinagari. The city finds a mention in the Mahabharata(r) along with Kosala and its people. The Traipuras are referred to in the same Epic together with the Mekalas and the Kurubindas.? In the present state of our knowledge, it is not quite easy to determine as to how Kbaravela was a scion of the Chedi-vamsa. But since he takes pride in calling himself "chctiraja-vam sa-vadhanena', it is not improbable if some Chedi prince migrated from Madhyadesal or from Magadha, which was the second principality of the Chedis, to Kalinga, where he catved out a principality for himself which ultimately became a mighty empire.' And, Kharavela might have been a descendant of the same prince. 1. I, 63, 35. 2. JASB, 1895, p. 255; Markandeya Purana, p. 369. 3. Anguttara, III. p. 356 (P. T. 8.). "Ayasma mahachundo cheti su viharati sahajatiyam." 4. Buddhist India, p. 103; Cf. Sahijitiya nigamasa' the legend on a seal-die of terracotta found at Rhita, 10 miles from Allahabad-Aroh. Expl. Indi. 1909-10, by Marshall; JRAS, 1911, pp. 128f. This inscription is in letters of about the 3rd Century B. C.-JBORS, Vol., XIX, 1933, p. 293 5. JASB, 1895, p. 249. 6. III, 253, 10. 7. VI, 87, 9. 8. D. C. Sircar (AIU, p. 211) also holds the same view. Further, Dr. V.8. Agarwal of the Banaras Hindu University, with whom the author bad the privilege of discussing the above problem, too was of the same opinion. For Personal & Private Use Only

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LINEAGE OF KHARAVELA 263 If, however, the fact that Kharavela belonged to the family of Vasu,' is taken into account, we find that Vasu was 5th in descent from Kuru, who in turn was the 72 Aila." But Vasu was not a Chaidya himself. On the contrary, he was a conqueror of the Chedi country. Can't it be possible then, that having carved out a principality in the Chedi country, the country.name was ultimately given to the ruling family also ? And, that is the reason why Kharavela ascribes himself a Chedi descent. This view also finds some corroboration from the evidence of the Jaina Harivamsa Purana; where Vasu is included in the Aileya list and has been called a son of the founder of the Chedi-rashtra in the Vindhyas. It might have been, hence, that some prince of the house of Vasu might have either migrated to Kalinga and carved out a principality for himself or the house of Vasu itself might have extended its sway over the Kaling: country itself some time before Kharavela ascended the throne of Kalinga. 1. Line 17 of the Bathigumpha Ingcription. 2. AIHT, p. 272. 3. JASB, 1910, pp. 22f. For Personal & Private Use Only

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CHAPTER X DATE OF KHARAVELA Of all questions concerning Indian History, dates are the most puzzling. Rarely are they recorded in literature and tradition too is faulty at almost every step. As a general rule, it is necessary, therefore, to receive deductions on the subject with some reservation. For what appears most satisfactorily established by one set of data, has been entirely upset by another evidence or interpretation. The date of Kharavela has been a subject of wide controvercies for long. We know of Emperor Kharavela from the Hathigumpha record. It gives the chief events of the emperor's life year by year. Here he is called 'Adhipati', while in his Chief Queen's record, engraved in the Svargapuri (or Manchapuri) cave, he is styled Chakravarti'. But neither of the records contain even a single word about Kharavela's ancestors or parentage, which might have helped us in fixing his position in the chronological scheme of ancient Indian history. Nor is there mentioned directly an ara or date by which we can determine the exact years of Kharavela. We have, therefore, to depend upon certain internal and circumstantial in order to determine his date evidences. Of the earlier scholars, Pt. Bhagwanlal Indraji was the first who believed that the inscription was incised in the 13th year of Kharavela's reign, which corresponded to the 165th year of the Maurya era, counted from the date of Asoka's Kalinga-vijaya in 255 B. C.1 He thus 1. Actes du Sixieme Congres International des Orientalists, Pt. III, Sec, ii, pp. 152-77. For Personal & Private Use Only

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DATE OF KHARAVELA 265 placed Kharavela's accession in 103 B. C. J. F. Fleet, however, denied the occurrence of a date in the Maurya era and was followed by Prof. H. Luders, who fixed up the accession in 224 B. C., taking the term 'ti-vasa-sata' (line 6) as 103 years since Nandaraja, counted from 322 B. C., the last date of the last Nanda ruler. But the theory of a date in the Maurya era was again revived by Dr. S. Konow,3 and carried forward by K. P. Jayaswal and R. D. Banerji." Later on, however, on a close scrutiny of the record," they also changed their views, now denying the existence of a date in the Maurya year. R. D. Banerji(r) has given a sequence of events of Kharavela's life, placing him in the first half of the second Century B. C., following K. P. Jayaswal's synchronism of Kharavela with Demetrius, the Indo-Bactrian king, and (Bsihaspatimitra) or Pushyamitra, the first Sunga ruler of Magadha. In this way, we find that scholars were divided into two different schools-one in favour of occurrence of a Maurya date in the record and the other denying it ; and both the schools were followed by numerous scholars. Recent readings and repeated examinations of the record have finally decided in favour of the latter school, viz., the absence of a date in the Maurya era. What the supporters of the former school read as Muriyakala (line 16) viz., Maurya era, has been read by the others as Mukhiyakala meaning the principal art and thus changed the very sense of the phrase. 3, 1. JRAS, 1910, pp. 242f & 824, 2. EI, X, No. 1345. Acta Orientalia, No. 1, 1923, pp. 12f. 4. JBORS, IU, 1917, Pt. IV, pp. 425.85. 5. EI, XX, pp. 83f. 6. HO, Vol. I, 1929, pp. 91-92. 7. D. C. Sircar, SI, Vol. I, 1912, No 91, pp. 206f. 34 For Personal & Private Use Only

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266 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA But a date in the second Century B. C. could also not be finally accepted, and scholars like Dr. H. C. Raychau. dhari," Dr. D. C. Sircar?, followed by Dr. B. M. Barua, Prof. N. N. Ghosh and others have put forward varied arguments suggesting a date as late as the closing years of the first Century B. C. Hence two separate groups of scholars have again cropped up-one assigning an early date to Khara vela and the other a late one. But.arguments in favour or against either of the groups are also not conclusive, Having been faced with difficulties as above, we now proceed to determine the date of Kharavela on the basis of certain internal and circumstantial evidences come across in the Hathigumpha inscription itself. 1. PHAI, 1950, pp. 374f. 2. SI. Vol 1, pp. 206f; AIU, 1951, pp. 216f. 3. OBI, 1929, p. 283. 4. EHI, 1918, pp. 189-94. For Personal & Private Use Only

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(Section 1) INTERNAL EVIDENCES SATAKARNI Looking to internal evidences, we find mention of certain contemporary rulers in the Hathigumpha inscription, and if we could decide upon their date, our problem might be solved. In his second year, Kharavela sent his forces towards the west disregarding Sata karni," who is none else than a ruler of the Andhra-Satavahana house. Now, among the early Andhra rulers, we know of a certain Satakarni, the husband of Nayinika, from the Nanaghat record, and he has been identified with the third ruler of the Pauranic lists. The name of the Andhra nation is extremely ancient, being mentioned in the Aitareya Brahmana representing a Dasyu race, living on the fringes of the Aryan settlements and descended from Visvamitra.? At a later date they find a mention in the Asokan edicts and were reckoned among the tribes and nations resident in or adjoining the outer limits of the Mauryan empire, and perhaps, subject to the Imperial command, although enjoying a considerable degree of autonomy under their own raja. Secondly, believing the pauranic evidence of 30 kings with a reign period of 460 years and also that the Andhra power came to an end in about 225 A. D., we arrive at (460--225=) 235 B. C. or 1. Line 4 :-"Dutiye cha vase achitayita satakanim pachhima disam haya-gaja-nara-radha-bahulam dandan palhi payati." 2. Qtd. D. R. Bhandarkar, IA, XLVII, 1916, p. 70. 3. RE XIII (256 B. C.). For Personal & Private Use Only

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268 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA nearabout as the date of Simuka, the first Andhra ruler. We may, hence, fix (235--23--18 =) approximately 190 B.C. to 172 B. C. as the date of Satakarni I. But it has been argued against this date that, firstly, the Puranas are not unanimous about the number of kings and the total duration of their reign. The Matsya Purana mentions 19 kings but gives 30 names ; whereas in other manuscripts the number differs from 28 to 21. The Vayu Purana, on the other hand, gives the total number of rulers as 30. but quotes only 17 to 19 names. Same is the case about the duration of their reign period. It differs widely as 460, 412, 272] and so on. In the opinion of Sir R. G. Bhandarkar, the longer list includes the names of princes also who never came to the throne or might have held provinces only. It has been suggested by Dr. Raychaudhari that if the main line of Sata vahana kings consisted only of 19 kings and if the duration of their rule be approximately 300 years, there is no difficulty in according the Puranic statement that Simuka flourished in the time of the later Kanvas, viz., in the first Century B. C. and the dynasty ceased to rule in the third Century A. D. Secondly, talking in the same tone, depending upon the Puranic chronology, we find that 10 rulers of the Sunga dynasty, which came to power 137 years after Chandragupta Maurya's accession in 324 B. C., reigned for a period of 112 years. The last Sunga ruler, Devabhuti, was overthrown by his a natyr Vasudeva, the founder of the Kanva dynasty, which lasted for 45 years after four successive reigns. The last of them, Susarinana, was ousted by Simuka, the first of the Satavahana house. Accord 1. Qtd. Raychaudhari, PHAI, p. 407. 2. PHAI, pp. 403 f. For Personal & Private Use Only

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INTERNAL EVIDENCES : 269 ingly, we arrive at 30 B. C. (324--137--112--45) as the date of Simuka, in which year he might have ousted the last Kanva and had himself reigned for 23 years. Allowing 18 years (10 years, according to some) for Krishna, his successor, we arrive at 12 B. C. as the date of Satakarni and accordingly Kharavela ascended the throne of Kalinga in 14 B. C. BRIHASPATIMITRA: We are informed that Kharavela, in the 12th year of his reign, subdued Brihaspatimitra, the ruler of Magadha.' Now, we come across the following different rulers of this name who flourished within a few centuries this side or that of the Christian era :(1) Brihaspatimitra (Brihasvatimitra) occurring on an inscribed brick at Mora, near Mathura, commemorating the erection of a temple by his daughter, Yasamita. . (2) Bahasatimitta from the Pabhosa inscription (near Allahabad) commemorating the excavation of a cave by his maternal uncle (matula) Ashadhasena. The inscription is dated in the 10th year of a king Udaka. (3) The Kosambi coins suggest two different Bsihas patimitras on the consideration of their types and 1. John Allan, (Catalogue of Coins of Ancient India, London, 1936, p. xcviii) says :-"...we cannot agree that Brihaspatimitra is mentioned in the Hathigumphi inscription The word in question begins as bahu, the certain elements in it seems to be bahu(s... )idita ; it is very probably not a proper name at all, for the suggested reading of the preceding word as Magadha cha rajandin is extremely improbable philologically as well as palaeographically." 2. Line 12: Mugadhain cha rijanum bahasat imitam pade vanda puyati'. 3. Vogel, JRAS, 1912, Pt. II (i) p. 120. 4. EI, Vol. II, p. 241 & Plate. For Personal & Private Use Only

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270 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA the coins of one of them, probably of the latter, are restruck." (4) A coin of Bsihaspatimitra preserved in the Lucknow Museum which has been assigned to the Panchala series. (5) A legend in the Divyavadana speaks of a Bsihas pati as Maurya king among the successors of Samprati, grandson of Asoka. (6) Brihaspatimitra of a neo-Mitra dynasty which came possibly into existence sometime after tlie Kanvas. K. P. Jayaswal' placed Kharavela's accession in 182 B. C., taking him to be a contemporary of Pushyamitra Sunga (188-151 B. C.). The validity of this view is claimed primarily on the soundness of his identification with 1. John Allan (CCAI, pp. xovi & 150)-Kosambi Coins :- '... closely connected with the preceding in style, types and date are two inscribed coins bearing the names of Sudeva and Brihaspatimitra, which cannot be later than the first half of the 2nd Century B.C. and might be even as early as the 3rd Century B.C. This Brihaspatimitra is a different ruler from the Btibaspatimitra who iseued struck coins (Nos. 16-25) which are comparatively common. Apart from the striking differences in fabric and type, the epigraphy is quite different and earlier. Compare, for example, the forms of ya, sa, and ta in the two. The epigraphy of the former is still roughly speaking Asokan while that of the latter is Sunga." Dr. A. S. Altekar (JNS, Vol IV, 1942, p. 143) has published a coin of Brihaspatimitra II with the remarks: "...quite clear that it was king Brihaspatimitra whose coins have been restruck." But can we conclude from this that it was Kharavela who restruck the coin after conquering Brihaspatimitra, as is believed to be mentioned in the Hathigumpha inscription ? (Author). 2. John Allan, CCAI, p. cxvii; V. A. Smith, CCIM, Vol. I, 1936, p. 185. 3. P. 433; JBORS, Vol II, 96; Vol. III, p. 430 ; Barua, OBI, p. 273. 4. Raychaudhari, PHAI, p. 401. 5. JBORS, Vol. III, Pt. III-IV, pp. 236-45, For Personal & Private Use Only

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INTERNAL EVIDENCES 271 Bsihaspatimitra merely on grounds that Brihaspati (Jiva) is the regent (Nakshatradhipa) of the Nakshatra (or Zodiacal asterism) Pushya, also named Tishya, in the constellation Cancer or the Crab.' But this cannot be regarded as final in the absence of more convincing evidence and has been rejected as far fetched by all scholars. Efforts have been made to assume the two Brihaspatimitras of the Mora and Pabhosa inscriptions to be one and the same individuals on grounds that both the principalities acknowledged the suzerainty of the Sungas, and further, that they are also identical with the Brihaspatimitra of the coins. John Allan,' objecting to the above, argues in favour of two different princes of the same name, identical with Brihaspatimitra I and Brihaspatimitra II of the coins"Comparing the epigraphy of the two inscriptions, we see that the Mora inscription is much earlier in date when we remember that the Mora inscription is put up by his daughter and the Pabhosa inscription by his uncle-although the difference in date may not have been great-it is still more unlikely that the king referred to should be the same in both. The epigraphy of the Pabhosa inscription agrees very well with that of Btihaspatimitra Il's coins, and 1. Sakhyayana Griha Satra, I, 26, 6. Qtd. Jayaswal. 2. PHAI, p, 373f. Apart from this, in literature, Btihaspati, Pushyadharman and Pushyamitra occur as names of distinct individuals and represents Patliputra as the residence of the latter, whereas the Magadhan antagonist of Khara vela is probably called Rajagahanapa (Cf. Luder's reading in EI, Vol. X, No. 1345 with Jayagwal); Konow reads 'rajagahain upa pidapayati' though he admits that 'rajagahanapa (m) pidapayati' is also possible, and apparently resided in the city of Rujagriha. 3. Vogel, JRAS, 1912, p. 120; Jayaswal, JBORS, 1917, pp. 473-80; Rapson, CHI, Vol. I, pp. 524-6. 4. CCAI, pp. xcvii-vii. For Personal & Private Use Only

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272 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA although the doubling of the ta before ra (mittra) is not found on the coins, the two may well be identical especially as Pabhosa may be presumed to be within the territory of a king of Kausambi. The inscription is dated in the 10th year of a king Udaka, who has been identified by K. P. Jayaswala with the 5th king of the sunga dynasty, whose name appears in various forms in the Puranic lists:-Bhadraka in the Bhagwata Purana, Ardraka and Odruka in the Vishnu Purana, Audhraka in the Vayu Purana and Aitaka in Matsya Purana. According to the Puranic chronology, the date in question could be 120 B. C. and a date of 125-100 B. C. would suit Brihaspatimitra's coins. As to the Mora inscription, there is no palaeographic objection in identifying the Brihaspatimitra mentioned there, whose daughter married the king of Mathura, with Brihaspatimitra I of the coins .... It is quite impossible to identify the Brihaspatimitra of the coins with the Sunga Pushya mitra- quite apart from the improbability of this use of synonyms-for the coins cannot be removed from Kosambi, the coins of which are a very homogeneous series." The same argument applies to the Panchala coin. Coming to the identification of Bsihaspati of the Divyavadana with that of the inscriptions, we note that the Divyavadana" mentions the following geneology after Samprati, the grandson of Asoka -- Sampadi, Brihaspati, Vsishasena, Pashyadharman and Pushyamitra. K. P. Jayaswal" has brushed aside any possibility of the identi 1. This ie, according to Allan, the correct reading. The Jaina Commentator, Silanka equates Ulaka with Ardraka, (Jacobi's Jaina Sutras, Pt. II, p. 417) 2. JBORS, 1917, pp. 457 & 472-83. 3. Qtd. PHAI, p. 893. 4. P. 433. 5. JBORS, III, p. 480 For Personal & Private Use Only

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INTERNAL EVIDENCES 273 fication in the following words :-"He (Brihaspatimitra) was identical either with salisuka (211-210 B. C.) or his successor Devadharman (210-203 B. C.), as the Divyavadana gives two names between him and Pushyamitra. This Brihaspati cannot be identified with the Bsihaspatimitra of our inscription for two reasons. Mitra is not a member of the name of the Maurya king. Nor would the letters of the inscription warrant one going back to 203 B. C. Further, in that case, the inscription would not be dated in the year of the founder of the family of the vanquished rival." Regarding a neo-Mitra dynasty, Dr. Raychaudhari says! :-"The only rulers of note in the centuries immediately preceding the Christian era, whom we know from epigraphic evidence to have ruled in Magadha and the neighbouring territories are the so-called "Mitras'. The prevalence of Mitra' rule is also hinted at by various references in Jaina literature to Balamitra and Bhanumitra among the successors of Pushiyamnitra. From a study of epigraphis, Dr. Barua has compiled a list of Mitra kings. It includes the names of Brihatsvatimitra, Indragnimitra, Brahma mitra, Bsihaspatimitia, Dharmamitra and Vishnumitral. Of these only Indragnimitra and Brahmamitra, and possibly Brihaspatimitra, are associated with Magadha in addition to other territories. The rest are connected with Kosambi and Mathura. It is not known in what relationship most of these Mitra kings stood to one another or to the celebrated families of the Sungas and the Kanvas." Dr. Barua? also holds the same opinion. He says"We must still hold to Dr. Raychaudhari's theory of a neo-Mitra dynasty reigning in Magadha from the termina. 1. PHA1, p. 401. 2. Gaya & Buddha Gaya, Vol. II, 1934, pp. 74 f. 35 For Personal & Private Use Only

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274 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA tion of the rule of the Kanvas in the middle of the first Century B. C. and regard Indragnimitra and Brahmamitra as two immediate predecessors of king Brihaspatimitra who was the weaker rival and contemporary of Kharavela." And if this is so, then Kbaravela should be assigned a date in the last quarter of the first Century B. C. YAVANARAJA DIMITA In the 8th live of the Hathigumpha inscription, there is supposed to be a reference to the Yavanaraja Dimita viz. Demetrius, who, through the uproar occasioned by the action of Kharavela, retreated towards Mathura.' K. P. Jayaswal and R. D. Banerji, after a fresh examination of the inscription in 1919, announced that they had read the word Yavanaraja followed by the proper name Dimata. Jayaswal stated that he found the syllable -ma- clear and utimately, with great difficulty, read Dimata. This reading and its interpretation as the Greek king Demetrius3 were accepted both by Banerji" and Sten Konow. Konow, however, said of his own reading :-"I can see Yavanaraja as read by Jayaswal and of his Dimata the -ma- is quite legible." He did not say if he could see the supposed faint traces of the rest of the word. It is, therefore, clear that there remained an element of conjecture in the readings. 1. Line 8: "Etina cha karma padana-sannudena....senavahane vipamuchitum madhuram apapato yavanaraja dimita..." 2. JBORS, XIII, 1927, pp. 221 & 228. 3. Transcriptions : Dattamitra (Patanjali & Mahabharata); Devamantiya (Milindapad ha); Dharma-mita (Yuga Furana); Demetriya (On the bilingual tetradrachm); Timitra (On a seal from Begnagar-ASI, 1914-15, Vol. I. p. 19; Vol. II, p. 77). 4. JBORS, XIII, 1927, pp. 221 & 228. 5. Acta Orientalia, Vol. I. 1923, p. 27. 6. GBI, 1952, App. V.lpp. 457 f. For Personal & Private Use Only

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INTERNAL EVIDENCES 275 There is also, as Dr. Tarn apprehends,' an element of conjecture in the decipherment of the sentence which states what the Yavanaraja did, as the translations differ considerably. Konow's version was :--And through the uproar occasioned by the action (i. e. the incidents of Kharavela's invasion of Magadha) the Yavana king Demetrius went off to Mathura in order to relieve his generals who were in trouble.' Jayaswal's version was: "On account of the report (uproar) occasioned by the acts of valour (i. e. the capture of a fortress etc.) the Greek king Demet(rios) drawing in his army and transport retreated to abandon Mathura.' Then in 1928, Jayaswal put forward a totally different view. What the inscrip. tion refers to, he said, is the Greek king (he did not say Demetrius) being beaten off from Patliputra when he attacked it and retreated to Mathura. He had, evidently, discarded the abandonment of Mathura now, and on this theory, Kharavela does not come into the picture here at all." It appears then that all we can get at, taking the most favourable view, is that a Greek king, who may have been Demetrius, retreated to Mathura. So much is known from other sources. The Yuga Purana(r) records 1 GBI, 1952, App. V, p. 458. 2. Acta Orientalia, Vol. I, p. 27. 3. JBORS, XIII, 1927, p. 228. 4. JBORS, XIV, p. 417. 5. Tarn, GBI, p. 458. 6. Translation of Sections V & VII, concerning Greeks (Qtd. GBI, App. IV) : (V) After this, having invaded Saketa, the Panchalas and Mathura, the viciously valiant Yavanas (Greeks) will reach Kusumadhvaja (the town of the flower-etandard), Then the thick mud-fortification (embankment) at Patliputra being reached, all the provinces will be in For Personal & Private Use Only

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AN E 276 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA the withdrawal of the Greeks from the Middle Country (Madhyadesa), while Ptolemy and also the Indo-Greek coins show that Menander subsequently ruled in Mathura.' "Certainly the reason for this withdrawal given or implied in the inscription that the Greeks were frightened away by the invasion of Kharavela, though ex hypothesi, he was attacking their enemy Pushya mitra - cannot be right; it may have pleased Kharavela to think so'-argues Dr. Tarn. Dr. Tarn further adds: "One further point must be briefly noticed. Konow has put forward the view that if the Kharavela inscription really means Demetrius (note the 'if'), then Demetrius was the king of the siezes of Saketa and Madhyamika mentioned by Patanjali,' which would mean (among other things) that it was he and not Menander who led the Greek advance south-eastwards, and he and not Apollodotus who led the Greek advance southwards of Sind. Had the relations between Demetrius and his lieutenants ever been worked out, such a theory could never have been put forward ; the evidence given in chapter IV" is too strong to give it a chance. But quite apart from that, the inscription can have no bearing at all on the Greek invasion."5 disorder without doubt. Ultimately a great battle will follow with tree (-like) engines. (VII) The tama-elders of Dharma-mita will fearlessely devour tbe people. The Yavapas (Greeks) will command, the kings will disappear. (But ultimately) the Yavanas, intoxicated in the Middle Country); there will be a very terrible and ferocious war. 1. Tarn, GBI, pp, 227, 228, fn, 2. ; & 245. 2. GBI, p. 458. 3. Acta Orientalia Vol. I, p. 35; Jayaswal has followed him (JBORS, XIV, p. 127). 4. Of his work "Greeks In Bactria And India." o. Even if the reading Dimita be correct, the reference to Deme. For Personal & Private Use Only

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INTERNAL EVIDENCES 277 One more point in connection with the Greek advance to Patliputra must be noticed. One need not waste time over the belief of some writers that the Greek kings were condottiere and their conquests were raids, beyond hoping that such writers have clear ideas of what a raid from Rawalpindi upon Patna would mean. Phrase 'Ti-Vasa-Sata' There is a phrase 'ti-vasa-sata' occurring in the fourth line of the inscription. The following renderings have been proposed in regard to that:(a) 'He opened the three-yearly almshouse of Nanda. raja' as translated by Indraji. He took sata as sattara which is equivalent to satra in Sanskrit, and it means almshouse. But this rendering is not accepted by scholars now. (b) 'He has an acqueduct conducted into the city which has been used for 103 years since king Nanda.' This translation has been proposed by trius or to Diyumeta or Diomedes as suggested by Whitehead (IndoGreek Coins, p. 36) cannot be taken to be correct, since Diomedes belonged to the House of Eukratides and hence was confined to the north-western part of India (Tarn, GBI, p. 315; Rapson, CHI Vol. I, p. 556), and, therefore, nothing to do not only with Patliputra but even the eastern part of the country to river Jhelum. 1. Shri Parameshwari Lal Gupta, M.A., (now Curator, Prince of Wales Museum, Bombay) has suggested to the present author that the ruler mentioned may have been Wema of the Kadphises group of the Kushanas. He has, however, not put forth any argument in favour of his theory. But were it Wema Kadpbises. we shall, in that case, have to place Kharavela in the middle of the first Century A. D. which might be too late while we take into consideration the dates of other contem. porary rulers. 2. Original :-"Panchame cha dani vase nandaraja ti-vasa-rata ogha. titam tanasuliya-vata panadim nagara in pavesayati," 3. The international Oriental Congress Proceedings, Leidon, 1884, Pt. III, p. 135. For Personal & Private Use Only

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278 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA Prof. Luders. He took sata to be sata which means hundred. (c) 'He brings into the capital the canal excavated by king Nanda 300 years before', as proposed by Jayaswal and Banerji.? (d) 'He brings into the capital from the road of Tanasuliya the canal excavated in the year 103 of king Nanda'. This has been proposed by Jayas. wal and Banerji, in their revised reading and translation of the inscription. Now, according to Jayaswal, the year in this passage may be taken as to Nanda era referred to by Al-Biruni in Tahqiq-i-Hind. Pargiter places the accession of the first Nanda ruler approximately in 402 B. C., calculating back from the accession of Chandragupta Maurya in 322 B. C. by adding 80 years as the duration of the reign period of the nine kings of the Nand house. According to this estimate, the canal excavated by the Nanda king in Kalinga would be in (402-103=) 299 B. C. But, then it would be too late to ascribe the public work to any Nanda king. Even if we take the Puranic account of 100 years as the duration of the nine Nandas (i. e. 88 years for Mahapadma Nanda and 12 years for his sons), then we arrive at 319 B. C. as the year of the excavation of the acqueduct, which too would not fit in the chronological scheme of ancient Indian rulers (322+100-103 = 319 B. C.), since Chandragupta Maurya had captured and ascended the throne of Magadha earlier to that date. R. D. Banerji believes that the canal may have been excavated by the first ruler of the Nanda dynasty, 103 1. EI, X, App. 1345. p. 161. 2. JBORS, Vol. III, 1917, pp. 425 f. 3. EI, XX, Art, 7, pp. 71f. For Personal & Private Use Only

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INTERNAL EVIDENCES 279 years before the 5th year of Kbaravela's reign, (viz. 103 + 5 =) 108 years before his accession. Agreeing with K. P. Jayaswal, he takes the era to be counted from 458 B. C. Hence, the canal, according to him, was excavated in 355 B. C., say, at least 33 years before the accession of Chandragupta Maurya. Here, R. D. Banerji appears to have taken the figure 103 to express not the interval between Nandaraja and Kharavela, but a date within the rule of the Nanda dynasty, which may have reckoned from some pre-existing era. But use of any such era in any particular part of the country or epoch is not proved. Kharavela, like Asoka, uses regnal years and not any era. Dr. Raychaudhari?, on the other hand, suggests that the interpretation of 'ti.vasa-sata' accords substantially with the puranic tradition, regarding the interval between the Nandas and the dynasty to which Satakarni, the contemporary of Kharavela, in his second regnal year, belonged (i. e. i 37 years for the Mauryas, 112 years for the Sungas and 45 years for the Kanvas) say 294 years. If the expression is taken to mean 103 years, Kharavela's accession must be placed (103 - 5 =-) 98 years after Nandaraja. His clevation to the position of Yuvaraja took place nine years before that (i. e. 93 - 9=89 years after Nandaraja and not later than 324-89=235 B. C.). Kharavela's senior partner in the Royal Office was on the throne at that time, and he may have had his predecessor or predecessors. But, we learn from the Asokan inscriptions that Kalinga was actually governed at that time by a Maurya Kumara and not by a Kalingadhipati or a Chakravarti, under the suzerainty of Asoka. Therefore, 'ti-vasa-sata' may be understood to mean 300 years and not 103 years. Dr. Sircar?, too, holds that there is no 1. PHAI, pp. 229f. 2. AIU, Ch. XIII, p. 216, For Personal & Private Use Only

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280 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA doubt that 300 years has been used in the weM-known Indian way of reckoning by hundred, illustrated so often in early Indian literature. K. P. Jayaswal himself had accepted this interpretation, as already mentioned, but identified Nandaraja with Nandivardhana, so that Pushyamitra Sunga and Kharavela were placed as contemporaries. But, Nandivardhana was a Saisunaga king and the Saisunagas never had any connection with Kalinga. It was Mahapadma Nanda who is described in the Puranas to have brought 'all under his sole sway', and who 'uprooted all kshatriyas'. Hence Nandaraja may be indentified with Mahapadma Nanda, who could not have reigned beyond (accession of Chandragupta Maurya in 321 B. C., plus 12 years as the reign period of the sons of Mahapadma Nanda, i. e. in) 334 B. C. Therefore the incident of extending the acqueduct 300 years after Nandaraja took place near about 33 B. C. The mention of a round figure of 300 years, which is a conventional form of expression, may not be taken too literally. Taking into consideration, Kharavela's contemporaniety with Sata karni, as already mentioned, we may fix Kharavela's accession to the throne of Kalinga in about 25 B. C. We may, therefore, draw up a tentative table of his approximate chronology with 25 B. C. as the starting point :Birth - 19 B. C. (25 + 16+8) Yuvaraja - 33 B. C. (25+8) Rajyabhisheka - 25 B. C. But it may be argued against the above date that if we are to understand 300 years by 'ti-vasa-sata,' than it would be obligatory upon us to take the phrase "terasa For Personal & Private Use Only

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INTERNAL EVIDENCES 281 vasa-sata" as denoting 1300 years and not 113 years as proposed by Jayaswal and Banerji in their translation of the passage: "He thoroughly breaks up the confederacy of the Tramira (Dramira) countries of 113 (1300 years), which has been a source of danger to (his) country (janapada)." But a confederacy of rulers as old as 1300 years at the eve of the Christian era may be simply unthinkable. ka tam 1. Lino 11: "Janapada bhavanam cha terasa.va8d-8ata bhindati tramira-daha (8) Sanghatan." 2. EI, Vol. XX, pp. 71f. 36 For Personal & Private Use Only

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(SECTION II) CIRCUMSTANTIAL EVIDENCES Palaeography Now, coming to the circumstantial evidences, we should first examine the palaeography of the Hathigumpha inscription and see whether we are able to fix its date on that basis. The decided opinion of scholars on palaeography places the Hathigumpha record probably later than the Nanaghat records and certainly later than the Besnagar inscription of Heliodorus. R. P. Chanda has suggested as many as seven stages in the evolution of the Brahmi letter-forms from the Edicts of Asoka to the Sanchi Gateway inscriptions :--"The sixth being represented by the Hathigumpha record and the fifth by the Besnagar Garuda Pillar Inscription, the Nanaghat inscription of Nayanika and the Bharhut East Gateway Inscription of Dhanabhuti, taken in a chronological order." R. D. Banerji, while disagreeing with R. P. Chanda in regard to certain points, admits, after a detailed examination, that the Nanaghat inscription shows the use of a very large number of Kshatrapa or early Kushana forms side by side with older ones. According to Rapson, the form of the akshara da found in the Nanaghat record resembles that of a coin-legend which is assignable to the first or second Century B. C. Buhler5 also observes that 1. Sircar, SI, Vol. I, p. 206. 2. MASI, I, pp. 10-15; IHQ, 1929, pp. 601 f, 3. MASB, XI, No. 3, p. 145. 4. Cat. of Andhra Coins, p. Ixxvii. 5. ASWI, V, p. 65. For Personal & Private Use Only

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CIRCUMSTANTIAL EVIDENCES 283 the characters of the Nanaghat inscription belongs to a period anterior to about 100 years to that of the edicts of Gautamiputra Satakarni and his son Pulumayi. N. G. Majumdar' places the Nanaghat record during the period 100-75 B. C. The signs and characters like va, pa, da, cha etc. in the Nanaghat inscription shows a decided advance over the Asokan or for the matter of that Sunga scripts. They are on way to become triangular. On these grounds and other already discussed in regard to satakarni, the Nana. ghat inscriptions are to be placed in the last quarter of the first Century B. C. So the Kharavela's inscription which, as we have seen, is slightly later than or contemporary with the Nanaghat records, cannot be earlier than the first Century B. C. Titles 'Maharaja' & 'Chakravarty' The titles Maharaja' and 'Chakravarty' in Kharavela's own and in his Chief Queen's records respectively may point towards a late date of the Hathigumpba record and naturally of Kharavela. Undoubtedly, we find the word Maharaja (a great king) frequently referred to in the Brahmanas, and the abhisheku of a Chakravarty monarch, otherwise called the Aindra-mahabhisheka, has been referred to in the Satapatha and the Aitreya Brahmanas, yet, there are but a few instances to show that such titles were in use posterior to the Buddhist period, which is generally taken as the beginning of historic period in Indian History. Mahapadma Nanda has been called 'Sarva-ksha 1. The Monuments of Sanchi, Vol. I, Pt. IV, p. 277. 2. Aitreya VII, 34, 9 : Kaushitaki, V, 5; Satapatha, 1, 5, 4, 21 ; II, 5, 4, 9; Brihadrayyaka Upanishad II, 1, 19; Maitrayani Upanishad, II, 1, etc., Qtd. Vedic Index, Vol. II, p 27. 3. Qtd, Hindu Polity, Pt. II, p. 27. For Personal & Private Use Only

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284 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA traataka' and 'Ekarata', which are more of qualitative terms than titles. Even Emperor Asoka, who was master of practically the whole of India, did not use titles, but remained contented with the use of the terms *Devanam-priya' and 'Priyadarsi-raja'. But in the case of Kharavela, we may not be far wrong in concluding that the use of titles was much in line with those of the later Greeks, who some times used long and bombastic epithets like 'Basileos Basileon Megaloy, Maharajasa Rajatirajasa Mahatasa ; Basileos Dikaioy Nikepheroy, Maharajasa Dhramikasa Jayadharasa' and so on and so forth. The dynastic title "Mahameghavahana' (viz. one whose vehicle is the magnificent elephant i. e. like god Indra) might also indicate towards the same conclusion. Here Kharavela has probably identified him. self with gods and not that beloved of the gods' like Asoka. Dr. Sircaralso maintains : "His (Kharavela's) title Maharaja, which like Maharajadbiraja seems to have been inspired and popularised by the foreign rulers of India and was first used by the Indo-Greeks in the first half of the second Century B. C., suggests a later date. A king of Kalinga, far away from the sphere of influence of foreign rulers, could.have assumed it only at a later period." Kavya Style The entire inscription is written in prose, rhythmic prose, abounding in alliterations, elegant expressions and balanced sentences, clauses and phrases. In reading the inscriptions which stand in the names of Emperor Kharavela and his Chief Queen, one cannot but be tempted to make out verses in them. Their diction is metrical prose without revealing the actual process of versification. It appears ornamental. 1. A1U, 1951, pp. 215 f. For Personal & Private Use Only

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CIRCUMSTANTIAL EVIDENCES 285 In the main text of Kharavela's record, we find that the effect of rhythm is heightened by a mathemetical progression of the volume of sound and that the main statement commences from the point where the climax is reached. In such a text as this, the verbs are bound to be sparingly used and a rhyming process is bound to play its part as will be evident from the following quotation : "Airena maharajena mabameghavahanena cheta-raja vasanena pasatba subha lakhanena chaturanta rakhana-guna-upetena kalingadhipatina siri kharavelena pandarasa vasani siri kanara sariravata kilita kumara kilika........." Dr. Barua opines that: "The inscription is not the prose style of the Pali Tripitaka, nor that of earlier portions of the Jaina Agamas, nor that of the Vedas, Brahmanas, older Upanishads, Kalpasutras, Niryuktas and Pratisakhyas. So far as its prose style goes, it stands out, in point of time, as a notable landmark in the literary history of India." Taking the rhythmic prose style of the Hathigumpha inscription into consideration, we may not be far wrong in concluding that it not only shows an improved but also a very new and advanced style compared to the simple and blank writings of the Asokan edicts, and this notable difference is not that of place but is that of time. We may ascribe a period of two centuries to this and place the Kbaravela inscription in the last quarter of the first Century B.C. 1. OBI, p. 172. For Personal & Private Use Only

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286 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA Sisupalgarh Excavations The excavations at Sisupalgarh' do not help us much in fixing the date of Kharavela, yet its evidence may not be of mean importance. The possibility of the ruins of Sisupalgarh (Lit: sisupala fort), representing the site of Kalinga-Nagar, has been put forward by B. B. Lal. Though the Hathigumpha inscription does not say anything about the distance or even direction of the city of Kalinga from the UdayagiriKhandagiri hills, yet it may be surmised that it could be situated somewhere in the neighbourhood and in that the claim of Sisupalgarh may be considered. According to the Inscription, Kalinga-nagar was provided with fortifications, and Kharavela, in the first year of his reign, repaired the gateway and fortification wall, which had been damaged by a storm. Now, no fortified town of comparable date, except Sisupalgarh, is known to exist nearabout the Khandagiri-Udayagiri hills. Secondly, the excavations did reveal a collapse and subsequent repair of the southern gateway.flank of the fortification." The excavations revelated that the defences (fortification wall) did not come into being with the first occupation dated between 300-200 B. C. But what particular circumstances led to this construction, cannot be determined in the present state of our knowledge, though the moment must have been a remarkable one in the history of the site. 1. Sisupalgarh represents the remains of a fortress near Bhuva. neswar in Orissa. 2. Ancient India, Vol. V, Jan 49, pp. 66 f, 3. Line 3: "Abhisitamato cha padhame vase vata-vihata-gopurapakara nivesanam patisaiikharayati kalinganagari khibiram." 4. Ancient India, Vol. V, pp.*66 f. 5. Ibid., p. 74. For Personal & Private Use Only

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CIRCUMSTANTIAL EVIDENCES 287 A cutting across the defences has been divided into four main phases :(a) In the earliest phase, the defences consisted of a massive clay rampart over 25 feet high at this point and 110 feet wide at the base. On the top of the rampart wall occurred a series of roughly circular holes, each about a foot deep and 10 inches wide arranged at regular intervals of 1 ft. 10 inches. They were found packed with laterite gravel and covered with a thin layer of clay. Their exact purpose is indeed difficult to determine without further evidence. This earliest phase of defences has been dated in the first quarter of the second Century B.C. (b) During the second phase, a 4 to 6 feet thick layer of laterite gravel was added on to the top of the clay rampart. Such a feature was also noticed at the western gateway and elsewhere in the sections of some of the monsoon-gullies round the periphery. The phase does not seem to have been a long-lived one. (c) The third phase witnessed a change in the make up of the defences. Two brick walls, 26 feet apart and 2 feet 6 inches and 3 feet 6 inches thick respectively, were built at the top of the laterite gravel and the space between them was filled up with mud and earth. Towards the interior of the fort and also on the outside can be seen the builder's ramp, 3 to 4 feet thick, which also helped to retain the brick walls. In course of time, more material, including brick bats, was added to these ramps to hold the walls vertical. The 1. Ancient India, Vol. V, p. 74. For Personal & Private Use Only

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288 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA phase seems to have come to an end about the middle of the first Century A. D. (d) Phase fourth does not seem to have immediately followed the phase third. Taking the above into consideration (provided we identify Sisupalgarh with Kalinga-nagar of the inscription), our immediate conclusion is that Kharavela cannot be ascribed an earlier date since the defences were constructed during a late period. Hence, phases second and third might represent the age of Kbaravela. But phase second was a short lived and it is possible that the defences gave way just at the close of this phase or the beginning of the next, so that Kharavela, who was possibly the ruler of the city at that time, repaired them by adding brickwalls and also builder's ramp to retain them, already referred to in that phase. Kharavela, hence, may be placed as late as the close of the first Century B. C. Absence of Coins The fact that no coins of Kharavela have come down to us so far, needs some cool consideration. We know from various hoards found that Sata karnis (Satavahanas) issued coins. Coins of some Bsihaspatimitra are also forthcoming, though his identification with the one of Kharavela's inscription is not certain. Though we are not on a safer ground in the identification of the Yavanaraja, yet we can be more or less sure that even if he is a later king to Demetrius, he must have issued coins in his name. In this way, we find that practically all the contemporaries of Kharavela issued coins. But why not Kharavela ? Dr. S. L. Katarel suggests : "We know that none of I. IHQ, March 1952, pp. 68 f, For Personal & Private Use Only

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CIRCUMSTANTIAL EVIDENCES 289 the Maurya rulers issued coins in his name, so also perhaps the Sungas. The only coins rather the earliest, found circulated in ancient India, are the so-called Punchmarked coins. The same were used in the Sunga period. Can we infer from this that the same were continued by Kharavela also ? If so, then I shall place Kharavela nearer to the period of the Mauryas and the Sungas and not very far removed from them." As a matter of course, we should have no difficulty in accepting Dr. Katare's suggestion. But the possibility of existence of Kharavela's coins cannot be ruled out entirely. There have been no excavations worth the name in that part of the country. Future excavations might yield some evidence. Secondly, surmising that Kharavela also issued Punch-marked coins, and hence he may be placed nearer to the Mauryas and the Sungas, may not be acceptable, since we find that the use of Punch-marked coins did not stop in the second Century B. C., but continued for a much longer period. Bhandarkari has equated Purch-marked coins with Karshapanas, so frequentlymentioned in ancient Indian literature and there are references to these traceable in the Satavahana inscriptions. At Besanagar, Bhandarkar found Punch-marked coins on all early sites containing strata reaching down to the fourth Century A.D. Later on, the Brihaspati Smtiti, and also the Katyayana Smtiti, refers to Anaika as another name for Karskapana, which can be dated in the seventh Century A. D. An inscription, originally found at Bijapur (in Jodhpura) and dated in 997 A. D., while recording the benefactions to a Jaina temple, speaks of a grant of one Karsha for every ghada (pitcher) at every 1. Carmichael Lectures, Ancient Indian Numismatics, pp. 91-95. 2. Ibid, p. 185. 3. EI, Vol. X, pp 24 and 26-27 ; Qtd Bhandarkar, Ibid. 37 For Personal & Private Use Only

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290 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA local oil-mill. The Gaya Stone Inscription of Govindapala? dated 1232 Vikrama era (1175 A. D.) makes a mention of Karshapani. Silver and copper Punch-marked coins have been found in the Sisupalgarh excavations. A silver coin, of the square punch-marked variety, with a known reverse type and a new combination of obverse symbols, was found in the excavations in an early level of period II-B dated in 100 A.D. It had already been much worn out by circulation when it was buried. The copper Punch-marked coins unearthed at Sisupalgarh have been divided into two distinct groups. The first group comprises of nine rectangular uninscribed coins, of which three came from the earliest coin-bearing strata in this excavations, viz., the upper layer of period II.A attributable to 50-100 A. D. The same number of coins were found in the early levels of period II-B datable in 100-125 A. D., while the remaining three were obtained from later deposits. Of a total of nine coins of this group, the five legible ones bear designs occurring on the copper Punch-marked coins from Erano in the Sagar district. These appear to have been manufactured either at Eran or under the inspiration of the Eran coinage. Apart from coins, the most noteworthy finds include two coin-moulds-one complete disc and the other frag. mentary, both of Punch-marked coins. They are made of grey-ware pottery and are very much worn out, presumably by repeated casting operations. They have been found in layers attributable to the third Century A. D. (rather 1. Palas of Bengal, p. 109. 2. K. Deva, Ancient India, Vol. V, pp. 95-96. 3. J. Allan, CAI, 1936, pp lxi & 28-36, Plate V, Nos, 1.3, 6-7. 4. J. Allan, CAI, p. xviii, 7-22. For Personal & Private Use Only

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CIRCUMSTANTIAL EVIDENCES 291 too late to be placed in the epoch of Kharavela). But these confirm to the fact that Punch-marked coins continued to be minted and were in circulation in Orissa at least as late as the third Century A. D. Therefore, while supposing that Punch-marked coins? might have been issued by Kharavela, it is not obligatory to place him nearer the period of the Mauryas and the Gungas simply on that ground. On the contrary, the above arguments tend to place him in the last quarter of the first Century B. C. Art & Architecture in the Udayagiri-Khandagiri In the absence of the undoubted date in the Hathigumpha record or in that of Kharavela's Queen and of his successor in the Manchapuri Cave, we should endeavour to determine the age of these monuments from other sources of information. Sir John Marshall, fixing the chronology of the caves 1. As already mentioned, Dr. A. S. Altekar has published a counterstruck coin of BIihaspatimitra II (JNSI, Vol. IV, 1942, p. 143 ; Plate XIII, 24) with the following description : Obverse : In the centre tree within railing, counterstruck with the symbol of a V-topped banner with two proaged to right, enclo. sed in a railing of two storeys. To left, Ujjain symbol below and a V-topped banner above. To right a wavy line, below the ramnants of the original legend Bahasatimitra (letters timita completely wiped out by the lower portion of the coun. terstruck symbol. Letters baha are quite clear in the plate and the concluding sa ia faintly visible). Reverse: Completely blurred. Metal copper, roughly circular, 6 inches in diameter, 46 3 grains, die-struck, found at Kosambi. Here, it is Brihaspatimitra's coin which has been restruck and that too with a symbol which in some shape or the other is found in the Hathi. gumpha record. Can we conclude from this that the coin in question was restruck by Kharavela after having defeated his rival as has been mentioned in his inscription ? 2, CHI, Vol. I, pp. 638-42. For Personal & Private Use Only

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292 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA mentions :- 'Of the whole series, the oldest is the Hathigumpha, a natural cavern enlarged by artificial cutting, on which is engraved the Kharavela's inscription.' The next cave fixed in chronological position is the Manchapuri. It possesses two storeys, the lower consisting of a pillared verandah with chambers hollowed out at the end. It is in the upper storey of this cave that the inscription of Kharavela's Queen in incised, . while in the lower are short records stating that the main and side chambers were the works respectively of Vakradeva, the successor apparently of Kharavela and of prince Vadukha. It may be presumed, therefore, that the upper storey is the earlier of the two. The rail pattern which one adorned the broad band of rock between the two storeys is now all obliterated, but in the ground floor verandah is a well-preserved frieze which confirms by its style what the inscriptions might otherwise lead us to suppose, namely that next to the Hathigumpha, this was the most ancient cave in the two groups. Campared with some of the reliefs of the sculptures in the locality, they are of poor coarse workmanship, but in the depth of the relief and plastic treatment of the figures, they evince a decided advance on the work of Bharhut, and unless it be that sculptures, in this part of the country, had undergone an earlier and independent development, it is safe to affirm that they are considerably posterior to the sculptures of Bharhut. Stella Kramrisch' writing on the art in the Udayagiri. Khandagiri caves says :-The style of the Manchapuri cave reliefs puts them right at the beginning of artistic activities in the rock-cut caves of Orissa. Here, the figures are animated considerably. This animation playful and 1. OBI, pp. 307f, For Personal & Private Use Only

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CIRCUMSTANTIAL EVIDENCES 293 purposeless in the Gana-figures, is enhanced into energetic speed in the onrush of the Gandharva-figures. The transition from the static squareness of the Maurya figures to linear vitality is marked here as well as in Bharhut. But there the movement is of a hesitating grace and reverential, whereas here it is not only variegated in speed and expressions, but is altogether more intense, untouched almost by any scruples of the religious mind. The craftsmanship is medicore. The way in which the movement is enhanced from the kneeling bent right leg of the flying figure to the raised and outstretched left in order to culminate in the graceful diagonal of the ends of the scarye is contrasted with the playful hovering of the ganas with their enlarged, rounded and inarticulate limbs. Altogether the anatomy of the figures is more suppressed even than in Bharbut in favour of an all-round smoothness of limbs. This plasticity of limbs is subservient to an easy flow of movements. It gains in liveliness by addressing itself directly to the spectator, whereas the Bharhut figures, unconcerned about his presence. enacted their parts, intensely absorbed by them and by their own existence ; the figures of superhuman beings, of men and animals alike, address the spectator in three-quarter profile, so to say, or also they turn their faces in full front-view towards him. Yet, inspite of forcefulness and agitation, the work in the Manchapuri cave--the earliest in so far as artistic activities are concerned, with its halting and economical way as far as spacing and description goes belongs to the diapason of Indian sculpture in the second Century B. C. ; whereas the direct emotional appeal, liveliness of gesture and smoothness of limbs belong to a somewhat later period and are fully developed in the first Century B. C. (Cf. the relief in Mahabodhi and Sanchi) and destined to become more and more emphasized in the work of the other caves. For Personal & Private Use Only

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294 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA Prof. N. N. Ghosh? opines that the Bharhut sculptured gateway bearing an inscription is about a century later than the time of Pushyamitra Sunga i. e. about the first quarter of the first Century B.C. And, hence Kharavela could not have flourished in the second Century B.C. Conclusion Looking to all the evidences enumerated above, we have to conclude that Kharavela did not flourish in the second Century B. C. and hence must be assigned a date in the first Century B. C., preferably in the last quarter of that Century. 1. Proceedings of Indian History Congress, 1943, pp. 109-116 ; B.C. Law Memorial, Vol. I, pp. 210-18. For Personal & Private Use Only

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CHAPTER XI (SECTION I) NAME KHARAVELA-ITS ETYMOLOGY Regarding the derivation and explanation of the name Kharavela, K. P. Jayaswald explains it as a combination of two distinct words -khara' meaning 'saltish' and 'vela' meaning 'waves', viz. 'one whose waves are brackish' and hence is equivalent to 'ocean'. Prof. S. K. Chatterji' prefers to explain it in the sense of kada-vilvan, viz., the black lancer-kada being the same word as the Sanskrit ktishna which means black. Dr. D. C. Sircar, however, does not quite agree with this derivation. Kalavela occurs in the Mahavamsa' as the name of a Yakkha (Yaksha) and in the Jataka Commentarys as the name of a village in Ceylon--the spelling, in the latter case, being Kalavela. The word Kalavela is also met with in the Mahaniddesa where it is explained in the sense of 'one who speaks words befitting the occasion.' "Khara is the same word as Kala or Ktishna, and vela is an equivalent to vilva, cf. uruvela-uruvilva", writes Barua. He further says that whatever the sense in which 1. JBORS, Vol. III, Pt. IV, p. 434. 2. Qtd. Barua, OBI, p. 267. Also, SI, Vol. I, p. 211. 3. "The name Kbaravela has been derived from Dravidian kar (black, terrible) and vela (lance), meaning 'one having a black or terrible lance." I do not regard it quite satisfactory, at least not more satisfactory than ksbara (salt) and vela (sea-shore) 'one belonging to (or living on or ruling over) the salty sea-shore." Dr. D. Sircar, Dy. Director of Epigraphy, Govt. of India, Ootacamund, vide D. O. No. 376. A/2289 dt. 30. 8. 1955 addressed to the author. 4. IX, 23. 5. Fausboll, VI, p 30 ; 'Kalavelavasi." 6. OBI, p. 267. 7. Ibid. For Personal & Private Use Only

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296 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA the name is interpreted Kharavela may be equated with krishna-vilva. But as suggested in the Mahaniddesa, vela of Kharavela may have been derived from vela meaning 'the shore' or 'the wave breaking upon the shore'. If so, then Kbaravela must be equated with krishna-vela, meaning the sea' or 'the ocean'; lit : 'that which is girt by watery black shore." 1. P. 504 ; "Katama kalavela ? Kalatikkantam vachan, na bha seyya kalam asampattam vachar na bhaseyya." 2. Kalidasa's famous description of the sea or ocean may serve, it is hoped, to clear up this meaning of Kharavela or krishna-vela : "Duradasya chakranibhasya tanvi, tamala-tali-vanaraji-nila Abhati vela lavanamvarufer dharanibaddheva kalarka-rekha." Raghuvamsa, Canto XIII. (Vela tirabhumih dhara mbaddha chakrisrita kalamkarekhu malinyarekha iva abhati)-Mallinatha. Vela syat tiranirayah iti visvah' Qtd. Parua, OBI, p. 267. Note A: K. P. Jayaswal (JBORS, Vol. XIV, p. 191) says-"As to the name Gardabhila--the father of Vikramaditya of Ujjayini, who is reputed to bave founded the 58-57 B. C. era, we may take the puranic reading "Garda bhila and Gardabhin' and the Jaina reading Gaddabbilla or Cadda. bhila and Rasabha as Sanskritization of khara viz. ass in Kharavela ; and vela was, probably, turned into bhilla or bhila alternatively, which find echo in the Somadove story of the marriage of Vikramaditya with the daughter of Bhila, sovereign of Kalinga.' Note B : Dr. H. C. Seth (Nagpur University Journal, No. VIII; Vikrama Volume, pp. 539.45) has suggested that Kharavela was identical with Gardhabhila on grounds, that : (1) The name Gardbabhila may be reminiscent of Kbaravela. Gardabha is equivalent to khara, which means an ass, while vela was turned into bbila later on. (2) Kbaravela and Gardabhila, both flourished in the first century B. C. (3) It seems that Gardabhila snatched Malwa from the Sungas and also stemmed in that region the rising tide of the Andbras ; and this For Personal & Private Use Only

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NAME KHARAVELA-ITS ETYMOLOGY 297 stands in the case of Kharavela, who is reputed to bave despatched forces towards the west disregarding Satakarni. (4) Gardabbila was probably defeated at the hands of the Sakas in his 13th year, while in the case of Kharavela, his conquesta suddenly come to an end with the 13th year of his regin. (5) The Puranas suggest seven kings of the Gardabhila dynasty and there were seven kings mentioned in an Oriya manuscript, belonging to that dynasty to which Kbaravela (Kharabila) belonged. (6) Both the Gardabhila and the dynasty founded by Kharavela were great patrons of Jainism. (7) Kalkacarya, whose sister was abducted by Gardabhila, was the son of Vajrasimha of Magadha to be identified with Vajramitra Sunga; while Kharavela's Chief Queen was of the Vajra family. Hence Garda. bhila and Kbaravela were identical. (8) Vakradeva, a successor of Kharavela, may have been the Vikramaditya of Vikramadeva, who is reputed to bave ousted the Sakas, and also to have founded the 57 B. C. era ; and hence may have removed the seat of his ompire from Kaliuga to Ujjaiyini. For Personal & Private Use Only

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(SECTION II) CHILDHOOD OF KHARAVELA In lines first and second of the Hathigumpha inscription, Kharavela has been represented as "pasithasubbha lakhanena chaturanta luthana guna upitena...pandarusa vasani siri-kadara-sariravata kilita kumara kidika." The phrase 'pusatha subha lakhanena' means 'one who is endowed with noble and auspicious bodily marks and also features. The second phrase viz., 'chaturanta luthana guna upitena' has been translated by Jayaswal and Banerjis as 'possessed of virtues which have reached the end of the four quarters. Dr. Barua, however, puts it as 'one who is endowed with the qualities of a warrior capable of undertaking expeditions over the whole of the earth bounded by the four seas.' The expression "chaturantu 5 was the current old Indian idiom to denote indefinitely the whole extension of the earth; conceived as an island 1. Barua (OBI, p. 40. fn. 6) puts it as 'the marks and features that are of importance to astrologers, diviner3, palmists or physignomists.' Cf. Nistana-Katha (Faugboll's Jataka. I, p. 56) where the LakkhanaPatiggahaka Brahmin astrologers and diviners are said to have declared with regard to the future of princo Siddhartha as `Imehi lakkhanehi samannugato agiram ajjhi vasam ino riji hoti chakkavatti pabbufjuming Buddho'ti", viz., 'If one endowed with these marks choose to keep to household life, one is destined to be a king overlord and choosing to renounce worldly life ona is destined to be an Enlightened Master.' 2. E.I. Vol XX, pp. 711, as suggested by Jayaswal & Banerji. Rev. Pt. Sukhlalji says that these bodily marks (arira-lakshana) went on to increase in number, in later descriptions of the Jaina Tirthankaras and have been enumarated in the Samudrika Sastra. (Author). 3. E. I. Vol. XX, pp. 71f. 4. OBI, pp. 40 and 231. 5. Here chaturaita is the same expression as chaturaita-mahi in the Arthasastra (III, 2, 50) and a samudra-kshiti. For Personal & Private Use Only

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CHILDHOOD OF KHARAVELA 299 in the seas or oceans. Dr. Barua' has further suggested an alternate reading of the phrase as 'chaturanta rakhana guna upet a' i. e. 'one who was endowed with the qualities of a ruler capable of protecting the whole of this earth extending as far as the four seas.' It appears, however, that this reading and interpretation, as offered by Dr. Barua, was in keeping with his views that it was not Khara vela who conquered the Vidyadhara, the Pandya and also the Mathura regions, but only extended the Imperial rule to these regions and hence the word 'protecting' has been used. Corresponding to chaturanta-rakhina-guna-u peta or chaturanta-luthana-guna-u peta, we have the familiar Pali expression 'chaturanta vijitavi janapadathavariyappatta' viz., 'the ruler of the whole earth bounded by the four seas, the upholder of the realm by the right of conquest and the consolidator of his hold on his territories' which is an oft recurring epithet of a king overlord (Raja Chakkavatti). Buduhaghosha explains chaturanta as meaning "the lord of the earth bordering on the four seas and comprising the four island-like continents." He explains vijitavi as meaning "one who has quelled the rebellious agitations within, overpowered the inimical rebels without and conquered all other kings.":3 And lastly, he explains janapadathavariyappatta as meaning "one who has established so sure and permanent a hold on his territories that no one is able to move in an inch or having retained a 1. OBI, pp. 7-8, fn. 7 ; p. 40 and fn. 7; p. 231. 2. Papancha Sudani, (Siamese Edition) Pt. III, Brahmi yusuttavannana: "chaturantaya issaroti chaturanto, chatusamuddantiya chatubbidhadipa-bhusitiya cha pathaviya issaroti attho." Qud ODI, p. 232. fn. 1. 3. Ibid. For Personal & Private Use Only

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300 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA permanent hold on his territories remains engaged in his duties unworried, unshaken and unmoved."'1 Now, the third phrase "siri-kanara sarira vata (Skt : Srikalara sariravata) has been explained by Dr. Sircare as 'Srimat pingaladehabhaja' viz., possessing a white-yellowish body. Childers: explains kalara or kadara as 'tawny or tan-coloured.' Sten Konow suggests that siri-kadara is the same Prakrit expression as siri-katara, which means, according to the Sabdamala (Vachaspatyam) as 'nagarah or kamin. From this, he is lead to think that siri-kalara is the 'Lover of Sri viz. God Krishna, and that Kbaravela's boyish games are compared with Ksishna's pranks and sports in the Vrindavana. Jayaswal," accepting the above, renders siri-kalara as the lover of Sri' viz. God Vishnu. Probably that is why, Dr. Barua says that Kharavela as a prince had the very best bodily form glowing with graceful majesty, so lovely as to captivate the heart of grace herself-the Veritable God Vishnu in human garb. So much is implied indeed in the adjective siri-kalaru sariravata. In Amarakosha, however, kadara has been explained as 'reddish fair' while Medini renders it as 'a slave'.? 1. Papanoba Sudani (Siamese Edition) Pt. III, Brahmayusutta. vannana :-"chaturantaya issaroti obaturanto chatusamuddantaya chatubbidhadipa-bhusitaya cha pathaviya issareti attbo."-Qtd, OBI, p. 232, F.n. 1. 2. S.I., Vol. I, p. 211. 3. OBI, p. 40, fn. 9. Also Monier William's English-Sanskrit Dictionary p. 245. 4 Ibid. 5. Kadaram-trina-bahani-vat is a quotation given by Jayaswal just to the point, observes Dr. Barua (OBI, p. 40 fn. 9). Cf. Kadara. jaimini, Katara-Janaka, Kalara-Mattuka. 6. OBI, p. 240. 7. Qtd. Jayaswal & Banerji, EI, XX, pp. 71f; Monier William's Sanskrit English Dictionary, p. 245. For Personal & Private Use Only

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CHILDHOOD OF KHARAVELA 301 The explanation given in the Amarakosha is more suitable as meaning of beautiful reddish body'. Hence, it is with these bodily qualities that Kharavela has been mentioned as spending the first fifteen years of his life in playing games befitting the young age of a prince (kumarakidika)." That pasatha-sub ha-lakhana and the other adjectives are meant, in the Hathigumpha inscription, to represent Kharavela as a king overloard is beyond any dispute. For in the inscription of the Chief Queen, Kharavela has been freely represented as 'Kalinga-chakravarti' i. e. the king overlord of Kalinga. But this is not enough to bring out the real significance of the two epithets, according to Dr. Barua. As used in the first paragraph of the Hathigumpha text, the epithets signify that the expert astrologers, palmists and diviners (Lakhana-patiggahaka; Nakkhatta pathaka), after reading the bodily marks and making a thorough study of the birth-star and other factors and signs connected with the birth and the person of the child-prince Kharavela, declared him to be a king overlord in future. 1. Dr. V. 8. Agarwal explained to the present author the word kadara (Skt: karka) as meaning 'white'. He opines that a person with kidara-sarira is one who from his very birth possesses white body with white hair, white eye-lids, and so on, that is to say, a perfectly white person. In Banaras, local people call such a person as Suraja-mukhi', while in the Punjabi language, he is styled as "Kakkada'. But whether such a person was thought to be auspicious at all cannot be said with certainty. At the present day, in so far as the knowledge of the present author goes, such a person is thought to be inauspicious. 2. Rev, Pt. Sukhlalji compares Kumara-kila with sisukrida in the Kadambari and that in the Vatsyayana's Kamsutra. 3. Luder's List No. 1316 ; SI, Vol. I, pp. 213-14. 4. In the Nidana Katha (Fauebolls Jataka, I, p. 56) the future of Siddbartha is represented on the basis of his bodily marks as declared by the astrologers and diviners. For Personal & Private Use Only

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302 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA Other Qualities : Like the nobility of origin and ancestral line, the brightness, perfection, dignity of the bodily form and appearance is a primary condition to be fulfilled by a prince destined to be a king overlord. The Mugapa k kha Jataka? bears testimony to the fact that bodily infirmity and deformity was considered as an unbearable disgrace to a royal family. The Asokan legends, as found in the Divyavadana and the Mahavamsa Tika, bring out the fact that the ugliness of appearance stood greatly in the way of Asoka when he was still a prince. The description in the Hathigumpha record goes to prove that unlike Asoka, Kharavela as a prince had the very best bodily form glowing with graceful majesty, so lovely as to captivate the heart of grace herself -a Veritable God Vishnu in human garb. 1. Fausboll, No. 538. For Personal & Private Use Only

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(SECTION III) EDUCATION OF KHARAVELA Proficiency in polite learning is a-primary condition for a ruler. Here the term 'polite learning' involves the study and practice of various useful sciences and arts. Proficiency in sciences implies the sound theoretical knowledge of the principles and details of the system, and proficiency in arts implies the intelligent and skilful use or application of those principles and details. In so far as the learning and education of Khara vela is concerned, there occurs a statement to that effect in the Second line of his edict --'tato lekha rupa ganana vavahara vidhi viraradena sava vijavadatina navavasani yovaraja pusasitum' viz. thereafter, for nine years just the office of the crown-prince was administered by him), who became an expert in (matters relating to) writing, coinage, account. ing, administration and procedures, whose self was purified by proficiency in all polite learning. In regard to the above, a reference may be invited to the Arthasastra' where Kautilya prescribes the following curriculum for the education of a prince :(a) After the chudakurma (the ceremony of tonsure) which was, according to Manu, performed probably in the fourth year, a prince was to learn the alphabet and practice writing (lipi) and was to learn counting and arthematic (sankhyana). 1. As according to the translation of Dr. Sarua (OBI, p. 41). 2. I, 5, 2. 3. JI, 35. For Personal & Private Use Only

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304 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA (b) After the initiation ceremony, which according to the Dharma Sastra,' was performed in the eleventh year, the prince was to study trayz (the three Vedas), the system speculative philosophy (anvikshaki) under the teachers of acknowledged autho. rity, and was to acquire the knowledge of the science of wealth (varta) under the superintendents of various departments, and the knowledge of the science of government (dunduniti) under those who are expert in theories as well as in practical application. (c) From the sixteenth year, when the beard-shaving ceremony was to be performed, and the prince could be married thereafter, he was to spend forenoon in receiving lessons in military tactics concerning the proper handling of troops and of weapons, and in the afternoon, in hearing and discussing the Puranas, the Itivsitta, the Akhya. yaki, the Udaharana, the Dharma-sastra and the Arthasastra-all of which go by the name of Itihasa. Lekha K. P. Jayaswal' suggests that the three terms lekha, rupa and ganana, as used in the Hathigumpha text, were intended to have a deeper significance than what they generally implied in popular usage. The term 'lekha' was not used to mean simply the knowledge of alphabet and the practice of alphabet-writing. The learning and writing of alphabet has been prescribed in the Arthasastra as a course of study for a beginner, for a prince of 3 to 5 1. Gautama, I, 6, 11. 2. JBORS, III, Pt. IV, p. 480 ; Jayaswal & Banerji, EI, XX, pp. 71f. For Personal & Private Use Only

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EDUCATION OF KHARAVELA 305 years of age. Lekha, in the sense of mere knowledge and writing of alphabet, is evidently inconsistent with the adjective lekhavisarada, representing prince Kharavela as 'an expert in the art of writing' in his record, giving an account of the nine years spent by him as a crown-prince, from the 15th to the 24th year. The Inscription mentions that Kharavela passed the first fifteen years of his life just playing the games befitting his young age. It would be misinterpretation, however, to assume by this that Kharavela commenced to learn ka, Icha, ga just after the completion of his fifteenth year and not prior to that. The statement goes rather to show that he commenced his career as a crown-prince when he became an expert in all matters relating to the art of writing (lekcha-visarada).' The statement as to his spending the first fifteen years of his life in princely games has no meaning except as imply. ing that he spent these years unmindful of and without being called to the responsibility of administratation. He must have, as a matter of fact, learnt the three R's before his appointment to the office of the crown-prince and not after his fifteenth year, as is supposed by Buhler. This may suffice to justify in interpreting the terin lekha, as it occurs in the Hathigumpha text, in the same wider and deeper sense as lekha or sasana viz. royal writs in the Arthasastra.? Rupa Similarly, we are not to take 'rupa' as a simple term for the counting of the totals of stamped coins, but in the wider and deeper sense of all matters relating to coinage 1. Indian Palaeography, p. 5. 2. I, 31; II, 9, 28. A manual of royal correspondence was written in the time of Chalukyas of Anhilpatana (Gujarat) which has since been published from Baroda---'Lekhapaddhati', Gaekwar Oriental Series, p. 58, 39 For Personal & Private Use Only

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306 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA and currency, all transactions in which the medium of exchange is a factor more or less in the same sense as rupa in the Arthasastra. R. D. Banerji' says that rupa must be an equivalent of rupya meaning currency. In the Hathigumpha text, the position of the word rupa shows that the meaning cannot be anything else. It is impossible to imagine that the prince learnt 'acting'. We can compare the word 'Lupa da khe' in the Jogesvari Cave Inscription, where it may also mean a "Currency Officer'. The term is also taken to mean a City Magistrate, who could recognize offenders at a glance. The exact meaning of the term is made clear by the explanation of Buddhaghosha in a passage of the Mahavagga. The term is explained thus: "He who learns the Rupa Sutra, must turn over and over many karshapanas. Finally, the term Rupa-darsaka, in the Arthasastra," is translated as the Examiner of Coins' shows that the term rupa was used in cases, as in the present inscription, with reference to currency. The term did not refer to silver currency alone but to other metals also as we find the term Tamra-rupa in the Arthasastra. Ganana In the same way, we are not to take 'gamana' as a simple term for counting or calculation, but in the wider and deeper sense of all matters relating to accounting, more or less in the same sense as ganana in Asoka's Third Rock 1. I, 35. 2. HO, Vol. I, p. 72; Jayaswal & Banerji, EI, Vol. XX, pp. 71f. 3. AR, ASI, 1903-4, pp. 120 f; IA, Vol. XLVIII, p. 131. 4. SBE, XIII, p. 201 fn. 5. Tr: Shamsastri, p. 95. 6. Ibid. For Personal & Private Use Only

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EDUCATION OF KHARAVELA 307 Edict and in the Arthasastra. R. D. Banerjisays that the term gamana occurs in the Arthasastra, and has been translated as 'Accountancy'.' It is further certain that this term could not have been used for elementary mathematics in this inscription, as is supposed by Buhler. Buddhaghosha& states that lekha and ganana are studies which ensure good living in later life to the learner. Lekha entailed hard work at the desk, whereas ganana is threatened with consumption.? Vavahara-Vidhi Over and above lekha, rupa and ganana, we have the use of two other terms to wit in the Hathigumpha record, viz., vavaliara and vidhi. Dr. Barua6 says that in the compound "lekhr-rupa-ganana-vavahara-vidhi', 'vidhi' may be interpreted in the sense of 'rule' (cf. lekha-vidhi, the rule of writing ; rupa-vidhi, , the rule of coinage and currency) or treated as a separate term. The term 'vavahara-vidhi' has been tentatively translated as 'administration and procedure' which is somewhat vague and misleading. The Sanskrit word vyava hara corresponding to vavahara has been clearly defined in the Arthasastra, as "Vyavaharika Sastra' or judicial administration and procedures' in accordance with established conventions. Jayaswal and Banerji,10 however, render it as 'civil and municipal laws.' 1. Sitcar, SI, p. 20 ; Barua, AHI, Vol. II, p. 247. 2. II, 7, 25. 3. HO, Vol. I, p. 73 ; Jayaswal and Banorji, EI, Vol. XX, pp. 71f. 4. Pp. 69.73. An entire chapter has been devoted to it there and the subject is explainod in details. The actual term used therein is Gipanikya. 5. Indian Palaeography, p. 5. 6. SBE, XIII, p. 201 fn. 7. Jayaswal, JBORS, Vol. III, Pt. IV, p. 480, 8. OBI, p. 245. 9. III, i, 08. 10. EI, Vol. XX, pp. 71f. For Personal & Private Use Only

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308 . AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA Treating vidhi as a separate term, K. P. Jayaswall has sought to interpret it in the sense of Dharma Sastra' or religious laws. There is no inherent improbability of this sense of vidhi, says Dr. Barua. The term vidhi has been used in the Arthasastra in the sense of 'kriyavidhi' or the rule of action. But Vavahara too is just 'a rule of action' --the difference between the two being that while vidhi implies 'state action' in accordance with the established laws of human conduct and duty, vayaliara implies state action in accordance with established conventions. In the two enumerations of four things in the Arathasastra, Charitra has been replaced by Samstha or Dharma-sastra and Raja-sasana by Nyaya and Danda. It is quite possible, concludes Dr. Barua," that vidhi, in the Klaravela's record, is just a synonym of Niyama 4a or Charitra or Samstha or Dharma.sastra. Vavahara of Kharavela's inscription is obviously the same word as viyohala of Asoka's Pillar Edict IV,8 in which the term viyohala stands in contra-distinction to danda (viyohala-samata cha danda-8amata). Dr. Varua? says "We fully agree with D. R. Bhandarkar in interpreting viyohala-samata in the sense of 'uniformity of procedure', but differ from him as well as from Prof. Buhler, both of whom take viyohala to be a synonym of abhihala (Pali: abhihara). Prof. Buhler seems, however, to be right in interpreting the Asokan expression "abhihale va dande va STAVBY 1. Qtd. OBI, p. 245. 2. OBI, 245. 3. III, 1, 58. 4. OBI, 245. 4a. Arth. I, 5, 2. 5. Arth, 111, 1, 58. 6. Sircar, SI, Vol. I, pp. 59-61, 7. OBI, 245. For Personal & Private Use Only

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EDUCATION OE KHARAVELA 309 as signifying 'in the awards of rewards or punishment' on the authority of the Sambhava Jataka, where abhihara is paraphrased by puja. We prefer to take danda of dandasamata as an equivalent of nyaya or raja-sasana of the Arthasastra, to interpret danda-samata in the sense of uniformity of decision; and to explain abhihale and danda as meaning respectively decisions for' and 'decisions against'. Sava-Vija In regard to prince Kharavela's education and ability, the Hathigumpha text, apart from the expressions mentioned above, also mentions him as 'One who was savavijavadata' in the second line. Again, in the opinion of Dr. Barua,it will be a mistake to suppose that the second adjective sava.vijavadata 'one whose self was purified by proficiency in all Indian polite learning' has been used in apposition with the first. The term sava.vija (sarva-vidya) i.e. the whole of Indian polite learning, is meant to include lekha, rupa and the rest enumerated in the body of the former adjectives, but not to be exhausted by them. There are two very strong arguments against taking sava-vija as limited or exhausted by lekha-rupa and the rest. Firstly, we find that the Hathigumpha text (line 4) has praised him a 'Gandhava-veda-budha' i.e. one who was versed in the science of music-- the Gandharva lore. This goes, at once, to show that sava-vija of Kharavela's record includes the science of music, which is not mentioned in the first adjective. Secondly, the fact that Kharavela ventured in the very second year of his reign to defy so powerful a rival as 1. Fausboll, No. 515. 2. OBI, p. 241. For Personal & Private Use Only

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310 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA king Satakarni in triumphantly marching with all the four divisions of his army, amply attests to the fact that Kharavela excelled, even while he was yet a prince, in the art of war and warfare (Yujjha-yujjhapana kiriya). which is to say that sava-vija is also meant to include yuddhavidya. The same inference may be drawn from the various acts of valour on the part of Kharavela recorded in his inscriptions. Nevertheless, the expression saya-vija suffers from vagueness and indefiniteness. In early period, a prince was certainly required to attain complete control over his passions by consideration of the examples of famous personages and was never to be off his guaril or lacking in force, rather energy (utthana'.1 But there is no mention found in Kharavela's record to that effect. What was precisely the traditional total of vidyas viz. sciences and arts prescribed for the education and training of Indian princes in the days of Kharavela, cannct be said with certainty. The Milinda-panha? mentions that the princes of the earth were to learn the arts of writing and counting, and of handling the weapons and troops, and were to put into practice the principles of Polity, Sruti, Smtiti and the Sciences of war and warfare. This is but a rough and ready way of enumerating in one breath the list of sciences and arts, which the Indian princes were required to master and make judicious and skilful use of. But, further on, the Milinda-panha itself furnishes us with a list of nineteen sciences and arts in all (vachanena ekunavisati), in which king Milinda (Menander), its ideal Indo-Bactrian prince, gained 1. F. W. Thomas, CHI, Vol. I, p. 492, fn. 5. 2. Trenchneri's Edition, p. 178. For Personal & Private Use Only

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EDUCATION OF KHARAVELA 311 high proficiency. We read--"Many were the arts and sciences, he knew-Holy tradition and the Secular law, the Sankhya, Yoga, Nyaya and Vaiseshika, Systems of Philosophy, Arithmetic, Music, Medicine, the four Vedas, the Puranas and the Itihasa, Astronomy, Magic, Causation and Spells, the Art of War, Poetry, Conveyancing-in a word, the whole nineteen." Rudradamana I is represented in his Junagadha inscription (A. D. 150) as a prince who gained fame by studying Grammar (sabda), Polity (artha), Music (gnndharva), Logic (nyaya). The Nidana-katha of the Pali Jataka Commentary speaks of twelve vidyas (dvadasavidhain sippan) including the Archery (dhanuggha). The Vatsyayana Kamasutra enumerates the ancient Indian sciences and arts, called yogas, under sixty four heads (chatuhshashthika yoga) implying that, by the time the Sutra in question was compiled in the present form (3rd or 4th Century A. D.), the traditional total of yogas came to be reckoned as sixty four: This total, once established, continued to be in use and gained a proverbial character in the later expression 'Chatuhshashti-kala'. Although references to all or most of the sciences and arts can be traced in various early works-Brahmanic, Jaina and Buddhist, it is difficult to conceive the total sixty four as coming into existence much before the 3rd or the 4th Century A. D. There is nothing in the Hathigumpha inscription to indicate that prince Kharavela was sent out of Kalinga for 1. Milind text as rendered by Rhys Davids (pp. 3-4) reads : "Bahuni ch'assa satthuni uggahitani honti, seyyathidam ; suti sammuti sai khya yogu niti visesiku ganika gandhabba tikichchha chatubbeda purana itihasa jotisa nuyu hetu mantana yuddhi chhandasi muddi, vachanena ekunavisati." 2. SI, Vol. I, p. 172. 3. Fautboll Jataka, I, p. 58, For Personal & Private Use Only

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312 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA his education to such places as Takshasila, which was the most renowned and reputed seat of learning in those days. On the other hand, the recorded facts go to show that he spent the early twenty four years of his life in the country of Kalinga itself. In all probability, he was placed, during the first fifteen years of his life, under an experienced tutor. It also appears probable that while a crown-prince, Kharavela, received practical training in the art of administration at the hands of high functionaries in charge of various departments and also acquired the knowledge of the systems of religion and philosophy at the hands of the saintly and far-famed ascetic and recluse teachers in Kalinga. Having been so carefully educated, thanks to his own innate intelligence and careful nurture, and having made such excellent progress, Kharavela attained the position of a Crown-prince most excellently equipped for the difficult and responsible position of the sovereign of a rising empire, which had just got under way for a prosperous voyage through the exertions of his few predecessors. For Personal & Private Use Only

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(SECTION IV) MARRIAGE OF KHARAVELA Like many other problems regarding the historicity of Kharavela, the question of his marriage too is a complicated one. That Kharavela did marry is beyond any dispute. The very fact that the Manchapuri cave on the UdayagiriChandagiri was dedicated by the Chief Queen (agra-mahishi) of Kharavela for the use of Jaina monks in Kalinga,' goes to prove that Kharavela had more than one Queen. Again, in the seventh year's record in the Hathigumpha text, there appears a fragmentary reference to Kharavela's wife. It has been read by Dr. Sircara as 'satumai chi vasam pasasato vajiraghara.. sa matuka pada.. kramu,' and has been translated by Jayaswal and Banerji, as according to their own reading -- 'In the seventh year of his reign, (Kharavela's) famous wife of the Vajiraghara obtained the dignity of auspicious motherhood'. 1. Luder's List No. 1846 ; SI, Vol. I, No. 92, pp. 213-14, 2. SI, Vol. I, p. 208. 3. EI, Vol. XX, pp. 71f. 4. The record of the seventh year is almost completely gone. But it could not have boen a large one. In any way, due to a great many lacunae, reading of this line is so doubtful and complicated that Dr. Barua once suggested 'satamain cha vasam pasisato vajiraghara-khatiya sata-ghatani-sonntaka padashana santipada' (Qtd. Sircar, SI. p. 209. fn. 5). But in the OBI (pp. 16, 31, 34, 38). Barua mentions the lines as 'satame cha vase asi chhata dhaja radha rakhi turanga sata ghatani savata sadan sanavn sava-maigaluni kuryati...sata-sahasehi', and translates it as (p. 43); 'And, in the seventh year (His Majesty) caused a hundred kinds of pompous parade of swords, umbrellas, flags, chariots, guard and horses and all ceremonies of victory to be performed at the cost of some hundred thousand (coins).' 40 For Personal & Private Use Only

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314 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA In this way, we find that at least by the 31st year of his life, Kharavela had already been married and probably had children too. Yet the question of the actual year of his marriage and also the lineage or family to which his Queen belonged remains a problem.? In so far as the first point, viz., the year of Khara vela's marriage is concerned, it may be stated that there is no specific mention of the same in the present state of the inscription. Jayaswal' at one time suggested, in regard to the seventh year's record, that apparently be (Klaravela) got married in this year, which was the 31st year of his life. Later on, however, he changed his reading as well as interpretations. But it may be expected that, as mentioned already in connection with the education of Kharavela, that according to the Arthasastra, a prince could be married after the beard-shaving ceremony in his sixteenth year, that Kharavela got married sometime between his fifteenth and twenty fourth years. Further, the fact that the upbringing, education and also coronation of Kharavela has been mentioned in his inscription in perfect agreement with the ancient Treatises ; the conclusion, therefore, that he wils married before his twenty fourth year when his coronation ceremoney was perfornied and his Chief Queen also took part in that ceremony, may also be taken to be quite in keeping with ancient Treatises. 1. It should, naturally, be expected of the compositer of the Hathigumpha text, who commands the honour and appreciation of enumerating practically all notable events of Kharavela's life in a chronological order, that while he takes pleasur@ in mentioning his child. hood and yuvaraja-hood in most glowing manner, he cught not to omit to mention of an importont event like the marriage of his great hero. 2. JBORS, Vol. III, Tit. IV, p. 431. 3. EI, XX, pp. 7if. 4. I, 5, 2. For Personal & Private Use Only

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MARRIAGE OF KHARAVELA 315 As regards the lineage or the family to which the Chief Queen of Kharavelu belonged, it may, naturally, be expected that she was a princess of a distinguished royal family. There are found two very clear statements in Inscriptions to that effect. Firstly, from the seventh year's record in the Hathigumpha inscription, it is learnt that the Queen was a princess of the Vajiraghara. Secondly, the inscription of the Chief Queen herself in the Manchapuri Cave reads : "...rajino lalakasa hathisihasu pa potasa dhutunaya (?) kalingachakavatino siri Kharavelasa agamahisi...''1 As regards the first point, viz., her being a princess of the Vajiraghara, Dr. H. C. Seth, identifying Kharavela with Gardabhila of Ujjayini, says that according to the Kala kacharya legend, Garda bhila abducted and brought into his harem Kalaka's sister. Kalaka, according to the tradition preserved in various versions of the Kalkacharya Katha, was the son of Vajrasimha' (Pkt : Vairisimha) king of Dhar in Malwa. In one of the versions, however, this Vajrasimha is mentioned as hailing from Magadha. This may indicate that Vajrasimha, perhaps, belonged to one of the branches of the Sunga dynasty of Magadha. It may be surmised that Vajrasimha may be Vajramitra, mentioned in the Puranas as the eighth king of the Sunga dynasty. 1. SI, Vol. I, No. 92, pp. 213-14 ; Luder's List No. 1346. The Sanskrit rendering as according to Sircar : "Rijnah lalarkasya (lalirkaputrasya ?) Hastisimhasya prapautrasya duhitra Kalinga.chakravartinah Sri Kharavelasya agramahishya..." Dr. Barua (OBI, pp. 55.58) reads : "Rajino lilakasa hathisihi sain pa-nutasa dhutuni"-- i. e. the daughter of the high-souled king Lalarka Hastisimba. 2. Nagpur University Journal. VIII ; Vikrama Volume, pp. 539.45 3. Brown-The Story of Kalaka, pp. 52, fu. 2, and 98. 4. Ibid, pp. 71 & 78. 5. Dynastic List in the CHI, Vol. 1, p. 518 ; Pargiter, DKA, pp. 30-33 & 70. For Personal & Private Use Only

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316 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA We gather from the Hathigumpha record' that one of his Queens (Chief Queen) was of Vajra family. In the light of our suggestion, Dr. Seth concludes, that Gardabhila and Kharavela may be identical, it may be surmised that Kharavela's Queen of the Vajra family may be the sister of Kalaka and the daughter of Vajrasimha.? Now, as to the identification of Vajiraghara, K. P. Jayaswali mentions that Vajiraghara remained under the same namie till the 12th Century A. D., when it is mentioned by Kulottunga Chola I (or the Chalukya-Chola Rajendra Chola II), as Vayirgara in the Tiruvorriyur Adhipurisvara Temple Inscription of his second year. It states that Rajakesari Varman alias Rajendra Chola II captured elephants at this place and defeated the king Dhara at Chakrakotta. In the Pandava-Perumal temple at Conjeeveram, another Tamil inscription of the Afth year of the same king informs us that the king's victories at Vajiragara and Chakrakotta were gained while he was the heir-apparent i. e. before the 8th October 1070 A. D. Chakrakotta has been correctly identified by R. B. Hiralal with Chakrakotiya in the Bastar state of the Madhya Pradesa. It is, therefore, certain that this Vajiragara is the same as modern Wairagndh in the Chanda district in the Madhya Pradesa. Kielhorn restores the name Vayiragara as Vajrakara. The form Vahiraghara in this record shows that the original form was Vajra-grila (or Vajra.gadha in Prakrit) which came to be written as Vayiragram in Tamil. Both Chakra-kotiya au Wairagadh are on the road from central Kalinga to southern Malwa. 1. BORS, Vol. III, p. 227. 2. Some of the stories iu popular tradition connected with Vikrma. ditya and his father Gandharvasena make out the latter as the king of Dharanagara-Tenzer, Ocean of Stories, Vol. VI. 3. JBORS, Vol. III, Pt. IV, pp. 469 f; Banerji, Ho, Vol. I. pp. 77-78. For Personal & Private Use Only

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MARRIAGE OF KHARAVELA 312 In the Inscription of Kharavela's Chief Queen,' she has been represented as rajino lalakasa Hathisimha sampanatasa dhuta'--the daughter of the high-souled king Hastisimha of rising glory. In this reading and rendering, it is difficult to ascertain whether Lalaka(r) is a royal epithet derived from the name of the kingdom of which Hastisimha was the ruler or it is just a title of praise similar to Yasalalaka in the name of Yasalalaka-Tissa, a king of Ceylon mentioned in the Malavamsa. If it be a royal epithet derived from the name of the kingdom, it is easy to understand, firstly, that Hastisimha was the king of Lala (or * Lalaka ?) and, secondly, that the royal families of Kalinga and Lala were united by a matrimonial alliance. In accordance with the location suggested in the Mahavamsa, Lala was a kingilom situated between Kalinga and Magadha, in which case Lala cannot but be identified with Ladha or Radha. Accepting the other interpretation of Lalaka, it cannot be understood of what kingdom Hastisimha was the ruler. Whatever the correct interpretation, it is certain that Kharavela's Chief Queen was a princess born of a distinguished royal family. 1. Luder's List No. 1346 ; Sircar, SI, Vol. I, pp. 213.14. 2. As per Barua's translation in OBI, p. 57. 3. Lalaka or Lalarka means 'glorious like the rising sun', apparently as an earlier synonym of Buladitya'. For the use of Lalaka as a viruda Ct. Yasalalaka-Tibe& occuring in the Mahavamsa (Ch. XXXV, p. 50) as the name of a king of Ceylon. But it may not be going too far, suggests Parua (OBI, p. 249) to troat Lalika as a local epithet signifying that Hastisinha was the Sun of Lala'. 4. Ch. XXXV, p. 50. 5, Ch. VI. 6. Prof. S. K. Chat terji favours the identification of Lala or Lala with Lata in westorn India (Gujarat)-The Origin & Development of the Bengali Language, Vol. I, p. 72. fn. 1. 7. Drs. Raychnudbari (PHAI, pp. 418f) and D. C. Sircar (AIU, p. 213) also hold the same view. For Personal & Private Use Only

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(SECTION V) CORONATION OF KHARAVEL A In the second and third lines of the Hathi. gumpha inscription, there occurs the statemene saipunan chatuvisati-vaso tadani vadhamanasesayo Venab hivijiyo tatiye Kalinga-raja-vase puris.yuge maharaja abhi sechanam papunati:, which has been translated by Jayaswal and Banerji, as according to their own reading---"Having completed the twenty-fourth year, at that time, (he) who had been prosperous (vardhamana) since his infancy (?), and who (was destined) to have wide conquests as those of Vena, then in the state of manhood, obtained the Imperial (maharajya) coronation in the third dynasty of Kalinga." Hence, in the twenty fourth year, Kharavela was crowned king with complete powers to rule. Jayaswal4 opines that Kharavela, in his sixteenth year (that is when he came of age)," began to rule from the office of the Yuvaraja. It seems that the throne had been already vacant. This is further confirmed by the fact that his coronation had been waiting for the completion of his 1. Select Ings, Vol. I, p. 207. 2. The Sanskrit rendering, as offered by Dr. Sircar (SI, p. 2:1) is "Sampurna chaturvimsati varshah tadiniin varddhamunasaisavavainyabhivijayah tritiye kalingara ja-vamsa-purushayuge mahuraja. abhishechanam prapnoti (prapnota)." 3. EI, Vol. XX, pp. 71f, 4, JBORS, Vol. III, Pt. IV, p. 433. 5. According to Hindu Law. one attoins aga in the sixteenth year, as quoted by Jayaswal (JBORS, Vol. III, p. 438). For Personal & Private Use Only

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CORONATION OF KHARAVELA 319 twenty fourth year; and as soon as that year was out, he was crowned.' It may have beeir so. But if Dr. Barua's interpretation of tutiye-purisa-yuge as explained above, was to be applied here, it would, naturally, follow that the throne was not vacant in Kharavela's twenty fourth year. But his grandfather, who was probably joined by his father (i. e. Klaravela's) in a joint-rule, expired in that year, which made it obligatory upon Kharavela to join his father and hence his coronation. The hypothes is, however, that his father declared Kharavela as a crown-prince when he was of sixteen years of age and abdicated the throne in his favour as soon as Kharaveli attained the age of twenty five years, is also quite in keeping with the statements in the Hathigumpha record. His father must have been old enough by the time Klaravela reached his twenty fifth year. It is also possible that Kharavela's father or predecessors on the throne of Kalinga, might have died during the period of his heirship and coronation, so that as soon as Kharavela passed his twenty fourth year and was old enough to shoulder the responsibilities of the office of ruler, he was crowned king. In so far as the form and method of coronation is concerned, K. P. Jayaswalo opines that Kharavela took the Vedic. abhisheka (coronation) called the Maharaj ya 1. Jayaswal says-'It seerns that in those days, for obtaining royal abhisheka, the Ale of twen y-fiva was a condition procedent. This seems to explain, wly Asoka wis not crowned for thre) or four years after his accossion.' (JBORS, Vol. III, p. 438). 2. Supra Ch, IX, Soc. IV, pp. 246 f. 3. JBORS, Vol. III, Pt. I9, p. 428. 4, Abhisheka or the Besprinkling (Vedic Index, Vol. I, p. 208). The Vedic king was consecratod after his elections with an elaborate ritual For Personal & Private Use Only

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320 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA abhisheka (Cf. Maharaju-abhisechanam in the Hathigumpha inscription). The regular abhisheka of a Chakravarti monarch has been called the Aindra-mahabhisheka in the Satapatha and the Aitreya Bralimanas. This would indicate that Jainism did not interfere with the national constitutional rites of the orthodox type, since Kharavela was a follower of that faith. In the sentence declaring his coronation, there are some adjectives adorning the person of Kharavela. Firstly, he is called 'Vadhumana-sesayo', secondly, Venabhe. vijiyo', and thirdly, "Tatiye kalinga-raja-vase-purusayuge'. The first of these adjectives (viz. vadhamana sesayo) has been rendered as 'One who had been prosperous (vardha which is fully described in the Taittriya (i. 7.5). Panchavitsa (xviii, 8), Satapatha (v, 3, 3), and tbe Aitreya Brahmanas (viii, 5), and for which the mantras are given in the Sanhitas. The consecration took place by spria kling with water (abhishechaniyu ipa!). Ouly kings could be consecrated, and people not being worthy of it (anubhishechaniyol. Ct. Sata. patha Brahmana, xiii, 4, 2, 17). The sprinkler (abhishekte) is mentioned in the list of victims at the Purushemedha. The abhisheka is an essential part of the Rajusuya or Sacrifice of Royal Inauguration, being the second of its component members. Qtd. Vedic Index, Vol. I, p. 28. 1. Cf. Yuvaraja-abhishechana in the Arthasastra (II, 30); K. P. Jayaswal, Hindu Coronation, Modern Review, 1912. 2. Qtd. Hindu Polity, Pt. II, p. 127; Cf. Also footnote 4th, prepnge (p. 319). 3. Though the io cision of these two worde is perfectly clear, they cannot be satisfactorily explained. The equation radhaminasesayo is not quite satisfactory, as a change of va into ya is not to be had anywhere else in this record (viz. Hathigumpha record). The meaning proposed in the translation is adopted for went of a better one. Thire may be a un intended by the use of the word Vadhamina, which is the early name of the last Jaina Tirtharkara, Vardhamana Mahavira The verb pipuniti (prupnoti) shows that the sentence is in the active voice and complete by itself. After this line, the forms are generally causative. --Jayaswal & Banorji, EI, Vol. XX, pp. 71f. For Personal & Private Use Only

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CORONATION OF KHARAVELA 321 mana) since his very childhood.' The expression vardhamana, hence, involves the metaphor of the moon waxing day by day. It has been rendered in Sanskrit as 'vardhamana-saisava viz., (one who had outgrown his childhood or had attained the state of manhood.' As to the second phrase "venabhivijiyo i. e. one who was destined to have wide conquests as those of king Vena. The ancient monarch Vena, father of Prithu, was an unorthodox king, according to the Brahmanic iterature. According to the Padma Purana," he began Ito reign well, but subsequently became a Jaina. He abolished the law of levirate (niyoga) and caused a confusion by the abolition of castes, according to Manu.: Probably, that is why he was not held in high esteem by the Vedic Brahmanas. Vena was a great conqueror and, therefore, the term "abhivijaya' is very appropriate in his case. Further, he belonged to the Aila vamsa. Evidently, the tradition recorded in the Padma Purana was well. established by this time and, therefore, the Jaina monarch Kharavela is compared with Vena. The third statement 'tatiye-kalinga-raja-vase-purusayuge' as has already been explained above, indicates that Kharavela, the overlord of Kalinga, belonged to the third dynasty of the kings of Kalinga. 1. Cf. Kumara-saibhava-"Dine dine si parivardhamana labdha. daya chandramasiva lekha" (I, 25). 2. Bhumi khanda, Ch, 37-38. 3. Ch. IX, V. 66-67. 4. Supra Ch. IX Sec. IV. 41 For Personal & Private Use Only

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CHAPTER XII SECTION ! CONQUESTS OF KHARAVELA Immediately after his accession to the throne of Kalinga, Kharavela launched on a career of dig-vijayin. We find a systematic record of his various conquests, year by year, in his inscription engraved in the Hathigumpha. It records in line four that "In the second year of his reign, disregarding Sata karni, he (Kharavela) despatched to the western regions an army strong in cavalry, elephants, infantry and chariots, and by that army, having reached. the Kanha-bena, he thronged the city of Asika (or Musika) into consternation." So in the second year of his reign, Kharavela attacked the western regions without even caring for Satakarni, who apparently ruled the country to the west of Kalinga. In the course of this expedition, the Kalinga armies are further said to have reached the banks of the Krishna-bena river: where the city called Asika-nagar was threatened. 1. "Dutiya cha vase achitayita sutakanim pachhimdisam haya gaja nara radha bahulain dandan pathupayati. Kanhavenna gataya cha senaya vitisiti asikanagaran." (line 4) 2. The original has Asikanagara, which has sometimes been read as Musika-nagara (D. C. Sircar, AIU, 1951, p 213). R. D. Banerji (HO, Vol. I, pp. 75 f) reads Musika-nagara. There is however one more suggestion to read as Rishika nagara. 3. K. P. Jayaswal (JBORS, Vol. III, Pt. IV, 1917, p. 442) states that the Puranas place this river near the Godavari and treat it as distinct from the southern Krishna. It is mentioned in the Vayu Purana (LV, 103) as forming two different rivers-Krishna and Vena. The Markandega (LXVII, 26-27) derives it from the Vindhyas. It may bence be identified with Wain-Ganga which has for its main tributary the Kanhan. The For Personal & Private Use Only

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CONQUESTS OF KHARAVELA 323 As there is no indication that Kharavela's armies came into conflict with the forces of Sata karni or that Asika (or Musika)-nagar formed a part of the latter's dominions, the Kalinga ruler's claim seems to suggest that friendly relations existed between the two kings, so that the Kalinga armies passed through Satakarni's territories to the Asika-nagar without any difficulty. But a suggestion that Kharavela's armies attacked a city on the Krishnabena through Satakarni's kingdom cannot also be regarded as altogether impossible. According to one more interpretation, Kharavela went to the rescue of Satakarni and with his purpose accomplished, having returned along with his allies, made the city gay. Satakarni, referred to here, is none else than the third ruler4 of that name of the Andhra-Satavahana house and the husband of Queen Nayanika, known from the Nanaghat Statues and Inscriptions." Embolded by success in the maiden campaign, in the fourth year of his coronation, Kharavela seems to have occupied the capital of a prince named Vidyadhara.. K. P. Jayaswal' at one time opined that Kharavela Wain and the Kanhan unite in the Bhandara district, and flow down to meet the river Wardha in Chanda district of Madhya Pradesa (JBORS, VI, Pt. iv, 1918, pp. 374-5). For divers views refer B. V. Krishnaswamy Rao, Early Dynasties of the Andhradesa, Madras, 1942, p. 6, fn. 2. 1. D. C. Sircar, AIU, 1951, p. 213. 2. Raychaudhari, PHAI, 1950, pp. 41EURf. 3. This interpretation would hardly be in keeping with the original, It is not clear how the interpreter would account for the phrase 'achitayita satakaaim' viz., without caring for Satak rni. 4. Refer Chap. XI, Sect. I pp. 267f, for full discussion, 5. Buhler, ASW, Vol. V, pp. 60f; Sircar, SI, Vol. I. No. 82, PP 186 f. ahatapuvain 6. Original :-"Chavuthe vase vijudharudhivusam kalinga-puva-raja nivesitam....vitadha mukuta...." (Line 5) 7. JBORS, Vol. III, p. 443. For Personal & Private Use Only

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324 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA probably repaired some sacred building called the abode of Vidyadhara. Later on however, he changed his views and translated the passage thus--"Similarly, in the fourth year, the abode of Vidyadharas built by the former Kalingan kings, which had not been damaged before... with their coronets rendered meaningless". In the Jaina literature, the Vidyadharas are known as a tribal people residing in the Vindhya mountains. Dr. B.M. Barua, on the other hand, opines that the Vidyadharas were an aboriginal people noted for their magical skill and lived in Arkatpur (modern Arkad or Arcot in Madras Pradesh). In the same year, "With their umbrellas and vases cast away, deprived of their jewels, all the Rashtrikas and the Bhoja kas, he (Kharavela) causes to bow down at his feet", 4 Dr. D. C. Sircar opines that both the Rashtrikas and the Bhojakas belonged to the Berar region. Prof. E. J. Rapson, on the other hand, held that the Rashtrikas belonged to the Maratha country and the Bhojakas to the Berar region, but both were feudatories of the Andhra kings of Pratishthana. K. P. Jayaswal? also states that these people are known to have lived in the Marhatta country and Berar. They are mentioned in the Inscriptions of Asoka also.8 The 1. EI, Vol. XX, Art. 7, pp. 71f. 2. Jinasenacharya's Mahapurans, Chapter on Bharata.chakravarti. It mentions Vijayardha, viz., Vindhyacbala, where lived the Vidyadharas. See also Jambudivapannati. Qtd. B. C. Law, India As Described in the Early Texts of Buddhism and Jainism, p. 44. 3. OBI, pp. 176, 205-6 and 210. 4. Original ;-"...cha nikhita-chhata bhingare hita-ratana sapateye sava rathika-bhojake pade vanda payati." (Lines 5 & 6) 5. AIU, 1951, p. 213. 6. CHI, Vol. I, p. 535. 7. JBORS, Vol. III, p. 443 ; Hindu Polity, I, p. 95. 8. Rock Edicts V and XIII. For Personal & Private Use Only

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CONQUESTS OF KHARAVELA 325 Bhojakas, according to the Aitareya Brahmana,' had a non-monarchical constitution peculiar to themselves. In his Inscription, Kharavela mentions the leaders of the Rashtrikas and the Bhojakas. All these leaders had the paraphernalia of rulers it appears, as their umbrellas (chhatras) and golden vases (bhringaras) were broken by Kharavela. From the west, Kharavela now turned his attention to the north. The record of the eighth year states that "He (Kharavela), with a large army, having sacked Goradhagiri, causes pressure on Rajagaha. On account of the loud report of this act of valour, the Yavana king Dimita retreated to Mathura having extricated his demoralised army and transport...".3 So in the eighth year of his reign, Kharavela destroyed Goradhagiri, a 1. VIII, 14, 2. B. C. Law points out that in the Hathigumpha inscription of Kharavela, the Rathikas and the Bhojakas are introduced in such a manner as to leave no room for doubt that they were ruling chiefs of the Vidyadhara settlemonts. (India As Described in the Early Texts of Buddbism and Jainism, pp. 106f). 3. Original :-'Alhame chu vase mahata sena....goradha-girim ghata payiti rujagahan upapida payati, Etina cha kam paduna san nadena.. sena-vahena vipamuchitur madhuram apayato yavana-rajam dimita..." Lines 7 & 8. 4. Goradbagiri is no doubt the ancient name of the modern Brabar hills in the Gaya district of Bihar Pradesh. An inscription giving the name correctly as "Gorathagiri' has been discovered by Messers V. 1, Jackson and Russell on the boulders near the top (JBORS, Vol. I, p. 159; also Patna College Magazine, 1913). Jackson has also described the immense fortifications on the hill top (J BORS, Vol. III, p. 469). The place was an important outpost on the western flank of the ancient capital of Magadha, Girivraja or Rajagriha. It is mentioned in the Mahabharata during the description of the route of Bhima and Krishna to Girivraja (Qtd. JBORS, Vol. I, pp. 160f). It is mentioned in the Jaina literature too as a hill (Nisitha. Churni, p. 18. M88). Refer also The Geographical Dictionary by N. L Dey, p. 71 ; J. C. Jain, LAI, p. 286. For Personal & Private Use Only

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326 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA hill fortress in the Brabar hills and threatened the city of Rajagriha? (modern Rajgir in the Gaya district in Bihar Pradesh). The passage may also suggest that Kharavela killed a king named Goradhagiri and plundered his capital.' The news of these exploits of Kharavela caused so much terror in the heart of a Yavana king Dimata, that he fled to Mathura. 1. Kusagarapura was the original capital of Magadba 'which was called Rajagriha or the Royal Residence. It was also named Girivraja or 'the Hill Surrounded', which agrees well with Huien Tsang's desscription of it as a town surrounded by mountains. Girivraja is the name given in both the Ramayana and the Mahabharata to the old capital of Jarasandha, king of Magadha, who was one of the principal allies of the Kurus in the great Mahabharata war. Rajagriha has been mentioned in the Jaina literature at many places. It is mentioned as the capital of Magadha and is included among the ten capitals of Thenarga. It was situated to the east of Saketa. Lord Mabavira allowed the Jaina monks to move upto Rayagiha (Brihat. kalpa Satra, 1, 50). It is described as the birth-place of the twentieth Jaina Tirthankara ( Avasyaka Niryukti, 383, 325). It was visited by Lord Parsvanatha, the twenty-third Jaina Tirthankara (Nayadhammakaha, II, 10, p. 230 7 Niryavaliyao; 4), and Lord Mahavira, the twenty-fourth and the last Jaina Tirthaikara, passad fourteen rainy seasons here (Kalpasutra, 5, 123 ; Bhagawati, 7, 4, 5, 9:2, 5; Avasyaka Niryukti, 473, 492, 518). It was frequented by Ajja Suhamma (Anutterovavaiyo Dasao, I, p. 58) and Gosala (Bhagwati, 15), and various disciples of Lord Maha. vira lived in this city. Gunasila, Mandi-kuchchha and Moggarapani are mentioned as some of the important shrines in the city, Rayagiba was noted for its springs. The city of Rajagriha was called Girivraja because it was surrounded by five bills-- Pandava, Gijjhakuta, Vebhara, Isigili and Vepulla (Com. mentary on Sutta Nipata, II, p. 38?). In the Mahabharata (II, 21, 2) they are named as Vaibara, Varaha, Vrishabha, Rishigiri and Chaityaka. 2. D. C. Sircar, AIU, 1951, p. 213, fn, 3. This Dimita or Dimata cappot be identified with Demetrius, the Indo-Bactrian ruler in the Eastern Punjab, having his capital at Sakala, the modern Sialkot. He must be a later ruler of the House of Euthydemos. For fuller discussion, refer Chapter XI, Sec. I, pp. 274 f. For Personal & Private Use Only

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CONQUESTS OF KHARAVELA 327 The tenth year's record mentions that "He, following the policy of chastisement, alliance and conciliation, sends out an expedition against Bharatavarsha and brings about the conquest of the land."? Here, Bharatavarsha is used in a general sense denoting regions in northern India. The statement also is so much general in nature that it does not give us an exact idea of the regions attacked by the Kalingan armies and the kings or tribes defeated. The next year, viz., the eleventh year of his reign, Kharavela moved towards the south and destroyed the city of Pithuda," having ploughed it down with a plough drawn 1. It is noteworthy that an important principle of the Hindu foreign polity viz., bheda or dissension is omitted here. Probably it was considered too low and not honourable for the policy of Kharavela's government. As a matter of fact, Kharavela hardly stood any need of ring the policy of bheda at all, when he was all powerful among the then reigning kings in the country. 2. Original . "Dasume cha vase danda-saidhi.sumamayo bharadhavada pathinain mahi-jayanan .... karapayati." 3. Original : "....puvain raja-nivesitam pithumdam gadabha naiga. lena kasayati." 4. Ptolemy, deseribing the towns situated in the interior of the country Maisoloi (VIII, I, 93), designates its capital Pitundra metropolis. The country of Maieoloi or Maisolia (VIII, J, 15) lent its name to the river Maisolos, which represents the group of the mouths of the Godavari and the Krishna. The Periplus writes Masalia instead of Maisolia. Ptolemy locates Pitundra in the interior of Maisolia, between the mouths of rivers Maisolos and Manadas or between the deltas of Godavari and Mahapadi nearly at an equal distance from both. It wculd, therefore, be convenient to search for its location in the interior of Chikakole and Kalingapatamtowards the course of the river Nagavali, wbich also bears the name of Languliya, the River of the Plough (S. Levi, 1A, 1926, p. 145). In the Jajna literature (Uttaradhayana Sutra, Lecture XXI, 2) there is a mention of Fihunda as a sea.coast town. The story goes that a Jaina merchant Palita, a native of Champa (capital city of Anga and situated in the lower course of the Ganges) had a son born to his wife at the sea while returniug home with her from Pihurida where he had gone for the purpose of trade, and happened to win the hand of the daughter of a For Personal & Private Use Only

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328 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA by asses. In the same year, he thoroughly broke up the confederacy of the Tramira (Dramira)? countries of 113 years which had been a source of danger to his kingdom. The following year, viz., the twelfth year of his reign was the last year of his wars. In that year he again marched with his armies towards Northern India and achieved various victories in rapid succession. We read in his inscription that: (a) He was able to strike terror* in the hearts of the kings of Uttarapatha ; merobant there. The son was named Samudrapala (Jacobi's Jaina Sutras, B. E., Pt. II, p. 108). Some scholars have identified the city with Masulipatam. See Sircar, Successors of tbe Satavabanas, pp. 48f : ATU, pp. 413f. 1. Rev. Pt, Sukhlalji told the present author that to plough a city or region with the plough dragon by asses is used as a term of contempt in ancient Indian literature, especially in the Jaina literature. 2. Tramira or Tamira is equal to Dravida or Dramida viz , the Tamilagam or the Tamil speaking districts in the South known as Damirike to classical writers, (K. P. Jayaswal & R. D. Banerji, E. I., XX, Art. 7, Notes ; IA, xliii, p. 64). 3. Original :"Janapada bhavanam cha terasa-vasa-sata katan bhirdati tramira-daha-sanghatam." 4. Original : "Barasame cha vase...sahu sehi vita sayati uttrupadha rujino...." 5. Whatever be its later territorial extension, it is certain that Kharavela's Uttarapatha signifies nothing more than the tract of land which lay to the west of the Himavanta region extending westward from Thanesvar, and which lay to the north-west of the Buddhist country and to the north of the Dakshinapatha extending north-west from Mathura. Anyhow, from the record of Kharavela's twelfth regral year, it is clear that Uttarapatha lay towards the west and north-west of Anga and Magadha regions. At that time, it was parcalled into a number of small independent principalities, although the Hatbigumpha inscription does not mention the names of the rulers who were defeated at the hands of Kharayela there. For Personal & Private Use Only

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CONQUESTS OF KHARAVELA 329 (b) He caused a panic amongst the people of Magadha and caused his elephants to drink the water of the Ganges;' (c) He compelled king Bahasatimitra of Magadha to bow down at his feet; (d) He triumphantly brought back to Kalinga, along with the riches of Anga-Magadha, the image (or throne) of Kalinga-Jina, which was carried away by king Nanda ; and (e) He receives many valuable presents of horses, ele phants, jewels and rubies as well as numerous pearls in hundreds brought from the king of Pandya.4 In this way, it may be noticed that from the eighth to the twelfth regnal year, Kharavela pursued his career of conquest of Northern India. In his eighth regnal year, he contented himself with destroying Goradhagiri and with plundering the city of Rajagliha. Strange enough, although he was within a few miles of Patliputra, he did not proceed farther than the Brabar hills and recover the all-important image of Kalinga.Jina, which he did four years later. It seems probable that the Kalingan armies were not fully prepared to give a fight to the forces of Magadha then, as they did four years later. It is difficult to say without any evidence at hand by wlich route Kharavela proceeded to Rajgir. But the absence of the names of Radha and Gauda 1. "....Magadhinam cha vipulain bhayan janelo hathasar gangaya payayati." (Some scholars find here a reference to the Sugagiya palace of the time of the Nandas--EI, Vol. XX, p. 88). 2. "Migadhar cha rijiniri bahasatimitar pude vamda payati." 3. "Nandaruja nitair cha kalinga.jina sumnivesa...anga-magadha. vasur cha nayati." 4. "...haya-hathi-ratna-minikan poudariju... muta-iani-ratanani ahura payati idha satasahasini...!! 42 For Personal & Private Use Only

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330 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA are significant and seem to indicate that Kharavela advanced to attack Magadha through the mountain passes of Chhota Nagpur instead of proceeding along the sea.coast through Orissa and Bengal, for it was not until four years later that his elephants crossed the Ganga (Cf. Statement of the twelfth regnal year). In the tenth regnal year, he sent an expedition to the Bharatavarsha or Northern India, which at once proved successful, for there was hardly any ruler strong enough to face the forces of Kharavela. King Kharavela claims. an easy conquest of the land through the policy of chastisement, alliance and conciliation. During this campaign, the Kalingan armies must have followed the western route. In the twelfth regnal year, again, Kharavela marched out with a strong army towards the Uttarapatha or North Western India, apparently, by the same western route, for, he had yet to cross the Garga and to encounter the forces of Bahasatimitra of Magadha. In the Uttarapatba, Kharavela claims to have struck terror into the hearts of the rulers there. It might indicate that in north-western India too there was no strong ruler to give Kharavela a fight, for all are claimed to have made humble submission before his might. It was from the Uttarapatha that Kharavela came down upon Magadha. Apparently, marching by the foot of the Himalayas, he avoided the crossing of big rivers and haying caused a panic amongst the people of Magadha, appeared opposite the capital city of the country, on the northern side of the Ganga. Now, by crossing the Ganga, 1. Instead of attacking Patliputra direct from the South, Kharavela came upon it from the North. Does it not indicate some diplomacy on the part of Kharavela ? For Personal & Private Use Only

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CONQUESTS OF KHARAVELA 331 he could land in the city of Patliputra itself. It might have been at this fateful crossing of the river that Kharavela claims the rare honour for a southern ruler, of causing his elephants to drink the water of the Ganga. It may be presumed that King Bahasatimita of Magadha was ready with his forces to face the armies of Kharavela, and that there took place an actual encounter between the two rival armies. Whereas the armies of Bahasa timita probably took only a defensive position, the Kalingan armies had come up with a purpose--to avenge their past defeats at the hands of the Magadhans. Moreover, Kharavela, the leader of the Kalingan armies, was now in the 36th year of his life and at the prime of his youth, and had twelve years' of successful campaigning to his credit. Hence, for certain, he fought with the Magadhan ruler with determination and at last compelled him to bow at his feet. In this way, the Imperial prestige was transferred from Magadha to Kalinga. Kharavela triumphantly returned to his country with the image of Kalinga-Jina and the riches of Anga-Magadha. The same year, king of Pandya sent many valuable presents of horses, elephants, jewels and rubies as well as numerous pearls in hundreds to king Kharavela. It may be assumed that the kingdom of Pandya was, at any time, invaded by king Kharavela, though there is no explicit statement found in the Hathigumpha inscription to that effect. But it may be justified on the ground that the kings of the country of Pandya were the less powerful allies of the Mahameghavahana kings of Kalinga from early times. 1. It is however strange why Khiravala did not think it worth. while to occupy the Imperial throne of Magadha after having defeated the ruler of that region or was it that the throne of Patliputra had lost the charm and had ceaged to be the Imperial throne of India at this period, For Personal & Private Use Only

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332 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA Further, there is also the possibility that alarming reports of the irresistible force of Kharavela's victorious arms compelled the then reigning king of Pandya to seek an alliance acknowledging the supremacy of king Kharavela. By defeating the king of Magadha and bringing back the image of Kalinga-Jina along with the riches of the country, Klaravela had achieved his object and so after that he never undertook further campaign. Extent of Empire On the question of the extent of Klaravela's empire, nothing can be said with certainty. That all the three divisions of ancient Orissa, viz., Odra, Utkala and Kalinga were directly under his suzerainty, may be accepted even though wanting in evidence. In the west, Kharavela carried his sword against (a) Asikanagar on the Ktishna-vena, (b) the Vidyadharas of the Vindhyas, and (c) the Rathikas of the Maratha region and the Bhojakas of the Berar region. In all these campaigns, Kharavela came out successful, but nowhere does he make a mention of the cause and purpose of his campaigns. As a matter of fact, it cannot be inferred from statements in his inscription, that he ever annexed these territories to his empire. However, it cannot be denied that all the three regions might have remained under his sphere of influence, for, during his northern campaigns, he probably passed through one or more of these regions unobstructed. Likewise, in the north, Kharavela led his armies against the Uttarapatha viz., the North-Western, and the Bbaratavarsha, viz., the Northern and Central India, where, by following the triple policy of chastisement, alliance and conciliation, he claims to have brought about the conquest For Personal & Private Use Only

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CONQUESTS OF KHARAVELA 333 of the land. It is not quite clear whether he was met with any major opposition in these regions. These expeditions in fact do not appear to have led to any permanent result, because, they were more in the form of hurried visits to these lauds. Further, looking to the rapidity of his move. ments, it cannot be said with any amount of certainty that Kharavela ever did or even aimed at consolidating the conquered regions. In the north-east, Kharavela attacked Magadha twice, once Goradhagiri and Rajagira, and second time the capital city of Patliputra itself. He actually conquered this region, but with a vengeable aim rather than to bring the country of Magadha under his suzerainty. As regards the South, firstly, he attacked Pithuda, probably a coastal city situated somewhere to the south of the Kalinga country. Secondly, he successfully broke up the confederacy of the Tramira countries equated with the Tamil-speaking districts. And, thirdly, he received gifts and presents from the king of Pandya. Resume A stock-taking of Kharavela's conquests would show that the Kalingan armies successfully toured practically the whole of India, with the exception of the western coastal regions and north-eastern extremities like the Bengal and the Assam. Yet, it is not quite safe to conclude that the entire land ever formed a part of the kingdom of Kalinga under Klaravela. However, it may not be going too far to assume that the entire country lay under the sphere of influence of the Kalingan monarch. For Personal & Private Use Only

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SECTION II. KHARAVELA'S ADMINISTRATION The soundness of administrative policy and method is a test for determining the status of a king overlord. In the opinion of Dr. B. M. Barua,' the Hathigumpha inscription bears a clear testimony to the fact that it was a declared policy of king Kbaravela to govern his kingdom in accordance with established customs and not departing from the traditional methods of his forefathers. And, in order that his subjects might have no misgivings on this point, he did not forget to remind them of the fact that whatever he did, he did in consonance with the noble tradition of the former kings of Kalinga.? In the very opening paragraph of the inscription, Kharavela has been represented as an increaser of the fame and prosperity of the royal house of king Chedi.3 While, in the concluding paragraph, he figures as a king who descended from a family of the dynasty of royal sage Vasu. All this goes to prove that Kharavela felt much pride in declaring his connection with the reigning dynasty of Kalinga. It is clear from the evidence of the Hathigumpha Inscription that Kharavela followed all the traditional 1. OBI, pp.256f. 2. Here, Dr. Barua bas quoted a few instances in support of his theory, but the readings and interpretations of the passages quoted are not acceptable by other scholars. Compare, for instance, readings offered by Dr. D. C. Sircar in Select Inss, I, No. 91, pp. 206f; Jayaswal & Banerji, EJ, XX, pp. Tif. 3. Line 1. "Chetiraja Vamga vadhanena." 4. Line 17. "Rajasiva&u-kula vinisrito." For Personal & Private Use Only

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KHARAVELA'S ADMINISTRATION 335 methods of Indian kings to please his subjects. For instance, in the very first year of his reign, he undertook to repair the capital city of Kalinga which had been damaged by storm. He repaired the gates, the walls and the buildings, erected the embankments and excavated tanks of cool water and restored all gardens. In this, he spent thirty-five hundred thousand pieces of money and thus gratified his people. The third year's record goes to show that he entertained the citizens of the capital city by musical performances, festivities and merry gatherings. In the sixth year of his reign, we are told that Khara vela showed a great favour to the people of Para and Janapada by remitting all taxes and duties. In this way, Kharavela, in all probability, adopted the policy of pleasing his people from time to time for gaining popularity and ultimately their support for the smooth running of the administration. The Hathigumpha inscription does not help us in tracing details of the administrative machinery of Kharavela's government. Dr. Barua' has found a reference in the fourteenth line of the inscription, to the royal servants (rajabhataka) as co-operating with Kharavela in excavating caves for Jaina saints. In the eighth regnal year's record too he has come across a reference to royal servants. 1. Original : "Abhisitamato cha padhame Vase vatavihata-gopurapakara-nivesanam patisamkharayati kaliiganagarikhibira sitala-tadaga. padiyo cha vandhapayati saviyana patisanthapanain cha karayati panati sabi sata sabasebi pakatiyo cha ranjayati." (Lines 3 and 4.) 2. Original "Tatiye puna vase gandhava.veda budho da pa nata gita. vadita calidasanabi usava-samija-kirapanahi cha kidapayati nagarim." Lines 4 & 5. 3. Criginal : "Abhisito cha chhate vase rajaseyam sandarisayanto savakara-vana anugaha-anekani sata-salasani visajati pora janapada." Lines 6 & 7. 4. OBI, p. 256. For Personal & Private Use Only

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336 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA The readings, however, as offered by Dr. Barua are not free from controversy. A small inscription* found in the Tiger cave, on the Udayagiri, records that the cave was got excavated by Subhuti, who was holding the position of a 'Nagara. akhadamasa' or City Magistrate. In all probability, Nagara-akhada masa is the same official designation as Nagala-viyohalaka or Mahamata-Nagalaka in the First Separate Rock Edict of Asoka Maurya or the Nagarikamahamatra of the Arthasastra of Kautilya.! Another brief inscription found in the Jambesvara cave on the Udayagiri records its excavation by Nakiya, wife of Mahamada. Dr. B. M. Baruasuggests that this Mahamada was the same official designation as the Pali Mahamatta or the Sanskrit Mahamatra. But Prof. Luders, as well as Prof. R. D. Banerji, took Mahamada to be the personal name of a man whose wife Naki or Nakiya dedicated the cave in question. The latter interpretation appears to be nearer the truth. Because were Nakiya the wife of a Mahamatra, then like the inscription in the Tiger cave, the name of the husband would have been mentioned in the inscription along with his official desig. nation. Hence Mahamada my be taken to be the personal name of the husband of Nakiya. A third brief inscription appears in the Parrot Cave No. II, on the Khandagiri. It states that the cave was got excavated by Kusuma of Pada mulika." Prof. R. D. Banerji has explained the word 'Padamulika' as signifying Original: "Nagara-akhadamasa sabhutino lenam". 1. Book II, Ch. 36; Bk. IV, Ch. 6. 2. Original : "Mahamadasa variyaya nakiyasi lenam". 3. OBI, p. 257. 4. Original: "Pudamulikasa kusumasa lewam," 5. E.I., Vol. XIII, For Personal & Private Use Only

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KHARAVELA'S ADMINISTRATION 337 either the locality or the professional designation, it cannot but mean as 'a server of the feet' viz. a servant. The term "Padamulika' however may not have meant a menial, but only a person in the service of the king. In this way, some official designations are come across in some of the inscriptions engraved in the caves at the Khandagiri-Udayagiri. But the information at hand is too meagre to work out the administrative set up of the Government. Further, there is no information forthcoming as to whether there were any separate boards and departments like those existing during the reign of Chandragupta Maurya or that of Asoka. Nor can it be gathered if any innovations were introduced by Kharavela in the existing administrative system like those by Asoka. As a matter of fact, Kharavela was too much preoccupied with the ideas of military campaigns and expansion of his dominions, rather his sphere of influence that he was left with little time to think of administrative changes. Moreover, Kalinga was too small a kingdom as compared with the Maurya Empire to require any elaborate administrative arrangements. For Personal & Private Use Only

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SECTION III MILITARY FORCE OF KHARAVELA The Law books state that one of the chief qualifications for kingship was to have a desire to extend his rule. That, however, depended upon the numerical strength and equipment of his army. Numerical Strength As to the numerical strength of Kharavela's ariny, the eighth year's record in the Hathigumpha inscription mentions that he marched out with a mighty army, having sacked Goradhagiri, brought a terrible pressure to bear upon Rajagliha. The second year's record states that he (Kharavela) disregarding Satakarni, despatched to the western regions an army strong in cavalry, ele 1. Manu, IX, 251; X, 119 etc. 2. Original : "Athame cha vise mahatu sena...goradhagirim ghutu. payita ra jagahain upapida payati." (Line 7) 3. Original : "Dutiye cha vase achitayiti sutalaniin pachhini disa ii haya-gaja-nara-radha bahulam dundam pathipayati." (Line 4) 4. It is difficult to fix tho period at which cavalry in the proper sense of the word was first used in India. Horse-riding was known as early as the Vedic Age (Rig Veda, I, 162, 17; 160, 9; V, 61, 1-3 mentions the horses, the reins, and the whip laid upon the flank'. In riding horgog 'the heroes stretched their thighs apart like women when the babe is born'], but there is no satisfactory record of the use of cavalry in battles in those days. In the Epics, the cavalry is recognized as a separate arm, but does not appear to be as organised as in later times. In the battle of Hydas pes (Jhelam), the cavalry in the service of king Porus was posted in two flanks of the Indian army. The Macedonian horsemen were however far superior in skill and discipline. Horses from the Indus were of special value (Brihadaranyaka Upanishad, VI, 2, 13; Sarkbayana Aranyaka, IX, 7). "Vajinivati" occurs as an epithet for horses from the Sindhu (RV, X, 75, 8), from Sarasvati (1, 3, 10 ; II, 41, 18 ; VI, 61, 3, 4 ; VII, 96, 3). For Personal & Private Use Only

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MILITARY FORCE OF KHARAVELA 339 phants,' infantry and chariots. Hence, the Kalingan armies under Kharavela consisted of the traditional four divisions 1. Mrig-hastin or the animal with a band' is mentioned in two passages of the Rig Veda (I, 64, 7; IV, 16, 14). The elephant is also denoted in the Rig Veda by the descriptive term Mrigavaraga (VIII, 33, 8 ; X, 40, 8) or the wild or dangerous animal-the adjective 'varana' became one of the names for elephants in the later literature. Pischel's view (Vedigche Studien, 2. 121-3; 317-19) that the catching of elephants by the use of tame female elephant is already alluded to in the ssig Veda (VIII, 2, 6; X, 40, 8) seems very doubtful (Vedic Index, II, 171-2). In the Aitreya Brahmana (VIII, 23, 3) elephants are described as black, wbite-toothed, adorned with gold. 2. Foot-soldiers are frequently mentioned in the Vedas. The Atharva Veda (VII, 62, 1) refers to agni "as conquering the most powerful opponents, as a combatant on a chariot overcomes men fighting on foot." This shows that foot-soldiers then were looked upon as a helpless mass when put against car-warriors. The Epics also depict the same view more graphically, though there are statements expressing reversed opinions (Santi parvan, 100, 24) The Agni Purana (236, 44.45 ; 242, 27) does not differentiate between the infantry and mere camp-followers. The Nitiprakasbika (VI, 57) states that proper task of the footmen is to protect the granaries, arsenals and treasuries, and to make entrenchment for the army. But the Yuktikalpataru (p. 7) states that "the chief strength of an army lies in its infantry." From the above, it must not be concluded that the infantry in early days was a mere residue. As archers, they were redoubtable fighters and won the admiration of the Greeks. It is also probable that they some. times decided the fortunes of battles by the sheer weight of their numbers. In the defence of forts and strongholds too foot-soldiers were specially relied upon. 3. The use of chariots in warfare marked an important stage in the evolution of the military system. A fighter on chariot had very many advantages over a foot-soldier. The Rig Veda is full of references to war.chariots (I, 20, 3; III, 15, 15; IV, 4, 10; 16, 20; X, 103, 10 etc). The Atharva Veda (VI, 25) contains a beautiful hymn to the war-chariot 'compact with thongs of leatber.' It is described as the 'bolt of Indra', vanguard of the Maruts', 'close knit to Varuna', and 'child of Mitra'. The car-warrior is the main strength of the Epic army, the stay and hope of contending hosts. But a chariot was more or less a monopoly of warriors belonging to the noble classes. The rank and file fought mostly For Personal & Private Use Only

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340 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA of Indian army in ancient period. Secondly, the fact that Kharavela was able to undertake, in the very second year of his reign, such a campaign in defiance of so powerful a rival king like Satakarni distinctly proves that he ascended the throne of Kalinga which was well-guarded by a strong armed force. In other words, the fighting army of Kharavela was, more or less, the fighting army of his predecessors. Sena or army is a general term for denoting the fighting strength of a king, while sena and vahana (troops and conveyance) are the two terms to distinguish the fighting warriors and soldiers from horses, elephants and chariots considered as vehicles and conveyances. We come across the use of all these technical terms in the Hathigumpha inscription. There is nothing distinctly 'on record to indicate whether, when and how king Kharavela increased the number and fighting equipment of his army. It may be easily inferred, however, from the eighth year's record ( line 9 ) that the troops and transports with which he attacked the people of Rajagriha did not suffice to withstand the fear of counter-attacks. He must have sufficiently reinforced his fighting army and increased its equipment before he marched out again in his twelfth year to produce consternation among the rulers of Uttarapatha as well as to subdue Bahasatimita, the reigning king of Magadha. (Line 13) Thus it may be seen that the Kalingan army of Kharavela was sufficiently well equipped and enormously on foot. The Epic car-warrior was attended by a retinue of foot-men, The same system was continued during the Maurya period and also in latter times. The size and equipment of the war-chariots went on to change from period to period. For Personal & Private Use Only

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MILITARY FORCE OF KHARAVELA 341 large. And, yet the fact remains that the Hathigumpha inscription does not supply us with the actual figures relating to Kharavela's troops and transports. A tolerably clear idea of the numerical strength of his fighting army may, however, be formed from a few collateral evidences. We know, for instance, from the earlier accounts of Megasthenes' that the king of the Kalingas was protected by a standing army numbering 60,000 infantry, 1,000 cavalry and 700 war-elaphants. Dr. R. K. Mookerji' rightly suggests that this army must have been considerably expanded by the time of Asoka when the number of casualities alone is stated to be atleast four lacs'. Having regard to the fact that in the case of Asoka's Kalingan war the army of Kalinga fought in defence against a foreign invasion, while in the case of Kharavela's campaigns, the army of Kalinga marched out to produce a marked impression all over India, it may be safely presumed that the total number of the standing army of the kingdo:n of Kalinga during the reign period of Kharavela was by far greater and by no means less than what Chandragupta Maurya had possessed. In accordance with Plutarch's statement'Androkot tos (Chandragupta) was able to overrun and sublue the whole of India with an army of six lacs'. Likewise, there is no reason why it would be impossible for Kharavela, opines Dr. Barua,' to undertake military campaign all over the country with an army numbering about that. It, also, cannot be supposed that Kharavela marched out with the whole of the standing army without leaving a 1. Indika. Frag. I, 6. 2. Asoka, p. 16. 3. Life of Alexander, Chapter XII... 4. OBI, p. 253. For Personal & Private Use Only

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342 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA fraction of it for the defence of the kingdom during his absence. Equipment The Hathigumpha inscription does not enlighten us as to the equipment of the soldiers in the Kalingan army. That was certainly not the purpose of the composer of the inscription in question. One has, therefore, to look to other source for the same. Going back to the fourth Century B. C., the Greck writer Arriano has given a detailed description of the equipment of an Indian foot-soldier. He states that Indian foot-soldiers carried a bow of length equal to the height of its bearer. This they rested upon the ground and having pressed it against their left foot, discharged the arrow by drawing the string far back-wards He further states that the arrow was a shaft, a little short of three yards long and there was nothing which could resist an Indian archer's shot-neither shield nor breast-plate, nor any stronger defence if such there be. Some were equipped with javelins. All wore a sword, which was broad in the blade and not longer than three cubits. It will thus appear that bow was the principal weapon of the infantry, but the sword and javelins were also used. They also carried shields to protect themselves. There were probably more weapons used such as spears, shields, bows, arrows, swords, sabres, battle-axes, lances, halberds, long javelins and various kinds of slings. These were sharp and pointed. 1. In the case of Chandragupta Maurya, we are told that he pro. ceeded to conquer the wbole of India with an army of six lacs, while the standing Maurya army totalled upto seven lacs in round numbers viz., 6.00.000 infantry, 3.000 chariots managed by 24,000 inen, 3.000 cavalry end 9.000 elephants attended by 36.000 men. 2. Qtd. P. C. Chakravarti --The Art of War in Ancient India, 1941, pp. 15f. For Personal & Private Use Only

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MILITARY FORCE OF KHARAVELA 343 The bas-reliefs at the Khandagiri-Udayagiri shed some light on the dress of a typical foot-soldier. He wore a head-dress, very much like a modern turban. He wore cotton-cloth in the fashion of a kilt, held possibly by means of a belt. The upper part of the body was bare mostly, but was probably covered, as Cunningham says, by a right-fitting jacket. He had a quiver fastened to the back near the right shoulder. Militia Dr. B. M. Barual suggests that the idea of militia was not, perhaps, altogether absent. The accounts given by Asoka of his Kalinga war? tend to create an impression in favour of the opinion that the conquest effected by the Great Maurya Emperor 'proved ultimately to be a defeat for the people of Kalinga. If the generai public in Kalinga, argues Dr. Barua, had not somehow taken part in the battle, there is no reason why Asoka would feelingly dwell upon the suffering caused to the civilian population 'by violence or slaughter or separation from their loved ones'. Further, to presume that all able-bodied people were soldiers in some form or the other, would be quite in keeping with the republican States so frequently mentioned in the Buddhist literature. In those States, all men were members of the Parishat (Assembly) and constituted a very strong fighting force for the defence of their republic. ''True, Kalinga was certainly not a republic under Kharavela. However, the same may not have been true in the days of Asoka too. in the Policy of Kharavela It is evident from various statements 1. OBI, p. 255. 2. Cf. Statement in Rock Edict No. XIII, For Personal & Private Use Only

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344 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA Hathigumpha text that in taking military campaigns, Kharavela tried to evoke patriotic sentiments by all possible means among his subjects-the people of the kingdom of Kalinga in general and the citizens of his capital in particular. The record of the third regnal year mentions that "He (Kharavela) versed in the science of music (gandharva) entertains the people of the capital with the exhibition of dancing, singing, instruinental music, by causing to be held festivities and assemblies (samajas) and with various plays and games". In the sixth year of his coronation, Kharavela celebrated the rajasreya sacrifice, remitted all titles and cesses, and bestowed many privileges amounting to hundreds of thousands on the people of Pura and Janapada. In the eighth regnal year, 'He gives...... foliage leal pa-trees, horses, elephants, chariots with drivers, houses, residences and rest houses ; and exempted brah. manas from paying taxes. In the ninth regnal year, he causes to be built...a royal residence called the Palace of Great Victory (Mahavijaya) at the cost of thirty-eight hundred thousand (coins).* In this way, by causing a hundred kinds of pompous parades, by performing all ceremonies of victory, by feasting all sections of people and by organising a triumphal procession as a means, no doubt, of impressing 1. Original: "Tatiye puna vase gandhava veda-budho dapa-natagitavadita sardasanuhi usava-81maja-kura panahi cha kidupayati nagarin." (Lines 4-5) 2. Original : Abhisito cha chhate vase rujaseyain sandainsayanto savakara-vana anugaha-anekani sata-sahasani vizajati porajanpada." (Lines 6-7) 3. Original :' yachhati... palava...kaparukhe haya-gaja-ratha saha yati savagharuvusa...sava gahanan cha karayitum brahmananun jaya. pariharam dadati." (Lines 8-9). 4. Original: "Nuvame cha vase... mahuvijaya-pasadam karayati athatisaya sata sahasehi." (Lines 9-10) / . For Personal & Private Use Only

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MILITARY FORCE OF KHARAVELA 345 upon the minds of the people the idea of victory, by bringing back the image of Kalinga.Jina, formerly carried away by king Nanda as a trophy, the receiving of tributes and valuable presents from the king of Pandya, the entertaining of the people of the capital city with feasts, festivities and musical performances, the remitting of all taxes and duties, the adorning of the capital with new roads, squares, gates and towers-all helped Kharavela to keep his people always in excitement and to induce them to join the army to fight for the glory of their country. Ferocious Nature The armies of Kbara vela may rightly be expected to be very ferocious in nature and war-like in spirit. One may like to quote the various statements occuring in the Mahabharata' in this connection, where the Kalingan armies figure many times while fighting on the side of the Kurus against the heroes and armies of the Pandavas. Further, in view of greater forest population in Kalinga, these people may be expected to constitute a major part of the Kalingan armies and they were certainly worth the statements in the Mahabharata. 1. Refer supra Chapter III. pp. 94 f. 44 For Personal & Private Use Only

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SECTION IV THE CITY OF KALINGA The Hathigumpha inscription gives some very interesting hints as to the plan, picturesqueness, internal life and prosperity of 'Kalinga-nagara' the city of Kalinga; which was, undoubtedly, the capital of Kharavela's Kalinga kingdom. As regards the plan and picturesqueness, the first year's record (line 3) mentions gates (gopura), walls (pakara), residential buildings (nivesana), tanks of cool water (sitala-talaga) and gardens (uyana) as features associated with the city of Kalinga. The ninth regnal year's record mentions the erection of a royal residence called the Palace of Great Victory (Mahavijaya-pasada). And, the fifth regnal year's record mentions a canal which was extended upto the city (Panadi). It may be maintained that the terms gopura, prakara, nivesana, tadaga and uyana have been used in the plural sense in the first regnal year's record. The plural sense of the first three terms is not inconsistent with the copu. lative compound 'gopura-pa kara-nivesanam'. The plural sense of the term "talaga' may be easily derived from the compound 'talaga-padiyo', which is a plural expression. The plural sense of 'uyana' is conveyed by the pronominal adjective 'sava' which is the first member of the compound 'savayana'. Thus, it may be established that the city of Kalinga, even as king Kharavela found it at the time of his coronation, contained many a gopura, many a pakara, many a nivesana, many a tadaga and many uyana. But, - For Personal & Private Use Only

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THE CITY OF KALINGA 347 as regards the Mahavijaya pasada and Panali, the implied sense is singular. The general features implied by the above terms, as has been opined by Dr. B. M. Barua,' indicate that the city of Kalinga was built, even before the reign of Kharavela, more or less on the same plan as of other Indian cities e. g., the city of Sakala of which we have a vivid description in the Milinda Panha. It may be inferred from the hints given in the Hathigumpha inscription that the palace used as the royal residence was the main centre of interest in the city of Kalinga, precisely as in other cities; that the residential buildings were all inside a city-wall provided with gates; that the various gardens, parks and groves added to the picturesqueness of the city; that tanks of cool water3 served as reservoirs of water for drinking, bathing and washing purposes; and, that canal (and probably roads) facilitated easy communication and intercourse between the capital city and other towns. As for the existence of temples, in the city of Kalinga, dedicated to various deities, in the concluding paragraph of the Hathigumpha inscription, Khara vela has been praised as 'sava devayatana"-sarkara-karaka' viz., the repairer of all abodes of the gods. It may, hence, be concluded that there were various shrines in the city of Kalinga, which 1. OBI, p. 288. 2. Trenckner's Edition, pp. 1-2. 3. So far tanks go, it is interesting to note that the kingdom of Kalinga is remarkable in its modern identity precisely as it was two thousand years ago. 4. For details of the plans of Indian cities in early times, refer Dr. B. B. Dutt's Town Planning in Ancient India. 5. Devayatana is a technical term, which according to Dr. Acharya signifies ayatana, devayatana and devalaya'. Qtd. Barua, OBI, p. 289, For Personal & Private Use Only

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348 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA. stood in the names of different deities, rather temples in which images of different gods, demi-gods, goddesses and demi-goddesses were enshrined for worship by the people. With regard to the part played by Kharavela in the building of the city of Kalinga, the Hathigumpha inscription records that immediately after his consecration in the very first year of his reign, he spent thirty-five hundred thousand (pieces of money) in thoroughly repairing the gates, walls and residential buildings damaged by storm, in constructing tanks of cool water (sitalatadaga padiyo) and in restoring all the gardens. From this, it is clear that his first year's work was just that of reparation and restoration. Kharavela, however, did not stop here. The extension of a canal into the city was a costly work, which was accomplished by him in his fifth regnal year probably as a means of facilitating communication and irrigation among other advantages. The Great Victory Palace (Mahavijaya Pasada), for which he is recorded to have spent thirty-eight hundred thousand pieces of money, was also a very costly addition made by him to the city of Kalinga. The description is apparently incomplete. Nevertheless, the few glimpses above do portray a vivid picture of the capital city. 1. The buildings of the Vijaya class were all two-storeyed (Dr. P. K. Acharya- Dictionary of Hindu Architecture. Qtd. Barua, OBI, p. 289). It is equally manifest from Dr. Acharya's article on Prasada hat the Great Victory Palace as a literal rendering of Mahavijaya Pasada in Kharavela's inscription does not bring out the technical architectural significance of the term. For Personal & Private Use Only

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THE CITY OF KALINGA 349 Identification of the Capital City. Dr. B. M. Barua' says that the Hathigumpha Inscrip. tion clearly shows that the capital of Kalinga during the reign of Kharavela was Kalinga-nagara "the City of Kalinga', which has been satisfactorily identified with Mukhalingam on the Vamsadhara and the adjacent ruins in the Ganjam district. The Purle Plates of Indravarman, dated in the Ganga year 149, go to show that the kings of the Ganga dynasty had generally granted their donations from Kalinga nagara, the self-same city of Kalinga which Prof. Sylvain Levi seems inclined to identify with Kalingapatnm, 20 miles north-east of Srikakola or Chikakol.Megasthenes mentions Parthalisha as the royal city of Calingae representing the tribes that dwelt by the Ganga nearest the sea, which M. de St. Martin' has sought to identify with Vardhana (contraction of Vardhamana), the modern Burdwan. Prof. Mc. Crindle thinks that the Calingae were a great and widely diffused tribe that settled mainly between the Mahanadi and the Godavari, and that their capital was situated on the Mahanadi higher up than the site of Kataka. K. P. Jayswal,' on the contrary, identifies the capital of Kharavela with Tosali, where a set of Asokan Edicts 1. OBI, pp. 191 and 201. 2. EI, Vol, IV, p 187. 3. EI, Vol. XIV, p. 36, 4. JA, Vol. CCVI, 1925, pp. 50, 53, 57. 5. Cunningham, AGI, Ed. Majumdar, Notes, p. 735. 5a Partualis is the spelling of the name which appears in one of the foot-notes of Fragment XX B in Prof. McCrindle's translation. Portalis is evidently a simpler form of the spelling Partualis, which hay been suggested in the second foot-note of Fragment LVI. 6. Fragment LVI of Indica. 7. Qtd. Barua, OBI, p. 193. 8. Ibid. 9. JBORS, Vol. III, p. 440. For Personal & Private Use Only

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350 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA have been found. In this way, various theories have cropped up regarding the identification of Kalinga-nagara. The possibility, however, of Sisupalgarh being identical with the Kalinga-nagara of Kharavela's inscription may also be considered. The Sisupal fort, which is one and a half miles to the south-east of the Bhuvanesvar town, is in the form of a rough square on plan, and is oriented roughly along the cardinal points. Its sides, which measure three-quarter of a mile long each, enclose an area a little over half a square mile. The contours suggest the existence of towers or turrents at the corners and eight large gateways, two on each side, besides a similar number of smaller openings distributed all over the perimeter. The orientation of the gateways, two for each side and the corner-towers suggest excellent planning not only of the fortification but also of the streets inside which presumably ran east to west and north to south connecting the opposite gateways. In fact, the passage of the western gateway, which was completely excavated, revealed a cart track with a gauge measuring four feet and six inches. Cart tracks were observed at various levels. In proof of excellent planning, it may be mentioned that the main gateways (two for each side) are so placed that if the length between two corner-towers of any side 1. A suggestion in that respect has been made by Mr. B. B. Lal, the then Superintendent of Archaeological Survey, Excavations BranchAncient India, Vol. V, Jan' 49, pp. 668. 2. Plan in Ancient India, Vol. V, Jan' 49, p. 66. 3. The western gateway, which has been so cimpletely exposed, shows basements of what should have been two lofty watch-towers on both sides, an ancillary passage, a guard room etc, and hence is not only one of the grandest monuments unearthed by excavations, but also the only one of its kind ever found anywhere in India. In fact, there is every indication that it was being used as a royal residence Further, the excavations have brought to light relics dating the city as early as the 4th-3rd Conturies B. C. For Personal & Private Use Only

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THE CITY OF KALINGA 351 is trisected, a gateway may be found at each point of trisection. The fort, while being too large for a mere citadel enclosing perhaps the king's palace and attached residences or quarters, did not accommodate all the people, most of whom appear to have lived outside its confines. In proof of this were picked up pottery not only in the fort area but also outside it on the north as far as the Brahmesvara temple, and on the west as far as the Bhuasni temple. Habitation did not extend on the east or on the south beyond the fort-defences. A streamlet, now called the Gangua or Gandhavati, goes all round the fort in such a way as to suggest that whoever built the fort in question took advantage of this stream to canal its waters around the northern, eastern and southern sides of it, thus providing the fort with a mont as it were. There is water in this stream throughout the year. About three miles south of the fort are the Dhauli hills, where, on a low granite boulder, are inscribed the Edicts of Asoka, with two more special edicts, the first of which is addressed to the Mahamatras of Tosali and the second to the Royal Prince or the Governor of the place. About six miles to the northwest of Sisupalgarh are the Khandagiri-Udayagiri hills of great sanctity to the Jainas, which contain caves excavated during the reign of king Kharavela for Jaina monks to stay in. And, in one of them, viz., the Hathigumpha, is engraved the inscription of Kharavela himself. It is probable that Kharavela's ins. cription, only a few miles away from Dhauli, was intended For Personal & Private Use Only

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352 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA to counter-effect the inscriptions of Asoka---a victor of Kalinga, A group of monolithic pillars of laterite can also be seen in the centre of the fort. Average height of the pillars is between 14 and 15 feet. Top and bottom are cubical and 2} ft. square, top is 2 to 3 ft., and bottom is 4 to 5 ft. long. The central part is octagonal or sixteen faceted. Across the top, the pillars have a socket obviously to hold super-imposed beams or coping. Two pillars are, however, circular in section. Some of the pillars present medallions as at Bodh Gaya, Bharhut, Sanchi and Kanda. giri. Evidently, a pillared hall stood here about the 2nd1st centuries B. C. Much can, therefore, be said in favour of Sisupalgarh being identified with Kalinga-nagara. The Sisupalgarh recalled sisupala who was a Chedi king, so also was Kharavela. The excavations revealed that the site was occupied from the beginning of the 3rd century B. C. to the middle of the 4th century A. D., and was marked by one integral culture throughout, though there were gradual changes in some of the industries, particularly in pottery. The fort defences which were erected at the beginning of the 2nd century B. C. revealed four phases. In phase I, they consisted of a clay rampart, some 25 ft. high and over 110 ft. wide at the base. In phase II, a 4 to 6 ft. thick covering of laterite gravel was added on the top of the clay rampart, while in phases III and IV, the clay filling was retained by baked-brick revetments on either sides. The defences remained in use till about the 1. It is, however, not understood why Kharavela did not like to remove the Iubcriptions of Asoka which certainly were the cause of humiliation to the people of Kalinga, 2. Refer Plates. For Personal & Private Use Only

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THE CITY OF KALINGA 353 abandonment of the site, although towards the latter part, they had structurally degenerated. 1 The gateway was constructed of large well-dressed laterite blocks. It had a passage 25 ft. wide between the flank-walls and was provided with two gates, one near the entrance and the other about 100 ft. further back. Behind the entrance gate was a guard-room (?) and adjacent to the inner gate was a narrow side-passage meant presumably for controlled admission at late hours. Though the Hathigumpha Inscription does not say anything about the distance and even direction of the city of Kalinga from the Khandagiri-Udayagiri, yet it may be surmised that it could be situated somewhere in the neighbourhood and not far away, and in that the claims of Sisupalgarh are unchallenged. It is hence clear from the foregone details that the Kalinga-nagara of Kharavela's inscription was most certainly the present Sisupalgarh. 1. The same was the case with most of the fort-gateways in South Inda. 45 For Personal & Private Use Only

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CHAPTER XIII (SECTION I) WEALTH AND PROSPERITY OF KALINGA The conntry of Kalinga, under Kharavela, prospered greatly, as is testified by the evidence of the Hathigumpha inscription. The record styles Kharavela as Vadharaju'! or the king of prosperity. The royal treasury became full of gold, silver, pearls and precious stones, while the country grew rich in foodstuffs and other eatables and wearables. As a matter of fact, the possession of enorm. ous wealth in the shape of a large amount of ready money, vast stores of food-stuffs, precious stones, rich apparels, horses, elephants and other live-stocks is a test of the high fortunes and prosperity of a king overlord." Fortunately, the Hathigumpha text is not lacking in information on all these points. Ready Money As to ready money in the State treasury, we find that Kharavela possessed a sufficiently large amount to be in a position to spend thirty-five hundred thousand pieces of money in the very first year of his coronation in order to effect various repairs in his capital city. In the third regnal year, he entertained the people of the capital with dancing, singing, instrumental music and 1. Line 16. 2. Qid. Barua, OBI, p. 250. 3. Original :-"Abhisitamato cha padhame vase vuta vihatagopura pakara nivesanan patisain kharayati kalinga-nagari-khibira sitala-tadagapadiyo cha vandhipayati savyana-patisamthapana i cha kurayati panati. sahi sata-sahasehi pakatiyo cha ranjayati." For Personal & Private Use Only

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WEALTH AND PROSPERITY OF KALINGA 355 by causing to be held festivities and assemblies. In the fifth regnal year, brought into the capital from the Tanasuliya road the canal excavated by king Nanda three hundred years before. Next year, he celebrated the Rajasreya ceremony, remitted all cesses and bestowed many titles and privileges, amounting to several hundred thousand pieces of money, on the people of Pura and Janapada. In the seventh regnal year, he was, in all probability, favoured with a son," which was again an occasion of feasting and merry-making, apart from other gay ceremonies. And all that must have resulted in heavy expenditure to the royal exchequer. Again in the eighth regnal year, he gave away kal pa-trees, horses, elephants, chariots with drivers, houses, residences and rest-houses, and also exempted brahmanas from paying taxes. In the ninth regnal year, he built a great victory palace at a cost of thirty-eight hundred thousand pieces of money. And in the thirteenth regnal year, he erected various religious edifices and got caves excavated on the Kumari hill for monks to stay, apart from offering them royal maintenance, clothes and other necessities of life. 1. Original :-"Tatiye pune vase gandhave-veda-budho-dapa-nata-gitavadita sardasanahi usava-sam i ja karu panahi cha kida payati nagarim." (Lines 4-5). 2. Original :-"Panchame cha dani vase nandara ja ti-vasa-sata oghatitam tanasuliya-vata panadiin nagarim pavesayati so.....". (Line 6). 3. Original :-" Abhisito cha chhote vase rajaseyain sandansayanto savakara-vana anugaha-anekani sata-rahasuni visajati porajanapada." (Lines 6-7). 4. Original :-"Satamam cha vasam pasisato vujiraghav......... 8a matuka pada......kuma......". (Line 7). 5. Original :-".........yachhati.... palava ...... kaparukhe haya-gaja. ratha saha yati sava-gharivisa......sava gahanam cha karayitun brahmananam jayapariharan dadati." (Lines 8-9) 6. Original :-'Navame cha vase...., mahuvijaya pasadam karayati alhatisiya sata sahasehi." (Lines 9-10). For Personal & Private Use Only

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356 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA In addition to the above, he also financed the expensive undertakings of his military expeditions in the second, fourth, eighth, tenth, eleventh and twelfth years of his coronation. In this way, we find that the State treasury under Kharavela was always full of ready money to enable him to draw hundreds of thousand pieces of money practically every year. The fact that Kharavela was able to spend as much as thirty-five hundred thousand pieces of money in the very first year of his installation to the throne shows that he had inherited a very rich treasury from his predecessor. All this goes to show that Kharavela was a very rich king and also that Kalinga was a very prosperous country under his rule. Strange enough, however, Kharavela does not make any indication in his inscription as to the type of moneykarsha pana, suvarna or satamana, that was current at that time. Excavations at Sisupalgarh, in recent years, have yielded a few punch marked coins both of silver and copper. Two coin-moulds too have been discovered. Both are of punch-marked coins and are much worn out, presumably by repeated casting operations. This might lead one to believe that Kharavela continued to mint and utilize punch-marked coins both of silver and copper. But the coins discovered, during the excavations, are so few that to derive a conclusion from these is not quite safe. Inspite of all these shortcomings, it may not be far wrong to presume that the pieces of money used by Kharavela may have, most probably, been the kars hapanas, so much spoken of and used in ancient India. The same standard of money was used by Satakarni, the third ruler of the 1. Ancient India, Vol. V, pp. 95.96. For Personal & Private Use Only

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WEALTH AND PROSPERITY OF KALINGA 357 Andhra-Satavahana house and a contemporary of Kharavela, as is clear from the Inscription of his Queen Nayanika found at Nanaghat." Food Stuffs As to food stuffs also, we find that Kbaravela possessed vast stores to be in a position to sumptuously feast all sections of his people--the religieux of brahmanical and non-bralimanical orders, the ascetics and house-holders, the officials and non-officials from time to time. For instance, in the third regnal year (line 5), he entertained the people of the capital at festivities (usava) and assemblies (ramaja). Consequently, he may well be expected to have arranged for similar feasts on several other occasions-such as at the time when he was formally installed to the throne (line 3); when he performed the rajasreya sacrifice (lines 6-7); when a son was born to his queen (line 7); when he performed all ceremonies of victory by erecting the Mabavijaya prarada iline 10) and when he dedicated caves and other religious edifices (lines 14-15). In this way, it can be concluded that the country of Kalinga was very 1. The Nannghat inscription of Nayanika speaks of having given 24,000 karshapaies en dakshina (charity). The inscription of Ushavadatta of about the same period (EI, VIII, pp. 2f) speaks of 70.000 karebapanas having given away to gods end brahmayas. In this particular epigraph, we are distinctly told that 70,000 karshapanas are equivalent to 2000 gold coing-each'suvarne being equivalent to 35 karbapanas Here the rate of exchange is indicated as 1 : 35. Karshapana was a coin of copper, silver or gold, weighing one karsha or 80 rattis or 146.4 grains. (one ratti equal to 1.83 grains). The gold suvarna, the copper pava, and Kautilya's silver dharana are of this weight. The silver dharana or purana wos however usually of 32 rattis or 58.56 grains. But the silver coins of Nabapana, though called karsbapana, were evidently lighter than the standard karshapana. They were only about 36 grains and 35 of them made one suvarna. (Select. Inss., VI. I, p. 158, fn. 5). For Personal & Private Use Only

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358 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA fertile and was not lacking in eatables in any way in those early days. It may be expected of Kharavela that being a scrupulous Jaina lay-follower, he must have strictly observed vegetarian practice. His people too in great majority must have followed the example of their ruler. Precious Stones etc. Similarly, as to the precious stones and the rest, we read in the Hathigumpha record that Klaravela received abundant supplies of jewels, rubies, pearls and various kinds of apparels as tribute from the then-reigning king of Pandya (line 13), whose kingdom was noted for these products. The Vidyadhara-abode was, apparently, another territory wherefrom the precious stones and metals were collected for filling the royal store-bouse with treasures of value (line 5). Other kings too, on whom Kharavela obtained victory, must have presented him great treasures. Forest Wealth The country of Kalinga, having a greater tract of hills covered by forests, has various advantages added to its economic condition. Kautilya's scheme contemplates different kinds of forests to be cultivated for their economic uses. Plantations of forests producing timber, bamboos, bark, fibres, roping material, leaves for writing, medicinal herbs, roots, fruits and flowers have been recommended. Forests were also grown for the breeding of elephants, so necessary for economic and military purposes. The forests also yielded other valuable animal.products such as hides, skins, sinews, bones, teeth, horns, hoofs and tails of various animals to be used for different purposes. 1. Arthasastra II, 2. For Personal & Private Use Only

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WEALTH AND PROSPERITY OF KALINGA 359 Out of the forest products were also ,manufactured articles like plough, pestle, implements, weapons, carts and various other things of daily use. There might have been, possibly, model government agricultural farms where were collected seeds of various crops to be grown. The State may also have maintained the flower-, fruits, and vegetable.gardens, and raised commerce Crops like karpasa (cotton) and kshauma (jute), it is pre. sumed, as is done in modern times. Sources of Income Land revenue and various kinds of taxes are generally the chief sources of income of a State. King Kbaravela makes a mention, in his inscription, of having created a settlement of a hundred masons giving them exemption from land revenue'.' Land revenue varied from one-fourth to one-twelfth share of the produce in ancient India. Kautilya describes the levies on agriculture as comprising (a) bhaya, State's share of produce, (b) bali, an undefined cess over and above bhaga, (c) kara, a tax on property levied periodically, (d) vivita, a levy on pastures., (e) rajju, the cess payable for survey and settlement, and (f) chorarajju, viz.. police cess and chaukidari cess.? Agriculture, naturally, was the mainstay of a large section of the people. It depended upon cattle comprising cows, buffaloes, goats, sheep, asses, camels, pigs and dogs. In so far as the taxes are concerned, the Hathigumpha inscription is silent about them. But the fact, that in his eighth regnal year, Kharavela exempted the brahmanas from paying taxes, shows that the system of imposition of taxes was certainly in vogue under his regime. He, however, 1. Line 13. "...sata visikanan pariharehi." 2. Qtd. Ghoshal, Revenue System, pp. 34, 36, 41, 42, 53, eto, 3. Kautilya Arthasastra, V, 2. For Personal & Private Use Only

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360 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA does not mention different kinds of taxes prevalent in those days, as is attested from various epigraphic and literary evidences, viz., taxes on buildings, on markets, on rivers, on jungle produce, on pasture lands and various articles of daily use. In times of emergency, just as of war, rulers imposed additional taxes upon the people in order to meet the increased expenditure. The other source of income was from gifts and presents made to the sovereign. These were made on various occasions, such as at king's coronation, at his birthday, at the birth of a prince, at royal marriages etc., or by a conquered king, by a subordinate chief as a mark of homage, by a visitor to the royal court and so on. We know from the Hathigumpha inscription that, in the twelfth regnal year, the king of Pandya brought to Kharavela presents of horses, elephants, jewels and rubics as well as numerous pearls in hundreds (line 13). Booty of war, too, constituted an important source of income in early times. As a matter of fact, the booty of war was one of the chief attractions, especially, to an army constituted of foresters and hereditary tribes. That such a thing did actually take place during Klaravela's various campaigns is attested by his inscription. In the fourth regnal year, while causing the Rathikas and the Bhojakas to bow down at his feet, Kharavela deprived them of their jewels. In the eleventh regnal year, he again obtained jewels and precious articles from the kings defeated.' And, in the twelfth regnal year, having defeated king Bahasatimita of Magadha, Kharavela returned home with 1. Original : Hita-ratana-Sapat eya. (Skt). Hrituratna sam pattikam.' -Line 6. 2. Original : "Ekadasame cha vase... piyatunari (playita satrunam) cha mani ratanini upalabhate."'-Line 10. For Personal & Private Use Only

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WEALTH AND PROSPERITY OF KALINGA 361 riches of both Anga and Magadha. These are some very clear instances of obtaining war-booty on the part of Kharavela. And he carried out many more operations. There is hence nothing strange if he collected immense wealth during his various campaigns. * Foreign trade was, also, a good source of income. We know from various sources about Kalinga coming into commercial contact with the Far Eastern countries. It is, however, not certain whether trade had already begun in the period under review, for there is little evidence at hand on this point. Economic Condition of the People The Hathigumpha inscription does not make any mention of the economic condition of the people during the period of the ruler in whose name it stands. It was certainly not the purpose of the composer of the inscription to do so, for it was meant to deal with the life and historicity of the ruler. Yet, there is much in it which gives a glinipse of the economic condition of the people. The fact that the State treasury was always full, may indicate that the people regularly paid their shares of revenues and various taxes imposed by the State from time to time. It may, hence, b: inferred that the people produced enough and were not wanting in necessities of life. Secondly, among the group of caves at the Khandagiri-Udayagiri, some were got excavated and donated by people who were not officials and hence came from the public. This also gives an indication to the fact that the economic condition of the people was not bad. But the wealth and luxury of those days was not counterbalanced as in most modern countries by a host of paupers, it may be supposed. 1. Original: "Migudham cha rijinimi buhusatimitam pade vanda. payati......anga-magadha vasuri cha nayati."-Line 12, 46 For Personal & Private Use Only

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SECTION II RELIGIOUS POLICY OF KHARAVEL A The ability to foster all religions and to vouchsafe protection, and to extend patronage to all religious sects and institutions, constitutes just another text for determining the status of a king overlord. The invocation formula of the Hathigumpha inscription--"Namo arihamtanam namo sava-sidhunam" clearly brings out that Jainismi was the religious faith of king Kharavela. Further, it was also the faith of other excavators of caves on the Khandagiri-Udayagiri. For instance, the Inscription of Kharavela's Chief Queen records that the cave, commemorating her name, was excavated for the use of Kulinga recluses of Arhat persuation. Similarly, the thirteenth year's record of Kharavela's reign line 14) says that cavesa were excavated on the Kumari hill to serve as resting places of the Arhats or Jaina saints.3 The Hathigumpha inscription goes to prove further that Jainism had become the State-religion of Kalinga even long before the reign of Kharavela. With the royal support at its back, it had grown to be the predominant faith in Kalinga. The twelfth year's record (line 12) clearly brings out the following facts of importance in this connection :(a) That, when king Nanda had invaded and con quered Kalinga, he carried off the image (or throne) 1. Original: "Arhanta pusudinun kali:iginin samanaanalilo" 2. Dr. Barua (OBI, p. 25) cays that the number of caves excava. ted was 117. Instead of 'jivadehasayika parikhata', ho reads 'sattadasa lena-satam karapitam'. (Line 14) 3. Original : "Kumiri-pavate arahatehi palchina sansitehi kayanisi. diyaya...jivadehasayika parikhata."-Line 14. For Personal & Private Use Only

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RELIGIOUS POLICY OF KHARAVELA 363 of Jina belonging to Kalinga as the highest trophy (Nandaraja nitam kalingajina) ; (b) That king Kharavela signalised his conquest of Anga-Magadha by bringing back that image of Kalinga-Jina in a triumphal procession ; and (c) That king Kharavela professed Jainism in common with his Queens, Kumaras and officials. It is thus clear that, somehow or other, the affection and honour of the royal family as well as of the people of Kalinga became bound up with the image of KalingaJina. This is not to say, however, that there were no other religions and religious shrines in Kalinga. The Hathigumpha inscription clearly proves that there were other religions prevailing in the country of Kalinga and there were also various religious edifices there. The royal epithet 'save-pasanda pajako' as used for Kharavela in the concluding paragraph of the Hathigumpha inscription (line 17) attests, beyond doubt, that Kharavela unknowingly followed in the footsteps of Devanampriya Priyadarsi Asoka in declaring himself as a ruler who 'honoured all denominations'. There would have been no necessity for the use of such an epithet, if there were no adherents among the people of Kalinga of different denominations.? Again, there occurs the epithet 'sava-devayatana-zankarakarako' or "the repairer of temples of all deities" as used for king Kharavela in line 17 of the Hathigumpha inscription. There would have been no necessity for the use of 1.. Asoka maintains in Rock Edict No. XIII that there were no other places but the Yona regions, where the sects of the brahmanas and the sramanas were not, nor was there any otber place where the people had not adhered in faith to one or the other of those sects. For Personal & Private Use Only

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364 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA this epithet if there were no worshippers, among the people of Kalinga, of other deities. Here, Kharavela is not represented as a builder but only as a repairer of those temples. This shows that these places of Worship had existed in Kalinga from an earlier time to Kharavela. But the Hathigumpha inscription does not specify the deities to which those temples were dedicated nor where they were actually situated. And, no temples have as yet been discovered with an inscription or tablet recording that they were caused to be repaired by king Kharavela. It is quite clear from the foregoing discussion that king Kharavela was a Jaina from his very birth. Asoka, on the contrary, was not born a Buddhist. He was only a convert to that religion--his conversion itself being a gradual process of mental change. Further, whereas Asoka possessed and displayed all the zeal of a new convert, Kharavela did not take religion quite so seriously. The education that he received was purely secular and did not differ from that received by other Indian princes in those early days. His coronation ceremony was celebrated, it may be presumed, in accordance with brahmanical rites. The principles and methods which he adopted in governing his kingdom were precisely those prescribed in the Brahmanical treatises on Hindu royal polity. Jainism did not compel him to exercise any scruple in undertaking military expeditions and aggressive wars. The patriotic spirit," which underlay all his activities, was also not inspired by Jainism. As for Jainism, he caused a large number of caves to be excavated on the Khandagiri 1. R. K. Mookerji, Asoka, pp. 109-112, fn. 3. 2. Kharavela under took to please the citizens of the capital by combats or comics, by dancing, singing, instrumental music and other activities which were certainly not ia accordance with the Jaina doctrine. For Personal & Private Use Only

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RELIGIOUS POLICY OF KHARAVEL A 365 Udayagiri to provide the Jaina saints and recluses with resting places. As for Brahmanism, he made donations for repairing the temples dedicated to various gods and goddesses, and feasted alike the Brahmana ascetics and the Jaina recluses. It may, hence, be inferred from all these that so far as this world was concerned he was a benefactor to all religieux and so far as the other world was concerned he was a pious Jaina. It is true that Kharavela, like Asoka, honoured all denominations, which is to say that he observed the principle of religious toleration. But his idea of religious toleration, opines Dr. Barua,' was essentially of a Hindu nature. In his case, toleration implied the idea of non. interference, non-intervention, not meddling in another man's religion. Further, Kharavela appears to have found it to be a wise policy on his part to leave each sect to follow its own creed without taking the trouble of considering the details of each faith. He does not appear to have made an attempt to bring all sects on a common platform for a free and frank discussion or an interchange of ideas for discovering the common ground and mission of all religions as well as determining the merits and defects of each religion. Though he claims for himself the title of *Dharmaraja' viz. King of Religion, but by the evidences at hand he does not appear to be a religious leader in the sense Asoka and Akbar were. The latter had their own ideas aad programmes in religious field. 2. OBI, 263. For Personal & Private Use Only

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SECTION III ESTIMATE OF KHARAVELA Kharavela is one of the most striking figures in the annals of Indian kings. Although he cannot claim the proud position enjoyed by Asoka or Akbar as world figures, but as a local figure in India he represents a remarkiblo and charming personality. He was the greatest known king among the monarchs of the Mahameghavahana dynasty, who exercised their suzerainty over the kingdom of Kalinga. Under him the spheres of influence, if not the actual boundaries of the Kalingan Empire, were extended to far off regionsthe Uttarapatha or the North-Western Frontier in the north to the Pandya country or the Southern-most region in the south. * Many interesting facts, concerning the personality of king Kharavela, can be gleaned from his inscription in the Hathigumpha, which, in the opinion of Dr. B. M. Barua, may be judged as the 'Kharavela Chiritra' the Life of Kharavela in Indian epigraphy, or Maltavira Charitra the Annal of a Great Hero, taking Kharavela to be the great warrior hero. There can be little doubt that the composer of the Hathigumpha text has sought all along to extol Kharavela as a miglity earthly hero, who was destined to conquer, to rule, to protect and to please. The concluding paragraph, which is but a long string of nicely worded and choicest adjectives heaped upon the 1, OBI, p. 231. For Personal & Private Use Only

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ESTIMATE OF KHARAVELA 367 name of king Kharavela-siri, is evidently a literary device to represent the sovereign lord of Kalinga as the noblest type of kingly personality and the greatest and best of earthly warrior heroes. He is styled Khemaraja'-- the Lord of Security. He is styled "Vadharaja--the Lord of Prosperity. He is styled 'Indaraja'--the Lord of Kingly Power. He is styled 'Dhammaraja'--the Lord of Religion and Justice. He is represented as a person who had the ripeness of understanding and judgement of the nature of what is conducive to human welfare. He is represented as a person gifted with special qualities, as one who honoured all sects and denominations, and as one who repaired all religious temples. He is represented as a descendant of a family of royal sages. He is represented as the inost powerful king who maintained the prestige of his illustrious predecessors and who had the ability to protect his kingdom. Having come to the office of Ruler at an early age of sixteen, Kharavela developed into an ideal king of the Hindu political philosophy. There is hardly any trace of despotism in his biography. A born soldier and a gifted general, yet he was always anxious to satisfy the condition of Hindu kingship. He was a king 'who pleased his people' (Pakatiyo cha rafijayati, Skt : prakritik cha rafijayati)., "It is an axion af the Hindu political philosophy", writes K. P. Jayaswal, that a king is called king (rajan) because he has to please (rapija) his people." "He pleases his people' is, therefore, one of the proudest phrases in his Inscription. Himself a great master of music, Kharavela often entertained his people by arranging musical and dancing perfor 1, JBORS, III, p. 418. For Personal & Private Use Only

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368 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA mances as well as festivities and merry gatherings. As a king, he did his level best to work and strain all his resources for the good and happiness of his subjects. Kharavela maintained the noble tradition of Asoka as a successful builder of such sacred and artistic monuments as rock-cut caves, stone pillars, shrines and ornamented shrine posts. In the same way, much like Asoka, he honoured and favoured all religious sects. He was a Jaina by faith but was tolerant towards people professing faith in other religions. He showed respect to all by giving them large amounts in charity and by repairing the temples of all gods. Respectful to the former dynasties and the former kings of Kalinga, Kharavela rehabilitated and maintained their honour. In this respect, as a ruler and as a human being, he stands superior to Asoka who men. tioned former kings only to stress his greatness. .: In more than one respect, Kharavela was also a precursor of the Imperial Guptas. He stands well in comparison with Samudra Gupta through his warrior-like spirit, valour and victories. As an expert in the science of music (Gandhava-veda-budha) and a patron of fine arts, he played well the role of a forerunner of the Gupta monarchs. From the chronological point of view too he stood just midway Asoka on the one side and Samudra Gupta on the other. In respect of its style and contents, his inscription in the Hathigumpha must be accorded a similar intermediate position between the notable Inscriptions of Asoka and the Allahabad Pillar Inscription of Samudra Gupta. Resume It cannot be doubtel, therefore, that the sun of the royal power of Kalinga reached the zenith during the reign of Kharavela, though the light which dazzled the eyes For Personal & Private Use Only

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ESTIMATE OF KHARAVELA 369 was destined to set for ever. The warrior-like spirit of Kharavela and his bold undertaking of military campaigns all over India clearly prove that militarism was in full vigour in the country inspite of Asoka's advocacy of the ideal of conquest through Dhamma. But what has been the final result of the wars and warfares that served to keep Khara vela ever busy and the people of Kalinga always in excitement ? The final result has been that Mahavijaya Klaravela disappeared completely out of sight after the fourteenth year of his reign and the Mahameghavahana dynasty came to an end within a few years after his death. The fateful career of Kharavela is enough to prove, wrote Dr. Barua,' that the arms that hurl missiles may strike terror, but the arms that embrace conquer for good. It was Asoka who set up the ideal of conquest by the Dhamma. Kharavela upset that ideal only to be forgotten even in the literature of the Jainas, while the memory of Asoka has all along been adored by the entire Buddhist and non-Buddhist world. Kharavela was wise enough, however, to beware of his royal state betimes and to take steps, when opportunity occured, to built thic costly works of art and architecture, in glorification of his religion. And, it is the lingering rock-cut caves on the Khandagiri.Udayagiri which have immortalised him and raised up the people of Kalinga in the estimation of civilized humanity. 1. OBI, pp. 286-7. 47 For Personal & Private Use Only

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CHAPTER XIV CAVE ARCHITECTURE IN ORISSA! Many efforts have been made to express in a few words the precise meaning of architecture and its relation to human experience. Lethabya has approached the subject most nearly, states Percy Brown, in stating that 'Archi. tecture is the matrix of civilization'. To such a definition, Percy Brown would like to add that viewed historically, architecture remains as the principal visible and material record through the ages of man's intellectual evolution.' Each great cultural movement has made its own particular contribution to the art of building so that the aspirations 1. Percy Brown (Indian Architecture, p. 24) takes objection to the word 'cave architecture'. He says :-'Ever since the examples of rock architecture became a subject of study, it has been the custom to refer to them as 'caves' implying that they wera natural grottoes in the mountain side, the haunt of wild people and still wilder animals. No word would be more misleading to designate these wonderful records of man's handwork, as many of them are large and well planned temples skilfully wrought and chiselled out of the solid cliff, and to define which the term rock-architecture is the only one which can adequately describe their workmanship. If however the usually accepted definition of architecture as 'good construction truthfully expressed' is applied then on account of their technique alone they cannot be classed as architecture in the strict sense of the word. Those rock-hewn forms are expert achievements, but they involved no constructional principals nor do they display any functional properties, their columns signify no adjustment of support to load, the arches carry no weight, nor do they counteract any thrust, in the whole operation no structural intelligibility is required as no problems of this nature arise. In a word, rock architecture to all intents and purposes is not architecture. It is sculpture, but sculpture on a grand and magnificent scale. 2. Architecture--Home University Library, p. 7. 3. Percy Brown-Indian Architecture, Bombay, p. 1. For Personal & Private Use Only

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CAVE ARCHITECTURE IN ORISSA 371 of the people and even their way of life stand revealed in substantial form for all to see. And in India, man's ideals have found expression in numerous noble monuments showing that few countries possess a richer architectural heritage. In each of the major historical developments of architecture, there is one basic principle underlying its conception and one which is supremely distinctive. With the Greeks this was refined perfection, Roman buildings are remarkable for their scientific construction. French Gothic reveal a condition of passionate energy, while Italian Renaissance reflects the scholarship of its time. In the same way, the outstanding quality of the architecture of India is in its spiritual content. It is evident that the fundamental purpose of the building art was to represent in concrete form the prevailing religious consciousness of the people. It is mind materialised in terms of rock, brick or stone. This characteristic of Indian architecture is emphasized by the treatment of its wall surfaces. The scheme of sculpture, which often covers the whole of the exterior of the building, is notable not only for the richness of its decorative effect but for the deep significance of its subject matter. Here is not only the relation of architecture to life, but transcendent life itself plastically represented. Carved in high or low relief are depicted all the glorious gods of the age-old mythology. The epoch of Kbaravela is characterised by cave architecture in the country of Kalinga. The KhandagiriUdayagiri hills, otherwise called the Khandagiri (Lat. 20deg 16' N; Long. 85deg 47' E), situated at a distance of about five miles to the north-west of the town of Bhuvaneswar, For Personal & Private Use Only

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372 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA are honey-combed with caves. The north-east mound is called the Udayagiri viz. The 'sunrising hill, and the other as the Khandagiri viz. the broken hill. These two hillocks or prominences are separated by a ravine scarcely 50 yards in its broadest part, but at the base the two portions touch each other. The highest point of the Khandagiri, on which is perched a modern Jaina temple, is 123 ft. The highest crest of Udayagiri is 13 feet lower.? The substance of these hills is a kind of worm grey sandstone (or concrete stone) which is soft and porous, and is peculiarly well adopted for excavations. But from its coarse gritty character, it is not fit for finished sculpture. Rock architecture appealed to the Indian mind for several reasons. In the first place, its stability, as it was as immovable as the mountain of which it formed a part, was undoubtedly an attraction to the people. Secondly, it was acceptable to the Jainas because from the earliest times natural caves and grottoes were the favourite abode of hermits and anchorites, a custom which even now survives. Such habitations were, therefore, not only associated with religion but had also the sanction of tradition. But the principal reason was the great increase in the conventual life of the country at this time. From ancient practice of asceticism, common from the later Vedic period, it was but a step to that of monasticism, a system which all the world over had induced its followers to retire into rocky fastnesses, forest recesses or lonely deserts ; there to dedicate their lives to the rare worship 1. R. L. Mitra,--Antiquities of Orissa, Vol. II, 1880. 2. These heights have been ascertained by a survey made by Mr. Beck for Mr. R. L. Mitra. The measurments were made from the Matha at the foot of the hills and not with reference to the sea level. (Antiquities of Orissa, Vol. II). For Personal & Private Use Only

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CAVE ARCHITECTURE IN ORISSA 393 of the self-absorbed. Some such convictions, perhaps accentuated by the pressure of religious intolerance were largely responsible for extensive monastic establishments which flourished within these secluded mountain retreats. The groups of caves in this part of India have no very intimate connection with those in the western part. The genesis and history of these caves are so very obscure that one is sure to be led astray in solving the difficult problem of their chronology. There are in all some 35 excavations-large and small, but only half of them are of any significance. Some sixteen of these are in the Udayagiri, while there is only one of any importance on the Khandagiri. Apparently, laid out on no regular plan, they were evidently cut in convenient places and connected by paths still traceable :hrough the glades of trees. All excavations of this group appear to have been made at the eve of the Christian era after which the production ceased, although on the Khandagiri a short revival took place as late as the mediaeval period when a few cells are added. M. M. Ganguli? opines that 'from palaeolithic consideration, it is apparent that many of the caves were excavated in the third and second centuries B. C., and we think we shall not be far from truth in dating some of the caves even in the fifth and fourth centuries B. C., i. e. before the period of the Hathigumpha inscription." 1. Oringa and Her Remains, p. 32. 2. Mr. Ganguli is inclined to place the Hathigumpha inscription towards the close of the third century B. C., rather before Asoka Maurya ascended to the throne of Magadha (OHR, p. 49). This date is however not acceptable. For Personal & Private Use Only

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374 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA It is almost a hopeless task to fix with anything like certainty the chronology of the caves. This is evinced by the wide divergence in chronological order fixed by various scholars. Happily for us, a great flood of light is thrown by the famous inscription of king Kharavela in the Hathigumpha here. The date ascribed to the inscription is in the last quarter of the first century B. C. Kharavela was by faith a Jaina and appears to have been personally interested in the priestly community, who had selected these hills as a place of retreat. It is just possible, opines Percy Brown,- that the small group of Ajivaka hermits responsible for the excavated chapels in the Brabar hills, having lost the protection of Asoka on the death of that monarch, migrated to Orissa not only to be under a Jaina ruler but in order to continue their system of living in cells cut in the rock, so that they might conduct their * observances undisturbed by the distractions of any human environments. The Hathigumpha The Hathigumpha is a large natural cavern of irregular shape slightly improved and enlarged by artificial means. It can boast of no artistic and architectural features. The walls, however, have been chiselled straight and at places are beautifully polished as those of the Brabar caves. At its widest and longest, the cave measures 28 ft. x 59 ft. inside while the mouth is 12 feet in height. The roof 1. Refer Ch. X, pp. 264 supra. 2. Cf. Epithete like Bhikhuruja and Dhammaroja' ascribed to Kharavela in line 16 of his inscription. 3. "Terasame cha vase supavata chake kumari pavate arahalehi pakhina sansitehi kaya nisidiyiya ya pujavakchi rijbhitini chinavatini va sasituni pujinurata uvasari khiravel 1sirini jivad ehasayika parikhuta", -as per record of the 13th regnal year. 4. Indian Architecture, Chap. VI, p. 36. For Personal & Private Use Only

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CAVE ARCHITECTURE IN ORISSA 375 consists of a large boulder. The inscription of Kharavela is incised on the frontal boulder, but it continued upto a place where the stone has become actually the roof of the cave. The last eight or nine lines occur on the sloping surface where it is difficult to read and copy them. In the dressed and polished portion of the side of the wall of the cave, there are a number of later inscriptions of about the tenth and eleventh centuries A.D., many of which contain proper names which are not of any historical interest. They prove however that the cave was visited by pilgrims upto that period and therefore it must have been considered some sort of a sacred shrine. It seems reasonable to expect that the great faina king Kharavela inscribed the record of his reign at a place which was holy in his eyes. It is possible that this is the place where Lord Mahavira had preached the Jaina religion in Kalinga. The inscription proves that the place was included in Kalinga at that time and there is a distinct reference to the preaching of Jainism in its fourteenth line. The Svargapuri-Manchapuri The other caves of note are the Svargapuri-Manchapuri. This is a two storeyed excavation. The upper storey is known as the svargapurithe House of Heaven' and the lower one as the Manchapuri or Martyapuri 'the House of Mortal. Worlal'. The importance of these caves lies in the fact that the former was got excavated and dedicated by the Chief Queen of Kharavela, while the latter one was 1. Antunl Reprt of the Archological Survey of India, 1922-23, p. 130. 2. Referred to as Vaikunthapuri by R. L. Mitra and Fergusson. 3. Sir John Cunningham (CHI, Ch. xxvi, pp. 638f, has placed these caves in a chronological order after the Eathigumpha. For Personal & Private Use Only

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376 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA got excavated by prince Kudepasiri (probably a son and successor of Kharavela) and prince Vadukha. The Svargapuri is situated exactly over the lower storey. It consists of a benched verandah (24jft. x 7}ft.) opening into a long room in front and a side room on the right. The front room is flanked by side pilasters from which spring arches relieved with floral designs. The pilasters are characteristically ornamented with winged animals and the arches are joined by the plain waggon-shaped roofs of shrines, each supported on two yuksha figures serving as brackets. The carvings in this cave have almost entirely disappeared. Sir John Cunningham' opines that the upper storey is the earlier of the two. In the space between the central and the right-hand arches of the front chamber is engraved an inscription in three lines mentioning the Chief Queen' of Kharavela : Arahantur pasadaya kalinganam sumananam lenar Icaritarii rajno lalak 18a hat hisihasa papotasa dhutunaya kalinga-chakavutino siri kharavelasa agamahisiya karitam.' The Manchapuri consists of a main wing comprising of a side chamber and two back chambers to east and a right wing with one chamber to south. The verandabs in front of the main and right wings have each figures of two guards sculptured at the ends. The front face of the rock forming the broad band between the two storeys was very well carved with elephant procession and floral designs. But it is now almost entirely obliterated owing to the action of the weather. The arches of the front room are 1. CHI, Ch. XXVI, p. 639. 2. Select Inss, Bk. II, No. 92, pp. 213-14. For Personal & Private Use Only

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CAVE ARCHITECTURE IN ORISSA 377 carved with bas-reliefs, but much worn out. One of the bas-reliefs shows a crowned-prince attended by three male figures worshipping with folded hands at a sacred alter (much obliterated) and closed within a square railing. There are also flying gandharvas, lotus, elephant and vidyad haras depicted. It is difficult to suggest an identification. The gandharvas and the elephant would indicate that the crowned figure might be that of Indra. It is, however, possible that it might represent one of the princes viz., Kudepasiri and Vadukha referred to in the inscriptions incised here (a) between the arches of the third and the fourth doorways and (b) in the seventh compartment over the side room to right: (a) 'Airasa maharajasa kalingadhi patino mahameghava. hanasa vukadepasirino lenam.' (b) Kumaro vaoukhasa lenam.'1 The Ananta Gumpha . The next cave fixed by Cunningham in a chronological order is the Ananta. It is the most important cave on the Khandagiri. It is situated on a high ledge which is crowned by a Jaina temple. It is a single storeyed cave planned much in the same way as the Manchapuri. It consists of an ante-chamber having a covered verandah in front. The chamber had four doorways originally, but the wall between the first and the second doorways has fallen. On the back wall are carved in relief the sacred symbols of svastika, shield, hour-glass and trisula. Near 1. (a) Select Inse, No. 93, p. 214. BO. 1931. p. 258 : EI, XIII, 160-61 ; Fergusson, Cave Temples, pp. 75-76 ; Distt. Gaz, Puri, pp. 257-8. 2. CHI, Ch, XXVI, p. 639. 3. Such symbols also appear on the inscription of Kharavela in the Hlathigumpba. 48 For Personal & Private Use Only

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378 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA it can be seen outlines of an incomplete figure of a standing Jaina Tirtharkara attended by chawri-bearers. The front wall of the chamber is decorated with sidepilasters, tympana, arches etc. The first tympanum por. trays royal elephants with lotus buds and flowers in their trunks. The second shows the sun.god with his chariot of four horses (instead of traditional seven), his two wives Samjna and Chhaya, and a demon probably Rahu. The third shows the goddess Lakshami standing on lotus attended by elephants on both sides with uplifted trunks. The fourth depicts a female with attendants worshipping a tree within railing. The tympanum arches are also carved. The first is relieved with lotus flowers and garlands. The second and the third are fantastic representations of men (yakshus) fighting with lions and bulls. The fourth portrays brahmani geese bearing lotus buds. The arches are flanked by large three-hooded serpents on each side, hools being near the springing of the arch and tails extending along the extrados upto the crown of the arch. The threehooded serpent is the symbol of Lord Parsvanatha. The cave may conceivably have been dedicated to him. M. M. Ganguli' has erroneously ascribed it to the Buddha. The central spaces between the arches are relieved with flying vidyadharas bearing offerings. The side pilasters of the doorways are decorated with neat and delicate designs. The verandah (274 ft. x 87 ft.) is supported on three pillars of characteristic type. At the top, the pillars and also the pilasters are provided with decorative brackets both on the front and the back-the outer bracket lending support to the short concave chhajja projecting beyond the 1. QHR, p. 57. For Personal & Private Use Only

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CAVE ARCHITECTURE IN ORISSA 379 pillars. On the brackets are carved elephants and lotus inside and horsemen outside, while the pillars are each ornamented with a squatting yaksha on the outer face and standing female figure on the inner. The verandah commands an open spacious courtyard in front which was probably used as a meeting place for the monks and the devotees. The Rani Gumpha A further stage in the developmeift of the architecture in the Udayagiri-Khandagiri, according to Cunningham, is reached in the Rani Gumpha, also called Rani ka Nur or Rajarani or the Qneen's Palace. It is the largest, most spacious and elaborately. carved cave of the entire group. It is the eastern-most cave of the Udayagiri group. It contains a two-storeyed monastry occupying three sides of a quadrangle, the fourth or the south-eastern side being open. In the lower storey are :(a) A main gallery with three rooms facing south-east and one facing south-west. (b) A left wing with one room on each side except the north-east. (c) A right wing with one room facing south-west. The upper range of rooms is not placed immediately over the lower one, as has been noticed in the Svargapuri. Manchapuri caves, but on the rocky mass behind. It contains : (a) A main gallery with four rooms. (b) A right wing with one room. 1. CHI, Ch. XXVI, p. 640. 2. Drs. Furgusson and Burgess (Cave Temples of India, p. 78) opine that the set back was adopted in order to give the structure a pyramidal form- & characteristic of the Buddbist viharas. M. M. Ganguli (OHR, p. 40) bowever objects to the abova and states that For Personal & Private Use Only

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380 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA (c) A left wing with closed verandah leading to a small chamber to the left. In front of the rooms are verandahs presenting four special features : (1) At each end there is a guard carved in high relief. (2) A ledge of dressed rock forming a continuous bench runs along the front of the rooms and the side-walls of the verandahs. (3) Shelves are provided in the side walls in three of the five verandahs. (4) The ceilings of the verandahs, which are but seven feet high, are all supported on stout tapering pillars, square below and at the top, and octagonal in the middle. Access to the rooms is obtained through small door. ways of which there are from one to three according to the size of the room. Each doorway has a groove cut all round its stone frame probably to take jhamp or bamboo shutter. As with most of the old caves in India, the doorways here have sloping jambs, making the entrances wider at the base than at the top. The chambers are 3 ft. 5 in. to 4 ft. 9 in. high and vary in length from 101 ft. to 21} ft. They are plain inside with low flat ceilings and the floor is raised at the inner end and shaped this artifice on the part of the architects was a forced one and was demanded by the nature of the rock. If the upper storey were placed just over the lower one, the structure would not have stood for centuries. It would perhaps bave come down in the pourse of excavations because the rock is soft and also porous in texture. But Shri Ganguli's objeotion is not tonable in view of the position of Svargapuri-Manchapuri caves, where the latter stands right over the former. Refer also the Jayavijaya cave which stands just over the lower one. For Personal & Private Use Only

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CAVE ARCHITECTURE IN ORISSA 381 to form continuous pillows, evidently to serve as the monk's bed. In the upper right and lower left wings, the sides of the doorways are plain, but elsewhere they have side pilasters from which springs an ornamental arch framing the tympanum or plain semi-circular space above. Two winged animals set back to back form a capital on the pillars and above them, the springing of the arch is also ornamented at each side with figure of an animal. The arches are decorated with flowers, foliage and fruits and in one instance, with monkeys and other animals. They are generally surmounted either by trisula or shield symbols, but in one case a snake appears in this position. At the springing, the arches are joined to each other by a flat hand carved with representations of a balustrade or railing supported on male or female figures serving as brackets, above which, in the compartments thus formed, are carved some very interesting bas-reliefs. There are some nine friezes in the upper storey. The first and the ninth, each contains a running vidyadhara wearing turban, necklace, dhoti and scarf, and carrying a tray of offerings and flowers. These figures evidently mark the beginning and end of the story portrayed in the friezes. The second frieze may be taken to represent an elephant hunt with three elephants and several male and female figures. The third one can be described as the abduction scene. It depicts a mortal combat between a man and a woman armed with swords and shields. The scene ends with the lady being carried off bodily by the man. The fourth tableau may be called a hunting scene. It represents a prince with a bow aiming at a long-horned winged deer. The scene closes with the prince talking to a lady sitting on a tree under wbich the deer is lying dead. The For Personal & Private Use Only

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382 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA Afth frieze which is partly damaged represents a musical festival. The lady (or princess) is sitting on a platform attended by her maids. At the right end of the frieze is portrayed a man (or prince) seated on a raised bench with a vase containing water and an attendant with folded hands in front on the ground. In between there are a number of figures, some playing on musical instruments and other dancing. The sixth frieze is entirely obliterated. The seventh, much mutilated, seems to represent love scenes between a man and a woman in three different representations. The eighth frieze, now largely broken, reveals the outlines of some elephants with human figures. The lower storey too is ornamented with continuous friezes over the doorways. Beginning from the left, the first spandril compartment portrays a mango tree and a double storeyed house with male and female figures looking out from doors and verandahs. The second compartment is almost entirely effaced ; but in the third, busts and heads of several figures may be discerned, one of which holds an umbrella. The fourth scene too is mutilated, but several figures are traceable, one carrying a sword and two riding an elephant. In the fifth relief, seven figures can, with difficulty, be made out, one holding an umbrella on the principal figure in the centre and two bowing to him with folded hands. In the sixth relief, only two figures can be traced, one holding an umbrella over the other in the centre. In the seventh, five figures are traceable, of whom one stands with folded hands. The eighth compartment shows a prince or saint followed by two attendants, one with umbrella and the other with folded hands. The right half of the relief portrays two kneeling figures doing obeisance to the saint and two ladies in the back-ground carrying offerings. For Personal & Private Use Only

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CAVE ARCHITECTURE IN ORISSA 383 After this came two scenes on the side-doorways. The left hand one depicts a caparisoned horse and three male figures standing in devotional attitudes. The right hand compartment contains four figures of whom one is sheltered under an umbrella and followed by two guards. The last scene on the right shows six ladies, three standing with pitchers on their heads, the fourth bowing with folded hands and the rest two kneeling while holding offerings. The bas relief, though mostly mutilated, clearly indicates a procession of a saint through a town. Various explanations have been given of these scenes, two of which also appear in the Ganesa cave. By analogy with the other two friezes in the lower storey and from the circumstances of the vidyadharas marking the beginning and the end, it would seem that these bas reliefs were carved with the intention of representing a connected story, If so, the story would relate to some Jaina Tirthankara, possibly to Parsvanatha, who appears to be the most favoured personality sculptured in these caves. Unfortunately, very little is known of the legendry life of him. According to the Parsvanatha Charita of Bhavadeva Suri, a mediaeval work of the 13th century A. D., Parsvanatha was the son of king Asvasena of Banaras. During his youth, the town of Kushasthala (Kannauj) was besieged by the Yavana 'king of Kalinga with a view to the forcible abduction of its beautiful princess Prabhavati. It was relieved by Parsva, who drove away the Yavana and as a reward was given the princess in marriage. Subsequently, Parsva one day saw on a wall of the palace a picture of Neminatha, another Jaina saint, engaged in ascetic practices 1. Ses supra Ch. III, pp. 116-121. For Personal & Private Use Only

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384 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA and reflecting that Neminatha had taken the vow in early life, he also decided to abandon the world forthwith and became an ascetic. In the course of his preaching tour, he visited Paundra, Tamralipta and Nagpuri, where many became his disciples, and finally he attained nirvana on mount Sammeta-shikhara which has been identified with the modern Parsvanatha hill in Bihar. The Kalpasutra, a work of about the fifth century A. D., contains no reference to the seige and relief of Kusasthala or to the names of places visited by Parsva, but otherwise it agrees with the mediaeval accounts. . . The mediaeval Jaina legends thus connect Parsva with Eastern India, including Kalinga. May we presume then that the reliefs in the Rani Gumpha depict the episodes of Parsvanatha's marriage and renunciation ? If so, the elephant scene would be associated with Orissa, the country of the Raja of Kalinga, who, in the next scene, abducts the princess Prabhavati ; in the fourth scene the princess is rescued by Parava while hunting in a forest ; the following scene depicts the wedding feast; the seventh, the consummation of marriage ; and the eighth, a march with elephants. Similarly, the friezes in the lower wing may represent Parsva as a Tirthankara, his wanderings and the honours shown to him, for it is but natural that Jainas would have carved episodes of the life of their venerable saint in their caves. The Ganesa Cave. Other monasteries on this site, treated in much the same manner as the preceding but simpler in formation, are the Ganesa and the Jayavijaya. The former displays 1. The Editor of the Distt. Gaz., Puri, ascribes these episodes to the life of Rama, the hero of Ramayana, For Personal & Private Use Only

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CAVE ARCHITECTURE IN ORISSA 385 several interesting features. It is excavated in a ledge, terrace of the rock, the exterior consisting of a columned verandah, some 30 ft. wide and 6 ft. in depth and approached by steps flanked with figures of elephants. This scheme of sculpturing animal guardians at the entrance of a rock-cut hall appears here for the first time, but it was afterwards developed with considerable effect in the Brahmanical temples excavated much later at Ellora and Elephanta with the elephants however replaced by lions. The pillars forming the facades of the Ganesa Gumpla were originally five in number and are of a type frequently found in this group, the shafts being square above and below but octagonal in the centre, with a figured bracket at the top to support the overhanging cornice. At each end of the facade is projected a pilaster in antis, now, however, repeating the conventional design of the pillars, but boldly carved in the shape of a figure-doorkeeper, armed with a huge spear, and above him is a kneeling humped bull forming capital to the pilaster. The Jayavijaya Cave It is an upper-storey cave facing south. Unlike the Rani Gumpha, the upper storey is situated just over the lower one. It consists of two rooms of unequal dimensions with a verandah and a terrace in front. The space between the semi-circular archbands over the two doorways contain bas reliefs. The central spandril shows a holy tree (banyan ?) enclosed within railing being worshipped. The arches are as usual relieved with floral designs issuing from the mouths of makuras. The Bagh Gumpha A few of the single cells of this group are of a very primitive character and one known as the Bagh Gumpha or 49 For Personal & Private Use Only

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386 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA the Tiger Caye is a fanciful production indicative of somewhat morbid imagination. Carved out of a shoulder of the rock projecting from the hill-side, the exterior is shaped like the mask of a tiger, the ante chamber simulating the gaping mount, and the cell door within this, the gullet. On the door jambs, which slope inwards are pilasters with winged creatures as capitals and pots for bases. The interior consists of a room only 3} ft. high, but some 6 ft. deep and nearly 8 ft. wide. Over the doorway is an inscription stating that it was the abode of an anchorite named Sabhuti, who, reclining in this narrow cell resembling a tiger's maw, seems to have passed his life literally in the jaws of death. The Serpent Cave The other is the Sarpa Gumpha or the Serpent Cave. It faces towards east. It derives its name from the circumstance of the rock over the verandah being carved to resemble the head of a serpent with three hoods. It consists of a small single cell. It was got excavated by two persons named Karma and Halakshina, probably, husband and wife. Serpent is an emblem of Parsva, and this cave too may be ascribed to him. There are many other small caves, but of little importance. (A) State of Sculpture and Architecture The architects of Orissa had attained considerable excellence at the time when these rock-dwellings were excavated. The friezes we meet here are not the results of first essays at sculpture---mere outlines of a symbolic For Personal & Private Use Only

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CAVE ARCHITECTURE IN ORISSA 387 character, but regular walks of art, rude though they be, evincing much technical knowledge and sufficient mastery to give shape to life and feelings. There is however a want of finish and fineness in chiseling, but there is no lack of vigorous action delineated in every limb. Long ages of neglect and decay have defaced the figures as we see them now, yet it is not difficult to percieve that their conception and execution, their grouping and disposition, their drapery and ornaments were such as men, theoretically and practically, familiar with sculpture for a long time could execute. Faces are shown in the bas reliefs in every position-full face, three-quarter face, half face and in each the eyes are chiselled in their natural position and not, as in ancient Egypt, in full on a profile face. The definite quantitative relations of the different members of the body are generally well preserved, no inharmonious dimensions offend the eye, no poverty of lines disgust the feeling, no copying or imitative style betrays the symbolic stiffness and lifelessness of ancient Egypt and Persia ; every feature, every contour, every joint bears the stamp of the independent workman exerting himself to produce pleasing combination of grace and form, and to imitate nature to the best of his ability. The architectural features of the more developed monasteries 'consist in the facades of pillared verandah and the cells. In the treatment of the former, most of the pillars have simple square shafts with brcket.capitals, some of the bracket-forms being of a very special character. For instance, in the Rani Gumpha, there is a bracket of a very primitive order, not unlike the curved branch of a tree. On the other hand, in the Manchapuri Cave, the portico pillars support intricately cnrved struts made up of figures riding hippogryphs and other compositions of a similarly For Personal & Private Use Only

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388 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA fanciful nature. It may be noted that this forin of bracket is the prototype of those which are a prominent feature of the Brahmanical rockcut temples at Badami in Dharwar produced at least six centuries later. A distinctive element in all the early rock-cut Viharas is the arcading which decorates the walls and which, in the Orissan examples, is of an exclusive kind. Instead of being of the horse-shoe variety, the arches of the arcades are almost invariably semi-circular and their lower ends, corresponding to the springer of a true arch, are expanded to enable them to be supported on pilasters. These pilasters have capitals formed of pairs of recumbent animals and a number of them have vase bases. Another feature of the Orissan Viharas is a ledge or podium carved like a continuous, bench around certain of the compartments. Here is seen a sloping back-rest, which, in a more developed and highly decorated form, became prominent in the temples of Central and Western India of the early Mediaeval period. The cells comprising the interiors are not square as in most of the other Vibaras but oblong in plan and some are long chambers entered by several doors, in shape more like dormitories than single rooms. In place of a stone bed, differentiating the early type of cell, the floor in each compartment is sloped so as to form a couch, and as in many instances the height of the room is only 4 ft. These can only have been intended for sleeping. The columns which support the verandah are mainly primitive in style. They are usually square above and below, and octagonal in the middle. In every primitive types, they are frustums of pyramids having a square section and resting on a thin base or without base at all. For Personal & Private Use Only

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389 CAVE ARCHITECTURE IN ORISSA Elaborate pillars are noticed in the caves on the Khandagiri. The arrises of the pillars are not straight lines. They are rather gentle curves. Stop-chamfering is noticeable where the intermediate octagonal portion ends. From these columns, brackets protrude forward carrying the ceilings. On these are carved the figures of women with swelling bosoms and retreating heads. The brackets are carved and hollowed out in the centre and are at right angles to the facade of the caves. The roof of the verandah is usually lower than that of the ante-chamber. That the open courtyard and its overlooking terraces were specially designed for some spectacular kind of ceremonials seems fairly clear, and a clue to the form that it took is also provided.' For, around the walls of the upper storey in the Queen's cave, there is a long frieze consisting of figures engaged in a series of connected episodes of a distinctly dramatic character. As the same scenes are repeated in part, in one or more the other viharas on this site, they depict evidently some vivid epic (as has already been seen above) in the heroic age of the people. It may be inferred, therefore, that this arrangement of courtyard and terraces forming the Queen's cave consti. tuted' an open air theatre? in which the scenes depicted in the sculptured friezes around it were brought to life by being performed on festive occasions. If so, the peculiar formation of the Queen's cave is at once explained and its various parts fall into their proper place. Moreover, it is not difficult to picture the courtyard occupied by the actors in this drama, while seated on the terraces, like There is a reference to dramatic performaces in the Hathi. gumpha inscription of king Kharavela, 2. Just as the so-called Devil Danoes are celebrated in the monastry quadrangles of Tibet. For Personal & Private Use Only

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* 390 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA an amphitheatre with the high priest enthroned in the central position, would be closely grouped background of spectators--the whole forming a brilliant and moving pageant amidst the dark encircling groves." Zoology of the Caves Even to a careless observer of the caves, it will be at once apparent that the ancient sculptors had a knowledge of the physiognomy of a large variety of animals and birds some of which are quite unknown in Orissa. This knowledge was based partly on an actual and keen observation of animals and partly on convention. The representation of elephant in the caves is far more numerous than that of any other animal. The huge tusker has been depicted in various positions --crouching, standing, with uplifted trunk, 'carrying lotus in the trunk etc. Crouching elephants in the caves of a hill are seen represented both in the right and left wings of the Queen's cave. The figures of stray elephants taking shelter in a cave sculptured in the space between the arch-bands of the upper storey of the central wing of the Queen's cave are very significant. The scene describes the fight of an elephant with a man and a set of women with clubs and bludgeons. The two elephants, by which goddess Lakshmi in the tympanum of the Ananta cave is flanked, are nicely sculptured and deserve special notice. The figures of elephants holding garlands of lotus, rather bunches of lotus-buds with stalks and a central full-blown lotus, on the two sides of the flight of steps leading to the verandah in the Ganesa cave seem to have been copied from nature. The base-reliefs of elephant scenes in the Ganesa cave are important. Three warriors, two males 1. Peroy Brown, Indian Architecture, p. 37. For Personal & Private Use Only

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CAVE ARCHITECTURE IN ORISSA 391 and one amazon, riding on an elephant followed by four kilted warriors are sure to strike the attention of an observer. The tops of the doorways are seen in many cases provided with semi-circular arch-bands. These are connected together by horizontal friezes starting from the springing points where are usually noticed the figures of elephants, lions and deer from whose mouth issue the scroll works (cf. the Queen's cave) decorating the semicircular arch-bands. The monkey was a very favourite subject with the sculptors. We come across representations of him in the Queen's cave. Two monkeys have been represented as looking at a snake pursuing them. The monkey scenes sculptured in the Stupa of Bharhut are more numerous than those noticed here. The representations at Bharhut, according to Cunningham, are in various aspects both serious as well as humorous, and in this connection, the capture of elephants by monkeys leading them in triumphal procession and the turning of a monkey into an ascetic are worth noticing. The horse has not been lost sight of by the sculptors. A well caprisoned horse provided with a saddle is noticed over the horizontal band and the interval between the semi-circular arch band of the lower storey of the central wing in the Queen's cave. The horse is without stirrup. It has been very faithfully sculptured. The horse accompanying the hunter (or a king) in the well-known hunt scene too is worth noticing. The animal has also been represented as an emblem of Lord Sambhavanatha in the cave of Sataghara. 1. Stupas of Bharhut. For Personal & Private Use Only

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392 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA The flying buck or fallow-deer, with her fawns struck with an arrow still sticking to her side, is nicely depicted in the hunt scene in the upper storey of the Queen's cave. At Amaravati? too are noticed figures of spotted deer worshipping the sacred bodhi tree. The bull is noticed as an emblem of Lord Rishabhadeva in the Sataghara cave on, the Khandagiri. In the Queen's cave is seen a female figure, probably a guard, bestriding a bull. Dogs have also been noticed in the bas relief on the abduction scene sculptured in the Queen's cave. The lidn, goose, peacock, sheep, fish, tortoise and snake--all are emblems of the Jaina Tirthankaras and are sculptured in the caves here. The makara or the mythological monster, commonly noticed in the Buddhist stupas of Bharhut and Amaravati, is also noticed here in the Ganesa cave in the horizontal portion of the bands in which the semi-circular arch bands surmounting thc tympana terminate. Vegitable and Flora The representation of vegitable anil floral designs is also very rich. Creepers of graceful curves with buds or full-blown flowers have been largely depicted in the arch. bands surmounting the door openings. In the curves of continuous and contrary flexures, the principle of gradation and contrast has been skilfully illustrated. In many instances, however, the creepers have been conventionally represented as in arch bands of the Jaya vijaya and the Queen's cave. This conventionalism is noticed in the carvings at Sanchi. 1. Burgess-The Buddhist Stupas of Amaravati and Saggyyapeta, p. 60, fig. 13, For Personal & Private Use Only

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CAVE ARCHITECTURE IN ORISSA 393 The trees, representations of which occur frequently in the friezes, have usually been delineated as laden with fruits, but their branches are not so natural as the trunks, which are noticed in some caves as knotty aad shaky as obtained in nature. The fruits with which the trees are laden have been most unnaturally depicted. And, this defect is not only noticeable here, but is flagrant in aiinost all other representations either in stone or on canvas. This has become rather conventional. The creepers represented in the arch bands referred to above are also in many cases laden with fruits which are often plantains and mangoes. The former is noticed largely represented. The delineations of fruits representing custard apple and jack fruit or pine apple are noticeable in the friezes depicting the hunt of wild elephants in the Queen's cave. The lotus is seen, in this early period of history, in various forms of decoration as buds, full blown flowers, in garlands, rosettes, half disc etc. This device has been so abundantly worked out that it had already become conventional, as the representation of rows of lotus stalks terminating in a full-blown flower sculptured in the arch bands indicates. However, a faithful accuracy in the delineation of this floral design is noticed. As an illustration of this, lots of instances may be cited from the Rani, Ganesh, Jayavijnya caves. Excavation and Drainage It can be easily imagined how tedius a process it was to blow up the rock before the invention of explosives. Happily for the architects, the rocks are of gritty sandstone, soft and porous in texture and admit of easy excavations. The caves have usually been excavated with a gentle slope away from the main rock, thereby 50 For Personal & Private Use Only

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394 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA ensuing effective drainage. Weep-holes have been provided in cases where there is a chance of landslip in consequence of the rain water percolating through the surface and collecting in the soil below. Princep? remarked : "...the ingenious method which has been adopted to drain the chamber, which, from the porous nature of the stone would otherwise have dripped in wet weather, small grooves are cut along the ceilings all-verging to one point at the lower corner, where a perforation is made to conduct the water without." Resume The productions at Khandagiri are coursely rendered and not of a high standard of design or workmanship. Moreover, they seem to have been an end in themselves, as except in the few details referred to, they led to no further development, their forms died early in the Christian era leaving no heritage. On the other hand, this Orissa rock architecture has every appearance of being a final copy, or the last stage of it cultural move. ment which at one time had no little significance, a method of expression strictlty regional, but of profound and moving character. What is left merely represents in its decay. All these monastic retreats, once the focus of a religious and spiritual life, eventful and active, have now been deserted for many centuries and until recently had become the abode of wandering fakirs, people of the jungle and even wild animals. But the picture they presented in the days of their pride, when they were the home of a large ecclesiastical community, is not difficult to visualize. 1, JASB, Vol. XVI, p. 1079. For Personal & Private Use Only

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APPENDIX A HATHIGUMPHA CAVE INSCRIPTION OF KHARAVELA Text L. 1. [Crown] [Svastika]' namo arahaMtAnaM [0] namo sava sidhAnaM [1] aireNa mahArAjena mahAmeghavAhanena ceti-rAna va[]savadhanena pasatha-subha-lakhanena' caturaMta-luThaNa]-guNa-upitena* kaliMgAdhipatinA siri-khAravelena 1. 2. [paMdarasa-vasAni sIri [kaDAra]-sarIra-vatA kIDitA kumAra koDikA [I] tato lekha-rUpa-gaNanA-vavahAra-vidhi-visAradena savavijAvadAtena nava-vasAni yovarana [pa]sAsitaM [u] saMpuNa catuvIsati-vaso tadAni vadhamAna-sesayo-venAbhivinayo tatiye L. 3. kaliMga-rAna-base purisa-yuge mahArAjAbhisecana pApunAti [1] abhisitamato ca padhame vase vAta-vihata-gopura-pAkAra-nivesanaM paTisaMkhArayati kaliMga nagarikhibIra] [0] sitala-tar3Aga pADiyo ca baMdhApayati sadhyAna-pa[Ti]saMthapanaM ca . __In the margin of lines 2, 4 & 5. 2. Some read ceta / ceti - cedi and ceta - caidya / 3. Barua: lakhaNena / 4. Barua : 0guNa-upetena; Jayaswal : 0luThitaguNopahitena / 5. Barua : vdhmaan-sesyovnaabhivijyo| 6. Jayswal : mAhA0 / 7. Jayaswal & Banerji separate khibIra from kaliMganagari and read khibIra-isitAla-tar3Aga / For Personal & Private Use Only

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396 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA 'L. 4. kArayati panati [si ?]sAhi sata-sahasehi pakatiyo ca raMjayati [1] dutiye ca vase acitayitA sAtakani pachima-disaM haya-gaja-nasradha-bahulaM daMDaM paThApayati [I] kanhaveMNA -gatAya ca senAya vitAsiti asikanagaraM [1] tatiye puna vase I b. gaMdhava-veda-vudho dapa-nata-gIta-vAdita-saMdasanAhi usava-samAja kArApanAhi ca kIr3Apayati nagariM [1] tathA cavuthe vase vijAdharAdhivAsaM ahatapuvaM kaliMga[]-puva-rAja-[nivesitaM] - - - - - - vitadha-mukuTi]" . . . . . . ca nikhita-chata[?]L. 6. bhiMgAre [hi]ta-ratana-sapateye sava-raThika-bhojake pAde vaMdApayati [I] paMcame ca dAnI vase naMdarAja-ti-vasa-sata-oghA]TitaM tanasuliya-vATA paNADi nagaraM pavesa[ya]ti so - . . . . - [0] [abhisito ca [chaThe vase] rAjaseyaM 12 saMdaMsayaMto savakara-vaNa-13 L. 7. anugaha-anekAni sata-sahasAni visanati pora-jAnapadaM [1] satamaM ca vasaM pasA]sato vajiraghara---.15 sa matuka-pada 8. Jayaswal & Banerji : kanha0 / 9. Jayaswal : vitAsitaM / 10. Jayaswal & Banerji : musika0 / 11. Barua : mukutte| The following alesheerles which are indistinct are read by Jayaswal & Banerji : savilaMDhite, and by Barua : savipravajite / 12. Jayaswal, rAjasuyaM / 13. The reading & interpretation of the closing part of ___ these lines are doubtful (D. C. Sircar) 14. Barua : satame ca vase (a)s-sto| 15. Barua : vajiraghara-khatiya-sata-ghaTani-samataka-padaSanaM saMtipada ....; Jayaswal : 0gharavati-ghusita-gharini sa mtuk-pd-puNg-....| The readings are doubtful and the theory of Kharavela's wife of the Vajiraghara family is problemtic. For Personal & Private Use Only

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APPENDIX 397 --... - [ku]ma - ..... 16 [0] aThame ca vase mahatA sena[] -... - - goradhagiri L. 8. ghAtApayitA rAjagaha upapor3apayati []] etina[[] ca kaMmapadAna sa[]nAdena - - - - - - sena-vAhane viSamucituM madhuraM apayAto yavanarAni] [Dimita ?] - - - - - - yachati - - - - - - palava L. 9. kaparUkhe haya-gana-ratha saha mati sava dharAvAsa - - - - - 21 sava gahaNaM ca kArayituM brahmaNAnaM ja[ya] * parihAraM dadAti [1] arahata - - - - - - [navame ca vase] - . . . . . . L. 10. ... ... 23 mahAvijaya-pAsAdaM kArayati aThatisAya sata sahasehi [ // ] dasame ca vase daMDa-saMdhI-sA[mamayo] [?]25 ___16. Princep and Cunningham : svt-khdpn-nrp| All the readings are problematical. The account of the achieve ments of the 7th year is thus doubtful. 17. Princep: rAjagabhaM upapIDayati ; Cunningham : rAjagaMbhu upapIDayati ; Indraji : rAjagahanapaM pIDApayati which according to Sten Konow is not impossible. 18. Princep: paMbAta ; Jayaswal : saMbita ; Barua : pabaMta / 19. Sten Konow : ddimit| The reading yavanarAja is clear, but dimita or Dimita is doubtful. 20. Barua : yaM(ti); Indraji : saha-yata ; Jayaswal . sh-yNte| 21. Princep : gharavasapa ; Cunningham : gharavasaya-anatikagavaya; Indraji : gharavasaghaM ; Jayaswal : dharAvAsaparivesane agiNAthiyA / 22. Princep : jata0; Jayaswal jAtiH / 23. Barua : vasuvijaya (L. 9) te ubhaya praci taTe rAjanivAsaM ; Jayaswal; mAnatirAja-saMnivAsaM / 24. Jayaswal : mahAvijayaM / 25. Cunningham : dtibhisrH| The reading is doubtful. For Personal & Private Use Only

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398 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA bharadhavasa-paThA[?]naM maha[]jayanaM [?]26 - - - - - kArApayati [1] ekAdasame ca vase] - - - - - - pa[[]yAtAnaM ca mani]-ratanAni upalabhate [?] L. 11. . . . - purva rAna-nivesitaM28 pIeMDa gadabha-naMgalena kAsayati [1] jana[pa]da-bhAvanaM ca terasa-vasa-sata-kataM bhi[]dati miradaha[?]-saMghAtaM [1] bArasame ca vase - - - ... 31 [saha]sehi vitAsayati utarApadha-rAnAno - - - - - - L. 12. ma[]gadhAnaM ca vipulaM bhayaM janeto hathasaM gaMgAya' paayyti|] ma[ga]dha["] ca rAjAnaM bahasatimitaM pAde vaMdApayati [0] naMdarAja-nItaM ca kA[liga-jinaM 3 saMnivesa - . . . . . 34 aMga-magadha-vasuM ca nayati [1] L. 13. - - - - - - [ka]["] jaThara-lakhila-gopu]rANi siharANi nive sayati sata-visikanaM [pa]rihArehi [1] abhutamachariyaM ca hathI26. Cunningham : mahayana / 27. The record of the 10th year cannot be made out. 28. Jayaswal : maM DaM avarAja-nivesitaM; Barua puvarAja-nivasitaM pithuDaga-dabha nagale nekAsayayi, "viz. caused the grassy overgrowth of Prithudaka (city). founded by a former king, to be let out in the Langala (river)". 29. Jayaswal : satikaM abhiH / 30. Indraji : tamara-deha-saMghAtaM, Jayasual : tramiradeSasaMghAtaM viz. Confederacy of the Tamil countries. 31. Barua suggests sivakAnaM / / 32. Jayaswal : hthii-sugNgiiy(|) pAyayati / 33. Barua : naMdarAja-jitaM ca kaliMgajana-saMnivesaM / 34. Indraji : gaha-ratana-parihArehi ; Jayaswal : 0paDIhArehi : Barua : kitv-ny-nipunehi| For Personal & Private Use Only

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APPENDIX 399 nivA[sa]35 parihara - - - - - - haya-hathi-ratana [mAnikaM] paMDarAjA ..... - muti]-mani-ratanAni AharApayati idha sata[sahasAni] L. 14. -... - sino vasIkaroti [I] terasame ca vase supavata-vijaya cake kumArIpavate arahate hi pakhina-saM[si]tehi kAyanisIdiyAya yApUnAvakehi rAjamitini38 cinavatAni vAsa[][si]tAni pUjAnurata-uvA[saga-khA]-ravelasirinA jIvadeha [sayikA'" parikhAtA [1] L. 15. -... - - - sakata-samaNa suvihitAnaM ca sava-disAna anina[1] tapasi i[si] na45 saMghiyanaM arahatanisIdiyA-samIpe pAbhAre varAkAra-samuthApitAhi anekayojanA-hitAhi - - - - - silAhi -.-... 47...... 48 35. Princep : hathinavuna : Cunningham : hathi-navena ; Barua : hathi naav-(tN)| 36. Barua : kayya Skt. kalya Pali kll)| 37. Princep : yApuhavakehi ; Cunningham : yApujavehiH Jayaswal: yApanakehi / 38. Barua : bhItinaM / 39. Pali : cinnavatAnaM / 40. Barua vasAsitAnaM / 41. Barua : pUjAya rata / 42. Princep : ji--deta ; Cunningham : jivimaka : Jayaswal : sirikA ; Barua : syikaa|| 43. Princep & Cunningham : rikhita ; Barua : prikhaataa| 44. Jayasival : sata / 45. Cunningham : simapusa ; Barua : (sm)psi(nN)| 46. Barun : pakva sisehi sata (sahasA)hi silAhi / 47. Princep : sapapa ; Cunn : bhagapa ; Jayaswal : siMhapatha ; Barua : sipaja / / 48. Princep : sapapatha-dharasi-dhanasya ; Jayaswal : 0rajI sidhulAya nisayAni ; Barua : abha(ni)vadhasathAnA(sa)nAni / For Personal & Private Use Only

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400 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA L. 16. ...... 49catare ca veDuriya-gabhe thaMbhe patiThApayati pAnatarIya sata-sahasehi [0] mukhiya-kala-vochina ca coya[Thi]aMga' saMtika[]* turiyaM upAdayati []] khema-rAjA sa vaDharAnA sa bhikhu-rAjA dhama-rAjA pasaMto] suna[to] anubhava[to] kalAnAni L. 17. ----guNa-visesa-kusalo sava-pAsaMDa-pUjako sava-de[vAya]tana-sakAra kArako apatihata-caka-56-vAhanalo cakadharo' gutacako pavatacako rAjasivasU-kula-vinizrito mahAvijayo rAjA khAravela faft [W] (Branched tree vithin railing). 49. Princep : pahalake ; Cunningham & Indraji : paTAlake; Jayaswal pttlko| 50. Princep : --- riya ; Cunningham : ---ya; Indraji & Sten Konow : muriya; Barua : (ma) khiya. There seems to be no reference to any maurya-Kala or Maurya era. 51. Fleet & Indraji : kAla ; Cunningham kala, supported by Barua. 52. Barua : vaachine| 53. Princep : ca coyatha agi; Cunningham : ca ceyaDha age; Indraji : ca coyatha age; Barua : ca coyaDha aNge| 54. Princep & Cunningham : satika ; Indraji : satiku; Sten Konow : satikaM / 55. Barua : vadha / 56. Jayaswal : afat 57. Jayasival : cakadhura 58. Barua: rAjisi-vaMsa-kula; Cunningham: vinigata For Personal & Private Use Only

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APPENDIX B MANCHAPURI CAVE INSCRIPTION OF THE CHIEF QUEEN OF KHARAVELA Text. L. 1. arahaMta pasAdAya' kaliMgAna] [sama]nAnaM lenaM kAritaM [0] rAjino lalAka(sa) L. 2. hathisi]hasa papotasa dhutu]nA[yA?] kaliMga cakivatino siri khAravelasa L. 3. agamahisi[ya] [kAztiM] [1] APPENDIX C MANCHAPURI CAVE INSCRIPTION OF VAKRADEVAS Text airasa' mahArAjasa kali[]gAdhipatino mAhA meghavAha[nasa] [va]kadepa-sIrIno lena[] [1] 1. Indraji : 0sAhAnaM; Banerji : sAhasa / 2. Indraji: nasAdAya / 3. The king's name is sometimes read Kudepa or Kadampa. Another record in the cave refers to a Kumara named Vadukha (Luders no. 1348). 4. Some read verasa ; Banerji : kharasa. But the use of the same word in line 1 of the Hathigumpha text suggests that it is connected with the name of the family. 51 For Personal & Private Use Only

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BIBLIOGRAPHY Original Sources Brahmanical Works Rig Veda Linga Purana Atharva Veda Markandeya Purana . Aitareya Brahmana Padma Purana Satapatha Brahmana Siva Purana Taittiriya Aranyaka Skanda Purana Brihadaranyaka Vatsa Purana Upanishad Vayu Purana Kaushitaki * Vishnu Purana Saikhayana Sutra Panini's Ashtadhyayi Baudhayana Sutra Kautilya Arthasastra Manu Smtiti Patanjali's Mababhashya Gautama Smriti Brihat Samhita Vasishtha Smtiti Mani Mekhalai Yajnavalkya Smtiti Kumara Sambhava Ramayana Raghuvamsa Mahabharata Harsha Charita Agni Purana Karpura Manjari Bhagawata Purana Mudra Rakshasa Brahma Purana Viddhasalabhanjika Brahmanda Purana Kathasaritasagara Ekamra Purana Jalhana's Suktimuktavali Garuda Purana Yuktikalpataru Harivamsa Purana Nitiprakasika Kurma Purana Prataparudriya Anguttara Nikaya Majjhima Nikaya Buddhist Works Digha Nikaya Mahagovinda Suttanta For Personal & Private Use Only

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BIBLIOGRAPHY 403 Suttanipata Sumangala Vilasini Mabavamsa Mahavastu Dipavamsa Lalitavistara Chulavamsa Bodhisattvavadana Bodhivamsa Kalpalata Jata kas Divyavadana Milindapanha Papancha Sudani Dhaminapadattha Katha Mahabodhivamsa Paramattha Jotika Juina Works Suyagadanga Nisitha Churni Bhagawati Sutra Avasyaka Churni Nayad hammakaha Himavanta Theravali Anuttrovavaiya Tilakama njari Niryavaliyao Mahapurana by Jinasena Jambulivapannatti Parsvanatha Charita of Uttaradhayana Sutra Bhavadeva Boihatkalpa Sutra Nayakumara Charita Avasyaka Niryukti Parisishta parvani Ogha Niryukti Bhasliya Hemachandra's Vtihatyritti Vyava bara Bhashya General Works A. A. Macdonell & A. B. Keith-Vedic Index, London 1912. A. Cunningham-Ancient Geography of India, (Ed. S. N. Majumdar) Calcutta, 1924. ---Coins of Ancient India, London, 1891. ---Stupas of Bharhut, London, 1897. A. K. Coomarswamy-History of Indian and Indonesian Art, London, 1927. Amar Chand Mittal ---Hastinapura, Banaras, 1951. - Mahavira , 1953. A. S. Thomas-- The Rivers of Orissa, Calcutta. 1905. For Personal & Private Use Only

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404 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA B. A. Saletore--The wild Tribes in Indian History, Lahore, 1935. B. C. Law--Geography of Early Buddhism, London, 1932. - Memorial Volume -- Tribes in Ancient India, Poona, 1943. - Geographical Essays, Pt. I, 1937. -Some Kshatriya Tribes in Ancient India, Cal., 1924. , --India As Described in Early Texts of Buddhism and Jainism, London, 1941. B. C. Majumdar--Orissa in the Making, 1925. B. D. Dutt-Town Planning in Ancient India, Cal., 1925. B. M. Barua-Asoka and His Inscriptions, Cal., 1946. -Inscriptions of Asoka, Cal., 1934. -Bharhut, 2 Vols, 1934. , ---Old Brahmi Inscriptions, Cal., 1929. , - Gaya and Buddha Gaya, 1934. B. Misra--Orissa Under the Bhauma Kings. Bool Chand --Jainism in Kalingadesa, Banaras, 1946. 1 - Jainism in Indian History, Banaras, 1946. ,, -Mahavira, Banaras, 1948. Bose and Sen-Excavations in Vayurbhanj, Cal., 1948. Burkill--South Africa's Past in Stone and Paint, 1928. Burnell-Elements of South Indian Palaeography, 1878. Burgess--The Buddhist Stupas of Amaravati and Jaggyapeta. B. Krishnarao-Early Dynasties of the Andhradesa, Madras, 1942. Caldwell-Comparative Grammar of the Dravidian Language, 1913. Carmichael-An Account of the Vizagapatam District, Madras, 1867. Dalsukh D. Malvania-Jainagama, Banaras, 1946. For Personal & Private Use Only

Page #430
BIBLIOGRAPHY 405 D. B. Smith-Report on a Pilgrimage to Joggannath, 1858. D. C. Sircar-Select Inscriptions Bearing on Indian History and Civilization, Vol. I, Cal., 1942. , -Successors of the Satavahanas, 1939. De Terra & Paterson-Studies in the Ice Age in India and Associated Hunan Cultures, Washington, 1939. D. R. Bhandarkar-Asoka, Cal., 1932. - Carmichael Lectures on Ancient Indian Numismatic, Calcutta, 1921. E. J. Rapson-Cambridge History of India, Vol. I, 1926. ---India Coins, Strassburg, 1897. -Indian Studies in Honour of C.R. Lanman, Cambridge, Mass, 1929. , -A Catalogue of Indian Coins in the British Museum (Andhra etc.), London, 1908. Fabore --Geographical Introduction to History. F. E. Pargiter ---Ancient Indian Historical Tradition, London, 1922. , -The Purana Texts of the Dynasties in the Kali Age, London, 1913. F. J. Richards-Geographical Factor in Indian Archaeology. G. Buhler, Indian Palaeography, Strassburg, 1896, G. E. Daniel--The Three Ages, 1943. G. N. Banerji-Hellinism in Ancient India. Gordon V. Childe ---What Happened in History. Grierson -- Linguistic Survey of India, Cal, 1927. G. Toynbee-A Sketch of Orissa from 1803 to 1828, Calcutta. H. C. Ray-Dynastic History of Northern India, 2 Vols. H, C. Raychaudhari-Political History of Ancient India, Cal., 1950. For Personal & Private Use Only

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406 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA Henry Morris-Descriptive and Historical Account of the Godavari District, London, 1878. Hiralal-Karkandu Charyu (Apabhramsa), 1931. H. K. Mahtab-History of Orissa, Lucknow, 1949. Hultzch-Inscriptions of Asoka, Oxford, 1925. Jacobi-- Jaina Sutras, SBE Series, Vols 21 - 45. J. C. Jain--Prachina Jaina Tirthi (Hindi), Banaras, 1952. ,, -Life in Ancient India as Depicted in Jaina Canons, Bombay, 1947. J. Coggin Brown -- Catalogue of Prehistoric Antiquities in the Indian Museum, Cal., 1917. J. Dubreuil -- Aucient History of the Deccan, Cal., 1921. J. Furgusson & J. Burguess-Cave Temples of India, London, 1880. Jagabandhu Simha-Prachina Utkala (Oriya). J. G. B. Clerk -- The Mesolithic Age in Britain, 1932. J. M. Macphail-Asoka, Calcutiil. J.N. Banerji -- The Development of Hindu Iconography, Cal, 1941. John Allan--Catalogue of Coins of Ancient India in the British Muscum, London, 1936. , - Catalogue of Coins of the Guptis in the British Museum John Evans-Ancient Stone Implements, Weapons, Orna ments of Great Britian. K.A.N. Sastri-Age of the Nandas and Mauryas, Banaras, 1953. , -The Pandya Kingdom. Kalyanvijaya--Vira Samvat aur Jaina-kala Ganana (Hindi). K.C. Mitra --Orissa, Past and Present, Cal, 1866. K.C. Panigrahi--Orissa Review, Monumental Special, 1919. K. Gopalachari--Early History of Andhra Country, Madras, 1941. For Personal & Private Use Only

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BIBLIOGRAPHY 407 K.P. Jayaswal-Hindu Polity, 2nd Edition, Bangalore, 1943 Kripasindhu Misra-Utkala Itihasa (Oriya). K.R. Subramanian--- Buddhist Remains in Andhra and the History of Andhra, 1932. Lasson and Cunningham-Bhilsa Topes. Leaky-Stone Age Africa, 1936. L.D. Barnett--Antiquities of India. Legge-Fahien. Lethaby-Architecture, Home University Library. L.N. Sahu-History of Orissa, Poona, 1946. -Hill Tribes of Jaypore, Orissa. L.S.S. O'Malley-District Gazeteer, Puri, 1908. McCrindle-Ancient India As Described by Ptolemy, 2 Vols. -Invasion of India by Alexander the Great, 1893. - Ancient India as Described in Classical Literature. , -India As Described by Ktesias and Kindian, Cal, 1888. , ---Ancient India as Described by Megasthenes, Lond, 1877. , -- The Commerce and Navigation of the Erythrean Sea, London, 1879. Malalasekhera - Dictionary of Pali Proper Names, 2 Vols, 1937. Manmohan Chakravarty-Notes on the Remains of Dhauli etc., 1903, Calcutta. M.N. Das-Glimpses of Kalinga History. M.M. Ganguli--Orissa and Her Remains, Cal, 1912. Mohd. Hamid Quraishi-Archaeological Monuments in Bihar and Orissa, Calcutta, 1931. N.G. Majumdar--Monuments of Sanchi. N.L. Dey-Geographical Dictionary of Ancient and Medieaval India, II Edition, 1871. For Personal & Private Use Only

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408 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA N.N. Ghosh-Early History of India, Allaha bad, 1948. N.R. Ray-Maurya and Sunga Art; Cal, 1945. P.C. Chakravarty--The Art of War in Ancient India, Dacca, 1941. Penzer-Ocean of Stories. P.K. Acharya--Dictionary of Hindu Architecture. Percy Brown-Indian Architecture, Bombay, 1942. Pliny--Natural History (Trans : Philemon Holland). P.N. Bose--Orissan Architecture. Ptolemy-Ancient India (Ed. S. N. Majumdar), 1927. Pyare Mohan Acharya-Utkala Itihasa (Oriya). Ray H. Whitebeck & Olive J. Thomas-Geographical Factor. R.B. Foote-Catalogue of Indian Prehistoric and Proto historic Antiquities, 1916. R.B. Pandey-Indian Palaeography, Banaras, 1953. R. B. Whitehead-Catalogue of Coins in the Punjab Museum, Lahore, Cal, 1875. . -Indo-Greek Coins, Oxford, 1914. R.C. Dutta - History of Indian Civilization. R.C. Majumdar-Vedic Age, 1951. , -The Age of Imperial Unity, 1951. R.D. Banerji --History of Orissa, Vol. I., 1951. R. G. Basak-- History oi North Eastern India. R. G. Bhandarkar-Early History of Deccan, 1928. Rhys Davids-Buddhist India, London, 1903. Rice-Mysore and Coorg in Inscriptions. R. K. Mookerji-Chandragupta Maurya and His Times, 1952. -Asoka, London, 1928. - Men and Thought in Ancient India, London, 1924. R. L. Mitra -Antiquities of Orissa, 2 Vols, Calcutta, 1875. For Personal & Private Use Only

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BIBLIOGRAPHY 409 Rogers--Tuzuk, 2 Vols. R. S. Tripathi - Vikrama Volume. Sandford-Palaeolithic Man and the Nile Valley in Upper and Middle Egypt, 1934. S. Beal-Life of Hiuen Tsang. -Buddhist Records of the Western World. , -Fahien. Schoff ---- Periplus of the Erythrean Sea. S. C. Mitra-On a Curious Cult of Orissa, 1934. S. C. Ray-The Hill Bhuiyas of Orissa, Ranchi 1935. S. Levi--Pre-Aryan and Pre-Dravidian, S. K. Chatterji-The Origin and Development of the Bengali Language. S. K. Iyanger--Ancient India and South Indian History and Culture, Vol. I, 1941. , -Mani Mekhlai in its Historical Setting, London, 1928. S. P. Sharma-Three Years in Orissa, Cal., 1942. Stuart Piggot-Prehistoric India, 1950. Sushil - Kalinga nu Yuddha (Gujarati). S. K. Iyangar - Beginnings of South Indian History, Mad., 1918. T. Watters-On Yuan Chwang's Travels in Ancient India. U. N. Ghoshal - History of Hindu Revenue System, Cal., 1929. V. A. Smith-Asoka, Oxfird, 1920. , -Early History of India, 1924. , --Catalogue of the Coins in the Indian Museum, Calcutta, Oxford, 1926. V. Ball- Jungle Life in India, 1880. Vinayak Misra---History of Oriya Language. V. R. R. Dikshitar -Mauryan Polity, Madras, 1922. V. S. Agarwal-India As Known to Panini, Lucknow, 1955, 52 For Personal & Private Use Only

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410 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA W. B. Brown-A Guide to the Principal Places of Interest in Orissa, Cuttack, 1900. W. N. Brown--The Story of Kalaka, Washington, 1933. W. W. Hunter-Orissa, 2 vols, 1880. W. W. Tarn-Greeks in Bactria and India, 1951. Journals Asiatic Researches. Ancient India (Bulletin of the Archaeological Survey of India). Annual Report, Archaological Survey of India. Antiquity. Acta Orientalia. Bulletin of American Institute for Iranian Art and Archaeo logy. Bharat Jyoti (Dated 9-1-1955, Bombay). Corpus Inscriptionum Iudicarum. District Gazetteers. Epigraphica Indica. Indian Antiquary. Imperial Gazetteer. Indian Historical Quarterly. Indian Culture. Illustrated London News (Dt. 4-10-1952.) International Oriental Congress Proceedings, Leidon, 1884. Journal of the Deccan College Research Institute. Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. Journal of the Andhra Historical Research Society. Journal of the Bihar and Orissa Research Society. Journal of the Orissa Historical Research Society. Journal of the Madras Geographical Association. Journal of the Indian Society of Oriental Art. Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Britain. Journal of the Numismatic Society of India. For Personal & Private Use Only

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BIBLIOGRAPHY 411 Journal of Indian History, Jain Antiquary. Jain Sahitya Samsodhak. (Hindi) Jain Siddhanta Bhaskar. (Hindi) Man. Modern Review, 1912. Nagpur University Journal. Patna College Magazine, 1913. Proceedings of India: Science Congress, (Prehistoric Section). Proceedings of the India History Congress. Proceelings of the All-Inlin Oriental Conference. For Personal & Private Use Only

Page #437
INDEX A Abbrevillis Acheulian 61 Abduction scene 381, 392 Abhichandra King] 260 Abhihala 308 Abhihara 184, 308, 309 Abhimanyu 97 Abhiras 231 Abhisheka 216, 283, 320 Abhivijaya 231 Ablution 102 Abode of gods 347 Abode of Vidyadhara 324 Aboriginal people 324 Aboriginal tribes 3 Absolute monarchy 179 Acharya P. 67, 68, 71 Acheulian 62 Acqueduct 7, 133, 134, 277, 280 Additional taxes 360 Adhimasa 211 Adhipati 264 Adhyakshas 185 Adjudicate 166 Admonitions 170 Adze 69 Adze axe 78 Aerial chariots 146 Africa 62 Agamas [Jaina] 285 Aggabodhi II [King] 116 Agnimitra 234 Agra 231 Agra-mahishi 313 Agrammes 122, 130 Ahalas 179 Ahichhatra 232, 234, 259 Ahimsa 161 Aida 88, 246, 256 Aikshvakus 132 Aila 84, 85, 83, 254, 256, 257, 260, 263, Aila dynasty 257 Aila race 86 Aila vamsa 321 Aileya list 260, 263 Aindra-mahabhisheka 283, 320 Aira 246, 254, 255 Airasa 254 Airayata 244 Airias 255 Airika 255 Airyaka 255 Aitareya Brahinana 13, 83, 267, 288, 320, 325 Aiya 256 Aiyangar [author] 140 Aiyer 256 Ajitanatha 145 Ajitarajajeta 129 Ajivaka 374 Akbar 365, 366 Akhyayaki 304 Akkalapundi Grant 40 Akrodbana 95 Akshara 282 Albiruni 134, 278 Alexandra 122, 131, 132,153, 248 Allahabad 269 Allahabad pillar inscription 231, 368 Allan John 234, 271 Allies 137 For Personal & Private Use Only

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INDEX 413 Alliteration 284 Alluvial 5, 7, 50, 66 Alluvium 4, 50, 53, 65, 68 Alphabet 111, 303, 304, 305 Alwar state 108 Amaracantaka 24, 34, 90, 114 Amara kosha 300, 301 Amaravati 35, 392 Amatyas 186, 194, 268 Amazon 391 Ambhi 153 Ambassador 182 Amita-tosala 29 Amitraglata 149 Amohini Votive Tablet 232 Amphitheatre 390 Amygdaloidal 54, 55, 59 Anan in Persia) 75 Ananda 113 Anantagumpha 377, 390 Anantashakti varman 27 Anantavarman Chodaganga - 24 Ananta varman 27 Anarudra 29 Anatomy 293 Anavas 87, 89 Anava reali 82 Ancestors 67, 80, 264 Anchor 12 Anchorite 372, 386 Ancient India, 110, 133, 237, 239, 244, 245, 356, 359 Ancient Orissa 332 Anderson [author] 76, 77 Andhau inscription 250 Andhra 3, 28, 35, 155, 230, 235, 253, 267 Andhras 41, 108, 160, 210, 225 Andhra-bhritya 235 Andhra kings 324 Andhra pradesh 7, 224 Andhra ruler 268 Andhra-Satavahana 245, 253, 267, 323, 357 Andhraka 272 Andika 289 Androkottos 341 Anga 82, 88, 89, 104, 110, 119, 243, 259, 361 Angas 103 Anga-Magadha 329, 331, 363 Angiras rishis 82 Angul 5, 47 Anguttara nikaya 110 Animal guardians 385 Animal products 358 Animation 292 Anjana-vasabha 112 Antaka 272 Anta-mahamatra 181, 188 Antapalas 178, 181, 206 Ante chamber 377, 386, 389 Antennae sword 77, 78 Anthropomorpbic figure 78 Antinolite schist 50 Antolu (Andhra) 29 Anu 87 Anubandhas 198 Anusamyana 174, 184, 211 Anvikshaki 304 Anvil 56, 58, 59 Anola 234 Aparanta 106 Aranatha 117 Aranyakas 82 Arattas 100, 103, 104 Arab 41 Arcades 388 Archaean 49, 53 Arch band 385, 390, 391, 392, 393 Archaeological Survey of India 48 For Personal & Private Use Only

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414 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA Archery 311 Architecture of India 371 Arcot 3, 24 Ardraka 272 Arhat 362 Arithmetic 303, 311 Arjuna 97, 231 Arjunayans 231 Arkad 324 Arkatpur 324 Army equipment 338 Army of Kalinga 341 Armies of Kharavela 345 Arrian 139, 342 Arrow symbol 143 Art and architecture 369 Art of building 370 Art tradition 222, 223 Art of writing 305, 310 Art of war 310, 311 Arthasastra 106, 180, 181, 182, 183, 184, 185, 186, 187, 189, 195, 197, 198, 199, 200, 203, 205, 223, 250, 254, 303, 304, 305, 305, 307, 308, 309, 311, 314, 336 Artifacts 44, 52, 55, 57, 62, 67 Artistic monuments 368 Arttani vishaya 31 Aruna 112, 115 Arya 254, 255, 256 Aryamanjusrimala kalpa 149 Aryan 4, 13, 14, 15, 16, 18, 75, 79, 88, 89, 103, 104, 119, 137, 138, 256, 267 Aryan genealogies 247 Aryaputra 169, 173 Aryaputra Viceroy 181 Aryavarta 139 Aryo-dravidian 255 Ascetic 112, 113, 120, 312, 357, 383, 38, 391 Asceticism 372 Asadhasena 269 Ashtad hyayi 104, 142, 223 Asia 1 Asika 322 Asikanagar 116, 322, 33 Asmakas :32 Asoka [charioteer7.98 Asck: [King] 6,29,128, 135, 138, 140, 1:6, 147, 148, 149, 150, 151, 152, 154, 155, 156, 157, 158, 160, 161, 162, 163, 164, 165, 166, 169, 170, 171, 172, 173, 174, 175, 176, 178, 179, 180, 182, 189, 190, 191, 192, 193, 194, 195, 196, 198, 199, 200, 202, 203, 204, 207, 208, 209, 210, 211, 213, 215, 216, 219, 221, 223, 224, 225, 243, 264, 270, 272, 279, 284, 302, 336, 337, 341, 343, 363, 364, 365, 366, 368, 369, 37.4 Asokan 129, 154, 189, 198 Asokan administration 202 Asokan age 217 Asokan edicis 200, 201, 217, 267, 285, 349 Asukan inscriptions 104, 128, 135, 180, 184, 218, 279 Asokan legend 302 Asokan monuments 220 Asokan script 283 Asokavadana 195 Assaka 112, 115 Assam 333 Assa pura 259 Asterism 215, 271 For Personal & Private Use Only

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INDEX 415 Astrologer 301 Astrology 108 Astronomy 311 Asura 90 Asva 94 Asvaka 110 Asvasena 117, 383 Atavi 195, 203, 204, 205, 210 Atavi country 210 Atavikas 207 Atavipalas 206 Atavirajya 209 Atavirakkhitas 206 Ataviya 205 Atavyas 209 Atharva Veda 250 Atthaka 113 Atthakulika 191 Auchathya 81 Audradesa 124 Austric 70 Avanti 103, 110, 172, 184, 200, 225 Avantis 103 Avasyaka Niryukti 118 Axe 69, 71, 76 Ayaranga sutra 251 Ayira 254 Ayodhya 87, 225, 232, 233 Ayu (Ayus) 86 Ayuktas 180, 187 Ayukta purushas 137 Ayutanayi 95 Azes 251 .' Azilises 251 Baidipur 43, 49 Baidyapur 68, 70, 71 Baked bricks 352 Bala 198 Balaghat 77 Balamitra 235, 273 Balaiana 90 Balasore 3, 21 Balasore district 30, 74 Baleya brahmanas 82 Baleya kshatra 82 Bali king] 81, 82, 88, 89, 97, 134, 256, 359 Bali pragraha 185 Balia na di 65 Balustrade 381 Banas [dynasty] 43 Banaras 261, 383 Banavasis (dynasty] 43 Banda district 65, 262 Bandhananitika 193 Banerji R. D. 15, 19, 23, 36, 48, 67, 68, 69, 71, 115, 127, 134, 144, 154, 158, 238, 246, 257, 265, 274, 278, 279, 281, 282, 298, 306, 307, 313, 318, 336 Bangidiposi hill 67 Bankipur 1!6 Bankura 19 Baragunda 76 Baranasi Katal a 35 Barbarians 93 Bar celt 77, 79 Bards 89, 99 Baripada 49, 68, 76 Bartol 77 Barua B. M. 123, 168, 171, 172, 174, 176, 179, 181, 18?, 196, 202, 203, 216, 220, 238, 240, 242, 244, 247, 248, 249, 250, 251, 254, 266, 273, 285, 295, B Badami 388 Badaon 234 Bagh gumpha 385 Baghelkhand 65, 210 Bahasatimitra 269, 329, 330, 331, 340, 360 For Personal & Private Use Only

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416 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA 298, 299, 300, 301, 307, 308, 309, 319, 324, 334, 335, 336, 341, 343, 347, 349, 365, 366, 369 Basel gravel 53 Bas reliefs 223, 292, 343, 377, 381, 383, 385, 387, 390 Bastar 3, 6, 42, 234, 316 Basti district 234 Battle axe 74, 99, 342 Baud state 37 Baudbayan dharma sutra 103, 137, 138 Bay of Bengal 4, 6, 10, 12, 14, 26, 34, 36 Beard shaving ceremony 304, 314 Beas (river) 131, 139 Belgium 47 Bengal 2, 7, 43, 104, 114, 115, 150, 155, 214, 229, 248, 330, 333 Bengali 16 Berar 92 Berar region 324, 332 Berbmapur Ganjam area 5 Besnagar 282, 289 Bezwada 6 Bhadalpur 144 Bhadiya 144 Bhadrachalam 141 Bhadra puram 144 Bhadilpur 144 Bhaga 359 Bhagalpur 82, 89 Bhagra pir 74, 76 Bhagwata 229 Bhagwata purana 272 Bhandarkar D. R. 158, 160, 168, 170, 172, 186, 209, 213, 216, 219, 250, 262, 272, 289, 308 Bhandarkar R. G. 268 Bhanumat 98 Bhanumitra 235, 273 Bharata (police officer] 107 Bharata 85, 95 Bharatvarsha 327, 330, 332 Bharata war 259 Bhargava rishi Usanas-sukra 87 Bhargavi river 12 Bharhut 223, 292, 293, 294, 352. 391 Bhatliprolu stupa 224 Bhatuabera 50 Bhauma dynasty 217 Bhauma kings 38 Bhavadeva suri 383 Bhavishya purana 253 Bherighosha 160 Bhauma 108 Bhikhuraja 244 Bhima 96, 99 Bhima [king] 109 Bhimasena 97, 98, 99 Bhima kratha 260 Bhima rattha 113 Bhishma 96 Bhishmaka 95 Bhoja 83 Bhojas 92, 160 Bhojakas 324, 325, 332, 360 Bhringaras 325 Bhuasni temple 351 Bhuasoni 51 Bhuila 234 Bhuiyas 13 Bhukti 39 Bhumijes 13 Bhuvaneswar 23, 28, 32, 145, 166, 237, 350, 371 Bichua 77 Biface 54, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 62 For Personal & Private Use Only

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INDEX 417 Bihar 2, 76, 79, 87, 89, 103, 146, 214, 326, 384 Bijapur 289 Bimbisara 142 Bindusara 149, 150, 154, 172, 175, 176 Bindusara Amitraghata 151 Binjhals 13 Birth star 197, 213, 215, 301 Bisauli hoard 97 Black buck 12 Black deer 103 Bluish igneous rock 51 Bludgeon 390 Bodhas 93 Bodhagaya 164, 235, 352 Bodhisattva 111, 113, 219 Bodhisattva avadana kalpa lata 111 Bodhi tree 392 Bombay 167 Borders 20, 153, 154 Borer 54 Bos 62 Boulder 47, 68, 69 Boucher 51, 52, 54, 55, 68, 237, 375 Bovine animal 73 Brabar hill 326, 329, 374 Brahmadatta 111 Brahma giri 149, 169 Brahmamitra 234, 273, 274 Brahmana 1.5, 82, 83, 100, 104, 109, 111, 112, 137, 138, 146, 256, 283, 285, 344, 355, 359, 365 Brahmanic 139. 141. 162. 220, 311, 321 Brahmanical 141, 357, 364, 385, 388 Brahmanism 138, 229, 365 Brahmani river 5, 8, 72 Brahmangaon 50 53 Brahmaputra 3 Brahmeswara inscription 40 Brahmeswara temple 351 Brahmi 202 Braisioi 122 Brihadratha 258 Brihaspati 108, 270, 271, 272, 273 Brihaspatimitra 226, 235, 265, 269, 270, 271, 272, 273, 274, 288 Brihaspatimitra I. 271, 272 Brihaspatimitra II. 271, 272 Brihatkathe 141 Brihatsamhita 107, 108 Btihaspati smriti 289 Brihatsvatimitra 235, 269, 273 British Museum 77 Brown J. C. 77 Budha 84, 85, 108, 256 Buddha 110, 111, 161, 162 198, 219, 220, 378 Buddhism 137, 161, 162, 163 Buddhist 83, 109, 110, 114, 120, 123, 130, 148, 162, 163, 176, 195, 214, 220, 223, 251, 260, 283, 311, 343, 364, 369, 392 Buddhaghosha 182, 194, 299. 306, 307 Buhler G. 183, 184, 216, 224, 238, 282, 305, 307, 308 Buila tel 234 Bundelkhand 65, 210, 260, 261 Burabelang river 5, 8, 49, 51, 52, 68 Burdwan 122, 349 Burkitt [author] 60 Burnell [author] 34 For Personal & Private Use Only

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418 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA Calcutta 10 Calcutta Museum 68, 71, 76 Calcutta University 254 Caldwell Dr. 34, 41 Calingae 19, 24, 33, 34, 152, 349 Calingon 123 Calingapatam 26 Campbell A. 77 Canarese language 18 Capital of Kalinga 349 Capital of Kharavela 349 Carllyle 65, 234 Caste, 3, 15 Caucasia 75 Cave architecture 370, 371 Celestials 101 Celt 68, 69, 70, 71, 74 Central Asia 105 Central India 14, 70, 230, 232, 332, 388. Central Kalinga 122, 315 Central Orissa 92 Central Uttara Pradesh 108 Ceremony of tonsure 303 Ceremony of victory 344, 357 Ceylon 14, 112, 114, 116, 148, 259, 295, 317 Ceylon chronicle 114 Ceylonese 139, 140 Ceylonese tradition 175 Chaidya 263 Chaidyas 258-260 Chaidyoparichara 258 Chakradeva 99 Chakradharpur 49 Chakrakotta 316 Chakrakotiya 316 Chakravarty M. M. 35 Chakravartin 33, 112, 113, 135, 258, 264, 279, 283, 320. Chalukya Chola 316 Chambal 146, 261, 292, 376, 378, 380. Champa 120, 245 Chanakya 131, 149, 150, 153 Chanda R.P. 238, 258, 282. Chanda district 316. Chandalas 178 Chandragupta Maurya 131, 134, 135, 136, 148, 149, 150, 151, 152, 153, 154, 170, 176, 203, 268, 278, 279, 280, 337, 341. Chandrasena 96 Chandratrayas 38 Chandravarman 27 Chapada 187 Charas 187 Charaka 197 Charanas 89 Chashtana 250 Chastise 209 Chastisement 330, 332 Chatterji S. K. 295 Chatgarh 33. Chatuhshashti kala 311 Chedis 97, 100, 236, 258-53, 352. Che-li-to-lo 20 Chetas 258, 261 Cheta dynasty 248, 258 Chetis 258, 260 Chetiya 261 Chetiya Jataka 259, 261 Chhattisgarh 22, 92, 93 Chhaya 378 Chheliadungri 50 Chhota Nagpur 22, 330. Chica cole 25, 26, 27, 120. Chidi [king] 260 Chikakole 5, 349 Chikati 26 Childers 300 For Personal & Private Use Only

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INDEX 419 68 Chilka lake 5, 10, 11, 12, 18, Comille Julian 4 20. Commentary 142, 188 Chinese 139 Commentator 103, 106, 137, Chipped stone 63 148 Chitrangada 95, 139 Condottiere 277 Chitratola 20 Confederacy 281, 328, 333 Choda 155 Conglomerata 50, 51, 53, 62, Choicest adjectives 366 Cholas 108, 149, 160 Conjeavaram 316 Chopper 54, 55, 56, 58, 59, 62 Conjoint rule 249, 250, 251 Chora-rajju 359 Conquest of Kharavela 322 Chora-rajjukas 183. Constellation 271 Christian era 219, 230, 269, Contour 52, 350, 387 273, 373, 394 Conventral life 372 Chronicles 148, 162 Convex 54, 55, 56, 58, 69, 70 Chronological order 374, 377 Copper age 74 Chronological scheme 264 Copper axe 74 Chudakarma 303 Copper hoard 75, 79, 80 Chiulla-kalinga 112, 113 Copper implements 78 Chulla-kalinga Jataka 115 Copper punch marked cions 116 356 Chunhu daro 78 Core industry 59 Citadel 351 Corn crusher 70 City administration 200, 202 Coronation of Kharavela 318 City judiciaries 171, 182 Coronets 324 City of Kalinga 346, 347, 348, Corporation 206 353 Cortical 55 City magistrate 198, 200, 202, Cotton cloth 343 336, 356 Couch 214, 388 Civil and Municipal Laws 307 Council of Ministers 181, Civilization 1, 2, 71, 80, 162, 188, 240 370 Country of Kalinga 353, 354, Clactonian 54, 59, 61 357, 358, 371 Clay rampart 287, 352 Coups-de-poing 60, 61 Cleaver 54, 56, 57, 58, 59, Courtyard 379, 389 60, 61 Crabs 12, 271 Cobden Ramsay 74 Crescent-on-hill symbol 143 Cochin 246 Criminal justice 183, 185 Coin 147, 344 Crown prince 194, 250, 252 Coin-mould 290, 356 303, 305, 312, 313, 377 Coinage 142, 303, 305 Cultivation 68, 142, 208 Column 173, 174, 389 Cult of Isvara 255 For Personal & Private Use Only

Page #445
420 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA Dasyus 14 D Cunningham, Sir John 19, 27, Dantavaktra fort 25 33, 35, 41, 123, 231, 233, Dark dolerite 50 234, 235, 238, 343, 376, Dasarnas 93, 94, 261 377, 379, 391 Currency 306 Dasyu race 267 Curtius 122, 130 Das M. N. 156 Cuttack 8, 14, 20, 31, 32, 33, Date of Kharavela 264 121, 217 Dattaratta 109 Cuttack district 7 Daya river 10 Death sentence 194. Deccan 3, 7, 132, 229, 230, Dabhala 209 216 Daddarapura 259 Deccan plateau 43 Dadhabhumi 118 Diety 233, 347, 348, 363, Dadhivahana 120, 245 364 Daitya 93 Delhi 231 Daitya-danava king voisha- Demetrius 265, 274, 275, 276 parvan 87 288 Dakshina Kalinga 37 Demi-god 348 Dakshina Kosala 19, 37 Demons 14, 378 Dakshinapatha 4, 29, 90, Department of elephants 92, 103, 235 105 Dakshina Radha 37 Department of morals 181 Dakshina Tosala 29, 32, 37, Desa-nakshatra 215 38 Desa-triling-nama 40 Dalbhum 3, 118 De terra [author] 62 Dalua rice 13 Devas 90 Damaghosha 259 Devabhuti 268 Damodar river 5 Devadharman 273 Danastuti 258 Devanampriya 159, 160, 161, Danava 93 207, 208, 284, 363 Dancing 344, 354, 367, 382 Devapura 27 Danda 184, 192, 193, 308, Devayani 87 309 Devendravarman 25 Dandagola 123 Dhamma 168, 207, 208, 220, Dandaka kingdom 110 369 Dandki 110, 113 Dhammaraja 367 Dandaniti 304 Dhanabhuti 282 Danda-samata 308, 309 Dhana kataka 28, 35 Danta kumara 112 Dhankenal 47 Dantapura 25, 109, 110, 111, Dhanananda 130, 139, 141, 112, 113, 115, 120, 123 218 Dantavakka 120 Dhanuggha 311 018 For Personal & Private Use Only

Page #446
INDEX 421 Dhar 315 Dhara 316 Dharaghosha 231 Dharma 93, 159, 161, 188, 208 Dharinaghosha 160 Dharma mahamatra 181. 188. 192, 193, 196, 198, 199, 273 Dharmaraja 365 Dharmasastra 304, 308 Dharmastha 194 Dharwar 388 Dbasan river 261 Dhauli 28, 29, 164, 167, 169, 170, 182, 222, 351 Dhauli elephant 217, 221, 223 Dhauli hill 166, 217, 351 Dhauli rock 173 Dhauli village 121 Dhaulesvari mata 218 Dhoti 281 Dhoishtadyumna 97, 99 Dhtishtaketu 259 Dbritarasbtra 83, 97, 109, 251 Dhruva 90 Dhruvamitra 234 Dialogues of the Buddha 241 Dighanikaya 110 Digvijaya 96, 102 Dimita 274, 325 Diodoros 122, 250 : Dipavamsa 175, 184 Dirghatamas 81, 82, 88, 94, 138 Disagreement 250 Disampati [king] 111 Disc 290 Discoids 55, 56, 60 Discoidal chopper 55 District collector 178 District officers 184 District treasury officer 186 Diverse races 213 Diviners 301 Divisional commissioner 188 Divyavadana 150, 154, 172, 175, 215, 223, 270, 272, 273, 302 Doctrine 161, 163 Dohakosh 255 Domestication of animals 44 Dominions 132,139, 141, 148, 160, 164, 225, 322, 337 Dorajja 251 Dormitories 388 Drachmai 203 Drama 389 Dramira 281, 328 Drapery 387 Draupadi 94 Dravida 16, 108, 119 Dravidian 4, 104, 107, 120, 255, 257 Dravidian language 18 Drona 96 Dronacharya 96 Droshakas 93 Druhyu 37 Drupada 94, 102 Dunaria 75, 76 Dunn 53 Durgapala 206 Dushyanta 95 Dutas 180, 182, 187 Duryodhana 95, 96, 97, 102, 139, 251 Dvairajya 250, 251 Dviraja 250 Dwarf 223 Dykes 50, 51, 52 Dynasty 84, 127, 128, 138, 147, 154, 233, 235 Dynastic 244, 245, 251 For Personal & Private Use Only

Page #447
422 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA Dynastic History of Northern Elephant forest 203, 204, 206 India 37 Elephant hunt 381 Dynastic lists 260 Elephant procession 376 Elephant scene 384 E Elephanta 385 Early Gangas 26 Ellora 385 Early medieval period 20 Emblem 392 East Africa 60 Emperor 153, 159, 164, 170, Eastern Anaya kingdom 81 171, 176, 177, 180, 181, Eastern Archipelago 121 182, 184 Eastern Avadh 234 Empire 33, 151, 155, 162, Eastern Bengal 104 169 Eastern Chalukya 36, 43 English (language) 41 Eastern Coast 6, 27, 36, 158 English mils 123 Eastern ghats 3, 6, 35, 158, Enlightenment 145 210, 236 Envoy 117, 187, 190 Eastern India 37, 88, 110, Epic 189, 257, 258, 262, 389 122, 384 Epic age 104 Eastern people 132 Epic period 19 Eastern sea 150 Epic tradition 259 Eastern Uttara Pradesh 60 Epigraphs 26, 27, 31, 40, Ecclesiastical 394 162, 235, 240 Economic 4 Epigraphic evidence 273, 360 Economic condition 358, 361 Epigraphy 31, 271 Edicts 164 Epitomisers 141 Edicts of Asoka 28, 183, 188, Epoch of Kharavela 227 195, 241, 282, 351 Era 135, 264 Education 364 Eran 232, 233, 290 Education of Kharavela 303, Erosional plain 52 314 Established convention 307, Egypt 387 308 Ekachhatra 139 Established customs 334 Ekamra 32 Etymologically 243 Ekarat 131, 132, 139, 284 Eukratides 251 Elementary Mathematics 307 Europe 47 Elephant 12, 90, 97, 98, 105, Evidence 27, 29, 30, 31, 37, 106, 120, 122, 131, 145, 53, 61, 62, 66, 109, 129, 146, 204, 218, 219, 220, 137, 146, 148, 152, 209, 222, 243, 244, 316, 322, 222, 223, 232, 233, 240, 329, 330, 331, 339, 340, 246, 251, 263, 264, 271, 344, 354, 355, 358, 360, 341, 361, 365 379, 382, 385, 390, 391 Examiner of coins 356 Elephant cave 237 Examination 52, 265 For Personal & Private Use Only

Page #448
INDEX 423 Excavation 51, 53, 55, 58, Flying gandharva 377 68, 140, 269, 278, 286, Friend's army 206 289, 336, 352, 372, 373, Folk-lore 142 375, 393 Foote R. B. 47, 64, 66, 76 Exchequer 355 Foreign influence 18, 233 Executive officer 181 Foreign invasion 230, 341 Expostulation 191 Foreign states 182 Extent of empire 332 Foreign trade 39 Ethics 163 Forests 4, 14, 105, 204, 205, Ethnographical 32 358 Etymologically 243 Foresters 178, 360 Forest folks 212, 257 Forest guards 204 Fabore 1, 4 Forest population 345 Facade 222, 385, 387, 389 Forest principalities 207 Faith of the Jina 136 Forest wealth 358 Fakirs 394 Form of speech 16 Family of royal sages 367 Former kings of kalinga 368 Far-east 4 Formula 362 Far eastern countries 361 Fossil 52, 62 Farther India 34 Fort defences 35, 352 Fauna 63 Fort Munro 78 Ferraginous matrix 51 Fortification 286, 350 Ferraginous hydroxides 50 France 47 Festivity 212, 335, 344, 345, French Gothic 371 Frieze 212. 292, 381. 382. 355, 357, 368 Feuds 235 383, 386, 389, 391, 393 Feudatory 3, 154, 324 Frontier 6, 10, 20, 24, 28, Field-measurer 183 148, 149, 181 Fine arts 368 Frontier states 182 Finished sculptures 372 Frustums 388 Fisheries 12 Full-blown flowers 390, 392, Fisher tribes14 393 Flake 44, 57, 59, 61, 62 Functionaries 184, 185, 187, Flake knife 54, 55 312 Flaked tools 57, 58 Furlongs 49 Flat celt 76, 77 Future Buddha 219 Fleet J.F. 14, 35, 238, 265 Flint 67, 71 Floral design 376, 385, 392, Gajata me 218 393 Galaxy 141 Flowers 121, 223, 358, 381 Gallery 379 Flying buck 392 Games forest 203, 204 G For Personal & Private Use Only

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424 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA Gana 94, 293 Garuda.vyuba 96 Gana-figures 293 Gauda 329 Ganana 304, 306, 307 Gautmiputra Satakarni 283 Gandavyuha 29 Gayudas 107 Gandhara 109, 229 Gaya 85, 86, 88, 89 Gandharya 31, 344 Gaya distt. 326 Gandharva figure 293 Gaya Stone Ins. 290 Gandharva lore 309 Gay ceremonies 355 Gandharva-veda-budha 309 Geldern R. N. 75, 78 Gandavati river 351 Gemini (planet) 21.5 Ganesa cave 383, 384, 385, Gems 96 390, 392, 393 Genealogy 86, 88, 259, 272 Ganga river 3, 24, 32, 79, 81, Genesis 373 82, 115, 140, 157, 262, Geography 1, 3, 24, 26, 30, 330, 331, 349 31, 33, 39 Ganga dynasty 36, 42 Geology 5, 49 Ganga era 37, 349 Ghosh N. N. 266, 294 Ganga inscription 37 Girivraja 259 Ganga kings, 25, 26, 27, 38 Girnar 167, 170, 175, 218 Gangaridae 24, 122, 123, Glypto 35 139, 248 Gneissose rock 51 Gangaridae Calingae 33, 122 Goblins 14 Gange 122 Gods 137, 146, 348, 365, 368, Gauge 350 371 Ganges river 34, 36, 41, 122, Godavari river 2, 5, 6, 7, 24, 156, 230, 329 28, 32, 36, 41, 42, 43, Gangetic 33 108, 123, 131, 132, 156, Gangetic basin 78, 79 157, 158, 349 Gangetic delta 24, 89, 150 Godavari distt. 27, 36, 144, Gangetic nation 41, 131 155, 229 Gangetic valley 24, 122, 229 Godayari-Krishna doab 2, 3 Gangooli D. C. 36, 37 Goddess Lakshami 378, 390 Gangpur 21 Golden hill 217 Gangs of thieves 196 Golden vases 325 Gangua river 351 Gomanta 90 Ganguli M.M, 373, 378 Gomati river 94 Ganika 130 Gonds 13 Ganjam 31, 37, 42, 89, 167 Gondwana 43 Ganjam district 10, 25, 26, Gopas 185, 202, 203 27, 28, 39, 349 Goptsis 181 Gaoliya stream 28 Gopura 341 Garda bhila 315, 316 Goradhagiri 325, 326, 329 Garhjats 13, 47, 67 333, 338 For Personal & Private Use Only

Page #450
INDEX 425 N Gordon V. Childe 16, 65 Gudha purushas 187 Government 169, 172, 250, Guhasiva 112 337 Guillotine 56 Govt. employees 186 Guise 255 Govt. service 186 Gujarat 66, 115 Governor 141, 169, 170, 177, Gulf of Cambay 66 180, 184, 202, 351 Gullet 386 Governorship 177, 200 Gulpha river 74 Govinath 149 Gungeria (people) 77 Govinda pala 290 Guntur distt. 224 Grama 179 Gupta age 187, 210 Grammar 16, 142, 311 Gupta empire 231 Grammarians 142, 229 Gupta monarchs 368 Grants inscription) 20, 26, Guru (planet) 108 27 Grants of land 15, 30 Granite 72 Granite boulder 35 Granite gneiss 50 Habitation 63, 72, 351, 372 Haihayas 260 Granulated 51 Gratitude 189 Haihaya dynasty 38 Great Departure 219 Haimkosha 262 Hala kshina 386 Greater Orissa 3 Halberds 342 Great victory palace 348 Grecco-Bactrians 230 Haldi river 5 Greeks 41, 42, 124, 130, 131, Half disc 392 141, 148, 151, 152. 160 Hami (people) 77 168, 274, 275, 276, 277, 22 Handaxe 56, 57, 58, 59, 60, 284, 371 61, 62 Greek accounts 201 Hand lathe 71 Greek geographer 123 Harappa 75, 80 Greek larguage 142 Harappa culture 79 Greek literature 121 Harbingers 147 Greek rule 230 Harbour 6, 201 Greek writer 122, 139, 200, Harpoons 78, 80 342 Haribhadriya Vritti 136 Grey ware pottery 290 Haritasva 85 Gritty sandstone 393 Harivamsa purana 136, 260, Groove 218, 380, 394 263 Grottos 372 Harsha 38 Guard 206, 376, 380, 383, Harsha era 38 392 Harsha charit 34 Guard room 353 Harshavardhana 38 54 Groove 20stonery 290 For Personal & Private Use Only

Page #451
426 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA Harvard University 49 Harvest 7,9 Hastin 209 Hastinapura 79, 95, 259 Hastisimha 317 Hastivarman 25 Hatthasisa 118, 121 Hathigumpha 237, 292, 351, 366, 374 Hathigumpha inscription 7, 25, 115, 116, 127, 128, 129, 133, 135, 144, 232, 243, 246, 249, 252, 254, 260, 266, 267, 274, 282, 283, 285, 298, 301, 311, 315, 318, 320, 331, 334, 338, 340, 341, 342, 346, 347, 348, 349, 353, 354, 359, 360, 361, 362, 363, 373 Hathigumpha record 241, 242, 264, 291, 302, 307, 316, 358 Hathigumpha Text 304, 305, 305, 309, 313, 344, 354 Hathinipura 252 Hazara 167 Hazaribagh 67 Hazaribagh dist. 76, 114 Head-dress 343 Headquarter 29, 169, 170, 172, 177, 200, 201 Heaven 101, 190, 191 Heir apparent 197, 316 Heliodorus 282 Hemachandra 149, 247 Hemadri 217 Hemakuta 217 Hema mala 112 Hematite 72 Hereditary army 206 Hereditary tribes 360 Hermitage 81, 112 Hexaprotodon 62 Hiatus 65, 65 High priest 390 Hijli 6 Hill tribes 13 Hilly Kalinga 35 Himalayas 131, 330 Himalayan Glacial Cycle 46 Himalayan Ice Age 47 Himalayan region 259 Himava 112 Hindu 3, 15, 365 Hindu kings 3 Hindu monarchs 205 Hindu Political Philosophy 367 Hindu Royal Polity 364 Hindukush 229 Hippogryphs 387 Hiralal R.B. 316 Hired army 205 Hissar (Persia) 75 Historical records 237 Hiuen Tsang 5, 14, 20, 22, 23, 27, 28, 32, 111, 140 Hoard 140, 143, 229 Hobson Jobson 41 Holocene period 45 Holy tradition 311 Homogenous 272 Homotaxial 62 Honorific title 35 Hornets 239 Horses 12, 219, 220, 329, 331, 340, 344, 354, 355, 360, 391 Hos 13 Hour glass 377 House of Heaven 375 House of Mortal World 375 House of Puru 257 Howrah 3 Hultzch 184, 186 For Personal & Private Use Only

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INDEX 427 Human sacrifice 13 Humanity 369 Humped Bull 385 Hunter W.W. 7 Hunt scene 381, 391, 392 Hydrabad 2, 3, 149 Hyderabad Museum 77 I Ib river 72 Iconography 203 Ideal king 367 Ikshuda river 91 lla 84, 256 Ila 84, 85, 86, 90, 256 Ilina 95 Image of Jina 353 Image of Kalinga Jina 329, 331, 332, 345 Image worship 146 Imperialism 154 Imperial Guptas 368 Implements 48, 67, 68, 70, 71, 74, 75, 80, 206, 359 Inarculate 293 Incarnation 94 Independent states 232 India 1, 2, 3, 4, 14, 15, 24, 34, 40, 42, 45. 47. 50. 62, 66, 70, 75, 83, 88, 94, 123, 131, 148, 151, 156, 160, 161, 164, 165, 213, 214, 218, 229, 230, 236, 239, 253, 284, 333, 341, 366, 369, 37, 373, 390. Indian archipelago 4 Indian architecture 371 Indian coins 233 Indian culture 93 Indian epigraphy 366 Indian history 205, 226, 229, 264 Indian literature 280, 289 Indian Museum 47, 77 Indian Ocean 4 Indian stone age 47 Indian tradition 223 Indika 152 Indo-Aryans 75 Indo Bactarians 230, 265, 310 Indo-Greeks 276, 284 Indologists 238 Indra 90, 244, 284, 377 Indra worship 255 Indragnimitra 235, 273, 274 Indraji B.L. 133, 238, 239, 264, 277 Indramitra 234 Indra vanaka hill 106 Indraraja 244, 367 Indravarman king 25, 42, 349 Indravati river 28 Indus 33, 34, 103, 105, 108 Indus delta 250 Indus valley 229 Indus valley civilisation 78 Infantry 322, 339, 341 Initiation ceremony 304 Inscription 16, 20, 23, 24, 25, 29, 37, 41, 72, 133, 136, 149, 168 Inscriptions of Asoka 174, 321, 352, 368 Inscription of Klaravela 317, 351, 375 Inscription of Kharavela's Chief Queen 362 Inspectors of Cowpens 187 Instrumental music 344, 354 Internal evidences 267 Invaders 12, 147 Ira 254 Irrigation 7, 13, 183, 348 Irya 254, 255 Isila 181, 200 For Personal & Private Use Only

Page #453
428 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA Island 10, 11, 12, 122, 298 Jaina u panga prajnapana 25 Isosceles 70 Jaina works 235, 311 Isvara 255 Jainism 137, 138, 161, 229, Isvara cult 255 320, 362, 363, 364, 375 Itibasa 304, 311 Jaipur 231 Italian renaissance 371 Jajpur 93 Itivritta 304 Jalandhar 225 Jamadagni 83 Jambesvara cave 336 Jacket 343 Jambudvipa 113 Jack fruit 393 Ja mbudiva pannatti 119 Jacobi 183 Jambs 380, 386 Jails 197, 198 James Princep 238 Jail-delivery 196, 198, 215 janamejaya king 40 Jaina 130, 138, 149, 152, Janapada 29, 90, 104, 142, 162, 183, 251, 321, 364, 145, 178, 193, 281, 325, 368, 374 344 Jainas 132, 351, 359, 372, Jarasandha 90 384 Jasper 67 Jaina ascetics 237 Jata nakshatra 225 Jaina author 247 Jatakas 110, 112, 181, 195, Jaina faith 224 206 Jaina images 144 Jata ka commentary 254, 295, Jaina king 245 311 Jaina laity 120 Jatinga Rameshwara 149 Jaina lay follower 358 Jaugada 28, 29, 167, 171, Jaina legends 384 177, 182, 201 Jaina literature 116, 117, Javgada rock 174 120, 144, 224, 241, 273, Javelin 342 324 Jayadratha 96, 97 Jaina monks 119, 121, 224, Jayaswal K.P. 128, 134, 144, 237, 313, 351 238, 239, 240, 244, 245, Jaina preachers 120 246, 247, 248, 255, 256, Jaina recluses 365 265, 270, 272, 274, 275, Jaina religion 119, 136, 375 278, 279, 280, 281, 295, Jaina ruler 374 298, 300, 304, 307, 308, Jaina saints 335, 362, 365, 313, 316, 318, 323, 349, 383 367 Jaina temple 145, 289, 372, Jayavarma Deva 26, 38 377 Jayavijaya cave 384, 385, Jaina tirthankara 378, 383, 392, 393 392 Jhala khanda 42 Jaina tradition 128, 244 Jhatibani pargana 74 For Personal & Private Use Only

Page #454
INDEX 429 Jina 121, 129, 146, 271 85, 88, 89, 90, 94, 95, 97, Jodhapur 289 99, 101, 104, 106, 108, Jogesvari cave inscription 306 109, 110, 111, 112, 113 John Evans 66 114, 115, 116, 117, 119, John Marshall 291 120, 123, 127, 128, 129, Jctipala 116 133, 134, 135, 137, 138, Juangs 13 139, 141, 142, 144, 145, Jubbalpur 262 147, 148, 149, 150, 152, Judges 183, 194, 195 153, 154, 155, 156, 157, Judicial administration 181, 158, 159, 160, 162, 163, 307 164, 165, 166, 167, 168, Judicial officer 188 169, 170, 171, 172, 174, Judiciary 194, 202, 203 176, 191, 200, 204, 212, Junagadba inscription 150, 213, 215, 216, 217, 221, 170, 185, 311 224, 225, 230, 237, 243, Jupitor 108 244, 246, 247, 249, 251, Jurists 194 252, 256, 257, 262, 263, Justice 139, 170, 171, 173, 269, 278, 279, 280, 301, 176, 178, 18), 188, 191, 311, 312, 313, 317, 318, 192, 193, 199, 211 329, 331, 332, 333, 337, Justin 251 340, 341, 344, 345, 352, 356, 361, 362, 363, 364, k 368, 375, 384 Kadambas 43 Kalingas (people) 24, 32, 33. Kadara 300 92, 93, 95, 96, 97, 98, Kada-vilvan 295 100, 101, 102, 103, 105, Kaimur ranges 79 107, 110, 122, 128, 132, Kaisika 260 137, 144, 226, 236, 341 Kakatiya dynasty 39 Kalinga dynasty 248 Kalabaria 56, 59 Kalinga prince 82, 138 Kalachuri 42 Kalinga tribe 21 Kalahandi 13, 37, 42 Kalingan armies 329, 330, Kalaka 316. 331, 333, 339, 340, 342, Kalakacharya legend 315 Kalara 300 Kalinga Bharadvaja 113 Kalavela 295 Kalingnbolhi Jataka 112, 113 Kalhana 185 Kalinga Chakravarti 309 Kalidasa 23 Kalingadhipati 26, 27, 135, Kalioji 18 279 Kalinga 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 15, Kalingadhipati Anantayar 18, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, mana 27 28, 33, 34, 35, 37, 38, 40, Kalingadvipa 121 41, 42, 43, 81, 82, 83, 84, Kalingan empire 366 345 For Personal & Private Use Only

Page #455
430 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA Kalinga Jina 129, 139, 141, 143, 144, 146, 329, 363 Kalingaka 106 Kalingain (cotton cloth) 106 Kalinga mana 142 Kalinga-nagara 5, 25, 26, 94, 286, 288, 346, 349, 350, 352, 353 Kalinga-patam 349 Kalinga-pura 41 Kalinga-raja 110 Kalinga-rajavamsa 248 Kalinga-ranna 113, 114 Kalinga-rashtra 109 Kalinga-rattha 109 Kalinga-vijaya 162, 264 Kalinga-war 159, 341, 343 Kalinga-yavana 117, 118 Kalingae 123 Kallur 77 Kalpasutra 183, 285, 384 Kalpa trees 344, 355 Kalsi 167 Kalsi rock 218 Kama 95 Kamata 50, 52, 55 Kamarpal 50, 53, 62 Kambirikhon 122 Kambojas 160 Kanchanpur 25, 119, 120 Kanha-bena 322 Kanker state 3, 37, 42 Kankar 68 Kannagar 123 Kannauj 231, 259, 383 Kansbans river 8 Kanvas 135, 224, 226, 230, 235, 268, 273, 274, 279 Kanyakuvja 40, 87 Kapila 107 Kapilapura 115 Kapisa river 21, 23 Karabhanja kas 93 Karakandu 109, 119, 120 Karambha 95 Karamoti 184 Karanakas 180, 188 Karandu 109 Karaskaras 100, 103 Karakotakas 100 Karma (name) 386 Karna 95, 96, 100, 102 Karna parvan 100,Karna Suvarna 20 Karnatak 229 Karnika 188 Karond 3 Karpasika 106 Karsha 289 Karshapana 142, 143, 289, 306, 356 Karshapani 290 Karusa 243, 258 Karushus 92, 97, 261 Karvatas 96 Karvi river 261 Kasai river 21 Kasapaundras 100 Kasi 83, 106, 109, 110, 139 Kasis 108, 132 Kasu 258 Kasu Chaid ya 258 Kasyapa 83, 111 Kata ka 21, 35, 315, 349 Kataka bhukti vishaya 31 Kata re Dr. 289 Kathasaritasagara 25, 140 Kathiawar 103, 167, 170 Katyayana 141 Katyayana Smriti 289 Kausambi 259, 272 Kautilya 106, 146, 177, 178, 181, 182, 185, 187, 199, 200, 201, 202, 201, 205, 206, 212, 215, 303, 336 358, 359 For Personal & Private Use Only

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INDEX 431 Kautilya Arthasastra 105, 193 Kharavela's administra203, 243 tion 334 Kaurvas 100 Kharavela's armies 323, 338 Kavya mimansa 39 Kharavela's campaign 341 Kavya style 284 Kharavela's charita 366 Kayuravarsha Yuvaraja I 33 Kharavela's government 335 Ken river 262 Kharavela's troops 341 Kendudiha 51 Kharda sub-division 28 Keralas 100, 102 Kharias 13 Keralaputras 149, 160 Khasia hill 70 Keonjhar 5, 19, 21 Khemaraja 367 Kern 184 Khiching 68 Ketumat 97, 99 Khidingabara vishaya 31 Khammamet 3 Khonds 13 Khandadipa 111 Khurda 31 Khandagiri 145, 236, 352, Kielhorn 316 371, 372, 373, 377, 389, Ki-ling.kia 27 392, 391 Kilt 343 Khandagiri Udayagiri 337, Kilted warrior 391 343, 351, 3:3, 361, 362, Kimpurusha 84 364, 369, 371 Kirpurusha Sudyumna 85, 90 Khanda vaprastha 100 Kings of Gauda and Karnata Kbara vela 7, 25, 33, 116, 127 124, 133, 134, 135. 136. King of Lala 317 141, 143, 144, 145, 154, King Nanda 345, 355, 362 214, 225, 229, 232, 233, King of Pandya 331, 332, 236, 237, 240, 241, 242, 333, 345, 358, 360 243, 244, 246, 247, 252, Kingdom of Tosala 28 253, 254, 255, 257, 258, Kinnaries 117 260, 262, 263, 264, 265, Kiratas 93 266, 267, 269, 270, 274, Kishkindhakas 92 275, 276, 279, 280, 284, Kittoe Major 218, 238 286, 288, 289, 291, 292, Koi 13 294, 295, 26, 269, 300, Koilisuta 50, 51, 56 301, 302, 303, 305, 310, Konarka 123 312, 313, 314, 315, 316, Konds 13 318, 323, 324, 325, 329, Kongoda 23, 24, 28, 29, 31, 330, 331, 333, 334, 337, : 32, 35, 38 339, 340, 3+1, 343, 314, Kongoda mandala 30, 37, 38 345, 347, 318, 352, 354, Konkan 121 356, 357, 358, 359, 360, Konow [author] 276 361, 364, 365, 366, 368, Koras 13 369 Koraput 42 35 For Personal & Private Use Only

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432 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA Kosala 35, 40, 43, 93, 108, 245, 253, 262 Kosaladesa 22 Kosalas 92, 100 Kosalendra 35 Kosambi 108, 119, 181, 200, 232, 258, 269, 273 Koji 140 Kotia vishaya 179 Krishna river 6, 7, 24, 35, 96, 108, 232, 269, 295 Krishna district 155 Krishna god 300 Krishnagiri vishaya 31 Krishna-Godavari doab 3 Krishnaswamy V. D. 53, 65 Krishna-vela 296 Krishna-bena river 332 Krishna-vena 332 Krishna vilva 296 Krodhavasa 94 Kshaharata 250 Kshatrapa 282 Kshatriyas 15, 83, 84, 85, 99, 107, 127, 128, 131, 132, 136, 138, 139, 257, 280 Ktesias 205 Ktikardan 123 Kubera (king) 22+ Kubiraka (king) 224 Kudepasiri 254, 376, 377 Kuhara (king) 94 Kui 13 Kukuras 93 Kulia na 49, 50, 51, 52, 53, 54, 59, 60, 61, 62 Kulottunga Chola I 316 Kulutas 231 Kumanas (people) 91 Kumara (name) 107 Kumara Viceroy 172, 173, 176, 177, 179, 181, 184, 202 Kumblakara Jata: a 109 Kumbhavati 110 Kumari hill 241, 355, 352 Kumrahar 234, 235 Kuru 112, 259, 260, 263 Kurus 96, 132, 137, 260, 345 Kurubindas 262 . Kurudhamma Jatalk 243 Kurukshetra 102 Kurma purana 24, 90 Kurnool district 149, 167 Kurram valley 78 Kunala 119 Kung-yu-t'o 28 Kuuindas 231 Kuntala 152, 229 Kusuma of Padamulika 335 Kusasthala 383 Kusasthalapura 117 Kushana 282 Kynokephaloi 205 Kynomolgoi 205 Lac fort 167 Ladha 114, 115, 317 Lakshami 141 Lalaka 317 Lal B. B. 78, 79, 286 Lalita vistara 111, 251 Lances 99, 205, 342 Land route 15 Langulia river 5, 35, 91 Langulini 91 Lanka 119 Lata 115, 259 Laterite 7, 50, 51, 52, 53, 63, 352 Laterite blocks 353 Laterite ground 287, 352 For Personal & Private Use Only

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INDEX 433 Later Gangas 26 Later Mauryas 230 Later vedic period 372 Latin 131 Law B. C. 116, 124, 178 Law books of Manu 107 Law N. N. 250 Leakey (author) 60 Ledge 377, 380, 385, 388 Leonard Woolly Sir 45 Lethaby (author) 370 Levalloision 58, 59 Levirate 82, 321 Lexicon 23, 105 Li 20, 29 Life of Kharavela 366 Limestone 71 Lineage of Khara vela 254 Lintel 223 Lipikaras 167, 168, 180, 187 Literary evidence 360 Literary tradition 136 Lithic age 44 Lithic industry 48 Location of Trilinga 42 Lohanipur 146 Loharadaga 21 Loma pada 260 Lomasa rishi cave 222 Lotus 377, 378, 379, 390, 393 Lubbock (author) 44 : Lucknow Museum 76, 270 Luders H. 133, 265, 278, 336 Lunar constellation 215 Lunar dynasty 84, 256, 257 Lunar month 213 Lunar race 85, 86, 88 Lurking snake 207 Machiavellian 153 Mackanzie (author) 238 Madaina (port) 123 Madda 112 Madras 2, 6, 10, 13, 53. 62, 93, 167, 231 Madras Museum 76 Madras State 48 Madrakas 231 Madura 106, 107 Madurapati 107 Madhyadesa 87, 90, 91, 108, 219, 231, 262, 276 Madhya Kalinga 36, 37 Madhyamaraja 37 Madhyamika 276 Madhya Pradesh 2, 3, 7, 8, 21, 37, 42, 48, 72, 77, 79, 92, 316, 324 Maga 122 Magadha 89, 104, 114, 119, 127, 129, 136, 143, 145, 146, 147, 148, 151, 152, 154, 170, 193, 200, 225, 226, 235, 251, 258, 262, 265, 269, 273, 275, 278, 315, 317, 329, 330, 331, 333, 340, 360, 361 Magadhas 89, 100, 103 Magadhans 132, 141, 154, 162, 164, 229, 331 Magadhan empire 236 Magadhi 214 Magadhi Apabhramsa 16 Magadha mana 142 Magha 116 Maghas 245 Maha-Airekena 257 Mahabhashya 142 Mababodhi 293 Mahabodhivamsa 113, 129 M Macco-Calingae 24, 33, 122 Mace 98, 99 55 For Personal & Private Use Only

Page #459
434 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA Mababharata 14, 21, 24, 25, Mahasammata 259 33, 86, 88, 93, 94, 95, 96, Mahesvati 111 101, 102, 104, 105, 114, Mahavagga 306 117, 137, 138, 139, 187, Mahavastu 110, 111, 145, 251 188, 244, 247, 251, 259, Mahavamsa 114, 162, 175, 260, 261, 262, 345 184, 295, 302, 317 Mahabharata War 127, 137, Mahavijaya 344 138 Mahavijaya Kharavela 369 Mahabhava Gupta I (king) 35 Mahavijaya pasada 346, 347, Mahagovinda 111 348, 357 .' Mahagovinda Suttanta 83, Mahavira 118, 119, 121, 128, 109, 111 136, 145, 146, 375 Mahajanapadas 110 Mahavira charitra 366 Mahakalinga (name) 112, 113 Mahayana 149 Mahamada (person) 336 Mabamata nagalaka 182, 201, Mahamatta 184, 336 336 Mahamatras 28, 170, 171, Mabamatra nagara vyava172, 176, 177, 180, 182, haraka 188 186, 188, 191, 202, 210, Mahendragiri 5, 25, 83 336, 351 Mahendra mountains 25, 91 Mahamata-nagala-vyohalaka Mahendra (king) 244, 251 182, 201 Mahinda IV (king) 16 Mahameghavahanas 230, 236, Mahica 106 244, 245, 255, 284 Maheshwara 229 Mahameghavahana (king) 243 Mahishakas 91, 100 331 Mahapandin 130 Mahameghavahana dynasty Mahodaya 259 237, 243, 253, 366, 369 Mahulia 53 Mabameghavahana Kharavela Mehtab H.K. 32, 37 229 Maisolos 123 Mahanadi (river) 5, 8, 19, 20, Maithilas 132 23, 27, 28, 31, 32, 35, Majumdar B.C. 19.21 108, 349 Majumdar N.G. 70, 72, 283 Mahanadi.Risikulya valley Majumdar R. C. 36, 238, 23, 29 247, 248, 250 Mahaniddesa 295, 296 Makaras 385, 392 Mahapadma 130 Malwa 107, 229, 261, 315 Mahapadma pati 129, 139 Malavas 92, 93, 123, 231 Mahapadma Nanda 127, 129, Malayagrama 118 132, 134, 141, 152, 248, Malaya Islands 123 278, 280, 283 Malaya Janapada 144 Maharajya coronation 318 Malaya mt. 108 Maharajyabhisheka 320 Malava plateau 261 For Personal & Private Use Only

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INDEX 435 Malli 19, 122 Maurya art 217 Mallus mt. 19, 122 - army 105, 204, 216 Mamata (Queen) 81 court 223 Manbhum 18, 77 dominion 225 Manchapuri cave 254, 264, era 264, 265 291, 292, 293, 313, 315, empire 153, 154, 200, 375, 376, 377, 387 225, 229, 267 Mandhata 259 Kumara 279 Mandaei 122 King 270, 273 Mandala 29, 30, 31 Period 214 Mangala (nakshatra) 108 sectt 128 Manakarma 212 State 179 Mani Mekhlai 107 Mayor 201 Mantri parishad 180, 181 Manu 84, 85, 88, 89, 303 Mayur bhanja 3, 5, 19, 20, 21, 48, 49, 60, 61, 62, 67, Manusamhita 223 74, 76 Manu Vaivasvata 84 Mansera 167, 184 McCrindle 41, 349 Maranja-Mura charter 23 Measures 142, 201 Mars 108 Medallions 352 Marriage of Klaravela 313 Medini 300 Martyapuri cave 375 Medinipur 3, 6, 74 Maratha 324, 332 Medium of Exchange 306 Martin M. de St. 349 Megesthenes 33, 152, 154, 200, Maski 149 203, 204, 248, 341, 349 Masulipatam 129 Megha 245 Massacre 159, 168 Meghas 253 Mathura 90, 108, 231, 232, Meghavahana 244, 245 235, 269, 272, 273, 274, Meghavanna (king) 112 275, 276, 299, 325, 326 Mekala 94, 102 Matinara 95 Mekala [country] 24 Matriarchate 246 Mekalas (people] 22, 92, 262 Matrix 370 Mekala stribe] 21 Matsya purana' 19, 22, 24, Mekala mt. 22 91, 92, 268, 272 Menander 276, 310 Matsyas 97, 100, 108, 132, Merutunga 225 261 Metallic age 74, Maurya 135, 138, 143, 144, Metaphoric rock 52 147, 119, 154, 155, 159, Metropolis 25, 117, 119, 229, 164, 169, 176, 178, 179, 261 200, 221, 222 Mica phyllite 50 Maurya age 132 Mica schist 50 , admn. 202 Microlithic 65 For Personal & Private Use Only

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436 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA 338 Midnapore 18, 21, 76 Mukhas 188 Milindapanha 258, 310, 347 Mukhalingam 26, 122, 349 Milinda (king) 310 Mukhakala 265 Military clans 230 Mukhya Kalinga 122 Military force of Khara vela Muli (river) 91 Mundas 80, 124 Miocene 53 Mundaboni 51 Mirzapur Dt. 60, Municipal duties 253 Mitra R. L. 238 Muriyakala 265 Missiles 369 Mushikas 91, 92, 322 Mithila 83, 109, 111 Mushikanagara 323 Muslim 6, 14. 111, 194 Mitra 84, 273 Mysore 148, 149, 152 Mitra rulers 233, 234, 235, Myth 83, 88 273 Mythology 220, 371, 392 Mlechchhas 93, 96, 103, 104, 118, 138 N Modo 41 Nabhaka 160 Modoga 34, 41 Modo-galinga 34, 41 Nabhapantis 160 Modokalinga 122 Nagalaka 180, 181 Moghal 3,43 Nagala-viyohalaka 180, 182, Mohenjodaro 71, 78, 80 336 Monastic establishments 373 Nagala-vyavaharika 181 Monastic retreats 394 Nagnajita 101 Monedes 19, 123 Monghyr 82 Nagara 26, 179 Monolithic pillars 352 Nagara-akhada masa 336 Nagara-vyavaharika 170, Monumental prakrit 213 191, 193, 202 Mookerji R.K. 157, 171, 172, Nagara-vyavaharika Maha. 174, 175, 184, 186, 195, matra 201 196, 200, 211, 216, 234, 341 Nagara h 300 Nagara ka 180 Mora 269, 271, 272 Nagaraka 181, 203 Mosali 119, 121 Nagpuri 384 Mudu 42 Nagaraka Mahamatra 203 Mudu Kalinga 34, 36 Nagarika 201, 202 Nagarika mahamatra Mudrarakshasa 140 201, 336 Muffasil 192 Nagavana 204 Mugapakkha Jataka 302 Nagavanadhyaksha 204 For Personal & Private Use Only

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INDEX 437 Nahavahana 245 Native Chronology (of Nahusha 86 Telugu) 34 Naimishas 100 Nativity 219 Naingaima 123 Natural cavern 237, 374 Nakula 97 Natika 194, 195 Nakshatra 215, 216, 271 Natyasastra 248, 256 Nakshatradhipa 271 Nau-nanda Dehra 132 Naki 336 Navigation 12 Nakiya 336 Nayinika 267, 282, 323 Nalabana 11 Necklace 381 Nalagonda 3 Neminatha (Tirthankara) Nalikali (king) 111 383, 384 Nalikira 113 Neoliths 48, 67, 68, 69 Nalanda 144 Neolithic 65, 66, 67, 68, 70, Namadicus 62 71, 72, 73 Nanda 128, 130, 131, 136, Neolithic Age 44 140, 145, 147, 148, 265, Neolithic pottery 70 277, 278, 329. Neo-mitra dynasty 273 Nandas 90, 127, 128, 132, Neo-Nanda 129 133, 136, 138, 139, 142, Nepal 260 143, 152, 154 248, 251, Neulpur Grant 30 279 Nidana-katha 311 Nanda era 134, 278 Niddesa 110 Nander 132 Nijjhapana 195 Nandaraja 127, 128, 129, Nikayas 189 133, 135, 136, 140, 141, Nilgiri 21 143, 265, 277, 279, 280 Nimi (king) 109 Nirvana 128, 384 Nanaghat 267, 282, 283, Niryukta 285 357 Nishadas 92, 97, 257 Nanaghat Statues 323 Nisrishtarthah 187 Nandivardhana 128, 280 Niyoga 321 Napitakumara 130 Non Aryan 13, 79, 138, 139 Napitasuta 130 Non-brahmanical 357 Narbada 62, 114 Non-Buddhist 369 Narmada river 24, 90, 103, Non-monarchical constitu225, 261, 262 tion 325 Naravarmana (king) 117 Northern Bengal 104 Nasik 257 Northern India 15, 127, 150, National Museum, Edin. 230, 235, 327, 328, 329, borough 77 330, 332. National Museum Dublin 77 Northern Kalinga 115, 121 National star 213, 215 Northern Panchala 234 For Personal & Private Use Only

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438 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA North-West India 330, 332 North-west frontier province 167 North-western frontier 366 Novice 162 Nuabari 50, 56 Nyaya 308, 309, 311 Nyagrodha 162 127, 144, 145, 210, 229, 237, 259, 291, 330, 374, 384, 386, 390, 394 Orissan 388 Orissan viharas 388 Ostrea beds 53 Outlanders 229 Oval 143 Ovate 55, 59 Obeisance 302 Oblong 55, 59, 388 Octagonal 352, 380, 385, 388, 389 Oddavadi 21 Oddisu 18 Odra 2, 18-20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 31, 32, 81, 108, 124, 332 Odras 19, 83, 92, 93, 102, 107 Odra desa 20, 22, 40 Odra-Vishaya 20, 21, 31 Odruka 272 Okkal 18 Okkalagar 18 O'malley L. S. S. 10 Opulence 95 Oraons 13 Order (Sangha] 116,163 Oretes 19, 123, 124 Oriya 2, 7, 17 Oriya [language) 16,65,214 Oriya Manuscript 23 Ornaments 94, 387 Ornamental arch 381 Ornamented shrine posts 368 Orissa 1, 2, 3, 4, 8, 9, 13, 15, 16, 19, 21, 22, 32, 35, 36, 37, 45, 47, 48, 63, 67, 70, 72, 74, 75, 76, 79, 83, 89, 92, 105, 118, Pabhosa 269, 271, 272 Pacifist 149 Padma Purana 93, 321 Pada mulika 337 Padmavati 120 Pageant 390 Painted Grey Ware 79 Pariakoli 57 Pajava 198 Pakara 346 Pakistan 167 Palace of great victory 344, 346 Palamau 77 Palaeography 282 Palaeographic 272 Palaeolith 48, 60, 64, 66, 68, 69, 70 Palaeolithic 45, 47, 49, 61, 63, 65, 67, 373 Palaeolithic age 44 Palaeolithic implements 51 Palaeolithic period 46 Palasa 118 Palmists 301 Pali 114, 162, 183, 184, 185, 189, 206, 213, 214, 249, 299, 336 Pali chronicles 172 Pali legends 175 Pali Nikayas 195 Palibodha 198 For Personal & Private Use Only

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INDEX 439 Palibothra 132 Palkigundi 149 Palkonda taluka 27 Palladium 112 Pal Lahara 75, 76 Paloura 120 Palur (port] 123 Pamir 105 Panas 177 Panadi 346, 347 Panchala 29, 94, 235, 270 Panchalas 100, 132 Panchala ser 234 Pandavas 96, 97, 99, 101, 102, 345 Pandava-Perumala temple 316 Pandu 97, 98, 102 Pandulena 257 Pandya 40, 43, 299, 329, 331, 366 Pandyas 149, 160 Panini 101, 105, 141, 142, 146, 223 Parasurama 83 Pare-vadava 105 Pargiter 22, 82, 88, 114, 134, 260, 261, 262, 278 Parihara karma 212 Pariklesa 197, 198 Parikud island 11 Parimitarthah 137 Parinda 155 Parisishtha paryan 130 Parishad 186 Parishat 117, 188, 343 Parivrajaka 209 Parlakimedi 26 Parmanand Acharya 48 Parrot cave II 336 Parsva 118, 386 Parsvanatha 117, 145, 378, 383 Parsvanatha charitra 383 Parsvanatha hill 384 Parthalis 122, 152, 349 Parthians 230 Partiridge colour 105 Patala 250 Pata li 140 Patanjali 142, 276 Paterson 53, 60, 62 Patinja 51 Patinja-bhadna 50 Pativedaka 180, 187 Patliputra 122, 132, 140, 141, 155, 168, 175, 184, : 200, 205, 234, 275, 277, 329, 331, 333 Patna 234, 235, 277 Patna Museum 76, 77 Patna sa princely state in M.P.7 37 Patriarchs 138 Pittana 111 Pattern 2, 292 Paumavai [Padmavati] 120 Paundra 38+ Pauranic 267 Paurava 257 Paurvas 87 Paurava king 259 Paura-vyava harika 180, 181, 201 Peacock 143, 392 Pebbles 51, 53, 54, 57, 59, 71 Pedhala 118 Pedhalagama 118 Peninsular glacial cycle 46 Peninsular India 151 People of Kalinga 343, 363, 364, 369 Percy Brown 370, 374 For Personal & Private Use Only

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440 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA Periplus of the Erythrean Sea 122 Persia 387 Persian 41, 170 Peshawar 167 Philanthropist 164 Physiognomy 221, 390 Piggot 78 Pilasters 376, 378, 381, 385, 386, 388 Pillars 164, 218, 223, 234, 352, 378, 379, 381, 385, 389 Pillared hall 352 Pillows 381 Pindari (place) 234 Pine apple 393 Pirate 14 Pishtapura 27 Pisolitic Laterite 56 Pithapuram 27 Pithuda 327, 333 Pitinikas 160 Planet 108 Plateau 3, 7, 66 . Pleistocene period 45, 62 Pleinpotentiaries 187 Pliny 14, 19, 24, 33, 34, 37, 41, 122, 123, 131, 152, 153, 154 Plutarch 122, 151, 341 Pniel 60 Podium 388 Polibothra 122 Polibothri 19, 132 Police cess 351 Police Magistrate 203 Policy of chastisement 327 Policy of Kharavela 343 Polishing 63, 67 Polished Stone Age 44 Pompous parades 344 Populace 84, 183 Poras 153 Portico 387 Post-Mauryan Age 187 Pota li 112 Prabhavati 117, 333, 384 Prachi river 5, 248 Prachya 243 Pradeshtris 182, 185, 194,203 Pradeshikas 172, 177, 179, 180, 182, 184, 185, 186, 188, 193, 210, 211 Pradesika Mahamatra 177 Pradesikesvara 185 Pradyumna 90 Prakrit 17, 115, 229, 300, 315, 316 Prasenjit 117, 118 Prasii 122, 131, 132, 139, 248 Pratappur 50, 51 Prataparudriya 39 Prataparudradeva 39 Pratisakhyas 285 Pratishthana 85, 86, 87, 88, 229, 324 Prayaga 86 Pratyagraha 258 Pre Aryans 79 Precious stones 354, 358 Precursor 67, 368 Predatory tribes 203, 205, 206 Prehistory 46 Pre-Mauryan 128 Presidency Magistrate 203 Priestly community 374 Primaeval 84 Primitive 6, 221, 385, 387, 388 Princep 394 Prince khara vela 305, 309 Prince priyadarsana Asoka 184 Principal art 265 For Personal & Private Use Only

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Principality 86, 230, 262, 263, 271 Prithu 89, 321 Priyadarsi 363 Priyadarsi raja 284 Problem of Palaeolithic Period 46 Produce forest 203 Profile face 387 Progenitor 56, 82, 84, 85, 86 Project 141, 378 Prolific 55 INDEX Prominences 372 Pronominal adjectives 346 Prosperity of Kalinga 354 Proto-Austroloid 80 Proto-historic 75 Proto-type 222, 388 Province of Kalinga 174, 176, 177, 180 Ptolemy 14, 29, 34, 41, 120, 123, 276 Public Work Deptt. 51 Pulakesin II 38 Pulindas 160, 178, 209 Pulisas 180, 183, 186, 187 Pulumayi 283 Punarvasu 199, 215, 216 Punch marked coins 289, 290, 291, 356. Pundra 82, 88, 89, 102, 103, 104, 107 143, Punjab 60, 62, 78, 87, 225, 229, 230, 231 56 Pura 179, 335, 344 Puramukhya 201 Puranas 14, 22, 24, 42, 81, 85, 86, 88, 89, 90, 91, 92, 128, 129, 132, 136, 209, 226, 245, 246, 247, 253, 260, 263, 280, 304, 311, 315 Puranic accounts 134, 278 Puranic age 19 Puranic chronology 272 Puranic evidence 267 Puranic lists 272 Puranic tradition 127, 135, 279 Puri 11, 12, 217 Puri district 10, 28, 166 Purisa 248 441 Purisa-yuga 248, 249 Purle Plates of Indravarman 40 Purle Plate inscription 349 Purshottama 74 Purshottamadeva 23 Puru 87, 153 Pauravas 86, 257 Pauravas Aila 84, 85, 85, 88, 89, 256 Purushas 186 Purusha yuga 251, 252 Purvadesa 40 Purvasthali 122 Pushpa (Previous Buddha) 111 Pushya 111, 271 Pushyadharmana 272 Pushyamitra Sunga 225, 226, 235, 265, 270, 272, 273, 276, 280, 29+ Pyramid 70, 328 Q Quadrangle 379 Quadripartite 221 Quake 99 Quarry 55 Quarternary deposits 47 Quart schist 50 Quartz phyllite 50 Quartzite 50, 51, 52, 59, 60, 67 Quartzite tools 48 For Personal & Private Use Only

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442 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA Quartzose talc schist 50 Quasi civil 194 Quasi criminal 194 Quasi independent 210 Queen's cave 389, 390, 391, 392, 393 Queen Nayanika 357 Queen's palace 379 Quest 94 Quinquennial 173, 174, 181, 211 Quiver 313 R Racial 18 Radha 38, 114, 115, 317, 329 Raft 82 Raghuvamsa 25 Rahu 378 Raichur 77 Raipur state 37 Rairangpur 49 Raja 184, 267 Rajabhataka 335 Rajagaha 325 Rajagira 333 Rajagriha 142, 326, 329, 338, 340 Raja of Kalinga 384 Rajakesari Varman 316 Rajako 184 Rajam 367 Rajama hendri 6, 35 Rajanya 15, 16 Raja-nakshatra 215 Raja pura 95 Raja-purusha 186 Raj-rani 379 Raja Sasana 308, 309 Rajashekhara 39 Rajasreya ceremony 355 Rajasreya sacrifice 344, 357 Rajasuya 100, 102 Rajatrangini 185, 244 Raja Tushaspha 170 Raja Uparichara 261 Rajavachanika 173, 177 Raja vachanika Mahamatra 171, 172, 176, 211 Raja vishaya 129 Rajayutta 185 Rajendra Chola II 316 Rajgir 326, 329 Rajju 183, 359 Raijugahaka Amachha 183 Rajjukas 172, 177, 178, 180, 182, 183, 184, 185, 186, 187, 188 Rajpur Parsu 79 Rajpur 25 Rajputs 15 Rajputana 230, 231 Raju 184 Rajuke 184 Rajukas 154, 192, 193, 194, 196, 202, 210, 211 Rajyabhisheka 280 Rakshasa 100 Rama 90 Ramachandra 14 Rama Jamadagni 96 Rama tirtha 83 Ramayana 14, 21, 94 Ramdas G. 35 Ramnagar 234 Rampurva bull 221, 222, 223 Ranchi 21, 67, 77 Ranchi district 71 Rani cave 393 Rani gumpha 379, 384, 385, 387 Rani-ka-Nur 379 Ranjubula 232 Rann of Cutch 66 For Personal & Private Use Only

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INDEX 443 Rapson E. J. 129, 247, 258, Rhythemic prose 284 282, 324 Rigveda 81, 82, 231, 258 Rash 203 Rishabhadeva 145, 392 Rashtra 179 Rishikulya 5, 23, 25, 30, 31, Rashtra pala 181, 185 32, 91, 123, 167 Rashtrikas 324, 325 Rivett-carnac (author) 234 Rashtriyas 170 Rock architecture 372, 394 Rashtriyena 185 Rock-cut caves 368, 369 Ratha 95, 97, 131 Rohilkhand 233, 259 Rathika 179, 183, 332, 360 Roman buildings 371 Ratti 143 Roman miles 123 Ravine 221, 372 Roruka 111 Rawalpindi 277 Rosettes 393 Rayapur 117 Rostrocarinate 57 Ray Chaudhari H. C. 135, Rostroid handaxe 54, 57 247, 250, 266, 268, 273, Round chopper 57 279 Roy S.C. 77 Ray H. C. 37 Royal elephant 378 Ray N. R. 220, 221, 222 Royal sage Vasu 334 Roy S. C. 71 Royal scribes 187 Ready money 354 Royal writ 187, 305 Rebellion 299 Rubies 329, 331, 358, 360 Recalcitrant 185 Rudra 101 Reconnoitre 206 Rudradamana I 150, 170, Reed forest 11 185, 250, 311 Regenerate caste 101 Rudragupta 234 Regent 271 Rukmin GO Relics 111 Rupa 304, 365, 300, 307, Religious edifices 355, 357 309 Religious institutions 362 Rupa-darshaka 306 Religious Orders 212 Rupanath 210 Religious shrines 363 : Rupanarayan (river) 5 Remonstrances 191 Rupa Sutra 306 Renu 83, 109, 111 Rupa vidhi 306 Repalle taluka 224 Rupees 203 Republican states 343 Rupya 306 Reserve forest 203 Reservoirs 347 S Rest houses 344, 355 Sabara 14, 178 Restroid Handaxe 59 Sabarmati river 66 Revenue officer 183 Sabda 311 Rhinoceros hides 105 Sabdamala 300 Rhomboidal section 60 Sabhavati (city) 25 For Personal & Private Use Only

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444 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA Sabhuti (monk) 386 Sabres 342 Sacred monuments 368 Sacred symbols 377 Sagala 113 Sagar district 232, 290 Sahadeva 95, 102 Sahajati 262 Sahasram 210 Sailodbhavas 31, 38 Sairindras 93 Saisunaga 128, 132 Saiva cult 255 Saka 232 Saka era 40 Saka Satrap 232 Sakala 225, 229, 347 Sakala-Kalinga 37, 40 Saketa 119, 276 Sakyas 219 Sakya Buddha 219 Sakya simha 219 Salisuka 273 Salivahana 245 Salvas 100, 108 Salya 100 Samaharta 178, 202 Samahartri 182, 184, 185 Samajas 344, 357 Samanta varman 37, 42 Samapa 28, 29, 171, 177, 180, 181, 191, 200, 202 Sambalgarh 105 Sambalpur 37, 47 Sambhava Jataka 309 Sambhavanatha 391 Samjna 378 Sammeta-sikhara 384 Sampadi 272 Samprati 119, 224, 270, 272 Samstha 308 Samudra (Bhikshu) 162 Samudragupta 128, 231, 368 Samudrasena 96 Sanaischara 108 Sanchi 223, 293, 352, 392 Sanchi Gateway Inscription 282 Sandford (author) 60 Sandrocottos 151, 203 Sandstone 372 Sangama 107 Sanguna 77 Sanjaya 97 Sanksya 221, 222, 223, 311 Sankhyana 303 Sanklayana Sutra 13 Sanskrit 16, 18, 36, 124, 133, 139, 229, 277, 307, 321, 336 Santals 13 Santhalas 80 santikaradeva 217 santi parya 14, 94 Sanulatyhiya gama 118 Saores 13 Sarabha 259 Sarbhanga Jataka 110, 113 Saradvant 81 Saraha (author) 255 Saranganatha 145 Sarapha (place) 30 Saravana 8+ Saraswati river 79, 87, 95, 141 Sarephahara 29, 30 Sargachira 50, 52, 53 Sar lake 12, 13 Sarmishtha 87 Sarnath 145, 221 Sarnath column 220 Sarnath edict 211 Sarpa gumpha 386 Sarva river 91 Sarvakshatranta ka 128, 132 Sarvaprishti sacrifice 103 For Personal & Private Use Only

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INDEX 445 Sarva-vidya 309 Sasana haras 187 Sasani 15 Sasaoka 37, 38 Sasija 108 Saisunaga 280 Sataghara cave 391. 392 Satakarni 116, 135, 267, 268, 269, 279, 280, 283, 288, 310, 322, 323, 338, 340, 356 Satamana 355 Satapatha Brahmana 109, 283, 320 Satavahanas 182, 235, 245, 255, 268, 288, Satavahana inscription 289 Satiyaputras 149, 150 Satpuras 22, 153 Satraps 153 Sattabhu (king) 83, 109 Saturn 103 Satya 99 Satyadeva 99 Satyaki 97, 99 Saudyumnas 86, 87, 89 Saur 13 Saurashtra 150, 170 Saurashtras 103 Sauvira 104, 110 Sau viras 103 Savarai 14 Savatthi 118 Sava-vija 309, 310 Schistose quartzite 50 Scimitars 98, 99 Scourage 14 Scraper 54, 57, 58, 61, 68 Scribe 39, 167, 188 Scriptures 214 Scroll works 391 Sculptors 390, 391 Sculpture 220, 221, 223, 292, 371, 387 Scythians 230 Scythian age 187 Seleukas Nikator 148, 151 Senart M. 184, 255 Serpent cave 386 Seth H.C. 315, 316 Setukas 91 Shadara 143 Shafts 98, 99, 218, 342, 385 Shahbazgarhi 167 Shahi Tump 78 Shalozan 78 Shepherd C.E. Col. 234 Shields 205, 342, 377, 381 Shouldered adze 70 Shouldered axe 74 Shouldered celt 76 Sialkot 113 Sibis 231 Side chopper 57,60 Side pilaster 378 Side scraper 58 Siddhas 93 Siddhapura 149 Siddhatthapura 119, 121 Sihabahu 114, 115 Sihapura 115, 259 Sikhandi 96 Sildah 74 Silicious stone 67 Silty clay 62 Silver currency 356 Silver punch marked coins 356 Silvain Levi 39 Simha 114 Simhalese kings 112 Simha lese race 116 Simhapura 107, 111, 145, 251 Simuka 268 For Personal & Private Use Only

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446 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA Sindha 103, 276 Sindhus 103 Singbhum 3, 19, 49,67 Singbhum district 53, 118 Singhapura 27 Singrauli 60, 61, 65 Sipra 108 Sircar D.C. 244, 247, 256, 266, 279, 284, 295, 300, 313, 324 Siri katara 300 Siripuram 27 Sisunaga dynasty 130 Sisupala 95, 352 Sisupalgarh 286, 288, 290, 350, 351, 353 Sisupala Sunitha 259 Sita 94 Sitalanatha 144 Siva 34, 84, 101 Sivakara III. 38 Skanda 94 Skandagupta 181 Skanda purana 24 Slings 342 Smith V.A. 77, 140, 184, 234 Socketed axe 78 Sodasa 232 Soban (place] 61 Solid rock 218 Soma 84, 88 Somakula 38 Somayamsi 42 Sonpur 37 Son river 108, 115, 261 Sopara 167 Sophists 151 Sora Copper Plate 20, 30 Sotthivati nagar 261 South 3,4,5, 6, 10, 11, 12, 21, 23, 24, 27, 94, 148, 149, 151, 152, 153, 214, 256 South Indians 22 South India 92, 93, 148, 229, 232, 244 South Kosala 38, 253 Southern Malava 316 Southern Peninsula 150 Southern province 200 Spandril 382, 385 Spartan 250 Spheroidal blocks 50 Square railing 377 Square shafts 387 Squatting yaksha 379 Sraddha ceremony 90, 252 Sramanas 111 [Savatthi] Sravasti 118 Greyamsanatha 145 Sri 300 Srikakole 349 Sripura 26 Srirangam plates 40, 43 Srungavarapukota taluka 27 Srutayus 97, 98 Star of coronation 215 Stella kramrisch 292 Stellen bosch 60 Sten konow 238, 265, 274, 275, 300 Sthanika 178, 185, 202, 203 Stirling A. 238 Stirrup 391 Stone artifacts 51 Stone implements 44, 47 Strabo Greek writer] 200, 203 Strabo I [Indo Greek king] 251 Strabo II 251 Strata 79, 81, 290 Stratification 68 Striker 63 Stri-dhyaksha mahamatra 181, 188 For Personal & Private Use Only

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INDEX 447 Stri-rajya 246 Stupas 140 Stupa of Amaravati 392 Stupa of Bharhut 391, 392 Stupa of Ramgram 223 Stuart Piggott 75 Suars 124 Suari 14, 19, 123 Subbarao R. 2, 26, 36, 40 Subhadeva Pataka 30 Subhakara deva 38 Subhoma 118 Subhumibhaga 119 Subhuti 336 Successors of Kharavela 375 Suchchhetta 118 Sudeshna 82, 88, 94, 138 Sudhas 13 Sudharmana 258 Sudras 10, 130, 137, 147, Sudyumna 84, 88, 89 Sugriva 94 Suhma 82, 88, 89, 96, 118 Sukra 108 Sukradeva 98 Suktimati 258, 261, 262 Sukti sahvya 261 Sukumar Sen Dr. 254, 255 Sumana 162, 175, 176 Sunagara 27 Sundergarh 70, 72 Sunakha niraya 113 Sungas 135, 225, 230, 235, 271, 272, 273, 279, 289, 291 Sunga dynasty 268, 272, 315 Bunga script 283 Sunrising hill 372 Sunsungaria 50 Surface 55 Sunyapalas 206 Superintendent of Barren Tracts 206 Superintendent of Elephant Forest 204 Superintendent of Jails 197, Suraparichara 238 Surasena 108 Surasenas 132 Surguja 21 Surya dynasty 74 Susarmana 268 Sushena 94 Susima 116 Susima 175 Sutas 89 Sutlej 79 Sutradharas 194 Suttanipata 116 Suvarna (coin) 356 Suvarnagiri 169, 173, 181, 200 Suvarnakuta 217 Suvarnnadri 217 Suvarnarekha 3, 5, 8, 20, 30, 53, 158 Svargapuri 264, 375, 376, 379 Svastika 377 Svataka town 26 Svayamvara 94, 95 Switzerland 47 Sylvain Levi 33, 120, 121, 238, 349 Symbols 142, 143, 220, 232, 290, 381 Syria 148 Tables (charts) 57, 58 Table-land 7, 8, 9 Tableau 381 Tanaga 346 Tahqiq-i-Hind 134, 278 Tailanga 39 For Personal & Private Use Only

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448 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA Taitila country 105 Taitila kadru 105 Taittiriya aranyaka 83 Takasila 200 Takshasila 171, 172, 212, 312 Talodaka 121 Talchar Copper plate 38 Talcher 47 154, 169, 170, Tamajuri 76 Tamil 106, 115, 139, 140, 148, 149, 152, 316, 333 Tamil inscription 316 Tamralipta 96, 384 Tamraliptikas 93 Tamraparni 91 Tamrarupa 306 Tamra sasanas 15 Tamsu 95 Tanasuliya road 278, 355 Tanganas 108 Tarn W. W. 275, 276 Taranatha 41, 149, 150, 176, 225 Tatiya 248 Tatiya yuga 249 Taurine 143 Tauala 250 Tawny 14, 105, 300 Taxila 144, 154 Tel river 42 Telinga 41 Telingana 15, 41 Tel-kalinga 36 Telugu 2,3,1, 218, 34, 41, 42 Terasa-vasa-sata 281 Terrace 52, 53, 62, 98, 218, 385, 389 Tertiary 53 Texture 393 Thana district 167 Thana Plates of Rama chandra 40 Thatchers 11 Theory 34, 65, 246, 265, 350 Third dimension 223 Thomas O. T. 1 Thomas F. W. 153, 183, 185, 185 Three-hooded serpent 378 Thuna 119 Tibetan 149 Tiger cave 336, 386 Tikaitpur 50 Tilinga 33, 39 Tiloka sundari 116 Tilong 41 Tipperah district 34 Tirtha 201 Tirthankar 117, 118, 128, 136, 144, 145, 146, 147, 384 Tiruvorriyur Adhipurisvara temple inscription 316 Tishya 175, 190, 199, 216, 271 Tishya nakshatra 215, 271 Tissa (Asoka's brother) 175 Titikshu 87, 83 Titilgarh 105 Tittira kalmasha 105 Ti-vasa sata 133, 135, 265, 277, 279, 280 Tomaras 93 Topography 5, 6, 7, 13, 49 Torso 146 Tortoise 392 Tosala 20, 28, 29, 31, 42, 43, 91, 92 Tosala vishaya 29 Tosalei 29 Tosali 28, 29, 118, 119, 120, 121, 169, 170, 171, 177, 180, 181, 191, 200, 202, 349 Tosali acharya 121 For Personal & Private Use Only

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INDEX 449 Tosali kshatriyas 119 Tushita heaven 219 Tosalika 121 Tusker 390 Touch stone 106 Tutelary goddess 218 Traipuras 92, 262 Tympana 378, 381, 390, 392 Traipuri 34 Tramira 281, 328, 333 Trans-Vindhya region 235 Travancore 245 Uchathya 81 Trayi 304 Ulaka 269, 272 Tribes 13, 14, 46, 105, 132, Udaharana 354 267 Udayagiri 336, 372, 373, Tribal people 324 379 Tribal oligarchies 230, 231 Udayagiri-Khandagiri 145, Tribhaga river 91 237, 242, 253, 286, 292, Tribunal of Eight 194 313, 379 Triglypton 34, 41 Udayin 128 Triennial 211 Uddehikas 231 Trikalinga 33, 34, 35, 36, Udras 102, 124, 248 37, 38, 39, 41, 42 Udumbaras 231 Trikalingadhipati 35, 36, 37, Ugrasena 129, 140 38, 39 Ugratirtha 94 Trilingpton 123 Ugravamsa 260 Trilinga 33, 39, 40, 41, 42, 43 Ujjaiyini 112, 169, 170, Trilingon 34, 41 171, 200, 315 Trilingadhipa 39, 40 Uma 84 Trilingadhipati 39 Umayarman 27 Trilingadesadhipati 40 Unitary State 139 Trilingadesa-parameswara 39 Unmatta Kesari 38 Tripitaka 285 Unmattasingh 38 Tripuri 34, 92, 93, 262 Upadhyaya 83 Tripurasura 34 Uparichara Vasu 259 Trisamudradhipati 34 Upavarsha 141 Trisula 377, 381 Upavsita 103 Trophy 345, 363 Upayuktas 186 True arch 388 U posatha 211 Truncate 54 Uruyela 295 Truncated cones 70 Uruvilva 295 Trunion celt 78 Usava 357 Trylingon 123 Ushakuti 72 Tumbaras 92 Usinara 87 Tumuras 92 Utkala 2, 18, 21, 23, 28, 32, Turban 343, 381 36, 38, 81, 83, 85, 86, 88, Turvasu 87 89, 90, 91, 94, 332 57 For Personal & Private Use Only

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450 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA Utkala tribe 21 Utkala vishaya 22, 23, 32 Utkalas 19, 22, 92, 102 Utkali language 16 Uttamabhadras 231 Uttamarna 92 Uttana pada 90 Utthana 310 Uttaradhyayana Sutra 109 Uttara Kalinga 37 Uttara Kuru region 105 Uttara Panchala 259 Uttarapatha 4, 172, 200, 328, 330, 332, 340, 366 Uttara Pradesa 65, 167, 231 Uttara Radha 37 Uttara Tosala 20, 21, 29, 30, 31, 37 Vabhyudaya 29 Vachabhumika 180, 187 Vachaspatyam 300 Vadhamana sesayo 320 321 Vadharaja 354, 367 Vadukha 292, 376, 377 Vahikas 100 Vahiraghara 316 Vahlikas 108 Vaidarbhas 209 Vairisimha 315, 316 Vaisali 82, 87 Vaiseshika 311 Vaisvanariya Ishti 103, 137 Vaisya Pushyagupta 170 Vaitarni river 5, 8, 20, 21, 24, 67, 101, 102, 138 Vajiraghara 313, 315, 316 Vajjabhumi 115 Vajra family 316 Vajragadka 316 Vajragriha 316 Vajrakara 316 Vajramitra 315 Vajrasimha 315 Vakra 95 Vakradeva 243, 252, 253, 254, 292 Valentine Ball 47 Valuyagama 118 Vamana 91 Vamsadhara river 26, 91, 349 Vanavasika 91, 92 Vanga 82, 88, 89, 96, 103, 104, 106, 108, 116, 119 Vangodra 248 Varadakhanda vishaya 31 Varahamihira 107 Varanasi 40, 111, 117, 145 Vararuchi 141 Vardhana (place] 340 Vardhamana 146, 318, 320, 349 Vardhamanapura 27 Varman 26 Varnasrama dharma 137 Varsha 141 Varta 304 Varukana vishaya 30 Varuna 34 Vasishthiputra Sri Pulumavi 257 Vasu 107, 258, 259, 260, 263 Vasudeva [god] 108 Vasudeva 268 Vasumati (Queen) 260 Vasu Uparichara 258 Vatsa 106, 108, 200 Vatsyayana Kamasutra 211 Vavabara 307, 308 Vayiragara 316 Vayiragrama 316 Vayu purana 22, 21, 32, 91, 92, 268, 272 For Personal & Private Use Only

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INDEX 451 Vedas 81, 100, 137, 285, Vishnu purana 272 304, 311 Vishnumitra 273 Vedic abhisheka 319 Visvamitra 13, 231, 267 Vedic Aryans 75 Vitihotras 132 Vein-quartz 54 Vivasvant 84, 89 Vela 295, 296 Vivitadhyaksha 206 Vena 89, 108, 318, 321 Viyohala 308, 309 Venabhivijiyo 320, 321 Viyohala samata 308 Vessantara Jataka 243, 258 Vizagapatam 13, 27, 29, 36 Vetravati 108 Vraja 187 Vidarbha 109, 260 Vriddha 198 Videha 87, 109, 110 Vrijji 194 Videhas 93 Vrikodar 99 Viddha salabhanjika 39 Vrindavana 300 Vidisha 92, 225, 229 Vrishasena 272 Vidyas 310, 311 Vritra 90 Vidyadhara 299, 323, 332, Vyadi 141 377, 378, 381, 383 Vyakarana 142 Vidyadhara abode 358 Vyayahara 192, 193, 307 Vidyanalha 39 Vyavaharika 194, 203 Vigraba inscription 37 Vyavaharika sastra 307 Viharas 383, 389 Vijaya 114, 116, 259 W Vijayabahu I. 116 Vikram era 290 Wairagadh 316 Vilya 295 Warrangal 35, 39, 273 Vimala river 91 Waylands 60 Vimsatika 142, 143 Weapons 63, 64, 94, 97, 158, Vinata 85 342, 354, 359 Vinatasva 85, 86 Wedding feast 384 Vincent Smith 76 Weepholes 394 Vindhyas 4, .19, 43, 79, 92, West Asia 78 93, 108, 139, 152, 260, West Asiatic 78 263, 324, 332 West Bengal 3, 76, 79, 114, Vindhyans [people] 22,91 115 Vindhya-maulikas 14, 209 Western Chalukya dynast 43 Vindhya-vasinah 19 Western Coast 34 Vinischaya Mabamatra 194 Western Europe 66 Vivita 359 Western India 103, 232, 388 Virakas 100 Western Malwa 229 Vishakha varman 26 Western province 170 Vishaya 29, 30, 31, 187 Western region 322, 338 Vishnu (god) 300, 302 Western route 330 For Personal & Private Use Only

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452 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA Western sea 150 Whitbeck H. Ray 1 White Elephant 219 White One 218 White sandstone 237 Wilford 33, 34 Wild tribes 206, 207, 208, 209 Winged animals 376, 381 Winged creatures 386 Winged deer 381 Worman E.C. 14, 49 Worms 106 Wu-T'u 20, 27 Yasah 132 Yasamita 269 Yati 86, 87 Yaudheyas 231 Yaudheya confederation 230 Yavanas 160, 230 Yavanaraja 274, 275, 280 Yavana king 325, 383 Yavanaraja Dimita, 274, 326 Yayati 86, 87 Yayana lipi 42 Yerragudi 149, 167, 179, 158 Yicla 7, 56, 356 Yoga 311 Yogas 311 Yuddha-vidya 310 Yudhishthira 93, 100, 101, 102, 138 Yuga 249 Yuga purana 230, 275 Yuktas 182, 183, 184, 185, 186, 210 Yuyaraja 135, 279, 280, 318 Xandra mmes 122 Yadu 87, 258 Yadus 99 Yadavas 81, 258, 260 Yajna 93, 95 Yajnapura 93 Yakkha 295 Yaksha 295, 376, 378 Yama 99 Yamuna 79, 103, 261 Yasalalaka Tissa 317 Yasalalaka [title] 317 Zamindar 3, 15 Zeal 163, 364 Zealous 163 Zenith 368 Zodiacal 271 Zonal 61 Zoology 390 For Personal & Private Use Only

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DESCRIPTION OF PLATES PLATEI 1. DHAULI ELEPHANT--Forepart. It is in the round and is well-modelled, about 4 feet in height and is hewn out of the solid rock. Believed to be belonging to the Asokan period. 2. MONOLITHIC PILLARS-Standing in the centre of the Sisupalgarh fort near Bhuvaneswar. These are 16 in mumber. Made of laterite. Average height is 14-15 ft. Top and bottom are cubical and 21 ft. square, top 2-3 ft. and bottom 4-5 st. long. The central part is octagonal or 16 faceted. Across the top, the pillars have a socket obviously to hold super-imposed beams or coping. Tow pillars are however circular in section. These probably represent a pillared hall during the period of Kharavela. The Sisupalgarh fort has been identified with Kulinganagar of Kharavela's time. 3. MONOLITHIC PILLARS-Lengthwise vicw. 4. RANI GUMPHA-General view. This is the largest and the most richly carved of all caves on tlie Khandagiri. It is a two-storeyed excavation. 5. RANI GUMPHA-Lower storey, right wing. View of the left spandril between arches of the door ways in the room beyond the verandah. For Personal & Private Use Only

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454 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA A man with two women seated on a bench. The ladies are sitting on each side of the man with their hands folded in an attitude of devotion. A female attendant is carrying offering to right behind. The spandril is decorated with railing and flowery designs. 6. RANI GUMPHA-Lower storey, main wing. View of scenes on the spandril on the side-doorways. Left-A caparisoned horse and three male figures standing in a devotional attitude. 8. Right-Four figures can be seen, all to right. The first figure is sheltered under an umbrella (not clear in the photograph) held by the second one. They are followed by two guards bearing straight sword on their shoulders. PLATE II 7. RANI GUMPHA-Lower storey, main wing. View of another spandril. tees. A saint (small figure) followed by four devoTwo kneeling figures doing obeisance to him and two ladies in the background carrying offerings. Both the kneeling figures have their hands joined and stretched towards ground as if in the act of taking up saint's foot-dust. RANI GUMPHA-Upper storey, main wing. View of the first compartment in the first cell. A running Vidyadhara wearing an elaborate turban, necklace, dhoti and scarf. Carries a tray of offerings, probably, flowers in the left outstretched For Personal & Private Use Only

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DESCRIPTION OF PLATES 455 hand and lotus flowers and buds or rolls of garland in the right hand. The scene marks the beginning of the friezes. 9. RANI GUMPHA--View of the ninth compartment in the last cell. Same as above. Much obliterated. Marks the end of the friezes. 10. RANI GUMPIA--Vicw of the second compartment. Appears to be an elephant hunt. Three elephants-one shown facing front with upraised trunk and two to right. Several figures standing before the elephants - one woman holds the noose of a rope in riglit haud lifted up; il stout man with a heavy bludgcon held in both hands raised over his head ; another woman holding the left hand of the first. Her left hand is placed on the head of a young elephant facing right, which has already been captured. A third woman behind with a lasso or rope held in uplifted hands, probably to throw at the animals. Beyond this part, in the background, are three women with their arms entwined round each other's neck, while in front a lady is dragging a prostate boy along the ground. The scene closes with a tree (Asoka ?) having elongate:l leaves. 11. RANI GUMPHA-- View of the fourth compartment. Probably represents a hunting scene. A caparisoned horse with four attendants, one carrying vase and a club, another with a sword, the third holding a chauri in right hand and an umbrella in left, and the fourth standing in front of the animal, For Personal & Private Use Only

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456 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA A prince in the centre standing with bow and arrow. Wears an elaborate bejewelleil head-dress, a long necklace and heavy ear-rings. A sword in scabbard hangs to his left side. Aiming at a long. horned winged deer, below which is a winged dove and a fawn. A flowering tree between the prince and the deer. The scene closes wish the prince standing with reversed bow in left har l and talking to a lady seated in the fork of an Asoka tree under which the winged deer lies dead. 12. RANI GUMPHA- Upper storey, main wing. View of the fifth compartment (partly damaged). Probably represents a musical festival. On the left side, a lady seated on a bench, behind to left, three female figures, one bearing a vase, the second waving a chawri and the third holding an umbrella over the laly. In the foreground, an attendant with a bowl in uplifted right hand. To right two females, one bearing garland in a tray and the other waving a chawri. In the centre, six figures can be seen--three in the foreground seated, playing on musical instruments, and three in the backgrounil dancing. On the right end, a male figure scated to left on a bench with right leg crossed over to the left one, and right hand raised to his chest. On the ground, in front of the bench, a vase and an attendant seated with folded hands. PLATE UI 13. RANI GUMPHA--View of the seventh compartment. Much mutilated. For Personal & Private Use Only

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DESCRIPTION OF PLATES 457 Represents an amorous scene between a male and a female--the same figures repeated thrice. The first group shows the pair seated on a couch with arms entwined round each other's waist. In the second group, the lady is seated on the man's left knee and a table of refreshment before them. The third shows the couple seated on ground. Man's back is turned towards the lady. He is apparently trying to get away, while the lady seeks to restraint hiin. Between the second and the third groups is a tree. 14. RANI GUMPHA-Upper storey, main wing. Left figure. Here the place of usual guards is taken by two figures riding on animals. These are shown in profile facing each other. The guard is seated astride on a bull. The figure however is much mutilated to determine whether it is that of a male or a female. 15. RANI GUMPHA- View of the guard on the left-hand side. Of an unusual interest. To front, 4' 4" in height. Wears a turban, a scarf, a short heavy tunic held in by a waist band and reaching below the knees, and boots or hose-up. A sword hangs to his left side. This figure has given rise to the theory of IndoGreek or Kushan influence in Orissan sculpture and architecture. 16. RANI GUMPHA- Upper story--south-east of the right-wing. 58 For Personal & Private Use Only

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458 17. AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA View of a low platform with arms, big enough to accommodate about 8 seated people in two rows. At either ends were carved small lions in high relief but traces of one of them on the left are found. Probably meant for the most honoured saint during a religious sermon. 20. MUSICIAN'S CAVE-General view. It consists of two separate cells each with a verandah in front facing south. The peculiar brackets supporting the short concave chhajja are noteworthy. 18. CHHOTA HATHIGUMPHA-General view. It is a small cell measuring 6' 5'' x 5' 2'' x 4' with one door facing south-west. Over the doorway is an arch springing from the side pilasters and on either side of it is an elephant-frieze, from which the cave evidently derives its name. PLATE IV 19. CHHOTA HATHIGUMPHA-View of the pilaster on the right hand side. Three elephants are seen approaching from a forest represented by a single well-carved tree, one of the animals carries a branch of a tree in its upraised trunk. Below the frieze is carved a balustrade or railing and the arch-form is decorated with flowers. ALKAPURI CAVE-General view. It is a two storeyed excavation consisting of a single oblong room in each storey, much damaged, repaired in recent years, For Personal & Private Use Only

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DESCRIPTION OF PLATES 459 21. JAYAVIJAYA CAVE-General view. Consists of upper storey only. It consists of two rooms with a verandah and a terrace in front. The verandah has a male (left) and a female (right) guard, both much damaged. Note :--Below the terrace, in front of the Jaya. vijaya can be seen a plain cell with one door. Fergusson describes it as the lower storey of the Jayavijaya, while O'malley, in the Distt. Gazeteer, describes it as a part of the lower storey of the Alkapuri. At present, however, it is called Khadau (wooden footwear) cave from the circumstance that till recently wooden footwears of some 25 sadhus of the local math were kept here as relic. Considering its size and position, it seems more likely that it formed thic lower storey of the Jayavijaya. 22. JAYAVIJAYA CAVE-View of the Female Guard. Much damaged ; wears scanty garment. On the right hand, raised to the shoulder, is perched a parrot and above is a small yakshi holding on to the branch of a tree (not clear in the photograph). 23. JAYAVIJAYA CAVE-View of a spandril on the last doorway. A running yaksha carrying a tray of offerings in left hand upraise and lotus stalks in bud and flower in right hand upraised. Wears a big turban and a dhoti with ends flying. The arch is relieved with flower and undulating floral designs issuing from the mouth of a makara. 24. PATALAPURI CAVE-General view. In this cave a benched verandah opens into four rooms, two at the back and one each on either sides. For Personal & Private Use Only

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460 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA PLATE V 25. (a) SVARGAPURI CAVE_Consists of the upper storey. It consists of a benched verandah opening into a long room in front and a side room on the right. It has lost greater part of its roof. Tha arches are relieved, as usual, with floral designs and the pilasters are characteristically ornamented. It contains an inscription of three lines recording that the cave was got excavated by the Chief Queen of Kharavela. (b) MANCHAPURI CAVE-Consists of the lower storey, It consists of a main wing comprising a side chamber and two back chambers to east and a right wing with one chamber to south. The verandahs in front of the main and right wings have each figures of two guards sculptured at the ends. It contains two small inscriptions mentioning two princes Kudepasiri and Vadukha. The front face of the rock forming the roof of the main verandah is decorated with a procession of elephants and other figures below and with a railing above--the uprights of the railing being decorated with half lotuses in the lower and the upper and medallions and floral and other designs in the central ones. These carvings are now almost entirely obli terated owing to the action of the weather. 26. MANCHAPURI CAVE-View of the inner bracket of a pillar in the main verandah. Two yakshas riding over two rampant horses. The second horse with yaksha is not very clearly visible in the photograph. For Personal & Private Use Only

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DESCRIPTION OF PLATES 461 27. MANCHAPURI CAVE--Main wing. View of the bas-relief in the central compartment. A crowned prince attended by three male figures worshipping with folded hands at a sacred tree enclosed within a square railing. Above are two flying gandharvas holding a guitar. A fullblown lotus appears to their right. Behind the party is full-modelled elephant apparently running towards them. Above the animal is a flying vidyadhara bearing a tray of offerings or garlands in in left hand. Note :- The prince may be identified with Indra on account of the presence of elephant and gandharvas. However, there is a possibility that the figure might represent one of the princes--Kudepasiri and Vadukha, referred to in inscriptions here. 28. MANCHAPURI CAVE--Right wing. View of the two guards, much obliterated. usual. As 29. GANESA GUMPHA-General view. It consists of two rooms with a benched verandah in front. The right hand chamber flanked by a elephant on each side holding branches of mango tree over a large full blown lotus. 30. GANESA GUMPHA-Figure of the elephant on the right. Standing on a platform. Holds branches of mango tree over a large full blown lotus. Very well modelled. For Personal & Private Use Only

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462 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA PLATE VI 31. GANESA GUMPHA-View of a guard on the outer face of the left hand pilaster in the verandah. It is 4' 6" in licight. Wcars turban, earornaments, scarf and dhoti, and holds a full length spcar in right hand. 32. GANESA GUMPHA--View of bracket. It is relieved with a standing female figure holding spouted vessel with flowers. 33. GANESA GUMPHA- View of a bas-relief. Probably represents an abduction scene. Portrays a cave or house shaded with tree with a man lying on a bed and a woman sitting beside him with her right hand resting on luis left leg. Beyond this pair, to right is seen another woman grasping the right arm of a man wearing a dhoti and walking with a stoop as if weary or wounded, and carrying a sword in left hand. The two women are apparently talking to each other. In the right half of the relief is depicted a mortal combat between a man and woman. The scene ends with the man carrying off the woman. Note :--One such scene has been found in the Rani Gumpha. 34. GANESA GUMPHA---View of the second relief carved in the fourth compartment. Four kilted soldiers armed with swords and shields pursuing a party consisting of two men and a woman riding on an elephant. The hindermost rider has just cut off the head of the foremost pursuer; For Personal & Private Use Only

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DESCRIPTION OF PLATES 463 the second, in the middle, is shooting arrows, while the lady, probably with a goad in her hand, is looking on In the second part of the relief, the same party of two men and a woman is repeated thrice. The first group shows the party dismounting a sitting elephant. In the second, they are proceeding on foot ; while in the third, the lady is seated on a bed much worricd and the man consoling her. 35. HATHIGUMPHA---General view. It is a large natural cavern of irregular shape slightly enlarged by artificial means. It can boast of no architectural features. The famous inscription of king Klaravela is incised on the frontal portion of the rock forming the roof. A structure has been built in recent years over it in order to save the inscription from rain-water and weather decay. 36. HATHIGUMPHA -A closer view of the inscription and its situation. PLATE VII 37. BAGH GUMPHA-General view. So named from its front being carved to resemble a tiger's head. It consists of a small cell, while the expanded jaws of the animal forms the verandah. The eyes, nose and upper jaw of the animal are very well represented. The door jambs lean inward considerably and are flanked by well-ornamented pilasters on raised platform, surmounted by a semicircular band. It contains an inscription recording that the cave was dedicated by the town Judge Sabhuti, For Personal & Private Use Only

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464 AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA 38. BAGH GUMPHA-A closer view of the same. 39. JAMBESVARA GUMPHA- General view. It consists of a single cell with two plain doorways facing south and a benched verandah in front supported on one pillar. It was dedicated by Nakiya wife of Mahamada. 40. ANANT GUMPHA-General view. The most elaborate cave on the Khandagiri. It consists of a long chamber with an arched ceiling. The chamber had four doorways-one having been fallen. It was dedicated to the monk of Dohadh. 41. ANANT GUMPHA-View of the second tympanum. Portrays the sun-god, under an umbrella with his two wives, Sanjna and Chhaya, seated on his left and right, driving a chariot of four horses to right. To proper lest of Chhaya is a crescent surrounded by stars, while to right of Sanjna is an elaborate lotus. At the lower end is a burly demon, probably Rahu, carrying an indistinct object in the right hand and a spouted vase in the left. 42. ANANT GUMPHA- View of the third tympanum. Represents Lakshmi-abhisheka. Goddess Lakshmi standing on a lotus with two elephants on each side, pouring water over her from vases held in uplifted trunks. Behind the elephants are two parrots packing at half-open lotus buds. The arch is a fantastic representation of men (yakshas ?) struggling with lions and bulls. It is crowned with trisula, For Personal & Private Use Only

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43. 16. DESCRIPTION OF PLATES PLATE VIII ANANT GUMPHA-View of the fourth tympanum. A pipal tree in centre within railing. To left stands a male in devotional attitude with an attendant carrying a spouted vase and a tray of offerings. To right stands a woman holding a long garland in right hand to be placed on a branch of the sacred tree attended by a maid carrying a vase and offerings. The arch is relieved with brahmany geese bearing lotus buds in their beaks and meeting at the crown of the arch. 44 & 45. ANANT GUMPHA-View of the arches flanked by a large three hooded. serpent on each side, the hoods being shown near the springing of the arch, while the tails extend along the extrados upto the crown. 465 ANANT GUMPHA-View of the next panel. Two vidyadharas flying in opposite directions wearing elaborate turbans, dhoti with ends flying, bangles, ear-rings etc. bearing trays of offerings. Above, a frieze consisting of a series of stepped stupas. 47. ANANT GUMPHA-Si le pilasters of the doorways. Decorated with pillars in high relief carved with delicate designs. These have vase forms at the base and bell-shaped capitals, both the vases and the bells being elaborately ornamented with lotuspatterns; the bells being further relieved at the shoulders with vertical ribs. Above the capitals are the usual animals in pairs (not clear in the photograph). The decoration on the shafts being different in each pair. 59 For Personal & Private Use Only

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466 48. AN EARLY HISTORY OF ORISSA ANANT GUMPHA-Outer view of the cave. Shows the verandah supported on three pillars of characteristic type-square below and above, and octagonal in the centre. At the top, the pillars and also the pilasters are provided with decorative brackets in front and back-the outer bracket lending support to the short concave chhajja projecting beyond the pillars. PLATE IX 49. PARROT GUMPHA 50. Figure of parrot at near the top of the arch at the right end. The arches are adorned with floral designs. SARPA GUMPHA-General view. It is typical cave with roof resembling the hood of a serpent facing left. 51. BARABHUJI GUMPHA Named after a figure of a goddess with twelve arms incised in it. The photograph shows the goddess sitting on pedestal with one leg crossed. Below the pedestal a crouching clephant to right with an attendant in the foreground. Probably belongs to mediaeval period. 52. THREE JAINA FIGURES-Represent two Jaina Tirthankaras and one Devi. Belong to the early mediaeval period. 53. AKASAGANGA TANK--General view. It is a rectangular tank excavated in the solid rock with the flight of steps along the northern and For Personal & Private Use Only

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DESCRIPTION OF PLATES 467 western walls. It is said to be fed by a natural spring at the bottom. 54. GUPTAGANGA TANK-Outer view. It is a long natural cavern resembling a tunnel with vaulted roof. The far end of it, about 50 st, is generally filled with water. PLATEX 55. DEVA SABHA To the south-west of the Jaina temple on the Khandagiri. 56. FIGURE OF RISHABHA DEVA In the Jaina temple, with his emblem as bull. Built in recent years. For Personal & Private Use Only

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3 5 1 583 PLATE I For Personal & Private Use Only 2 JUDOCO 6'

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PLATE II 10 11 12 For Personal & Private Use Only

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PLATE III 13 14 15 16 17 18 For Personal & Private Use Only

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PLATE IV 19 20 21 22 23 24 For Personal & Private Use Only

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PLATE V -25 26 22 28 29 30 For Personal & Private Use Only

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PLATE VI 32 31 33 34 35 36 For Personal & Private Use Only

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42 41 40 39 38 37 PLATE VII For Personal & Private Use Only

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PLATE VIII 43 44. 45 46 48 For Personal & Private Use Only

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PLATE IX 49 50 51 52 53 54 For Personal & Private Use Only

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WEST BENGAL CRISSA BIHAR MINDRA ESA w KAKWA 7. RAGAS SUNDERGAOH ANDALE PK SAMALPUR PHENKAMAL KEON JH DIAMANT BALSC AMANANADI SAMBAL MISVARA BOL ANGLIRI OS KWARDADO a. . KALANANDI 4.GAMEC MADHYA . in EAS: One KOR A PUT dy BAY OF BENGAL RIVER MOUNTAIN RANGE RAILWAY w ith he Mar 1 UTKALA KO SALA . BAHAN I TOSA LA IRMAHA TIARA VIVA KONG A DA OR DAKSHINA DAKSMIHA WALA NARA URLAN NYA -Y TOSALA ALINGA ANDHRA BENGAL WA POLITICAL DIVISION OF THE KALINGA COUNTRY (GREATER ORISSA) 82" 84 88deg For Personal & Private Use Only

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UDAYA GHI KAMAGIRI RLY. STATION TO CUTTACK BHUVANS WAR A LINGARIG TEMPLE R.BHARAVI BHUNS SISUPAL To PURI -FORT R DAYA DHAULI HILL ASHOKA 'Eder TO PUOI Map 3 KHONDAGIRI . 31 May " ' SUNGLE ennn 15 min VOYAGI OYAGIRI von /44, I . 1353 . M .. .VVVS HVARNO SCALE OF FEET 2.Tai . AALAL. CNA For Per Map 4ivate Use Only

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