Doctrine of Jainas

Author(s): Walther Shubring, Wolfgang Beurlen
Publisher: Motilal Banarasidas
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/011097/1

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THE DOCTRINE OF THE JAINAS
Described After The Old Sources
WALTHER SCHUBRING, PhD
Professor in he University of Hamburg ( retired)
Translated from the revised German edition by
WOLFGANG BEURLEN
MOTILAL BANARSIDASS Delhi .i Varanasi :: Patna

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© MOTILAL BANARSIDASS
Indological Publishers and Booksellers Head Office BUNGALOW ROAD, JAWAHAR NAGAR, DELHI-7
Branches I CHOWK, VARANASI-I (UP) 2 ASHOK RAJPATH, PATNA-4 (BIHAR)
First Edition 1962 Reprinted Delhi, 1978
Price : Rs. 50
Printed in India
BY SHANTILAL JAIN AT SHRI JAINENDRA PRESS, A-45, PHASE-I, INDUSTRIAL AREA, NARAINA, NEW DELHI-28 AND PUBLISHED BY SUNDARLAL JAIN, FOR
MOTILAL BANARSIDASS, BUNGALOW ROAD, JAWAHAR NAGAR, Delhi-7

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PREFACE
When in 1934 the original edition of this book, "Die Lehre der Jainas, nach den alten Quellen dargestellt" (Grundriss der indo-arischen Philologie und Altertumskunde Vol. III No. 7), had been published, there were voices from India regretting that the book had not been written in English and demanding for a translation. Of the various projects regarding such a version none has been effected until the matter was taken up by the reputed publishers whose names appear on the title-page of this English book. The present writer is highly indebted to the able translator, Herr Wolfgang Beurlen, with whom to collaborate was a pleasure at all stages of the difficult task.
=
In harmony with the character of the "Grundriss" certain limits had to be respected. Often outlines and references had to suffice, though, especially in the first chapters, the description thus came near to a sketch. The author consciously neglected the treatment of other religious and philosophical systems and historical facts of Old as well as of Mediaeval and New India in order not only to avoid an excessive extent of the book, but also, eventually, to give the old sources, i. e. the Svetambara Canon, their due, but not neglecting Digambara writers. It need not be said that it was impossible to render all details themselves or even to register all references to the same. Hence the reader must be warned against taking this book for a bibliography or an encyclopedia. The names of the Jain authors and Jain works can but serve to indicate the untiring zeal of scholars and the grand liberality of donators in favour of their noble religion. That the bibliographical survey of the first edition has been altogether dropped secms to be excusable, since the conditions of the present epoch did not allow of bringing forward a survey of all that in the mean time had been printed and published on the field of Jainism in India.

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(iv)
On the other hand our Jain friends might come to obtain an idea of what much has been accomplished by Western scholars-including many Germans-during a period of about one hundred and fifty years, burning the midnight-oil with a view to make the world acquainted with one of the finest products of the Indian mind.
It may be hoped that the results will be, in general, applauded by Jain circles and that errors and shortcomings, inevitable as they are in such vast a field, will be kindly excused.
मै अल्पज्ञ बहुत दोषी हूँ । यह ग्रन्थ है महान || मिथ्यालाप दुष्कृत्य करूँ । सुधार जो विद्वान ॥
( अमोल ऋषि)

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CONTENTS
Preface
Corrections and Additions
I. A short History of Jain Research Origins 1 From Weber to Pischel 3 Jain Editions 6 Later Western Research 7 Jain Activity 11. Historical Position of Jainism 13
...
III. The Ganon...
...
...
...
II. An historical Sketch of Jainism
...
...
Heroic Legend 18 Pāsa 28 Mahavira 31 Gosāla 35 Goyama and Suhamma 44 Early Jain Church 45 Jina Statues 49 Schism 50 Early Literature 57 Digambaras 61 Svetǎmbaras 63
Sthanakväsi 65
Other Sects 67
...
Puvvas 74 Sections 78 Commentaries 82 Angas 85 Uvangas 96 Painnas 107 Cheyasuttas 109 Nandi and Aṇuogadārā 114 Mulasuttas 115 Angabahiras 121
...
IV. Cosmology
Fundamental Facts 126 Units 129 Atom 132 Bodies 137 Physiology 139 Soul 152 Cognition 156 naya 159 nikkheva 163 styā 164 kevala-Cognition 169 Spiritual Function 170 Karman 172 Binding 173 Realization 178 Kinds of Karman 180 Ejection 183 Life 185 Kinds concluded 187 Reincarnation 188
...
...
V. Cosmography The World, its Shape 204 Beings 206 Lower World 210 Centre World, Jambuddiva 216. Periods 225 Oceans and Ring-Continents 227 Gods and Stars 231 Upper World 237 Its Gods 240 Isīpabbhārā 246
...
...
..
1
18
73
126
204

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(vi)
VI. Renunciation .. ... ... ... ... ... ... 247
General 247 Community 248 Ranks 253 Outfit 256 Daily Life 260 Study 266 Begging Tour 270 Asceticism 274 Confession and Atonement 278 Lay Folk 284 Death 288
VII. Victory ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 291
Similes 291 Human Character 292 Influence (anhaya) and Stoppage (samvara) 296 Lay Vows 297 Monastic Vows 300 Control 304 Ethics 305 Reflections 307 Resistance 308 Right Conduct 310 Asceticism 311 Meditation 313 Miracles and Magic 316 Conditions of Karman 319 gunaţthāna and sedhe 320 Annihilation 324 Kevalın 327 Siddha 328

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Bh.
C.
T.
Acăr.
Avaśy.
Prajn. Sthän.
Vy.
AGRM
Age S.
AQ
ASG
BSOS
J
CH
DLJP ERE
GGA
IA
IHQ
ABBREVIATIONS
Bhavnagar. Calcutta,
Tattvärthadhigamasutra.
Sanskrit Commentaries to Prakrit Texts:
*****
JAs
JASB
JBORS
1150
71
Bo.
Bombay. Lpz. Leipzig.
Periodicals
ABHORI Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, PoonaTM
4
Šilanka Acāraṭīkā. As to Āyār. I and II, note that I means the AUTHOR'S edition of 1910, II JACOBI'S edition of 1882, pp. 49-137.
Malayagiri, Avaśyakaṭīkā
Malayagiri, Prajnapanāțikā Abhayadeva, Sthānāngavṛtti
Abhayadeva, Vyakhyāprajnaptivṛtti
Atmananda-Grantha-Ratna-Mālā. Bhavnagar Agamodaya Samiti. Mhesana, Surat, Bombay Acta Orientalia. 'Oslo
Agamodaya-Samiti-Granthoddhāra, Bombay Bulletin of the School of Oriental Studies. London Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum
Devcand-Lalbhai-Jaina-Pustakoddhara. Bombay Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics. London Göttingische Gelehrte Angeihen. Göttingen Indian Antiquary. Bombay
Indian Historical Quarterly. Calcutta
Journal Asiatique. -Paris
Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. Calcutta Journal of the Bihar and Orissa Research Society. Pátna.-

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( viii) JUB Journal of the University of Bombay. Bombay MKJMM Śrīman-Mukti-Kamala-Jaina-Mohana-Mālā. Baroda NIA New Indian Antiquary. Bombay OC International Congress of Orientalists Various Places OLZ Orientalistische Literatur-Zeitung. Leipzig, Berlin QJMS Quarterly Journal of the Mythic Society. Bangalore SAWW Sitzungsberichte der Phil.-Hist. Clesse der Kaiser
lichen Akademie der Wissenschaften. Wicn SBE Sacred Books of the East. Oxford SBJ
Sacred Books of the Jainas. Arrah, Lucknow SIFII Studi italiani di filologia indo-iranıca. Roma SJS Singhi Jain Series, Bombay. SPAW Sitzungsberichte der Königlich Preussischen Aka
demie der Wissenschaften. Berlin WZKM Wiener Zeitschrift fur die Kunde der Morgenlendes
Wien YJGM Yaśovijaya Jaina (or · Jaina-Yaśovijaya) -Grantha
Mālā. Benares ZDMC Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesell
schaft. Leipzig, Wiesbaden.

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THE DOCTRINE OF THE JAINAS

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I
A SHORT HISTORY OF JAIN RESEARCH
§ 1. It was in the year 1807 that in the Asiatic Researches (Calcutta and London), Vol. IX, there appeared three reports published under the title "Account of the Jains" and collected by Major (later Lieutenant Colonel) Colin MACKENZIE supplemented by an abstract from his diary of 1797 and from that of Dr F. BUCHANAN1, the latter containing some notes of a Jain gentleman. These publications were immediately followed by H Th. COLEBROOKE'S "Observations on the Sect of Jains". They were based upon those researches as well as on Colebrooke's own, and it was in them that, apart from bare descriptive recording, some scholarly spirit first made itself felt by a critical standpoint taken and by facts being combined. Jain rescaich thus dates from somewhat more than 150 years ago.
In H. H. WILSON's "Sketch of the Religious Sects of the Hindus" we find some stray notes about the Jains, but no details are given, though, on the other hand, the author dwells upon Vol. I of the Transactions of the Royal Asiatic Society (1827) which contained an essay by DELAMAINE and one more by BUCHANAN (F. Buchanan HAMILTON), both with the title "On the Srawacs or Jains" and followed by a few remarks of the latter and of W. FRANCKLIN about some Jain temples, by COLEBROOKE'S account of two inscriptions, and by WILSON's own review of COLEBROOKE's study "Sect
1. BUCHANAN published "A Journey from Madras through the countries of Mysore, Canara and Malabar" (Lo 1807, 2nd ed Madras 1870, comp. GUÉRINOT JAS 1909, p 55). In this work the Jains are often mentioned. BUCHANAN's Journal kept during the Survey of the Districts of Patna and Gaya in 1811-12", ed by V H JACKSON, Patna 1925, contains a description of his visit to the place where Mahavira died Comp JACOBI SPAW 1930, P 561
2 Printed in Colebrooke's Miscellaneous Essays, 2nd, ed (1872) vol II, 191-224

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DOCTRINL or TIL JAINAS of Jina" in his “Essays on the Philosophy of the Hinduis''l, In the same year, 1827, FRANCKLIN'S “Researches on the Tenets of the Jeyncs and Boodhists" were published, the first book that had the Jams in its title. Ils descriptive portions are readable even now, whereas this cannot be said of its mytholo. gical and speculative dcductions
We abstain from cataloguing heic which was printed after 1827, since this can be found in GUERINOT's Bibliograplly (s b). We must confinc ourselves to mention that "Shcich" of WILSON, bccausc it represents thc most important ircatment of the subject at that time. He gives a rcport on thic numerable Jain manuscripts both privately owned by lum and boy thic Calcutta Sanskrit College. His "Descriptive Cataloguc of the Mackenzie Collection''2 dealt with 44 South Indian Jain manuscripts that had come to the East India Company in London. But cven the carlicst essays were partly based upon tcats as was COLEBROOKE'S first one in that it concerned Hemacandra's Abhidhānacıntāmani and the Kalpasūtra of the Jain Canon. Still he made use of both in a selective manner only and was far from editing or translating them completely, and thenty years had to pass until the first Jain tcxt was published. Again it was Hemacandra's work that was cdited by BÖHTLINGK and RIEU with a German translation in 1847 (St Petersburg), whereas the Kalpasūtra, along with the Navatattvaprakarana, appeared in 1848 in STEVENSON's English rendering: That this was a rather imperfect performance is casily cyplained by
1 We should not like to pass over in silence thc carlicst references to the Jains Comp WINDISCH in his Geschichte der indo-trischen Philo. logie etc, p 29 , ZACHARIAE WZKM 24, 337-344 (reprinted in his Kleine Schriften, P41-47) and Festschrst Winternitz p 174-185, RANDLL JRAS 1933, p 147 The Greck glossator Hesychios (5th century AD) mentions 'gennor' as naked philosophers, a word in which M SCHMIDT in his and cd (1867) of Hes P 342 surmises the Jains, comp GRAY and SCHUYLER, Am J of Philol 22 (1901), p 197 LASSEN, Ind Altertumskunde 4 (1861) and LUDERS KZ 38, p 433 are not against SCHMIDT's suggestion, whcrcas STEIN in Megasthenes and Kautilya, p 293 f maintains a cautious attitude
2 The Machenzic Collection A descriptive Cataloguc By HH WILSON C 1828, 2nd cd Madras 1882
3 The Kalpa-Sutra and Nava Tatva Two works illustrative of the Jain religion and philosophy Transl from thic Magadhı by J STEVENSON Lo 1848
4 Comp JACOBI, The Kalpasūtra of Bhadrabāhu, p 27ff.

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A SHORT HISTORY OF JAIN RESEARCH
the fact that STEVENSON was the first European scholar to be confronted with the canonical Prakrit?. The Abhidhānacintāmanı in 1858 was followed by WEBER'S edition of Dhaneśvara's Satrumjayamāhātmya3 with a detailed preface. So,then, the textual basis was rather narrow for LASSEN's sketch of Jainisme in his "Indische Altertumskunde” 4, 755-787 (1861).5
§ 2. The mentioned edition had been WEBER's first attempt in Jain research, but years later it was actually his great study "Uber ein Fragment der Bhagavatī etc.” that was epochmaking. It appeared in two parts in the Abhandlungen der Koniglichen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin 1865-66 and in a separate edition (1866-67), that is to say again twenty years after the first Jain text (s.a.). Obsolete as it is now, yet it marks in our field the beginning of a philological and creative epoch. As to it, the reader may be referred to WINDISCH's precise description rendered in the Grundriss (Encyclopedia of Indo-Aryan Research). But the fundaments laid down by WEBER in self-sacrificing zeal cannot be passed over here : his treatise “Uber die heiligen Schriften der Zaina" in Indische Studien Vol. 16 and 17 (1883-85) based upon the Jain manuscripts acquired by the Royal Library of Berlin 1873-78, and his “Verzeichnis" of the same (1888-92), the latter represented by two monumental volumes, being a most accurate description which even extends to literature and history. A work of that scope going beyond the usual limits of a catalogue was not out of place at that stage. The Jain manuscripts purchased in
1 PISCHEL, Grammetik der Prakrit-Sprachen in § 17 deals with the history of research in the Ardha-Māgadhi
2 PAVIE's French analysis of the Padmavaticarıtra in JAs 5, T 7 may also be mentioned
3 Albrecht WEBER, Uber das Catrumjaya Māhātmyam Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der Jaina Leipzig 1858
The w d Jainism is an English rendering and ctymologically not correct In German works of LEUMANN, WINTERNITZ, the AUTHOR and others the student will read "Jinismus" and "Jinistisch" derived from Jina, as are, in all languages, "Buddhism etc" from Buddha "Bauddhism" ctc has never and nowhere been said
5 Translation by REHATSEK JA 2, 193-200, 258-265
6 “A good deal of my visual faculty has been buricd therein", Verz II, 3'p. XVIII

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4
DOCTRINE OF THE JAINAS
later years have been catalogued by the AUTHOR not earlier than in 19441
Some time about those eighties the first prints of canonical texts (1880 ff.) came to Europe adding to foster Jain research work over there Their inaugurator was Ray DHANPATI SIMHA Bahadur at Azimganj or Murshidabad in Bengal Those huge volumes served their purpose until they were replaced by more handy ones some thirty years after (s.b).
The manuscripts described by WEBER had come to Berlin thanks to an agreement between BÜHLER and the Department of Public Instruction at Bombay which had commissioned him and other scholars in their service with the careful examination of private collections and the purchase of manuscripts at government cost's He was allowed to acquire manuscripts even for foreign libraries, provided they were doubles The examined and purchased manuscripts were catalogued and listed in the valuable reports of R S and S R. BHANDARKAR, BÜHLER, KIELHORN, PETERSON, and others. The manuscripts acquired by the Government have been deposited in the Deccan College, now Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute in Poona. The Jain works among them have been minutely described by H.R KAPADIA in Vol XVII of the Descriptive Catalogue of the Institute (1935-48). An appendix is devoted to graphic peculiarities (comp. JUB Vol 5 and 6)2
BÜHLER, through his Reports, has not only become a patron of Jain philology indirectly, but thanks to a number of original works and essays has been a direct promotor in our field, as, in the course of years, WEBER, too, had been, and, moreover, they both have inspired younger scholars. JACOBI'S critical edition of the "Kalpasūtia of Bhadrabāhu" (AKM 7, 1 1879) clearly shows traces of BÜHLER'S spirit, while LEUMANN'S
1 Die Jaina-Handschriften der Preussischen Staatsbibliothek erwerbungen seit 1891 Leipzig 1944 (1127 mss on 647 pages)
Neu
2 WEBER already dealt with this topic (Verz II 3, p XII ff) LEUMANN discussed the influence of the shape of the leaves upon the text (ZDMG 46, 583f) Miniatures in manuscripts were treated by HUTTEMANN, Baessler-Archiv 4, 2, BROWN, Jaina Gazette 28, p 77-83 (reviewed by Hirananda SASTRI ibid 113 f), BROWN, Kalaka (§ 24) with a bibliography The Bibliography of Indian Archaeology may also be consulted

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A SHORT HISTORY OF JAIN RESEARCH “Aupapātıka Sūtra” (AKM 8, 2; 1883)_originally a thesis of Leipzig-is influenced by WEBER and the Berlin Collection. It may be mentioned here that WEBER successfully co-operated with LEUMANN in his great essay referred to above. The editions of both JACOBI and LEUMANN are masterpieces of philology, and it was only a predilection for the old Prakrit grammarians that led PISCHEL in his famous “Grammatik der Prakrit-Sprachen" ($ 19, footnote 3) to call HOERNLE's "Uvāsagadasão" (1890) the only "critical" onel.
$ 3. JACOBI's introduction to the Kalpasūtra has come to be fundamental for all further research. This research has been described up to the twenties of this century by WINDISCH and need not be repeated here. Its starting point was, due to JACOBIS, the definite removal of any doubt whether the Jains or the Buddhists were of earlier origin, a doubt resulting from some inward and outward similarities between those two worlddenying religions. Jain creed had sprung into existence long before Gautama Buddha's time, Vardhamāna Mahāvīra was not its founder, but a reformer of what Pārśva had taught, whom tradition credibly maintains to have lived 250 years before him. It may be added here from a later deduction of JACOBI's that Mahāvīra’s Niryāna was in 477 B.C. As we know from Pali sources, he was a contemporary of Gautama and is likely to have survived him by seven years,
Palı texts, moreover, give numerous details about thinkers and their schools in the Buddha's time. F.O. SCHRADER, a pupil of Leumann, made them the subject of his thesis in 1902%.
I A reflex of Pischel's remark can be seen in Antagadadasão cd BARNETT, PX, comp LEUMANN JRAS 1907, p 1080 As to the Uvās. sce LEUMANN's review WZKM 3, 328-350
2 For Jain studies in Italy mostly going back to JACOBI see the indological bibliography up to 1911 in Rivista degli Studi Orientalı 5, 219-271
3 See his introduction to the Kalpasūtra and to SBE 22 and 45
4 COLEBROOKE found at ncccssary to investigate the precedence of the Veda and of Brahmanism before the said religions (Observations etc, Misc Essays II 196 ff) FRANCKLIN had no doubt that the original religion of India was that of the "Boodh" and the "Jeyne" (Rescarches p 137)
5 SPAW 1930, P 557ff ($19) Counter-arguments brought forward by KEITH Bull School Or. Studies 6, p 859-866
6 Uber den Stand der indischen Philosophie zur Zeit Mahāvīras and Buddhas Strassburg 1902

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DOCTRINE OF THE JAINAS
The most important of those philosophers was Gośāla Maskarıputra, the head of the Ājīvika sect, whose interesting career has been repeatedly treated by HOERNLEI. That Asoka knew the Jains under the name of nigantha (Topra edict 7, 26) was BÜHLER's statement. Their early history in so far as it is reflected by Hemacandra in his Parisistaparyan (the Sthavirāvali) and in legends pertaining to it, is due to JACOBI no less than is the right interpretation of what is called the schism that led to the separation of the Svetāmbara and Digambara communities They did not, as old time would have it, separate by an act of violence but gradually, untıl, eventually, both partners became aware of their differences.
§ 4. It might have been expected that continued Jain research in Europe should have led to the origin of a Jaina Text Society as a counterpart to the well-known Pali Text Society. PISCHEL expressed his hope in this directions, but things took a different course The edition of canonical texts_which, of course, was the most important–did not go on methodically, but as circumstances would have it. We are glad to say that the Jains themselves came to help, if, to be true, in their own style The Āgamodaya-Samiti, founded at Mhesana in 1915, has published most works of the Svetāmbara Siddhānta and many more non-canonical texts. These handy prints mark a great progress as compared with the monstrous volumes mentioned above. The classical commentary in Sanskrit has been added. It is wanting in the Jain Sūtra Battīsī which was a rather primitive undertaking (Hardarabad 1920), though Rsi (ie Sadhu) Āmolak4 had contributed a Hindi paraphrase.
1 Uvās II app, Encyclop of Religion and Ethics I, p. 259ff Later publications see § 18 -A full account of Schools and Sects in Jaina Literature by Amulyachandra SEN, C 1931,
2 ZDMG 46, p. 91, Ep Ind 2,274 Acc to the former place the discovery is due to LASSEN
3 SPAW 1903, fu PISCHEL lived half a century too carly to see the foundation of the Prakrit Text Society on a large scale in 1953 For the first Volume sce § 56
4 The same as Amolakh Rsiji, the author of Mukti Sopān (Ha darabad 1915), born in S 1933, as is evident from the preface

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A SHORT HISTORY OF JAIN RESEARCH The most recent printi is without any commentary whatever. Its name, taken from Ardhamāgadhi, is Suttāgame. Both the Battīsī and the Suttāgame are Sthānakvāsī prints and, for that reason, they contain no more than 32 Āgamas out of the traditional 45.
$ 5. The old texts, in many cases, have been handed down to us in a very curious shape which makes them rather unintelligible for the unprepared reader. The copyists of olden time being confronted with innumerable repetitions have recoursed, as can be easily understood, to abbreviations which, however, violated the context, Up to this day, the printed books pass over them as through thick and thin. The reader, indeed, is prepared to forbcar as traditional and respectable peculiarities of Jain style a certain monotony of question and answer, dry lists, and long complexes (though not altogether void of euphony) of what has turned out to be metrical passages?. But he is longing for a less clumsy wording. This might be easily achieved by a rational method of dissolving those abbreviations and by providing the necessary references, a method which would result in a readable text where the valuable trend of thought now often concealed would eventually appear in a lucid form. It goes without saying that critical examination and comparison of traditions will remain indispensable. Let it be admitted that the want of controllable oldest manuscripts is often a stumbling stone in the way towards that ideal of a critical edition. Hundreds of Jain works are still preserved in partly subterranean bhandārs where they were deposited centuries ago, and those precious libraries remained inaccessible since the conservatism of the owners could not overcome their disinclination towards their treasures being published. When BÜHLER was allowed to have a glance into the barā bhandār of Jaisalmer, he was misled as to the mass of what was preserved there. It was not earlier than a few years ago that a scholarly examination of bhandār manuscripts became feasible, and our thanks and res
1. Shri Sutragama Prakashak Samiti, Gurgaon Cantt , E P
The Vedha metre, discovered by JACOBI Ind Stud 17, P 389ff , later treatments by the AUTHOR, Worte p 3f , ALSDORF in Asiatica (Festschrift Weller), p. 16

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OF THE JAINAS
pects are due to Muniraj PUNYAVIJAYA for his working towards that noble aim1
∞
DOCTRINE
§ 6. The 'classical' Sanskrit commentary to the Svetambara canon represents the climax of a vast scholastic literature. Its predecessors in Prakrit, the Nijjuttis and Cunnis, were, for a long time, neglected by scholars. We might even say that, in a certain sense, this is still true to-day, for the publications of Cunnis issued in the course of the last decades do not contain even the slightest illustrative or critical addition, though the merits of Muni JINAVIJAYA Acharya in laying them before the reader are undisputable It was nearly half a century carlier (1892) that LEUMANN, on the ground of his own subtle investigations based not upon prints but upon manuscripts, has shown (ZDMG 46, p 586) the importance of those voluminous products for not only Jain dogmatics but for the history of literature in general Unfortunately the author did not pursue those researches he had characterized as "indispensible for the exploration of the Jain literature of several centuries", pointing out that the Kathas in the old commentaries often appear in nonJinistic works Still we possess his "Avaśyaka-Erzählungen" (AKM 10, 2, 1897) which after the most subtle examination of the best manuscripts give the pure text of those old moral illustrations. It is a point of regret that no more than but four forms of that work should have been printed and that a continuation, though promised, should never have seen the light of the day. It was younger recensions of Jain stories that were translated and explored as to their motives and their importance for comparative history of literature by HERTEL and others In his essay "On the Literature of the Shvetambaras of Gujarat" (1922) we find the following remarkable passage "During the middleages down to our own days the Jains and especially the Svetambaras of Gujarat, were the principal story-tellers of India Their literature contains, in huge masses, the materials which the students of folklore, who wish to do true scientific work, should thoroughly study in preference to all the other Indian narrative
I. See ALSDORI in Festschrift Schubring, p. 59f

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A SHORT HISTORY OF JAIN RESEARCH
literature." But HERTEL did not leave any doubt that in his opinion not even the preliminary condition, 1.c. of critical texts and precise translations was fulfilled. As to his intrinsic studies of the Kathānakas for which he succeeded to produce parallels even from non-Indian sources, the reader is referred to WINTERNITZ' History of Indian Literature Vol. 2.
Jain Sanskrit in the Stories, according to HERTEL, is a common people's language with its usual carelessness and some borrowings from Prakrit or from the author's provincial tongue; it must not be measured by the standard of classical Bhārati. This definition serves to weaken a severe judgment pronounced by BUHLER (loc cit. p. 14) At other places in scholarly literature, too, peculiarities of Jain Sanskrit have been noted down. BLOOMFIELD in the second of four systematical collectionshas pointed out, (1) the influence of Prakrit and an early stage of New Indian (Gujarati and Marathi) already mentioned, (2) in some cases hyper-sanskritization of words apparently Prakritic, (3) borrowings from dictionaries and grammars, (4) use of words of un-known origin. Apart from Amitagati's Dharmaparīksā (ed. MIRONOW) this judgment was based upon Svetāmbara works A description of the origin and progress of linguistic studies in the Prakrits (Ardhamāgadhi, Jaina-Māhārāstrī, Jaina Sauraseni) and Apabhramsas in Jain literature is beyond the scope of this book.
When stopping further publication of the "ĀyaśyakaErzahlungen'' LEUMANN had consoled the reader witir his "Übersicht uber die Avaśyaka-Literature" to come out “in the very next time.” Materials from manuscripts and manuscripts only, a long list of which LEUMANN has given in ZDMG 45 and 46, had been collected for the purpose of laying bare the different layers of an extensive scholastic literature concerning certain indispensable (āvasyaka) formulae of daily devotion. By this great work he was many decades ahead of his
1 Life and stories of the Jain Saviour Parsvanātha (Baltimore 1919) p 220 ; Somc Aspects of Jaina Sanskrit (Antidron, Festschrift Wackernagel 1922. D 220 ff, The Salibhadra Carita (JAQS 1923, P 290-316), On Diminutive Pronouns in Jaina Sanskrit (Festschrift Lanman 1929, p 7ff)

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OF THE JAINAS
time. But, unfortunately, in this case too, printing was stopped when the 14th form (in folio) had been composed. Not until 34 years later this fragment, rich in contents, but difficult to study, was published by the AUTHOR who was fortunate enough to find the proofs being preserved1.
§ 7. All history of literature, a building, as it were, has for its ground-floor the bio-bibliographical materials. Jain research would have enjoyed the great luck of having them at its disposal, if KLATT's Onomasticon had been completed and printed. Eight volumes from his own hand in alphabetical order contain what was within his reach to collect data concerning Jain authors and works. But he fell severely ill and never recovered. The work was estimated to fill some 1,100 pages in print, but no more than 55 pages have been printed as a specimen thanks to WEBER and LEUMANN2. The first to become a bibliographer of Jainism was GUÉRINOT by his "Essai de bibliographie jaina" (1906). A modern standard was not reached until 1944, when VELANKAR's Jinaratnakosa appeared, where the Jain works have been catalogued, while a second volume containing their authors is still waiting for being published. A primitive forerunner had been the "Jaina Granthavali" published by the Jain Svetāmbara Conference in 1908.
DOCTRINE
Another fundament for Jain history are the inscriptions. GUERINOT's "Essai" was followed in 1908 by a "Répertoire d'épigraphie jaina." Though not the work of a specialist, yet LUDERS' "List of Brähmi Inscriptions from the earliest time till about 400 A D. with the exception of those of Aśoka" is valuable thanks to innumerable inscribed allusions to the Order of Jain laymen and monks (EI 10, App. L.C. 1912.)
It seems to be a digression from our subject when we note that BUHLER in his academical lecture "Uber die indische Sekte der Jainas" (1887) was the first to call up the interest of
I LEUMANN, Übersicht uber die Avaśyaka-Literatur, aus dem Nachlass hrsg v Walther SCHUBRING, Hamburg 1934 Obituary by the same, ZDMG 87, P 69-75
2
Specimen of a literary-biographical Onomasticon by Dr Joh KLATT Leipzig 1892-His obituary by LEUMANN IA p. 23, 169

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A SHORT HISTORY OF JAIN RESEARCH non-scholars for Jainism, legitimated as he was to do so thanks to 17 years of official service in the then Bombay Presidency. Mrs. S. STEVENSON, trained in the Christian Mission of Gujarat, wrote her book "The Heart of Jainism” in 1915, thus challenging a strong resentment at least among the Digambaras?. It is curious to see that, while this authoress regretted to miss true warmth of heart in the religion she described, PERTOLD in a public lecture approved of its being excluded from ita. GUERINOT'S book "La religion djaina" (1926) was exposed to criticism as was the book just mentioned3. One year before ( 1925) H.v. GLASENAPP's by far more instructive and comprehensive work "Der Jainismus, eine indische Erlosungsreligion" had come into the hands of many grateful readers.
To the same author we owe his contribution to the Handbuch der Literaturwissenschaft representing Jain literature and writing according to the different literary species. WINTERNITZ' History of Indian Literature Vol. II, p. 289-356 (1920) which deals with the same subject is too well known for its merits for being praised here.
$ 8. Thus far we have registered western working for the public knowledge of Mahāvīra's religion. As to the countless pamphlets and journals through which the Jains themselves, for the purpose of propaganda, appeal to the general public, we but mention them here in passing. Of the publications useful for scholars we refer to VIJAYADHARMA Sūri's (s.b.) Jainatattvajnāna (in Festschrift Winternitz), JAINI's “Outlines of Jainism”, P. C. Nahar's “Epitome of Jainism” and Ch. R. JAIN's "Jaina Law.” Rescarch further receives great help by compilations as are catalogues of private libraries, collections of Pattāvalis and of Prasastis, biographies, etc. They
1 Jagmanderlal JAINI A Review of thc H. of J., Ambala 1925. Earlier, Mrs STEVENSON published "Notes on modern Jainism", Oxford 1910.
2 O PERTOLD, The Place and Importance of Jainisin in the Comparative Science of Religions (Bh without year), p 21, "I think this scntimental aspect is the lcast desirable in a modern religion, which must go parallel with the fast development of sciences"
3 Critically reviewed by Charlotte KRAUSE ZDMG 84, P 192-202, comp also FRAUWALLNER WZKM 36, p. 336 ff.

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DOCTRINE OF THE JAINAS
all, however, are overshadowed by the "Abhidhānarājendra", a Sanskrit encyclopedia in 7 volumes, whose Prakrit catchwords are taken from the canonical and scholastical literature of the Svetämbaras, a monumental work by VIJAYARAJENDRA Sūri (1827-1907, Ratlam 1913-25). A glossary of the Canon in three languages is the Illustrated Ardha-Magadhi Dictionary of Muni RATNACANDRA in 5 volumes (Indaur 1923-32). Prakrits of all kind including that of the Jains have flown together to mix in the ocean called "Paia-Sadda-Mahannavo, a complete Prakrit-Hindi Dictionary" (1928) by Pandit Hargovind Das SHETH Precise data of places as well as large supplements will increase the value of that great work Among the periodicals we should like to mention the Anekant, Jain Antiquary, Jain Hitaisi where literature and history are being discussed by Jain authors, many of whom, of course, have contributed also to non-Jinist journals Nearest related to the periodicals are the series (grantha-mālā) In many cases they represent a very remarkable file including rare and significant works provided with a scholarly introduction It is a pity that many Granthamālās should have become known in the West only in fragments, if at all. The Svetambaras can be proud of the volumes, apart from the Siddhanta, published by the Agamodaya-Samiti, by the Devcand Lalbhai-J-Pustakoddhāra, the AtmanandaGrantharatnamālā (Bhn, 1911 ff.), the Yasovijaya-J.-Gr, started in 1904 and apparently the oldest Jain series, and many more literary undertakings which cannot be enumerated here. Our thanks are equally due to the Digambaras A parallel to the Siddhanta are the classical Digambara authors They have been printed and translated in the Sacred Books of the Jains (Arrah 1917 ff; Sanatana-J Gr.-M (Ben 1917 ff); Śri Rayacandra-J. Sastra-M. (Bo. 1916 ff.) Manikcand-J -Gr -M. (Bo. 1915 ff.) The most recent series is the Jnanapitha-Mürtidevi-J.Gr-M. (Banaras 1948 ff.), a younger counterpart to the SinghĩJ-Gr-M (Bo 1933 ff) of the Svetambaras, edited by Muni JINAVIJAYA.
§ 9 These intimations are merely meant to demonstrate the respectable activity within the Jain communities as to their

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A SHORT HISTORY OF JAIN RESEARCH
13
almost inexhaustible stock of literature, an activity radiating as far as to the field of Western research This state of affairs can be dated from the first two decades of this century It is truc that it was HOERNLE who, as early as in 1890, could dedicate the first volume of his Uvāsagadasão to VIJAYĀNANDA Sūrı (Anandavijaya=Ātmārāma, 1837-97) in grateful acknowledgment of various suggestions and corrections, though it is equally true that it was VIJAYADHARMA Sūri (1868-1922), never failing to help when being consulted by European scholars?, who proved by far more effective. The renaissance just mentioned with the Svetāmbaras at least is due to his lasting impulse.
For a long time research in Europe and America was known to the Jains to but a certain degree, that is to say, as far as their knowledge of English allowed. Books and articles in German and other Western languages frequently remained beyond their reach. Hence it follows that quite a number of data produced by them are well-known in Western literature. It is evident, therefore, that of all works of JACOBI's (1850-1937) none have come to their knowledge than those written in English. But even this crop harvested on the Jain field by an allround genial indologist was abundant enough for a Jain Conference in 1914 held on the occasion of JACOBI's second stay in India, to bestow upon him the honorary title of Jaina-darśanadivākara. We are thus justified in this historical sketch in reproducing how to him, in several publications, Jainism presented itself in view of its relation to other creeds and systems
$10. On the foregoing pages it has been said already that research started from the similarity observed between
,1 Western acknowledgments and recollections by WINTERNITZ. GUERINOT, BELLONI-FILIPPI and others, AT SUNAWALA. V Dis His Life and Work With a prcfatory notc by F, W THOMAS, Cambridge 1922, the SAME, Adarsha Sadhu, an ideal monk, and cd Cambridge 1934, VIJAYA INDRA Sūri, Reminiscences of V Dh S, Shivpuri 1924
2 Obituary by HY GLASENAPP ZDMG 92, 1-14 , the AUTHOR, Jain Gazette 1937
3 On thc Metaphysics and Ethics of the Jainas (Transact 3rd Congr for the History of Religion 2, p 59-66 , Die Entwicklung der Gottesidec bei den Indern (1933) p 21 ff , Gott Gelehrte Anz 1919, p 16 ff, , Encyclop f. Rcl, and Ethics 7, p 465 ff, , SPAW 1929, p 322 ff , a summary in Forschungen und Fortschritte 6, p 36.

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14
DOCTRIC 011111 JAIXA: Mahāvira's and the Buddha's teachings, llomin 30 1,« .. fravurey which botlı acsult in a mond's lift, fowlang cach o'lci sn miny respects and agiccing in considering Rehal ko rriger to be thic mcans of how to get rid of the codile*schon of relyin. There is, however, a difference (among othesis Dyrli crnkirin in this the Buddha docs not share the legal opinion asr** purtir which, in Maliivita's bichier, are per resiliul frit rectelor de ultimatc goal. Further diferences will be fred in thirt aglayies. But hicic thc partncı of the comparisondino!!uch 1 dhi'ni as is the Samaliya, In thc Samso the cruelossinraittir world starts from matter that is amperihailr sci mfinis ;« lrs que lity going on in a determined sequel definirdi bu mnt is of 13 1911111 terms. Thc Jams, being far from the Bralamin sa flu1271%, do not acknowledye such a scqucl, senice, in tricyri, for world is ctcrnal, though they agree with thar Simila;.: i; coa derint: matter as being capable of developune in sinceurs dircctiori. Morcovcr, logic compcls them, as deel the same , to (01915. der as important the transition (1 irrors ir ma tle or folds to the next And third, both are in harmony as to the original conception of tlic soul. "The Jonas coll ji: all vult, the Samhliya those that cuist in the concreie poole houss it for that “soul" has been abstracted from "living, brennt;", that it 10 say, from a popular view " The sunc ideal appear in the (1}}. ccption that thc soul is as large as the body. poncrpion wincha is apparcnt with the Jains, while it is al lc.5t mic.ble fron the original Sāmkhya and Yog. Both Jaimis:") and Simhhy, pretend a plurality of bodics Il scems that this conception replaced the primitive idea of a plurality of souls at a time nilicn the duciring of the Onc Ātman could not bc ncglerıcd any longer. 'I ins applies to the doctrinc of Karman and of reincarnation inllosing from thc former and which, by thc by, is a primirc idc:1 2 well Both Karman and rcincarnation are the fundaments of the Sāmkhya system as well as of that of the Jains The very fact that both these systems, as thcy now stand, are so very
i Comp W BOHN, Die Religion des Jam? und ihr Verhalıms zum Buddhismus, Zeitschr. f Buddhisinus'3, p. 113-110, LCUNI Mahavira, ibd. 4 (separatc oftprint, Níunich 1921)
Bacidlin und

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A SHORT HISTORY OF JAIN RESEARCH
15
unlike to each other contributes to their common features being extremely significant, and this explains itself by their having embodied elements of common-sense view (Volksglauben). The time when this happened can be calculated thanks to nonJinist testimonials of spiritual development as well as to chronology. Both agree in going back as far as the 8th century B.C.
The Jain system, moreover, exhibits archaic traits not found in other systems. Among them we have the theory of the elementary particles (earth, water, fire, wind) possessing souls, and the names of dharma and adharma for the media of motion and stop. The former can be rubricated as animism, whereas in the latter there appears the conception of "invisible fluids which by contact cause sin and merit”?, a conception coming near to primitive sorcery. In later chapters of this book we are going to point out some more characteristics of such primitive or popular thinking (“Volksglaube”) It is very well imaginable that, apart from this basis, Mahāvīra made use of the conceptions of other systems, though his is not dependent on other systems we know ofs. On the other hand it is probable that the Jains influenced the Yoga as taught by Patanjalı, but in subordinate items only. There is no relation to the Vaišesika system assumed by JACOBI, though it shares its atomistic character with that of the Jains. Since the similarity between both of them cannot possibly be ignored, the Jains maintained that a heretic4 named Chaluya Rohagutta was the inventor of the Vaiśesika system. For scholarso take the word Chaluya as an illusion to the six (cha) categories in the "Owl" (uluya)philosophy, i.c, the teaching of the Kānādas or "crow-eaters”, i.e.“owls.” The doctrine imputed to Rohagutta is that he under
I JACOBI at frequent places
2 "Mahāvira probably borrowed much more from other sects than we shall ever be able to prove", JACOBI SBE 45, p XXXII
3 A conjecture that Umāsvāti in T 7, 5 ff was influenced by the Yogasūtra was not maintained by JACOBI SPWA 1930, p 607 Some contact between both of them is stated by him ad T 2, 52 and 9, 46
4 This was the 6th heresy of the 7 known in tradition ($ 17)
5 JACOBI (following WEBER) Kalpasutra p 119, SBE 45, XXXV ff, ad T, 9 Most important LEUMANN, Ind Stud 17, P 121 ff

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16
DOCTRISE OF THE JAINAS took to add a third category (rasi) callcd nojiva, to the natural and traditional ones, viz. jiva and ajiva. It scems impossiblc to prove that the Vaiścsika took its origin from that rather sunny doctrine. Rohagutta was dcfcatcd dialectically by 144 items the detailed list of which, being hascd on thc Vaiscsika, turns out to be a secondary addition.
$11. It is in this connexion that, last not lcast, we wish to refer to a subject cominon lo both Jainisin and Hinduism, without being entitled to pretend that the latter influenced thic fornier The bclief in the force of magic syllables has its roots in the primitive stage of mankind. In Brahinan litcrature it appears cver since thc rcmotcst times of antiquity No r'ondur, then, that in later centuries wc find it even in Jainism whicro a great many of Stotras resound with those incantations wluch even an illiterate might master But thc Jains, morcover, have found a way for cducatcd pcoplc to bring forvi ard their praise and desic in writing. A vijja or magic formula appears in the peculiar mannci of cach consonant having the virāma and being followed by the respective vowel aksara (ca Htu instcad of tu). In the Canon the Mahānisīha is the only representative and thus goes conform with the Angacūliyā, Ayarayıhı, Vihi. maggappavā and other texts of a dccidcdly later date. On principle the Stotras are directed to an Arhat, though other persons, among whom there are certain Hindu goddesses, rcccnc vencration all the same But an Arhat is far beyond the rcach of human affairs Being in the state of purc cognition cxclusively and without both sentiment and will, he cannot bestow grace and favour unto those who appeal to him. Hindu influence seems to have been at work in placing at his side two acijutants, one male (yaksa) and one female (akşi, yaksini), the former presumably being not more than the shadow of the latters and it is these two that take care of a devout supplicant. That,
1 Comp Ch KRAUSE, Ancient Jaira Hyınns, Ujjain 1952, the AUTHOR in Festschrift Nobel 1959
2 The AUTHOR, Mahanus p 73 and 74ff Studien ( g ) p 66, 88,
106
3
The AUTHOR, scc footnote i

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17
on a large scale, Hindu mythology was adopted by the Jains and brought in accord with their own principles is a fact known too well that it should be treated here in detail. The remarkable process of making out of a Bodhisattva a Roman Catholic Saint? finds its not less remarkable counterpart in the Jain ability of transforming epic heroes and other individuals into venerable persons of their own creed The difference is that the said process in the West, thanks to translating a wandering subject into many languages, was unconscious, while the Jains with conscious energy satisfied their pious requirements at home.
1. E, KUHN, Barlaam and Josaphat, comp. WINTERNITZ, History 2, p. 416 f,

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16
DOCTRINE OF THE JAINAS took to add a third category (rāsi) called nojiva, to the natural and traditional ones, viz. piva and ajiva. It seems impossible to prove that the Vaiścsika took its origin from that rather funny doctrine. Rohagutta was dcfcatcd dialectically by 144 items the detailed list of which, being based on the Vaiścsiha, turns out to be a secondary addition
$11. It is in this connexion that, last not lcast, wc wish to refer to a subject cominon to both Jainism and Hinduism, without being cntitled to pretend that the latter influenced the former The belief in the force of magic syllablcs has its roots in the primitive stage of mankind. In Brahman literature it appears ever since the remotest times of antiquity. No wonder, then, that in later centuries we find it even in Jainism where a great many of Stotras resound with those incantations wluch even an illiterate might master. But the Jains, morcovei, have found a way for educated pcoplc to bring forward their praise and desiic in writing. A vijjā or magic formula appears in the peculiar mannei of cach consonant having the virāma and being followed by the respective vowel aksara (eg itu instead of tu) In the Canon the Mahānisiha is the only representative? and thus goes conform with the Angacūlıyā, Āyāravihi, Vihimaggappavā and other texts of a decidedly later date On principle the Stotras are directed to an Arhat, though other persons, among whom there are certain Hindu goddesses, receive veneration all the same But an Arhat is far beyond the reach of human affairs. Being in the state of purc cognition exclusively and without both sentiment and will, he cannot bestow giace and favour unto those who appeal to him Hindu influence seems to have been at work in placing at his side two adjutants, one male (yakşa) and one female (akşi, yaksini), the former presumably being not more than the shadow of the latter. and it is these two that take care of a devout supplicant. That,
1 Comp Ch KRAUSE, Ancient Jaira Hymns, Ujjain 1952 , the AUTHOR in Festschrift Nobel 1959
2 The AUTHOR, Mahanıs P 73 and 74ff Studien ( ) 66, 88,
106
3
The AUTHOR, scc footnote :

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A SHORT HISTORY OF JAIN RESEARCH
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on a large scale, Hindu mythology was adopted by the Jains and brought in accord with their own principles is a fact known too well that it should be treated here in detail. The remarkable process of making out of a Bodhisattva a Roman Catholic Saint? finds its not less remarkable counterpart in the sain ability of transforming epic heroes and other individuals into venerable persons of their own creed. The difference is that the said process in the West, thanks to translating a wandering subject into many languages, was unconscious, while the Jains with conscious energy satisfied their pious requirements at home.
E, KUHN, Barlaam and Josaphat, comp. WINTERNITZ, History 2,
1 p. 416 f,

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II AN HISTORICAL SKETCH OF JAINISM
$12. Any historical sketch of the Jain religion has to deal not only with the objective results of research but also with the facts maintained by this religion. We shall consider the latter first. They are based on the assumption of the world having neither beginning nor end, i.e. being everlasting. Incessantly, though only within a small part of the universe, the wheel of time revolves with its spokes (samā), the gradations ranging from the paradısıcal to the catastrophical period ($ 120) and back to the former, ceaselessly passing through the point denoting the present. The descending half-circle, and it is this where we find ourselves, is called osappini, the ascending ussappini. Either produces a number of prophets of salvation (titthagara) as Mahāvīra is, and just as his teaching (trttha) is destined to last not longer than 21,000 years (Viy. 792a, comp. also $ 120), so the teachings of all his precursors were doomed to degenerate and so will be those of all that come after him. But from every degeneration a new prophet will save the teaching, if only but after an immeasurably long intermediate period (antara). Since all this occurs periodically, the Jains can afford to be quite easy in stating the inevitable impendency of degeneration 1
$13. Next to the spiritual supermen, to whom we shall return in due course, we have the temporal heroes. It is in them, in their social standing as well as in their personal names and those connected with them, that we first and most distinctly behold the influence of non-Jain conceptions and, mainly, of such pertaining to the Krsna mythology. There are grand sovereigns or world-emperors (cakkavaţtz) who are the immediate counterparts of the common-Indian cakravartın. In the baladeva and vasudeva, comprised aš dasāra-mandala by Samav. 152b, the two homonymous heroic figures have been generalized
1. Comp. AUTHOR, OLZ 1926, col. 910 ff.

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AN HISTORICAL SKETCH OF JAINISM
into types, and Samav. 153a is consequent in calling these halfbrothers duve rāmakesavā by then adding their names. The kulagara, finally, reflect the Brahman manu and the law-constituting ancestral fathers. During every half-circle covered by the ever revolving time-wheel1 there arise 24 prophets, 12 grand sovereigns, 9 baladeva and as many vasudeva, and either 7, 10 or 15 legislators. It is these latter only that are traced back (Samav. 150 b) over the present half-course to the one immediately preceding, whereas for the one to succeed all different classes are noted (comp. also Than. 455b, 457b ff.). And, what is more, from the uniformity regarding the cosmographic structure (§ 119) it follows that the appearance of all these men in our southernmost continent of Bharaha has its counterpart in the northernmost of Eravaya. So that, then, we hear (Thāṇ. 76a; Samav. 72b, 153b) of the corresponding men also in this continent, if only by their names, and, indeed, they make their appearance even in the nearest continents (§ 122), as Than. 123b, if only by way of indication, shows (see also below). In this respect the continent of Mahāvideha is but rarely mentioned (Viy. 791a and, accordingly, Thān. 2012).
For discussing the individual classes we have to start from the fact that every half-course contains 6 periods (§ 120) within which the condition of the world either deteriorates-as is the case in the osappini—or improves-as in the ussappini. In the third of these periods, illustrated by the wheel-spoke of 'goodbad" (susama-dūsamā), that is to say in its last third, the legislators and founders of civilisation (kulagara) made their appearance, 15 in number acc. to Jambudd. 132b, and 7 acc. to Thãn. 398a; Samav. 150b; Av. 148. Their names are: Sumai, Padissui, Simamkara, Simamdhara, Khemamkara, Khemamdhara (thus far in Jambudd only), Vimalavahana, Cakkhumam, Jasamam, Abhicanda, Candabha (in Jambudd. only), Pasenai, Marudeva, Nãbhi, Usabha (in Jambudd. only). The last of these names is due only to unnecessarily adding the 1st Titthagara. Without it we have 14 names after the example
I. ega-samae ega-juge Thân. 76a : Nāyādh. 223a

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DOCTRINE OF THE JAINAS
of the 14 Manu", though thc 7 first names are for thic most part rather poorly invented, and most ccitainly the second row of 7 is the original onc. Now thc kulagaras introduced punishments (danda-nii) which, however, consisted in not more than in admonition, warning and reprimand (haklāra, ma-kkāra, dhikkāra) Every new kind2 came to bc of common usage with the 6th and 11th kulagara (Āv 165 f. : 135)
The following period "bad-good” (dūsama-susamā) contains all Baladeva and Väsudeva (Jambudd 164b) or dasāra (Than. 76a , 123a [ , Samav 72b) The former, dressed in dark, is characterised by the palmtice, the latter, dressed in yellow, by the Garuda in the banner, other attributes of the baladeva arc the ploughshare, the club and the arrow, whercas of thc vāsudeva they are the shell, the discus, the club, the spear, and the sword, so that the description (Samav 152b f. } closely follows the epic pattern. They both are masters of half the Bliaralia We come to know (also Thān. 447a) their names in their pre-existence, their fathers and mothers, their tcachers, the towns where they first came to wish for a certain form of cxistence (nizānabhūmi), the cause for this wish (on-kārana), and their g opponents, padisattu, later called prativāsudeva Since these informations are for the most part given in the way of popular verses we may well suggest the general knowledge of certain legends marked with regard to content in the Canon, however, the individual baladeva and vāsudeva scarcely appear at all (Samav. 63a). It is only Kanha Vasudeva who in Antag 5' plays an actual part, and in the Jain version of the epic Draupadi legend in the Nāya
1 This is the number in the Dig, comp » GLASENAPP, Tcstgabe für Jacobi p 337
2 Thân 398a renders the danda-nir as seven-fold the above mentioned plus paribhasa, mandala-bandha, caraga, chavi-ccheya Acc to Av 166f the last 4 constitute the danda-nit coming in with Bharaha - To the common niti it has to be added that its means are sama, bheya and danda (Thân 151a) Thcsc threc attha-jont are lacking dana
3 In Vedhas interspersed with prose 4 Comp KENNEDY JRAS 1908, 505-521

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AN HISTORICAL SKETCH OF JAINISM
21
16 of the 6th Anga! Here in Kavila (Kapıla) we come to know a vāsudeva contemporary with Kanha, though pertaining to a different continent (see above)
As to the world emperors we are informed in a similar way by Samay 152a, though in Jambudd 3 we have a detailed description concerning the career of the ist cakkavatti Bharaha This career consists in the obtaining of 14 imperial crowntreasures In the armoury hall of his palace at Vinīyā the wheel (1) settles first and then shows him the way to the succeeding ventures2 Bh. proclaims his sovereignty at three points of the sea-shore, at the Sindhu and at a cave in the Veyaddha mountains At the two latter places he gains a magic fleece (camma-rayana) (2) and the rod (3) and by the former serving him as a ship he crosses the stream The people of the Avada-Cılāya are assisted by the Nāgakumāra causing a tempest to rage over the headquarters for seven days which Bh , however, is able to resist by means of his magic umbrella (4) and the crown-jewel (5), and the Av.-C surrender. Further acquisitions made in this district are the prototype of all measures of capacity (kāgini) 8 (6), a spouse (7), and a sword (8) On the Gangā Bh receives 9 objects of priceless value (nihi, Thān. 448b , Jambudd 256b) Then there follows the ceremonial entry into Vinīyā The imperial crown-treasures equally include the general (senāvar), the chamberlain (gāhāvar), the architect (vaddhar), the domestic chaplain (purohiya), horse and elephant (9 to 14) After a long reign he performs the act of purging called apuvva-karana ($ 183), obtains the Kevala-cognition ($ 81) and enters the Nirvāna on the Atthāvaya mountain This career is typical of all grandsovereigns, for Thān. 298a says that they all gain the 14 crownjewels They are all considered to be animate ($ 101) as we know from Indian dramatic plays a o Apart from being distin
I Comp LEUMANN, VIH OC III, 2, p 541 ff In addition there is the "Legend of Dvāravati's fall and Krishna's death" provided by Devendra in the common Utt (JACOBI ZDMG 42, 493-529 , CHARPENTIER ibd 66, 675-678)
2 The AUTHOR also GGA 1932, p 293ALSDORT ZDMG 92, 472f
3 Foi a descuption scc Thân 434a , Jambudd 225a

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DOCTRINE OF THE JAINAS guished by their names (Samav. 152b) the 12 cakkaval ti are also distinguished by their bodily size?, but this they share with the baladeva and vasudeva on the one hand and with the titthagara on the other. Their period, too, is the disama-susamā with the exception of Bharaha who already lived in the susama-düsamā as did the ist Titthagara. But there are still other relations cxisting between the two species. The 5th to the 7th grand-sovereigns came to be the 16th to the 18th tilthigara, and of the latter the first was actually an emperor (Samav. 42b), cven though he is not listed as such a one.
In the following we give the Svet -names of the series2 in Bharata as have been discussed above. The kulagara temporally precede the cakkavattī, Bharaha is the son of Usabha. The 5 first members of the series 2 to 4 lic between cakk. 2 and 3, the 6th and 8th fall in the time of cakk. 7 and 9, the 7th and gth lie between cakk 8 and 9, and between 11 and 12 resp.3.
1. cakkavatti : Bharaha, Sagara, Meghavam, Sanamkumāra, Santı4, Kunthu“, Ara“, Subhūma, Mahāpauma Harisena, Jayanāma or -sena, Bambhadatta.—2. baladeva : Ayala, Vijaya, Bhadda, Suppabha, Sudamsana, Ānanda, Nandaņa, Pauma (=Rāma Dāśarathi), Rāma (=Balarāma).-3 vasudeva : Tivittha (-tthü), Duvittha, Sayambhū, Purisuttama, Purisasiha, Purisapundariya, Datta, Nārāyana, Kanha --4. padisallu : Assaggīva, Tāraga, Meraga, Mahukedhava, Nisumbha, Bali,
1 The size most certainly also determined the measures of thc thrcc giant figures representing Bharaha's younger brother Bahubalı Acc to the lcgend Bh himsclf raised a statuc to him with B mcasuring 335 dhanu He is often called Kāmadeva among other names, and acc to M GOVIND PAL IHO. 4, 270-286, the Kanaresc name of Gommata, by the mediation of the Konkani, stems from the synonymous word Manmatha The most ancient, largest and most famous of the three statucs (57 ft high) was raised about 980 AĎ by Camunda Rāya-Gommaţa Rāya near Sravana Bclgola in Mysore, a sccond, dated Saka 1353, near Karkala, and a third, dated 1525 by Saka, near Yenur (Venur),both places in South-Kanara Comp PAL ibd , VENKATASUBBIAH IHQ 6, 290-309 , early reports by MACKENZIE IA 2, 129-133, BURNELL ibd 353-357
2 For the deviations of thc Dig see v GLASENAPP, Fcstgabc f Jacobi, p 337f
3 Comp the tables AV 242a and v GLASENAPP, Jainismus, p 261
4 titth 16–18 ( b ) JACOBI (SBE 45, 86) thinks it possible that this name developed from Kakutstha, but this derivation asks for a number of hypothetical links

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AN HISTORICAL SKETCH OF JAINISM
23
Paharaga, Rāvana, Jarāsamdha. By adding the spiritual series of the 24 titthagara to these temporal series 2 to 5 later authors come to count 63 men "of mark" (Švet. : śalākā-purusa, Dig, : lakṣaṇa-p.) leaving the mentioned identities out of consideration. 27 out of these 63 are related to the Krsna legend. This has been led back by JACOBI to the spreading of the teaching towards the west1. But we have seen already that Kanha had been playing a part at all times, and also Aritthanemi, a brother-in-law of Krsna, is included in the system since the time we know it. §14. In now turning to the spiritual heroes we have to distinguish between such who find and such who preach salvation, and as to the former we may denote them as the patteya-buddha. V1y 895a places them next to the latter though fails to give any particulars for doing so, nor do we find any in the two only remaining and, by the way, later passages of Samav. 123a and Nandi 203a. The appértaining persons first appear in the narrative tradition of the Avassaya. The preachers of salvation (titthagara, araham, jina; Vıy. 583a and Thān. 302a: devādhideva) of the current osappini are called : 1. Usabha, 2. Ajiya, 3. Sambhava, 4. Abhinandana, 5. Sumai, 6. Paumappabha, 7. Supāsa, 8. Candappabha, 9. Suvihi Pupphadanta, 10. Siyala, 11. Sejjamsa, 12. Vāsupujja, 13. Vimala, 14. Ananta, 15. Dhamma, 16. Santi, 17. Kunthu, 18. Ara, 19. Malli, 20. Munisuvvaya, 21. Nami, 22. Aritthanemi, 23. Pasa, 24. Vaddhamāna or Mahāvīra. For Paumappabha and Candappabha Viy. 792a has Suppabha and Sası, in an isolated inscription (§ 25) Ara is called Nandyāvarta; Arıtthanemi is frequently shortened into Nemi. The cntire series is closely dealt with by Samav. 150a and Av. 230 ff. though this is being done in comprising gāhās only. They record the names of each in their pre-existence, those of their parents, of their first alms-givers, pupils both male and female, and other items. What else we find in the Samav. and in the Than. as well
I Reports of the VIIth OC (Vienna 1889), P 75-77; IA 16, 163f
2 The part they play with the later commentators Devendra and Bhāvavijaya has been dealt with by CHARPENTIER in the light of the Jātaka and epic texts (Paccekabuddhageschichten Uppsala 1908, JAS.
1911, 201-255)

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24
DOCTRINE OF THE JAINAS rests in correspondence to the purpose of these works, on figures which, faithful to the system, are mostly very large. Thus we learn, though but incompletely and frequently without any recognizable principle, at what age a Titthagara devoted himself to monastic life, how many groups of disciples and groupleaders he had, how many among his followers owned a certain amount of spiritual knowledge and were endowed with certain kinds of cognition, how old he came to be, how tall he was, ctc Jinac. 184-203 in dealing with those from 2 up to 21 confines himself to giving the distances of the one from the other, from Mahāvīra or from the present of that time. A number of them is attributed certain colours of the body (Thân 985), and, what is more, in pairs . 6 and 12 are pauma-gora red, 8 and 9 candagora, white, 19 and 23 pijangu-sāma dark, and 20 and 22 niluppala, blue. The remaining are golden. For a smaller part these colours are due to the names of their bearers, and this, too, goes back to legends Such is equally the case with reports stating, for instance (Samav. 42b), that 23 preachers of salvation (2-24) were minor princes (mandalı-tāja) prior to their monastic life, or, as Thān. 351b gives it, that five (12 19 22-24) were kumāra when becoming monks. By the earliest plastic image of a Titthagara handed down to us ($ 25, comp. also § 24) it is proved that their representation showing merely their typical features was given personal traits by adding a symbol The Canon does not refer to such symbols For the most part they consist in animals (for 1-4. bull, elephant, horse, monkey · for 23 and 24 snake and lion), but also in the red and blue lotus (6 and 21), in patterns (7, 10, 15, 18), in the water-jug (19) and in the shell (22)2. A direct reference to the name of the Titthagara is made merely by the bull of the Rsabha , Mahāvīra's lion may be connected with the words sih’ubbhavas.
I For minor deviations with the Digambaras sce JAINI, Outlines of Jainism
2 For a specification see v GLASENAPP, Jaimsmus P 491
3 So instead of sīhabbhava (the AUTHOR ZDMG 104, p 262) Comp the simhâvalokita and other lion-like behaviour of the neu-horn Bodhisattva in Lalıtayistara VII

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AN HISTORICAL SKETCH OF JAINISM
25 bhūenam appănenam kucсhimse gabbham vakkante Āyār. II p. 121, line 22 (to supply gabbham)
No more than the Canon refers to the symbols does it refer to the two deities of male and female sex associated with every Titthagara They are called yaksa and yaksınī or yaksi or säsana(śruta) devatā. The latter may well have inaugurated the conception in so far as it was the commandment of Jina that first took on human shape, i e. female shape in correspondence with basic Indian conceptions. Moreover, there was the demand for granting powers establishing for laymen since the preachers of salvation were beyond reach of their supplications. Their names, again, disclose obvious suggestions of the Brahman sphere of ideas. For these as well as for other persons and objects pertaining to the later cult comp v GLASENAPP, Jainismus p. 362ff, 4923
$15. At the beginning of her pregnancy the mother of a Tıtthagara has experienced 14 visions by dreaming as has Such of a cakkavatti, whereas the mother of a vasudeva has visioned 7, such of a baladeva 4, and such of a mandalıya I out of those 14. The germ for these figures is in the 14 dreams of Mabāvīra's mother (Jinac. $ 32 ff)4. Acc. to Vıy. 70ga we have (to refer to this here) 42 normal and 30 major dreams (mahā-suvina) of the kind of dreams in pregnancy mentioned above. Ten dreams were visioned by Mv when still a chaumattha ($ 81, also Thān. 499a). 14 dreams immediately lead to true cognition and in most cases to salvation within the same existence. The dream belongs to the 8 possible omens (nimitta, Thān. 427a) and is considered rather incongruently
I About the importance of the yaksi cult in South India see DESAI Jainism in South India, 1957
2 For the picture-teaching of the Dig comp BURGESS IA 32, 459-464, XIII OC, 74, in The Indian Sect of the Jainas ( $ 4), ) L JAINI ÍA 33, 330-332 . For the Svet see Helen M JOHNSON, ÍA 56,
23-28
3 A movement against the Śruta-d see § 33
4 A representation in colours was reviewed by HUTTEMANN, Baessler-Archiv IV, H 2 The Dig know of 16 dreams
5 nimitta as well as uppāya a. O pertain to the region of the pāva. suya-pasanga (Thān, 45/a)

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26
DOCTRINT. OT TIIL JAINAS as a special kind of visionary power (Thãn. 430b) together with sammad-dainsana ctc. up to hcvala-d. (§ 82) to which Sthān. 430b remarks that, properly spcaking, thc suapnadarśana pertains to the acahsur-d. (982). It comes in during the state of semi-trance (sulla-jāgara) and it is cither truc (ahātacca), of temporal cxtcnsion (bayāna), gocs back to some day-event (cintā-suvina) or not (lavdivarīga), or, finally, it is vague (avvalta-damsana). The drcam of a samouda, 1.c. of onc who exercises samvara ($169), is ncccssarily truc, however, while this is not positive with the samvuda and the samvu dásamvuda. All this is taught by Vay. 16,6 (70ga ff.) perhaps in identity with the Suminabhavana rcfcrred to by Vav. 10, 28, or with the Mahasuminabhāvanü quoted at other places.
The schematic structurc of thc lifc as lived by a prcacher of salvation cqually becomes drar by Jambudd.5 dcscribing the ceremonies conferred by the gods on cvcry new-born Tatthagara The disākumari perform the preparations. Sakka and his gods, the latter being summoned by Hari Ncgamcsi (817), betake themselves to the birth-place. After the mother has been sunk into deep sleep a copy of the child is being crcated along with 5 Sakka who themselves takc thc Titthagara to the sacred place in the Pandaga grove of the Mandara. Here it is Accuya who, with the assistance of the other gods, performs the act of consecration by anointing and adorning. Isāna crcatcs 5 of his like who wash thc Tıtthagara, Sakka 4 white bulls whose horns join above in the shape of water streams so that a vast flood pours down upon the head of the consecratcd. 5 other Sakka then take him back to his mother's side removing the copy. By order of Sakka and Vesamana the Jambhaga gods finally bring in all sorts of treasures, and in the end thcy all return to their abodes.
The end of the Tıtthagara carcer is discussed by Jambudd. 156b, though the text fails to mention any fixed localıty. Acc to the legends it is invariably the mountain of Sammeta or Pārasnāth, a name referring to Pārsva (Pāsa). It was only Usabha who found the Nirvāna on the Kailāsa, Vasupujja in

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AN HISTORICAL SKETCH OF JAINISM
27 Campā, Arıthanemi on Gırnār, and Mahāvīra (s.b.) in Pāvā. The cremation of the corpse is performed by all godly princes under Sakka's leadership. As we read in Viy. 502b the relics enjoy adoration in the heavenly sphere. This description holds good in any case even though the author here but refers to Usabha whose biography which for the most part coincides closely with Jinac. 204-228 is related in the preceding passages. Ranging first in the sequence and, for that reason, frequently called Ādinātha in later times Usabha (Rsabha) enjoys the advantage of a more detailed representation which in Āv.2 is explicitly proclaimed to be universally accepted; anything the like does not occur until the end of the sequence (s. b.). Rsabha who, acc. to VisnuiPurāna 2, 1 was a world emperor to become a naked ascetic and to die the fasting-death is sure to have come to the Jains most opportunely as ranging first in their sequence.2 The extended description of the late Bhāgavata-P. (5, 6, 8-11) is connected with a vengeful allusion to Jainism flourishing in "Konka, Venka and Kutaka" thanks to R.'s travels in those regions. As is mentioned ibd., 5, 15, 1, but not in Visnu-P., the same has happened with Sumatı, Bharata's son. The person of Malli is (Thân. 400b) identical with that of the king's daughter referred to by Nāya. 8. There she is called by the name of Malli araha and incidentally so from the moment (Nāyādh. 148a) when, on account of her report in front of her six suitors, she comes to remember earlier adventures. Her naming as Arhat always remains masculine, and the gods hail her (Nāyādh. 151a none else than Mahāvīra, Jinac. 111) as Bhagavam loga-näha. Nor does the latter figurative representation distinguish her in any way from the others. All this is a matter of course since sexual qualities are not inherent in a Siddha any longer. The Digambaras do not know of Mallı having been a girl (comp. $ 30).
1 The first allusion made to the above mentioned passage was by WILSON (Works, Vol 7, 104) Comp also JACOBI IA 9, 163
2 No trace in the Yajurveda of "the Tīrthankaras Rşabha, Ajitanātha and Aristanemi', as Radhakrishnan (Indian Philosophy I, 28f) will have it.

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DOCTRINE OF THE JAINAS $ 16 JACOBI cxprcsscd thc idcal that among the Titthagara such men were admitted who werc dcar to those communities that had attached themselves to Mahavira This would have its counterpart on a larger scalc in thc structure of thc Hindu pantheon Provided that Mahāvira's community rcally gaincd in strength by the incorporation of wholc bodics of sccts, we must, however, hear in mind that thc Titthagara arc scparated from each other by “astronomical figures”, whcrcas those persons must have lived more or less distinctly in the memory of the contcmporaries As is the case with so many characters of the Brahman legends we can neither prove nor can we definitely dispute the assertion that the preachers of salvation relicon individual persons The lowest rungs of the Titthagara ladder lcading from primeval times up to the present are more or less clcarly visiblc in thc light of history 2 Yet we would be more correct in saying that the ladder reaching from an historically attested cxpcricncc on dogmatic grounds far up into the past is still hit by this light at a point not far from its foot The question to be asked is how far up this is the case We meet Arıtthanemı in Nāya 5, Antag 1-5, Vanhid ; Utt 22 He is placed within thc Krsna circle as the brother-in-law of Kamsa, the scenc is Dvāravati (Bārarai) In spite of his being more frequently referred to than his precursors, yet Arıtthanemi-he lived to the age of a thousand vcars-15 by no means historically more tangible than they are. The only thing to be advanced might be that in the year of Mahāvira's Nirvāna he had been dead for 84,000 years (Jinac 1821 ), because it should be remembered that the figure of 84 or either of its plurals frequently appear with the Jains and clscwhere where they only fail to give precise details for something founded on fact Acc to Jinac 184 Arıtthanemi's precursor, Nami, died half a million years back, and as is the case with all other figures in the lives of the Jinas, so these intervals, too, increase into the gigantic br retrogradation Pāsa, however, acc to Jinac 168 f died 250
1 SBC 45 XXXII
2 By discussing this problem Chimanlal J SHAH starts his book on Jainism in North India 800 BC-326 AD LO 1932 Revicw by the AUTHOR in OLZ 1934, col 126-128

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AN HISTORICAL SKETCH OF JAINISM
29
years before My (1230 minus 980) at an age of one hundred years. Ever since STEVENSON came to point out this moderation in quoting figures? these two dates have served as an argument for Pasa's being an historic person, though what else we are told of him in Jinac. 149f is merely a copy of Mahāvīra's biography with the exception that Pāsa is said to have been born in Benares and to have died on the Sammeya mountain in Bihar. Nor do we learn anything of importance from Pāsa's role Nāyādh II 1 and Pupph 1, 3. But he is attested as a historic personality by other passages in rendering his teaching and reporting on his followers. Mahāvira's parents are said to have belonged to Pása's lay-followers (Pāsávaccijā samanovasagā, Āyār II, 15, 16), and in his lifetime—as is confirmed by the Sāmaññaphala-Sutta of the Digha-Nıkaya)--there have been teachers (
Pijā therā bhagavanto, Viy 134b, 247b) and monks (anagāra, Viy 99a, 439a) in accordance with Pãsa's intentions The word avaccızja (also Therav 2) indicates the spiritual filiation* Pāsa was obviously of a winsome nature, for he bears the constant title of purus' ādāniya which seems to be the oldest precursor of the modern occasional titles of Lokamānya, Deśabandhu, Mahātman, etc. ādānīya means as much as ādejja which in the Karman theory stands for "suggestive". Both sects were on absolutely friendly terms, and for this we are given some valuable proof by the conversation of two of their leading representatives Rāyap 6 and Utt 237. We are assured (Vry 247b, 454a) that already Pāsa had conceived both the shape and the eternity of the world ($103) in a way as taught by Mahāvīra, though (in the second passage) the latter insists that he came to discover it independently. Yet
I Kalpa Sutra S XII Comp JACOBI IA 9, 162f COLEBROOKE (Misc Ess II, 212) does not make any use of this argument when calling D "perhaps the real founder of the sect".
2 What Isibhās 31 is given as his utterances has no individual character
3 Comp JACOBI, SBE 45, XX 4 Since dhamm'antevāsi is one of thc to terms for "son" (Thân
316a)"
5. puruşanām madhya ādaniya ädeya Vy 248b 6 Comp LEUMANN, VI OC III, 2 (Leiden 1883), p 509-524 7. Comp JACOBI, SBE 45 XXII.

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THE JAINAS
30
we are not able to draw any immediate inferences on Pasa's system from this conception of his since the idea of a lower, an intermediate, and an upper world is in itself not singular Mahavira's laymen are instructed (Viy. 138a) by Pasa teachers that self-discipline (sanyama) leads to the suppression of the "influence" (ananhaya, § 168) and asceticism (tava) to purification (vodāna, also 140b), and to this Mahavira agrees And yet, perhaps, he himself went beyond it, provided it was he who placed those two pairs into the causal association known, acc. to Than. 156b, as: savana,nāna, vinnāna, paccakhhāna, samjama, a., t., v., ahırijā, nuvvana, siddhi-gai-gamana-pajjavasana But it cannot be disputed that in practical ethics we see a development beyond Pasa's idcas where the four-fold morality, the cāujjāma dhamma, is replaced by the panca-mahavvaiya sapaḍıkkamana dh. Pasa's postulation (Rayap 118a; Than. 201 a) was: not to damage anything living, not to commit anything untrue, and neither to take what has not ben given (adınn'ādānão veramana) nor to give away (bahiddhādināo v.). The last word by Sthan. 202 a is taken as bahırdhādāna and commented as "accepting (ādāna) from outside", i.c the accepting of things not belonging to the monk's standard outfit. This prohibition is said to include the "possession" of a female individual. Thus, as Abhayadeva adds, Pāsa's fourth commandment would correspond with Mahavira's both fourth and fifth (sexual abstention and non-possession (§ 171). The former of these two LEUMANN sees expressed in bahiddha-dāna (sic), "a decent term for copulation' (the delivery of sperm)". Thus it is Pasa's third vow that corresponds with both the third and fifth of Mahavira's including prohibition of any appropriation other than by gift as well as by acquisition At any rate, it is a merit of Mahavira's that he did away with a certain vagueness in the terms of his predecessor and made his fifth commandment applicable for both sexes Utt. 23, 26f. and probably also 87 indicate that this act of extension was at the same time a process of revival, and this, to be sure, is the case, since it was in the nature of the two founders Moreover, this is indicated by the above-mentioned view according to which
I Buddha und Mahāvīra p 33.
DOCTRINE
ΟΙ

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AN HISTORICAL SKETCH OF JAINISM
31 the teaching experiences a decline until a new preacher of salyation comes to make his appearance. And it was also the difference existing between the teachings of Pāsa and Mahāvīra that had to be perpetuated within this view. This was done in a way (Viy. 791 b; Thān. 201a) that all Titthagara prior to Pāsa are considered preachers of the câujjāma dhamma with the exception of Usabhal, and in the timeless continent of Mahāvideha ($ 113) it is even all 24. Likewise there is a difference being construed (Thān. 296a) in that the same preachers of salvation including Pāsa had no difficult career as teachers whereas Usabha and Mahāvīra had (purima-pacchimānam zinānam duggamam bhavar, tam-jahā. duārkkham duvrbhajjam dupassam dutitzkkham duranucaram). It is possible, to be true, that the system handed down to us was complete already with Pãsa, though it fails to be probable, and certainly it cannot be proved. What is said by Āyār. II 15, 16 about the religious life and death of Mahāvīra's parents is out of the question with regard to Pāsa's teaching, particularly since it includes the confession (aloetta. .. paçıkkamitta). For it was by this confession that Mahāvīra's rules differed from those of Pāsa, or else one would not have spoken of the panca-mahavvaiya sapadikkamana dhamma in contrast with his cãujjama dh. Mahāvīra appears as much too original a thinker than that he should have but repeated what had been in existence since long without adding something of his own 2 Otherwise the system would show junctures. But this is not the case.
817. For our knowledge concerning Mahāvīra's life and personality we have as ancient coherent sources: the Uvahānasuya Ayār. 19, then Āyār. II 15 (the Bhāvanā) and basing upon it Jinac. 1-148, finally Āv. 458ff. A number of detailed traits is rendered by Viy. The birthplace of Mahāvīra was the
1. This proportion of 2 to 22 also applies to the future
2 The way how he came to gain his ideas is expressed by the word Thân 173a. acc to which for him the dhamma was suadhinya, sunhārya, sutavassya.
3 Present day monographies are : Manak Chand JAINI, Life of Mahavira ( Allahabad 1908) and Bimala Churn LAW, Mv his Life and teaching, Lo. 1932).
4. Comp. The AUTHOR's Worte Mv. 's p. 18ff.

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DOCTRINE or TIC JAINAS northern borough of Vaiśālī, the Besārh ofour days, callcd Kundapura (Āyır.) or Kundagrāma (Jinac ), the Basukund of to-day, It was here where the nobleman (khattıya) Nāya lived whose name is rendered in Pali by Nātika and in Sanskrit texts rightly by Jnātr The father belonging to this clan-and consequently also his children--were Kāśyapa acc. to thc Gotra, while the mother was a Vāsısthi Their names are Siddhattha and Tisalā with two more being added to cach, the latter being but sporadıcally referred to and probably so as to serve mcrcly thc uniformity with the three names of the son to be mentioned presently Tradition gave great importance to Mahāvīra's Kshatriya and not Brahman descent, and with the Svetāmbaras at least it did so to the degree that it adopted the legend of Baladeva's embryonal transplantation from Rohini into Devakia and represented Mahavira as being the physical son of the Brahman couple of Usabhadatta and Devānandā in the Brahman borough of Kundapura Acc to Viy 456a, however, Devanandā is acknowledged by Mahāvīra as being his true mother. In Viy. 218a he refers to the role of transplanter played by Hari Negamesi", but he does so without any relation to himself
The name of Mahāvīra is an attributc inspired by profound reverence and traced back to the gods The curtailed form is Vira samana, as he is said to have called himself, is as far from being a proper name as is, for instance, “the Son of Man” His civil name is Vaddhamana, “the prospering one", which in the texts, however, is interpreted as "the promoter" The verb vaddhai does not occur, 4 but only vaddhai leading up to the by far less frequent form of Vaddhamāna (Āyār II, 15, 12, Samav 151a). As a member of the clan of the Nāya Mahāvīra is called Nãya (putta) (Viy 323b), as a Kāśyapa Kāsava (a o Utt 2,
I Comp JACOBI, SPAW 1930, p 564f Scc before HOERNLE, Uvās II, p 3ff and Proceedings As Soc Bong 1898, 40, JACOBI, SBC 22, XI F
2 Comp JACOBI SBE 22, XXXI, ERE 7, 466b 6. 3 About him see WINTERNITZ IRAS 1895, 149ff
4 Only vaddhāvei “to congratulate”, comp PISCHEL, Gr § 291 F An historical mon of Vaiśāli was compiled by VIJAYENDRA sūri (BQ 1958, Guy )

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33
AN HISTORICAL SKETCH OF JAINISM Dasav 4), after the town of Vaiśālī, in whose sphere of influence he was born?, by the name Vesālıya (Sū I 2, 3 end, Utt. 6 end), and Videha-dinna after his native country (Āyār. II 15, 17; Jinac. 11 0). He is addressed as bhante.
Vaddhamāna married Jasoyā, a Kaundinyi?, with whom he had a daughter bearing the name of Anojā or Piyadamsanā She later became the mother of a girl. Her husband is not referred to in the two biographies, but we know, if not from Viy. 461a ff so from the Āvassaya tradition, that his name was Jamālı. His name was suppressed since it was with his son-in-law (who is said to have been also his nephew from the side of sister) that Mahāvīra went through the trying experience of disobedience and heresy which came to be the "first heresy"5 in the history of the Jain church Since his grand daughter is called a Kausiki, the khattıya-humāra Jamālı must have been a Kausika as well
$18. Vaddhamāna having kept his promise not to leave his parents as long as they lived and having obtained the consent probably to be given by his elder brother Nandiyaddhana, left his native country at the age of thirty after having arranged the distribution of his property and his heritage in the course of one
year. It speaks for his inclination towards asceticism that he did . so at the beginning of the cold season Thirteen months later,
i.e. in winter again, he decided to rid himself of his clothes as well?. This was to be the first great step out of Pāsaism which,
I JACOBI, SBE 22 Xf
2 In this connexion it may be assumed that he was spoken of as Vesālıya savaya as was the niyantha Pingalaga of Srāvasti (V1y112b, in the comm a fantastic explanation)
3 This doubtlessly underlies the Kodinna of the texts Comp also Ajjava Kodinna Samaräicc with Arjava Kaundinya Samarādityasamkscpa 1,65
4 For the following see LEUMANN Ind Stud 17,97 ff
5 Out of 7 referied to by Thãn 410a and the Avassaya tradition, comp LEUMANN's essay, Ind Stud 17, 91-135 These 7 heresies (padayana-ni nhava ) arc more interesting in other respects ( 38 ) that as to the history of dogmatics For Jaināli's heresy sec Viy 461 a ff For the 8th ninhava of the Bodiya Sıvabhūi see § 26
6 This interpretation of samalla-painna implies that they were not willing to let him go Gautama the Sakya paid Icss espect to his father's wish to heep him at home - Another interpretation of s -p would be that he now was in a position of keeping his vow (?) to become a homeless monk
7 As SHAH, Jainism in Northern India, p 25, supposes he did so in a state of trance

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DOCTRINE OF THE JAINAS
as is demonstrated by Utt 23, 19, knew of clothed adherents only. The ballad Ayār. I, 9, describing his early ascetic life and the austerity of his conduct further tells us of the samana bhagavam devoting himself to meditation behind a wall of man's height surrounding him on all sides (porısı tırıya-bhıttı). This caused a great sensation, while, on the other hand, by his solitary and disobliging bearing he annoyed the people who did not fail to vent their anger on him. Festivities, though he took part in them, were indifferent to him. For more than two years he neither drank nor used cool water, and it was during this period that his ideas grew to maturity it may be mentioned here that he came to cognize the animatedness of all physical substances, plants and animals, the up and down in the forms of existence, the Karman as being its cause, its influx by sensual perception and activity, and the woman as its mediator. The monastic basic laws equally took shape in that time Perhaps we are correct in interpreting Ayar I 9,1,22 by saying that after those two years and two months Mahāvīra resolved to take up that vagrant life which was to last for more than twelve years1. Travelling towards the east he came as far as Lādha in West Bengal (Ladh, Rādh, Rārh) containing Vajjabhūmi and Subbhabhūmi, the land of the Suhmas This period was characterized by utmost privations caused by inhospitable and and verminous quarters and many hardships owing to climate, stinging plants and insects, and wicked inhabitants who set dogs at him and ill-treated him. Mahavira himself made his life ascetic by the choice of his food, by fasting and by standing back behind animals and humans in need of help, while nothing is being said of self-castigations in bodily positions as incorporated into the system The Uvahana-suya closes by rendering that description. The two other texts have merely vague generalities ending up those twelve years by Mahavira's entering into omnicognition. In the Bhāvanā "both the possession and the acquisition of cognitions thread the preceding biographical
...
1 Ayar II, 15, 25, Jinac 120 pa-telasa Ayar I 9, 2, 4 means the same as is clearly stated by the Cunni

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AN HISTORICAL SKETCH OF JAINISM sketch (p. 121 f., 130 f. of the edition)"1. Here from the dogmatic view it is traced that even when still an embryo Mahāvīra was in possession of the first three kinds of cognition (tinnānovagaya)2 and the way how at the beginning of his monastic career the fourth (manapajjava-nāna) made its appearances. By the fifth kind, the kevala-vara-nāna-damsana, coming in he started teaching But, to be true, by all this we are not given the description of an intellectual development in our sense.
In the sources hitherto considered there is not a single word being said concerning the role that is acted by Gosāla MamkhaLiputta in Mahāvīra's life. He was the head of the Ajīvikase and in this position, acc to Palı reports, he was the successor to Kıssa Samkicca and Nanda Vaccha. Thus it follows that the sect must have existed for some time yet. Viy, 15 gives a report regarding Mahāvīra's relations to Gosāla5. According to them Gosāla came to be Mahāvīra's pupil in the latter's second year as a monk and remained to be so for six years. Then their relations came to a rupture, however, and Gosāla went his own ways It was not until 16 years later that both met again though for a violent contest only. Gosāla died nearly immediately after, i.e. 16 years before his antagonist. This report of Viy. has long since been judged as biassed and hateful Critics went to the length of making Mahāvīra a disciple or adherent of Gosāla to whom they say he was indebted for the biological system proclaimed by himself to be his own. For these and further questions the reader is referred to BASHAM who has exhaustively treated the matter offered by literature and inscriptions, including materials from the Southe. Gosala is said to have introduced
I The AUTHOR, Worte p it
2 But the words immediately following carssamı tl jānai, cue mi ttt, up to pannalle clearly have nothing to do with mar-, suya- and olunāna The same Jinac 29 and 30
3 The Jinac, does not refer to them, but it speaks (112) of the āhohiya for which comp § 81
4 Comp HOERNLE ERE 1, 259 ff
5. Detailed summary by HOERNLE, Uvas II pp See also LEUMANN WZKM 3, 328-339
6 History and Religion of the Ajivikas Lo 1951 (rev by the AUTHOR ZDMG 104, p 256-263)

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DOCTRINE OF THE JAINAS
a division of humans into six different colours which has its parallel in the Jain leśyā theorył. This theory appears to be strange in Mahāvīra's system ($ 97), but here, again, it is not certain that it were borrowed from Gosāla's tcaching, and it may well be possible that here as well as there the idea reflects primitive conceptions. On the other hand JACOBI has made it to appear probable that some practices of ascetic nutrition as exercised by Jains originate from the Ājivikas, and if Mahāvīra, as we have seen, put up with clothing thirteen months after having entered into monastic life, then it follows that this fell in the very second year which is reported to have brought about his relation to Gosāla. When, on a summer's night, the cognition of omniscience flashed upon him, Mahāvīra was on the field of the farmer Sāmāga near the town of Jambhiyagāma on the northern bank of the Ujjuvālıyā. Not far off that place there stood a Sāl tree which accordingly entered into the hagiology as Mahāvīia's ceryaTukkha, thus reminding us of the Buddhists, and which served as an example for that of all preceding Titthagaras (Samav 152a). This experience naturally did not put an end to his vagrant life, but with his fame increasing the vicissitudes he had to suffer from the side of humans ceased and changed into respect and reverence As before (Jinac 119) Mahāvīra continued to be on the way for two thirds of the year putting up in villages for one night and in towns for up to five; for four months he remained stationary owing to the rainy season. Jinac. 122 gives as unverifiable list of the places where he did so, i.e in the course of the time up to fourteen times We here but mention as such also known elsewhere those of Campā, Vesālī, Rāyagiha, Nālandā, and Sāvatthi None of these places is situated on the sea, though in the similes attributed to Mahāvīra (Nāya 8 11) the sea plays an important part, to say nothing of the Jainist world view (§110.121) Places related to Mahāvīra's activity as a teacher are frequently referred to by the Canon, and those mentioned in the Viy.are to a certain degree trustworthy thanks to its special position ($45) Rāyagiha, of all places the most frequently mentioned
I LEUMANN, loc. cit 330 f 2 SBE 45, XXX f

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AN HISTORICAL SKETCH OF JAINISM
37
both in the Vıy. and the Jinac.1, was the capital of Prince Seniya, the Bimbısāra of the Buddhists. Mahāvira was a relative of his by Cellanā, the daughter of his uncle Cedaga, Prince of Vesālī, and Seniya's successor, Kūniya (called Ajātasattu in Pali texts), was also his protector. To the list of the cities mentioned above the Viy. adds further the name of Kosambia. The various other places referred to in either text cannot, however, be mentioned here. Mahāvīra did not stay at these places themselves, nor even during the interval of the long rainy season but-as is shown in Jinac. 122 by the word nīsāe attached to the indication of place--following the examples of other preachers he dwelt at a nearby ceiya regularly mentioned by its name, while nothing is being reported concerning its outward appearances. As is described in the Uvay. at great length in poetical language, the princes, their noble attendants and the crowd used to leave the town in order to listen to his preachings, and samosarana is the word designating not only Mahāvīra's going out to preach and the pouring out of those eager to listen, but also his setting up the fundamental teachings and both the place where the Kevalin teaches prepared by other religious-philosophical sects (Sūy. I 12) and later (Av. 5) also by celestials, and the audience assembled around it.
$19. Acc to the Palı texts Mahāvīra was a contemporary of Gautama Buddha, but although for decades they both wandered about one and the same area by no means very extensive preaching and teaching, there is no word being said as to their having met. Buddha is said to have survived Mahāvīra. This
1 A monography on Rāyagiha in ancient Literature was published by B C LAW (Delhi 1938)
2. Comp. the summary SBE 22, XV
3 For his militant policy comp JACOBI SPAW 1930, 557 ff (review by the AUTHOR OLZ 1932, 143 ff ) and the original reports in Niray and Viy.
4 At one time the believers in Vesāli were cared for by Jayanti who belonged to the laity (Vesäliya-sävayānam arthantānan puvva-sejāyari) She was the sister of Sayāniya, Prince of Kosambi, who consequently took Migāvai, another daughter of Cedaga, for his wife from Vesāli Her son was Udāyana (Viy 556b)
5 Differently with the Buddhists, comp B C LAW, Studia indoIranica p. 42 ff

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DOCTRINE OF THE JAINAS
information, however, is due to the Buddhists confusing the city of Pāvā, where Mahāvīra died, with the Pävä, where Buddha stayed shortly before his end, thus concluding that he survived Mahavira1. The latter's Pāvā is referred to as majjhuma. This may indicate that for once (perhaps owing to illness) he dwelt in the city proper, and he may well have done so since his quarters were in the residence of a high official in Prince Hatthipala's service. At any rate he died there in his 72nd year, forty-two years after he had become a monk. Acc. to modern belief Pāvā is the village of Pavapuri in the district of Patna2. Thus Mahāvira's life passed within a narrow frame of space All his days he, the aristocrat, had enjoyed the sympathy and the support of the nobles of the country. We have already mentioned his princely relations3, and in Viy 792b we read that the notables and the noble families of his time adhered to him and his teaching which they helped to spread. Now the collegial princes (ganarāyāno) of the Mallaki and Licchavi familics gave a lamp-cercmony in commemoration of him. Mahāvīrā's death or, rather, in terms of spiritual language, his entry into Nirvāna represents to the Jains the point from where their chronology starts The Svetambaras (§ 26) place it 470 years before the beginning of the Vikrama era (57-56 B.C.), the Digambaras (§26) 605 years before the Saka era (78 A.D.), the latter being also crroneously taken for the Vikrama era. By critically dealing with these statements which both lead back to 527-526 B C., JACOBI (1879) calculated the year of 467 B.C., and CHARPENTIER tried to support this date by a new line of argument. In 1891
38
I CHARPENTIER in the essay to be presently mentioned, JACOBI SPAW 1930, 557ff where ref are made to Journal of Francis BUCHANAN etc see §1f-Comp also Puran Chand NAHAR, Pāvapuri and its Temple Prashasti (1698) IHQ 1, 116-119
2 Imp Gaz of I. 20, 81
3 Without himself having shut his eyes to the abusive reigning of major and minor princes (Thân 125b)-The author of the Angaculiya considers Mahavira's teaching aristocratic to a degree that he refers to the transition of the dhamma to the Vaisyas (cattari vanṇāna majjhe varssa-hatthe dhammo bhavissat) as a bad omen
4 For passages comp the writings presently mentioned and Satis Chandra VIDYABHUSHANÁ, Logic, p 11, PATHAK IA 12, 21f.
5
Kalpasūtra p 8
6. IA 43 (1914), 115 ff

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AN HISTORICAL SKETCH OF JAINISM
39
JACOBII himself decided in favour of 477 or 476 basing his deductions SPAW 1930, 557 ff. on the year 477.
$20. As to Mahāvīra's success as a teacher Jinac. 134 provides us with monumental figures which we can leave as they are. The only point worth mentioning is that women are by far in the majority The nuns were headed by Ajja-Candană also referred to by Viy. 458b where it tells us of Mahāvīra introducing his mother Devānandā to her. The monk very rightly mentioned as the first was Indabhūi, better known by his Gotra name as Goyama, though sporadically we hear of a "second" and a "third” Gautama, Aggibhūi and Vāubhūia. Since, acc. to Viy. 153 a, they all appear simultaneously it is likely that Therāv. 1 by denoting all three as oldest, second and youngest monk of Mahāvīra was lead by a desire for classification. As one putting questions to his master Goyama as compared with a number of other persons is by far the most important, and as such he appears even where, as is the case in the Viy., there is no longer any real dialogue thinkable or probable, but where question and answer have come to congeal into mere forms of style. In Viy. 755a, however, Goyama appears as a living person where we are told of his having wiped the floor with an antagonist and of his being commended for his ready wit by Mahāvīra who, acc. to Viy. 646b, also informs him that they both had been friends already for a number of existences. These two passages are probably the only ones in the Canon reflecting something like the note of a personal feeling on Mahāvīra's side. For as well as always he remains impersonal, and even where he rejects contradicting-often rather foolish teachings of other preachers (annautthya), he does so by speaking in naked antithesis. It was probably in his nature to be non-committal and stern. Though it were wrong to judge Mahāvīra merely by how he appears to us in the dialogues of the Canon. He would never
1. Parıśıstaparyan p 6 corr 2nd ed (1932) p XXf
2 Comp the 3 Kassapas (Uruvelā-, Nadi- and Gaya-K) with 500, 300, and 200 followers, Mahāvagga 1, 15
3. The AUTHOR, Worte My's p 10
4 Comp the attractive confiontations by LEUMANN, Buddha un Mahāviras, p. 28 and Maitreya-samıtı p. 1-3.

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DOCTRINT. OP THE Jainas
have been ablc to succeed without giving his words a touch of originality and power, and his otorical gist is certain to have cxcelled the high mcasurc customary in India by far. He is said to havc spoken Ardhamāgadhi', that is 10 say Old AMG., an idiom prior to thc language of our tcxtsa. Traces of the diction characteristic of him can clearly be demonstrated." In thuis connexion we havc to mention the similes. We have a large quantity of them in the Thin., csp in Thina', and we shall refer to them later in § 116. In theon Mahavira renders proof of his cxtensive practical cxpcricncc and of both his profound knowlcdge of the world and of human nature, and had they bccn handed down to us in an oratorical forni, thc Canon of the Jains would certainly not loc infcrior to that of thic Buddhists acsthetically
$21. Even individual traits borrowed from naturc have been incorporated into the total conception by 11.shüvira, thic systematizer, as is shown by many passages of the Viy. Thus his explanation for a hot spring he must have visited ncar Rāyagiha ($ 94), his theory of the wind ( $ 110), and the lifc-community of fire and wind ($ 105). The fact that the movement of a flying object slows down (Viy 176 1), Jiv. 3741)) was probably concluded by Mahāvira from thic cffcct of gravitation Nor should we omit the wind havvadaya (Viy. 4991) arising bctween thc heart and the liver and causing within a galoping horsc thc sound of khu khu Above all, however, the most versaulc thinker we know of in ancient India hadaliking for figures and arithmctic, that characterizes his speechcs most cxtraordinarily, In most cases we are not able to prove which considcrations arc his onn and which are of others, but he calls himself the author of a theory of the 7 possible lines (evam hhalu, Goyama, mae salla sedhin pannattão, Vıy. 954b). Acc. to Vay 866b suchia line is cither
1 Uvav § 56 Each listener heard him in his own language, comp the Acts of the Apostles 2, y ff This applies to all buddha or araham (Samav. 60 b)
2 The discovery was due to LÜDERS (191) In the Jain Canon he showed up traces of Old AMG in 1913, comp Philologica Indica, p 230
3 The AUTHOR, Worte Mv's p 21 ff 4 Comp LEUMANN WZKM 3, 331 f

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AN HISTORICAL SKETCH OF JAINISM straight (ujjuy'-āyaya), has 1 break (egao-vamka), 2 breaks (duhao-v.), forms an open rectangle on one side (egao-khaha), forms a rectangular Z (duhao-kh.), is circular (cakkavāla) or semicircular (addha-c ). As a general principle there is neither a beginning nor an end to a line, whereas either is the case within the world since the world is finite. In the infinite non-world ($ 103) this applies to the tangential straight lines that touches a border plane of the world A line leading from the nonworld and meeting with the world border has no beginning, a line leading from the latter into the non-world is without an end, and a line leading all around the world in one way or other has neither beginning nor end (Viy 866a with comm ). As to geometrical forms (samthāna) to add them in this connexionViy. 860a refers to orbicular (vatta), triangular, rectangular, elongated ones (āyaya), and to the ring (parimandala)", and in them the atoms are arranged either two-or three-dimensionally (in payara or ghana), in the elongated form also one-dimensionally (in sedhi). In referring to them the minimum and maximum numbers of the atoms and space units are being discussed, and this leads us up to the calculative reflections. In them a certain family likeness seems to become apparent, and where it goes together with a special liking for applying it we are probably confronted with an original idea of Mahāvīra's. The frequency of their occurrence alone is not decisive, or else it would be he, too, who had come to find the root of 10 and to apply it in the sense of the figure of 76. But this certainly asked for a wider knowledge of mathematics than Mahāvīra had, if we are
I Since these determination are intended to describe the movements of atoms, aggregates, and souls we should rather speak of "path" instead of “line" But the following principal reflection, especially since it comprises the non-world, makes it necessary to use the latter word
2 kşullaka-pratara (Vy 867a)
3 Opposite to these ideal forms a 6th forms is called "faulty” (ariite thamtha) (Than 389 a)
4. Another sequence contains the first three of the above mentioned between the long and the short one (diha and rahassa) on the one hand and between the wide (pihula )and the circular one on the other hand (Thân 38ga).
5 LEUMANN, Aup p165 For a proof among many others sec Jambudd 15a In discussing the figure of r with the Hindus JPASB N Sp 22 (1926) 25-42, Bibh DATTA does not mention the Jains

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42
or THE JAINAS allowed to judge by the favourite ideas he presumably cherished. Nor is the astronomy of the Jains, as, above all, it is offered to us by the Surapannatti, a creation of his own, but it rather reflects the thinking of generations. This becomes cqually clear by the usage of "we" instead of "I"and by the absence of polemics1. As to the aspect of the world, however, it bears Mahavira's stamping by his doubling the widths of geographical units, a geometrical line with the quotient 2 (§ 122). This, perhaps, accounts for the contention that there are two suns and moons over Jambuddiva, which then leads up to the doubling of further stars (§ 128). The arithmetical line is applied in Mahavira's teaching to the sums. Of a sum (jumma or rāsi or rāsi-jumma)" continuously diminished by 4 there remains 4 (o1 0), 3, 2 or 1, and it is called accordingly by the terms used at dice-playing kada-jumma, teoya, dāvara or kali-oya (Viy. 744b)3, and even khuddāga may be paced at the head of these names of khudda-jumma (Viy. 948b). They are called small "sums" as against the "large" ones, mahā-j. (Viy. 964b). They are sums expressing by their name not only the final remainder but also the number of the factors, the latter always preceding in the bipartite names of kada-jumma-kaḍajumma, k.-teopa, etc.1. These calculations -to be found in the last passages of the Viy-are applied in the most different connexions", though even Abhayadeva I We here give the different kinds of arithemetics as known from Than 263a, 496a parikamma, the clements, and vavahara, the application, are followed by rajj uü, geometry, and räsi, addition, kala-savanna, fractions, jāvam-tāvai, multiplication, and vagga, ghana, vagga-vagga, involution to the square, the cube and the fourth power Comp also Bibhutibhushan DATTA, Origin and History of the Hindu Names for Geometry Quellen u Studien z Gesch d Math 1, 113-119 The SAME, The Jaina School of Mathematics, Bull of the Calcutta Mathematical Soc 21, 115-145, D M ROY, The Culture of Mathematics among the Jains of S India in the Ninth Century in ABHORI 8
2 Even the totality of things characterized by either the presence or absence of soul (jiva) is called rasi (Samav 7b 133a)
3 Thus jumma denotes the even and oya the odd sums (Viy 860a; Vy 745b) 4 Examples 16 is kada-jumma (ie the lowest possible), since it is divisible by 4 with o remaining The division is done 4 times, and 4 is in itself kada-j Accordingly 16 is called kadajumma-kadajumma lowest possible), since it is divisible by 4 with 3 remaining 19 1s teoya (1 e the The division is Hence 19 is called kadajumma-teoya -6 1s davara, since it's divisible by 4 with 2 remaining The division is done once, and i is kali-oya Hence 6 is called kaltoya-davara
done as above
5. Comp. also Thân, 237 a

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fails to know what to do with the latter1. Other speculations related to permutations are arrived at by crossing different lines of conceptions. Thus, for instance, it is being examined how many beings occupying one and the same hell exercise one of the 4 main passions, i.e. anger, pride, fraud, and greed (§ 167) (Viy. 68b), with the result that each of these four passions occurs with all beings, with all minus 1, with several ones and with a single one. Or, it is being demonstrated in which way 1-10 hell-beings (§ 109) divide among the 7 regions (V1y. 439b ff.). In order to give a characteristic example of the calculatory intelligence we hele refer to the statements made on the maximum and minimum (jahannenam aud ukkosenam) of most of the figures of the system, to the qualification of being both the first and not the first, both the last and not the last of one's like (padhama and apaḍhama, carima and acarima) (V1y 731b), to which the Carama-paya Pannav. 10 goes back, to the discrimination made between the beginning and the continuation of a certain condition (a. o. anantara-siddha and paramparas., Viy. 877a, also-neraya Than. 513b), and finally to the teaching of the relative number (T. 1, 8. alpa-bahutva). It answers the question of kayara kayarehimto appā vā bahugā vā tullā vā visesāhiyā vā? Such statements (in the V1y. first 235b) are comprised in Pannav. 3, the Bahuvattavvaya-paya. An object exists in proportionally a smallest number (savva-tthova), others in either undecidedly, uncountably, or infinitely as many numbers (samkhejja-gunā, asamkhejja-gunā, anantagunā). The terms mentioned here-and to be represented in this book by the figures of x, 2, ∞— are very frequent. In this connexion ananta specifically means nothing else but any other high figure. It is applied in a similarly naive way as is the idea of time, which, at least within the cosmography, means a quality among others, and which, as such a one, may be either attributed or denied to a region (§ 128).
§22. As to Indabhui's life nothing authentical is known,
43
1. etac c'awam ājnā-prāmānyād avagantavyam Vy 745b.
2. Permutations dating from later times are dealt with by LEUMANN,
Übersicht p 41 b

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DOCTRINE OF THE JAINAS and the same applies to the two other Goyamas (s. a.). All three appear with eight more as the eleven "group-lcaders" (ganahara) of Mahāvīra's, since, however, two times two of them share in leading a gana, we have but nine "groups" (Thān. 451b) each comprising 300, 450 or 500 monks. For these statements as well as for the following the Therāvali annexed to the Jinacariya is responsible ($ 1.2). It adds that merely Indawhūi and Suhamma (to whom we shall rcfer presently) survived Mahāvīra Thus also Jinac. 127 says the same of Indabhūi who when his master had passed away cut thc bond of attachment towards him, since for love there is no room in true monkhood. There can be scarcely any doubt that the other nine Ganaharas are fictitious for the purpose of dividing the followers of Mahāvīra and even the case first occurring in the 6th generation, acc to which a gana had two leaders, is already claimed for the origins. The Mandiyaputta mentioned by Viy. 181a ff also helped to establish that fiction Sudharman (Suhamma) was teacher of Jambū and is considered to be the originator of canonical texts as far as they are introduced passage-wise by the question of the latter for their contents. Hence they are supposed to render the wording Suhamma is said to have had from Mahāvīra personally. Acc to Therāv. 2 it was also Indabhūi and Suhamma who, after Mahāvīra's death, came to obtain the power of omniscience and acc. to the tradition rendered in Hc. Par. 4 also Jambū2. Suhamma is said to have died 20 years, and Jambū 64 years after Mahāvīra, they were the last of the Kevalıns, and thus the canonic text left by them is considered to be above any objection. All successive teachers up to Sthūlabhadra incl, are called śrutakevalın. Jambū's grandson-pupil by the way of Prabhava is said to have been Sayyambhava: (Sezambhava), who is considered to be the author of the Dasaveyālıya.
1. The 11 Ganaharas are dealt with by Āv 591-665
2 Since jambü is fem, as a proper name it will be an abbreviation such as other names may be suppossed to be Hemacandra in the Par avoids all cases other than the nom
3 This is considered to be the Sanskrit form, though probably it goes back to Svāyambhuva

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AN HISTORICAL SKETCH OF JAINISM
45
$23. The most easily accessible source for the remotest history of the Jain Church is Hemacandra's Parıśıstaparvan laid down between samvat 1216 and 12291. But Hemacandra naturally goes back to older sources comprising not only such in the Āvassaya literature and in other comments on the Canon, but also in the Vasudevahindia (6th century A.D. at the latest). Here already we find the sequence of the lords spiritual being linked with that of the lords temporal. Thus it is said to have happened 60 years after Mahāvīra's death that the son of his protector named Kūniya or Ajātasatru, King Udāyın of Magadha, was murdered and followed by Nanda becoming the head of a new line (since 9 of this name are known) (Par. 6, 243), We do not come across any date before Nanda's fall (155 after Mv., Par. 8, 339) caused by Cānakya in favour of Candragupta. C.'s son, Bindusāra, as well as his grandson, Aśoka, and the latter's son, Kunāla, and grandson, Sampratı, appear within the frame of the Par., which mixes the anecdotical and the historical in the well-known way. The history cf the Jain Church goes as far as to Vajra Svāmın to whom Āv. 764-773 refer in all sorts of things, as it does to his successor, Arya Raksita.
Sayyambhava, by the way of raśobhadra and next to Sambhūtavajaya (sb), is followed by Bhadrabāhu Belonging to the 6th generation since Mv. or Goyama, resp , he lived in the 2nd century after them at the latest, 1 e , in the 3rd century BC. He died 170 (thus Par 9, 113) or 162 ycars (thus the Dig. tradition) after Mahāvila In the Theiāv. we have apart from the "shorter” list of names a more "compiehensive's ones which by starting from Bhadrabāhu lists the male and female disciples of every Ganahara, the gana founded by them. their sāhā (sākhā), and (from Suhastin onward) also their kula. It may well be assumed that this list, on the whole, can be relied upon, since in locally confined regions it is confirmed by inscriptions, as first
I BÜHLER, Leben Hc's p 43 2 Comp the proof furnished by JACOBI, Sthav (2nd ed ) p v ff
3 For their relation to each other and other lists of teachers in the Nandi and the Āvassayanijjuttı see JACOBI loc cit S XIII ff One of the results is (XVIII) that only a few of the thera that have actually existed have survived by name

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46
DOCTRINE OF THC JAINAS was shown by BÜHLERI. These inscriptions come from the district of Mathurā, and as far as they are dated they start with the 4th year of the Kaniska era=132-133 A.D.3; these oldest Svetāmbara evidences thus outdate that literary tradition by years and, moreover, improve them It now speaks for Bh 's importance that the more comprehensive list starts with him, for thus we are given evidence of the part he acted in spreading the religious belief (as will be mentioned below § 26). He also deserved well of preserving the doctrine. Acc. to Par. 9, 55 ff 5 a food crisis lasting in the country for twelve years forced the monks to emigrate to the coast” for some time, and it was due to these circumstances that the exact preservation and encouragement of the Jina teaching was interrupted. Here Bh. proves an expert of the sacred tests to a degree never reached again, for he is said to have been the last to know not only the 11 Anga but also the 12th, the Dıtthivāya, containing the icmains of 14 socalled Puvva or Pūrva ($ 37). When now a synod collecting the endangered texts met in Pātaliputia and sent for Bh. for the Ditthivāya, since he was on the way to Nepal, the attendants whom he was willing to instruct on the spot were able to comprehend but details of those 14 Püryas, with the only exception of Sthūlabhadra who brought with him 10 of them by memory. For Bh as the supposed author of comments see § 43. Owing to his long, though not definite absence from the centre of the community it was not Bh. who was its forinal head but his fellowpupil with Yaśobhadra named Sambhulavijaya who was followed by the above mentioned Sthūlabhadra as a leader, so that the latter was the pupil of either His relations to Bh., however,
I WZKM 1-4 2 Ther investigation is referred to by LUDERS, List (§ 4)
3 Comp KONOW Ep Ind 19, 1-15 Another calculation comes to 78 ARD
4 SBE XXII, p 291 under e iead Varana, D 292 above read Prilivarmika (Pkt Puvammiya), under gl Thani a Corr to Therāv p 80 aborc Rakkhiya, Rohagutta, Bambha and Soma ought to have been mentioned on P 292 as 1 m
5 It goes back to a kathānaha rendered by Āv 17, 11 after the catchwords in the Av Cunni and by Haribhadra and translated by LEUMANY Obers p. 25

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AN HISTORICAL SKETCH OF JAINISM
47
were not undisturbed?, and disturbances of this sort recurred even more intensively between Sth.'s two pupils, Mahāgiri and Suhastin, after the latter had taken the lead of the order. As mentioned above, Suhastin is notable in that the Therav., from him onward, lists also kula as parts of the gana, and, moreover, in that he is said to have won the King Sampratı, grandson of and successor to Asoka, for Jainism (Par. 11, 55 ff.).
$24. The oldest region known to have been frequented by itinerant monks and nuns and handed down to us in Kappa 1, 51 comprises Anga-Magadha to the east, Kaušāmbi to the south, Sthūnā to the west, and Kunālā to the north. The sentence succeeding 1, 52 speaks of allowing communication in regions where the teaching had been successful in gaining a footing, and it is therefore considered as a supplementary addendum which is said to go back to Sampratı's times. Thus Hemacandra, too, reports that Sampratı devoted himself to Jain mission work among the Andhra and Dramila in South India, i.e. in the Telugu and Tamil countries, which both are said to have been subject to his command (Par 11, 89 ff). Since Samprati is said to have resided in Ujjayıni we might see in this city an early western colony of Jainism, and even so if Suhastin had resided there only temporarily as is reported by Par. 11, 23; 66. Acc. to the same passage, provided that we acknowledge the reports in question to contain a grain of historical truth, the Jains played a role cvcn in the 1st century B. C. when then ecclesiastic Kälaka took revenge on Gardhabhılla, the prince of that place, for having seduced his sister, and called the sovereign (sāhānusāhr) of the Saka to take over the country3. We
I Comp Par 9, 101 ff The inner reasons are explained by LEUMANN, Übersicht p 26 f
2 The AUTHOR, Kalpasūtia p 38
Comp the Kalakācārya-kathānaka first published and reviewed in its different versions by JACOBI and LEUMANN (ZDMG 34 and 37) For a review on the Kalaka problems and for a selection of the K texts sce WN BROWN, The Story of K, Washington 1933 (reviewed by the AUTHOR OLZ 1934. col. 449 f also Indian Linguistics 4, p165-182 We know of at least 3 K ,i e apart from the above mentioned the teacher called Syāma (synonymous with Kalaka) of the system laid down in the Pannavana and him who antedated the bajosavana-pancami

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DOCTRINE OF THE JAINAS may add that Vikrama, the successor to Gardhablulla, is said to have been won for Jainism by Siddhascna Divākıral. Yet this report contains as littlc tangible data as do such statements of the same contents that were made with regard to other distinguished personalities and which in this conncxion may be omitted as negligible. There arc cvcn doubts as to the question whether Vikrama's political importance was as great as the Jains wish it to be
With Samprati wc find oursclvcs somewhcrc ncar the turn of the 3rd to the 2nd century BC., and somewhcrc ncar this time there lived the King Khāravcla of Kalinga (Orissa) provided that, on account of his grcat inscription at Khandagiri (Hāthīgumphā), the years between 182 and 180 B.C. allow of dating his accession to the throned. This much mutilated inscription", it is true, begins with a Jinist formula of vencration, but what tangible deeds in favour of the Jains scholars werc inclined to interpret from it have turned out to be untenablc or remained inexplicable. We may presuppose that Jain communities flourished within Kh.'s rcalm. They stand side by side with those that existed in Tamralıpti (Tamluk, Midnapur Distr, Bengal), Kotivarsa (Bāngarh, Dinajpur Distr., Bengal) and Pundravardhana (North Bengal), and whuch went back to a pupil of Bhadrabāhu's (Thcrav.5)5.
$25 In contrast to the unconfirmed report of Sampratı and Suhastin the spreading to the west becomes cvident foi thc 2nd century B C. and the following owing to the finds made at the ancient town of Mathurā, which are most revcaling also in
1 Vikramacarita, comp Vikrama's Adventures, ed and trans by EDGERTON Harvard Oriental Scr 26
2 Comp EDGERTON loc-cit O PI, LXII 3 Thus KONOW AO 1, 35
4. Last by JAYASWAL in JBORS 3 and 4, KONOTV AO I, 12-42 For earlier bibliography sec LUDERS, List under No 1345 Dctails by different authors in Anekānt i
5 agajina and satıhalariya coyathiaga
DR BHANDARKAR, ABORI 12, 104f 106 f is not very convincing in attributing their revival to Mahavira's wandering in Lādha fourth colony not yet indentified was (ibd ) Dāsikharbaţa
A 6 V A SMITH, The Jain Stupa and other Antiquities of (Archaeolog ) Survey of India New Imp Series Vol 20) Allahabad 1901

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49
AN HISTORICAL SKETCH OF JAINISM
2
factual respects1. From the inscriptions we learn, as mentioned before in confirming the texts, of sākhā and kula as subdivisions of the gana, though the mutual relation of the two first is not al together clear, and added to this there is the sambhoga illustrated by the literary document of Vav. 5, 19f. and 7, 1-3. It goes without saying that there were preachers (vācaka), but this does not necessarily involve the existence of an established ritual text3. The Titthagaras were distinguished from each other by their symbols (§ 14) since we know that for Ara there stands a name formed after his attribute of Nandyävarta (arahato Nāndrāvatasa pratimā). The stūpa to which the erect figure of this Arhat belonged, was supposed to have been the work of the gods (or either of one of them) (deva-nırmıta) suggesting that it had been standing since times immemorial when the inscribed monument was erected in the 49th year of the Kaniska era, i.e. in 177-178 AD. It furthermore suggests that the Jains had erected stūpas since long, as also the Canon refers to them (thubha)“.
It may be noted here that also the effigies of the Jinas (jina-padimā) are spoken of in the Canon Nāyādh. 210b, Rāyap. 87b, 94a, etc. In the course of its most detailed description of a godly residence Rayap. refers to 4 sitting Jina figures (Usabha, Vaddhamana, Candānana, Vārisena") of natural size surrounding a stūpa towards which they turn their faces, adding that a special building (siddh' āyayana) contains 108 j-padima. Their cult on the part of the god equals that of to-day consisting in the attendance of the figures by uttering devotional formulae. In the large hall (sabha), however, there are spherical boxes (golavatta-samugga) containing the sacred remains (j.-sakahā, comp. § 15) and hanging on hooks (nāgadanta) by means of cords (sikkaga). The whole description most certainly follows earthly
I
LÜDERS, List (§ 4), BÜHLER WZKM 1-5, SAWW 1897IA 27, 49-54, HOERNLE Proceedings As Soc. Bengal 189, p 49-53
2 JACOBI SBE 22, 2881.
3 This is meant by v GLASENAPP, Jainismus p 42
4
For passages comp PISCHEL, Gr § 208
5. Comp LEUMANN VI OC III, 2, p 489 ff
6. The two last ones are the counterparts of the two first ones in the continent of Erävaya (§ 119)

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DOCTRINE OF THE JAINAS
examples The room enclosing the figures mentioned in Nayadh. is called the jina-ghara. Anuog. 158d; Panhav. 123a do mention the deula 'devahula' next to the thubha and profane establishments (Comp. also Jambudd. 207a)'.
§26. The discoveries made at Mathura seem to prove by the nakedness of the sculptured figures that the schism of the Order into Svetambara and Digambara dites from as early as the 2nd century A.D. Mahavira had put up with clothing, and it was generally considered worthy to follow his example. He who in the one or the other formality took his conduct as a model for his own was in the state of jina-happa, ordinary monls followed the thera-happa. The question of clothing was treated liberally, and there is reason to assume that especially those monks adhering to Pasa's teaching kept their clothing". Hence it follows that even in the carly days of antiquity there was a duplicity existing which we may call the germ of the later schism of the Order into the "Naked" (digambara, asambara, dig-tāsas) and the "Whites" (svetambara, sveta-pala, sitambara, etc.). The Svetambaras report (Av mjj. 418a) on the heresy committed by Bodiya Sıvabhūi in the year 609 after My, who wanted the jina-kappa to be made generally acknowledged and who himself accepted it notwithstanding the warmings of his guru Originally, however, this has nothing to do with the Digambaras and was related to them only later. The year given by the Dig. is 136 Vikrama 79 A.D.", and it is at this time that the Svetämbaras
I Nemi-Pase subhatla (subhakta)-säläsu vibhāga-kusale (ie. the royal architect)
2
BÜHLER WZKM 4, 330 f
Comp Devendra ZDMG 38, 6
3
4 There is a parallel to this in that the texts of the Canon are said to be partly the words of the Jina disciple Sudharman and partly those of the thera, either being equally obliging for the community thera-kappa-t!hri K 6, 14 must be altered corr to the above
The translation of
5
For this and the following comp JACOBI ZDMG 38, iff (Jira kalpa p 7), 40, 92 ff and SBC 45, XXXI, also WEBER, Kup P 797 f 6 Differently BHANDARKAR Rep 1883-84, Notes p III
7 The same year is reported (Dams 11ff) by the Dig. Devasena (S 909) for the separation of the Sevada Sangha, 1 e the Svetambara, from the Dig, owing to the heresy of Jinacandra who in teaching it slew his teacher Santi, a pupil of Bhadrabahu (Devasena in the Bhavasargaha, comp Dams P 55 ff) It is said to have taken place at Valahi where the monks had emigrated

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AN HISTORICAL SKETCH OF JAINISM
51
are said to have developed from the Ardhapālika or Ardhaphālaka who are called "partly clothed partly unclothed” by the Dig. Ratnanandın in the Bhadrabāhucarita (4,50). This expression fails to be clear. Both reports on the origin of either? when viewed under the aspect of JACOBI's critical study make us see that their authors could not remember any actual dissension having taken place and hence invented one instead, in which case, as we observe, the Dig. go so far as to state a gradual alienation. This turns out to be true, and certainly so not only in regard of historical time but ofregional space as well. Isolated groups of the Jain Order were eager to be most faithful in living up to the monastic ideal, and the result was that, when again coming into touch with the original community standing in the current of development, they made themselves conspicuous as renegades or, resp., considered themselves orthodox the way the Dig. are known to do.
A self-isolation of this kind found its expression in the accounts of an emigration from Bihar. In the Par. there are two passages (8, 193; 377) that refer to a twelve years, famine falling in the years of Sthūlabhadra and Susthita and forcing the latter to send away his gana, though where it was directed to we are not told. Once before already we heard of an equal crisis in the times of Bhadrabāhu and, to be careful, of its possible effects ($ 23). The tradition of the Svet. (Ther. 5) does not trace its spiritual descendants beyond his pupils, and it is but from one of them, called Godāsa, that it derives 4 sāhās to locate them in Tamralipti, Kotivarsa, Pundravardhana and Däsīkharbața, and at least by the first and the third name it becomes clear that they point to the east and south-east. In this the tradition of the Digambaras
from Ujjayıní owing to the 12 yearg' famine predicted by Bhadrabāhu. Devasena thought of the Synod of Valabhi ( 39 ) in which he was mistaken, the more so since Bhãy 70 he refers to the then written Sastra. He is equally confusing where he deals with subjects lying beyond the Dig sphere. Thus Dams. 20 Makkhalı Gosāla is reflected as Makkad-Purana, the pupil of a Ganın of the Påsa-samgha, since he had heard something about Purana Kassapa (the same Srutaśāgara, Chappāhuda 5, 89: Maskari-Purana).
A counterpart to the former is the statement derived from an anonym Dig source rendered in Jueśvara's Pramālakṣana with ref to v. 404, acc to which the Svet, made their appearance in bog after Mahavira at Valabhi (comp. Dams p 6ıf ).

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52
--
DOCTRINE OF THE JAINAS differs. Thanks to an inscription at Sravana Bego!r dedicated to the memory of an ācārya Prabhācandra and first reported by RICE1 wc know that Bh had picdiciod a faminc lasting for twclvc ycars and, what is morc, to occur in Ujjayini, wliere upon thc whole samgha moved to the south where it reached a flourished country. The Bhadrabāliu-Kathā (about 800) and thc BỊhatkathākośa (931) report that toward the end of his life Bh. ordered his followers to move away to Punnīta (Soutlı-Mysore), whcrcas Ratnanandın's Bh-carita (2nd half of the 1611 cont.) says that he himself took thc Icad and dicd on the way. Bh.'s death is being linkcd with that of the Candragupta or gripei whom cvcn other inscriptions delivered by RICE rcport to havc bocn Bhi's pupıl. C. who had rcsigncd the thronc to follow Bh put an end to his life by fasting as is said at thic samc place as Bh did, ic at Sravana Belgola 3 As to Candragupta thic Suet. report partly more partly less. Acc to Par. 8, 433; 443 he saw in the monks his gurus and he dicd thc samādlı-marara, Canakya, his minister, who himself was the son of a Jain layman, cqually sympathized with the monks This we know from the Avassıya tradition'. The Viyāhacūliyā describes a proplicsy made by Bhadrabāhu at Padalipura on account of 16 drcams of thc qucen. Among other symptoms of dcclinc in rcligion and inorals they mcan a twelve years' dukhāla, thc dhamma's changing over lo thc Vaisyas,
I RICC IA 3, 153-158, the SAME, Alysorc Inecriptions trinsi, Bangalorc 1879, p LXXXVI-VIII, thic SAVE Inscr at Srasan B. (= Epigraphia Cranatica II, 1889, p 1, ncs cd of this sol by NARASINHACHAR (1923), Epigr Indica (cd FLEET) 4,27 Improvcinents by ILLES made as carly as in IA 21, 158, also LEUMANN WZKM 7. 383
2 For the first and third sourcc scc LCUMANN, Ubersicht, p2 for the sccond comp RICE (on the ground of in information given by PATHAK) Ep Cam III-IV,P2, P I RICE loc cit (1889) also draws upon the Räjävalikathc of thc Dcvacandra (19th cent) For a synopsis of the tradi. tion scc NARASIMHACHAR Joc cit 36T. Ir thic last named Brabhacandra who was a pupil of thc Ahalanha living in the 2nd half of the 8th cent, Was the same as the one mentioned in the memorial inscription, then in spite of the strong opinion held by FLEET the latter must be later than the ist of the 8th cent
3 VA SMITH Oxford History of India, p 75, NARASINIHACHAR Ep Carn 2 (rev cd )
4 JACOBI, Sthav (2nd cd ) p IX following LEUMANN
5 The Dig cqually havc it, comp the Räjävalikathc with RICE IN 3, 155

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AN HISTORICAL SKETCH OF JAINISM
53
the sermon1 of the jina-magga in the south, a rise of the middle classes and insurgent activities of princes-altogether gloomy prospects for the future that caused Candragupta to resign in favour of his son. As to the manner of his death nothing is being said. Hence in the times of the Viyāhaculiyā it was also the Svet. that linked Bhadrabahu's name with the migration to the south leading to the schism of the Order. Provided we take Candragupta's piety strictly it does not harmonize with an allusion of Vimala's Paumacariya (89, 42) disclosed by JACOBI2 which in consequence of political troubles and religious apostasy speaks in retrospective prophesy of a decline of Jainism in the "time succeeding the Nanda." In opposition to the Dig passages of Bhadrabahu it was FLEET who contended that it concerned a second bearer of his name who acc. to an ancient list of the Dig. came to be the head of the Order in 492 after Mv, and that instead of Candragupta we have to think of Guptigupta or Arhadbali as being the pupil and later follower of "Bhadrabāhu II.". LEUMANN, however, points out that in this list already existing in the 8th century, "the second Bh. is but a chronistic repetition" and that "apart from the above Dig. dating nothing of him is known that were not assigned to him from the older." The migration itself seems to be historical, nor does FLEET argue against it For a religion in process of spreading necessarily flows from the country of its origin over into regions capable of absorption, no matter whether it be by some forced impulse
4
or not
§27. For the inscriptions of Mathura the above mentioned list of LÜDERS (1912) prevails; the bibliography of the later will
I It is significant of the Svet text that it speaks of a sermon (pannavissanti) only and not of a flourishing status
2
ERE 7, 473 footnote.
3
IA 21, 156-160, EI 4, 26 Reply to the first passage of RICE, Inscr. of the Mysore District (=Ep Carn III-IV), PI (1894), P 51 footnote 4. BHANDARKAR, Rep 1883-84, 124, HOERNLE IA 20, 341-361; 21, 57-84
5
Übersicht p 24 27.
6 Acc to a conjecture made by DESAI (Jainism in S India p 2 ff) there were Jain communities in South Canara even before Bhadrabahu's arrival, a fact that made it easier for him to choose that country

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DOCTRINE OF THE JAINAS be found together with a summary of the spiritual and temporal genealogies in GUÉRINOT's Répertoire d'épigraphic jaina (1906). Partial collections containing the text arc for the Svet. the Prācin Jain Lekh Samgrah, Bh. 1.2 (thc latter KJIM 6, 1921) compiled by JINAVIJAYA acc. to the places of discovery and the Jain Lekh Samgrah (also under the title of Jaina Inscriptions) by Puran Chand NAHAR, Bh. 1-3, the latter with the inscriptions of Jaisalmer (C. 1918-29), for the Dig. Hirālal JAINS Jainasilālekhāsamgraha, whosc 1st vol. (MDJGM 28, 1928) offers the inscriptions of Sravana Belgola already collected by RICE (Inscriptions at Sr. B , Bangalorc 1889, 2nd. ed. by NARASIMHACHAR 1923) The fact that in the 12 vols. of RICE'S Epigraphia Carnatica (1886-1904) comprising the lastmentioned as vol. 2, chicfly Jain inscriptions are being rendered and evaluated, is explained by the course of history. For it is South India and predominantly Mysorc that became the domain of the Digambaras. It was in these parts of the sub-continent, as is proven by the inscriptions, that for centuries they flourished and exercised their influence. Their tradition is bascd on the migra tion of Bhadrabāhu's monks to the south, but it is very much later that we find South Indian communites supported by inscriptions, i.e. towards the end of the 5th century by the copper plates of Halsı in Belgaum going back to a Kadamba princc and of Saka 556-634 in Aihole, Kaledgi Distr. in Bijāpur. 8 The two Ganga documents of Nonamangala placed by RICE at about370 and 425, resp , are possibly olders The former would be the earliest Jaina inscription existing after Mathurā though separated from it by centuries Among the genuine documents of nearly the same age we have Udayagırı (South Gwalior) by
I Mahavamsa 10, 97-99 gocs still much farther beyond this date. Acc to this Palı work in Anuradhapura under the reign of the second predeces. sor of Tissa in the 4th cent B C. there lived also niganthas apart from other heretics (pasandika
2 FLEET in IA 6 and 7, Rép No g6ff 3 KIELHORN EI 6, No 1, Rép No 108 4 Ep Cam 10, Malur Taluq No 73 and 72, Rép No go and 94
That is after having climinated the older or younger fabrications compiled by FLEET IA 7, 209 8f , 18 309 ff

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AN HISTORICAL SKETCH OF JAINISM
Gupta 106=4251; Mathurā by G. 113=423-39 and Kahāum (in an eastern tip of the Uttar Pradesh to the north of the Ganges) by G. 141=460-1'; they, too, belong to the Digambaras, Though any day there may be discoveries being made bridging to a certain degree the historical gaps, yet the inscriptions will always prove the small outward effect of the Jain Order during the early centuries of our Christian era. For the Švet. JACOBI assumes "a comparative obscurity as an exclusive sect” lasting up to the 7th century and supposes that in Haribhadra's time (8th century) they had not yet come to the south beyond the Taptı“. It is, moreover, worth mentioning that in the classical drama there appears no Svet. Jaina.
$28. As a rule the inscriptions contain as a subject the donation of statues, building-ground, building-money or taxreturns to the Jaina community by laymen and princely patrons, in the former case of either sex and (in Mathurā) frequently at the suggestion of a specified member of the Order intimately connected with the donor. It is not so much the facts that are interesting to us as the genealogical and chronistic statements accompanying the reports They considerably add to our knowledge concerning the history of both the dynasties and the Order. Individually as well as in their subsequent members quite a number of princely houses, a o. the Ganga, Rāstrakūta, Cālukya, Hoysala have proved friendly to the Jains. And yet, taking into account the well-known versatılıty of Indian princes in religious affairs, we must be careful not to overrate the role acted by Jainism in political life, and it is rather bold to speak of adeptes du jainisme" in this connexion. It may be assumed that more often than not it was for reasons of prudence that it was thought necessary to suit the Order so influential owing to its wealthy laymen, whereas true conviction may be taken for
1. FLEET CII 3, No 61, Rép No 91. 2. BOHLER EI 2, No. 39, Rep No 92. 3. FLEET CII 3, No 15, Rep No 93
4 Samaraiccakahả p XIII VII That R G BHANDARKAR R&D 1883/84, D 125 considered the Jains "a very unimportant sect" far up in the 2nd century is explained by a different context
5. Comp PISCHEL, Gr. $ 17 end.

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DOCTRINC OF THE JAINAS granted wherever the populace was struck hard by serious ahimsa-commandments, in other words, wherever its displeasure was not dreaded, and where, acc. to Jain rites, dcath through fasting was believed to crown one's life. For these rites some pieces of evidence are given by inscriptions. As in Candragupta and Canakya (s.a ), so the Jains scc great supporters of their religion also in Vikrama, Sālivāhana, Munja, Bhoja and others. Up to now, however, their respective reports lack authenucation by monumental or non-Jainist literary documents. Recently,
Toramāna, the prince of the Hūna who invaded India about 500), and different members of thc house of Gupta have been added to the above-mentioned list. For, acc. to the introductory verse of the Kuvalayamālākathā composed by Uddyotana Sūri in Saka 700 (=778), Torarāya (as here he is called) had as a guru the ācārya Harigupta from the Guptavamśa, a pupil of his was the poet (kar) Devagupta. If thcsc harmless reports prove true it may be said that the Jains had cxercised at least a certain influence upon Toramāna, though this influence did not extend to his son Mihiragula or-kula after he had ascended the throne, since it was Mihiragula who by his cruclty testified to him by Brahmans and Buddhists had also been hard on the Jains. We are indebted to PATHAK for having offered proof that he is identical with Kalkin (Kalki), the Indian Antichrist.
For the Svet, the case of the Kumārapāla of Gujarat (s. 1200-1229) represents a show-piece of how a prince was won for their Order. We are informed of this case in all details since BUHLER has rendered a masterly biographical representation of the originator of the conversion, the scholar Hema
1. Rép No 152 163 298
2. JINAVIJAYA Jaina-Sāhitya-Samsodhaka 3, 169 ff N. C. MEHTA JBORS 14, 28 ff
3 IA 47, 18 ff, Festschr Bhandarkar p 216 Apart from Uttarapurāna 76 comp also Mahānis 5 IV (the AUTHOR D40) and Dhaneśvara Satrumjayamahātmya 14, 203 f --Previously (IA 46, 145 ff JAYASWAL had seen in Kalkın the Yaśodharman, the conqueror of Mihiragula In a chronological treatise SHAMASASTRY Annual Rep of the Mysore Archacole Dep 1923 (p 24) asks for two Toramănas and two Mihirapulas.

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AN HISTORICAL SKETCH OF JAINISM candra, by separating the historical from the legendary1. According to that there is no doubt that starting from s. 1216 Kumārapāla "tried to make Gujarat in some manner a Jain model state” and forced his subjects to go far in putting into practice the ahımsā, etc , acc to his example. At the same time Hemacandra by his versatile scientific work established the basis for a typical Jain cultures. But even Kumārapāla did not leave off favouring the Saivas with whom up to then he had been intimately connected, so that after his death they again won the upperhand. Finally there is the belief in being able to call the Emperor Akbar a Svetāmbara Jain. He requested them to send him Hiravijaya (1526,7-1595), an Ācārya from the Tapā-Gaccha ($ 34). He, the so-called jagad-guru spent some years at the court of Delhi. After his departure in 1584 Sānticandra, Bhānucandra and Vijayasena were successively active in the same direction of making Akbar familiar with the Dharma. As is known Akbar was not converted (prabodhita), but similarly to Asoka under Buddhist, so he under Jain influence edited some regionally and temporarily limited prohibitions in accordance with their teaching®.
$29. The successes previously mentioned mostly go back to the outward reputaion of the Jain Order, which again goes back to the number and the importance of its adherents, whereas its publicity explains itself by the substance of the doctrine. Since about 80 A.D 4 when a pseudo-Bhadrabāhu (§ 43) first came to put the traditional text comment into shape, the Śvet., for centuries, have tried hard for this substance, although, as was said, mostly in the pale of the community. It is true, the investigations into the details of this intellectual acomplishment started by LEUMANN remained stuck in their first stages in public (§ 4), but yet they allow us to realize the comprehensive
1. On the Life of the Jain Monk Hemacandra (Vienna 1889, transl by Mani Lal PATEL, Singhi Series 1 For the following comp p 39 41f 5i Rev by LEUMANN ZDMG 43, 348-352
2 Acc to JACOBI, Par (2nd ed )p XXIII this effort tended to the very details of versification
3 V A SMITH, Festschr Bhandarkar, p 265-276, the SAME, Akbar, the Great Mogul, p 47 ff
4. LEUMANN, Obersicht p 28b.

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DOCTRINE OF THE JAINAS
character of that scholasticism. The names of those that stand behind it we do not know1, and presumably we shall never do; and it is not until we come to the ending stages in Prakrit that we have several names, see Chapter III. A wide circulation of the Svetambara texts had become possible by the redaction of the Canon under the direction of Devarddhi (980 or 993 after Mahavira). Owing to the schism of the Order the Dig had since long become estranged from the Canon, and there were only very few passages of some texts which partly in a shape prior to its definite fixation continued to live in their memory2. Hence they first appear with the so-called prakarana, and, what is more, they represent the first authors of this kind of literature with the Jains. By prakaranas we understand systematic treatises, 1 e treatises following a fixed plan and leading the subject instead of being led by it as is the case with works that start from something given. With its beginnings the prakarana period reaches back as far as the period of comments. Among the Svet. it opens with Umäsvāti, Siddhasena Divakara and Haribhadra (750 A D.), among the Dig. with Vattakera and Kundakunda who both wrote Prakrit and preceded Umäsväti" who wrote his prakarana in Sanskrit. With this we do not intend to establish a historical criterion, for in the literature of comments the change over to Sanskrit was first started by the above mentioned
58
I. On account of a passage in the Avasyaka tradition LEUMANN gives Siddhasena khama-samana (Diväkara) as the author of the oldest interpolations in pseudo-Bhadrabahu's Nijjuttis', the so-called mula-bhasya S Divakara and S Ganın between whom we have Harbhadra comp JACOBI, Samaraicc p III
For
2 (The Dig redaction of the Avasyaka) "is of the Canon worth mentioning among the Digambaras, of the Dasavaıkälika the only remainder they have retained in their memory but some Slokas (I i IV 7f VI 54 56 65 VIII 17a) 1" (Footnote ) "Aparajita still quotes (on Aradhana 415 and 601) different passages from Acaranga, Sutrakṛta (II, 1, 58), Niśitha, Uttaradhy (II 6a 7 12b 34 XXIII 12b-14) and Daśavaikálika Some of these passages run quite differently in the traditional Canon, and some of them it lacks completely", LEUMANN, Uebersicht p 3
3 Somewhat different JACOBI, Samarãicc p XII. 4 JACOBI, loc cit p xi
5
This sequence after LEUMANN, Ubersicht 15b
6
For K comp PETERSON, A fourth Report p XX, JACOBI, Tattv p 288, LEUMANN, Uebersicht p 3a. kunda after his birth place His spiritual name is DESAI esp p. 55 f 37
The Dig call him KondaPadmanandın. Comp.

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59
AN HISTORICAL SKETCH OF JAINISM Haribhadra who was a Brahman by birth and probably also for this reason frequently proved considerably impartial in his treatises?, and accomplished by Sīlānka (872 A.D.), and Prakrit treatises have long continued to be written. But the use of Sanskrit coming in was significant. By editing his Tattvārthādhigama in the shape of Sūtras (imitated by Haribhadra in his Dharmabindu) Umāsvātı followed Brahman models, and by doing so he led the Svet. out of the narrow circle and made them become competitive. Umāsvāti also appears in the lists of the Dig.; but there is no doubt that he was a Svet., since the Dig. do not acknowledge the Bhāsya he himself wrote for his Sūtras, but use their own comments instead. They have changed the basic text, too, if only inconsiderably. Among the authors following Umāsvāti the above mentioned competitiveness led to arguments and disputes of remarkable dialectic refinement with both Buddhists and Brahmans. On the part of the Svet. we have to mention Siddhasena Divākara and Haribhadra as contestants to Dharmakirti (about 650)*, while among the Dig. we have Samantabhadra (1st half of the 8th century), Akalanka (2nd half of the 8th century), Vidyānanda (Pātrakesarın) and Prabhācandra (1st half of the 9th centurry) as opponents to Kumārila and Sāntaraksita. Vidyānanda also stood up against Samkara. After the unanimously testified decline of Buddhism in South India it was in the personality of Kumārıla that "the Mímāmsā flourished for a short while. It was followed (thanks to the Dig.) by a Jain reaction culminating during the reign
I LEUMANN ZDMG 46, 582 , For H 's life and works sec JACOBI, Samaráicc, p I ff The Yogabindu (Bo 1911) and Yogadşsțisamuccaya (DLJP 12, Bo 1912) ed by SUALI are no Jain works
2 For a confrontation of thc two versions of the Tatty scc edition by JAINI SBJ 2 A critical discussion about them and the author of the Bhāşya by GHATAGE JUB 4 p 105-111
3 Hinted at already also by U himself, comp compilation by HR KAPADIA ABORI 14, 142-144. For polemics of Buddhists and Brahmans against the Jains sec v GLASENAPP in Festschrift Schubring p 74-84 -SCHRADER assumes (Philos p 51 that thesc disputes had helped to bring the Syadvada to life
4 JACOBI Z II 5, 307
5 JACOBI, Samarāicc p XIII For chronology and system of either logician scc Satis Chandra VIDYABHUSANA, History of the Mediacval School of Indian Logic C 1909.

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DOCTRINE OF THE JAINAS
of the Rāstrakūta Amoghavarsa I. (815-877)"}. In the end, however, Hinduism triumphed. By the Canarese literature we are able to trace how Jainism loscs ground to thc Saivas and the Vaisnavas. That this did not happen until the 2nd half of the 12th century easily explains itself by the solid tradition flowing from Sravana Belgola. In the region wherc the Tamil language was spoken the change over in favour of Visnuism and Sivaism was in full swing not until the end of the 10th century after both had come to rise here alrcady som centuries earlier. Soon after the middle of the 12th century the Viraśaiva who had increased in importance owing to the propaganda of the Basava, joined the enemies of Jainism. The contest between the different religions soon took the form of bloody persccutions, such as the Jains in northern India, 1.c. presumably mainly Svet., had to endure by the hands of Mohammedan conquerors in the 13th century.
The above remarks allowed of being confined to the densest possible form since the author made use of the historical chapter in v. GLASENAPP's "Jainismus" (1926) including various details and references to sources. It was followed by Ch. L. SHAH, Jainism in Northern India (1929); the South was treated in DESAI's book previously mentioned (1957). His predecessors were M.S. Ramaswami AYYANGAR, South Indian Jainism, and B Seshagırı RAO, Andhra Karnata Jainism, both combined under the title studies in South Indian Jainism (1922). S. B. DEO gives an historical account in his History of Jaina Monachism (1956) p. 57-130.
$30. After having dealt with the exterior adventures of Jainism we now turn to its inward changes. The teaching proper was scarcely affected by any of them. The so-called schisms of the early times ($ 17) concerned quite subordinate
I The investigator of these polemics and shiftings is PATHAK, como IX OCI, 186-214, JBBRAS 18, 214-238, a scries of essays in ABHORI u and 12-Thc Praśnottararatnamālā, however attributed to the A by
omc avoids strict parasnottararatnams, 214-238, and shiftings is p
2 Comp R G BHANDARKAR in this Grundriss 3, 6, p 48 ff, 131 ff , 140 ff
3 For Rajputana comp also the booklet by UMRAO SINGH TANK, Jaina Historical Studies (Delhi 1914)

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AN HISTORICAL SKETCH OF JAINISM
61 points and were overome in the pale of the Order itself. The new formations which developed to remain are nearly exclusively concerned with formalities. This becomes evident already by the alienation between Svet. and Dig. which goes back, as we know, to a more uncompromising conception of monkdom on the part of the latter. It crystallizes around the idea of the ideal monk, i.e. the Kevalin. He no longer takes any earthly food but is merely kept alive by a constant influx of material particles, a process the $vet. would call lom'āhāra ($ 96). To think that he ate and digested was most certainly shocking!, as much as in the view of Dig it was against his dignity to decorate his temple figure, and, especially, against that of Mahāvīra to imagine him owing his origin to an operation performed by some divine gynaecology ($ 17), or to think that he was married. If, furthermore, there can be no salvation without nakedness (Chapp. 3,23,), then it follows that all female persons, since they cannot go without clothes, are excluded from it (and that is why Arhat Malli- $ 15—is said to have been by no means a girl). The extreme conclusion, however, that accordingly there should be no nuns at all, is not yet drawn by Vattakera in the Mūlācāra, an early work, nor by others ($ 137). But we come across it in the Chappāhuda (3, 24f ), which is attributed, though wrongly, to Kundakunda. The Dig. on the whole deny the strī-muktı up this day, but yet we find that the attitude of the Svet., since ever more capable of adaptation, has penetrated into their thinking here and there. Among the Dig. there were so-called samghas called Kāsthā, Mūla, Māthura, and Gopya or Yāpanīya. Acc. to the Svet Gunaratna“, who, it is true, lived, as late as in the 15th century (s. 1466), they are ācāre gurdu ca deve ca equal to the Svet. so the Gopya equal them
I With regard to digestion we have the same attitude with the Svet pacchanne āhāra-nikāre, adisse mamsa-cakkhunā (a śloka line, to read pacchann' Samav 60a), and also in Chapp 4, 37 we have to understand the word in this way.
2 For this there are g reasons, see Dharmasāgara in the Kuv ($ 32) in WEBER, Kup p 798
3 The AUTHOR ZDMG 10 fp 55 f 5f7 4. Comp Haribhadra, Şaņdarśanasamuccaya ed. SUALI P. III. .

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DOCTRINE OF THE JAINAS in using as a salutation the word of dharma-lābhat and in allowing women to find salvation and the Kevalin to live on food. The by far older Devasena, who may perhaps deserve some credit with questions concerning the Dig. (§ 26), traces (Dams. 29) the Yapanīya back to a Svet., 1.e. the Sırıkalasa at Kalyāna (s. 705)2. Among the different customs of the Kästhā-s., which is said to have been established s. 753 by Kumārasena in Nanditata (Dams 33 ff.), we may in this connexion mention the dīksā of female persons.
As regards the Müla- and the Māthura-s., Gunaratna refers to them merely with respect to their adherents being distinguishable by the whisks (piccha) of different kind used by them as hand-brooms ($ 145) which he also mentions in connexion with the aforesaid. Acc. to Devasena (Dams. 40ff.) the Māthuras branched off 200 years after the Kāsthā-s., and they did so thanks to a certain Rāmasena at Mathurā who, among others, believed in Padmanandın (i.e. Kundakunda) less than in Bhūtabali and Puspadanta both referred to as pupils of Arhadbalı in the inscriptions (s. b.). The place mentioned concerns Mathurā on the Yamunā, since it is at Dakkhina-Mahurā, i.e. Madurā, where in s 526 the Drāvida-s. 18 said to have originated (Dams 24 ff) Its founder was Vajranandın, a pupil of Pujyapāda (Devanandın). He and his like were less scrupulous about the ahimsā than the traditional teaching wanted it, and so they were liberal in questions concerning nutrition and civil activities 4 Of the Müla-s we learn nothing from Devasena
I The other three s. with "dharma-urddhı”.
2 A second Ms has 205 The occurence of Yap, in Khāravela's large inscription discussed by SHAH, Jainism, p 180 f appears to be rather doubtlul For recent investigations see UPADHYE JUB . p 224 ff and DESAI D 163 ff
3 Further characteristics of this samgha under the proviso that he coin cides with the Gopucchikas (comp footnote i on p 46 ) see Śrutasāgara on Chappi
4. For the sake of completeness we mention the prophesy rendered Dams 45f acc to which after 1800 years hence the monk Viracandra of Puskara in the Vindhya mountains in Deccan will destroy the teaching by the Bhullakasamgha-In Nitisára 10 Indranandun speaks of tlie five jain'ābhāsa or false Jains by whom he means the Svet , the Dravida-and Yāpaniya (IA 21, 68, Yăpuliya)
samghas, thc Nihpımchas (i e as shown by Gunaratna the Māthura-s ! and the Gopucchihas who may stand for the Kästhā- picchiha by Gunaratna) (but IA 21, 68 instead of Gop
(called camariválash Kekipiccha).

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AN HISTORICAL SKETCH OF JAINISM since this does not mean a branch but the religious centre of the Digambaras. For it was the Mūla-samgha from which by means of integration (samghattana) in earlier times Arhadbalı had formed the samghas called Simha, Nandı, Sena?, and Deva. This we learn from inscriptions dated 1398 and 1432 A.D.), from the Nītisāra: composed by Indranandın between 1524 and 1565, and from Pattāvalis of the last centuries. In the latter works those four names are explained by the special praxis of individuals, and the fact is stressed that these four samghas harmonized with each other, though the measures taken by Arhadbali were meant to be an act of pacification after controversies had shown up in the course of time (kāla-svabhāvāt). Acc. to the latter inscription the classification was made after Akalanka's death (2nd half of the 8th century). In the 12th-13th century, however, there was once more a Mula-samgha. At least the Nandi-s. was divided into gana, gaccha and valı (bali), and its adherents had as a second name of the words of candra, kirlıdeva, bhūşana, and nandın5.
$31. We now turn back to the Svetāmbaras. If we were certain about the time when the three smaller texts going by the name of cūliyā were composed, we should know at what date the declines from the normal level described by them had occurred. The prophesy pointing at 1990 after Mv. rendered in the Vaggacūliyā leads to the 15th century A.D. which cannot be the date of their origin Here we are told of the disrespect shown towards sacred texts. From the Angacūliyā we learn that partly with the superiors' knowledge and consent persons slipped in without being formally accepted. Their exposure then led to
1 IA 20, 350, Vțsabha
2 First (with translation ) ed by RICE, Ep. Carn 2, 77, 82, improved by NARASIMHACHAR, loc cit (reved ) p. 128, 129, comp also p 87f.
3 HOERNLE IA 21, 84 4 HOERNLE IA 20, 341 ff, 21, 57 ff.
5 Ep Carn 2, 123 In the Pattāvali IA 20, 350, 21, 71 fails to have the word of deva The Sena-s has the words. Tāga, vira, bhadra, sena, the Simha-s simha, kumbha, asrava, sāgara, the Deva-s deva, datta, nāga, tunga (I A 21, 69, there langa instead of tunga) For a biographical list of the Acäryas of the Arungala-anvaya which was a subsection of the Nandi-s. since Akalanka, see HULTZSCH ZDMG 68, 695-700.

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DOCTRINE OF THE JAINAS quarrels and schisms. The Viyāhacūlıyā, finally, by the means of 16 interpretations of dreams designs a picture typical of the time of its origin. In addition to the details already mentioned in $21 we may, in this connection, point to the loss of texts for instruction, the corruption of monastic morals, the flourishing of heresy, the disregard for the Order on the part of outsiders, the deficient training of preachers owing to the absence of theragas, and bickering and biting among the monks.
Since detailed reports are missing, it may be assumed that the grievances here referred to were of an importajice going far beyond the regional. The custom, however, of using the cultplaces as living quarters as well (cartya-vása) seems to have been observed at certain times especially in Gujarat. According to ancient prescriptions (8 147) the monk is expected to ask for his quarters in ordinary homes (vasatz-nwāsa). Those who acted differently may have referred to the Canon saying that sermons and instructional talks invariably took place at a cezya ($ 18) which may have developed into taking one's quarters there. The argumenta in favour of and against the cery'ālaya quoted in the Mahānisīha is not motivated therein. The early leaders of a Gaccha ($ 34) saw their task in opposing the cartya-vāsın, and so energetically was it refuted at Gujarat by Jineśvara in s 1080 that for this refutations he came to be given the surname of Kharatara (after which his Gaccha4 was accordingly called), whereas the caityavāsın were called kuvala. Jinadatta (12th13th century s.), the chronicler of this Gaccha, is, moreover, very desirous in pointing out, that Haribhadra was not a cīvāsi, while Sīlānka is spoken of with respect even though he belonged to them. So, then, even Harıbhadra had stood up against the abuse of sanctuaries by profane music and other worldly
1. Comp the AUTHOR, OLZ 1926, col 910 ff 2 The AUTHOR, Mahānis p 100
3 WEBER, List II, 1038, Also R G BHANDARKAR Rep 1882-83 P 46
4 Comp § 34
5 Ganadharasārdhaśataka 57 and comm on 6o, comp WEBER, Verf 11, 988 f and GOS 37, P 94f, ref, by JACOBI, Samarāicc IXf, (for
on p IX read 57)

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AN HISTORICAL SKETCH OF JAINISM
65
diversions, above all, however, as is equally reported by Jinadatta in his Caccari,1 Jinavallabha. (who died in s. 1167) restored them as vidhı-carlya-grha, i.e. by turning out trespassers and by enforcing a dignified conduct for their dignified use. In his Uvaesarasāyanu and his Kālasvarūpakulaka,2 Jinadatta renders a sinister report on the state of affairs prevailing among the Śyet. in the 12th century.
$32. The antagonism between dwelling places and such devoted to cultic activitiesr evives many centuries after in the name of the Sthānakvāsi. By this name such Jains are designated that practise their religious duties not in the temple but exclusively at some profane place (sthānaka), i.e in the Upāśraya. Their reason for doing so is that they refuse the cult of the Jina statues, and they refuse it because only the living deserve veneration but not.dead matter like the pratimā or bimba to which particularly the Canon does not refer. The latter argument is wrong, for at least Rāyap. mentions statues of Titthagaras ($ 25). The Sthānakyāsi, however, are not the originators of that conception, they merely pursue or either revive it in the beginning of the 18th century. As early as s 1508 there appeared a sect headed by a certain Lumpāka or Lonkaśa from Ahmedabad and calling itself after him by the name of Lumpāka, Lunka, Lonka or Launka, since when professionally copying manuscripts he had discovered that they contained nothing about the cult of images. The arguments referred to are attributed to Lumpāka in Dharmasāgara's polemic work bearing the title of Kuvakkhakosiyasahassakirana and composed at a time (s. 1629) when the Sthānakvāsi had not yet existed. They did not appear until s 1710 in Surat under the leadership of Lava (31), the son of Vira, who reorganized Lonkaśa's Order. The community also passes by the name of Bāvis (or Vis) Tole Panth, and its members are called either Dhundhiyā oi Dhundhak, the latter meaning futile "seekers” in the script3 and the former owing its name to the fact that the sect goes back to
I Caccari 12 ff 2. Both following the Caccari in GOS 37
3 For a different explanation comp MILLET IA 25, 147 following IBBETSON, Outlines of Panjab Ethnography, p 132, $ 25

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DOCTRINE OF THE JAINAS 22 groups (tolā) under named leaders. Notwithstanding this fundamental difference various Sthānakvāsīs still to-day call themselves Svetāmbaras though without acknowledging all of their texts, i.e. repudiating 13 out of its 45, including the Mahānisīha, for their attitude towards the padımās. Hence the Battīsi mentioned 84. An earlier branch of Lonkasa's community dating from either s. 1531 or 1533 was represented in Rajputana and in Gujarat by the Vesadharas who must have stood out by wearing some conspicuous costume. A counterpart to the name of the Bāvis Tolā is that of the Terā. panth, the "path of the thirteen", which appeared in Marwar in s. 1817. The Teräpanthi, within the frame of their strict ortho doxy, equally reject the cult of images since the founder of their sect, Bhikanjī, was a Sthānakvāsī, but they equally counted themselves among the Svetämbaras".
$33 The afore mentioned publication of Dharmasāgara, known also by the title of Pravacanaparīkşās, is up to now the only contemporary source for the Lumpākas and the Vesadharas, though for its polemic character it has to be valued accordingly, While the aversion to images represents an actually far-reaching disparity of views, Dh., on the other hand, deals with a number of other sects whose principles vary but insignificantly from the standard rules. We therefore content ourselves with rendering but a few statements. The Paurņamiyakas (s. 1159) derived
I Comp p 2, 29 of the publication mentioned $ 56.
2 "Seeker" (1 e Kesari Chand BHANDARI), Notes on the Sthanak. wasi or non-idolatrous Shwetambar Jains (Indorc) 1911 STEVENSON, Heart p 87 f : the SAME ERE 12, 123 f.JACOBI, Archiv f. Religionsw153. 18, 271 f --SRI PREM CHAND, Mithya Khandan, containing origin of Jainism Ludhiana 1914
3 R G BHANDARKAR, Rep 1883-84, p. 153
4 For details see JACOBI loc cit 272, Kesrce Chand KISHORY in the Census of India 1921, vol. I, p I, App IV, JAYACARYA, Bhram Vidhvamsan (
Cs 1980), KANAMALLA Svami, Kalu Bhaktamarastotra (Cs 1987), pga ff, Terapanthikt Granth Samgrah (Bo 1876), A short History of the Terapanthi Sect of the Jain Swetambar Community ( 1933):
On the above mentioned sects partly diverging Muni Atmäramj! ANANDAVIJAYA IA 21, 63, 72 (also on other different branches).
5 BHANDARKAR, Report 1883-84, p 144-155; WEBER, Uber den Kupakshakaucıkāditya des Dharmasagara, Streitschrift eines orthodoxen
janro 1573 SPAW1882, 793-814, merely discusses the tragues of a ms, of which the most important parts are missing.

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AN HISTORICAL SKETCH OF JAINISM their name from the confession act on full moon-day (pürnimā)-to which they attached as great an importance as to Jina figures being erected exclusively by laymen without the assistance of monks (iśrāvaka-pratisthā). Banished from Gujarat by Kumārapāla ($ 28) they gained ground once more as Sārdha-P. after his death (s 1236), which possibly expresses itself by their nameas "sesqui''P. unless, as some want it, Sādhu-P. is the authentical form. The Agamikas or Tristutikas? (s. 1250) would not hear of any worship of the śruta-devatā ( $14), in other words, they felt it to be an adulteration of the true teaching. They as well as the Lumpākas, though they did not share the latter's aversion to images (1, 75), resembled those who had appropriated the mata of a certain Bīja (s. 1570) who himself was no man of spiritual rank (? vanna-vrhīna). The followers of Kațuka (s. 1562 or 1564)3 were equally connected with the Āgamikas though the rendering of this connexion is not altogether clear. On the other hand they were radical enough in rejecting monkdom and insisting as laymen on the right of preaching and converting. This most certainly resulted from observing the Sädhus leading a non-religious life, so that here, too, it may be assumed that their decisive reforms coincided with the preservation of true belief and good conduct.
$34. Apart from dealing with the Digambaras, Dharmasāgara in his publication finally refers to a number of branches which for the lack of essential material divergencies would scarcely be designated as kupakşa by any impartial author. He himself belonged to the Tapā-Gaccha. In linguistic usage the gaccha follows on the gana. In the course of time there are said to have been numerous gacchas or Orders which is frequently
1. Räjendra Sun (s 1883-1963) was a great promotor of theirs as is told in the biographical sketch mentioned 88. The Tristutikas are opposed to the Catuhstutikas
BHANDARKAR loc. cit. p. 153 as compared with Kuv I, 73 probably by mistake kşetra-devatā
3. S 1524 after the list laid down by Kalyāna s. 1685, Kalyāna, who himself was a Katuka, controverts for his part the Tapā to be dealt with presently. Comp KLATT, in Festgruss an Bohtlingk (1888) p 58 f.
4 The change of the earlier name into the later can be pursued in the Mahānisiha (the AUTHOR, Mahānis, p. 78).

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68
DOCTRINE OF THE JAINAS expressed by the figure of 84 (§ 16), but only few of them have come to gain any considerable and lasting importance. Thanks to the disposition of the Jains for chronicling we have comprehensive lists of teachers to inform us accordingly. They usually go by the name of pattāvali in the sense of pattadhar’āvali since in this connexion patta means "place of honour, throne”. He who occupies it bears the title of Sürı, and he personally appoints his successor. Frequently the lists (chronicles) are traced back to Sudharman, or even to Mahāvīra who, however, is not everywhere considered as pațta-dhara.3 The Upakeśa-Gaccha, to refer to this list first, even goes back to Pāsa which follows from an intended relation to Kjeśin, the disciple of Pārsva known from Uvanga. The fabulous pattāvali of this Gaccha probably written in the 2nd half of the 17th century,4 proves as an exception to the rule that these chronicles are mines of reliable dates regarding the history of Jain Orders and writings. Upakeśa is said to be the later Os near Jodhpur from where the commercial Jain caste of the Osvāl derive. A collection of the Svet. lists in a Pattavalisamuccaya has been started by Muni DARSANAVIJAYA (Bh. 1, Căritrasmāraka-GM. 22. Viramgam 1933). Now it is Dharmasāgara who, in a Prakrit-Gurvävali? with an individual Sanskrit comment, notes the history of the TapāGaccha who, so he says, took this name but as the sixth after that
1 Comp the lists given by Muni JINAVIJAYA in Jaina-SāhityaSamsodhaka 3, 30-34
2 Other proofs are the prašasti at the end of Tain works and the Dijnaptı, annual reports in the shape of letters (partly illustrated) Comp. the exhaustive study by Muni JINAVIJAYA Vijnapti-triveni (Bh 1916), also K P J (AYASWAL)JA 46, 276.
3 (tirthakslām) svayam eva tirtha-pravacanena kasyāpı pattadharatvābhāvāt Dharmasāgara on verse 2 of his Gurvāvali as against the Kharataras presently to be mentioned.
4 Transł by HOERNLE IA 19, 233-242; complete text JINAVIJAYA in Jaina-Sahitya-Samsodhaka 1, Pattavalisam (sec presently) 1, 177-194.
5 A second exception is the "apocryphal Pattāvali" rendered by KLATT in Festgruss an Bohtlingk (1888, P 54-59)
6 For the names of 17 Paft s see KLATT-LEUMANN IA 23, 170
7 KLATT, IA II, 251-256, WEBER Verz II, 651 f 997-1015, for this and for chronistic predecessors and successors of Dh sce KLAT LEUMANN IA 23, 179; compl text and comm Pattayalisam. 1, 41-77, followed by further Tapā-tradition.

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AN HISTORICAL SKETCH OF JAINISM
69 of the nirgrantha- and those of Kotika-, Candra-, Vanavâsî and Vața-Gaccha, altogether names which are explained in different ways. Different from two other lists presently to be mentioned, this list by starting from Uddyotana, the 35th Sūri (till s. 994), follows its own way as that of Vața- or Bșhad-G. and leads up to the 44thSūri, Jagaccandra, who equally gained fame as a reformer and as a triumphant disputant, but who as a stern fasting ascetic came to be given the surname of Tapā (Tapā-buruda) (s.1285). Still today the Tapā-G.enjoys a high reputation. This also applies to the Kharatara-G. and others, whom to attack is a special concern of Dharmasāgara's in his work. In their patt'âvalis the Kharatara, too, appear beyond the time of Uddyotana just as the formation of the above mentioned 84 gacchas is said to go back to the same number of Uddyotana's pupils who are said to have been blessed by him individually in a ceremony before he died. 3 One of them, and hence the first Kharatara-Sūri proper, was Vardhamāna (till s. 1088)", by origin a cartyavāsın, who were energetically attacked by his own pupil, Jineśvara (s. 1080), as we have seen in § 31. This report of the Kharatarasa, however, Dharmasāgaras declares to be false owing to historic dates, and he refutes the statements it contains also elsewhere Acc. to him it was Jinadatta (s. 1204) who came to be the first Kharatara, and it is said that his activities equally account for his further names? Cāmundika, because Jinadatta dedicated a prayer to Cāmundâ, and Austrika, because he fled on a camel. As to the peculiarities of the Kh. we hear of them from Jinadatta himself by an Utsūtrapadághātanakulaka (30 G.), bý a Sāmāyārī, and
1 Tapā seems to be the intimate form for a name beginning with tapas as Yaśā is said to have been for Yašovijaya ( 36 )
2 KLATT IA 11, 245-250, WEBER, Verz II, 1030-1056
3 KLATT loc cit 248a, WEBER loc. cit. 1035 By this the Gacchas are legitimated by the Tapā.
4 This will not agree with s 994 which date is given by the Tapas as the death year of his immediate precursor, Uddyotana 1088 is the first year referred to in the Kharatara chronicle
5 BHANDARKAR, Report 1883-84, p 149.
6 This, too, is the object of an assumed dispute bearing the titic of Kharātmajānam nihnava-sthāpanā-vāda-yuto mülapuruşa-vådah.
7 DHARMASĀGARA, Gurv in Ajitadeva Sūri(No. 41), WEBER, Kup. p 804

Page #84

DOCTRINE OF THE JAINAS again, most comprehensively, from Dharmasāgara in his Austrikamatotsūtrodghātanakulaka commented by himself (18 G.). By a change of the sign the last small text implicitly teaches us to know the standpoint of the Tapās. The various points of divergence scarcely concern anything but irrelevant matters of praxis. As being of some slightly greater importance we, therefore, but mention that women may not worship the Jina (itthijina-pūsya-nzsehana), that there is no fasting beyond the cauttha ($ 156), that laymen will not exercise padimā ($ 163), that the Cāmundā and other local deities may be worshipped, and that the ceremony of Mahāvīra's being put into another womb is to be celebrated as his sixth kallāņaga.
$35. Among Uddyotana's pupils we have Sarvadeva, the teacher of Padmadeva. With them as the 36th and 37th Sūri there begins the patt'avali of Ancala-GacchaS who, though under Padmadeva he was still called Sankheśvara-G., was soon after named Nānaka-G. and under Āryarakṣita (No. 47) Vidhipaksa-G. by which name he is still known to-day. The name of Ancala does not occur here at all. But Dharmasāgara does deal with the Ancala-G. as such' where he discusses the Ancaliya (Ancalika) or Pallaviya (Pallavika), once even Stanika (?). The reciprocal notes have one thing in common: that in the pastāvali it was an upādhyāya Vijayacandra, in the Gurvāvali a certain Narasimha, who was one-eyed, as a Sūri was given the name of Aryaraksita. The origin of the Vidhipaksa-G. is there said to be the year s. 11695, whereas here the Ancala-G. is said to date from s. 1213, So we have two completley different occurrences, and we certainly cannot charge the Āncalıka of to-day with
1. Al incl the text referred to in footnote 6 in. Dharmasāgara, Iryāpathikişaţtrimśıkā (Āg S, 49)
2 The traditional 5 festive days in honour of all Jinas are conception, birth, becoming a monk, the first notion of the Kevala cognition and entering into Nirvana
3. KLATT-LEUMANN IA 23, 174-178 after a Gurupaţtāvali published in the Srimad-Vidhipaksagacchiya śrävaknā daivas'adik pance Pratikramana Sutra, Bo 1889, and print 1905
4 Gury in Ajitadeva Súri (No 41 ), for the Kuy comp BHANDAR. KAR, Report 1883-84, P 152 and WEBER, Kup p 805 f
5. Alist defying any closer determination and ed by BHANDARAAN loc cit p. 14 gives's 1159 for the Ancala-G.

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AN HISTORICAL SKETCH OF JAINISM
saying that acc. to Dharmasāgara the ancala or pallava, i.e. the corner of a dress, had stood for the face cloth by way of imitating an individual case, and that later also the hand-broom and even the act of confession had been dismissed. At least the latter does not apply to the praxis of the Vidhipaksa.
In conclusion we have to add that the Kuv. was also concerned with the Gaccha of the Pasacandras? whose foundation goes back to an upādhyāya bearing the same name and being descended from a sidebranch of the Tapa-G. as such frequently developed being called gaccha as well or, as was the case already in ancient days, sākhô (comp. $ 25). In this case it was a Nāgapuriya--Tapa-G. which had developed at Nāgaur (Rajputana) in s. 1174 and within which Pāśacandra established his mata in s. 1572. He distinguished himself as an independent writer and as a commentator of canonic texts who as such a one also calls himself Pārsvacandra.? Since his Bālāvabodha and Vārttika are still being acknowledged he is not likely to have departed very far from the principles of the doctrine. Nor did he ignore the scholastic comments and the Chedagranth as he is blamed for having done by Dharmasāgara. He is said to have had different points of contact with the Lumpākas. BHANDARKAR is not fully intelligible in reporting on a system developed by Pāśacandra.*
$36. Since the forming of a Svet.-Gacchat of the kind described above lastly always comes as a protest against the traditional state of affairs in order to replace it by a better one, there can be no doubt that in return reformatory efforts were made within its body. This we may conclude from the discrimination still made to-day between monks of a higher and lower class. The former are the Sādhus and the latter the Yatis. Contrary to the linguistic usage in mediaeval times when both
1. KLATT-LEUMANN IA 23, 181 f.
2. Comp 'the Calcutta ed. of the Ayara II 280; · WEBER Verf. II, 542.
3 BHANDARKAR loc. cit. p 155.
4. Or else of a šákhã, comp. the development of the Vijaya-Sakha IA 19, 234.
5. STEVENSON, Heart p. 233; v. GLASENAPP, Jainismus p. 72, 341, 352 ff.

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DOCTRINE OF THE JAINAS
words meant the same, the Yatis are the spiritual successors of those monks who had not participated in the reform. The point where this process starts is found with the Tapā-Gaccha. Of this Tapā-G, Yasovijaya Ganın? of Gujarat was a member. After having been trained in Jain learning at home his Guru Nayavijaya of Benares made him become a master of logics who as such proved extremely productive He died in s. 1745. Without occupying a leading position in the Ordera he carried out his reforms on the initiative of Vijayasimha whom the Vijayaśākhã calls their first Sūrı, although Vijayadeva who had appointed him Sūri in s. 1682 outlived him, who died in s. 1709, by four years 3 In the way he opposed both the Digambaras and the Dhundhiyas4 so he was successful first in his own Gaccha. He who followed him came to be called a samveg? dressed in saffron, whereas he who refused him continued to dress in white, and that is why to-day we hear him being called not only a yatı but a gorge as well This differentiation obviously spread from the Tapās over to the Kharataras, for in our days here, too, we come across the white Yatis who even have a hierarchy of their own. So, then, in concluding our historical sketch we observe among the Svetāmbaras the same capacity to which in remote antiquity they owe their origin: to cling faithfully to the values of tradition even though reformed.
1 Satis Chandra VIDYABHUSANA JASB 6 (1911), 463-69, MD DESAI, Shrimad Yahovijayajı (a Life of a great Jain Scholar) Bo (atter 1910), SAUBHAGYAVIJAYA in the ed of Y's Nayopadeśa, forewords to editions of other writings of Y
2 Then his name would be Vijayayasas -3 HOERNLE IA 19, 234
4. For his polemics against the former sce & 195, for those directed against the Dig and the latter comp. ao his so-called Virastutirūp hundinu stavan and his letter to Să Devrā), both in PK 3, 569-710

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III
THE CANON
$37. In the canonical texts? (Uvav. and (a.o.) Viy 134b; Thān. 176a) Mahāvīra's teaching is called niggantha pāvayana (Viy. 792b pavayaņa), more precisely duvālas'anga gani-pedaga (a.o Vıy. 792b; 866b=Nandi 246b, Samav. 106b). This means "the basket of teacher(s) containing 12 Angas”. Samay 73b speaking of Angas 1-3 calls one individual Anga gani-pedaga. The consonance with the tipitaka and the anga of the Buddhists (for the latter word comp a.o. WINTERNITZ, History 2, 8) is apparent, As to anga, a reminiscence of the Vedāngas is equally possible. But while vedänga means "auxiliary members" (to the Vedas), the Jain Angas are members of a unit formed by themselves. The collection through which this unit must have been established, is due to a council at Pātaliputra described by the Svetāmbaras in Par. 9,57ff Considering that Bhadrabāhu who belonged to the 6th generation following Mahāvīra played an important role in it ($ 23), this council must have taken place in the 2nd decade of the 4th century BC. On the other hand it must be mentioned that, as was pointed out by JACOBI,4 the oldest texts owing to metrical observations seem to date from times not earlier than the end of the 4th and the beginning of the 3rd century, the more so since the value of literary products is acknowledged not earlier than a good time after their being composed and then leads to their collection.
1 They have been treated exhaustively by H R. KAPADIA in his learned book "A History of the canonical literature of the Jainas" (Bo 1947), and it is with pleasure that the AUTHOR, while suppressing some minor criticism, refers the reader to that work for many details which could not be mentioned here
2 In company with pavayana Āv 127
3 Silänka to Sūy nijj 136 (p 253 b) is correct, the contrary Abhayadeva Samay 107a, Malayagırı Nandıv 193a
4 SBE 22, XXXI f ; ZDMG 38, 590-619; 74, 255

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DOCTRINE OF THE JAINAS
We have seen that the Angas are not additions to something previously existing. Tradition, on the other hand, will have it differently in speaking of the so-called Puvva. They are no longer in existence. To explain the word, Abhayadeva in his comm on Samav. 130b says that the Angas were composed by Mahāvīra's Ganadharas (822) either immediately in the spirit of the preceding (pūrva) oral tradition or indirectly after first (pūrva) having established that tradition?. But he does not derive the Angas from the Puvvas. If this had been the case, the Puvvas would have been absorbed in the Angas. Instead we read in the survey of what the A. contain (Samav. 129a; Nandi 236b) that the 12th of them (which was lost) included the P. and other topics. Hence it follows that the two series were parallel to, not dependent on, each other.
$38. It is in harmony with the misunderstanding according to which the P. were the most ancient evidences that some of them are said (Dasav. nij). 15-17) to have been the sources for canonical texts, viz. P. 6 (Saccappavāya) for Dasav. 7 (Vakkasuddhi);7 (Āyapp ) for Dasav. 3 (Dhammapannatti= Chajjīvaniyā); 8 (Kammapp.) for Dasav. 5 (Pindesanā). The remaining chapters of Dasav. are said to come form the Paccakkhāna-P. (9), vatthu 4, and from the same, vatthu 3, pāhuda 20, as the Āv.-nijj will have it, the Cheyasutta Dasão,Kappa, and both Vavahāra and the Ohanijjuttı. Utt 2 (Parīsahā) is derived from P 8, vatt hu 20. Moreover, one of the Gāhās preceding the Pannavanā refers to the P. (another one to the Diţthivāya, s.b.). For the present writer it is beyond doubt that it was merely a relationship in contents that has led authors to construe those origins, provided that the Puvvas did actually lie before their eyes This supposition is necessary since at all times imagination is keen on filling up evident gaps.
In reality the name of pudda was due to the apologies of which the texts must have consisted. The lists mentioned count 14 P. and summarize them as pudda-gaya. With the
1 Comp. Āv 92 (106b) attham bhāsas arahā, suttam ganthantı ganaharā niunam.
2 JACOBI SBE 22, XLIV #; BAGCHI, J. Dept Letters (Univ. of C) 14, Nr g

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THE CANON
75
exception of four they all have pavāja in their individual title which means the utterance of a contradictory view (pravāda). They are combined with various fundamental questions and ideas, viz. uppāya (1), vīriya, atthi n'atthi, nāṇa, satca, āya, kamma, paccakkhāna, vijjā (3-10; 10; vjjānuppavāya). It follows that they were adversary objections evidently not preserved out of historical interest, but as instructions how to refute them. Similarly we read Viy. 380b that Mahāvīra's monks having refuted their opponents, proclaimed the Gaippavaya1 who was called an ajjhayana and hence was intended to set them right by an adverse view (in this case the right one). Whether the pavaya of the Diṭthivaya (the 12th Anga) were fiction or fact we do not know. The names of P. 2 Aggeniya of Aggāniya', 11 Avanjhá, 13 Kiriyāvisāla, and 14 Logabindusara for their obscurity all speak in favour of their factitive nature.
From Than. 199a; Samav. 128b; Nandi 235b we learn3 that the Ditthivaya consisted of the sections parikamma, suttāim, puvva-gaya, anuogaa, and (with P. 1-4) cūlyão. Here, evidently, the course of a dispute is reflected where puvva-gaya is the same as the well-known pūrva-paksa. The "introduction" is followed by the'"sutra" which may have been construed ad hoc and which then are "attacked" whereupon a close "examination" unveils the truth. The 12th Anga thus, under the title of a "discourse on (heterodox) views'' (which is but one of other titles showing a didactic or polemic meaning, comp. Than. 491b) was an instruction to apology and quite naturally fitted closely in the doctrine laid down in Angas 1-11. In the course of time it was lost. JACOBI (SBE 22, XLV) explains this fact by saying that later generations thought the
Quite another gar-ppavāya (five-fold) Pannav. 16 (end) (Malayagiri gati-prapata or pravāda)
I
2. Angaculiya Agrāyaniya-pūria
3 For the Digambaras about the Puvva see Nemicandra, Gommatasära Jiv 343 ff, 360 f, Sakalakirti, Tattv I, 106 f; BHANDARKAR, Rep 1883-84, S 108 f 395, Subhacandra, Angapannattı 219 f 38 f
4. Hemac. Abhidh 2,160 has puntanuyoga before purva-gata, the same Gommatas Jiv 360 paḍhamanyoga before puvva
Sthan 491b both Drshivada and Distipata. The latter gives a good sense, too; "Collapse of refuted views."
5
"

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DOCTRINE OF THE JAINAS
76
discourses of their early predecessors not to be important any longer It is more likely that their preservation appeared to be undesirable since the study of such disputes was apt to arouse heretical thoughts and activities Some quotations from the Puvvas indeed have been preserved in the reports on the early schisms ($ 17) exclusively.
We have seen that our interpretation of the word pædvagaya 13, partly, based upon what both Samav and Nandi say with regard to the contents of Anga 12. Though there can be no doubt that these are merely rhetorical, we must suppose that the names of the sections have been preserved just as faithfully as those of Anga 11 The minute descriptions of the subsections, on the other hand, seem to be fictitious, and all attempts of an interpretation are useless, since he who wrote down the alleged contents had the Ditthuvāya no longer before him.? No less fantastic, therefore, is the extent in vatthu or “subjects” attributed to the Puyva (to be seen also in Samay 25a; 26b, 35b, 44b and in Thān ), to say nothing of their number of words. Their alleged size corresponds with their gradual loss, as referred to by the Svetāmbaras and registered in the posthumous spiritual titles of cauddasa-(coddasa-), dasa-and even nava-puuvi The last to know all 14 of them was Sthūlabhadra (§ 23). For it was he whom they were told by Bhadrabāhu upon the request of the Council of Pātalıputra, but he was forbidden to teach others more than ten (Par. 9, 110). After the seventh patriarch following Sthūlabhadra even these were lost. And that is why Mahāgıri and his successors up to Vajra are called daśapūrvin. So far the Svetāmbaras; the Digambaras have eleven daśapūrvadhārin with other names. The last of them, Dharmasena, is reported to have died in 315 A M2
$39 The gradual loss of the Puvvas, which must have happened according as an apology in general or in the shape
1 The AUTHOR, Worte p 5-LEUMANN (VI OC III, 2, p 258) thought to see a close relation of a small Saiva text with the Digthivaya, Parıkamma I Possibly the so-called contents of the Ditthiy have been composed after the model of that kind of texts, since the real facts were no longer known, not vice versa, as LEUMANN believed
2 Sakalakirti, comp BHANDARKAR loc cit S 125.

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THE CANON
177
taught by the Diţthivāya was no longer necessary or desirable, has been copied by the Digambaras with regard to the Angas. They give the names of five patriarchs whom they say to have known 11 Angas, and of nine more who knew 10, 9, 8, 7 (?) and 1 Angas only, until eventually that too—the 1st--was lost. This report is based upon the Digambaras in very early times having become alienated from the collection of the Angas, from which it followed that they no longer acknowledged them as authoritative. Hence, for the Digambaras, the Angas of the Svetāmbaras are younger productions, and when the latter give the number of words in them (Samav. 107 ff., Nandi 209b ff.)1, the former bring up other figures against them? To a certain degree it is justified to look upon the Angas as being of a younger age, since they have not come down to us in their original shape.
This follows from comparing their present state with tradition and subjecting it to a critical view. As the saying goes, new wine has been poured into old bags. The method was to form a unit out of parts and fragments, to supply lost portions and even works, and, in many cases, to arrange the text suitably. It is probable that all this was the result of two councils, 4 the one taking place at Mathurā, the other at Valabhi (Kathiawar), and both presided by Skandıla and Nāgārjuna respectively. In the course of time the former must have gained the upper hand, for, when in one more Valabhi council Devarddhi undertook to lay down the wording of the text definitely, he gave the Nāgārjuniya pāțhas not the first but the second place, even though he stood in the parampară of their originator (s. b), Devarddhi is reported to have got copies of the holy works multiplied with a view to provide with them as many communities as possible Memorial verses serve to faci
1 Up to Anga 4 the figure is doubled, Anga 5 has 84,000 words (a favourite figure), and the rest samkhija words (see § 21)
2. Gommat. Jiv 357 ff , Suyakkh g ff , Tattv 1, 75 ff , Angap. 15 ff, Comp. also JAINI, Outlines p 135 ff 3 The AUTHOR, Worte p uff
We here follow KAPADIA P 61 ff who gives the sources. BHANDARKAR, Rep 1883-84, p 128, JACOBI , Kalpasūtra p 117 and SBE 22 294 can be added

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78
or THE JAINAS
litate the survey of the contents for the monk students. This, of course, had to be preceded by collecting the works within reach 1 Here we have the ongin of the Canon. This event took place, according to Jinac. § 148, in 980 or 993 A V.
DOCTRINE
§ 40. Nandi 202a, 153b; Anung, Ga; Pakkhiya-S. 61b divide the substance of the teaching into anga-paritha and anargap. or angabahura. While history, as we have seen, is concerned with the Angas only, we here learn that there were more works in existence. This is no wonder since the Angas do not include any regulated prescriptions for the monks' discipline which must have been observed from early times onward. Its germ are the 6 avassaya (§ 151), 1.c. formulae for daily recital, the knowledge of which was, indeed, "indispensable". They were the starting point of discipline and, therefore, alone are opposed to all other ananga-pavitṭha or āvassaza-taurilla. These again arc divided into kāliya and ukkālija, i.c. into those that are to be learnt within certain hours devoted to study ($150) and into those that are not. The kaliya-list is an extension of what is prescribed to the monk in Vav. 10, 20 ff and elsewhere. In a certain way, the ukkālija-list runs on parallel lines with it. In either list the titles partly are unica, since the works themselves do not exist any longer or at least did not reappear as yet, partly they belong to works incorporated into the Canon or are à la suite of it, and partly they are mere sections of both the last named kinds. Let us presuppose that the authors of the Vav. list (which attributes certain texts to certain years) must have been guided by pacdagogic points of view, but we are unable to recognise them in the succession of the texts. Still this succession has furnished a basis for the grouping in the Canon. For among the Uvangas and Painnas some texts appear one after the other in the same order as they do in their quality as ukhālija subjects nos 5-8 and 11-15.2
This is the opportunity for introducing the canonical sections following the Angas, viz. the Uvangas, Painnas, Cheya
1. Comp JACOBI, Kalpasūtra p 114 ff., p. 15ff., SBC 22, XXXVII. 2. Ind Stud 17, 13 ff.

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THE CANON
79
and Mūla-suttas, of which only the first name seems to be old. To judge from its appearance in the introduction to Uvangas 8-12 there was a time when no more than just these Uvangas were called by this name, i.e. "secondary Angas” because of their being closely related in contents and style with Angas 8, 9 and 11%. Later on out of those and other texts (all of which may be found among the ananga-pavittha) there was a group formed by imitation of the 12 Angas not only as to numbering but as to its inner structure as well. For just as the Anga group starts with two works mostly composed in a high poetical and prosaic style (Bambhac. and Gāhāsolasaga) and then proceeds with dogmatical ones (Thāna and Samav.) followed by minor legendary accounts (Uvās, etc.), so does the Uvanga section', as can be seen in the course of this chapter. Apart from the Angas, the Uvangas are the only section of a stationary size. Most various is the number of the Painnas or mixed text”. But the different lists betray a nucleus formed by Paiņnas of a disciplinary character, and among these we find a group of ten which are the most frequently quoted. The various classes of the Āgama seem to have been arranged according to the diminishing number of their members, for, historically, the Cheyasuttas ought to have preceded the Painnas. The latter dwell upon the monks' practice in more or less broad gāhā treatises, that is to say, in a remarkably imitative way, while among the Cheyasuttas (of which there are 5-7) we have the most ancient summaries of discipline. The name of this group appears as cheya-ggantha in Āv 8,55 and certainly means the punishment of cheya, i.e. the shortening of either a monk's or a nun's seniority. And it is this seniority upon which the communal life of either is based. When seniority is dropped altogether this is called müla and, indeed, the culprit then must start from the Croot. But this is the situation of novices, too,
1. The AUTHOR, Worte p. 8 .
2. Possibly also Anga 10 which once looked different from the one we have before us to-day (8 46).
3. The AUTHOR, Worte p 8-But it is a fiction beld by Jambūdv. lb and others that the Angas and Uvangas bearing the same number were related with each other
4. Comp. v. KAMPTZ, Sterbefasten p. 5 ff.

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DOCTRINE OF THE JAINAS
and it is no more than logical to interpret the name of Mūlasutta in this direction on account of their clearly being selections and treatises about fundamental subjects for the instruction of young monks and nuns. From this point of view we understand why the diminuation mentioned above is interrupted and why its mechanical principle is replaced by a methodical oncl. For in the solemn list the Mūlasuttas arc prcccdcd hy two propacdeutic works, viz Nandi and Anuogadārā In both of them the theory of knowledge is treated in the style of the time. The number of the Āgamas is 45 with the Svetāmbaras, but 13 of them are rejected by the Sthanakyāsī, their puritan offshoot mentioned before? (§ 32). As to the Digambaras, it was alrcady said that the Angas are missing there on account of their gradual passing into oblivion. This applies to the other texts, too Some of them were lodged in their lists of lost works: The 5 Pariyammas of the Ditthivāya are equated with 5 Pannattis, four of which we know as Uvangas, wheicas the 5 Cūliyās are said to teaeh different kinds of sorceries Among the so-called Painnayas of the Angabāhirayas current with the Digambaras we find the names of Svetāmbara Painna-, Cheya., and Mūla-texts.
$41. We now proceed to give the common survey of the extant Svetambara Canon (āgama, siddhanta). Angas.l. Āyāra (quoted as Bambhacerāım, Cūlão, Bhāvanā, Vimutti), 2 Sūyagada, 3. Ţhāna, 4 Samavāya, 5. Viyāhapannatti, 6. Nāyādhammakahão (quoted as Nāya and Dhammakahão,), 7. Uvāsagadasão, 8 Antagadadasão, 9 Anuttarovāiyadasão, 10. Panhāvāgaranāım, 11 Vivāgasuya. Uvangas 1. Rāyapasenaijja, 2 Uvavāıya (quoted as Samosarana and Uvavāıya), 3. Jivābhigama, 4 Pannavanā, 5. Sūrapannattı, 6. Jambuddivapannatti, 7 Candapannattı, 8 Nirayāvalıyão. 9. Kappavadımsiyão, 10. Pupphiyão, 11. Pupphacūlão, 12 Vanhidasão Pauụnas. Causarana, Āurapaccakkhāna, Bhattaparinnā, Samthāra, Mahāpaccakkhāna, Candāvijjhaya, Ganivijā, Tandulaveyāliya,
1 The AUTHOR, Worte p I
2"Secker", Notes ( 32 )p go The AUTHOR, Mahānis. p 100 must be corrected
3 Gommatas, Jiv 360 f , 366 f 4. The AUTHOR, Worte p VIII to be corrected

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81
Devindatthaya, Viratthaya and others. Cheyasuttas: Āyāradasão (Dasā 8, “Kalpasūtra”=Jinacariya, Therāvalī, Pajjosavanākappa; Dasā 10=Āyāitthāna), Kappa, Vavahāra, Nisīha, Mahānisiha, Pancakappa, Jiyakappa. Nandi, Anuogadārā. Mülasutta: Uttarajjhāyā, Āvassayanijjutti, Dasaveyāliya, Pindanıjjutti, Ohanijjutti. The homogeneity which, as we are led to assume, unites these titles is often merely an apparent one. Nearly all old and various later canonical works are composed of parts which frequently are rather incongruent, as may be seen from the brackets given above. Apart from such cases striking the eye there are others where parts and particles of some chapters, on the ground of higher criticism, can be connected in a new manner.
$42. Thus, when we replace the mechanical arrangement just given by a critical one, the result is as follows.1 Apart from the āvassaya formulae the most ancient style presents itself in the Āyāra, Sūy., the Utt., the old Cheyasuttas, the Isibhāsiyāım, and in portions of the Dasaveyāliya. Significant are old grammatical forms, the trisțubh, jagatī, vaitālīya, and aupacchandasaka metres, a primitive form of the Arya, the opening formula suyam me, āusam, etc., the concluding one ti bemi, and, of course, the subjects, especially so far as they are formed by the will of self-preservation and the fundaments of the order. A motrical investigation made by JACOBI, as was said before, resulted in surmising the origin of the most ancient texts at about the end of the 4th and the beginning of the 3rd century B.C. It hardly needs to be mentioned that the characteristics referred to are distributed differently upon the individual texts.
The younger parts of the Canon show the younger grammatical forms, the common Āryā taking the place of the Sloka , and partly in them a symmetrical arrangement of subjects. This can be observed in most Paiņnas and in the Nijjuttis among the Mūlasuttas which are not far from the commentaries bearing the same name ($ 43). A good number of texts join in groups thus unveiling the peculiar taste of the author's times and later on
1. The AUTHOR, Worte, p 2 ff.
2 Ayar II 9, Súy 1, 4 (see ALSDORF Ind Ir. J 2, 259 ff ), Utt. 8, comp JACOBI ZDMG 38, 590 #f, LEUMANN ZI17, 160-162,

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becoming a mere habit. Considering the rôle the figure 10 plays in the titles, we speak of dasă-texts. In the second half of the Angas we come across clichés of stories called vagga, and thus we may sum up Dhammak., Antag., Anutt. and Uvanga 8-12 as vagga-texts. In Than. and Samav. conceptions and concrete subjects occurring in the teaching have been arranged according to number just as has been the case with details from discipline taught in the Ayāradasão and some other texts by the thera bhagavanto, so that we are entitled to speak of categorytexts. Further, there is the veḍha metre, the locus classicus of which are Samos. and Jinac. They are the prototype for numberless passages in the later Angas, the Uvangas and the Ayāradasão, passages meant to introduce or to characterise a scene or an object. Here catchwords indicating the opening and the ending of the passage to be supplied served the purpose. Hence we find many artificial vedha-texts next to the genuine ones mentioned to which we have to add Anga 10,6 and 4 sections in Jambudd. The same distinction applies to the case of the dialogue-texts. On the one hand we have Viy. alone. It is true that here already question and reply are conventional, but the general impression is that of true life thanks to the variety of questioning individuals as well as to personal traits in Mahāvīra's answers. At any rate, the Viy. is the prototype for the various artificial dialogues where the appearance of antiquity was combined with methodical fitness. The latter, above all, seemed necessary for the systematical explanations in the Uvangas Their typical name is pannatti.
$43. The commentaries on the canonical texts exhibit the usual preferences and defects of scholastic literature, i.e. they represent the apprehensions of their time. We cannot neglect them, though, frequently, we are not in a position to follow them. Most popular among them are, of course, the Sanskrit explanations (tikā, vivaraṇa, vrtti) composed, as regards the Angas and Uvangas, by the classical scholars Šilanka or Sīlācārya, who concluded his Acāratīkā in Śaka 798-872 A.D., Abhayadeva, who wrote in s. 1135 or 1139, and Malayagiri, who composed his Sanskrit Grammar between s. 1200 and 12301. These great
1. KIELHORN NGW Gott. 1892, 318-327; PATHAK ABHI 1, 7.
82

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works mark the end of a long development; what follows them (dipikā or avacuri1) is insignificant and mostly no longer independent. The personalities mentioned are preceded by Haribhadra who, among various other scholarly works, wrote the Nandi-and Avasyakaṭīkā. As has been proved by JINAVIJAYA2 he belongs to the middle of the 8th century. His epoch is significant by its definitely turning away from the Prakrit commentaries in favour of such in Sanskrit. The development of the former at that time had reached the stage of the cunnis. A cunni is a composition in prose3 of a kind wherein a change of language announces itself by a more or less intensive penetration of Sanskrit words and phrases into Prakrit. The object of the explanation is not confined to the canonical text, the Sutta, but also refers to the foregoing commentary, the Bhāsa or the Nijjutti. A Bhasa is in metres and of a considerable length. Comprising thousands of Gāhās it far surpasses each Cunni, the name of which -Sanskrit: cūrṇi-dispersion-is not badly chosen when compared with the block called bhāsa.5 This again is the Nijjutti. for us the Nijjutti (mroyuktı®) is the earliest tangible stage in the Svetambara commentaries, but itself it is the gähä-skeleton for the body of prose explanations which had existed long before and were the ancestors of the material exhibited in a Cunni. The usual size of a Nijjutti, as we know it, is relatively small (a few hundred gāhās), but even there Bhāsa verses have been inserted. As long as such insertions were limited, the title of Nijjutti remained, in which case we find, in the course of time, a Nijjutti followed by a Cunni. But when the size of the latter had swollen
I Often, but wrongly, avac urna.
2. JACOBI, Samarãiccakahā p 1 ff on account of JINAVIJAYA's results exposed in Sanskrit and published Poona 1919 under the title the Date of Haribhadra Süri Thus LEUMANN's calculation ZDMG 43,349 (s 904) is obsolete now.
3. Wrongly called metrical by CHARPENTIER Utt p 52.
4 The word is not confined to the Svetämbaras nor even to the Jains. We find it, though apparently in a different meaning, in the Sivajnanabodha of the Shivaites, see SCHOMERUS, Der Çaiva-Siddhanta p 26. Here cürnikā, vārttika, and udaharana are rendered as "assertion, argument,
example"
5. bhasa and cunni were confounded by JACOBI, Sthav (2nd ed )p. VI. 6. WEBER, Ind Stud. 17, 57 CHARPENTIER, Utt. S. 48.

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was
up owing to an extraordinary number of Bhāsa verses, it they that gave the whole work its title 1 Both Bhasa and Cunni do not furnish much information about individual words. What they do have to say is dictated by abstracts and is very schematical to the degree that we seldom find a connection with the Sutra.2 Instead, their importance as to history of thought and of literature will be great, when one day all of them will be accessible and subjected to scholarly study.
DOCTRINE
The Nijjuttis are looked upon as works composed by Bhadrabahu, but they are centuries later than the leader of the Order who bore this name in the 3rd century B.C (§ 23. 26) as is proved a o by their being a domain of the common gāhā which was far from being in use at that time 3 LEUMANN holds that the collection of Nijjuttis to be mentioned presently, came into existence about 80 A D. "It follows that 'Bhadrabahu' is an author's name of the kind we meet with in India in great number (e g. in law-books and many other literary products". The author of Av 2, 5, a great scholar, sees his task in writing a NiJJutti on Avass, Dasao, Utt, Āyār, Sūy, Dasão, Kappa, Vav, Sūrap, and Isibhāsiyāim Those belonging to the works in italics are at hand and have been printed with the exception of the Utt -and Dasã-nijjuttis The printed Bhāsas will be registered below. Some Cunņis are-or were-independent of Bhāsas, they partly belong to canonical works, a.o to Viy, Jiv., Pannav, partly to non-canonical ones as Pakkh and Jiyakappa But we must not forget that the word curni in Sanskrit commentaries may denote the famous Avassayacunni.
The authors of tīkās and vrttis often register a different reading (päthäntara, vācana'ntara or sim ), and the same occurs in the Cunnis (paḍhujjai ya). Such variants, partly considerable in
I
LEUMANN, Übersicht 15 b.
2
Comp Dasav -ny] with Dasav 4 (LEUMANN ZDMG 46, 587 f ) CHARPENTIER Utt p 49 wrongly finds fault with the metrics of the Bhāsas and Nijjuttis On the contrary, their authors have sacrificed grammar in favour of metrical correctness
3
4 Übersicht, p 28 b
5 Ib p 23 b JACOBI, Sthav (2nd ed ) p VI calls the author a namesake of the 6th patriarch

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85 size, in Āyār., Sūy and Utt. are attributed to the Nāgajjunija or Nāgārjuniya (s. a.) who sometimes are called bhadanta or sakkhinol in a friendly or respectful manner. The explanation acc. to CHARPENTIER2 is that the authors of those commentaries were friends to Devarddhi, the editor of the Agama who was a paramparā-guru of Nāgārjuna. From this it follows that this time was later than the end of the 5th century AD. LEUMANN4 dates the Āvassayacuņni from about 600 to 650 A D.
$44. We now proceed to render a survey of the canonical works and some more closely related to the Siddhānta. In some respect our survey has to be elastic in that not all details of the contents can be given. The general praise of the mendicant's life, for instance, could be, in many cases, omitted as being evident. On the other hand, care has been taken to enable the reader to find out subjects that should interest him, especially since it was impossible to incorporate all details into the description contained in chapters IV to VII.
The Angas $45. Anga 1-5. 1 Āyāra 2. Suyakkhandha 9 (8) Bambhacerāım and 4 Cūlão The 6th chapter once was followed by a seventh called Mahaparinnā which was lost Both in his edition and his translation (s b ) the AUTHOR undertook to solve many problems we find ourselves confionted with in the Bambh. by its mixing prose and verses or either by the fragments of such ones. The subjects in chapters 1-6 and 8 are Ahimsā, the avoidance of weakness and relapsing, and, on the other hand, endurance in hardships The last chapter (9) offers in ancient Āryās a vivid sketch of Mahāvīra's early career as an ascetic What was begun here was continued in the 4 Cūlâs In the first we find
1 The AUTHOR Acār p VIII 2 Utt p 53
2 See ante -PANIKKAR (Indo-Asian Culture 5, 46) attributes the prcdicate of bhadanta to the great Buddhist philosopher Nāgārjuna
4 Übersicht p IV b
5 Comp the AUTHOR, Worte p 15 ff The commentators do not see metrical portions amidst those in prose It follows that Jiv 259 a the Satthaparinnā (=Āyar I, 1) is called acchando-baddha

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detailed prescriptions for the begging for alms, wandering, speech, the way how to ask for garments and alms-bowl, and such concerning the question of residence; in the second Cūlā we have prescriptions regarding ascetic postures and study, easing nature, and indifference towards external influences including favours and nursing. These chapters have been arranged according to the diminishing number of their sections, as is done in Süyagada 1. The third Cūlā is called Bhāvanā after the instructions for the right understanding (bhāvanā) of the 5 Great Vows which in their turn form the climax of Jain ethics and as such are rightly annexed to the above stated topics. But, as to quantity, by far the greatest space of this Cūlā is devoted to Mahāvīra's biography up to his leaving the worldly life. Since right conduct on the ground of the vows will lead to salvation, “Vimuttı" is treated in the 6th Cūlā For the Nisiha as once having formed a further part of the Āyāra see § 51.
Conan. Nijjutti; Cunni? by Gandhahastin (printed); Tikā by Sīlānka (concluded in Saka 798); Dipikā by Jinahamsa. Ed 2 ĀS (along with Nijj , Tikā, and Dipikā, C. s. 1936.--The Āyāramga Sutta of the Cvetāmbara Jains. Ed. by Hermann JACOBI. (Palı Text Society.) Lo 1882.3-ĀcārāngaSūtra. Erster Srutaskandha. Text, Analyse and Glossar von Walther SCHUBRING. L. 1910. Rev.. JACOBI, Archiv. f Religionswiss 18. 283 ff. Nāgari transcr. Jaina-Sāhitya-Samsodhaka-Gr.-M., Poona 1924.- Āg S. (along with the Tikā), Bo. 1916.-1. suyakkh · Bo. 1916.--Transl.: (Engl ) by JACOBI SBE 22, Oxford 1884 --The Bambhac. by SCHUBRING in: Worte Mahāvīras, Göttingen 1926, p. 66 ff. Rev : LEUMANN ZII 7, 157-162.
1 As to the Cunnis in general, see KAPADIA, History p 190 ft AS far as they have been printed, they, with few exceptions, have not come into the hands of Western scholars Thosc thc AUTHOR has seen and used, unfortunately are lacking any hint as to editor, among whom, as we understand, is ANANDASĀGARA Sūri, place and year, to say nothing of interpretation
2. As to prints of the complcte Canon the reader is referred to $ 4. These prints are mentioned neither here nor on the following pages
3 The second suyakkhandha (p 49ff ) seems to have been printed with. out any revision on the part of the editor.

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2. Suyagada. In Sanskrit this name is reflected as Sūtrakrtānga, sporadically even as Sūtrakṛdanga.1 But, as a matter of fact, sutra in Ardhamāgadhi appears in the form of sutta exclusively.2 Possibly we have suci drsți, Pkt. sūr=sūya3. At any rate the name is taken from the discussions in Suy. I 12, II 1. 5-7 of heretic systems and views. 2 suyakkhandha: Gāhāsolasaga and Mahajjhayanāņi. The Gahasol. consists of 15 metrical chapters arranged in the manner mentioned in Ayāra. Quite contrary to its title (gāhā) the 16th chapter is in prose devoted to Mahāvīra explaining the terms of māhana, samaṇa-bhikkhu, and niggantha. Old Āryās appear in I 4 as they do in Bambh. 9 and Utt. 8. In 1 5 we are given an elaborate description of the hells and the tortures therein, 2 uddesa. The 7 Mahajjh., "great chapters", are indeed actually four big ones on prose, the following two are in verse, and the last is in prose again. As to contents see above. But we specially mention II 2 Kiriyatthāna, forms of activity; 3. Āhāraparınna, a description of all forms of life and of their origin, as "told in olden ages" (pur' akkhāya); 4 Paccakkhānakiriyā, a discussion on guilt accumulated either consciously or unconsciously.
THE ANGAS
Comm.: Nijjutti; Cunni (printed); Tika by Silānka; Dipika, by Harsakula -Ed: AS 2 along with Nijj, Tikā, and Dipikā, Bo. s 1936-Ag S, with Tika, Bo 1917-AMP 5, with Nijj, by P. L VAIDYA, Poona 1928. Ed. with Guj. transl. by Munı MANEK, Surat 1922-Some separate prints of I 6, Mahāvīrathui.-Transl.: (Engl.) by JACOBI SBE 45, Oxford 1895; 7 chapters by SCHUBRING in: Worte Mahaviras, Gottingen 1926 (see above) -Detailed Studies GHATAGE IHQ. 12, 270-281, ALSDORF (Itthiparinnā, I 4).
3. Thāna. A list of dogmatic topics which can be grouped in 1-10 categories, cases or possibilities (thāna). But for the cosmographical dates placed at the end of each chapter (section),
1. Comp BARNETT, BM (1908) s v.
2. Kappasūya in PISCHEL, Gr § 19 etc.-Kalpasūtra is a mere
fiction
-
3 Samav 109 b; Suyagade nam sa-samaya sijanti etc sucyante Abhay - Gommatas Jiv 355 and Brahma Hemacandra, Srutaskhandha to have Suddagada.

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no leading principle is recognizable. Many categories appear in other canonical texts, whereas other ones are not to be found elsewhere. Thana as well as Samavaya (s. b) refer to texts that got lost, and those we still possess are, partly, listed as having other sections.
Comm: Vrtti by Abhayadeva.-Ed. (along with the Vrtti): As 3, Ben. 1880-Ag S, 1. 2. Bo 1918-20.
4. Samavaya. A supplement of, and a continuation to, Thana according to groups of 1 up to 1014 (sāgarovama-koḍākoḍi) objects The last third of Samav. is an appendix and in general describes the duvalas' anga ganı-pıḍaga. In one further appendix the qualities of all beings are described in query and reply A third appendix, in common Gāhās, shows the dates of the spiritual and (temporal) heroes. There is no doubt whatever that these appendices found their place in the Samav. on account of their numberings
Comm Vrtti by Abhayadeva -Ed. (along with the Vrtti): ĀS 4, Ben 1880.-Ag. S, Bo 1918.
5. Viyahapannatti This is the true old name frequently perverted to Vivahap as which PISCHEL unfortunately quotes it in his grammar. The later title of Bhagavai is no more than an adjective occasionally attributed to Ayāra and Sūyagada likewise 1 What we have before us is a "proclamation of explanations" rendered by Mahāvīra as an answer to individual questions asked by disciples and, by far in most cases, directed to Goyama. 41 saya of which 1-20 seem to form the germ of the whole, and to which 25 can be added. Saya "one hundred" aptly means a great number of interviews taking place at different places and not interconnected by a distinct thread of thought Their sequence is frequently merely superficial and similar to what can be stated in the Bambhaceräim. Apart from the germ thus characterized, sayas 24 and 30 as such and 21-23 (subdivided into vagga, etc ), 26-29, 31 and 32, 33 and 34, 35-40 form groups of uniform contents. Frequent references to other works, especially so to Pannavană and Jivābhigama, by which the preceding or subsequent topics are either introduced
1. Comp. Samav 92 a, Äyäranijutti, 1, Sūyagada-nijj I.

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THE ANGAS or explained. No other texts furnished a picture of Mahāvira's character and activities as distinct as that of the Viy. in spite of the style being mostly conventional.
To analyse the whole Viy. would go beyond the frame of this book. Its motley character will become sufficiently clear in a specimen, for which we have chosen saya 2.
Udd. l.-1 (109 a). Breathing. 2 (110 b). A madāı niyantha (§ 154). 3(112 a.). The scene: Chittapalāsaya near Kayangalā. The Brahman monk Khandaga Kaccāyana, a disciple of Saddabhāli, is instructed by Mahāvīra. On his part, Kh had no reply to the questions of the layman Pingalaga of Vesāli The subjects are: the resp. finiteness and infiniteness of the world, the soul, siddhi and siddha; unwisely and wisely dying, Khi's conversion, spiritual career, fasting to death and post-existences -Udd. 2. (129a.). The 7 samugghāya ($ 89 ): reference to Pannav. 36.-Udd 3 (130 a). The 7 regions ref. to Jiv. 3, 1.2.-Udd 4 (131 a). The 5 senses. ref. to Pannav. 15.Udd 5.1 (131b). Against annautthiya gods and goddesses in their mutual relations; the soul has one gender exclusively. 2(133a). Embryology. 3. (133b). The embryo is product (putta) as well as cause. 4. (133b). Sexual intercourse is lack of self discipline (samjama) 5(134b). The scene. Pupphavaī near Tungiyā. Some Pārśva teachers (names) are teaching some laymen about the reward for self-discipline, ascetics, karma and worldliness (sangiyā). Mahāvīra approves of them in every respect. 6 (140b). The reward for having served a true (tahā-rūva) samana or māhana by degrees will lead to siddhi. 7 (142a) Against annautthiya. an explanation as to how a hot spring comes into existence.—Udd 6 (142a). The speech. ref to Pannav 11 -Udd 7 (142b). The regions of the gods: ref. to Pannay. 2 and Jiv.3, 4. 2.--Udd 8 (144a). The sabhā of the god Camara.--Udd. 9 (146a). Samayakhetta.—Udd 10 I (147b). The Fundamental Facts.
Comm : Vrttı by Abhayadeva --Ed (along with the vștti): ĀS 5, Ben s. 1938.--Āg S. 1-3, Bo 1918-21.-Both text and yrtti transl. into Gujarātī by BECHARDĀS, saya 1-6, Ahm. ca. 1927. WEBER, see § 2.
$46. Anga 6-11. 6 Nāyādhammakahão This title is a

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DOCTRINE OF THE JAIN AS dvandva with the a lengthened at the end of the first member, comp. Anga 10. WEBER was wrong in taking the name as Jnātņdharmakathā. Gommatasāra, Jiv. 355, speaks of Nāhassa Dhammakahā. nāya (jnata) acc. to Thān. 253b and Dasav. nijj. 51-85 is a story serving as an example, while dhamma. kahā means a sermon or lecture. Of the 2 suyakkhandha the first contains the nāyāım, whereas the second is said to be the dhammakahão. But, actually, there is no more than 1 kathā multiplied over 200 times, with various places and names. This feature, frequent in the Siddhanta, must be taken as an attempt to attain completeness where materials were not at hand. In the case of Nāy. the great number of repetitions may reflect an intention of giving the second suy. a similar size as had the first. Prose along with Vedhas in most of the nāya. In the following lines no reader will expect more than the skeleton
1. suyakkhandha. 1. Ukkhitta. Intending to become a monk Prince Meha in his resolution is strengthened by Mahāvīra telling him how, in a previous existence, he himself, being a strong elephant, patiently protected a hare seeking refuge below his own lifted foot. 2 Samghadaga. Dhamma, a merchant, being thrown into jail and chained together with the murderer of his little son, kindly shares his meal with him. 3. Anda. Sāgaradatta impatiently breaks an egg hatched by a peacock, while Jinadatta patiently waits until it is hatched out. 4. Kumma. One turtle is killed by a jackal because it exposed itself to the danger, another one, being cautious, remained unhurt in its shell, since it waited until the beast had gone. 5. Selaga. King Selaga, converted to monkhood by Suya, a disciple of Aritthanemi, had grown weak owing to the hardships, but was strengthened by the encouragement given him by Panthaga, his former minister. 6. Tumba. A gourd cased with eight layers of clay will sink to the bottom when thrown into water, but will rise to the surface when the clay has dissolved Just so the soul when released from its Karman burden will rush up from Samsāra to the place of the Siddhas.7. Rohini, Rohini, in contrast to her four careless sisters, shrewdly sows and cultivates 5 corns of rice (cp. Matthews chap. 25; Luke 19). 8. Princess Malli, by means of drast c simile contrasting beautiful

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features and ugly intestines, sets right six suitors who thereupon take the vows ($ 15). 9. Māyandı. M's son, Jinapāliya, firmly resists the temptations of the cruel goddess of Rayanadiva, while Jinarakkhiya, his brother, yields to them and perishes miserably. 10. Candimā. The waning moon compared with the fickle monk, the waxing with the persevering one. 11. Dāvaddeva. Just as the dāvaddava trees growing on the ocean shore are strengthened by land and sea-winds (diviccaga and sāmuddaga) so are true monks exposed to praise and blame. 12. Udaga. Matter is subject to change, as is demonstrated to King Jiyasatta by his minister Subuddhi by means of putrid water cleared to purity by seven times filtering. This method, as is explained by Subuddhi, was taught by the Jina, and thus cleverly the king's interest is roused for the Creed which eventually leads him to salvation. 13. Mandukka. Nanda, a layman, is reborn as a frog in a pond he had made for the general amusement of his fellow citizens. Feeling his guilt now he goes on a pilgrimage to see Mahāvīra, but on his way he is injured by a horse and dies saying "namo tthu nam", whereupon he becomes a god. 14. Teyalī. Pottilā, wife of minister Teyaliputta, had innocently lost her husband's affection and became a nun to be reborn as god Poţtila. As such she preaches him the Teaching , as has been stipulated previously, but it is not before he has lost his high position that she is successful in making him accept it. 15. Nandiphala. Some travellers, though warned by their guides, rest in the pleasant shadow of nandı trees and feed on their poisonous fruits so that they perish; others avord both shadow and fruits and thus remain healthy and alive. 16. Avarakankā. A monk, Dhammarui, eats poisonous alms thus sacrificing rather himself than exposing to certain death ants which, as he saw, are dying when tasting them. Nāgasirī, who had provided the alms, is stricken with poverty and illness, and, finding no husband, in her next life becomes a nun, Sukumāliyā, thereupon a courtesan in heaven, then Princess Dovai, who in her svayamvara chooses the 5 Pāndavas. She is raped by King Paumanābha of Avarakankā, but Vasudeva Kanha defeats him and returns her to her five husbands. Four of them and Dovai himself then join

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the Order 17. Āinna. Some wild horses (āinna) ignorantly fall into the trap laid out for them and get caught, while others which are clever remain free 18 Sumsumā S., the daughter of a merchant, was raped and killed by a brigand, called Cilaya. Her father and his sons discover her body and cat of it from want of food Dhanna, her father, later becomes a monk. 19 Pundarīya P., a layman, is a lay king, succeeds in persuading his younger brother Kandariya to remain firm in his monkhood, though fickleness and illness have befallen him. On the next occasion, however, he is not equally successful and the two brothers change places, the one taking the other's position, but K. dies soon after
The 2nd suyakkhandha has 10 vagga, which in pairs consist of 5.54.32 4 8 ajghayana This comes up to 206 ajjh. But no more than the 1st kahā of the 1st vagga (247a) was completed. With names and places changed it serves as a cliché for the whole remaining part (250b) Having heaid Pāsa's sermon, Kāli takes the vows with a certain nun, Pupphacūlā, as her superior. But she cannot bring herself to desist from tending her body as she is demanded to do, and so she goes her own way. Hence she is not granted salvation, and since her self-castigation fails to reach the full mark she is reborn as the goddess Kāli When as such she approaches Mahāvīra respectfully, he gives Goyama an account of her past and her future.
Comm. Vrttı by Abhayadeva -Ed (along with the vrtti) AS 6, C 1877.—Āg. S, Bo. 1919.-Paul STEINTHAL, Specimen der Nāyādhammakahā (Thesis ) Berlin 1881. The text goes on up to fol 52a of the Āg S-ed Notes and glossary have been added —Nāyas 1, 16 and 14 were treated by LEUMANN VI OG III, 2 p. 539 ff; all the Nāyas by W. HUTTEMANN, Die Jnāta-Erzählungen im sechsten Anga ... (Thesis ) Strassburg 1907.
7 Uvāsagadasão 10 afghagana concerning pious laymen in Mahāvīra's time in the title we should expect dasā, comp. the next Anga 1 Ānanda and his wife take the Minor vows. Mahāvīra speaks about the principal offences against the same. He further says that even laymen can obtain ohi-rāna. 2 A god

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tries to intimidate Kāmakesa, but fails. 3. Culanīpiyā does not allow his meditations being disturbed though a god kills his three sons, but he drives away the ogre who threatens his mother. Yet he ought not to have interrupted his meditation. 4. 5. The same about Suradeva and Cullasayaga with the only difference that it is their health and property (resp.) that are endangered. 6. Kundakoliya defends his creed against a god who is an adherent of Gosala. 7. Both Mahavira and Gosāla vie with each other in winning the Ājīviya Saddālaputta and his wife. The latter is threatened by a god as was the mother of Culanipiyā. 8. Mahāsaga when fasting refuses to be seduced by his wife and prophesies her death and subsequent abode in hell. His fault was, so says Mahāvīra, that he gave her a reply at all. 9.10 are repetitions of 1 with the names of Nandinipiyā and Sälihīpiyā.
Comm.. Vivarana by Abhayadeva.-Ed. (all along with the Viv.): AS 7, C. 1977.-Ag. S., Bo. 1919.-Bo. 1895.-The Uvās. or the religious profession of an Uvāsaga... ed. (Vol. 2. trans.) by A F. Rudolf HOERNLE. (Bibliotheca Indica.) C. 1888-90. Rev. by LEUMANN WZKM 3, 329-350; GRIERSON IA 16, 78-80; revised ed by P. L. VAIDYA, Poona 1930, rev. by the AUTHOR, OLZ 1931, 1082 ff.
8. Antagaḍadasão Legends partly dating from the time of Aritthanemi and dealing with individuals who "put an end to dxistence" (though this does not apply to the first story). dasão in the title rightly (comp. Anga 7) means groups of 10, as are formed by 4 chapters out of 8. The chapters are called vagga and contain original legends (I-VIII) and such running parallel to them, but the former have been distributed unequally among the vagga. As to disposition and contents the Antag. are closely related to Anga 9. In the time of Thāna 506a, where the chapters of both Angas are enumerated, the contents were quite different 1
I. (I) Arıtthanemi induces Prince Goyama to take the Great Vows 9 parallels with other names. 2.8 (the colophon says: 10) parallels to 1. 3. 7 parallels.-(II) Gaya-Sukumāla, a son of
1. See the AUTHOR, Worte, p. 6f.

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Queen Devai, renounces dignity and marriage and becomes a monk under Ar. Somila, the father of his bride, brings him to death and himself dies on the flight.-5 parallels to 1. 4 10 parallels to 1. 5. (III) King Kanha Vasudeva advises the inhabitants of his town Bäravai which, as prophesied by Ar., will be destroyed, to take the vows and induces his wife, Queen Paumāvai, to do the same. 9 parallels to Paumāvai. 6. (IV) Makai enters the order and practiscs asceticism, parallel to Gangadatta Viy 16, 5, 1 1 parallel.-(V) The gardener Ajjunaga, obsessed by the god Moggarapani and thus caused to do much evil, gets rid of him thanks to the layman Sudamsana and becomes a member of the order.—11 parallels. (VI) Prince Aimutta (comp. Viy 5, 4) does the same when being led to Mahāvīra by Goyama.--(VII) The renunciation of King Alakkha, parallel to Udayana Viy. 13, 6 7. 13 queens like Paumāvai. 8. (VIII) The great fasts of the nun Kāli who previously had been a queen-9. parallels to different fasts.
Comm. Vrtti by Abhayadeva.-Ed. (along with the vrtti): AS (along with Anga 9), C. 1875.-Ag. S (along with Angas 9 and 11), Bo. 1920-Along with transl. in Hindi, Lahore 1917. (Along with A 9:) ed with introd, gloss., notes and an app by P. L. VAIDYA, Poona 1932.- Transl: (and the Anutt) transl by L D. BARNETT, Lo. 1907. Rev. by LEUMANN, JRAS 1907, p. 1078 ff.
9 Anuttarovavāryadasão. Legends of persons who were reborn in the uppermost heavens 3 vagga of which the first and the third, in correspondence with the title of the whole (comp. Anga 8), have been filled up to 10 ajjhayana. We have but 2 original pieces. I. vagga Jāli with 9 parallels 2.13 further parallels 3. Dhanna, who was the most successful among Mahāvīra's 14,000 adherents. 9 parallels Comp. Anga 8.
Comm.: Vrtti by Abhayadeva. For Ed. see Anga 8. The text also Bo. 1914 and in BARNETT, see Anga 8 (with transl.).
10 Panhāvāgaranam. The title means "questions and explanations" (comp Anga 6), but it is justified neither by the contents nor by the survey given Than. 506a. We have a loquacious and comparatively modern treatise in prose mixed with

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Vedhas about the 5 Great Sins and their consequences on the one hand (dāra 1-5) and the 5 Great Renunciations on the other (dāra 6-10). 5 ahamma- or anhaya-d. (pāna-vaha etc.) and 5 samvara-d. (ahimsa etc.) the latter are followed by five times five bhāvanāo, partly differing from those given in Cūlā 5 of the Ayära.
Comm.: Vrtti by Abhayadeva.-Ed.: C. 1877 and Bo. 1919.-Amulyachandra SEN, A critical introd. to the P. (Thesis), Hamburg 1936.
11. Vivagasuya. 2 suyakkhandha. Thân. 10 calls this Anga Kammavivāgadasão, thus indicating that there were 10 chapters relating to the consequences of Karman which, generally, are expected to be evil ones. It seems that the resp. chapters correspond almost precisely with those we have before us. Later there were other 10 chapters added in order to show the reward for meritorious doings. But, nearly as poor as in Nāyādh. 2, etc., we find but one story with 9 parallels.
1. Duhavivāgā. Mahāvīra tells Goyama about the previous existence of somebody miserable and briefly prophesies his future lives. We learn that 1. Miyaputta a cripple, had once been Ekkai, an unjust governor; 2. Ujjhiya, an evil-doer, has been Gottasa, who had slaughtered cows; 3. Vijaya, a brigand, had once been Ninnaya, who had bought and sold eggs; 4. a certain Sagada had lived as Channiya, who was a venison dealer and a cook; 5. Bahassaidatta, a purohita, had once been Mahesaradatta, a child murderer; 6. Prince Nandisena (in the beginning Nandivaddhana), the police-master Dujjohana; 7. Umbaradatta, now suffering from a severe illness, had once been Dhammantari, a cruel surgeon; 8. Soriyadatta, a fisherman who is suffering from an incurable disease, had once been Siri, a woman master-cook; 9. the tortured Devadattā, King Sihaseņa who burned his wives alive; 10. Amju, now dangerously ill, had once been the courtesan Puḍhavisiri. 2. Suhavivāgā. Prince Subāhu, a layman, had been hospitable towards the pious Sudatta when once he had been a certain Samuha. 2-10 are parallel to 1.
Comm.: Vrtti by Abhayadeva.-Ed. (along with the

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DOCTRINE. OI TIT JAINA! vrttı) ĀS 11, C 1877. S. scc Angi 8 -IKJMM 10, c. 1920-Ed with introd and notes by P. L VAISYA, Poole 1933, 2nded 1935.-1,1 (Miyaputta) sith trinsl. in BANARSI DAS JAIN, Ardh1-Magadhi Reader, Lahore 1923
The Uvongas $ 47 Uvangas 1-3. 1. Uranya (this, nol Ovas, is the truc old namc) Two parts not numb:reel of which the cocond gives the namc to the wholc Uvangi The first part cells ik elf Sinir. sarana and describes the preparations made for the approrchor Mahāvira and the scrmon he is going to deliverin the preeance of King Kūniya ncar thc torn of Comp? 'I hier extensile description in vedha mcirc appearing in'o-called inrraça 1175 provided thc modell for many canonical texes, including Ang.is 8 and 9 where thcy arc indicated merely by catchwords The second part dcals with rcincarnation (uratisc) and skation as the reward for certain actions and principles (the story of Ainbud! and Dadlaprinni), describes thic leale-sarrucchija ($ 89), the cntranccinto Ninina (an intcrpolation), the physical conditions ncccssary for it, and thc abode of the Siddhas All this, with a few cxccptions, is told as being a reply of M. hivirato a question of Goyamı. The Uvasiya, accordingly, is of a very composite naturc.
Comm . Vrttı by Abhayadeva.-Ed (along with the lifttı): As 12, C 1880 —Āg. S, Bo. 1916.-D.is Aunapiti). Sutra, l. Teil (thc only one published ). Von Ernst LEUMANN. Introd with extensive summary of contents, text and glossary. Leipzig 1883. Rev.. H JACOBI, Literatur-Blatt fd oricntal. Philologic, 2, 46-49 --Transl of a number of SS in Antagadi, see Anga 8
2. Rāyapasenaija The Sanskrit name of Rajapraśni seems to reflect the original title which may been that of Rāyapasinija, i.c. "the questions of the king" LEUMANN contents that the name of King Pascnai (Prasenajit) influenced the title,
1 Thc AUTHOR, Wortc, p 3 ff 2 Thus tradition wrongly has it instcad of aupapādiha

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for it is he who appears in the Buddhist version of the Paesi story which in this Jain text we have before us. Pasenai once possibly was a figure in that story. We find him Than. 280 a.
The god Sûriyābha pays homage to Mahavira who gives Goyama a description of his abode and his glory and then of his previous existence as King Paesi. Citta, his charioteer, brings him to Kesi, a disciple of Pārsva's, who in a discource persuades him to become a layman. He is poisoned by his wife, Queen Dhāriņi, who feels neglected by him, and he will be reborn as Dadhapainna (see Uvavāiya). The discourse mentioned concerns the existence of a soul different from the body Kesî denies this to be so, but Paesi affirms it and, moreover, says that the soul is invisible and invariably of the size of the body it dwells in.
THE
UVANGAS
Comm: Vrtti by Abhayadeva -Ed. (along with the Vrtti). AS 13, C. 1880, Ag. S, Bo 1925 -The Rayap. was treated exhaustively by LEUMANN, VIth OC III, 2, p. 490 ff.
3. Jivabhigama In the introduction and at the end the work calls itself Jivājīvābhigama, i.e. "Classification of Animate and Inanimate Objects", though it treats no more than the first category. The originators are said to have been the thera bhagavanto who obediently complied with what the Lord had meant and taught. This is not in harmony with the conventional form of question and reply as mostly found in the text. It has 2 times 9 paḍwattı “meanings” (8a, 463a) where in a non-polemic manner it is being said how some (ege) classify the beings from two-up to tenfold. In the Colophon there is no reference made to padwatti As to major and minor interpolations see below.
I. Beings in the Samsara are either immovable or movable (=2). II. female, male and neuter beings (3) III. Hellbeings (H), animals (A), human beings (M), and gods (G) the latter in 2 vemānija-uddesa (=4) IV Beings with one up to five senses (=5). V Earth-, water-, fire-, wind-beings, plants, and animals (6) VI. H (without sexual differences) and AMG both female and male (=7). VII HAMG in the first and the last moments of their existence as such (=8) VIII Beings with one sense (5) and those with two up to five senses (=4) IX. Beings with one up to five senses as in VII (10),-The following

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divisons are no longer confined to the Samsara, but include the Siddhas. I'. Beings in the Samsara and above it having organs of sense, body, activity (joga), etc. etc., and such having not (=2). II'. Beings capable of believing limited (parıtta), developed, fine, having the inner sense, capable of salvation, and movable, or either representing the opposite or being subjected to a third condition (=3). III'. Activity, sex. belief, self-control in beings (=4). IV'. HAMG plus Siddhas (=5), or the same five having and not having the 4 passions. V'. Beings having and not having the five senses or the five bodies (=6). VI'. Four elementary beings, plants, movable beings (=AHG) and Siddhas (=7), or beings having and not having the lesa (=6+1) VII' Beings in possession of the five kinds of right and the three kinds of wrong cognition (=8). Beings as in VI plus the Siddhas (=8). VIII'. A11, (A.) HAMG plus the Siddhas (=9). The same as in VII (9). IX'. Beings as in VIII plus the Siddhas (=10). Beings as in VII plus the Siddhas of the two kinds (=10).
Than. 126a, 205a says that, apart from the Canda-, Sura- and Jambuddivapannatti1 the Divasagarapannatti, too, had an independent existence. But we only know it as being an interpolation in the Jiv. where it begins right in the middle of the discussion concerning the star-gods in III (176a). It closes (373a) with the words diva-samuddā samattā, and we find no sections as is equally the case in Jív. and Jambudd. (§ 48). For the relation between the latter and the Divas. see below. As indicated by the title, the contents-in question and replyrefer to the ring-continents and oceans. But the description opens with the Jambuddiva. A summary of the Divas. is the Divasagarapannatti-samgahanī, 223 Gr, as we are informed by the Jainagranthāvalī p. 64, the latter counting it among the Painņa.3
1. For this sequence see LEUMANN, Ubersicht 21 b
2. Only the Comm has it Mandaroddesahāh samaptäh at the end of the chapter describing the Lavana ocean, 326 b
3 The Vihimaggappavā (WEBER, Verz II, 876) wrongly names the Painņa Divasagarapannatti,

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The Divas. are followed (373b-375b) by some small interpolations merely interconnected by the word of poggala applied in various meanings. After them the star-gods begin anew.
Comm.. sīkā by Malayagiri, but making no difference between Jiv. and Divas -Ed. (along with the Țikā). ĀS, Ahmedabad 1883.-Āg. S, Bo. 1919.
$48. Uvangas 4-7. 4. Pannavanā, frequently with the addition of bhagavai as found with several Angas. A systematic treatise in the common shape of question and reply, based upon the preparatory work of Ajja Sāma? as indicated by Gāhās 3 and 4 (out of 9 preceding the text). There we learn that Ajja Sāma was the 23rd dhira-purusa in the vāyaga-vamsa, and in Gāhā 5 we are told that the text applied for teaching is qualified as Ditthuvāya-nisanda. The subject-matter is divided among 36 payas.
1. Lifeless as well as living things with all their subsections can be the object of proclamation". 2 Thānā The places where beings reside. 3 Bahuvattavvaya. 27 dāra for indicating the relative number of the beings, i.e. place, kind and sex, onesensed up to five-sensed, one-sensed only (5), activity, sex, passsions, lesā, standpoint (10), cognition, creed, self-control, distinct spiritual function, taking in of matter (15), speech, individual body, development, fineness, power of reason (20), aptitude for salvation, fundamental facts, place as last or not last, number in the 3 worlds (25), binding and other qualities, number of poggala in the 3 worlds, total number of beings 4. Thii. Duration of life. 5 Visesa. Conditions (pajjava) of living and lifeless objects 6. Vakkantı Reincarnation (7 dāra). 7 Ūsāsa. Breathing. 8 Sannā. 10 directions of consciousness 9 Joni 4 times 3 kinds of places of origin 10. Carama. Objects as being relatively last and not last and their relative numbers. II Bhāsā. Speech. 12. Sarīra The 5 bodies as to their being inhabited either now or previously (baddhellaga or mukkellaga) 13 Parınāma. 10 kinds of changes in living and lifeless substances. 14 Kasāya. The 4 passions. 15. Indiya The senses, in 2 uddesa In the first udd. a few peculiarities 2 16. Paoga. 15 applications of inner sense, speech, and
I 2
Also Kalaka acc to tradition, comp $ 24, The AUTHOR Worte, p 13 footnote.

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DOCTRINE OF THE JAINAS body. 5 kinds of getting somewhere (gar-ppavāya, comp. § 38 footnote) along with their sub-scctions; the first of them is the the paoga-gai 17 Lessā, 6 udd. 18 Kāyattini. Remaining in the same shape of a body for more than onc lisc. 19. Sammatta. True, wrong and mixcd insight 20. Antakırıyä. How to reach the end of active being 21. Ogāhanāsamthāna. Sizc and shape of the 5 bodies 22 Kırıyā. 2 limes 5 hinds of activity. 23. Kammapagadi. The 8 kinds of Kamma, in 2 udd. 24. Kammabandha Binding of several Kamma spccics when some of them are being bound 25 Kammavcya. Sensation of several kinds of Kamma when being bound 26. Veyabandha. Binding (as in 24) when being felt 27 Veyavcya (as in 25) when bcing felt 28. Āhāra Attraction of matter. 29 Uvaoga. 2 kinds of spiritual function 30 Pāsanayā. 2 kinds of sccing 31 Sanni. The beings in possession of reason. 32. Samjaya. Self-control. 33. Ohi. Its 2 and 6 kinds. 34 Parıyāranā. Embodiment and sexuality (with the gods). 35. Vcyanā. 3 kinds of sensation, four more, three times three more, two times two more, 36 Samugghāya, The 7 kinds of explosive annihilation.
Comm · Tīkā by Malayagiri --Ed (along with the Țikā): ĀS, Ben 1884 -Ag.S., Bo. 1918-19.
5. Sūrapannattı The physics of the sky, though chicfly concerned with the activity and the cffects of the sun and the moon In the opening passages we have thc usual legendary introduction of Goyama's questions directed to Mahāvīra, but later on either personality disappears completely, and both ques. tion and reply are impersonal 1 The question invariably has tā kaham te .. White 'tı vadezgā with the word of tā invariably introducing a sentence This style is peculiar for the Sürap. With the Jiv. the Sūrap. shares the usage of ege in all chapters with the only exception of the main portion of the 10th. These ege following one after the other produce their padivaltı, but, finally, the true teaching is brought up against them all (vayam puna evam vayāmo), a method reminding us of the Kautaliya The Sūrap. has 20 pāhuda, each subdivided into pāhudapāhuda,- and
1. Saman'sāuno 846 ff is most exceptional

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in 10, 1 we have a vatthu, all this being equally reported of the Diţthivāya. The individual pāhuda bear no, names, but instead there are catchwords in the introductory slokas. The contents were rendered by WEBER, Ind. Stud. 10, 254f. (1868), THIBAUT JASB 40, 107 ff , comp. also his "Astronomie" in the Grundriss p. 208., 29.1 It may be mentioned that these descriptions are based not so much on the text itself but on Malayagiri's commentary.
1. The narrower and wider circles (mandala) formed by the 2 suns around Mount Meru according to the seasons. 8 p.pāh., of which the 4th 5th 6th, and 8th have 3 up to 8 padivatti. Possibly this pähuda is the Mandalappavesa in the list of angabāhira texts ($ 40). 2. The horizontal way of either sun through the quarters of the compass (8 pad.),their transition from one circle over to the next(2 pad.), the distance covered by one sun during 1 muhutta (4 pad ). 3 The range illuminated by both sun and moon (12 pad.). 4 The figure (samthii) formed by the bright light (seyā) of both suns and moons above the earth and upon it (12 pad. each, of which the first is accepted). 5. The atoms of the Mandara (sic) are impervious (padihanantı) to the light of the sun (20 pad. exclusively due to the 20 names of the Mandara). 6. The time in which the power of the sun's rays remains constant (25 pad. according to the resp time measured). 7=5, only varayantı instead of padıhanantı (20 pad ). 8 The course of the sun in relation to day, night and other earthly time measures (udaya-samthii) (3 pad.). 9 How the earth-temperature is effected by the sun (3 pad.). The length of the shadow (porwicchāyā) depends on the hight and the light of the sun (25,2, and 96 pad , the latter on the ground of opinions that the shadow has the length of 1, 2 up to 96 porisī. The truth is that in the first and the last moment of the day it measures 59 por. and a fraction). The shadow has 25 names according to shape
1. To be exact we will not pass over SHAMA SHASTRY QJMythic Soc 15, 138-147; 16, 201-212 under the misleading title of "A brief Tranglation. . ".
2 The introductory question is missing Instead we find the one leading up to the next subject.

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DOCTRINE OF THE JAINAS and angle. Possibly this 9th pahuda is the Porisimandala listed among the anga-bāhira tcxts.
In the 10th pāhuda and in most of thc following it is no longer the sun but the moon and the stars that are dominant. Wc, therefore, venture to assume that it was here where the Candapannattı, the so-called 7th Uvanga, camc in. All we know of it from manuscripts apart from differences in spelling is identical with the Sūra pannattı.1 Pāh 10 has 22 p-pāhuda. They contain the list (āvalıyā) of the 28 nakşatras (5 pad ) according to its begining and end, the duration of their conjunction (joga) with the moon; the portions (bhāga) of day or night when thc conjunction starts; the moment when it starts;(5.) the narrower or wider relationship (kula, uvakula, hulóvakula)of the naksatras with the months; the days of full and new moon in their relation to the kula, ctc.; the shape (sam thuı) of every individual naksatra, the number of their stars (tār'agga), (10). the naksatras as guides (nelā)of the months and as the measures of the shadow casted in them by the sun; the position of the naksatras to the course of the moon (canda-magga) and the orbit of the moon during 15 days (c. mandala); void of n. or not, the gods of the naksatras (Bambhadevayā, Vinhu-d.,etc.), the names of the 30 muhulla, the names of the 15 days and nights of a half-month; (15.) the 5 names recurring three times, of the 15 tithis and their nights, the gotras, of the n. (Moggallāyāna, Sankhājana, etc.); thc food conducive to trade affairs under a certain n.; the frequency of a conjunction of a n. with moon and son (canda-cara and arcca-c.) in the course of the 5 years' Yuga, the names of the 12 months; (20 ) the 5 kinds of years and their sub-species; the gates of thc naksatras (309sassa dārā), 7 of each opening into a cardinal direction (5 pad ); and, finally (nakkhatta-vijaya) the duplicity of sun, moon, and n , their junction with the 62 full moon-and new moon-days in one Yuga, the coincidence of the movements of the 2 moons, 2 suns, etc in The beginning of each of the 5 years of a Yuga. 12. The 5 kinds of years forming the sub-species of one of the 5
1 Malayagini's quotation from the Candap Sthān 415a=Sūrap. 173b 2 Comp JACOBI ZDMG 74, 258

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years treated in 10, 20; the 6 seasons, the amaratta and 6 airatta, 1.e. missing and surplus days; the 5 solstices in a Yuga in their relation to naksatra and moon, the tenfold joga, 13. Both the waxing and the waning of the moon, full and new moon, the circles formed by her movement. 54. The bright and dark halves of the month (dosinā-pakkha and andhakāra-p.). 15. The velocity of moon, sun, planets, naksatras, stars, both relative and absolute. Circles formed by moon and sun both during 1 day and 1 month. 16. canda-lessã and dosinā, sūra-l. and āyapa, andhakāra and chāyā are homonymous pairs. 17. For the change of existence (cayanôvadāya) of the gods embodied in moons and suns there is no fixed time (25 pad. as in pāh.6), but each of these gods is bound to live his or her time as destined by his or her Karman. 18. The altitude of the stars' above the earth (§ 126) (25 pad ,) though this altitude does not concern the moral level of their resp. gods. Their attendance and the latter's distance from the Mandara. The innermost, outermost, topmost and lowest naksatra relative to the Jambuddīva (Abhiī, Mūla, Sãi, Bharani): The shape, the size, and the tractive power (vimāna) of the stargods. The velocity of the stars (as in 15), their power (iddhi), their mutual distance, their princely life, their duration, their relative number. 19. The number (12 pad.) of the stars above the human world, with 40 Gāhās mentioning Rāhu as the originator of the moon's waxing and waning, their normal course, their shape, the vacancy of a seat. The fixed stars beyond the human world. The remote ring-continents and -oceans, and the stars above them. 20. Moons and suns are powerful gods (2 pad.), and so is Rāhu (2 pad.); his 15 names, his vimāņa, his doings, his twin character as dhuva-R and pavoa-k. The names of sasi and āicca of moon and sun, their princely life. The 88 mahaggaha.
Comm.: Ţikā by Malayagiri.--Ed. (along with the Tīkā),: Āg. S., Bo. 1919.-J. F. KOHL, Die Süryaprajñapti. Versuch einer Textgeschichte. Stuttgart 1937. Rev. by the AUTHOR, OLZ 1938, col. 562f..
6. Jambuddivapannattı. A description of the Jambuddiva,
1.
This includes both the moon and the sun.

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DOCTRINE O THE JAINAS the centre of the physical universe In the Divaságarap. ($ 47) we have portions describing the Jambuddiva in the same words, and KIRFEL(ZII 3, 50f) was right in inferring that once both texts formed a whole and that, when they were disjoined, the position of the Jambudd. were repeated in the Divas. for the purpose of acting as a fundament and a starting-point. The usual costume of question and reply was dropped altogether in the continuous portions; as in the Jiv, there are no sections, but the comm has 7 vaksaskāra, an expression occurring in the cosmography (§ 115) only.
1. The Jambuddiva in general, its enclosure with the gates therein. The continent of Bharaha. II. The division of time in Bharaha, the conditions of life in its different epochs susamasusamā, etc. ($ 120). The life of the 1st Titthagara Usabha during the susama-dūsamă, etc. mostly in correspondence with Jinac. 204-228 The solemn cremation of his corpse III. Here a Bharahacakkıcarzya is inserted with the intention of showing how King Bharaha came to rule over the world thus giving the Bharaha vāsa its name 1 IV. The remaining continents of the Jambuddiva and the “benches” separating them. V. How the gods honour a new-born future Titthagara by solemn ceremonies ($ 15) VI A brief statistic survey of the geographical details of Jambuddiva (Eravaya here stands for Erāv.), continued at the end of the work,and here followed by VII,an astronomical section. In its contents (though not in its style) it frequently corresponds with the Sûrap , especially so with Sūrap. 18, 19. and parts of 10. New subjects dealt with are. visibility, presence and temperature of the suns (458b=Vıy. 392a), circles of the naksatras (474a), sun and moon with ref. to Viy. 5, 1 and 10 (480a), the karana, the beginnings of the year, the half-year, the months, etc., the mutual distance of the stars (531 b). The statistic survey now proceeds in giving dates regarding the Tıtthagaras, the Emperors etc and their state-jewels in Jambuddiva, as well as the latter's dimensions, eternity, duration, contents, and names. Ending up in the legendary frame with which I had been opened.
1. Comp the AUTHOR, GGA 1931, p. 293-298

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105 Comm.: Tīkā by śānticandra.-Ed. (along with the Țikā): DLJP 52. 54. Bo. 1920.
7. Candapannattı. This work is contained in all lists of the Siddhānta and in the older ones (e.g. Thān. 126a) it marches at the head of the three pannatti, comp. LEUMANN, Übersicht p. 26 b ff. But we have reason to assume that it is embodied in the Sūrapannatti, s. a.
549. Uvanga 8-12 form 1 suyakkhandha called after the first of its 5 vagga There are relations of these texts to Angas 6 and 8, comp. the AUTHOR, Worte p. 7ff. where it is being suge gested that it was they that first had been called Uvangas.
Comm.: Vivarana by Candra Sūri (Sricandra).--Ed (along with the Vivarana). ĀS 19-23, Ben. 1885,-Āg. S., Bo. 1922 Ed. Dānavijaya, Ahm. 1922.-With Introd., Gloss., Notes and Appendices by P. L. VAIDYA Poona 1932.
8. Nirayāvaliyão. 10 ugghayana. 1. Kāli, a wife of King Seniya residing at Rāyagiha, is informed by Mahāvīra that her son Kāla who with his stepbrother Kūniya went to war, will fall in the battle and be reborn in one of the hells. Asked by Goyama, Mahāvīra tells him how this war came to pass. Cellanā, Senıya's first wife, had felt a dohada to eat flesh of her husband, a dohada which apparently was satisfied by a trick of her stepbrother Abhaya. She now fears evil consequences for the dynasty from the part of her child and wishes to remove it, but she does not succeed in doing so. Indeed Kūniya, scarcely having grown up, puts his father into prison. Cellanā, however, makes him understand that when she had exposed him it had been Seniya who had saved him, whereupon Kūniya hurries to release his father. Tragically enough, Seniya, in the wrong belief that his son comes to execute him, commits suicide. Now Kūniya, as a king, resides at Campā. Soon after he comes to quarrel with Vehalla, his genuine brother, about some precious objects in Vehalla's possession. V. seeks refuge with his grandfather Cedaga, king of Vesālī, who refuses to surrender him to his pursuer, and Kūniya in company with his ten stepbrothers, including Kāla, starts war.--2-10. The same story with reference to Kāla's nine brothers Sukāla. etc.

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DOCTRINE OF THE JAINAS Separate edition: Nirayāvaliyāsuttam, een upãñga der Jaina's. Met inleid., aanteek., en glossaar. Van Dr. S. WARREN. Amsterdam 1879. Rev. by JACOBI ZDMG 34, 178 ff.
9. Kappavadımsiyão. 10 ajjhayana. 1. Pauma, son of Kāla (s a.) and Paumāvai, becomes a monk (as did Mahabbala, Viy. 11, 11, 1) against his parents' resistance. He is reborn in the Sohamma kappa (hence the title) and will attain moksa later --2-10 have the same story with reference to the sons of Käla's nine brothers, Sukāla, etc.
10. Pupphiyão. 10 ajjhayana. The title derives from story 3. 1. The god Canda goes to pay homage to Mahāvira (as does Suriyābha, comp Rayap.) who when being asked by Goyama gives an account of his pre-existence as a certain Angai of Sāvatthi. He is converted by Pasa and dies from fasting, is reborn as a god and will find salvation in the near future. 2 and 5-10 are parallels, but in the latter group the converters are the therā bhagavanto. As to their frame, 3 and 4 also are parallels, but the corresponding pre-existences are dealt with in greater detail. 3. The Brahman Somila of Vânārasi consults Päsa (reference to Somila's questions directed to Mahāvīra Viy. 758a) but does not become converted. He plants trees and decorates the groves with flowers (hence the title of the whole), honours Brahman ascetics and practises asceticism himself. He is finally convinced by a god that the Brahman method is wrong since, after all, he has consulted Pása. Somila thereupon allows himself to be converted. 4 Subhadda, a sterile housewife, on consulting some nuns becomes a lay woman and then a nun herself. As such a one she makes it her hobby to nurse children and to adorn them for their festivities. Though reprimanded for doing so she does not listen and returns home, though still remaining a nun. In her present existence she is a goddess Bahuputtiyā, and in her next life she will be? Somā, the daughter of a Brahman. In the course of 16 years Somā will give birth to 32 children, then she will become a lay woman and a nun; after that she will be reborn to live among gods, and finally she will attain salvation.
1. The text has the past tease.

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11. Pupphaculão. 10 ajjhayana. 1. The goddess Siri going on a pilgrimage in order to pay homage to Mahāvīra had been Bhuya converted by Pasa in her pre-existence. One day she is reprimanded by her lady superior for having thoroughly washed her body, but yet she repeats doing so. That lady is called Pupphaculão ajjão (comp. Nãy. II 1). The duration of Bhūya's existence and her moksa are consonant with 2-10 except the name of the goddess.
12. Vanhidasão. Not "ten" ajjhayana, but 12. 1. Prince Nisaḍha, son of King Baladeva and his wife Revai of Baravaî, was converted to laymanship by Aritthanemi. When being asked by Varadatta, one of A.'s disciples for the reason of N.'s bodily perfection, Aritthanemi gives an account of N.'s preexistence as Prince Virangaya who was converted by a master called Siddhantā nāmam āyarıyā. N. later becomes a member of the order; after his death he will be reborn as a god, and, finally, he will gain salvation. 2-12 are of the same tenor, but the princes are called differently. They all belong to the same dynasty of the (Andhaka-) Vrsni (comp. Nandi 418f.), whence the title of the text.
THE
PAINNAS
The Painņas
§50. The number of the Painnas varies, but, as mentioned in § 40, we find a central group or core. It consists of 10 of them. Since these have no standard order we are justified to deal with them in an order suitable to their contents. There will be added a few works that surround the centre group in a wider circle. Editions: Dasapayannā mūla sūtra. Ben. 1886, containing: Tand, Dev., Ganiv., Caus., Samth., Aurapacc., Bhattap., Mahāpacc., Cand, Maraṇavibhatti.-Payannā samgrah. Bhāg 1. Ahm. s. 1962, containing: Bhattap., Caus., Mahāpacc., Aurapacc., Ārādhanāprakarana by Somasuri, Atmabhāvanā (Guj.) by Buddhisāgara, Paramānandapacīsī (25 Skt.-ś1.).— Śri Caus., Aurapacc., Bhaktaparijnā, Samthāraga. Car payannāno samgrah. Bh. s. 1966.--Catuhŝaran'ādi-Maranasamādhyantam prakīrnaka-daśakam. (Āg. S.) Bo. s. 1983, containing: Caus., Aurapacc., Mahāpacc., Bhattap., Tand., Samth.,

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DOCTRINE OF THE JAINAS Gacchāyāra, Ganiv., Dev., Maranasamāhi.-Caus, and Āurap. along with other texts, Ahm. s. 1957.- Vividh Payannāvacūri, Jām. 1912.
Five out of the ten disciplinary Painnas mentioned above have been dealt with by VON KAMPTZ. They are partly interrelated with each other and their context has suffered from misconceptions. Here we restrict ourselves to but a few remarks regarding the essential contents.
Causarana “The Recourse to the Four”, i.e. to the Arhats, the Siddhas, the Sadhus, and the Dharma, 63 G. Comm.: Bhuvanatunga Sūri. Avacūri on the Caus. and the subsequent texts by Gunaratna.
Bhattaparinnā. The ritual for the "Renunciation of Food”. 172 G.
Samthāra. "The Death Bed”. Preparations, ritual, legends. 123 G. Comm.: Bhuvanatunga.
Aurapaccakkhāna. "The Renunciation of the Sick” as to all that is evil, his preparation for death. 70 G, along with a formula of confession containing a list of 63 objects.
Mahāpaccakkhāna. "The Greater Renunciation" 141 G. instead of 70. Here we add the Maranasamâhı or Maranavibhatti, 660 G., with three more in the ed quoted above. In them the anonymous author appears to confess having used "the Maranavisohi, the Samlehanāsuya, the Bhattap., the Āurapacc., the Mahāpacc, and the Ārāhanāpainna”. The first as well as the second of these texts belong to the anga-bāhira.
Candavejjhaya "Hitting the Mark” (candraka-vedhyaka= vedhya-candraka, Cand 127 ff.; Āurapacc. 54; Samth. 122 candaga-vijjha) On monastic discipline, the virtues (guna) of a teacher and of a pupil in education (nrggaha) through discipline, knowledge, practice, and in dying. 171 G., the first of which, since it refers to the Tand., most certainly is out of place here.
Ganwijā. “A Ganin's Knowledge” as to the dates either propitious or not for anything planned in monastic life. 9 dāra: natural days, tithis, naksatras, karanas, days of the planets,
1 Über die vom Sterbefasten handelnden älteren Painşa des Jaina-Ka
(Thesis) Hamburg 1929
mons

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THE CHEY A SUTTAS muhūrtas, bird-omina, constellations, more omina. 82 v., sl. and G. at equal parts.
Tandulaveyālıya, so called after a calculation (vicāra) as to how many grains of rice (tandula) a normal individual would consume in the course of 100 (years) times 360 (days) times 30 (hours) times: 3773 (breaths). (They would fill 22 1/2 vaha.). A jumble of prose, G. and śl. of varying origin. Embryology, the human stages of life, the duration of life in remote times (including a description as to the bodies of Arhats, Cakravartins, etc.) and nowadays when the maximum age comes upto not more than 100 years (s. a.). Measures of capacity and of time. The parts of the body, the quantity of fluids contained by a human being, the body as an impure mass. A contemptuous description of the mothers, mostly laid down in comparisons and etymologies.
Ed. s.a. The text along with Vijayavimala's Vrtti and the Caus. DLJP 59, Bo. 1922.---The text with transl. in Guj. by HIRĀLĀL Hamsraj. Jāmnagar without year.
Devindatthaya. A layman commencing to praise (thaya) Vardhamāna (Mahāvīra) is interrupted by his wife the moment he mentions the devinda, the woman asking him to explain the meaning of the word to her. By way of personal information he systematically treats the 20+16+12 Bhavanavāsī, Vānamantara, Joisiya, and Vemānīya kings as to their seats, duration of their lives and faculties, moreover reporting on the Vemānıyas also as to their size, sexuality, etc. 302 G.
Viratthaya. A stotra of Mahāvīra whose various names are listed in 43 G.
As to the Titthogāli and the Ārāhanāpaļāgā which occasionally appear among the Painnas the AUTHOR has come to know them through manuscripts as abstracts of the entire teaching (1233 G. and 930 G.).
The Cheyasuttas $51. Ayāradasão, abbreviated to Dasão, Skt. Daśāśrutaskandha. 10 dasā (Thān. 506a) 1. 20 precipitancies of temper (asamāhi-tthāna). 2. 21 offences against the vows (sabala). 3. 33 cases of disrespect (āsāyanā) on the part of the pupıl. 1.8

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DOCTRINE OF THE JAINAS requisite qualities of a Gana-leader (ganı-sampayā) and two times four modes as how to gain self-control on the part of a younger. 5. Transcendent cognition is gained by right conduct (citta-samāhe), 10 cases. 6. 11 stages of laymanship (uvāsayapadımā). 7. 12 stages of monkhood (bhikkhu-p.). These 7 dasā are ascribed to the therā bhagavanlo and together with Utt.16 and Dasav.9, 4 they constitute the remains of a code of discipline arranged in the fashion of both Angas 3 and 4.1 It is only in 6 that we are surprised to come across an exposition of the kiriyāand akırıyā-vāi which is quite out of place here. Prose with the exception of 17 sl. appended to 5. The remaining dasā differ completely from the previous ones as well as among themselves
8. This dasā ends up in the Pajjosavanäkappa (thc Sāmāyārī)offering prescriptions for monastic life during the rainy season ($146). In joint connexion with the two texts preceding this code of duties (presently going to be mentioned) this d. forms the so-called Kalpasūtra. The first part is the Jinacariya, a lengthy account of Mahāvira's birth and life rendered in many Vedhas owing to which the text has come to serve as a model as does the Samosarana (8 47). At the very end a date, see § 39. Then there follow the biographies of the preceding 23 Jinas, but in a much shorter and stereotype way. The second part is the Theravali, a list of the immediate disciples of Mahāvīra's and of the patriarchs following them, of affiliations and schools In many cases the names appear in Gāhās, and we equally find them in the concluding part At the end of this chronology we have Devarddhi ( 39) from which we infer that those lists were started in his time or else soon after. Thus in the Kalpasūtra there are rather disparate portions probably due to the fact that it was intended to prove that both teaching and custom went back to very remote days 2 From traditionwe understand that the K was recited before a King Dhruvasena in order to comfort him for the loss of his son 9 39 moha-tthāna to show that illusion (moha) results in evil deeds 39 śl. which in a legendary 1 The AUTHOR, Worte p 9 ff.
The AUTHOR, Worte p 12 ff 3 JACOBI's ed p 114 ff ; SBE 22, 270
2
The

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111 introduction are attributed to Mahāvīra. 10. Āyaitthāna. The splendid show presented by King Seniya and his Queen Cellanā and their retinue arouse a niyāņa in the hearts of monks and nuns. Mahāvira defeats it by means of 9 analogous examples given as to such ambitions for the future life (@pār) which will have detrimental consequences. Only he who abstains from all desires is certain to reach the end of existence.
Comm. on the Dasão. Nijjutti, Cunni (printed), Tikā by Brahma Muni.- Ed: Daśāśrutaskandhasūtram, Lāhaur 1936. Dasā 8 frequently was commented independently and separately printed. For the 1st ed. by STEVENSON see $1. The Kalpasûtra of Bhadrabāhu ed. with an introd., notes and a glossary by Hermann JACOBI (AKM 7, 1), Leipzig 1879. On p. 25 a survey of the many comm. from the Pajjosavaņānijjuttı onwards. To them we have to add Vinayavijaya's Subodhīkā, DLJP 7 and 61, Bo. 1911 and 1923, and ĀGRM 31, Bh.1915.The text along with Dharmasāgara's Kiranävali ĀGRM 71, s. 1922. The text alongwith the Kālikācāryakathā DLJP 18,B0.1914.
The text, illustrated. Sri-Kalpasūtram Bārasāsūtram sacitram. DLJP 82, Bo.1933.-Transl.. JACOBI in SBE 22, Oxford 1884.
Kappa. 6 uddesa. Rules for the lives of monks and nuns. For the composition see the next work. Often styled Brhatkalpa in distinction from the Kalpasūtra mentioned above.
Comm.: Bhāsa by Samghadāsa; Cunni by Pralambasūri (both in 3 recensions); sīkā by Malayagiri, completed by Ksemakīrti -Ed. Das Kalpasūtra, die alte Sammlung jinistischer Monchsvorschriften. Einl., Text, Anm., Übers, Glossar von Walther SCHUBRING. Kappasuttam (this text in Nāgarī retranscription by Jivraj Ghellabhai DOSHI). (The Sacred Books of the Jains 4.) Ahm. 1911 Kalpa-Vyavahāra-Nisīthasūtrāni (retranscription of SCHUBRING's editions). (JainaSāhitya-Samsodhaka-GM) Poona 1923.-Brhatkalpasūtram (along with Nijjutti, Bhāsa and Vrtti). Vibh. 1-6, Bh. 1933-42. -Transl. into English of the German transl. mentioned by May S BURGESS IA 39, 257 ff
Vavahāra. 10 uddesa. Contents as in Kappa. Both K. and Vav have flowed together from different sources. In the

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DOCTRINE OF THE JAINAS AUTHOR's opinion the original K. contained a collection of what was permitted and proper for monks and nuns (niggantha and-thi) and what was not, while the original Vav. was the more differentiated codification of both order of rank and subordination and of the proceedings (vavahāra) taken against bhikkhu and bhikkhunī acting contrary to prescripts. Whence it follows that the Vav, rests on the Kappa
Comm.: Bhāsa, Cunni, Tikā (Vivarana) by Malayagiri - Ed Vavahāra-and Nisiha-Sutta, by Walther SCHUBRING; Leipzig 1918 Nāgarī retranscription along with Guj, transl, by Jivraj Ghellabhai DOSHI. (The Sacred Books of the Jains.) Ahm. 1925-Vyavahārasūtram (with Nijjuttı, Bhāsa and Vivarana) 1-10 Bh 1926
Nisiha. 20 uddesa. This title appears to be a mixture of nischa (interdiction) and nisihiyā (place of study). Udd. 1-19 offer lists of transgressions and their sanctions reaching from 1 to 4 months in which case the punishment either becomes effcctive immediately and without reduction (anugghārya) or else may be suspended or reduced (ugghārya). Thus the text has two different subjects. A third one refers to additional punishment (arovanā) when previous transgressions have been concealed or new ones were committed This is treated in the 20th udd (20, 1-20= Vav 1, 1-20). It is this udd. that must be meant when Thān. 325a speaks of the fivefold, and Samay. 47b of the 28fold, Āyārapagappa (though in the latter we have but a few terms not contained in Nis 20) Abhayadeva, it is true, takes thc Āy, as being the whole Nis , just as does Malayagırı in his comm. on Vav 3, 3 and 10,16 f Āv nijj 16, category 28, gets this number by including the threefold Nis. in the Āyārapagappa=Āyāranga. About the Nis once having been an appendix (5th cūlā) to the Ayāra ($ 45), as state still reflected in the Āyāranijjutti, see LEUMANN, Übersicht p 22a.
Comm · Bhāsa; Cunni; Visesa-Nisihacunni by Jinadāsa, ed by Vijayaprema Sūri. Vol 1-4 Agra 195f-60.-Ed. See Vavahāra.
$52. Mahānısīha. This "greater Nisiha” is very closely linked with the original one in that part of its 7th section, the

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Pacchittasutta, which quotes punishments for various transgressions. This is intended to serve as a legitimation for a pretended old date of the Mahānisīha, and there are some more attempts to this purpose. But the language is degenerated and the tradition defective, as was already seen by the copyist of the archetype.
1. Salluddharana. Confession and contrition, 222 sl. except an introduction in prose. 2. Kammavivāgavivarana, 209 śl, a large centrepiece in prose. The consequences of evil deeds, chastity, sexuality, and moral refexions 3. Prose and Gāhās. 200 species of a kusila, ritual and importance of the panca-mangala and other formulae; the cult of the Arhats. 4. The story of Sumai and Nāilal and the way they behaved towards some kusila, with characteristic details. 5 Navanīyasāra. G. and śl. Concerns the Gaccha and the teacher, with kathās of Vaira and Kuvalayappabha 6 Gīyatthavihāra. 415 śl. The arbitrary dealings of Nandisena, the same of Āsada; confession and atonement, the inaccurate confession of Meghamālā; the intercourse with trained and untrained monks (gły'attha and agły ) The stories of Isara, Rajjā, Lakkhanadevī-Khandotthā. The devotion to the life of a monk or a nun must be unconditional There follow two alleged appendices (cūliyā) 7 Prose, G and śl. About atonement, the pacchetta-sutta (s. a), sundry matters. 8 The story of Sujjhasırī and Susadha The advantages of full confession
W SCHUBRING, Das Mahānisīha-Sutta, Berlin 1918.F.-R. HAMMand W. SCHUBRING, Studien zum Mahānisīha, Kap 6-8 Hamburg 1951. À DELEU and W.SCH , the same ch 1–5 Jn prep DELEU—Mahānis 4 5?) in Sumatı Nāgıl caritra tathā samjatāsamjat ane gaccha-kugacchano adhikār. Ahm. s. 1933 --Susadhacaritra. app. to ASRM 67 (1918).
There is a close connexion between the Mahānis and the GACCHĀYĀRA since the latter has borrowed nearly one third of its whole from the former, comp the AUTHOR, Mahānis. p 50f. 137 (138) śl. and G Description of the qualities requisite for both a teacher and his Gaccha. Occasionally the G is listed
For Nāıla and his late successors see LEUMANN Übersicht, p. 28 b

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DOCTRINE OF THE JAIN AS
among the Painnas, see § 50.-Ed: Gacchācāra-prakirnaka along with the Vrtti by Vanara Rs1. Ag S Bo 1913.
Pancakappa The contents can be gathered only from the P. cunni ms. The text originally composed in Gāhās (of which we can see the Pratikas) refers to the system of monkhood by 5 methods according as the kappa is understood to be 6-, 7-, 10-, 20-, and 40-fold. The Pancakappabhāsa (by Samghadāsa ?) apparently is of an age younger than that of the Cunni.
Jiyakappa. 103 G. dealing with the 10 kinds of punishment and composed by Jinabhadra whose great fame is likely to have caused the Jiy. to be incorporated in the Cheyasuttas if it is not meant simply to fill the gap caused by the loss of the Pancakappa. Comm Cunni by Siddhasena Ganin; Bhāsa (of later origin, see JINAVIJAYA p. 17 f), Cunni-visama-pada-vyākhyā by Śricandra Sūri.-Ed Jinabhadra's Jitakalpa (with extracts from Siddhasena's Cürni) by Ernst LEUMANN, SPAW 1892, Śrī-Jinabhadra-Ganı-Ksamāśramana-viracıtam Jitakalpa-sūtram (along with the complete Cunni and Śricandra's Vyakhyä), ed Muni JINAVIJAYA Jaina-Sahitya-Samśodhaka-GM. 7. Ahm s. 1983.
p
1195-1210
Nandi and Anuogadārā.
§53. These two texts have no common title as might be expected owing to both being works concerning propaedeutics and both preceding the important group of the Mulasuttas (see below).
·
Nandi. The unknown author frequently looks beyond the bars of Jain dogmatics Hence it is likely that the title was taken from the introductory verses of the Brahman drama ( §46). The contents are cognition (nāna), its means and sources (including a survey of the canonical texts 262a); 23 namaskāra-G; G. 24-50 a list of the patriarchs from Suhamma up to Dusagani, 2 fragments 13 kinds of good and bad pupils indicated by catchwords in one G, and 3 kinds of an audience in 3 G At the end of the N we find an uncommented appendix referring to anunna or the permission to speak, of which there are 6 kinds with altogether 20 names, and, finally, to knowledge by tradition (suya).

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115 No other cognition can be object of teaching. All these items are answers to Goyama's questions.
Comm : Cunni by Jinadāsa (printed); Tīkā by Malayagiri.—Ed (along with the Tikā) ĀS 45, C 1880---Āg. S. 45, Bo. 1924.-JNĀNASUNDARA, Surat V 2447, (no Tīkā). An Alphabetical Index of the aphorisms etc. occurring in (Nandi, Anuog , Āv, Ogh , Dasav , Pınd. and Utt.) along with detailed lists of subjects treated in these seven Āgamas ĀGS 55, Surat 1928.
Anuogadārā(im). Investigations (anuoga) into the range of knowledge in general and of Jain dogmatics in particular, starting from four different points of entrance (dāra). Suya as the object of teaching (closely related to the appendix of the Nandi). This leads on to the āvassaya-suyakkhandha. The author's purpose to describe all six of the āvassayas (§ 151) has, however, been materialized only in the first one, the sāmāya Its 4 anuoga-dārā (in which the sāmāya plays no role whatever) are approach from without (uvakkama, 85b), forming a scheme (nikkheva, 250a), penetration (anugama, 268a), the modes of expression (naya, 264a).
Gomm . Cunni by Jinadāsa (printed); Vrtti by Hemacandra Maladhārın --Ed (along with the Vrtti). AS 44, C. 1880 -DLJP 31 37, Bo -Āg S, Bo 1924 -Ātmārām Panjābī, Ajmer 1917 (with Hindi transl )Jinadatta Sūri-PrācīnaPustakoddhāra Fund, 21, Surat 1921.
The Mülasuttas $54. Uttarazjhāyā (Uttarajghayanāim). 36 ajghayana. In Jinac 147 we are told about 36 aputtha-vāgaranāım, explanations given by Mahāvīra without being asked (by Goyama, etc ) to do so. Some old authors who took them for our Utt, explaining uttarajghāyā as “last chapters" taught by the Master, were subjected to an anachronism It rather seems that the work got its name from a group of apparently younger chapters "following" (uttara) the old ones For, on the whole, the Utt. are an ancient chrestomathy intended for the members of the Order IL might be characterized as a mixed variety of catechisms, parables,

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DOCTRINE OF THE JAINAS systems composed in Triştubh, sloka and, occassionally, in other old metres, among which the archaic form of the Arya (in chapter 8, see § 45) has to be mentioned : there is some prose, too. The Subhikkhu chapter Utt. 15 has a parallel of the same name in Dasav. 10. Dogmatics and duties are exposed in the following chapters: 2 Parīsahā. 22 kinds of temptations. 16. Bambhacerasamāhitthānā, the 10 instructions of chastity (comp. Dasāo) 24 Samiño The 5 samiz and the 3 gutti (§ 173). 26 Sāmāyāri. 10 cases of right conduct Daily duties. 30. Tavamagga. 6 outward and 6 inward austerities. 33. Kammapayadi. The nature of Karman, its 8 kinds, etc. 34. Lesão. The 6 lesā. 36 Jivājīvavibhatti. The system of both the animate and inanimate world.--31. Caranavihi, 21 śl, may be the text referred to in the anga-bāhıra list.
Comm.; Nijjuttı, Cunni (printed); Tikās by Sāntisūrı (Sisyahitā), Devendra, Laksmivallabha; for others see CHARPENTIER (s. b ) p. 59 f.--Ed.: ĀS 42 (Lakşmiv.), C 1880 - DLJP 33. 36.41 (Santisūri), Bo. 1916-17.-JAYANTAVIJAYA (along with comm. by Kamalasamyama), 1-3, Bo. 1923-27 — The Uttaradhyayanasūtra ed......with an introd ,crit. notes and a comm by Jarl CHARPENTIER. Uppsala 1922. Rev. by the AUTHOR OLZ 1924, 484 f --Bikaner 1923.–Lāhaur 1936 --ĀGRM 32 (no year).-Utt 1-9 in Jainapāthamālā, 4. avrttı, Ahm. 1921.-Utt. I with Guj transl in Jainajnānaprakāśa, P. 1, Ahm. 1898 --Trans! JACOBI in SBE 45, Oxford 1895 ~ For Utt. 12 (Hariesijja )and 14 (Usuyārijja)see CHARPENTIER ZDMG 62 f; for 13 (Citta-Sambhūija) see LEUMANN WZKM5f, ALSDORF, Belvalkar Felicitation Vol.
Dasaveyālıya. According to tradition a compilation of the most important topics arranged by Sayyambhava (§ 22) for his son Manaka This selection considers the practice of the monk's life even more decidedly than is done in Utt. The title means “10 (lectures) beyond (the prescribed study hours)” 2 cūliyā at the end bring the number of ajghayana up to 12. SI,
I The AUTHOR in Studia Indologica (Festschrift Kifel) 1955, P. 280 For the title of Dasakālıya see GHATAGE JBORS 1953, P 432-439, For the chronology of Dasay and Ayāra II THE SAME NIA I (1938), p 130-131.

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119
Tristubh, and prose. 4. Chajjīvaniyā. The 6 forms of living beings and their non-violation. The 5 vows and the abstention from eating at night. All chapters of even numbers (incl. the present 4th) deal with monastic life in general, while those of odd numbers do so in particular. 5. Pindesanā. 2 udd. Pure and impure alms. The correct way of collecting alms. 7. Vakkasuddhi. The allowed and forbidden kinds of speach. 9. The devotion to right conduct is four-fold (comp. Dasão). 11. Raivakka. 18 consolations for a monk in case of temptation.
Ed.: Daśava kalika-sūtra and-niryukti, nach dem Erzählungsgehalt untersucht und hrsg. von Ernst LEUMANN. ZDMG 46 (1892), 581-662. Comp. the AUTHOR in the article quoted in the preceding footnote. Retranscription into Nāgari by Jivtāj. Gh DOSHI, Ahm. 1912, printed in: Dasaveyālıya Sutta. . . transl. with introd. and notes by Walther SCHUBRING, Ahm. 1932.--Ed. along with the Nijutti and Haribhadra's Sisyabodhini DLJP 47, Bo. 1918.-With the comm. of Samayasundara, Jinayaśah Sūriji-GRM 1,Cambay 1919.--Dasav. 1-9 in. Jainapāthamālā, 4. āvr., Ahm. 1921. Many more complete prints were published in India. Jinadāsa's Cunni was printed Indaur 1933.-M. V. PATWARDHAN, The Das. sūtra: a study (with special references to chapters I-VI. VIIXII). Sanglı 1933-36.-L. ALSDORF, dāntam āpātum, Ind. Linguistics 16, p. 21-28 (concerning Dasav. 2, 7. 8).
$55. Avassayanyjuttr. A Gāhā work taking its name from the 6 āvassaya, i.e. the formulae to be recited daily and hence called āvassaya, i.e. "indispensable”).1 For a great part the contents, however, go their own ways. The Av.-niji being the 1st of 10 nijjuttis written by a scholar traditionally called Bhadrabāhu (Āv. 84 ff. of the Āg. S. ed., comp. § 43) is furnished with an elaborate introduction (udagghāya-nijjuttı).
The prints of the Āv. contain what may be called the Vulgata recension. As was established by LEUMANN, this recension developed as the last out of four redactions from the original
1. The old text of 1-3 is discussed by LEUMANN, Übersicht p. 6f. 2. Übersicht passim.

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DOCTRINE OF THE JAINAS
work first revised by Sidhasena and then by Jinabhata. Afterwards Jinabhadra wrote an "extensive" Bhasa; but this Viscsavassaya-bhasa serves merely the first half of the Nijjutti.
The manuscripts of the Uvagghaya in the Vulgata recension start by rendering the list of teachers taken from the Nandi (§ 53). The printed edition begins with the theory of cognition based upon the 5 nana and going back to the Nandi as well. These v. 1-79 are no more than an introduction (1. Pedhiya)', the sāmāya to be dealt with presently being a component part of suya-nana. (2. Padhama Varavariya) (v. 80-242). In the beginning we find "Bhadrabahu's" programme just mentioned followed by the Samaiyanıjj. (from v 87). With respect to the sāmāya 15 proposed to explain (137 f) uddesa instruction, niddesa special information, niggama origin, khetta place, kala time, purisa originator, Larana cause and further subjects, 26 in all. In niggama we meet with Mahavira's pre-existences (143), the 7 kulagara (148) and the nitt they exercised, previous lives of Usabha (167), the Karman that predestined him to become a Titthagara (176), his young age (182). The same applies to all Titthagaras (230), the dates of each (up to 337). (3 Buyā Varavanya) (v. 243-525). The story of Usabha and his people continued (338) with special reference to his grandson Marici, a preexistence of Mahavira's The life of the latter (458) up to when he entered into the kevala-nana. (4). Uvasagga begins with v. 462 and hence is an excursion to 3. (5.) Samosarana (v. 526590). The place where a Titthagara is going to deliver his sermon the way how it is prepared and how the audience represented by gods, human beings and higher animals is ranged; the sermon itself and the glory of the Titthagara, the donations of the audience (6). The 11 ganahara (v. 591-665). (7.) The tenfold sāmāyāri (v 666-827). In it the discussion of the methed
I The divisions given in brackets, as introduced by WEBER and LEUMANN, have been taken from Malayagırı's comm as far as there Nothing of it in the verses they appear
2 varavarikā (Kapadia p 177, acc to the Cunni?). var. means proclamation of giving the desired object"

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119
of instruction (puhatta and apuhatta)' leads back to the two patriarchs Ajja-Vaira and Ajja-Rakkhiya the latter having played a role in it. Then there follows the description of the 7 schisms (778-788). It seems that LEUMANN, when following WEBER'S counting of 20 sections (which was wrong since WEBER took the uvagghāja-nujutti as No. 8), attributed No. 8 to the discussion mentioned. The Uvagghāyanijjutti closes with v. 879.
The main portion deals with the 6 āvassaya in their due order preceded by the (9.) Namokkāranijj. (881-1019), 2 (10.) Sāmāiya (1020-1062), (11.) Cauvisatthaya (1063-1109), (12.) Vandanā (1110-1235), (13) Padıkkamana (1236-1412), (19.) Kāussagga (1413-1549), (20.) Paccakkhāna (1550-1617). Section 14 to 18 are excursions into 13. viz : (14.) Jhānasaya by Jinabhadra (1-105), (15 ) Paritthāvanıyānijjuttı (1-148) about "leaving aside” animate and inanimate objects, (16.) Padikkamanasamghayani, a list of important categories from 6 up to 30, comp. Anga 3, (17) 32 joga-samgaha, kinds of mental discipline, (1269-1314) and 33 āsāyanā, see Ayaradasão No. 3, (18) Asajjhāıyanijj. (1315-1412).
In LEUMANN's words (Ubersicht p. 296) the whole of the Āv, nujj. is a manual of fundamental significance. Thanks to introduction and excursions it is far above the Nijjuttıs of later composition and rich in legends, myths, anecdotes, allegories and parables, the interpretation of which is left to the commentators since they are presented in the poor shape of catchwords only.
Comm. Cunnı (printed), Tikā by Haribhadra; the same by Malayagiri; Visesāvassayabhāsa by Jinabhadra; Višeśāvasyaka
I This calls for a brief explanation Research (apuoga) is concerned with practice (carana-karananuoga), is homiletic (dhammakaha'nuoga), 13 calculating (ganiyanuoga), and speculative (daviyanuoga), comp Dasav nii 3 (kale to be dropped) Now, if in explaining of one Sūtra all the 4 ar. are practised, we have "accumulation" (apuhalta); if according to contents no more than I an, we have'isolation"(buhatta), see Dasav nuj 4 comm. and Av nijj 762 The Digambaras have the literary divisions of prathama-, karana-, dradyas, and carana-anuyoga, ie, world-history, astronomy, philosophy, and ethics, thus indicating a reflex of that old classification.
2 These figures as well as the following have been taken from Māni. kyasekhara's Āvašyakanıryuktıdipika (Bhav. 1929-1941).

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DOCTRINE OF THE JAINAS tikā by Silānka; Sisyahitā by Hemacandra Maladhārin.---Ed., Āg. S. (along with Haribhadra's Tikā). P. 1-4. Bo. 191617.—The same (along with Malayagiri's Tīkā). ASG No. 56, 60, 85. Bo. 1928-35.--Sri-Jinabhadra- .. viracitam VišesāvaŚyakabhāsyam (along with Hemacandra's Sisyahitā). YJGM 25, 27, 28, 31, 33, 35, 37, 39. Ben. V. 2427-41.-Sri-Višesāyaśyaka bhāsāntar (the text along with Guj. transi.). ĀSG 38 (1924). 48 and ff.–Višesāvaśyakagāthānām akār'ādı-kramah (along with a summary of the contents) Āg. S Parisista 1, vibhāga 1.2. Bo. 1923.-Extracts from Vises. in Pradyumna Sūrı, Vicārasāraprakarana. Mhesana 1923.-Hemacandra (-Maladhārı)-Sūrı-sūtritam Haribhadriy' Āvaśyakavrttiţippanakam. DLJP 53, Bo. 1920 -Many modern prints of Avaśyakasūtra, Sāmāyikasūtra and, especially, Pratikramanasūtra –The old Pakkhiyasutta is based upon the half month's confession (Pākṣikasūtra. Comm. by Yaśodeva, DLJP 4, Bo. (1911).
Pındanızjuttı. A treatise on food (pinda) eaten by a monk composed in 671 G., originally part of the Āyaranijj. where now we have a gap after G. 315' In 671 Gāhās we learn to know the mistakes made by an almsgiver (uggamadosa 32b), those made by the receiver ( uppāyana-d. 120a ), further we are told of the wrong way of asking for alms ( gahan’esanā-d 146a ) and the wrong way of using them ( ghās'esanā-d. 170 b ), all this in 8 dāra, the last 5 dealing with the fourth item and treated most briefly in 39 Gāhās.
Comm.: Vrttı by Malayagırı and Virācārya.-Ed. (along with Malayagiri's Vrttı) DLJP 44, Bo. 1918.
Ohanijjuttı, "a general explanation" given of subjects and activities in monastic life, viz., examination (padılehā 12b), food (pinda 128a), equipment (uvahr-pamāra 207 b), how to avoid making mistakes (anāyayana-vajja 222b), contravention (padisevanā 224b), confession (āloyanā 225a), and atonement (oisohi 225 b). In parallel with the Pind, the first four items
I LEUMANN, Übersicht p 22

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THE ANGA - BÂHIR AS
121 take up 1133 G. incl. 322 Bhāsa verses, though at the end the text says to have 1149 Gāhās.
Comm.. Bhāsa; Vrtti by Drona'; Avacūri.-Ed.: Āg.S. (along with Bhāsa and Vrtti), Bo. 1919.
$56. We here add those anga-bāhira texts which we know to be independent (whereas others, as we have seen above, are preserved as parts of other works).
Isibhāsıyāım. Sentences of certain Rsis (or Pratyekabuddhas, see below) concerning moral subjects. The style, often dark, reminds us of Āyār., Sûy., and Utt. 45 ajghayaņa for the equal number of Ķsis (44 in Samav. 88b. Different other wrong data Thān. 506a and elsewhere).
Comm.: Nijjuttı, not yet recovered, see above.-Ed.: Srimadbhiḥ pratyekabuddhair bhāsıtāni śrî-R sibhāsitasūtrāni, Indaur 1927, with appendix containing 2 Samgahanī along with the names of the Rşis and the catchwords.-Ed. by Walther SCHUBRING, Nachr. Gött. Ges. d. Wiss. 1942, p. 489-576; 1952, p. 21-52 (with a Sanskrit Chāyā).
Thān. 506b under the general title of Samkheviyadasão ("Abridged Daśās”) gives the names of ten texts of which the third, fourth and fifth will be found with the following three minor products having a common subject. In considering the contents of the latter it seems rather doubtful that they should be identical with the texts of the Thāna.
Angacüliyā. Praises the continuous tradtion of, and good instruction in, the sacred texts whence the name of “appendix to the Angas” can be derived. Such considerations are caused by the fact that through negligence bad individuals will penetrate into the Order and that, as to their moral character, the monks are no more than lukewarm. This certainly reflects a picture of the conditions prevailing in those days. A centre portion deals with the teachers as such and with practical teaching. It goes parallel with the Āyārayıhı (printed Bo. 1919), but the Sanskrit verses of the same are in Prakrit here.
1. Drona also revised Abhayadeva's Vrtti on Uvav., see LEUMANN, Aup. S. 19 f

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DOCTRINE or THE JAINAS An article by the AUTHOR, following a Berlin ms., in OLZ 1926, 910-913.
Vaggacūlıyā, also Vanga-and Uvanga-c Thc third name is taken from the colophon in order to cxplain a rclation to the preceding work, whereas the style and the contents speak in favour of the first Yet a relation cxists in that the Angac. towards its end, ie. behind the words sāhūnam hilantı mamãvi hilissantı, refers to the Uvangacūlıyā. This "origin of a despite of tradition” is prophesied for the year 1990 after Mahāvīra in the garb of a legend about thc 22 lovers (that 19, a vagga) of a certain courtesan Kāmalayā Thc style is that of the canonical vagga-texts (sec abovc) Angas 8, 9, 11 and Uvangas 8-12 thus cqually allowing for a justification of the titlc.
See the article just mentioned, the following text, and the analysis in Guj by KŞĀNTIVIJAYA in Camatkārısāvacūristotrasamgrahah, tathā Vankacūliyāsūtrasāramsah, Ahm, s 1979
Viyâhacūliyā, wrongly Vivāhacūliyā In thus text, too, we meet with a decay of the Jaina Order. For it is with reference to such a decay that 16 dreams of Piyanandanā, wifc of Candagutta of Padalipura, are interpreted by Bhaddabāhu, a disciplc of Sambhūyavijaya? Candagutta resigns the thronc to become a layman --There is another Viyāhacūliyā of 8 uddesa whcrc in the form of query and answer Mahāvira teaches Goyama that idolatry will not lead to salvation
Ed (acc to British Museum Cat ): Vivāhacūlıkā. Ed. witn Hindi interpretation and paraphrase by Upādhyāya ĀTMĀRĀMJI 2nd ed , Sanjit (Agra) s 1979.-Comp. also Kišorilal Mu MADĀYTÂ Vivāhacūlıkā ki Samālocanā aur Vangacūlıkā Sūtra (Ratnaprabhākara-Jnānapuspamālā 72.) Phalodi (Marwar) s 1980 The pamphlet is directed against the Sthānakvāsī or Dhundhiyā ($32) The 22 men mentioned above are said to be analogous to as many repiesentatives of the Dh
Angavigjā A compendium of divination through man's Limbs This science opens the file of the 8 mahā-nımıtta (1, 2;
1 In the original (German) edition of this book one linc Has dropped crroncously in printing

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123
almost identical Thān. 427 a). Its source is said (1, 10) to be the Ditthivaya whence possibly1 the expression of adhä-puvvam (=Puvvam ?) which occurs invariably often. The Angav. calls itself bhagavai mahā-purisa (i.e. Mahāvīra-Vaddhamāņa)-dinnā. 60 ajjhaya in prose and some 4100 $1. (59 f.. G.).
THE
1-7 Anguppatti, Jinasamthava, Sissopakkhāvana (ś1.), Angatthava, Manıtthava (comp. 9, 1), Ādhāranā (presuppositions, starting points), Vägaranopadesa (Disposition and method).
8. Bhumikamma (Establishment of fundaments, comp. 8, 2, 3). 30 padala (1326 $1.). 1.2. Samgrahani (2: ≤1.). 3-5. Bh. sattasamuddesa ($1. as in all that follows), Attabhāvaparikkha, Nemitta-m-upadhārană. 6-10. Divination through the client's mode of sitting, touching the seat, leaning, and from what is nearest to him. 11-16. Divination through his way of looking, laughing, questioning, saluting, addressing, and approaching. 17-27. The same through utterances of grief, indifference and tenderness; 28.29 through rest and activity. 30. Bh. gunavibhāsā.
9. Angamanı (acc. to p. 57, 10=angāvijā-manı). Praise of the Manisutta with a list of its 270 padala (1868 $1.). In a motley order the divinations are connected with the limbs of a man, their qualities being natural (e.g. right, left and middle, smooth and rough, curved and straight), subjective (e g. handsome and ugly, hideous and pleasing, insignificant), abstract (e.g. masculine, etc., present and future, bambheya, khatteya, vesseya, suddeya). Finally, limbs are confronted with figures (from 1-10 up to kodi and aparımıta).
10-58. Prose ($1. in 13, 22 f., 26, 46). The previous qualifications apply to the client's coming, disposition, way of putting questions, and to the locality where this happens to pass (10. 11). Fundamental traits (joni) in individual human nature beginning with dhamma, attha, and kāma, and their signs (lakkhana-vägarana, with 69 sl.) (12 13). Questions of acquisition,
1. This was the view of LEUMANN (VIIth OC, IA 10, 164) who was the first to draw the attention of scholars upon this work.

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OF THE JAINA! sexual intercourse, children, health, vitality (jitta), commercial activity (hamma), rains (for the crops), and military success, all of them with their negatives (14-21-8 dāra). A list of pleasant and unpleasant omina (pasaltha and appesatthe uppāja) which allow of respective divinations (22 23, 1 and 3 41.). Birth as an ajja (bambhana ctc) or milahhhu (sudda) and the domiciles as such oncs (Jātīvijaya 24), gotra and personal name (here 113 41.) (25. 26) Office, profession, character, residence (ragara) (27-29) Finery, dress, cropstore, conveyances (30-33). Previous (valla) talks (34). Existence of children and their future fate (Payāvisuddlu 35) dohala, laki hara, venjara (36-38). Looking for a wife (Kannäväsanā 39). Food and drink, festive entertainments (40). Sexual intercourse, partly unnatural (Variyagandıyā nāma arahass' ajjhaya, Col. Rahmsspadala 41). Dreams (42). Journey and coming back (13-15). What onc sccs on entering the house (91 (1.) (16). Military campaign, victory and defeat (47-19). Diseases (50). Goddesses and gods, naksatras, meteoric and terrestrial omina (uppāta) (51-53). Precious objects, treasures and where deposited, the same of money ((nidhi)', lost tlungs and persons and where to be detected (54-57). Thought-reading which includes all that the world contains of living beings (Siddhas included) and lifeless matter (Cintita 58)
DOCTRINT
59. Kāla. 27 padala (709 G., 21, 22 (partly), 27: prose). 5 time units. muhutta, divasa, pakl ha, māsa, rassa (1). uppāta referred to hala (U. vidhiparikkha 2) and to muhulla etc. (3-9). The client's reference to most various, though separately grouped, impressions and objects results in predicting the general duration of an uppāya, its appearance in a naksatra, month and season, paksa, tithi2, night, day and in certain hours of the same (10-19) The precise circumstances (observations, actions) under which the upp. came into appearance must be known (20). The aspect of a new-born boy and of a portentous (ovata) human being, animal, plant or lifeless object of both
where we find puri and
I. Thus rightly on p. 262, 14 of the Ed novu (p. 221 f).
2. The word is not used here nor in 21.

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THE ANGA-BAHIRAS
natural sex and grammatical gender with reference to day-times and tithis (21). Increase and decrease of the value (aggha) of property (bhanda) with reference to time units on account of what the client has told (Agghappamāna 22). Predictions concerning fire and floods (23.24). The time units, increasing in length as they are, referred to actions and objects interrelated and, for their part, increasing in significance (e.g. muhutta, divasa, pakkha, māsa devānam panāma, vandita, thuti, namamsita) (25). Similar reflections about kāla of an uppāya. Its length according to what happened to occur in the client's words (26). Duration and precise term (month, seacon etc.) of an upp. as inferred from the client's touching and seizing of his own limbs (Kālappavibhāga 27).
60. The preceding life of the client as a god, a human being, an animal or a denizen of hell inferred from what he has presently experienced or related (Puvvabhavavivāga Col: Purimabhavavibhāga). The same, in inverse sequence, }denotes the client's destiny in the next following life (Upapattīvijaya). The Angav. is a most remarkable work not only owing to its size and the subject treated but thanks to giving us numerous insights into the daily life of the time Long lists of individual qualities (as descent, name, occupation), town and house portions, household utensils and public institutions provide a picture of life as led in the early centuries A.D. It follows that apart from stereotype expressions the Jain character of the work is not distinct throughout. The language is near to Jain Sauraseni.
•
Ed. Angavijjā (Science of Divination through physical signs and symbols) ed. by PUNYAVIJAYA. (Prakrit Text Society, Vol 1) Ban 1957-A detailed review by the AUTHOR ZDMC 109, p. 44 f.-459

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IV
COSMOLOGY
§ 57 The Fundamental Facts The word "fundamental fact" is but a fairly liberal version of atthikaya which literally means "mass of all that is" As such it represents a mass by the totality of the units (paesa).1 The five fundamental facts are known as motion (dhamma), stop (adhamma), space (āgāsa), souls (jiva), and matter (poggala), each in combination with atthikaya V1y. 775b renders alleged synonyms which, however, do not hit the point. They simply replace the basic words now in a conventional and then, again, in quite a remote way. Thus eg dhamma stands for complying and adhamma for not complying with the monastic duties.2
The five fundamental facts constitute the world, or, rather, the world and the non-world (Vıy. 608a). Their qualities are laid down in Viy 147b. They all share in eternity. The space embraces both the world and the non-world, whereas the remaining four are concerned with the expansion of the world For the dimensions of parts of the world proportional to motion, stop and space see Viy 151a ff and, nearly consonant, 775a. All atthikaya except the jiva are inanimate (ajiva), and, with the single exception of matter, all are immaterial (aruva). The last two sentences explicitly represent My 's personal conception (Vıy. 324b) Materiality is defined by saying (324b) that
3
1. astayas ceha pradesās, teṣām kāyah Sthan 516a, Prajn 8b ga. See also Nemicandra, Davvasamgaha 24 From the Attkihāyas KOHL starts in his book, Das physikalische and biologische Weltbild der indischen Sekte der Jainas (Aliganj 1956) Rev by the AUTHOR, ZDMG 109, p 226ff
This
2 Thus all five at thikaya are dealt with in the way described speaks against the opinion held by Jagdish Chandra JAIN (IHQ 9, 792-794) saying there here a non-metaphysical outlook on dhamma and adhamma is being given
3 Some of the audience had difficulties in understanding this as we are told in two reports (Viy 323b, 750b) Dissenters led by Kalodai ask Goyama and the layman Madduya resp for an interpretation While Goyama is at a loss for an answer, Madduya declares himself incompetent in the matter,

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QOSMOLOGY
127
among all inanimate fundamental facts matter alone is palpable (poggal atthikāyamsı cakkryā kei āsarttaevāsaittae vā cetthittae vă etc.), whereas this does not apply to motion, stop orspace, even though they fill the world completely. They are, in fact, as little palpable as are the flames of a thousand candles lighting a closed room (615b).1 As to dhamma and adhamma we know them, thanks to JACOBI on T.5, 1. 17 in their meanings as motion and stop so characteristic of the Jains. It is by their presence only that any motion and any rest become possible at all, so that they themselves are not actually meant: (and, for that reason, we ought to speak of stop rather than of rest). Within the realm of souls, dhamma and adhamma produce all possible conditions of movability and its opposite, on the one hand “coming and going, speaking, moving an eyelid, activity of the inner sense, speech and body" and on the other "standing motionless, sitting, lying, confinement to the acitivity of the inner sense" (Viy. 608a). Concerning space we have to distinguish between the space of the world (log’āgāsa) and the space of the non-world (alogʻāgāsa), the former representing but an infinitely small fraction of the total space (Vıy. 151a). It is in the nature of space to give room (avagāhānā, not ogāh ) to any amount of atoms (608a), but this, of course, applies merely to the space of the world, the space of the non-world being absolutely void (Viy. 151a). Notwithstanding this discrimination i should be observed that both space and motion as well as rest are definitely singular, whereas souls and matter are of an infinite variety, and, moreover, they alone are active. For the
but when pressed he shows by pointing out to the wind, sweet scent particles, fire made by rubbing two sticks, persons living beyond the seas, and gods, all being existent without being visible, that something, even though nothing can be said about it except by a Kevalın, yet may exist Mahāvira commends him for not having taught things he does not understand and for thus having evaded giving offence (āsayanā) to the sacred law, the Arhats and the Kevalıns
I Note that the flame as a light is of material nature ( 60 )
2 But the aithrhāya "dhamma" stands next to the suya- and the carittadhamma, Thāņ 154 b
3 This might serve as a reply to SCHRADER's proposal (Festgabe für JACOBI, page 274) to derive dharma from a root dhr "to go"
4 It therefore does not count among the atthikaya which "touch world”, Thân 25b

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128
DOCTRINE OF THE JAINAS nature of the soul rests in its intellectual function (uvaoga), which by means of will and skill is put to use in all possibilities of intellectual cognition. The matters cause the souls to take possession (gahana) of the bodies and to enact bodily functions They own all qualities of colour (black, dark, red, yellow, white), of taste (bitter, sharp, astringent, sour, sweet), of smell (good, bad), and of palpability (heavy, light, soft, rough, cold, warm, sticky, dry, see also Thān 422a). The five fundamental facts (see also Thān 332b, Samav 10 a) are substances (davva). But the expression savva-davva also includes the time, (addhaa. samaya) according to Viy 873 a) 3 With the former it is connected by its eternity and singularity, whereas it is separated from them by being confined in space and by lacking space points. The difference in opinions manifests itself in the conception of T 5,38 where time (kāla)is being unconditionally acknowledged as matter by the Dig , whereas but conditionally by the Svet Just as space consists of units, so does time. One unit of time (samaya) forms the present. It then follows that the future owns as many samaya as does the past plus 1, and the latter again as many as the former minus 1, the total time comes to twice the amount of the past with a plus, and twice the amount of the future with a minus, and, consequently, the time that has passed makes up half its total with a plus, and the time to come half its total with a minus (Viy 889a) 5 Even the smallest calculable fraction of time, the āvaliyā, consists of as manye samaya as all
1 daviyadı, gacchadı, tāım sabbhāva-pajjayāim jam daviyam lam bhannante Pancatthik 9
2 Most certainly it goes back to adhvan, but the Sanskrit of the comm gives addhā—(fem ) Viy 532b, in Thân 201 a we find addha-kala, the eternal time as the fourth beside the civil time measure (pamāna-k ), the amount of life-time (ahāu-nival ti-k ), and the time of death (marana-k )
3 FK LALANA, The six Dravyas of the Jaina Philosophy. Bombay 1914
4 Vay 6, 4, 1 speaks of paesa as of time, the soul is kālāesenam sapaesa, because it has existed since times eternal -For the atomism of time with the Jains See MASSON-OURSEL, Archiv f Gesch d Philos 40, 173-176
5 Both past and future being without beginning and without end are equal in duration The "plus" and the 'minus" are the I samaya of the present
6 asamkhejja (2)=incomputable as against samkhezja (x)=computable, expressible by a definite figure; ananta (00 )=innumerable

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129 the remaining others which are being recorded (see also Thān. 158a), up to the ussappınī. When occurring repeatedly their number may increase up to co (Viy. 887 b). For the list of time measures see Viy. 275a, 888a, Jambudd. 89a and also a.o. Thān. 158a. It may suffice to refer to JACOBI on T. 4, 15 and KIRFEL, Kosmographie pp. 337-339, and to note the fundamental difference between those measures that are calculable (ganıya) and those expressible by way of comparison only (addho'vamıya) The latter (see Jambudd. 92b) according to Thān 90b, 430b are paliovama, sāgarovama, osappini, ussappini (§ 12), poggala-pariyaţta, tīyaddhā, anāgay'addhā, and savo' addha, but that expression will apply only to the first four or five.
$58 The Units. Logically the masses" are preceded by their parts, and these appear as the desa and the paesa. But while the paesa are essential for the structure of the world, the desa represent but calculable quantities So, eg, the fundamental facts dhamma, adhamma and āgāsa do not exist in their totalities in the lower, the upper and the higher regions of the world, but only in their parts mentioned (desa), whereas in the total world (loga) they do not exist in parts but wholly with the exception of āgās'atthikāya, which, as we saw, is existent in the world as well as in the non-world (V1y 522 a). On the other hand (see again Vıy. 522a) we may just as well examine a unit of space as to whether it contains the atthikāya either completely or in parts (egammı? āgāsa-paese). For other considerations containing the desa and the paesa see Vıy. 149a, 493a, 714a; Pannav. 8a. Let us make it quite clear that it is the paesa or the "units” which in their totality, and in their totality only, constitute the masses”. No fraction of either, however large, may replace them, and any deduction is as little admissible as with a concrete object (no khande cakke ..--sakale cakke ... Viy. 148a). With motion, rest and space this comglomeration which lacks both beginning and originator (visasā) is not a merger, but the units of one and the same mass are strung up like the links of a chain. They do not mix like milk and water (Viy.
1, We ought to expect . egaması

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DOCTRINE OF THE JAINAS 394a incl comm ). The number of the units is co with the total space as well as with souls and matter, and s with motion and rest (148a) and with the space of the world (421a, 6100, 873b) Moreover there are 8 centrcmost units (majgha-paesa), which, each with motion, rest and spacc are supposcd (acc to comm.) to exist in the centre of the upper regions of the world, called the Ruyaga, in Rayanappabhā ($107), with the souls within their resp. bodies They will occupy 1 to 6 or cither 8, but vastusoabhāvāt not 7 units of space (Viy. 886a, 395b). In the realm of space we meet the 4 main and thc 4 intermediate dircctions (disā and ordısa) in addition to zenith (uddham) and nadir (aho) Their are given as indā, jāmā, dāruni, somā; aggci, nerai, vāyadā, Isäni, dimalā, tamă (see Viy. 492b).1 Acc. to the comm. they are of two-resp one-dimensional shape. The pole from which they start (Viy 606a, Thän, 477b) is a square cubcs of 8 paesa.
If the masses constitute the world, they necessarily have to interpenetrate each other, and the units of the one must be touched (puttha) by those of the others. Viy 609a discusses with how many units this will be the case In doing so, the units of time (addhā-samaya) are included In other words, they are placed on the same level with the others and considered constant Maximum and minimum figures (ukkosenam and jaharinena'm) mean that a unit in one corner of the end of the world can be surrounded only by 2 lateral units and I either above or below, but not by 4 round about and 2 above and below. Both space and time are conditionally, or resp. unconditionally, limited, so that contact will not occur everywhere. The masses interpenetrate each other insomuch that I u motion will coincide with 1 u rest 1 u space (jattha . ogādhe lattha. og ). That is to say that eg in the minimum of cases the afore-said unit of motion is being touched not by 2 but by 4 u rest, and not by 6 but by 7 u. But then it coincides (tarh pratyckam antarvyāptah) with units of souls, matter and time, as far as the latter is
But we find the tripartition above, below and horizontal directions just as well (Thân 132b)
2 disah saka toddhi-samsthitäh, odišas tu muktāvaly-ākārāh, urdhvadhodisau ca rucak' akāre Vy 493b
3 LEUMANN, Obersicht p 43b

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concerned By I u. of soul, and, equally, I u of matter, coinciding with o u. of soul and co u. of matter, we are given proof of the greater density of these substances
Viy 420b, Thān 251b say that the individual soul has as many paesa as has the space of the world But this does not refer to the limiting case of the Kevalın as the comm. wants us to believe, it simply says that both have units One individual soul occupies the room of 1/c ang. (or either more) of such quantities (T. 5, 15) as are presumed by the part of that or that size acquired through Karman So then (substantially) the soul of an elephant equals that of a louse, as is explained by the simile of the lamp whose light, as the case may be, will illuminate a large or a small hollow room (Rāyap 140a, referred to by Viy. 313a). T. 5, 16 in giving this simile its literary expression hereto introduces the conception of contraction and expansion. They stand for different densities within the same number of units, ie., ¿ in different bodies (Siddh. ref to T. 5, 8).1 For the historical importance of the theory (V1y 365a), according to which the soul equals the body in size, see JACOBI GGA 1919, 17.
Also the units of matter differ in number from O up to co. The lower limit is the smallest unit of matter, the atom. It is true that, acc to Kundakunda, the atom has 1 unit (Davvas 26), but acc to Umāsvātı it has none It is one (T. 5, 11 and Siddh. ref to 5, 11, 14), and thus it coincides with lu It follows that also the word poggalatthikāya-paesa is being applied in speaking of the atom, and its combinations have the word paesa added (see below): There is still another difference with regard of the density of these paesa: 1 u space may contain up to do atoms (Viy. 613b) That is to say: 2 units of matter coincide with 1 or 2 u of space (and as many units of motion and rest), 3 with 1, 2 or 3, and finally co with 1, 2, 3, ....x, co or c. For an explanation Siddh. gives a number of similes with ref to 5, 14.
1. JAINI, Outlines p 17 speaks of an elasticity of the soul
boggala-metle m paese Viy 5798
2
Comp also paramanu poggard-TICHID puwe VY 5794

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1
$59. The Atom. poggala, the word for atom, is applied in its basic meaning as a "concrete body" in Viy 176b, whereas in 240a it means the part of an individual The atom is eternal (Viy 65b) as is the substance of which it is the ultimate particle and among the fundamental facts it is the only one bearing any physical character (T 5, 4). Owing to the fineness of its structure by which it cludes observation, it is beyond the grasp of tools and indivisible, but it owns the qualities of colour, smell, and taste at either 1 kind or 2 kinds of touch (Viy. 746b 797a) among the possible 5, 5, 2 and 8 kinds of these four (Viy 778 a), and such in an endless variety of different grades (guna). The qualities of touch are cold or warm in combination with smooth or rough
It is either spontaneously or by means of an impulse from without (Than 63b) that atoms by merging constitute aggregates (khandha) which, as the case may be, may own a greater number of qualities of colour, etc (Viy 748b). According as such a one consists of 2, 3, etc, atoms, we speak, as already mentioned, of a du-paesiya, ti-p, etc. up to ananta-p. khandha. In connexion with aggregates the atom is called paramanu-poggala An aggregate consisting of even-numbered atoms is divisible into halves, but it lacks a middle (it is amajjha), whereas conditions are reversed with odd numbers, and both cases are valid with indeterminate numbers, (x, and ), it goes without saying, however, that all of them are sa-paesa (V1y 233 a). The way how to decompose an aggregate consisting of 2 and morc atoms is demonstrated in Viy 102b and, more closely, in Viy. 561a. That such a decomposition will result in gaining only complete atoms had to be specifically stressed in 103a Just as the question of divisibility is being discussed so is the contiguity (puttha) between atoms and aggregates by taking as a basis 9 possibilities, either whether it occurs in parts
132
I purayatı galatica Siddh ref to T 5, 10, comp with 5 32-puggala 1s scarcely ever read
2 This is what the paramanu has in common with the samaya and the paesa (Than 134b) It appears to be probable that apaesa along with anaddha, amajjha, and avibhaima equally means only the lacking of parts (see also 233a and others)

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(desenam, desehim) or completely (savvenam) (Viy. 233b). It must be noted, therefore, that the number of atoms constituting an aggregate may divide among one and several paesa.
The mergence of atoms and aggregates with atoms and aggregates is brought about (V1y 102b. 103b) by a sineha-kaya, though nothing concerning its nature is mentioned.1 T. 5, 32 introduces the contrasted pair of snigdha and rūksa, ‘smooth' and 'rough'.
As is the case with all sensuous qualities, also these two lukkha and niddha (V1y 638 b lukkhi and alukkhi) exist in gradations (guna), as is presupposed by V1y 878 a, whereas in V1y. 394 b they are but hinted at by vemāya-niddhayā etc. According to T 5, 33 the lowest grades will not merge because they lack sufficient power to assimilate (saktı Siddh), it takes at least two grades of difference to make this power effective (T. 5, 35), and that is why only equal grades-though only s+r, not s+s (T 5, 34)-will assimilate, and, accordingly, only the lower grade to the higher.
§60 Thus it follows that the atom, though as a substance it is eternal, is changeable in its conditions As to Viy. 640 a, colour, smell, taste, and touch are qualified as conditions, (pajjava). They are inherent in the substance (paryāya T. 5,37). But according to Pannav 5 (196b) pajjava also means the secondary differences of atoms and aggregates within each of the above mentioned four spheres and, moreover, within their size (ogāhanā). Their number is co, and thus it happens that they coincide with the parināma, the "accidental" changes and their results, which constitute the momentary being of an object (T 5, 41) As such the above mentioned four are referred to by Viy 420 b along with the shape (samthāna, see below). The latter is omitted by Than 201a. These five species as existing spontaneously (visasā) are contrasted with those caused by an impulse from without (paogasa) or either by the mixture of both
I Quite another kind of suhuma is the sineha-k which acc to Viy. 83b moves in all directions (pavadai) and thus dissolves rapidly in contrast to the bāyara äu-kaya

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DOCTRIT OF TIP JAINAS
(misa) according to Viy. 328 a1. parināma, however, within the realm of the inanimate does not refer to those five only (Pannav. 13, 287b), but also to combination (of smooth and rough), cleavage (sb) and sound (s b ), as well as to motion and the absence of weight and non-weight Motion may manifest itself by extending either in long or short distances or by either leading to contacts or not From Viy 95 b, we learn that neither heavy nor light is a quality of the Karman body § 262), of the tinge of souls (§97), the inward sense (§71), or of speech (§ 68) which all pert un to the realm of matter.
The transition from one parinamas to the next is described by synonyms as a process of motion; perameru-pegrale (and khandhe) eyar vezar calar phandar ghattar klubbbar udirat lam tar bhāvam parinamat Viy. 232 b (after 182b). Aggregates will experience it either totally or partially T5, 26 teaches a o. that aggregates come about by an amalgamation of atoms as well as by the secreting of atoms (sähanarā and bheja, Viy 567a), 1 c. by giving away atoms This theory may well go back to Viy. 743b, where it is said that of all porgala seized for the purpose of taking in matter (genhai) a being will retain (dhäret) 1/e and give away 1/∞ (myare), that is to say sea-l cle, during the vibration as which the transition manifests itself (grabanräntaram Vy.), for with reference to ja all atoms and aggregates are called seya and nireya (saija and nurga) The act of motion passes in an incalculably small time, 1 c. in 11¿ atalya at the very utmost, which is called antara (Viy. 234b, 833b).
In connexion with the theory of motion the sadda-pariraya poggala are quoted and equated with the atoms and aggregates in motion, whereas the asadda-pp are equated with those in rest during motion and rest So that, then, the sound, either subbhi or dubbhi,5 is a quality of the matter in its form as an
I
The paogasă and visasa parinaya poggala are mentioned by Subuddhi to his prince Jiyasattu (Naya 12, 1743)
2 For the phusamana-ga: Prajn refers to the act of making a flat stone skip along the surface of water (bala-jana-prasiddha)
3
Acc to Viy 638b the new parināma comes on when the former is In this connexion samayam means "for some time Vy is wrong in saying eşyatt käle
nijjinna
"
4
5 Nayadh 174a, Pannav 2882

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135 aggregate. According to T.5, 24 the same is true with association, fineness and coarsenessa), form and decay, darkness, shadow, warmth and light. Of these ten phenomena the first seven are such inherent in the aggregate, whereas the last three are irradiations. The modes of the association, i.e. of the units within the animate and inanimate world, are grouped by Viy. 394b according to spontaneousness (vīsasā), impulse (paogasā), and finality (sāıya, anārya sapagjavasıya and ap.). Between the fineness and its opposite there runs the dividing-line which separates this concrete world from the one beyond sensual conceivability, the first being bāyara, the latter suhuma. Their difference is in the number of atoms: an aggregate consisting of į atoms is equally unsplittable as is the single atom, whereas if consisting of o atoms it can be split, and then it is even combustible as well as it may get wet and be able to float (V1y 232 b). T. 5, 28 points out that its spectacular appearance results from decay and association, and in order to prove this Devanandin offers a theory, though it may simply mean that the object radiates atoms which associate with the organs of sense known to be of material quality. As to the shape of aggregates we distinguish between geometrioal and non-geometrical formations, the latter being called anıtthamtha "not thus behaving". In circular (parimandala ), orbicular (vatta), triangular, square, and linear formations the atoms, or the units resp., are arranged in an either two-or three-dimensional order (payara, ghana), in linear formations (āyaya) also one-dimensionally (sedhi-dyaya), and, with the only exception of circular formations, they contain atoms in either odd or even numbers (oya-paesa, jumma-D ). Their highest and lowest numbers are laid down in Viy 860a Decay may manifest itself in the shape of smaller units, lumps, potsherds, leaves, and brookes (Pannav 266a, 288a) The material quality of darkness becomes evident in the tamu-kkaya and the kanha-rāi of the world ($ 134) Darkness and lightness of night and day are attributed according to Viy. 246b to asubha
(JACOBI for
1 Thus instead of "smallness' and "largeness" sauksmya and sthaulya).
& JACOBI with ref to T. 5, 28

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DOCTRINE OF THE JAINAS and subha poggala, and to the former also the darkness in the different regions of hell (see Thān. 263a). In the legendary story of Jambudd. III the lightness is like scattered matter that lasts. For Bharata (§ 13) at the head of his army succeeds in passing through the long tunnels of both the Timisa-and Khandappavāya-guhā in the rays of his jewel by forming circles which alternatingly appear on the right and the left walls (Jambudd 225a). This can but mean that he is anxious not to leave any spot dark, and, actually, no spot remains dark, after he has passed. Each circle lies in the radiant sphere of the other.
$61. The Substances. The formations of aggregates, as mentioned just before, result in the substances of, so to say, a second order, 1.e., in material masses called davva like those of the first order ($ 57). In Viy 420b we read that one atom and its multiples form whole davva or either parts of such (desa). from four atoms upwards all eight combinations possible in this connexion will occur. suhuma ($60) are the accumulations of colours, smells, and different kinds of taste and palpability which, acc. to Viy. 757 a, are to be found in closely packed density below each region of the lower and the upper world. Material masses of this kind, together with their shapes, come into being spontaneously, whereas all accumulations furnishing the souls in the world with bodies and opportunities of activity-for the inanimate substance is destined to serve the animate (Viy 856a)— result from impulse, ie, through the working of the Karman. But as those accumulations have concrete qualities, it follows that they represent a mixture of both cases (Viy. 332 a). Now, owing to Karman, matter forms in four bodies, the inward sense, speech and breath (V1y567a, Thān. !58a) The infinite variety of matter thus grouped is called poggala-pariyatta-. At least in the case of the inward sense matter is divided into vagganā (Vıy 222a, 646b), for we hear of the comano-davvavaggaņā of certain gods. Further proofs for this are missing, but s b Of the five bodies existent the body of transmission is
1. Homonymous is the maximum measure of time (Viy 8876)

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equally missing in this connexion, since (comp. Sthan. 158a) it cannot occur along with the body of transformation in the same individual (§ 62). From Viy 621 a ff. we learn, to begin with, that the inner-sense and speech are of a bodily quality (rūvim). Concerning the inner sense we may refer to the vagganā mentioned above. Speech, however, counts as being shaped like a thunderbolt (vaja-samthiya, Pannav. 255b, comp § 68), and its atoms are "beyond heavy and light" (agurulahu) and thus of a quality (parināma) which (comp Prajn. 389a) is shared by all non-bodily substances including also the inner sense and the Karman. That both speech and the inner sense must be distinguished from the I (ego) (āyā) (§70), that they are unconscious (acitta) and inanimate (ajiva), but yet are inherent in souls, adds to establish their bodily nature.
COSMOLOGY
§62. The Bodies. During the time of its specific bodily existence the individual possesses more than one body (sarīra). Their number is five in all (Pannav 12. 21; Samav. 216a; Than 169b), but their distribution among the different beings differs (§ 67. 104).1 They all have the Karman body (kammaga s.) and the fiery body (teyaga s.) life long. All beings pertaining to the upper world, 1 e animal and human beings with one to five senses, permanently own the earthly body (urāliya or oral s). Both the gods and the inhabitants of hell always live in bodies of transformation (veuvviya s ), but other beings do so only temporarily, while the body of transposition (āhāraga s.) merely applies to human beings and in special cases only The functions of some of these bodies is as well as their purpose are told in the commentaries which however do not always agree. The established list leading from oral over veuvv, āhār, tey to kamm sarira suggests the gradual increase in fineness and, simultaneously, in density of material units (T. 2, 38-40). Apart from the beings already mentioned all higher animal and human
8
I Acc to Viу 622b Pannav 268a we have different kinds due to stages of transition supervening in case the seizure of a new body has not yet been completed
2
3
(a)veuvoiya-sarira ref to gods= (un)adorned Viy 746a
In this connexion Prajn 269b speaks of varganāsu pradeśa-bāhulyam

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DOCTRINP or THE JAINAS beings, generated by brccding ( $63)-the latter when living in a kanma-bh ūmi ($117)--Own bodics of transformation, that is to say, that a human being may changc its appcarance (vikuvvittae) magically, provided that it be frcc from sin (amãi, § 181). For, so we lcarn from Viy. 189 a, the prepared food taken by a monk in a sinful way (mãi) will strengthen his bones and thc marrow within, but it will weaken flesh and blood, whereas the accidental food of the sinless will result in the opposite While the one aids to the development of the bodily organs, the other will transubstantiatc into cxcrctions The capability of transformation therefore depends on bodily preconditions. Wearc not told when and at what point higher ani. mals enter into transformation Apart from the beings mcntioned above the coarse wind-beings cqually havc bodies of transformation, which appcar in the shape of a flag (padăgă), manifcsting themselves cither as storms or clouds, yet without changing their minute smallness (lle angula) (Pannay 416a, 417a)? Animal and human beings, however, may become cither quite small or immensely large (llc ang. upto 100, resp. 100,000 joy ) The inhabitants of hell and the gods, with the cxccption of the Gevijja and Anuttara ($ 129), are cqually able to change their appearance, even though thcy alrcady livein bodies of trangformation This body of transformation so characteristic of their form of existence and built up without attracting forcign particles of matter (§ 181) is called bhava-dharanyga, whereas uttara-veuvviya is the body dclibcratcly taken.
Pannay 423a points out that the body of transposition is exclusively destined to serve pious persons in the Karman places (§ 117) who own magic powers (zd dhe-patta), but who have not yet succeeded in accomplishing self-disciplinc (pamattasamjaya), whereas acc to Devanandın on T 2, 37, 49 it is mcant to prove thosc powers, to solve subtilc dogmatic questions, and to escape any violation of self-disciplinc : It is defined by T2, 49, and its possession is confined to those who are in
I 2
etāvat-pramāna-vikurvanāyām eva tasya faklı-sambhavat Praja 418a stksma padarsha-nitjndnärlham asamyama-pariyahirsayd ca

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command of the 14 Puvva, 1.e. its occurrence is antedated by Umāsyāti and located in the historical past. We may be allowed to assume that rather than āhāraka "attracting”'l its name should be ādhāraka in that the body represents a "vessel" either for him who, for the time of 1 muhutta at the longest (T. p. 60, 9), slips into it which is no higher than a rayaņa, or else for the instruction brought home by its bearer from a consultative magic change of place. But it was not before Umāsvāti that the latter purpose was introduced. The body of transposition does not exist simultaneously with that of transformation, as this is neither the case with magic powers by which they are generated. The Karman body is the individual formation given its shape by deeds previously wrought. The fiery body has to be understood as a bearer of potential energies, and by being allotted to all beings the latter are attributed a latent energy which may manifest itself with individual persons on the ground of magic power (labdhı). This power will appear a. o as an radiation of either heat or coolness as an effect of either curse or blessing (comp the teya-nisagga which provides the name for Viy 15). The teachers referred to by Umāsvātı on T. 2, 43 are wrong in considering only those exceptional persons, as is Devanandın in adding his Sūtra to T. 2, 48. Not enough with the functions mentioned, Sıddhasena (T. S. 59) and Haribhadra (T.S. 56), understand the fiery body to cause digestion, but we think it improbable that of all five bodies the finest but one should serve that purpose. All bodies except the earthly one are closely linked with the soul (jiva-phuda, Thān. 251b).
$63. Physiology. A being comes into existence physically by three ways, by manifestation, by coagulation, or by generation. Manifestation (uvavāya) means creation brought about with lightning-like suddenness without any material basis, 2 thus the gods and the inhabitants of hell spring into life. Caogulation (sammucchanä) takes place spontaneously out of existing matter; it pertains to all beings furnished with one to four senses. All
1 āhriyata zły ahārakah Devanandın 182
2 jaha mehāsani-tryas'ındacāva-Dujjuna sambhavo hoi gayanammi khama, and devāna ui hoi ubpatti, Haribhadra, Samaraiccakahå cd JACOBI, p 57, 3

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DOCTRINE OF THE JAINAS beings with five senses, 1.e. all higher animals and human beings, come into existence partly in the same way (s.b.) and partly by generation (gabbha-vakkantı, garbha-vyutkrāntz). The place where a being comes into existence, is its place of origin (joni).1 It is either cold, animated, concealed (samvuda), or the opposite hereof or both. A fourth trinity (Pannav 227b) is purely anatomical ($ 64). The distribution of these 9 qualities among the beings, as given in Pannav. 9 (comp. Thân 121a), can be easily understood. The inhabitants of hell, for instance, come into existence in cold and hot places, the gods in temperate ones (szô sina). In such as the latter ones generation takes place, and, moreover, they are both covered and open to view (samvudadiyada) For according to its position the uterus (garbha) is concealed, though yet it is visible in advanced pregnancy, Manifestation takes place in unanimate places. the gods come into being on the throne of gods and in the garb of gods, that is in a covered concealed place, and the same applies to the inhabitants of hell närakótpattz-sthānānām samuta-gavāksa-halpatvāt Prajn. 227a b.) Coagulation takes place in an open place. Of the higher animals the miraculous species of snakes called āsālıya exclusively comes into being in this way (Pannav. 46 a), but there are still other beings which may be brought into existence by coagulation, e.g, the sumsumāra, mahoraga, quadrupeds equipped with claws (sanapphaga) and the viyaya-pakkhi, birds that never fold their wings (Pannav 44a, 45a, 46b, 49a), and, finally, the human beings. These all may spring into life from moist human excretions and from uncleanly matter spontaneously3 (50a), though than they will remain undeveloped (apazjatta) and diminutively small (1lc ang ), and they will stay alive for 1 muhutta at the longest Apart from the āsālıya all these beings generated by coagulation are sexless By development (pajzattı) limāsvāti on T. 8, 12, p 177,4ff asks us to under
I With plants we speak of honi-voccheya when their germinative faculty extinguishes (Vzy 671, 274a, Thân 123b, 343b, 405a)
2 For samvíta JACOBI T 2, 33 writes samostta=minimal Siddhasena p 191, 19 suggests this version by samostā pracchannā samkajā vá (yonih)
3 Ayar 5, 2 distinguishes between the sammucchima and the rasaya and samsey aya For the same list as here ref to Thăn 385b, 416a
onih
?pracchannā samkață vă
and somi
y ar 5, ? distinguishes he

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stand the faculty of assimilating matter to the body and to complete the same along with the sensuous and breathing organs, and, as the case may be, also the speech and the inward sense. In elemental beings, as well as in plants, animal and human beings this development may even be found missing, and then they are apajjatta
1
§64. The description in the text of embryo-life nearly always concerns the human germ. An animal embryo (tirikkhajoniya gabbha) exists between 1 muh and 8 years, a human one (manussi-g) between 1 muh and 12 years, and a fully developed fruit (? kāya-bhavattha) between 1 muh and 24 years. This conception is obviously related to the informations rendered by Viy 88b saying what evil and good is being practised by a jiva gabbha-gaya samana, and of what kind his reward will be when he dies as such a one Human and animal sperm lives in the womb from 1 to 12 hours (Viy. 433a, Tand. 4b2). Cases of getting with child and of its counterpart, negative sexual intercourse, are dealt with by Thân. 312b along with their causes The first food an embryo (jiva) takes after having entered the womb consists in the menstrual blood of the mother (mau-oya) together with the sperm of the father (Suy II 3, 21); 353b), but later it varies It is not taken by bits, but by the entire body (§ 96), and while nothing is being excreted, all serves to build up the sensuous organs and the body Mother and fruit are interconnected by two strings. the one (mau-jivarasa-hārini scil nāli ?) starts from the mother and serves the fruit to breathe and to transubstantiate the different substances, whereas the other (putta-g -r -h) starts from the fruit and serves it in building up the body (cinai, uvacınar) While flesh, blood and brain come from the mother (mary' anga, Than. 170b mãuy' a), bones, marrow, hair and nails come from the father (py'a ). These parental gifts (ammā-piya sariraya) will endure as long as the body of the descendant remains unweakened (avvavanna). The main source for the afore-said is Viy 87a, partly also Tand. 7a, 8a.
I Acc to Viy 852b, Samav 26b this sums up to 14 kinds of beings. 2 Ed. DLJP 59

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DOCTRINE OF THE JAINAS The embryology of the human being is discussed in the first part of the Tandulaveyālıya. In referring to the introductory Gähās we here but state that the margin of fertility 19 55 years with the woman and 75 years with the man (v. 13, comp Sthān 313b), and that the fruit remains in the womb for 2771 days on an average (v. 48). Its stages are listed as kalala (7 days), abbuya (the same), pesi, and ghana Its weight amounts to 3 karısa= pala in the first month, in the second it gets solid, in the third it rouses lusts within the mother, in the fourth it makes her limbs swell, in the fifth its extremities and its head develop (panca pindiyão), in the sixth its gall and its blood, in the seventh its veins, muscles, vessels, nerves, pores, hairs, and nails, and in the eighth the child is complete. The sex depends on the preponderance of either sperm or blood, in case neither prevails sexlessness will result. A sexless fruit lies (v 18) in the centre of the mother, but a male on the right, and a female on the left side. Its position and its condition are in accordance with the mother. The word bimba (Tand. 14a; Thān. 287a) appears to qualify the result of a miscarriage Acc to Viy 89a a cross-position will lead to a still birth A description of the female genitals is rendered by Tand. 4a. From Pannav. 9 (277b), Thān. 121b we learn that the uterus may-be either convex, concave, or flat (vamsi-patta). In Viy 218 a the role attributed to Hari Negamesi of dislocating the embryo is apparently due to generalısıng the well-known individual case.
The generated beings are born either in the egg or with the amnion (the chorion), or as living young Apart from birds, all snakes, fish, lizards, turtles and crocodiles are eggborn (andaya). Most higher quadrupeds and all human beings are born with the chorion (garāuya) Whereas some quadruped like elephants and mammals with digits extended to support a wing-membrane (bats etc ) are born complete (poyaya) 1
I boyaya, Skt potaja, is explained by KOHL (ZDMG 103, p 153) by "born in a boat", thc boat, in his view, being represented by the burst covers developing the fruit when leaving the womb Though this may well apply to

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$65. As coarse as all these conceptions are, so is the human anatomy (Tand 35b). Apart from the quantities of liquids and other bodily items which can be omitted here, the human being has 700 veins Starting from the navel 160 cach extend upwards, downwards into the legs, downwards into the abdomen, and horizontally, 25 each contain mucus and gall, 10 contain sperm. Furthermore there are 900 sinews, 500 muscles, 900 vessels, 9 9 million hairpores, not counting the hair of the skull and the beard, and 33 million including the latter. Some figures concerning women and hermaphrodites slightly differ in giving them 670 and 680 veins, resp, and 470 and 480 muscles, resp Moreover, we learn that the male is furnished with 5 and the female with 6 inner organs (kodha), and that with the former we find 9 and with the latter 11 apertures (soya).8 It is but due to a tendency of discrimination that in contrast to the general Indian view, that the left side is qualified as good (suha-parınama) and the right side as being unpropitious (Tand 35b)
With the only exception of the Tand as concerns the structure of the human body, we meet next to nothing but generalities • Thān 357 a, Tand 27b know of 6 different ways of joining the bones (samghayana, samhanana) by means of hooking and pinning vajja-risabha (or vairósabha) nārāya, risabha-n ,n. addha-n , kiliya and chevattha (Umāsv on T 8, 12 gives srpātika instead). For an explanation see a. o V. GLASENAPP, Karman p 29, for an illustration see BASTIAN, Ideale Welten I, plate IV (the corresponding sentence on p. 283 is incorrect). From coagulation there results the sixth (and worst) kind, from manifestation none at all, since inhabitants of hell and gods have neither bones, nor sinews, nor veins; with generation all kinds are possible. Acc. to Tand 27b the chevattha-joint is the only one, however, which now still pertains to human beings.
bats, yet it remains to be asked whether it is equally true of elephants and many more quadrupeds listed in the common T 2, 34
1 Umāsvātı on T 2, 34, Silānka on Āyār 5, 2.
2 Here we have to add the nipples They are not mentioned by Thān. 450b
3 But Vivāgas 42b states the 48 nāli and their functions

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DOCTRINE OF THE JAINAS The first is the ideal, and as such it is characteristic of the Arhats etc
The shape of the body (samthāna), too may appear in 6 different kinds (Thān 357a, Tand 27b). A being is proportioned either all over (sama-cauramsa), or only above (niggoha, n-parimandala), or only below (sārya, Comm sādi, Um. sāci). It is either hunchbacked (khujja), or crippled (vāmana), or deformed (hunda) The latter refers to the inhabitants of hell (comp § 109) as well as as to all coagulated beings except those furnished with one sense only, as is described in § 105. While all kinds apply to the generated higher animals and human beings, the first kind only will apply to the gods
Next to the shape of the body we have to mention its size (sarīr'ogāhana) The bodies of elemental beings will not go beyond their diminutive smallness which, as a minimum, partains to all earthly beings. But everywhere else the maximum size is enormous plants and aquatic animals upto 1000 joy., animals living on dry land up to 6 gāuya, and human beings up to 3 g etc. (Pannav 412b). Beyond the range of the horizontal world the size of the body will increase the more the deeper we go, as it will decrease the more the higher we go : the beings inhabiting the deepest regions of hell measure 500 dhaņu, the Anuttarovavāıya 1 rayani (Pannav. 417a). For the siddha see $187.
$66. We now come to speak of the bodily functions. Breathing is called ānamar pānamaz? ūsāsai rīsasar. While the first two words express the inward activity, the last two refer to the outward one (Prajn 220 b) Unexceptionally all beings breathe (Pannav 7), but the intervals will be the longer the higher they stand. Thus the inhabitants of hell breathe incessantly, whereas the highest Vemānıya breathes every 33 fortnights only, but animals furnished with one to five senses and human beings follow different ways of breathing (vemāyāe). As we learn from Viy. 274b in contrast to Tand 3b, the frequency
I 2
=aniti, prānit: For all tormented beings breathe rapidly, Prajn 220b

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145 of breathing is the same with the embryo as it is with the fully developed man, and he will retain this frequency for the whole time of his life, i.e. 3773 in 1 muhutta. So, then, respiration (ussāsa-nissāsa or pānu) comes to be a time-measure. While the breathing of beings having two to five senses was accepted as an established fact (jānāmo pāsāmo), it seemed problematic with regard to elemental beings and plants, but it is explicitly stated to apply to them as well (Viy. 109a), and, moreover, Viy. 109b continues in saying that“breathing" embraces all possible matter (davvāım) This statement is as surprising as is the adjoining and incorrect reference to Pannav. 28 (the Āhāra-paya). A windbody (vāuyāya) breathes his own kind, and even though by inhalıng its own the same has perished (uddarttā) in it a many hundred thousand times, it will yet reappear on and again (paccāyāı, Viy. 110a) 1 In some other connexion we are told that the elemental as well as the vegetable beings inhale and exhale each other (Vıy. 419b)
The earth- and water-beings are not capable of moving voluntarily, nor are plants Hence they are called thādara, i e, stationary, in contrast to all other beings, called tasā pānā, i.e. movable (comp. eg Āyār. 5,1). The text of Dasav 4 beg. formed hereafter shows the altogether unobjectionable meaning. But Siddhasena on T 2, 12 (p 158, 3) distinguishes between the two groups as such in which both the conditions and the mood of the corresponding being show up externally and such where they do not, for trasa, so it is said, originally (ādau) means sukha-grahana Acc. to Devanandın trasa expresses the possibility of transition into a different class of being which, as was mentioned just before, certain beings are lacking, so that for him all beings having one sense only belong to the sthāvara.
All beings brought into existence by coagulation are, without exception, sexless (Jiv II), and the same applies to the
I Abhay maintains that the particles of matter constituting inhalation and exhalation are of finer quality than those composing the earthly" and the transformation body of the wind-being (110 a)
2 Abhay without having an opinion of his own follows the "pajyavyakhyā" and builds up a theory according to which closely connected carthly and other beings mutually assimilate in brçathing

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DOCTRINE OF THE JAINAS inhabitants of hell, whercas scxless gods do not occur in correspondence with the sensuality decrcasing in direct proportion to the height of thc heavenly region, the Gevejja and Anuttara gods are short of femalc dcities (scc Pannav 547b ff and comp Thān. 105b and T 4, 8-10). In the dry account rcndcrcd by Jiv 105b, 177a and 198a, we come across thrcc quccr similes which originally belong to a morc highly stylcd tcai the female sex is compared with a fire for cooking (phumphuy' agg?), thc malc with a forest-fire (vana-dav'aggi), and the third kind with a city-fire (mahanagara-dāha)
867. The number of different scnscs (indiya, Viy. 223b : āyāna) amounts to five in all (Pannav. 15) · They arc uncqually distributed among the beings, and that is why the latter arc divided into such furnished with one to fivc scnscs, as frequently mentioned above, thus forming the fundamentals for approaching the animate world. Beings with onc scnsc own nothing but sensation, those with two have tastc added, those with three smell, those with four vision, and those with five the power of hearing ? The first four arc comprised as bcings with incompleto senses (orgal'indiya) Thc immcasurably small particles of carth, water, fire and wind, and, morcover, all plants are counted among the beings having one sense only. The various manifestations of the elements, all plants and such beings furnished with more senses than one are listed by Pannav. 24a ff without the intention of completeness, and equally by Utt 36, whilc Panhāv. 1 mentions many of them short of a system. As to the organs of the senses the above mentioned scqucncc is the reverse, and then, accordingly, the first three scnses have 2 organs each,; and the latter two one each For this Pannav
I For details ref to the inner sensc sec 15
2 Thc Dig follow Brahman conception by interpolating thc tcachings of the 10 prāna, 5 of which are the indiya-pana, 3 the bala-p comprising the inner sense (§ 71 ), speech and body, while the remaining 2 stand for the breath (anā-pāna or ucсhvāsa-nihśvasa-brāna) and the vital force (auga-) Comp Gommatas Jiv 129, Devanandın on T 2, 14, common Prāyascitta. cūlıkā 4 The latter two state the way in which these are distributed among the beings furnished with one to five senses Sec JACOBI Tatty for this passage
3 The one- to three- eyed beings, referred to by Thān. 171b, arc so in a metaphorical sense

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312a gives davv'indiya, which corresponds to upakarana given by Umāsvātı T 2,17.
The materiality of the sense causes Viy. 423b to call their bearers, i e. the jiva in itself and all beings in the Samsāra, poggalī We have to distinguish between the uvacaya, i.e. the accumulation of atoms suited for the purpose, and the nivvattanā, i e. the disposition or shaping, which occurs in i samaya of a muhutta The uvacaya (not mentioned by Umāsvāti) is called pracaya by Devanandın (on T. 2, 17). This author distinguishes (see p165) between an inner and an outer disposition (niruritz), the latter representing the very pudgala-pracaya, while the former means the units of the soul with regard of both the extension and shape of the corresponding organ of sense, e.g. the pupil of the eye (comp. JACOBI on the quoted passage) Acc. to Prajn. 294a all that is said about special shapes (samthāna) refers to the inner disposition shared by all beings furnished with that sense, and, accordingly, the senses of hearing and smell are shaped like certain flowers (kalambuya-puppha and aimuttagacarida), the sense of vision like a lense (masüra), the tongue like a knife (khurappa), whereas the sense of feeling as not being distinguished into an outer and an inner disposition (Prajn ) appears in different shapes (Pannav 293b and somewhat divergent Siddhasena on T 2, 17) Moreover, there are bāhalla? and pohatta2 the one standing for the thickness and the other for the width of accumulated matter Both are diminutively small, and only the pohatta of the sense of feeling equals the measure of the body The range (visaya )is largest with vision where it goes beyond 100,000 joy, with hearing it goes up to 12, and with all other senses up to 9 joy This certainly must be taken literally, and just as with the size of the body (s a.) and the allegedly longest duration of life, this conception refers to legendary individuals With the objects the organs of sense come into direct contact (putthāım—and pavitthāim
1 bāhalatā=pindatva Prajn 293a The earlier edition of the Pannav invariably prints bāhulya instead of bāhalya
2 Phon =prthaktva, but in meaning=þrthutva (vrstara) Prajn. renders both forms promiscuously

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DOCTRINE OF THE JAINAI saddāim sunei etc., Pannav 298a, Thăn 253a), though this it not the case with the sense of vision Acc to Prajn. 298b hearing, however, manifests itself by a slight touch of the objcct only (sprşla-mātra), whereas smelling, tasting and fccling contact the object, as it were, by additionally incorporating in the soul (baddha-sprşta, baddha=ālma-pradeśair ālmihria). This is said to be due partly to the greater fineness and the greater number of particles of the sound-matter, and the exceptional position ascribed to the sense of vision is accounted for by its aprūplakārıtva, i.e. the faculty of perceiving objects without even touching them! Also towards the first impressions the sense of vision bchaves differently from the other senses (comp $ 71) It goes without saying that the different cffects of the objects on the senses depend on the different qualıtıcs of thc former (acc to Viy. 713 the sweetscent particles are called ghāna-sahagajā poggalä), so that, then, the indiya-visac poggala-parināma (Jiv 373b) is either pleasing or unplcasing (surūva, durūva ctc ),' and it will pass over from the oncinto its opposite
All that has been said hcrc about the five senses applies to them in their material respect, ie as davv'ındiga. We shall deal with the bhāv’indiya, i e. the senses in their conditional state, in 971. When germinative life starts, only the latter are cxistent (V1y 86b)
868 Speech, so Pannav. 255b says, originates in the soul, while it becomes manifest in the body in the shape of a thunderbolt, and it ceases to be at the end of the world (bhāsā jīv'āryā sarīra-ppabhavā vajja-samthiyã log'anta-pajjavasijā). Most probably the designation of its shape is due to a simile laid down in some other connexion. But what Prajn. actually means is that the world which would be pierced by atoms of speech would then appear in the shape of the vajja All one-sensed beings lack the faculty of speech For further details sce $861 and 74. Āyār. II 92, 3f. wants to make it quite clear that speech
1. cattārı indiy'atthā puttha deentz Here dcent stands for veijjantı 2 Comp LEUMANN Übersicht p 39a
3. So with rūda, with sadda it is subbh and dubbhı (also Thāņ 24a ), with gandha it is surabhi and durabhi

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is existent only the moment when being spoken (bhāsijjamāni bhāsā), but neither before nor after, and this is equally being stated by Viy. 103 b, 621b and 622b. The process of speech as such is dealt with at great length by Pannāv. 260b ff. This process is, to put it briefly, the ejaculation (nisarai, nısrjati) of substances (davva) taken in (genhar) previously now being ready either for use or on store). They consist of atoms (ananta -paesiya), occupy the space of ¿ units, last for 1 sam. and own all qualities possible with reference to colour, smell, taste and sensation. Their reception is meant to bring about a close contact (puttha, ogāḍha), 1 e. with the units of the soul (atmapradeśa, Prajn.), and to it both fine and coarse particles (anu and bayara) are subjected which is discussed circumstantially. The reception takes place either with or without interruption (antara) in that either reception or ejaculation, or both reception and ejaculation occur within 1 sam, and then the particle ejected as speech will invariably be the same particle as taken in within the foregoing sam., and, by the way (267a), they will belong to the same content of speech (true, false, etc.) for which they were taken in. Their destiny depends on the intensity of speech. As we learn from Prajn. on Pannav. 262b and from Vy. on V1y. 612 b, when speaking low the particles of speech leave the mouth in coarse portions (abhinna), but they do not reach far and will perish soon, whereas when speaking loud they are finely divided (bhinna), and in this case speech will increase infinitely and reach the boundaries of the world.
§ 69. The supposed duration of human life goes far beyond any experience whatever, as has been mentioned before. For together with animals furnished with five senses they may live to reach 3 palovama, thus surpassing the Vanamantara-and the Joisiya-Gods by the double. The Bhavanavāsi-gods,
1. Prajn appears to be hesitative (263b) in concluding from bayara that the word concerns visible particles, and so the AUTHOR renders but the view of the malafīkākāra that aggregates of a smaller or either larger number of units are being meant
2. Comp. also Thāņ, 63a.

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however, come up to about 2 sägarovama, and both the inhabitants of hell and the Vemänıya even up to 33. The figures referring female gods are lower. One particle of earth will reach 22,000 years, one particle of water 7,000, one particle of wind 3,000, and a plant 10,000. One particle of fire will live for three days and nights at the longest, a two-sensed being for 12 years, if it has three senses for 49 days, and if four for six months. This lifetime (Pannav. 4) is called thir, and this word is even used where later authors speak of bhava-sthiti in contrast to the kayasthiti which means the sum of all existences sharing the same characteristic feature following each other (§ 93).
Apart from legendary opportunities, human life has three stages (jama, vaya, Äyār. 33, 23, 50, 3 fb, Thân 128a), though they do not refer to the physical but to the monastic life. So at least acc. to the comm, where they are said to embrace the time from the 8th to the 30th, from the 31st to the 60th, and from the 61st year until death.1 For nobody will be a monk before his 8th year (§ 138) The actual stages of life are the ten dasa called bālā, kıḍdā, nandā, balā, pannā, hāyanī, pavancā, pabbhārā, munmuhi (mammuhi), sāvanī (sāyani) (Tand 16a, in one Śloka Than 519a, in one Gāhā Tand 16a=Dasav. nijj. 10). The second half of the sequence indicates a decline of the senses, loquacity, bending of the body, expectation of death, and the last bed, though it is frequently interpreted by the comm in a farfetched manner. The appointment of these ten stages most certainly goes back to the theory of assuming a maximum age of one hundred years (Tand 17b 33a). Half of this time is spent by sleep, and for childhood and old age3 another 20 years have to be taken into account (Tand. 33a). From the metrical and hence, owing to the position of the words, liberal compound thiya-jovvana-kes avatṭhiya-naho (Jambudd 224b) we
2
150
I Sthan 128b sees in jama the 4th part of either night or day, though this does not harmonise The vayas (see the same) go up to 16, 70 and 70+x
years
2 With Haribhadra on Dasav nijj mṛt-mukhi (mṛn-, mṛn-mukhi). 3 Viy 699b means physical pain in contrast to psychical pain, the soga
4 In print we find kesa-avatthya avaithiya-k-n would be grammatically more correct We have a Vedha which continues by saying havar ya savva-bhaya-vippamukko.

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learn to understand that everlasting youthful vigour will go with the non-growth of hair and nails which is one of the special qualities of a Kevalin (Samav. 60b).
One list of 16 different diseases is rendered by Ayār. I 27, 16ff while another one is delivered by Vivāgas. 40b Here we come across physicians trying to practise their profession in many different ways. In this connexion we may note that, as Thân, 427 has it, the main subjects of therapeutics are the following eight the science of children's complaints (kumāra-bhicca), the science of internal diseases (kāya-tigicchā), surgery both small and large (salāi and salla-hattā), toxicology (angoli), psychotherapeutics (bhūya-vijā), the science of cautery (kharatanta), and elexirology (rasāyana) They are nearly conform with the eight parts of the so-called Ayurveda (JOLLY, Medicin, Grundriss III 10, P 13). Medical science (tigicchrya), by the way, plainly appertains to the pāva-suya-pasanga) 1 (Thān. 451a). As to the causes of diseases Thān. 446a lists the following nine: a sedentary way of living (accāsanā), bad food, too much sleep, too little sleep, constipation, anury, marching (addhāna-gamana), sitophobia, and the addiction to sensual enjoyments (indiy'attha-vikovanayā). The subdivision (Thān. 265a) into vārya,-, pittaya-and simbhiya-diseases and such in which different factors referred to in this connexion take a share, goes back to the all-Indian system. Viy 634 a (=Thān. 265a) says that madness (ummāya) ensues from being possessed by somebody (jakkh'āvesa) or either from the realisation of the so-called Confusing Karman (§ 87), the former kind being more pleasant (suhaveyanatarāga) and the one to get rid of more easily (suhavzmoyanatarāga) than the latter The state of being possessed by something is brought about, so the author adds, by a god sending impure atoms (asubhe poggale pakkhuvar) which are stronger with inhabitants of hell and gods (mahıddhiyatarāga) than with elemental beings(!), animals and men. The idea probably is that, in agreement with the conceptions of all primi. tives, the material body of a malignant individual takes posses
1. For 25 more all belonging to fortune-telling (see Samav. 49a ). 2 This in addition to a concrete sin also in Thân 360b.

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DOCTRINE OF THB JAINAS sion of a sound one. In Kappa 6, 12 we find jakkh'aittha and ummāya-patta being listed side by side In this connexion the Yaksa is not classed as a benevolent being as he is among the Vanamantara-Gods ($ 112), but stems from the field of popular belief. That a Kevalın were possessed by a Yaksa was a contention established by antagonists (Viy. 749a) probably judging by outward appearance and at any rate intending to deprive his maxims of their credulity.
Physical death is scarcely referred to. We are merely told that the soul (āyā) leaves (nijāı) the body simultaneously by its feet, its thighs, its chest, its head and all its limbs Acc to Thān. 89b and 346а this indicates that the soul henceforth will remain either in hell or among animals, human beings and gods, and that it will enter the realm of the Siddhas (Thān. 346a), though, in fact, it means nothing but a genuinely primitive conception.
$70. The Soul. The Theory of matter ought to be concluded by dealing with the Karman. But since, for times eternal, it has been closely connected with the soul, the latter must be dealt with first The soul as the bearer of life is called jiva, and since it is animate, a living being is called jīva (beside pāna, bhūya, satta). this can be concluded from the somewhat playful subsumptions made by Vay 285a. For the units of the soul and their expansion see § 58 Their total number remains constant for ever, it neither increases nor decreases, while within the different individual grades and classes of beings both equality and either decrease or increase naturally will occur, with the exception of the delivered souls whose number is not subjected to any decrease (Viy. 244a).
We have to distinguish between the soul and āyā, the I, though the dividing line is not always clearly discernible, thus when the moral monastic duties serve the āyā (āyā sāmāre (etc.), āyā sāmāıyassa (etc.) aţthe Viy 99a), when, furthermore, ali bodily and spiritual doings work out in the I (n’annattha āyāc parunāmentı Vay 777a), and, especially, when jīva and jīv'āyā are explicitly equated with each other (Viy. 723b), The I 18
1 The sida is often called aya (āda) by the Dig

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more strongly stressed when the āyā1 as such (davy'āyā) as well as in its connexion with passions, activity, cognition, and other abstracts is quoted as kasāyāyā, jog'āyā nān'āyā, etc. (Viy. 588a), and when all of them prove to occur or either not to occur simultaneously with the individual; comp also the ahugarani āyā Viy. 288b. Cognition, non-cognition, and belief, so it seems, permeate the personality, so that these definitions equal one another: nāne (nom.) āyā, annāne āyā (this with one-sensed beings) damsane āyā (Viy. 588b). In Vıy. 621a, 622b we read that speech and the inward sense both mean something definitely different from the I (no aya bhāsā, n.ā mane, annā bhāsā, annā mane), whereas this does not necessarily refer to the body (āyā vi kãe anne vi kāe) which may be explained by its external and constant working. The same introductory formulation immediately followed the text of Viy. 588b mentioned above (āyā bhante Rayanappabhā puḍhavī annā R p. ? Viу. 592b), but it was intended to serve a completely different purpose. Here āyā stands in order to express that an object marked by its inherent qualities has a dialectic reality in contrast a. o. to the case that foreign qualities belonging to another object are attributed to it (Rayanappabhā.) appano ādiṭṭhe āyā, parassa ādiṭṭhe no āyā. This theory falls into the sphere of Syādvāda (§ 77).
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§71. The spiritual function, uvaoga, is the essence of the soul, though acc to T. 2,18 upayoga also specifically means the functioning of the senses likewise underlying spiritual imagination. Along with the labdhi, the faculty of practising, the upayoga represents the sense considered as condition (bhāvendriya). Pannav. 308b f. says laddhı and uvaog’addhā the latter meaning the time during which a sense (to be added when conceiving) is active. The quickest to react is vision followed by hearing, smell, taste and feeling. Between its quickest and its slowest possible activity there lie the slowest performances of the same row. Both for the davv'indiya (§ 67) and for the bhāv'indiya the Pannav. (311b-315b) elaborately demonstrates how many of
1. aya is declined as a fem in the text to be referred to.

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DOCTRINE OF THE JAINAS cach kind were, are and will be existing (atīta, baddhellaga and purekkhada) in the beings during their past, their present and their future The number of the latter depends on the number of existences still to follow the present one until salvation takes place
Next to the sensual organs, moreover, the inward sense or either the reason is essential for spiritual imagination. Umāsyāti T 1, 14, 2, 22 calls it anındriya, 2, 25 implicitly manas. Pannav renders sannā It is without any organ With animals and human beings sannā is connected with their coming into existence by procreation, with the gods and the inhabitants of hell with their possessing it in their pre-existence (Prajn 534a f). Those who possess the sannā are called sanni and so the Kevalın is no-sanni-no-asanni, since he has come to be beyond the sannā The very brief 31st chapter of the Pannav. is accordingly called Sanni-paya in contrast to Pannav 8, the Sannā-paya. The latter, as must be mentioned here, deals with the 10 sannā (see also Thān 504a) as the primitive emotions or instincts (ābhoga Prajn ) owned by all beings (with the exception, of course, of the Kevalın and Siddha). They are directed towards nourishment, fear, sex, splendour (pariggaha-s ), anger, pride, deceit, greed, worldliness and all carnal desires (loya-and oha-s ).1 Of the four first fear shows up acutely with the inhabitants of hell, nourishment with animals, sex with human beings, and splendour with the gods (osannam karanam paducca), the remaining being chronic (samtaz-bhāvam p ). Acc to Thân 277a (comp. Samav 9b) the mentioned four depend, apart from depending on the resp Karman, on imagination aroused by information, on thinking of it independently, and, furthermore, on the concrete causes as cowardice, empty stomach (omakotthayā), too much (cita) flesh and blood, and on possession (avimuttaya).
$ 72. Acc to T. 1, 15 imagination, no matter whether it depends on the activity of the five outward senses or on that of the inward sense, proceeds from the primary perception (avagraha) over the will to cognition (īhā) and ascertainment
i Sthan 505a calls the ogha-saryjnă a function (upayoga) of belief; the loka-s a such of knowledge, so does Prajn 222b

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155 (apāya or avāya) to the act of imprinting the perception in the mind (dhāranā)1. Though this sequence corresponds with Thān. 281b, 363a; Viy. 571a; Nandi 168a, it does not agree with Pannav. 15, 2. Here we find first the indiya-ogāhanā (309 a), followed by avāya, īhā and oggaha ? Thatis to say, the sequenceis just the reverse, and ogāhanā: rendered in the Prajn by avagrahana without being explained more closely, is replaced by dhāranā. The author of the Pannav takes the right to class this genesis of imagination in his chapter about the senses from their having a fundamental share in imagination. But with the oggaha this does not apply to all senses as with the other three stages. Here atth’oggaha and vanjan’oggaha are distinguished from each other, the first constituting a distinct and the latter an indistinct primary sensation towards the object. The sense of vision, however, is not capable of an indistinct primary sensation but of a distinct one only Nor is the inward sense (no-indiya, Pannav 310 a; T 1, 18 f) The reversion of the sequence in Pannav. mentioned above, is due to the fact that the figure of five determined with indiya-uvacaya, -nivvattanā and -laddh could continue to hold good with ogāhaņā, avāya and ihā, until finally with oggaha the sequence ramifies. It was a mistake, however, to maintain it for the ogāhanā etc. without adding the nb-indiya. In the Nandi (175 b ff ) this has been done, and the inward sense justly shares in the will to cognition, the act of ascertainment and the act of imprinting the perception in the mind Here, by the way, we are also told (177a, 184a) that the “primary perception” lasts only 1 sam., while ihā and avāya remain below 1 muh, whereas the dhāranā will last for any length of time
The function of the four stages of perception is the following acc to Thān 363a oggaha, ihā and avāya occur rapidly (khippa) and analogically (dhuva) in every new case, dhāranā, however, permanently (porāna) and intensively (duddhara. gahana). But all four are composed of single perceptions
1 Comp LEUMANN Übersicht p 38b 2 In print we read uggaha 3 In the Abhidhānarājendra incorrectly rendered as uggāhanā

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DOCTRINE OF THE JAINAS (bahu) or either decompose them (bahuviha), they are undoubtable (asamdıddha), and they do not occur by virtue of conclusion (anissiya) T 1, 16 renders anukta for asamdigdha, and the distinction concerning the dhāranā is missing, but instead also the reverse applies to the six different functions
$ 73. Cognition comes on through imagination, and so far as it keeps within the frame of the true teaching, Umāsvāti and his successors generally call it by the name of matz-nāna, whereas in the Canon it appears as ābhınıbohiya-nāna But in connexion with its negation called mai-annāna, which we shall deal with later (879), it is also defined as mar-nāna. The other kinds of cognition to which the same assumption pertains, are called suya-nāna, oh1-1., manapajjava-n and kevala-n. (Viy. 342b; Thān. 347a, Rāyap 130a) While the Pannay (525a) does not deal with it systematically, all five kınds are given their locus classicus in the Nandi (65 ff) where (144a) the ābhını bohiya, by the name of buddhi, is being subjected to further subdivisions which, however, we abstain from dealing with here.2 Norcan we do so with the other nāna The greater importance lies in its close relationship with the suja-nāna in its meaning of communication or evidence according to cognition. Both are equal in their relative existence (Pannav. 136b), what is more, they only occur together. jattha ābh -1 , tattha suya-n , jattha suya-1., tattha ābh - But this sentence of the Nandi (140a) is immediately restricted by quoting a half-śloka of the āyarıya according to which the suya is preceded by the mai, but not the maz by the suya. Umāsvāti T 1,20 and on T. 1,31 subscribes to this view. There are various ways as to how knowledge from outside the I may be conveyed But the 14 possibilities of the suya as referred to by the Nandi 187a ff. do not exclude one another (comp 187a 13 f) They concern articulated, reasonable and spiritual evidences (the latter pertaining to, and corresponding with, the Jain teaching) and such that are contrary to these
I For synonyms see T 1 13
2 For these uppatlıya, venaiya, kammiya and parınāmiya ļ buddhi comp. also Thân 281 a, Viy 5712

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qualities. The inward sense serves the transformation of such evidences into cognition, and this seems to be meant in T. 2, 22.
$ 74. As to the articulated" evidences (akkhara-suya) mentioned above they are formed by written (sann'akkhara-s.) and oral (vanjan'akkh -s ) ones as well as by such consisting in an object conceived by the senses releasing its denomination (laddhz-akkh.-s ).1 We refer to this simply in order to attach the consideration frequently mentioned in the Canon about the expressive content of language. The earliest comments on this subject appear in Āyār 11, 4; they are closely related to Dasav. 7.2 Resting on the monastic discipline they are, to a great extent, based on the primitive distinction between the True (sacca) and the Wrong (mosa); in between we find what is made up of both the True and the Wrong (saccā-mosa), and beyond all three there is what is neither true nor wrong (asacca-mosa) (Ayār. II, 91; Thān. 183 b). They are the four bhāsājāyā 3 Pannav. 11 deals with them, as with speech altogether, more systematically, though, on the whole in a strikingly ill-assorted way on the whole. Of those four contents the first pair is attributed to "distinct” (paggattiya) and the second to “indistinct” (apavi ) speech (Pannav. 255b). From their numerous sub-varieties it follows (a o.) that a mode of speech springing from emotion is by itself understood as mosā Next to true speech a Kevalın ($ 81) avails himself of the asaccāmosa only (Viy 749a). All animals with two to four senses and beings with five senses express themselves in the “neither true nor wrong" way, but the latter will employ the first three modes just as well (Pannav. 260a) provided they have learnt to do so or carry along with them a
I Eg, yac cakşuşa amra-phal'ady-upalabhy' "āmra-phalam" ttyadyaksardnuviddham Sabdartha-payalocan'ātmak am vijnanam tac cakşur-indriya-labdhy -aksaram, Nandivrtti 18ga
2 Dasav is later than Ayār If in its slokas it contains such pādas as ale scattered in the prose of Ayar (Āyar 93, 2f =Dasav 7, 2, 94, 245
Dasav 7, 26) the latter represent an ancient stock, comp LODERS, SPAW 1913, p 1007
3 Frequently written bhasa-jāyā Acc to Vay 622b the four modes also apply to the nāna
4 In their discussion Prajn 257b mentions that in Konkan piccom 13 said for payas and that by the gopala the lotus is called aravinda only Nearly the same is said Praśn 1176

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DOCTRINE OF THE JAINAS higher ability. The aforesaid fourth mode has twelvc cascs as address, order, requcst, question ctc. Communication (pannavanī), too, belongs to thc asaccāmosa But the problem was whether such communications were not rather mosā bhāsā in case the natural gender of the object was not cxprcsscd as in the plural forms gão, mayā, pasū, pakkhi Pannav. 2485 f. dcnics this and probably dispels cvcn other doubts as to the congruity of grammatical and natural gender and number. Viy 499b cqually affirms that the expression of an intention, c.g. "we want to lic down" (āsaissāmo) is a pannawani bhāsā and not "urong''. Apart from this kind Pannav. 246b spcaks of the ohárini bh., ie the statement giving as cxamples "I mean", "I think" and the like Such a statement may cxprcss any of the four contents (modes) a truc statement will scrve (ārāhini) the teaching, a wrong one will opposc (virähini) it, ctc It gocs with the sphere of ethics that all four modcs of specch, and conscquently thc modo of wrong specch as well, are admitted, provided thcy arc employed in a pious way of mind (āutlam=samg al.), whilc even true speech coming from a sinner's mouth will count for nothing (Pannav 268a) It goes with discipline that a monk charging himself with abstinence for one month ( māsiyā bhikkhu-padımā, § 157) may express himself by four ways only by begging for alms, by putting a question, by making a request for lodging and by giving an answer (jāpanā, pucchanī, anunnavanī, putihassa vāgarani, Dasā 7 I=Thān. 183b)
§ 75. The suya-nāna, which we concludc hercwith, forms a unity with the ābhinibohiya nāna thus resulting in indirect or parokkha cognition (Nandi 140a, T. 1, 11), indirect inasmuch both rest on outward conditions In imagination they represent the organic fundamentals The three modes of cognition following suya (Nandi 166 f )-we shall deal with them in § 78 ff - are direct (paccakkha ) since they are not based on such conditions Hence cognition is called twofold (duviha nāna Thăn 49b) Umāsvātı in T 1, 10 calls pratyaksa and paroksa the two pramāna or media of cognition Anuogad 151 a ff deals with the pamāna, but of his varieties davva-, khetta., kāla- and bhāva-pb. (also Thān. 198a) only the one mentioned last (210 a) can be

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159 taken into consideration here. There the paccakkha-pp. (211a)1 originating partly from the five senses (indiya) and partly from another source (10-2.)--in the latter case superior forms of cognition are concerned stands side by side with anumāna, ovamma and ägamma, i.e conclusion, comparison and tradition, which altogether might justly have been comprised as parokkha. This word, however, fails to appear in the composition of the Anuogadāra. Conclusion (212a), to say but this, is purvavam "resting on earlier (sensual perception)”, sesavam "resting on exclusion" and ditthasāhammavam “resting on abstraction", each word being explained by examples
$ 76. The nāna-ppamāna mentioned in this connexion adds up to the jiva-pp. by going together with damsana- and caritta-pp, and the jīva pp.- again adds up to the guna-pp. by going together with the agiva- ÞÞ (colours, smell, taste, feeling and shape). The guna-pp ranges first among the sub-varieties of the bhāva-pp standing alongside with the naya- and samkha- pp. We pass over the latter, the number”, in order to turn to the naya or "modes of contemplation" In Utt. 28, 24 pamāna and naya stand side by side “The naya's are methods intended to represent an object by accentuating of all its different aspects the one only which the teacher has in mind for his special purpose, whereas the others being irrelevant to him remain unconsidered" (JACOBI with ref to T. 1, 35) Naya is known even to Viy, though not in its conventional designation and number (see below) So, when Viy 302a speaks of the vocchittzand avvocthitti-nay'atthayā ($ 77) The necchaiya-n. and the vavahāriya-n (Viy. 748a), ie contemplation in theory and praxis , approach the later usage of the word more closely. As to contemplation in praxi a sensual quality of the object stands in the foreground, whereas contemplation in theory starts from all qualities possible Thus, while a bee, for instance, is black in praxı, it is of all colours, smells, etc in theory, so that, then, the definition may be supposed to be due to some process of elimination. Along with the vavahāra-n. we shall presently
I A reference to this passage is given in Viy 221b where it was caused by the word pamāna in the preceding passage of quite a different character.

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THE JAINAS come to know also the ujju-sutta-n and others. Probably the Viy was familiar with the latter, too, for the definition mentioned just before most certainly goes back to the catchword ujjuya of the preceding sūtra
Now, in Anuog. 264a ff, Thãn. 390 b; Av 754 we come across the seven mula-naya called negama, samgaha, vavahāra, ujju-suya, sadda, samabhirudha and evambhūya 1 Instead of ujjusuya sometimes ujju-sutta is being read corresponding to the Sanskrit form. The resp 100 subvarietics mentioned by Av. 759 (Sthan 390b) on account of a certain "main-naja" while according to others their number is said to be but 500 in allare merely a fictitious conception presumably resting on the fact that in praxi the ways of contemplation are often incomplete and may intercross, etc The definition of the different ways set forth by Devasuri, one of the later logicians, has been rendered by JACOBI on Sūtra T 1, 35 & As to the naigama, it follows from Umāsvāti's Bhasya and other passages that this word stands for the so to speak "conventional", though often figurative way of contemplation not distinguishing between qualities of genus and species The samgraha has nothing in mind but the generic notion, the vyavahāra nothing but the qualities of the species at hand, and the rju-sūtra nothing but the object in its present state and only so far as it is mine The sabda or samprata strictly clings to the sense of the word given to it either by context or convention, that is to say, synonyms are accepted, while the samabhiruḍha relies on the etymology of the word contrary to words of the same meaning, and, finally, the evambhuta exclusively takes a word as it wants to be taken according to the activity expressed by it JAINI points out that the modes of
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OF
I Samay 128b in an incomprehensible way quotes three of the above mentioned names in the alleged table of contents of the Ditthivaya (§ 38) Perhaps this has caused the reference to be made to it concerning all naya Av. 760
2 Comp also JHAVERI, The First Frinciples of the Jain Philosophy (1910), p 53 ff, JAINI on T 1 35 (SBJ 2, 45ff)
3 Siddhasena (on T 1, 65). explains nigama janapada Av. 755(Anuog 264a) says negehim manehim minai nega-ma (1) Others explain by naika-gama "having different species" Comp Satis Chandra VIDYABHUSHANA, Hist of the Mediaeval School of Indian Logic p 11 and Festschr Bhandarkar p 157 f

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161 contemplation narrow by steps from 1 to 7.1 But we also find an internal classification according to which I to 3 are concerned with the substances and 4 to 7 with their conditions (dravyārthika- and þaryārthika-naya), and a second one concerning examinations of the object--1 to 4-and its relations—5 to 7—(artha- and sabda-n ) Finally Umāsvātı offers 5 to 7 subvarieties of the sabda, to say nothing of those regarding the nargama.
In the Anuog , however, all seven enjoy equal rights, save that the last three are comprised as tinnı sadda-nayā We now turn back to the pamāna-specification rendered by Anuog 222 b ff. where we find the naya being illustrated by way of three examples. They strike us by their primitiveness when compared with the subtlety of classic definition Of all examples the third one, the paesa-ditthanta, is the most searching i For the negama there exist space units (paesa) which pertain to all substances (davua) and to any part separated from them (desa). Thus, beside the paesa of dhamma, āgāsa, jīva and khandha, the negama quotes as the sixth the paesa of desa. 2 The samgaha keeps within the number of five (pancanham paese), since the desa-pp pertains to all five substances if my servant buys a donkey, then the latter is mine, too? 3 The vavahāra does the same, though it speaks of the ḥ as being five-fold, for if five men possess something in common, then also a part of it belongs to them in common 4 For the ujju-suya the is, as the case may be (bhaiyavda), one of dhamma, of adhamma, etc 5. The sampazsadda-naya says dhamme (etc up to khandhe) paese, se paese dhamme (adhamme, āgāse, no-jive, no-khandhe), the space unit forms the corresponding substance and represents it (save the two last ones owing to the diversity of the jiva and the khandha). 6. The samabhırūdha maintains that in the words of dhamma (etc.) paese dhamme may be taken for a loc , ie in the nature of a Tatpurusa, or either for a nom , 1e in the nature of a Karmadhāraya As the first possibility is out of the question since it would qualify dh and TM as differing from each other, there remains
1 2
Lốc ca p 47. dåsena me hharo kito dāso di me khato di me, Vyav bh IV 25a (quotation).

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DOCTRINE OF TIE JAINAS the second according to which for (hammc (ctc.) pacsc wc have to say dhamme (etc ) ya sc pacse ja se, and so forth as in 5 7 For the evambhūra, finally, desa and paesa aic beyond discussion (avatihu) since it hnows but dhamm'atthilāya (etc.) as a wholc (sauvam kasınam padipunnam mravascsam cga-gahang-gahıyam).
The two examples of the bushel (patthaga) and the nightstay (vasahi) preceding in Anuog 2221) ff comiprisc both thc naya 1 to 3 and 5 to 7, and so they do not give us an chaustive information about their standpoint. But they compensate for it by distinguishing different grades of quality in a negama and, implicitly, in the vavahāra coinciding with it Wc speak of a genuine (visuddha) negama when somcbody being asked what hc is hewing there with his axe, gives an answer by saying a measure for a bushel (patthaga), the neg bocomcs cvcr more genuine (visuddhalarāga) when, with the samc answer given in each case, it is being asked what are you hicwing? what are you hollowing ? what are you smoothening? and so on up to the point of carving the owncr's nanie (nām' audio palthao). A neg is not genuine (avisuddha), however, when the question: where do you go ? is being answered by saying I am going for a measure for a bushel (patthagassa gacchāmi). In the second example the neg is the more genuinc the more precisely the question kahım bhavam vasası ? is being answered by pointing out to the upper world, the Jambuddiva, Bharaha, South -Bharaha, Pātaliputra, the House of Devadatta and, finally, its bedroom (gabbha-ghara), whereas the answer in thc word (loge) will render a negama not qualificd as genuine 1
§ 77 By means of a naya a standpoint is gained allowing of making some statement about an object, though we must be careful in distinguishing from it what is understood as the contemplation of the object as such from different angles It is in the nature of the matter that the latter is the more original, though it is confirmed by the text. But, to be true, we find it fully developed, along with the naya-technique, also only as late as in Anuog., and it is even later that it is given the name of
1. Anuog 17a
For all three examples see also Avaśy 378a ff

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nikkheva (e.g Dasay. nijj 9). Umāsvāti T 1, 5 does not refer to it. Acc to Anuog 250 a ff nikkheva first means nothing but a contemplation more or less comprehensive Yet we intend to start already here by signifying in this way the technique of discussing an object from four standpoints as is introduced by Anuog. These standpoints are called denomination (nāma), effigy (thavanā), substance (davva) and condition (bhāva). The āvassaya, the indispensable, may serve as an example (Anuog. 11 b ff) Nām'āvassaya is a denotation saying that a being or a thing is "indispensable". Thavan'āv. is the figurative representation of something indispensable Davv'āv. is something indispensable, be it from the standpoint of a monk (the Āvassaya formulae), be it from that of a dissenter (the obligatory religious rites) or be it with regard to worldly activities (the morning toilet). Bhāv’āv. says what is emotionally realised as being indispensable in the Jain Creed the pious fulfillment of the Āvassaya formulae, for the non-Jain epic lectures (puvvanhe Bhārahe, avaranhe Rāmāyanam) or either a ritual act practised any time from a religious urge.
The quaternary nikkheva is extended by "place" (khetta) and "time" (kāla), occasionally also by way of being" (guna), comp. Viy. 147b. The world, the soul and both the residence of the Siddha and the siddha themselves are davvao and khettao finite but kālao and bhāvao infinite (Vıy 177b); the souls are in themselves everlasting, whereas with regard to their condition they are not (Vıy 299b) Less uniform than are these disquisitions are statements directly gained from the subject in question the beings considered as a whole (avvocchitte -nay'atthayāe)are everlasting, while when considered individually (vocchitti-nay'a.) they are not (Viy 302a), or, among others, food and drink (oyana, kummāsa, sura), according to their origin (pudva-bhāva-pannavanam paducca), must be called an accumulation of vegetable or, resp , watery substances, and after being heated a community of fiery substances (Viy 213a). In the latter argument as well as in some others including such that do not reflect on the same object by approaching it from different points of yiew as davva and bhāva (eg. Vıy. 65b, 103b, 110b;

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DOCTRINPor Ti JAIXAS also in the Thān, Jiv 7311; Desi G), the subject is characterised by the words II valla radu suza. "from sundpoint it is predicable that. "i The word sisā sliding for viselfind occurung in pairs and ripeatrally in the firun of 1937 ereza siya sāsaya siya asīsajā, vay 30?.:) h.:s lyrcotic the fixosfor the thcory of the cause vlidity of any statement But now, apart from the word sal, the neauon ain) 191;! is significant of the seven formulac of the, szcd-rida which will be mentionce presently But just as the formule ortaom si flour trily sphere of the Syädvada already so clocoalin," in the cercursions rcndcrcd by Pannav. 3236 fi; Imon 74 IT Irom ilymo laikas we may take as an cwmple thut of more dual of equilent clements (cg an aggregate consisting of min toms) eludes obscrvation from the view of the mequence" (art.2371,c. that it lics "bycyond what is predicable" /ceste ni attainar), since this dunl is neither a sequence as if the case will thirrc atoms and morc nor nonc as rith one atom. While this the building stones of the Südküda arrcrestent in the Cononalready, yet the latter is still unaware of the completed buildm bcaring this name or that of llc Anchintivida. Most certainly thic invention of thus thcory of relativities (as it is frequently called in a somcwhat playful manner) gous back in in carks time, probably to Malāvīra personally, but in its fully developed shape as the so-called sapla-bhangi it appears only later as an anony. mous crcation As to its origin SCHRADER, who nouced the relation with the vihalpa of thic Ājnīnika, pointed to the logics of the southern Indian Digambaris de cloped in shroud dulcuc argumentations. The sapla-bhangi says that an object (a ghala, of course) scen from a chosen standpoint (synīt) can be significd (1) as cxistent, (2) as non-existent (1 c rcgarded under the aspect of another object) and (3) as both csistent and nonexistent (the former sccn under its own aspect and the latter under alien oncs) The three corresponding formulac arc • sjád asty eva, syān nasty cva, sjad asli rast ca The two statements of
1 The AUTHOR failed to recognise this in "Wortc," p 25, ann
2 Philos p51. The reference to the Suy agadaniy made by Satis Chandra VIDYABHUSANA (Logic p 8) is misleading

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165 (3), however, can be made by letting the one follow the other, whereas they cannot possibly be made simultaneously Under this aspect the object (ghata) (4) defies description syādavaktarya eva The remaining three sentences are identical with the first three by adding avaktavya. This means to say in sentence(5) that a thing exists but that, apart from this positive quality with reference to another thing, it has a negative quality as well, and that it is impossible to express both qualities simultaneously syād astı cavaktavyaś ca. Sentence (6) syān nâsta câvaktavyaś ca is just the reverse on the basis of non-existence Sentence (7), finally, exprcsses that an object as in (3) can be taken either as positive or negative, though not simultaneously but only successively. syād astı nastı cavaktavyaś ca. The wording rendered follows Vimaladāsa's Saptabhangītaranginī (p 2), except for some slight difference it represents the backbone of the Syādvāda literature 1
$ 78. Sthân 347b, Nandīvrttı 65b and others are correct in defining the name of ohr-cognition by ātmano'rtha-sāksātkarana -vyāpāra and by equating avadhi with avadhāna. The ohi-cognition is inherent in both the inhabitants of the world of gods and those of the different spheres of hell owing to this form of existence of theirs, and as such it is called bhava-paccarya (Nandi 76b; T. 1, 22). But the two preceding forms are equally inherent in these inhabitants (Viy 343b) However, due to a certain behaviour of certain Karman species in the soul, the khaộvasama-condition (§ 182), the ohi-cognition occurs as khaovasamiya (Thān 49b) also in human beings and animals with five senses (V1y 343b) It consists (Nandı 97a) in the
I Representations and criticisms of the Syädvāda and S-bh ao will be found in any history of the Indian philosophy, eg in S RADHAKRISHNAN, Indian Philosophy, 1, 302ff Comp also the pamphletes Hirachand Liladhar JHAVERI, The first Principles of the Jain Philosophy (1910) P 34ff, Jagmanderlal JAINI, Outlines of Jainism (1916), p 116 f, Champat Rai JAIN, Science of Thought (no year) P 114 ff First ref made by RG BHANDARKAR, Report 1883-84, p 95, acc to which JACOBI SBE 45. XXVII Most recent books are M L MEHTA Outlines of Jaina Philosophy, Bangalore 1954 and THE SAME, Jaina Psychology, ib, 1957
2 The word for its application by a godlike person is ohim paungai. It draws the object closer by ohunā ābhoci (ābhogayatı, Jambudd 214a)

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DOCTRINE OF THE JAINAS cognition (jänar päsar, comp $32) of co 1 up to all bodily substances (rūvi-davva, comp T 1, 28) in a spacc ranging from the smallest to the widest possible extension during a time comprising all stages from the smallest up to extremely large extents and, moreover, in the past as well as in the future, and such in c conditions (bhāva), though they are all but the oo fraction of all preceding conditions 3 The ohi-condition is acquired when the teaching of Mahāvīra was conveyed soccā (Vıy. 432a), but also asoccā, if only the Karman conditions mentioned above are fulfilled The true believer possesses ohi wherever he may be always in the same intensity, or either the opposite of both is valid This results in six possibilities (see JACOBI on T 1, 23, Thân 378a) partly explained by Nandi 8la ff by way of comparisons The same is done by Umāsvāti and Devanandın (p 123 ) What they call anavasthila is called padıvār by Nandī, but while in doing so a certain up and down is presupposed by the former, the latter expresses thus a nonrecurring involution (pratipatatı). As reason for some of those possibilities part of which have even sub-species Siddhasena refers to the corresponding variety of the underlying hhaðvasama condition, and it may be taken for granted that this goes for all. He who owns the faculty of the "transcendental cognition of bodily things" which represents the ohi-cognition (JACOBI on T 1, 22) is capable of lifting himself up to different mountains, of letting himself down into thc deep and of dwelling in the kamma-bhūr, just as he is capable of multiplying himself from twice to ten times his size in 1 sam (Viy 438a) Thān. 393a vividly describes the startling effect of the first occuri ence of the ohi-cognition on him who comes to behold the earth quite small swarming with tiny beings (kunthu), a powerful god, a monstrous serpent living in distant continents or the unclaimed
I anantām tazjasa-bhāşā-prayog ya-warganā pantarāla-vartini draugāni; sarpanı=bādara-sūksmânt rúbr-dravyāni, Nandivrtti 97b)
2. Also in sections (hhandha) of the non-world which equal the world in size For this see also Viy 437 a
3. Here, again, it is made clear thatco is not more than a very large numerical quantity For other details sce Srutasāgara on T I 10 22, comp BHANDARKAR, Rep. 1883-84, Notes p II

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treasures hidden in all possible places. For this, however, so Sthān. says, the blame has to be put on the mohanīya karman which is still effective within him who possesses the gift of ohi-cognition.
$79. These magic qualities are equally inherent in those who own the negative ohr-cognition (Viy 435a). For the three first kinds of cognition also appear in their negations (T. 1, 32) called the three-fold annāna mai-annāna, suya-a and vibhanga nāna (Viy. 343a). All three of them rest on miccha-ditthi, the wrong belief ( $168), a word, by the way, not applied by Umāsvāti in the Sūtra (T. 1, 32 f). As to main and suyaannāņa (both of which do not occur separately) Nandi gives it in 143a. The crroneous cognition in the field of imagination has the same four stages as has the ābhınıbohıya, which if caused by evidence is based (Nandi 194a, Viy. 343 a) on the non-Jainist philosophy, science and arts 1 The vibhanga-nāna, finally, (or vibhange nāmam annāne, e g. Viy 433 a, b) shows up where the teaching of Mahāvīra was not conveyed orally and where, moreover, the Karman condition does not correspond with the above mentioned presuppositions (Viy. 430a). But it is the reward for spiritual preparedness and abstinence in the sense of the teaching, and on account of sammatta and its consequences it may even change into ohr-cognition (Viy, 433a). Thus Mahāvīra corrects the wrong conceptions of the world view resting on vibhanga which the former King Siva had acquired through his chastisements as disā-pokkhiya vānapattha tāvasa (Viy. 514b), as well as the wrong ideas about gods maintained by the Brahman Poggala (Vıy. 551a). And the seven cases of vibhanga -rāna, listed by Thān 382b, also refer to questions concerning the teaching It is not only the wrong view but also the rejection of the true facts which they all have in common, whereas the wrong ohr-cognition is being described by Viy. 343a as referring (samthiya) to the most different things beyond the field of belief eg. localities, geographical dates, places of Worship, animals and
genii, 8
I Comp WEBER, Ind Stud 17, 9f 2 rukkha and thūbha
3 komnata etc, for the Bhavanayāsı-gods are known to pertain to the terrestrial sphere.

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In this connexion we may omit the calculations following in Viy in how many different ways and in relation with what kinds of other qualities beings are in possession of either true or wrong cognition (nānī and annānī, 343a ff). In discussing the range of effect (visaya) of both kinds Viy 356a makes us understand that by force of imagination cognition goes back to teaching and by force of evidence to functioning (āesenam jānai pāsai resp. uvauttej p). Provided that desa, in this case, has not a different meaning, there can be no doubt acc to § 71 that the two words were changed by mistake imagination follows from upayoga,
evidence from ādeśa
§80 Beyond the sphere of the oh-nāna there is no longer any wrong cognition, 1 e. resting on a non-spiritual basis, but only different grades of infallible orthodox cognition. The manapajjava-nāna following next (Nandi 99b) is the most colourless among all five, while oht and vibhanga were the most stimulating for imagination as far as the latter can be spoken of It occurs only with human beings who in their spiritual career stand on a high level (samjaya appamatta iḍḍhi-patta).1 It is inferior to the ohi-nāna in that it is restricted to ∞ Aggregates with ∞ space units, to the human sphere (manussa-khetta, §122), to the minute part of a palovama and to the ∞ small fraction of all existing accidents (savva-bhava). But it reaches the thoughts (manogaya bhava) of the beings with five senses as expressed by the name of manahparyāya "changing condition of the inward sense". The sub-sections of the two kinds of cognition are named by Umāsvāti T 1, 25-29, so for instance imperishability (apratipata), not specially mentioned by Nandi. But together with the latter he speaks (T 1, 24) of two grades of the manapajjava-nāna, the one being achieved by a more simple and the other by a more comprehensive way of visionary thinking (upumar and viula-mar, Than 49b), the latter being more extensive, purer and brighter For an example the Nandicunni speaks of a ghata somebody thinks of, and of the different qualities of the same (Nandivrttı 108b)
DOCTRINE
OF
I Sthan counts the avadhi- up to the kevala-jnana among 91on of an iddhimanta
2. The Dig in T 1, 24, 29 speak of m-paryaya.
the
posses.

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169 $81. The conditions under which the kevala-nāna (Nandi 111 b ff) comes about belong to the description of the road leading to salvation (§ 186). Here we are concerned with explaining its meaning which is simple enough, as to substantiality, space, time and condition it discloses the cognition of all that is, was and will be, and acc. to Umāsvātı T 1, 30 it does so with regard to all substances and their conditions That is why the Kevalın can be called ega-nāņi ( Viy 343a) For his knowledge includes all the other stages of cognition. We are given many proofs for this knowledge of his (eg Vay 216a, 217b, 238b, 567a). Readily and frequently the Kevalın is contrasted with one who stands on a lower stage, 2e. with the chaumattha, āhohiya and para-m-āhohiya Chauma means the same as āvarana, the “veiling" of the soul, and even the common monk is still subject ot it (chadmastha, sakasāya, niratiśaya, avadhy-ādı-atrśaya-vikala, akevalın Sthān., Vy) The chaumattha is known by his acting contrary to the five principal rules, by allowing homage to be paid to him and by his not acting according to his words (Thān. 389a). It is but indirectly, not directly like the Kevalın, that a monk becomes aware of his imminent salvation (Viy 221b), and he also lacks ao the Kevalın's high standpoint on which by suffering he gets rid of his Karman in order to give an example to others (Thān 304 b). He lacks the ohi cognition since apart from not perceiving the immaterial basic facts, he neither perceives the free atoms and aggregates of sound, smell and wind (Viy 342a=Thān 505b, s id. 341a, 354a, 427a) But we read Viy 755a that some chaum. are capable of perceiving atoms ohi, however, is also the base for the conception ofāhohiya (Thān 61a ahohe) and para-m-āhohiya monks. The former is said to be (eg Vy. 67a, Rājapr. 130b) one whose ohi is not yet of the highest grade (paramâvadher adhastād yo 'vadhih, adho'vadhikah parimita-ksetra-visayavadhakah). That this does not imply the case of one whose cognition is still below the ohr level seems to be shown by Rāyap 129b where the āhohiya Kesi is in possession of the ohr. The corresponding passages of the text (e g. also Vıy. 65b, 311a, 755b) the āh. passes for chaumattha.

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DOCTRINE OF THE JAINAS The para-m-āhohıya equals the Kevalın in that he is certain to enjoy salvation even in the same existence (Viy. 311a), and acc. to Vıy755b his way of realising the objects, as will be discussed below (82), is just the same as well. From our way of spelling the word it already follows how, in our view, it has to be analysed it concerns an adhovadhika-para=adhovadhikāt parah or paramah, as we read in Viy. 67a The reading to para -M-ohiya in the same passage expresses the same. Probably āhbhıya itself goes back to yathāvadhıka.
The Kevalın, as long as he still dwells on earth, is distinguished as bhavattha-kevali from him who, as siddha-k-., has entered Siddhi The former is either still active or has ceased to be so he is either sajogī or ajogi ($ 186). Just as these two are subdivided in temporal respect according as they are either in the first (or last) samaya of their condition or not: (a)padhamaor (a)carama- samaya- (s)ajogi, so the siddha-kevali are subdivided temporally into such enjoying Siddhi in the first and others doing so in the further samaya of their existence: anantara-s -k - and parampara-s -k. This structure fully corresponds with that of the kevala cognition rendered by Thān. 49b; Nandi 111b, and so it repeats also 15 different kinds of the anantara-sıddha-kevali expressing the origin of omniscience. One owns it by obtaining it from the sacred teaching (tittha) or while this teaching is either latent or decays (atittha), as a titthagara or as monk in general (a-t ), by one's own strength (sayambuddha) either in order to pass it on or to keep it ( patteya-buddha ) or thanks to another Kevalın (buddha), and, moreover, the owner has the physical characteristics of one of the three sexes (linga, though not their sexual fceling), the external marks of either Jain or alien monkdom or those of laity (salinga etc), and, finally, he has acquued them either in company with other true believers (anega) or by himself.
$82. By concluding this subject we return to its beginning where the spiritual function (uvaoga) was designated as the essence and characteristic feature of the soul The statement
1 For its 34 qualities and marks of distinction(huddhájsesa) see Samay 60b; partly others with the Dig Subhacandra on Chapp 1, 35, 4, 42

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of this fact in T 2,8 is followed in T. 2, 9 by the division of the upayoga into "formally distinct” and “formally indistinct” imagination. This Sūtra goes back to Pannav 29. Imagination is sāgāra if the object is grasped separately together with its present qualities (saparyaya, Prajn.). This happens in cognition, no matter whether it is of the right of the wrong kind, the latter in this case being called non-cognition. Thus it follows that the sāgāra-uvaoga is eight-fold and that it comes wherever those two kinds of cognition are recorded, 1.e. with all beings The anāgāra-uvaoga, however, is given when an object appears without its temporal attributes as an abstract (sāmānya-Tūpatayā). Prajn. 526 a, b illustrates this by saying that a Kevalın needs for both but I sam., whereas any other individual needs for it upto 1 muh., but to become aware of the qualities of the object will take him x times as much as to grasp it as an abstract The latter is called damsaņa meaning "seeing” in a metaphorical sense, and it is four-fold according as it is done either by means of the visual organ, by one or different other organs of sense or else by the inward sense (acakkhu-d ), or either whether it comes to happen metaphysically with and without limitation (ohr- and kevala-d). All beings own at least one of these kinds of the damsana In case, however, a chaumattha, by force of ynāna and avadhe-darśana, should grasp (jānai pāsar)1 an object (of co space units), a säkāra- and an anākāra-upayoga will happen simultaneously But with the Kevalın it is different in this case any simultaneity, ie. any coincidence of the kevala-znāna with the sākāra- and the kevaladarśana with the anākāra-up. is out of the question, and it is this consideration that Viy 755b and Pannav 531 a f. are based upon Prajn categorically contradicts (532b) Siddhasena who had maintained that a Kevalın grasps an object specially and generally at the same time ( kevāli bhagavam yugapat jānātı þaśyatı ca)
The discussion of uvaoga in Pannav 29 is followed by that
1 Thus the process with a Kevalın is rendered (Vıy 221b, 223 b, 888a ) whereas Āyār 7, 24 does not mean such a one

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DO OTRINE OF THE JAINAS of the pāsanāyā (paśyaltā=pieksana) In Pannav 30 It is equally called sāgāra and anāgāra, but we are given but six kinds of cognition and but three kinds of "seeing”. That is to say that among the first both the right and the wrong way of imagination (mar-nāna and -annāna) are missing, and among the last the acakkhu-damsana For according to Prajn the sākāra pasyattā refers to all three times, whereas the two mati are only concerned with the present, and, moreover, the anākārā paśyattā is qualified by its distinctness (parisphuta-rūpa) which is not the case with the acaksur-darśana
$83 Following the subject ofimagination we may proceed to the next paragraph by considering the will It is represented by the synonyms (Vıy. 56b, 149a, 571b, 643,654a, 657a; 777a; Thân 19b) utthāna kamma bala vīriya purisakkāra-parakkama 1 By Mahāvīra's coining atth22 utthāne z vā, up to - 2 vā(Viy. 56b) this sequence has gained a fundamental importance also for the Buddhists (Angutt 3, 195) causing the kiriyā-vai to be distinguished from the akiriyā-vās and two other so called samosarana, 1.e. the s of the agnostics (annāniya) and thes of the ritualists (venarya) (V1y 30), as one acknowledging the free will as a moral principle 3
Āyār. 1, 13 renders kırıyā-vāí together with kammā-vai, though in this case the inconsistency between a logical prosecution of the Karman idea on the one hand and the principle of free will on the other—the latter being excluded by the formerbecomes specifically evident For the exchange between kamma and kırıyā comp $ 99.
$84 The Karman By discussing the Karman4 we return to the field of matter, since the Karman goes back to the fundamental fact of the poggala. In the Karman teaching it
1 Another sequence says iddhi, kamma, paoga (Vry 190b, 796a) 2 In earthly life ! Not with the Siddhas (comp Vay 657a) 3 SCHRADER, Philosophie, P 12
4 Important monography by v GLASENAPP, Die Lehre vom Karman in der Philosophie der Jainas, nach den Karmagranthas dargestellt Leipzig 1915 See also Virchand R GANDHI, The Karma Philosophy. Bombay 1913 Second cd 1924

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unites with the other fundamental fact of the jiva. The wandering of the souls, a world law (loga-fthi) among other world laws? is exclusively brought about by their being charged with the Karman once and for ever, and this, too, is the primary cause of the world structure(equally called loga-tthii) ( .. azīvā jīda-partthryā, jīvā kaima- ; ajīvā -samgahıyā, j k - Viy 81a; Thān. 132 b,213 b, 358 a, 422 b )
By their merging with matter (poggala) the beings are subjected to the Karman (poggalāltāra poggala-þarınāma P.-joniya p.-tthiya kammộvaga kamma-nıyāna k tthiya kammunā-m-eva vippariyāsam enti, Viy 644 a) If they were not charged with the Karman the souls would lead that existence in the highest possible regions attributed to the Kevalın after his parting from the world ($ 187). This can partly be derived from the names of the Karman, by saying that, among others, it is veiling both knowledge and vision, it follows that when being absent both knowledge and vision are unveiled
The soul comes to obtain the Karman by means of the binding (bandha). T. 8, 2 is clearest in expressing this processo sakasāyatvāj jīvah karmano yogyān pudgalan adatte Hence matter attracted by soul is not yet Karman, but it comes to be so, that is to say by its very penetrating it, while all other matter pertains to the soul but externally. This penetration is of different intensity (ie depth); Viy. 34a is careful in distinguishing sıdhila-bandhana-baddha kamma from dhaniya-b.-b. k, and the comparisons given by Viy 250b help to explain it A dirty dress is more difficult to clean than a stained one, from an anvil not even the smallest part will come off in splinters, but dry grass is sure to burn up immediately and a drop of water falling on red hot iron will evaporate instantly Attraction comes about by the soul activating the inward sense and speech activating the body. This is the joga (goga, T 6, 1)2 By considering that the two first are at work in the four cases of "wrong”, “true",
I They consist briefly spoken, in the unalterability of the facts, though only a few like piva and ajiva, loga and aloga, tasa and thāvara are mentioned (Thāņ 470 )
2. Related to it is panthāna, the doing (Vuy 750a, Thãņ 121a 1962)

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a
etc. (§ 74), that four bodies (the fiery one is missing) form four additional cases and that three mixed kinds (misa) supervene to the latter, we arrive at 15 different kinds of joga (Viy 854b). Acc. to Viy. 251b the three fundamental kinds together with the Karman are called the "working forces" (karana) The obvious question as to the metaphysical way of activity has been dealt with by Devanandin who (on T. 6, 1) denotes the yoga as vibrating (parispanda) of the soul units As to the yoga (joga) it causes substances which may become Karman to flow into the soul (T 6, 2), a process implied by the word anhaya1 (JACOBI "influence"), and accordingly it follows that speech and inward sense (a.o) are called anhaya-kārī and a.-kāra (Āyār II 92, 7; 132, 10) 2 That, however, these substances continue to stick to the soul is due to the work of passions By the ambiguous word kasaya they are, at the same time, attributed a binding power metaphorically Anger, pride, fraud and greed are denoted as passions (§ 167), and they, for their part, result from Karman (udaya, §86) Thus the circle closes Where passion is absent there the substances fail to have any possibility of sticking The freedom from passion, however, and hence the purification of the soul leading to moksa can be realized in life only by the Jain monk (or nun) That is why the bandha is twofold (V1y. 383b). it is monastic (iriyāvahiya) or profane (samparāya) We start by dealing with the former even though its basic conceptions can be discussed only in connexion with the latter By iriyavaha, -vahiyā, and also iriyā- Kappa 6,13-Than 371a understands the careful walking of a monk, but in a wider sense they also mean his conduct according to the rules The Karman bound up in such a one is of no duration worth mentioning (§ 85), JACOBI on T 6, 5 distinguishes it as "momentary Karman" from the "durative Karman " Activity acc. to the rules, so Suy II, 2, 23
3
DOCTRINE
I anhaya "to flow in"-asnava derived from snu Next to it stands In Sanskrit we find asrava and (wrong) aśrava Comp HULTZSCH
āsava ZDMG 72, 149 anha: Uvav § 64ff, however, does not belong to asrara (v GLASENAPP, Karman p 11), but is aśnāti
2 Panhav 1-5 are the Anhaya-dārāım
3. Expressed by Devanandın on T 6 5-Also rajas is passion, raya= kamma Than 319b

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(316a) says, "is bound in 1 samaya, felt in the next and extinguished in the next but one" (comp. also Viy 183a). The performer of this spiritual Karman is characterised as samvuda anagāra, i.e. a homeless man performing a defensive action (samvara, § 169). But Vıy. 309 b adds that he, in doing so, must have released himself of all four passions, i.e. of anger, pride, fraud and greed. Strangely enough this is not mentioned in Viy. 383 b where the iriyāvahiya-bandha is reserved but to him who is free from any sexual consciousness (avagaya-veya).
Viy. 52a thought it necessary to point out that the Karman operates with the total I on the total object (savvenam savve kade) but not by and on a part of both (desenam dese, d savve, savvenam dese), and that it does so in the past, the present and the future. In this case the process of binding (kammam karer) is followed by the accumulation of the Karman (cinar and uvacınar,1 Viy. 53a), and the ensuing process (§ 86) is further more denoted by udirer, veer and nigjarer. We find the same as early as in Viy 23a, though here the author starts from the transformation of particles of substance taken in (āhārıya poggala) which, consequently, must be understood as comprising Karman atoms. Comp also Pannav. 457b ( $86) The accomplished fact of binding underlies Vry 26 This passage thoroughly deals not only with the bandhi having already bound the Karman, but also with the possibility or either impossibility (depending on the quality of the soul) of binding further Karmans in either the present or future life of the respective person. If in this Saya as well as in the following and frequently elsewhere the author comes to speak of the pāva kamma, he, by this expression, refers both to good and evil doing, whereas its limitation to guilty doing is merely fictitious and caused by the idea that guilty doing forces itself on the natural mind more readıly than a meritorious one The inflow of both merit and guilt is noted by T 7,3 as the two consequences of the yoga.
$85. We cannot proceed in discussing the problem of binding before having dealt with the way how and into what
1. Or else (wa )cınāı, eg Viy 556a

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different kinds of the Karman the particles of substances that have flowed in transform within the soul This transformation becomes apparent as soon as they materialize. There are eight different kinds, and they are called kamma-pagadi (Viy 255a etc , Pannav 453a ctc , Utt. 33, 2, T 8, 5) They comprise the afore mentioned Karman of veiling both knowlcdge and vision, the Karman to be perceived through the senses, the confusing Karman, the Karman effecting the amount of life, individuality and social standing, and, finally, the Karman obstructing opportunities Their sub-specics (ullara-pagadi as against the mentioned mūla-p) are demonstrated in Pannav. 23,1 ( $ 87) In dcaling with the binding first, we are thoroughly informed by the same in 23, 2 (484b) about the minimum and maximum duration of the different kinds of Karman bound by the individual classes of the beings So, for instance, with all beings of one sensc the Karman veiling knowlcdge will last for 3/7 sāgarovama plus 11. paliovama, whilc with a rcasonable being of five senses it will lie between the fraction of 1 muhutta and 30 kodāko di of sāgarovama Further we are shown (488 b) what soul (ke scil jiva) a kind of Karman in its shortest duration has and what sort of being will bind the longest lasting Karman in the cight different kinds (490a) But we cannot go into details here. The duration is called bandha-tthiī and hanımatthii in Vıy 255a, whereas Pannav 475ff gives but thiī, and it consists of the preliminary time of rest following the binding (ābāhā) and the time of effectiveness (hanma-nisega) which starts with the udaya and lasts until the last particle of this Karman is extinguished The ābāhā which amounts to one hundicd ycars for each 1 kodāk of sāg. is included in the thu, though, acc to Vy 255b, by some it is added to it ? For ābāha the later literature puts sattă, "being existent in potentia” (v GLASENAPP, Karman p 43). In the Canon we only find the kindred santa-kamma ( § 183) With reference to the mentioned passages and to V1y53b, Samay 147b nisega "ray” is ex
1 Owing to an erratum in Viy what follows on 255 b stands on 257b and what follows on 258 b on 256 a

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plained as a Karman particle decreasing in the reaction produced from samaya to samaya Thus the duration of the Karman equally suggests the question of its intensity, though but by an indication. Most certainly, however, when speaking of anubhāga-kamma, the author means intensity. There is only such a one and a paesa-kamma (Viy 65a; Thân. 66a), and Mahāvira claims the discrimination of this duad to be his own (mae pannatte). To this anubhāga Pannav. 23, 1 (457b ff.) corresponds by giving anubhāva, Umāsvātı merely has anubhāva (T. 8,4 22). Apart from the kind, the duration and the power of the binding Umāsvātı, finally, also knows of the quantity (T. 8, 4. 25.). It is characterized by the pradeśa. To this there belongs the just mentioned paesa-kamma, though nothing in detail is being said as to its nature. We but learn from that passage that it must be perceived through the senses ( $ 86) while with the anubhāge-k. this is not necessarily a must. Acc. to Viy. 421 b paesa is synonymous with the avibhāga-paliccheya. Each soul unit (giva-paesa) is on all sides surrounded, if at all (for it does not pertain to the Kevalın), by Karman units (āvedhıya-parivedhıya). For this comp T. 8, 25.
In the Canon (Thān. 220 b), different from Umāsvāti, those four points of view appear among the bandha, and, moreover, they are being considered with regard to their relative number by asking of what sort of binding, what duration, what intensity and what quantity the relatively least etc. cases will occur But then the cases mentioned are dealt with in reference to samkama, ni(d) hatta and nıkārya. samkama presents itself when a Karman sub-species different from the one formerly bound materializes. nudhatta and nıkārya signify different grades of intensity by which Karman particles unite (comp. also Vy 25b) These explanations as well as those of the following expressions have to be drawn from the commentaries only. For there are still others like oyatter and uvvatter which occur side by side with samkamai, nihatter and nikāer (Viy. 24 b, 26 a). They express that the effect and consequently the consumption of a Karman may become either larger or smaller than is presupposed by its binding. The later authors

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speak of oyattana and uvvatlana, the latter appearing in the Canon in a different meaning (§ 92). Under what conditions the mentioned processes occur is not said there.
§86. By referring to these cxpression we have already proceded from the binding of the Karman to the way how it works. It starts at the end of the time of rest. A solemnly styled formula (Pannav. 457 b ff.) calls the Karman jivena baddha puttha baddha-phasa-puttha sameya ciya uveriya āvāga-patta vivaga-p phala-p udaya-p. The last four expressions contain in udaya the common word for the coming-into-life of the Karman. If this comes to pass, the soul is in the state of udaya (§ 182). We must distinguish udaya from udirana, but in verbal construction we never find udiya, but only udinna or sayam udinna; its opposite is then formed by parena udirija (Viy. 57 b; Pannav. 457 b). While udaya signifies the so to speak natural beginning of the operative act, the udirana or the "initiative" means the premature materialization Resting Karman is attracted by activity thus awakening it to become effective (Laranen' aladdhya udae dyjat, Sivaśarman, Kammapayadı, Vy 24. a) It is only the commentaries that speak of the udirana going back to activity, the yoga, though they neglect the fact that thus, at the same time, a new Karman is being produced. By udaya and udirana there begins for the individual the palpability of the Karman (veyana). For the different sensations Pannav. 35 gives certain principles of classification parts of which are obvious as, for instance, bodily and spiritual, pleasant and unpleasant voyaṇā, and such ensuing from the mixtures of these opposites In addition we may begin with pointing out the discrimination made between the sensations signified by the words n'daya and anidaja Though in their varying derivation of these words the commentators betray their uncertainty, it can be said that the first group means "conscious" sensations pertaining only to beings owning reason,' 2 whereas
I For another one see Pannav 402 a
2
It seems to be a gerund Viy 40 a has anidae vezanam veents, Viy 769 b Pannav 557 a probably has (a)nidayam vv for (a)nidaja vv, and in the preceding enumeration nidaya anidaya for nudaya ya anıdaya ya

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it may be assumed that “unconscious" sensations are merely reflexions Furthermore we may mention that sensation that a monk imposes upon himself and that coming from without (ajjhovagamiya-wrongly : abbhov -and avakkamıyā) (V1y 65 a; Thân 88 b; Pannav. 556 b). Palpability is interconnected both with action and extinction. Towards dissenters Viy. 224 b makes it quite plain that palpability does not always correspond with the produced Karman (kada kanma) (pānā etc. anevambhüyam veyanam veentz) To prove this Viy. 767 b tells us that while with all beings of hell inflow (āsava), action (kıriyā), and feeling (veyanā) are strong in comparison with annihilation (nijara), it is different with the gods where along with extinction also feeling is weak as against the two first. It is simultaneously shown here that palpability and extinction do not correspond everywhere, though this only refers to beings beyond the human range, whereas within this range strong sensation will represent strong extinction and vice versa (Viy. 250a). In any case, however, to feel Karman (veei, padisamveer) means to consume Karman (nigjarer), even though the samaya of both do not coincide (Viy. 301 a; Sūy 22, 23). With some kinds of Karman this consumption is accompanied by a special process called samugghāya ($ 89). Rhetorically speaking extinct Karman can be signified as good luck (suha) as is done in Viy 314 a. The extinction is irrevocable In addition to veyanā it is called nijjarā (elsewhere even khaya), and the state of the soul prevailing with khaya goes by the name of khaiya.
$87. Proceeding from these general considerations we now arrive at the different kinds of the Karman While in the Canon handed down to us the common processes of bandha etc , receive next to no definition, most probably owing to the fact that they are supposed to be obvious, we have first-hand information as to its different forms of manifestation (Pannav. 457 b ff, 465 b ff, Comp. also T. 8, 7 ff). The Karman
The comm by deriving from dā, to give" and da "to purge” take ndā either for a subst (nidā jnanam and anıdāe= an.rdharanaya) or for an adj (attavati, samyag-vivekavali)
I So far as it is not brought about by ascetic methods it is called akāma-nyjarā (Uvav $ 56, P 61).

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DOOTRINE OF THE JAINAS speak of oyattanā and uvvattanā, the latter appearing in the Canon in a different meaning (§ 92). Under what conditions the mentioned processes occur is not said there.
$86 By referring to these expression we have already proceded from the binding of the Karman to the way how it works It starts at the end of the time of rest A solemnly styled formula (Pannav 457 b ff )1 calls the Karman givena baddha puttha baddha-phāsa-puttha samcıya cıya uvacıya āvāga-patta divāga-p phala-p udaya- The last four expressions contain in udaya the common word for the coming-into-life of the Karman If this comes to pass, the soul is in the state of udarya (§ 182). We must distinguish udaya from udiranā, but in verbal construction we never find udiya, but only udinna or sayam udinna; its opposite is then formed by parena udiriya (Viy. 57 b; Pannav. 457 b). While udaya signifies the so to speak natural beginning of the operative act, the udiranā or the "initiative" means the premature materialization. Resting Karman is attracted by activity thus awakening it to become effective (karanen' ākaddhiya udae digjar, Sivaśarman, Kammapayadı, Vy 24. a) It is only the commentaries that speak of the udiranā going back to activity, the yoga, though they neglect the fact that thus, at the same time, a new Karman is being produced. By udaya and udirana there begins for the individual the palpability of the Karman (veyanā). For the different sensations Pannav 35 gives certain principles of classification parts of which are obvious as, for instance, bodily and spiritual, pleasant and unpleasant veyaņā, and such ensuing from the mixtures of these opposites In addition we may begin with pointing out the discrimination made between the sensations signified by the words nıdāya and anıdāga Though in their varying derivation of these words the commentators betray their uncertainty, it can be said that the first group means "conscious." sensations pertaining only to beings owning reason, whereas
I For another one see Pannav 402 a
2 It seems to be a gerund Viy 40 a has anidãe veyanam veenti, Viy 769 b=Pannav 557 a probably has (a)nıdāyam ov for (a)nidāya vo , and in the preceding enumeration nidáya anidāya for midāya ya anidāya ya

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it may be assumed that "unconscious" sensations are merely reflexions Furthermore we may mention that sensation that a monk imposes upon himself and that coming from without (ajjhovagamiya—wrongly abbhov —and avakkamıyā) (V1y 65 a; Thân 88 b; Pannav 556 b). Palpability is interconnected both with action and extinction Towards dissenters Viy. 224 b makes it quite plain that palpability does not always correspond with the produced Karman (kada kamma) (pānā etc. anevambhūyam veyanam veentz). To prove this Viy 767 b tells us that while with all beings of hell inflow (āsava), action (kırıyā), and feeling (veyanā) are strong in comparison with annihilation (nıyjarā), it is different with the gods where along with extinction also feeling is weak as against the two first. It is simultaneously shown here that palpability and extinction do not correspond everywhere, though this only refers to beings beyond the human range, whereas within this range strong sensation will represent strong extinction and vice versa (Viy. 250a). In any case, however, to feel Karman (veer, padisamveer) means to consume Karman (migjarer), even though the samaya of both do not coincide (Viy 301 a; Sūy. 22, 23). With some kinds of Karman this consumption is accompanied by a special process called samugghāya ( § 89). Rhetorically speaking extinct Karman can be signified as good luck (suha) as is done in Viy. 314 a. The extinction is irrevocable In addition to veyanā it is called nijjarā (elsewhere even khaya), and the state of the soul prevailing with khaya goes by the name of kharya.
$87. Proceeding from these general considerations we now arrive at the different kinds of the Karman While in the Canon handed down to us the common processes of bandha etc , receive next to no definition, most probably owing to the fact that they are supposed to be obvious, we have first-hand information as to its different forms of manifestation (Pannav. 457 b ff, 465 bff, Comp. also T 8, 7 ff). The Karman
The comm by deriving from dā, to give" and dä "to purge" take ndā either for a subst (nidā jnanam and anıdāe = anardharanaya) or for an adj (attavali, samyag-videkavati).
I So far as it is not brought about by ascetic methods it is called akāma-nyjară (Uvav. § 56, p 61).

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DOCTRINE OF THE JAINAS obscuring knowledge (nān’āvaranjja kamma) obstructs (acc. to Thân 347 a) cognition in all its five forms It causesthis is its anubhava § 85)—the obscuration of the senses as sources of cognition and of all knowledge gained by them (soy'āvarana soya-vinnān'āvarana nett'āvarana nelta-v.-āv., etc ) Insights gained by other than sensual mcans and their obscurations are not considered The result is that one does not know what one is to know, wants to know, or else has known The Karman obscuring vision (damsan'āvaranijja or darisan'āv k.) arrives at the corresponding result for vision. It shows up in nine different kinds (Thān. 447 a, Samav 15 a), for it obstructs the four-fold vision ($ 82) and furthermore it consists in unconsciousness which, owing to the chosen expressions, gradually deepens by proceeding from normal sleep (niddā) to sleeping while walking or standing (payalā) including the intensive stages of both (nidda-niddā, - --and onwards to acting while sleeping (thin'addhi) 8 The Karman which is called the one to be perceived through the senses (veyanızja k ) represents the feelings of comfort and discomfort (sāyā- and asāyā. 0). Both are shared by the five senses, the inward sense, speech and body, and, hence, each of them is eight-fold Next there follows in (52 names, stated by Samav 71 a, the confusing Karman (mohanıyja k ) producing disturbances in belief and conduct (damsana-m and caritta-m ), the former manifesting itself supposedly as true belief (sammatta-veyanıjja), crroneous belief (micchatta-v ) and as the mixture of both (sammā-micchu). The sammatta-vey in this connexion is said to be a modification of the micchatta (mithyātva-prakrti Prajn. 468 a) (comp also JACOBI on T 8, 10 ) Perhaps the intention was but to incorporate into the system the fact of orthodoxy being a Karman just as well, and its becoming conscious (hence veyanija) The disturbance of conduct is caused by passion
I This goes with payalādi, Viy 217 b
2 JACOBI 's "greed in the state of numbness' is based on the styāna-grddhi of Umāsvātı, etc, for styāna-rddhı (T 8, 8) Sthän 447 b has both forms.

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(kasāya-v ) showing up in the four forms of anger, pride, fraud and greed (Thān 193 a, Samav. 9 a). Each of these passions appear in four grades and each is called accordingly inantanubandhi, apaccakkhāna, paccakkhān’āvarana and sampalatja. With the single exception of the last these words are adjectives. Their meaning is the linkage with the Samsāra (ananta), the entire absence and the occasional obscuring of renunciation (paccakkhāna, § 172), and the sudden eruption, the latter being the weakest form. It thus follows that the form of passion concerning the disturbance of conduct is sixteen-fold (Samav. 31 a) Several moods as laughing, pleasure, fear, grief and loathing? do not count among passions and are called nokasāya for that reason, and sexual consciousness (veya-veyanıyja) as man or woman or neuter is equally placed into this connexion. So, then, we have altogether nine forms (Thān 468 b) of disturbance of conduct free from passion, though by disregarding the sub-division their power is five-fold only. For a reason immediately going to be discussed there now follows the kind of Karman invariably ranging last, the obstructing Karman (antarāıya k ). It manifests itself as obstructive where the act of giving, taking, enjoying (bhoga), using (uvabhoga)2 and volition (vīriya) ought to take place The so far mentioned kamma-pagadi with the exception of the veyanıya all share in a more or less strongly pronounced activity, and in that this activity has a destructive influence on the soul they are comprised as ghārkamma (Anuog 118 b) Together with the veyanızja they are placed over against the three last kinds as inactive or aghāz-k.: first the quantity of life (āuya k) which differs with the beings of hell, animals, humans, and gods ($ 90), and finally, the individuality (nāma-k ) and the social standing (goya-k ). The latter is either high or low and makes itself felt accordingly, in which case the position within society
1 Causes for laughing (has’uppattı) are given by secing, speaking, hcaring and remembering (Thân 203 a) Fear concerns both this world and the world beyond, confiscation, something unexpected (akamha-bhaya), pain, death and disgrace (Thāņ 389 a, Sam 12 b)
A. This discrimination acc. to Prajn

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DOCTRINE Or NE JAINAS is determined by noblc birth (castc, jāi) and good family (kula), but also by physical strength (bala), sacredness (tava), crudition (suya), costly property (läblia) and splendour (issariya) as well as by their opposites. All this rcfers in human conditions, but, though ncilier lott nor commentary gives it, it may naturally, under certain circunstances, apply to non-human beings also Thc Karman of thc personuliy or the individuality, at thic long last, is built up by very different components which amount to a total of 12 in nurnisr. They are physical in both a narrower and wider scrise as far as, within one class of beings, they contain shape of the body, structure and functions of the body as breathing, roduition (āyava and ujjoya) and locomotion (whāja-gar), and influence on the senses (fccling, smell, taste, and colour). Addrd to this there arc the organic causes of death (uvagliya) and the destination of the new form of cuisicnce (arufucvi). With individuality there also gocs the power of acting upon Others: superiority (par'āghāja), the presence or absence of the faculty to influcncc pcoplc, honour and disgr.ice, pleasant and unplcnsant impressions Thc cnd is made up of the stitc of:ccomplista mcnt achicved by a Tilthagirat In comparison with this varıcty the gencral activity of the individual Kirm in is merely distinguishıcd as cither being a favourablc or an unfavourable one Each of both thcsc distinctions lists 1 Gses based on concrete qualitics of the Karman bcarcr, lus reputation and his decds
888 That much about thc cight hands of the Kirman and their forces acting in matcrialization The general formula for these forces was found (acc. to Pannav. 458 b ) by saying jam vedet foggalam vā poggale va p-parmūmam rā risasi ranggalānam parināmam tesim vā udacnam.. (kanmam vedei). Although perhaps owing to corruption, it fouls to be quite clear, in no way concrete particles, cg of nood or carth are being meant, as Prajn (460 b), wants it thus leading to quitc forced results. It rather concerns Karinan atoms We now come to deal with certain notcs rcferring to individual kinds Viy. 52a, 63 b have the kankha-mohanijja hanuma, and ib. 639 b of the

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same has the veyanızja (omitting kamma). At first sight they seem to belong to the correspondingly called pagadı, but they rather concern general denominations This follows from the contexts which are of an entirely non-special kind. In a report on the soul the veyanıjja appears as dukkhi and adukkhi aha se veyanıyje nijjinne bhavar (Viy. 639 b) 1 It is the kankha-mohanija that with the whole I acts upon the object ( § 84), it makes itself felt in cases of doubt, desire, uncertainty, discordance and defect (jiva sankıya, kankhiya, vligicchiya, bheya-samāvanna, kalusa-s ,52 a), while monks (60a) will experience it as deviations from cognition, belief, conduct and as other irregularities (nān'antara . . ling'antara, etc ). It is bound (56 b) by force of carelessness (pamāya) and activity (joga), no soul charged with it is able to get beyond foolish or semi-foolish volition (vīriyatta) (62 b) All beings of one to four senses feel this Karman without being conscious of it (69 b) So, then, this concerns entirely general things, and in this context those names may not be taken in a special sense
$89 By being annihilated several kinds of Karman suffer a special fate by being subjected to the samugghāya, i.e. the "ejection” of their particles Pannav 36 proceeds systematically in advising us about the s., whereas Umāsvātı does not mention it in his Sūtras There are seven cases of s (Thān. 409 b; Samav. 12 b), the last of which being reserved to the Kevalın, so that the remaining six are comprised as chaumatthiya s. (e.g. Samav. 11 b) This does not mean, however, that it were within the power of monks only to attain it, the fact is, rather, that all beings share in it correspondingly (Pannay. 561 b). For they all have a certain sense of Karman (voyanā), have passion (kasāya), suffer death (marana) and thus are in possession of the accordingly called samugghāya (1 to 3), in the third case the māran'antıya s As far as they have a body of transformation, a body of transposition and a fiery body they are given the possibility of also attaining the corresponding samug
I In a counterpart of this passage which, perhaps, is only oratorical the poggala is given a lukkhi and alukkhi (Viy, 638, b comp. $ 60).

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DOCTRINE OF THE JAINAS għāya (4 to 6) (comp. Thān. 288 a). As to the process concerning the kevala-s we are advised by Uvay § 141 ff; Thān 442 a To put it briefly, the Kevalın projects his soul atoms still infected with Karman from the vertex and the footpoint from the right and the left side, from the chest and the back in the shape of columns each reaching to the end of the world and then retracts them again. During the time of the 8 samaya it takes to accomplish this process, the Karman particles as must be added logically-disengage from the soul. The samrugghāya of other beings take a longer time, 1. e. ¿ samaya within a muhutta (Pannav. 561 b), and the space filled up by them is, in proportion, infinitesimally small, 1.e. cqual to the body of the resp being, though in the case of the three last of these samugghāya columns we have to add up to į joyana in one direction The ejected (nicchūdha) poggala dissipate in the world, and Uvav. § 133, Viy 740 bi discuss the question as to who is able to perceive them, or, as Pannav. 590 a, 496 a f. does, whether and to what degree the ejecting individual has committed actions against other beings to whom they 'cause an injury ($90) The veuvuiya samugghāya—by differentiating its prefix the appertaining verb is always samohana.—15 equally described (Vıy. 153 b) as the projection of a column which, however, reaches no farther than x joy By means of it particles of substance coarse in proportion (ahā-bāyara)2 arc climinated (parısāder) and others subtle in proportion (ahā-suhuma) are attracted (pariyāer). This happens twice 3
With the veyanā-samugghāya the asāyā-veyanıjga kamma which comes to be felt as pain is being annihilated, with the kasāya-s. the caritta-mohanıyja k so far as it manifests itself as a passion, while with death the remainder of the āuya k ceases to be. In the case of transformation, transposition and ejection of
1 Here the resp monk is not called hevali but bhādly'appa anagāra, as frequently applied elsewhere, and the name of the disengaged particles is canma sarīra-poggala
2 They cannot to materially coarse since the worlds of gods and their inhabitants are immaterial. This is discussed by Viy 154 b
3 "doccam pi” Itt cikirşıla-Tüpa-nıtmānārtham Viy. 155 *

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energy (veuvvwvya-, āhāraga- and teyaga-s) which have nothing to do with the Karman directly, the parts of nāma-kamma becoming effective in the resp. bodies (§ 62) drop out. The whole conception doubtlessly1 comes from the impression which pain, anger, curse and blessings cause within the onlooker. Pleasant sensations, though they belong to the veyana just as well, have no samugghāya.
more
$90. Auya does not mean lifetime, though long (diha) and short (appa) ãuya both depending on moral conduct (Viy. 225 b) are spoken of. It rather refers to some material quantity of life (Viy. 215 b) which materializes as Karman during consumption. In correspondence herewith, except with humans and animals, life painlessly comes to an end by itself. With these humans and animals there may happen a greater consumption, and thus the amount of life may run out quickly than it ought to do normally T. 2, 52 calls it apavartana by which we have to understand the above mentioned apaṭṭana. It is brought about by the uvakkama (V1y 795 b, specialized Than 220 b), i e. the premature materialization which may be rendered as "cause of death" (JACOBI on T. 2, 52). Its originator is either the being itself or somebody else. Gods and beings of hell are niruvakkam'āuya, as has been pointed out before It need not be explained that the class and the stage of the being is, so to speak, imprinted (nıhatta, nısıkta) on the soul by the auya-bandha and that by causing in it the duration, the dimension, the energy and the occupation of space of the bound Karman it is six-fold for that reason (jāt- etc -nama-nihitt’auya), 2 (Viy 279 b-Pannav 217 a-Than 376 b-Samav. 147 b) nor need it be pointed out that the palpability of the life Karman is strong and uniform from the completed reincarnation onward (Viy 304 a). Apparently it was necessary to stress that an auya of the future has to be distinguished from such as is consumed in the present The former is operated in this world (tha-gaya), and it is wrong to assume that it should
I 2
vedanā-samudghato vedana'tisayāt, Prajn 519 b
V1y 280 a confuses nama with goya and nihitta with nutta which probably goes back to some misunderstanding

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show up in the moment or even after the completion of the reincarnation (Viy. 304 a), it remains untouched before the effective power becomes active (se purao hade citthai, Viy. 747a). If dissenters hold the view that the soul effects (Viy 98 a) and feels (Viy 214 a) the quantity of life of both this world (thabhavy'auya) and the world beyond (para-bh a), we are bound to say that the opposite is truc in that only the one of both is effected and felt
DOCTRINE
The auya hamma takes an exceptional position not only in so far as its effect forms the base for the new cxistence (comp. Viy 280 b= Prajn. 218a Sthan 377a= Samay. 148 a) in which now the other hamma materializes, but also in that (Pannav 216 b, Than. 376 b, V1y. 632 b) its binding is confined to a certain part of life, 1.c. to its last. This may be either six months or 1,, of the entire auja. The criterion is either the absence or the presence of the cause of death Hence a person will always effect but the duya of the immediately following life and, consequently, hus ābāha (§ 85) will be only a very short one We then read (Pannav. 217 a; Samav 147 b) that every act of binding does not happen continuously but in stages (āgarisehim), of which there are eight and whose intensity diminishes acc to the commentators This reminds of the hamma-nisega For comparison we are given the example of the cow repeatedly interrupting itself when drinking water (bhayena punah punar aghotayati resp. abrhati).
$91 The auya leads us back to the general consideration following Viy. 422 b dealing with the presence or absence of one or other kind of Karman The quantity of life, the individuality and the social standing of a person do not show up separately nor are separated from the Karman "to be felt" Where, morcover, there is any "veiling of knowledge", there are equally "veiling of vision" and obstruction. In contrast to these absolute cogencies, the other combinations, except one, are certainly cogent in one direction (nyama atthi), though in their reversion they are but possible (siya atthı sıya n'atthi), so, for instance, where we

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have mohanuja, there must be veyanıyja, but where we have deyanıjja, there may be mohanıyja The one exception mentioned above are mohanıyja and antarāiya which may, though not must, occur together.
Another calculation makes up the contents of Pannav. 24 to 27. 24 is to prove how many Karman kınds possibly can occur with a soul binding one of them He who, for instance, binds veiling of knowledge (and hence also veiling of vision) is capable of binding either all 8 or but 7 or but 6 kınds The capability of a soul to bind, however, corresponds but partly with the Karman kinds becoming felt in the same soul This problem is dealt with by Pannav 25 where we learn that in a soul binding veyanija kamma, either eight, seven or merely four kinds come to be felt
Pannav. 26 and 27 state how many kinds a soul binding a certain kind is able to bind, resp to feel at all. The statements given, however, do not confine themselves to the soul and its multiples (jivā), but they also concern the different classes of the beings On the other hand the proof is given numerically only we come to know as possibilities the atthavihabandhaga, sattaviha-b, chauviha-b, cauvorha-b, egaviha-b. and both the abandhaga and the atthaviha-etc vedaga. But it is not until we read the commentaries that we learn what we have to understand by it Besides we find it in the later Karman literature, comp the columns of bandha and udaya in v GLASENAPP's representation of the guna-sthāna,1 the canonical fundamentals of which we find in these chapters of Pannav. Their author, most naturally, knew well enough which kinds of Karman dropped out accordingly If now those Karman specialists state to have taken their subject-matter from the 12th Anga lost to us, then we must conclude that also the Pannav., since it comprises what was at hand, went back to this source
Finally it is stated (V1y 257 b) which certain qualities of the soul or of its bearer lead to binding the individual kammapagadi. Physical constitution, as (a o ) the quality of being
I
Karman, p. go ff

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fully developed ( § 63), speech and subtlety, ranges side by side with intellectual constitution, as (a o) sexual sensation (veya), self-discipline, cognition and its formal distinctness (§ 82), and each is multiplied by its negation, its intermediate conditions and its individual cases. To give an example we may refer to the reasonable being (sanni) in which case + means bandhar, ± siya bandhar siya no b (=bhayanãe b) and -na b
sanni
vey.
+, āu
, the remaining
asanni
+
""
""
در
I kevali siddhas ca, Vy
ㄓ
در
""
""
no-sanni-noasanni 1 ㄓ A similar representation is given in Viy. 33 (951 b) for all one-sensed beings
The informations rendered up to here are of a merely general character and correspond with the theoretical character of the mentioned passages of the texts With the correlation between Karman and action we shall deal in § 167, and we here but mention that (V1y. 574 b=777 b) it is only by force of the Karman that the soul and the world gain their variety. One step in the direction of the concrete is seen being done (Viy. 253 a) in that an insignificant and unsympathetic appearance follows from intensive action and activity, whereas a sympathetic one follows from the conscious abstentation from doing. This directly leads us up to the fundamental fruit of the deeds, the reincarnation.
93
-
22
+
§ 92 The Reincarnation. For want of materiality the soul as such has no gravity, and it is owing to its being affected with Karman only that it stays with in the chain of existence, the Samsara As soon as it is released from it, it will rush to reach the spacially highest region it is able to gain (§ 187). But "just as the meshes of a net closely following each other by consequently forming in a row without any interval will act up on the next mesh by their gravity, their load, their full weight and their density, thus in every soul in many thousands of reincarnations many thousands of lives by their gravity, their

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load, their full weight and their density act on their subsequent lives”? (V1y 214 a). But these figures still keep within a modest frame; other texts give only the state of affairs possible with regard to the eternity of the world, its contents and its laws. As a goat pen is filled up with the excrements of the goats, so in every unit (paramānupoggala-mette vi paese) of the world an incarnated soul has appeared and expired (jãe va mae da), so Viy. 579 a puts it in popular language, by continuing (580 a) that, up from times eternal, as has to be added analogously, a soul has been incarnated more than once or endlessly often in any kind of the beings, and, moreover (581 a), has been related by kinship, sovereignty or servitude with all souls more than once or endlessly often. All beings (pānā, etc ) have lived as parts of a lotus ( $94) or as other plants more than once already or endlessly often (Viy. 511 b, 513 b) Reincarnation is commonly called uvavāyaa (hence the name of Uvavāıya of the 2nd Uvanga), in the title of Pannav 6 vakkant: This word covers uvavāya and uvvatțanā, the latter signifiying the rising to a spacially higher stage. Sinking, however, is called cayana (Thăn. 66 a).
$93. It may happen that several souls come to incarnate simultaneously on the same stage, be it that of the beings of hell (H), of animals (A)-including elemental beings (A) and plants-, humans (M) or gods (G). Hence the statements made by Jiv. 140 a as to such souls which, by proceeding on their way of incarnation, leave nought as their remainder (nilleva) The statement made by Viy 47a is more theoretical asunna-kāla stand for the time during which a number or souls remain on the same stage without one of them leaving it nor one adding itself to it, missa-k, however, is the time during which any number, and sunna-k the time during which all of them left it in order to proceed on their way The four stages are not exchanged indiscriminately, but the change of stages
1 The AUTHOR's Religionsgeschicht Lesebuch 7, 15.
2 The Śvet have atapata in a wrong Sanskritization (comp LEUMANN, Aup p 1) The Dig are correct in giving Tattv 2, 32. 35 47 52 upapāda

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(pavesana,-naga Viy 439 b) follows distinct rules Pannav. 6 (209 a ff), Viy 24 (805 a ff); Than 58 b teach (what we may be allowed to express by signs of abbreviation ( that HG originate from A5 M, A1-4 from AMG, and A'M from HAMG. By omitting irrelevant limitations we have but to note that the windand fire-beings have no direct pre-existence as gods But the post-existence following immediately may manifest itself (comp. also Suy II 3, 1 ff, 347 a; Pannav 398 ff; Viy 632 b; Than. 58 b, 445 b) in the following way. H to A'M, G to A1.5M, T14 to AM, AM to HAMG. In this case the wind- and firebeings are specialized in that they will not reincarnate into men, whereas gods will not reincarnate into them, as obviously follows from what was said before As we are taught by the formula quoted above, an A'M may even repeatedly appear in the same form of existence. In contrast to the bhava-tthi this is called kāya-ṭthủi (Thān 66 a).1 Pannav 18 (374 a f) deals with it We here but mention the exceptional position taken by the nigoya which is that they are able to remain as such for ∞ time They are those that are refused any higher development (§ 101)
§94. Noxt to the purely systematical representation Viy. gives a number of more lively informations serving confirmation, a fact from which we may conclude that in those days this assertion was considered a novelty Expressly it was disbelief that caused the teaching (Viy 739 b) that an earth-,wateror plant-being in its next existence (uvvattitta) could come to appear in a human shape and gain the Kevala cognition The phenomenon of the hot spring at the foot of the Vebhāra near Rayagiha (Viy 141 a) is brought about by numerous souls destined to have a hot place of origin, and atoms assembling (usina-joniyā jīvā ya poggalā ya) and forming water (udagattae vakkamantı vuukkamantı cayanti uvavajjanti)2, rain originates from the formation of water by udaga-joniya-souls and -atoms; plants live most intensively in summer because then
190
I The quantity of life is corresponding called bhav'auya and addhâuya (addha-kala, see the same and 96b)
2 Comp also Surap 321 a

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many souls enter into plants (vanassaikāiyattäe vakk. Viy. 300 a). An animal may have experienced the existence of hell, as have the elephant Udãi and his colleague Bhūyānanda (Viy. 720 a), who both, however, will find salvation in their next existence. A god, circumstances permitting, may materialize as a serpent, a precious stone or as a tree (Viy. 581 b). To enter into a lower stage of existence (aviukkantıyam cayamāne) causes shame, discomfort and vexation within him (V1y. 86 a). Vıy. in 652 b minutely depicts the next form of existence pertaining to a Sal-tree or -twig, etc By example of an extensive list of plants, first of all trees, V1y. 21-23 (V1y. 800 a ff.) show that plant souls come from the animal- or man-stage, though it has to be noted that here the emphasis is on the simultaneity of the incarnation partly basing on the fact that certain plants are the bearers of several or many souls (§ 106)- -so acc. to V1y. 508 b the uppala and others are bearers of as many souls as they have leaves (patta), and that, acc. to Vıy. 800 a, root, branch, bark, etc. each contain one soul. But as is maintained by V1y. 796 b, Than. 104 b, also all other beings are given the possibility to reincarnate simultaneously and, what is more, to do so by changing their stages (for them see above) In contrast to those that do so individually (avvattaga-samcıya) those that in a number of x enter into a new stage simultaneously are called katı-samcıya, and those that do so in a number of ¿ akati-s. The occurence of groups of six (chakka-samajjiya), 12 and 84 is treated with all the delight taken in such calculations, the same that equally shows up in Viy 31 (948 a f.) from the point of view of the sum (§ 21) of beings
$95. Other problems related to the question of simultaneity (Pannav. 204 b, 208 a) may be left aside here. Instead we come to discuss the process of reincarnation itself. Released by the maran'antıya samugghāya from the particles of the hitherto āuya-kamma the soul moves towards the new place in order to take its house there But this is but the one possibility open to It The other one mentioned together with it consists in the soul returning (paḍınıyattaı), performing the auya-ejection once again and then definitely taking its home at the new place
COSMOLOGY

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DOCTRINE OF THE JAINAS destined for it by its decds-while onc-scnscd beings may do so at any place 1 This thcory appcars in Vıy 272 b only and does not recur in the Pannav Thc ychiclc hy mcans of which the soul changes its place is the Karman body (T 2, 26), and it seems that this is its particular and only function The new place is reached by following cither a straight or bent course (Viy 85 b), and to move on the latter is called viggoha-gar. Acc. to Mahāvīra (§ 21) there are seven of such courses (scdhi) of substance particles, aggregates and beings (Viy 866 h; Thān. 705 b) among which we find the straight onc (nguy'ājaya) and both the one bent once and twice (egao-vami.a, duhao-o (but see also below). Each straight distance takes 1 samaya (Viy 630 a), egao-v means two, duhao-u thrce samaja time of travel, while one sensed beings may partly nccd even four. This is (Viy 630 a) still a speed lcaving behind all carthly comparisons In this connexion we must know that the upward- and downward-movement takes place within a shaft (nāli, Viy. 957 b) measuring 100,000 joy in diametrc which gocs through the whole world perpendicularly and confincs thc places of existence of most beings As far as the starting point and the place of destination within this shaft, called trasa-nādi by later authors, are situated on one level it takes the soul but I samaya to cover the straight course (ega-samazya viggaha) If, however, we have a different level the soul first will move cither up- or downwards in 1 sam and then horizontally to its place of destination (du-s v) If the place of destination does not lie, as was assumed above, within the range of a main direction but in that of a side direction, first the one (by a sama-śreni) and then the latter (by a visedhi, viśreni) has to be gained (dil-s-V, ti-s o). Now, if, as is the case with all one-senscd beings known to be spread world-wide in unrestricted numbers, the starting
i atthegale tao padınıyalțai, tao padınıyaļfiitä iha-m-āgacchai, iha-mägacchitla doccam pi märan'antiya-samugghāyam samohanai, samohanitta ( . ( neraiyattāe etc ) uravajzittā (thus instead of Ollae) lao pacchā āhārejja ctc Viy, 273 a
2 But Vay 955 a also gives (ega-samaiya) niggaha for the straight one (sce below).

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193 point lies without the nāli, then it follows that the soul can equally enter it from a main dircction only, and not until doing so by an intermediate direction will the soul be able to gain it (tr-5. 0, cau-s. o.). Indeed, in case it should happen that the place of destination cqually lies in an intermediate direction, the soul would need another fifth sam (Viy. 287 b), as is the opinion of some authors, though Abhayadeva professes (Sthān. 177 b) it to be his own. But the text does not go beyond 4 sam. and confines them to the one-sensed beings. For this comp. Viy. 287 a, 632 a and Saya 34, 954 b ff., but especially Vy. offering details on these passages, and Thān. 177 a.
$96. The samaya dealt with above form an intermediate time (antara) between the existences The antara is taught by Viy. 439 a=Pannav. 207 a and Viy. 632 b, and it is obvious that the beings are both santara and nirantara, the latter being the case when they are able to avail themselves either of the ega-samaiya-or the ujjuy’āyayan course. In contrast to this it is not clear why there is explicitly no intermediate time given for the one-sensed beings since we know them to move in 4 sam. With the last of all travėl-samaya there begins the taking in of matter, the āhāra (Viy. 287 a). That is why the souls on the way are considered to be anāhāraga as follows from Pannav. 512a. It happens, though, that the intake of matter precedes the change of place (V1y729a, 789 a), i e. when an earth-, wateror wind-being has performed the māraņa-samugghāya imperfectly (desenam) We are not told why and when this happens The intake of matter is understood to be an activity, Joga (Viy. 854 a), and the joga of two beings in the first samaya of reincarnation (padhama-samaộvavannaga) is unequal in kind when the one has arrived without and the other with a change of direction. By starting earlier the one is ahead of the other (ab bhāhıya). āhāra (acc. to Thān, 120 a one of the movements of the poggala happening without a force acting from without means) both the
I Umāstātı in T 2, 31 does not know of any catuh-samayłka, whereas Devanandın does
By comparing & 18% it is equally striking that the Siddhas chon both with and without antara (only Pannav 207 a)

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DOCTRINE OF THF JAINAS
intake of matter for the purpose of reincarnation (comp Viy. 701 b) and the attraction of atoms on the whole, especially for eating This in the first line follows from the Ahara-paya Pannav. 28 (498 b) The theory distinguishes between the āhāra in abhoga-nivvattiya and anābhoga-n. (498 b), 1 c between the āhāra which, or, rather, the satisfaction of a demand for being supplied with matter (āhārattha), rests on intention (abhoga) (comp also Pannav 544 b), and the one that happens unintentionally In the first case we find a o the omission of the meal in the fast of the caultha-bhatta (§ 156). The attracted mass is called avic-davva acc to Viy 644a when being complete, and vic-d when lacking onc or more pacsa, but we hear nothing more in detail about it Morcover the ahara is lom āh. (first mentioned in 506b) and pahhhev'ah, and we are tempted to understand by it either continuous or dosed supplies But the loma concerns undifferentiated appropriation, whereas the pakkheva concerns the taking of food through the mouth 1 In addition to these two ways of taking in matter (oy'āhāra)2 there is the quality of mana-bhakhhi pertaining to gods who attract matter by mere wishing 3 Regarding the remaining contents of Pannav. 28 we may but mention that those beings owning a body of transformation take in inanimate matter only, while those having an earthly body take in both animate and semi-animate matter (misa) additionally (498 b) The beings take in such matter as is found within the range going to be occupied by their bodies, at least this may be supposed to be the meaning of atta-māyāe and aya-sarira-khetta (V1y. 286a) Any more closely or more distantly neighbouring ranges are out of the question, and thus for special magic cases it is always being expressly stressed that it concerns bahiraya poggalā, so Viy. 189a, 190a, 282b The actual process of reincarnation, however, appears to be described, in the beginning of Pannav 34 (534aSamav 145b), as follows "(beings of hell and five-sensed
I In this sense Than 263 b describes the ahara for the 4 stages of beings partly in the way of comparison
2
3
oja ulpatti-dese āhāra-yogyah pudgala-samuhah, Prajn 510 a Comp Charlotte KRAUSE ZII 71, 272 Comp Sütr 342 b ff.

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195 beings) start on their way by taking in matter immediately after having reached the place (anantar'āhāra). Then they are busy with developing the body (tao nivvattanā), then they let the stages of development follow one another (? tao parżyāınayā), then they produce the details (tao parināmayā), then they allow their faculties to act (tao parıyāranayā),1 then, finally, they convert what has been acquired into individual materiality (? tao pacchä viuvvanayā)"2. As to gods the two last stages have changed places. The place where this process happens is, of course, the resp. place of origin ($ 63) From here the soul once again starts on its course. As (Viy 927a) the monkey (pavaga) swings from one place to the next, so the soul wanders from one existence to another, and like the monkey it does so on its own determination (ajjhavasāna-joga-nivattrenam karanôvāenam) It enters into the new life as a whole (savvena savvam uvavajjai), real (santo), independent (sao), by itself (sayam), on its own responsibility, and through its own Karman (ä'rddhie, āya-kammunā), by force of good (subha), evil and mixed deeds (Viy. 84a, 454a, 796a, 927b).
$97. The Colours of the Soul. The Karman does not only effect the fate of the soul; but it equally supplies it with a conditional quality reflecting the moral level, and as such is called by the name of les(s)ā=leśyā We are of opinion that this word has to be derived from lesa3 which, on its part, has not been explained etymologically as yet By means of the lessä the Karman imprints (s.b) a character upon the soul by qualıfying it with colour, taste, smell and feeling. Since these qualities are of a material nature, this possibly expresses a relation to particles (lesã), and we have reason to assume that an adjective leśyā was changed into a substantive. The corresponding
1 On account of this word the phrase was placed in the Pariyātanāpaya Pannav 34
2 See the AUTHORS's Religionsgesch Lesebuch 7, 21. Comp. the sequence āhārenti parināmantı sariram bandhantı (“'build") Viy 7622, 773b,
3 In accordance with CHARPENTIER Festskrift Johansson p 38 38 JACOBI derived the word from kleša (SBE 45, 196) When putting (e g. Prajn 330a) liśyate=slisyate the commentators might refer to lanha aside with sanha=slaksna But that is all there is to it

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DOCTRINE OF THE JAIN AS feminine noun may well have been chāyā “light, brilliancy, colour”, for this is the non-technical meaning of the word lessã 1
The lessă or the "type of the soul", as LEUMANN (Aup.) named it, is represented (Thān. 361b; Samav. 11b, 145b) by the six colours of black (kanha), dark (nila), grey (käu), yellow (teu), pink (pamha) and white (sukka) each of them being determined in the Lessā-paya (Pannav 17 (360b) by a number of comparisons which, however, are said not to reach up to “reality". The same is done with taste (āsāya, 364 a), and moreover, the first three are considered as evil smelling and unpleasant, the last three as good smelling and pleasant (266b; Thān. 175a) Gradations in each of the qualities of which taste, smell and feeling range far behind colour-are calculated by subdividing them by three into minimum, medium and maximum up to 35, and atoms (0 ), their categories (vagganā, co ) and space volume ( è units) are determined (367b). Thus it follows that we are fully concerned with a material product of the Karman, that is, so T, 2, 6 says, with a product of its realization (udaya). Likewise there is no doubt that we have the insertion of the primitive ideal of the moral qualification of the soul by colour being adapted to Jain dogmatics By ascribing the second effect to the Karman the juncture becomes clearly visible. Moreover, this gives proof of the secondary character of the leśyā- theory that it might stay out of the system without leaving a gap in its composition.
$98. Together with the infinite variety of actions it is also its resplendence that changes continually, just as the soul is accompanied into the beginning of its new existence by those lessā only that it had in its hour of death (Viy. 188 a). But it
1 The usage of lesa in the sense of mana follows a different course, we find (Ayar I) abahz-lese aside with a-mana in the meaning "of not allowing one's thoughts to be distracted"and with the object of female distraction (Thān 331 b) nigganthie bahil-lesa
2 The Ajivikas equally have it, comp Sumangalavilāsini on DighaNikāya II 20 There we have abhijatr for lessă in connexion with a colour The sukkâbhijāya is also found in Viy 656b where Vy, however explains it as parama-suklao
3 And also with its annihilation The beings, so Vıy' 39b teaches, have a lighter lessä when being older, a darker when being younger (puydovavannaga and paccho'lad ) Only with gods it is the other way round,

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is in the nature of the grades and classes of the beings that their behaviour is limited, and correspondingly their lessā moves within certain ranges (Pannav. 343 b; Thân. 115a, 237b), so that beings of hell, fire, wind and lower animals will not reach beyond the third (grey) lessā and all remaining onesensed beings not beyond the fourth (yellow). It may be noted that even female gods will not reach farther, whereas their male partners have all six and those of the highest standing but the last three. Also humans and five-sensed animals are capable of all lessā.1 The way how a lessā passes over into another one (parinamai) is explained by comparisons in Pannav. 358 b.
The qualities determining a lessā are represented in Utt. 34 along with the whole of their theory. We need not quote from Pannav 17 in which way the five kinds of cognition divide among the bearers of the six lessā (Pannav. 357 a), but we have to point out that though the Kevalin during his stay on earth (sajogi kevali) still has the white lessā,2 the Sıddha has no longer any of it. That is why in the canonical expositions, eg. Viy. 40b, the salessā are particularly mentioned wherever circumstances ask for it. The ohi-cognition so characteristic of the beings of hell extends the farther the brighter the lessā is, just as from the top of a mountain we see farther than from any point in a plain (Pannav. 355a). Things are different with the Karman: as said by Vıy. 300b, a being may have a darker lessā with a lesser Karman and a brighter one with a stronger, 1.e. when the owner of the darker lessā has annihilated his Karman stronger in itself down to a remainder smaller than the whole Karman of the owner of a brighter lessā. So in Vy. the explanation of the text words thuim paducca.
$99. The Actions. In the passages above the word kamma signified the “action" in a metaphysical respect. We can
1 Thus Thãn 175 a distinguished the act of dying as a thiya-, samkrliffha- and pajjavajaya-lesa, according as in the existence to come the lessä remains the same, grows dim or brightens (v KAMPTZ, Sterbefasten p 15)
2. That is why the favourable lessä becomes still purer (pasatthão lesão uisujthamanio when Malli attains the highest grade of cognition (Nāyādh, 152 b).

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DOCTRINE OF THE JAINAS (Viy. 768a) distinguish the beings as mahā- and appa-kammatarāga according to the more or less of Karman (and, equally, of influence --āsava and sensation --deyanā). Thus (Viy. 228b) a freshly lit and a dying fiery body are called agani-kāya according to their greater and smaller activities. So, where V1y 767b compares action, sensation and annihilation on the different stages, we should, correspondingly, expect to find the word kamma, but what we find is kiriyā. This word is preferred when thinking of concrete actions even when abstract fundamentals are concerned Such is the case with the sampatāryā and iriyāvahiyā kırıyā (Viy 106a and elsewhere), and, moreover, with the statement (V1y79b) that an offence against the main commandments—by which offence however, we but have to understand the specialization of a general law-goes back to contact and to one's own doing (pāntivāenam kariyā. . . putthā kajjai, kadā k,) and follows a course (änupuvvim k ). It is also common opinion that an action even while being performed equals one completed. This is stated immediately at the beginning by Viy. giving a selection of the most different kinds of activities (13b), we repeatedly come across it in the course of the book (86a, 582b, 706b), and it is even maintained against contradicting teachers (102b f., 379a).
Just as these questions occupied the minds (to which degree, it is shown by the various antitheses Thān. 39b ff.), so the classification of the actions was a problem Sūy. II 2 gives and supports by examples 13 cases, of activities (comp. also Sthân 316b; Samay. 25a): 1 to 5 are called daņda-samāyāna thus being characterised as acts of violence, while 6 to 13 stand for activities of an otherwise blamable kind, though, to be true, the list ends up by kind to be observed by the monk (samparāiya). They all are based on offences against the fundamental commandments as far as they are involved, i.e. the first, second and third underlie the cases 1 to 7, and the four passions of anger (10), pride (9), fraud (11), and greed (12), though it has to be observed that anger appears in the shape of an offence against
1. Comp the AUTHOR's Worte Mahäviras p 24 f In the German translation p 24 read 'nach Konsonant und Vokal" und Schrift.”
instead of "nach Klang

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199 friends (mitta-dosa). 8 is the (evil) state of mind (ajghattha). Thān. 316a leads the discussion over into the field of theory and sets up actions in groups of five the first three of which appear here only and, partly, also in Thān 39bf The first of these groups-provided the interpretations prove true--concern an activity for the purpose of seeing (ditthiyā kırıyā), touching (putthiyā k ), on the ground of certain outlooks (paducciyā k ), of the conform judgment of persons closely concerned (sāmantovanıvāryā k ) and performed by one's own hands (sāhatthiyā k.). The second group calls the kırıyā a nesatthıyā, ānavanıyā, veyaranī, anābhoga-vattīyā and anavakankha-v, by which an action may be understood resting on an order, on communication, on permission, and brought about without thinking and willing participating in it. The third group refers to an action strictly confined to humans which may go back (-vattiya-k.)- to affection (þegja), antipathy (dosa), plan (paoga), going for alms (samudāna) or wandering (zriyā). Nearly everywhere the commentary (Sthān. 42a ff , 317a) is uncertain, and, partly, no doubt goes wrong. The sub-division can be omitted here.
$100. Two further groups must have come to gain a more distinct canonical significance since they are dealt with exclusively on the ground of the Viy in the Kırıyā-paya 22 of the Pannavanā They also appear in Thān. 316a, 284a and Samay 10a. Viy 228a teaches the following. A vendor who follows up a stolen object in any case commits an ārambhiyā k, possibly even a pariggahıyā k , a māyā-vattiyā k , an apaccakkhāna-k , or a micchādamsana-k. The text carries on the casustry by saying that, according to the situation, now all five and then again but the first four actions are either with the buyer or the seller. The interrelation is represented by Pannay 446a. The action is either committed for a set purpose, for intentional appropriation, or emotionally, or it rests on non-renunciation? or on heterodoxy. In humans they corespond in the following
I nesatthiya cannot belong to say, but rather to sās Umāsvāti, however on T 6, 6 gives nisarga similar to Sthāna
2 About this comp also Viy 101 a

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jassa är. kajjar
р.
m.-0.
ap.
mi.
200
THE JAINAS
way either necessarily (nyama),+) or possibly (sya; bhaijjai,±): tassa är. p. m.-v. ap. m. kajjar. + + ㄓㄓ
""
ور
""
""
دو
در
22
د.
+
±
DOCTRINE
++
++
OF
++
+ ㄓㄓ
## +
+
Hence, eg every purposeful action is emotional, but not every emotional one is purposeful.1 In such statements we are able to discern an approach to psychology for which in the first mentioned groups we are looking in vain.
The group of the kaya, ahigaranıyā, paosiyā, pariyāvanıyā and pāṇāwāiyā kırıya is of a still greater importance which follows from the conception in Pannav. 436 ff. It is proved in Viy. by quite a number of examples (91b; 697a; 717a; 720b f., also 377b; 491b, 703b). We here but mention 91b, where a man hunting game makes himself guilty of the first to the third, the first to the fourth, or of all five of those actions, according as his intention is directed merely to the means of killing (uddavanayae) or to catching the animal or even killing it. Or take V1y. 229b, where an archer from the preparation of the bow and the arrows up to his shooting them into the air commits all five actions in case he hits a being by doing so.
And what applies to the archer, applies as well to the bow, the arrow, the sinew, the arrow-feathers, etc. If, however, beings are injured by the arrow falling down on them from the air, then the above mentioned objects have committed but the first four actions, whereas those beings catching up the falling arrow ( uvaggahe citthante) have committed all five. As is shown by Viy 181a, Than. 39b, Pannav. 435a and also by the sub-division (which may be left aside), it concerns physical, instrumental, hostile, tormenting and murderous action. Here,
I
This, however, contradicts the passage of Viy. where the māyāvalliya k was not obligatory beside the arambhiya
2. Frequently written pausiyā.
3 This is the substantive for myassa vahae kuḍa-pasam uddar at the same place.
4. Obviously the weapon is supposed to be animate, comp. § 101.

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too, acc. to Pannav. 443b a table of the mutual relativity might be drawn up. But we dwell on it as little as we do on the bridge which (439a) is thrown for binding the kamma-pagadi, and on other statements. The five groups of 5 each as presented above, reappear as the 25 kriyā in Umāsväti's Bhasya on T. 6, 6, though partly in a different composition which may, perhaps, be ascribed a greater logical coherence than presented by the passages of the Canon.
COSMOLOGY
§101. The technique of monachism is touched by the special action called anta-kırıyā. This name is connected with the frequently (e g. Suy. II 2, 83; Uvav. § 56 (p. 62) recurring solemn phrase speaking of "to reach the last goal, to wake up, to become free, to fade away and to put an end to all pain", i.e. savva-dukkhānam antam karıttae. Thus anta-kiriyā is equal to moksa, salvation.1 It, too, is represented systematically in Pannav, 20 (369a ff), and by learning (396b) for which kind of beings it is either anantar'āgaya or parampar'āgaya, i.e. taking place either in the immediately subsequent existence or in a later life, we are confirmed (§93) that in his pre-existence a man may belong to any stage of being. Man and man alone is given the possibility to "put and end" and to reach the highest goal. But from this we have to distinguish the other possibility of coming within the range of hearing the sacred teaching (kevali-pannattam dhammam labhejjā savanayāe), of taking delight in it, and of acting according to it in all fundamental things. All five-sensed animals are equally given this opportunity (Pannav. 398b), and they can advance to the oh though, to be true, they are not able to enter into monachism. This reminds us of the frog, as an example among others, who dies by uttering the formula of veneration namo tthu nam (Naya 13). This, of course, implies that the corresponding Karman has been formerly bound, and it expressly
1. In persons of the sacred legend Than 180a distinguishes four kinds of the a -k according to the greater or smaller amount of Karman they possess and to their longer or shorter monastic lives
2. An example from the later legend is the tigress in the story of Sukosala (v. KAMPTZ, Sterbefasten p. 37)

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DOCTRINE OF THE JAINAS concerns (Pannav. 402a) the hero- and Tirthakara-ship ( § 13). A Titthagara in his immediate pre-existence may have dwelt in hell (though in its upper regions only)-his Karman has now turned him into a superman Pannav, 403 b gives corresponding examples with regard to world emperors, heroes and high dignitaries including the Queen Consort (itthi-rayana-), to state-animals (āsa-r , hatthz-r ) and, most remarkably, also to seven certain crown jewels (comp. § 13) which count for being one-sensed, as we know from Jambudd 260b, Thān. 398 a.
Anticipating the style of the successive comments the Antakırıyā-paya of the Pannav begins by saying (369a). atth'egare (zīve anta-kırıyam) karejā, atth ( a -k ) no karejā 1 This means that not all souls are able to find salvation It was V1y 285b that had expressed it a being of the one stage or the other may be capable of salvation, but this does not apply to every being of this or that stage While the canonical word is either (a)bhava-sıddhiya or -siddhīja (Samav 2b, 8b, etc. 45b, 47b), Umāsvāti speaks of (a)bhavya. Acc to him (T. 2,6 ) this quality pertains to the qualities inherent in the soul (pārināmika) ($ 60) What is said by Viy. 557a is but seemingly contradictory to it While the former says that the capability of salvation is sabhāvao, not parināmao, the latter makes us understand that it is not an acquired, but a natural quality, All souls that have it (so it is continued to be said) will come to enjoy salvation, but never will the world be void of souls capable of salvation. From this contention of Mahāvīra's (which Jayanti hears with amazement, and which he substantiates by a comparison with the atoms) we understand that the bhava-siddhiya replenish themselves on and again. In order to grasp its proper meaning we obviously-though the text does not say so-have to anticipate the theory of the nigoya ( § 104). These plant souls distributed throughout the world in co number constitute the inexhaustible stock of souls, as far as they are subtle (suhuma) and undeveloped (apajzatta). As soon as in
1. Viy 49a refers to it 2,"se kenam kh’āt nam (print khāienam) affhenam bhante, evam
buccal .. )"

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such souls development starts causing to participate in the world course proper, there appears the possibility of salvation: if once pajjatta, then they are partly bhava-siddhiya, partly not. By what impulse the development and the capability of salvation are being brought about, is not said in the texts of the Canon.
This class of the nigoya forin the polar contrast to the Siddhas Of both there exist innumerably many, but while thei nagoya fill up the entire space of the world, the Siddhas are confined to its highest region ( § 187). The former will not live longer than for 1 muhutta, the latter for ever. The former represented the lowest possible stage of development of a being, the latter the highest that can be thought of. In both of them we see the foot and the head of the ladder formed by the occupants of the world. The undeveloped, subtle nigoya are not yet subjected to the Karman law, whereas the Siddhas have left it behind

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COSMOGRAPHY
$102. The "cosmic system"-by which name we intend to comprise both the general plan of the cosmos and the organization as well as the activities of its occupants-is, in contrast to renunciation and world conquest (see Chapters VI and VII), a given fact just as is the "world course" (see Chapter IV). The great amount of details ask for an individual treatment of the subject which, however, as to the cosmographic plan will be restricted to the more important items (of which there will be still enough after all), since, on the one hand, we have more or less comprehensive descriptions at our disposal already,' and since, on the other, vagaries not based on ethical grounds and hence being empty are not attractive to dwell upon In order not to overcharge our text we, therefore, frequently disregarded to deliver detailed proofs, all the more since the passages in question can easily be traced from chapter III The main sources are Pannav. 1. 2; Jīvābh. III with the Divas; Jambudd and the cosmosgraphic sections of Thana and Samavāya.
§103. There is (Than. 1 b; Samav. 1 b) but one world (loga) and beside it but one non-world (aloga). The latter surrounds the world on all sides like a hollow sphere (Viy. 522a) and is out of reach, since beyond the boundaries of the world the medium of motion is absent (Viy. 717 b). The extension of both is illustrated (Viy. 525 b) by describing the speed of divine personalities and the distance they are able
I The cosmographic plan has been described in all general representations, of the system, first of all in those by Mrs. STEVENSON, v. GLASENAPP, GUERINOT (8 46) KIRFEL in his Kosmographie der Inder (Bonn 1920), PP 208-339-reviewed by the AUTHOR ZDMG 75, 254-275-and in the Bilderatlas zur Religionsgeschichte (Lpf 1928), No 12a (ll) deeply goes into details Comp also PULLE in La cartografia antica dell' India. P. I (SIF II 4, 1900), BARNETT, Antag PP 137-141. and, finally BASTIAN, Ideale Welten, vol 3 (Bln. 1892), A. C Sen IHQ, 8, 43-48,

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to cover by it; in figures the world measures times 1014 joyanal in all directions (Viy. 579 a) Seen in its vertical cross-section it narrows from below to the centre and then widens again in nearly the same degree to above (Vıy. 248a; 616 b). Both the summit and the base are built up in a convex shape. To make it plain we may compare it with an 8 of equal halves rotated round its axis Canonically, however, the three sections (Thān. 126a)-we call them by the names of the lower, the centre and the upper world2-are compared with a bed to rest on (palıyanka), a so-called thunderbolt (vara-vaira), and an upright standing drum (uddha-muinga)— this following the teaching of Pasa (Viy. 248 a); acc. to V1y. 522a the lower and centre section are even illustrated by a couch (tappa) and a cymbal (jhallari), resp For the whole Viy. 522 a; 616 b apply the comparison with a supart
thaga, i.e a "broad-bottomed" vessel By these concept
tions it is demonstrated as good as certain that the horizontal cross-section was thought to be circular. The calculations, however, drawn from the Lokaprakāśa of the Svet. (composed 1708 A.D) by KIRFEL prove that its author imagined the world as three pyramids one upon the other each having a square base and rising in steps on all sides, the centre one of which standing on its top surface, whereas the description given by the Dig 5 shows three roof-like bodies of the same unchanging length but of a steadily de-, resp increasing width In the Canon we read of these details as little as we do of the unit of measure of rajju, “rope”, by means of which the proportions of the parts is being expressed With the height of the whole
6
I. 1 ko dāko ḍi (Jiv kodikodi)
1014
2 Acc to Than 171 b the upper world causes the least, the lower world the greatest difficulty for understanding (abhigama) (The passage is a fragment)
3 talpa, not tapra (uḍupaka Vy)
4 Kosmographie, p 210 f
5 Comp. Brahmaveda on Davvasamgaha, 20 (SBJ 1, 47 ff) Virasena in Satkhanḍāgama Vol 4, p 11 f and Introd P II gives tala-rukkhasamthana as the shape of the world
6 The rajju which is nothing but a proportional number has also been made to be some kind of an absolute quantity (Comp COLEBROOKE, Misc. Essays III. 1983.)

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DOCTRINE OF THE JAINAS world measuring 14 r. the upper and the lower world each come to 76. (the centre world is not considered) The width of its base decreases from 7r. down to 1, in the centre world, in order to increase again to 5 r ( 129) and then to decrease once more down to 1 r. A third non-canonical conception refers to a world of human appearance? (as loka-purusa). This easily makes itself clear by the mere outline of the whole which, moreover, certainly accounts for the name of the Gevejjaga or neck" regions ( § 129) and the expression of loga-matthaga (Dasav. 4, 25).
$104. Along with the shape and the organization of the world and its different sections we shall equally consider the beings they contain, and we feel entitled to do so by the fact that the tabular treatment they receive in the dogmatic texts ascends in stages through all three worlds; the inhabitants of hell are followed by those appertaining to the classes of gods which belong to the uppermost stage of the lower world and the upper world, they again are followed by the prestages of the animals and their lower classes, by the higher animals and men, and, finally, by the gods of the upper world and the Siddhas on a still higher stage Outside dogmatic teaching the entity of all beings is called by the words of pāna bhūya jiva satta, certainly without making any discriminations by doing so, as the commentators want it 3 According to the number of their senses all animals (tırıkkha-Joniya) down to their most simple forms are called one- to five-sensed ($ 118) As is the case with all beings, they are either fully developed (paggatta) or not (ap ), to which we ask to comp § 63 The one-sensed beings (eg’ındıya)--so called since they have nothing but feelingare the animate smallest particles of earth, water, fire, wind, and plants As occupants of these particles or accumulations of matter (kāja), their souls and equally the beings them
1 But by no means of an expressly female app as GRUNWEDEL, Alt-Kutscha I, 47 gives it The interpretation of the corresponding figure 20 (sce also KIRFEL, Bilderatlas ) is certainly very doubtful
2 The AUTHOR ZDMG 75, 260 f
13 In a frequently (eg Jiv. 305 b, Prajn. 131b, Acar (old ed ) 80, 15 ) quoted versc, but comp Ācār 1622 12

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selves are called pudhavi- etc -kālya Their number in any of their kind is į, as is the case with all beings in the Samsāra, with the only exception of the plant souls whose number is oo (Pannav. 179 a) The one-sensed beings occur both in a form so fine that no sense is able to conceive it (suhuma) and in a concrete (bāyara) shape In their fine form we find them, indifferentiated within their kinds, all over the world (savvaloya-pariyāvannaga, Pannay 71 b)
Among the plant souls or vanassaz1-kārya we also find the nigoya or noya-jīva Jambūdv. 171 a, Vy 309 a explain nigoda by kuțumba, which makes us think of nyoka(s) As mentioned above, the nigoya (V1y 889 b-Jiv 423b, Viy 764 b., Pannav 381 a) are both fine and concrete Originally, however, the name is certain to have belonged to the former (suhuma) only This is explained not so much by the word of nigoya (without an adjective) standing side by side with bāyara-11. (Pannav. 381 b) than by an objective exceptional position The above mentioned o number of plant souls goes to the debt of the fine ones among them, they alone may stay for an infinitely long time in the same form of existence, whereas the remaining fine elemental beings (to say nothing of the higher ones) can leave it, at the latest, after an indeterminably long (c), 1.e after all a measurable time (Pannav 377a, 381b). This is the so-called kāya-tthia, the uninterrupted sequence of existences having the same form ($ 93), ie existences each of which ends within one muhutta in a fine form in the elemental beings and plants regardless of either their complete or incomplete development (Pannav 171b). Hence the fine undeveloped nigoya, though it pertains to the Samsāra, yet does not take part in the up and down within it, until it starts to develop By this way it is the intellectual and actual counterpart of the Siddha (§ 101). The Canon does not supply us with any detailed information about a certain way as to how the nigoya fill up the entire world It is most probably a post-canonical conception acc. to which these nigoya
I
Also vanapphai.

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208
THE JAINAS form in numbers into ¿ minute balls (gola) each having co souls-which for their part permeate all and everything.1 Pannav. 39a speaks of an aya-gola only by way of comparison.
§105. The concrete (bayara) elemental beings do not occur in the same way everywhere in the world, but we find them in all of its three sections. They represent the palpable occurrence of the elements, and, to mention but some of them, they appear in the forms of earth, minerals, metals; of water, clouds, snow, of flame, coal, lightning; of breath, wind, storm. Their concrete shapes are, resp, those of the lens, the drop (thibuga), the quiver, and the flag (Than 234b; Jiv. 11a, 24b, 27a, 29a, Pannav 410b) The animate elements of earth, water, and wind2 appear in a concrete shape (Pannav. 71b ff) except in the centre world at all obvious places also within the sphere of the subterranean and heavenly dwellings and, naturally, also in the structure of the hulls enveloping the lower world (§ 107) In the watery hulls there are also concrete vegetable bodies with their souls; acc. to V1y. 278 b clouds come into existence also in the lower world and in the upper world as a work of gods (deva, asura, naga). Fire only is confined to the centre world as far as it is inhabited by men. It comes into being at a fire-place (ingalakariya), but it comes to glow (ujjalar) only when joined by the wind (vāuyāya) (V1y. 696 b). The lower (two- to four- sensed) and the higher animals (pancendiya tirikkha-joniya) occur in the lower and centre world at places where, according to their kind, they belong (tad-ekka-desa-bhae) We shall consider them when dealing with the centre world (§ 113).
DOCTRINE
OF
§106. The concrete plants, acc to Pannav. 30a ff. (in prose and nearly 100 Gāhās), fall into individual plants (patteyasarira) and group plants (sāhārana-s Viy 762a), the latter a.o. lichens and mosses, without any subdivisions, but very rich in
I Comp the Nigoyachattisi incorporated by Abhayadeva in his Vy vrtti (528a ff) Nig 12 appears in the Kalaka legend, comp AUTHOR OLZ 1933, col 451
2 Wind caused by walking, blowing, pressing, etc 15 inanimate (acitti) Hence as to this statement Than 334b ought to instead of vau-kāya have vau-kaya

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variety. The more highly developed individual plants are divided twelve-fold acc. to their habit into trees, bushes, shrubs, creepers, grasses, etc. Trees are subdivided into two groups, the mono-kernels (eg'atthiya) and the multi-kernels (bahubīyaya). On grasses (tana) it has been observed that they bear seeds at the top, at the roots, at the stalk, and at other places (Dasav. 4, introd, Thân 186b, 322b, 354b). The five classes of rukkha, ajjhāroha, tana, osahr, and hariya (Sūy. II, 3) joined by a sixth bearing no name of its own, look older than the duodecimal classification. Both classifications are now crossed by one classifying according to the number of souls within a plant With its quality to have more than one soul the plant stands alone in the realm of living beings. The seats of these souls are the roots, the bulb (kanda), the stem, the bark, the branches (sālā), the twigs (pavāla), the leaves, blossoms, fruits and seeds (mülā mūla-jiva-phudā etc. Viy 300a) Acc to Sūy. this refers to the five classes mentioned above, acc. to Pannav. to the trees, acc. to Than 520b to the tana. The taking in of matter and its transubstantiation starts (Viy. 300a) with the souls of the roots which are near to the souls of the earth (padibaddha) from whom they take what substance they need. From there it is taken by these of the bulb, from here by those of the stem, a. s. o. As to this theory concerning the growth of plants (the text of which suggests the wrong conclusion that the resp. former were decaying in favour of the resp succeeding ones) it may be pointed out that this growth decreases in proportion to the sequence of the starting of the rainy season, the main rainy season 2 — autumn- winter-spring-, and summer The opposing vital force which manifests itself in the general bloom is explained acc to § 94- 8 Now, the number of the souls in trees is either x, į oro (Viy 364a, Thān. 122b), the quantity of pertaining to the roots, etc, whereas the first pertains to the blossoms (Pannav. 3la) and one to each leaf o souls
1. Discussed by KOHL, Ztschr f Ethn f8 (1953), p 91-95 lif, see § 146
. 3. gımhāsu nam buhave usina- j j yap ya vasiassarkaryattäe vakkamantı
2
pāusa-vāsā-rutiesu
This bipartition
reoccurs in
the monastic
ctc.

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DOCTRINE OF THE JAINAS are attributed (acc. to Vay 300 a) to a number of certain specified plants. The uppala and other plants are discussed by Viy, 508 b ff., while Viy. 800 a deals with useful plants for the most part. Pannav. gives many details especially of the sāhāranāsarīra.
$107. The Lower World (ahe-loga). In the lower world there are seven regions (pudhavī, Umāsvātı gives bhūmi). Their names are Rayanappabhā (imā R, scc § 113 footnote), Sakkarappabhā, Vāluyappabhā, Pankappabhā, Dhūmappabhā, Tam(appabh)ā, and Tamatamā or, commonly, Ahcsattamā (Mahātamahprabhā) 1 This is their sequence from above to below. In between them there arc spaces of unmeasured extension, and a space of that kind scparatcs also the lowest region from the non-world (Viy. 651 b). For cach region is enveloped by hulls which, in succession, consist of viscous water, viscous winds and light wind The last and most remote is followed by an intermediate space (uvās'antara), Thân 177a,388b, comp. Viy. 152a and also Thān. 152b). Below each region these hulls are very wide: the water hull amounting to 20,000, the remaining to į joy ; to their sides, where they are ring-shaped (valaya), they are quite thin measuring 6, 4 and la joy in the Rayanappabhā, increasing evenly up to 8 6 joy. in the remaining regions and measuring 2 joy. in the Ahesattamā Beyond the light wind hull, at the sides, the world ends (loy’anta), thus the intermediate part of space lies below the regions only. The hulls of the uppermost region include the centre world and, partly, also the upper world ( $ 129).
$108 The regions are determined in respect of their depth only, but not as to their width of the latter Vıy 604 b (=Jiv. 306a) merely says that it increases downwards. The
i Other names for all seven regions are given by Thân 388b, acc to which the Bhâşya ref to T 3, I in the edition (p 90) must be partly rectified Thăn 440 also counts Isipabbhārā ( 135 ) as pudhavi
2. Any concussion of these hulls (guvie samāne) is conveyed by the water hull to the earth and causes a general earthquake (Thân 161b)
3 By entering a minute distance from above into the space below the Rāy (and naturally horizontally in the centre) we come to the centre of the world (Viy 606a) and, equally, to the centre of its three sections § 103, that of the centre world called Ruyaga ($ 58).

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211
depth decreases from 180,000 joy. in the Rayanappabhā down to 108,000 in the Ahesattamā which is the number of the places of hell it contains (nıray'āvāsa), 8 4 mill in all, and in the 1st to the 5th region from 3 mill. down to 300,000 Tamā has 99,995, Ahesattamā but 5, though especially extensive, places. While (Pannay. 79b) the layers of the 1st to the 6th region lie between every two unoccupied layers of 1,000 20y. the upper one in the Rayanappabhā equals the thickness of Jambuddiva (§ 113)—, these layers in the 7th region amount the 52,500 joy, so that the occupied is but 3,000 joy in depth here. In the Rayanappabhā we have three special layers. Khara-kanda, Pankabahula-k and Āubahula-k of 16, 000, 84, 000 and 80,000 joy These names indicate the transition to the water hull which follows accordingly The former on its part has 16 layers of 1,000 joy each, the uppermost being called Rayana-k. (Thān. 525a, Samav. 89b f, 92b, 104b).
Another arrangement in layers-though not represented in the Canon itself- goes by the way of patthada. In the 1st to the 7th region there are 13, 11, 9, 7, 5, 3 and 1 of such layers tiered one beneath the other, 1 e. 49 in all. From the central hell of Sīmantaga in the uppermost layer of the Rayanappabhā measuring 4,5 mill joy in diameter a succession of 49 hells leads off in every main direction, and a succession of 48 hells in every intermediate direction. In the second layer the numbers are 48 and 47, etc , up to 49, which is identical with the 7th region where the medium one is surrounded by 4 only. More extensive hells at certain places in these successions are called something like "eccentric" (avakkantamahānıraya) (Thãn 365b). So far as these hells appear in successions they are either circular or quadrangular, while in other cases they may be of any shape possible. In the lowest region four triangular hells, called Kāla, Mahākāla, Roruya,
1. Sthan 366 b patthada is prasista, though it is rendered as prastata exclusively Abhayadeva here refers to the Vimānanarakendrak'ākhya Qrantha. presumably the Vimāna-and Naraya-Pavıbhattı, comp AGRM, 24, 1924
2. Because it is as large as Samayakhetta ( 122), the Uduvimāna 10 Sohamma (§ 129) and Isipabhārā ($ 135) (Thān. 125a, 250b).

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DOCTRINE OF THE JAINAS and Mahāroruya, with their vertex pointing outward form a frame round the 5th circular one, called Appaitthāna.l The latter measures 100,000 joy in diameter 2 The different hells in the Rayanappabhã are 3,000 joy in depth, and they are something like egg-shaped Within them it is dark 3 except for a glow of fire, 4 slippery with fat, pus, blood and filth, evil smelling as if of decay, and a touch causes pain in the descriptions given by the Sūy. and Utt (except the reference of Utt. 19, 48) the hells are considered hot only; in the Jiv. their three uppermost regions are hot, whereas the two lowest are cold, in the 4th and 5th we have both in the extreme; heat prevails in the former, cold in the latter.
$109 The earlier conception-already mentioned abovestill represents the beings occupying the hells as humans who, in these hells, partly at certain designated places, rivers and the Veyālıya mountain, suffer the most exquisite punishments by cruel warders (Sūy. 1 5; Utt. 19, 47 ff). Acc. to later conceptions the hells are populated by beings (neraiya)5 totally different from humans. They look black and ghastly, they resemble plucked birds, they are sexless, emanate a smell of decay and cause pain when being touched They greatly yary in size, the maximum being in each region twice that of the preceding and reaching up to 1,000 dhanu They suffer from hunger and thirst, heat and cold, and even though they themselves cause terror, they live in constant indescribable fear of mutual persecution in the most different shapes into
1 Less accurate are the earlier statements made by Sūy II 2, 66 f. Dasā 6, 15f-Pannav 79b, Jiv 102b, te nam naragă anto vastā, takım cauramsa, ahe khurappa-samthāna-samthiya They must not be referred (as JACOBI does in Sūy ) to the inside and outside of the various bells Comp S III
2 This it shares with the Jambuddiva ($ 113), the Palaga-janavimāna in Sohamma and Savvatthasiddha (§ 129 ) (Thân 250 b) Comp. the näli s 95.
3. For its motivation see Thān 263 a
4 nicc'andhayāra-tamasā kāữ (or kāuy', Sûy wrong kanhã) aganidann'abhä
5 Acc to Viy 230b the world of hell is covered with hell-beings down to a depth of 400 to 500 joy (samāinna)

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COSMOGRAPHY
which they change 1 All these torments increase in proportion to the increasing depth of the region to which they are doomed according to the measure of their wrong-doing (Viy. 596a, 604b, 606b). But also the animate elemental and plant-particles to be found in the different hells or either building them up, have much to suffer after they have been transferred there by their Karman (Jiv. 127b, V1y. 606a). $110. However, the lower world is not only a place occupied by hell-beings, but its uppermost region, known as Rayanappabhā, is also the seat of gods, the Bhavanavāsī and the Vanamantara, though we shall see that both kinds are not confined to the lower world, but are at home to a great extent in the centre world, too Of the Bhavanavāsī (or -vai; Pannav 84b) there are 10 different kinds. the Asura-, Naga-, Suvanna-, Vijju-, Aggi-, Dīva-, Udahi-, Disã-, Vau- and Thaniyakumāra By the denomination they have in common they are characterized as youthful appearances with all exterior virtues, and in dogmatic passages they are described mainly as male, though elesewhere some of them are females according to their root-word The size of these gods is 7 rayana, and they differ in colour; the Asurak. are black, the Naga- and Udahık. whitish (pandura), the Suvanna-, Disã- and Thaniyak. golden, the Aggi-, Diva and Vijjuk. orange, and the Väuk dark (pyanguvanna) These colours contain indications as to their activities and their seats, and so do, in parts, also their emblems (Uvav. 34 Pannav. 85a) and, above all, the offices assigned to them consequent on the logapala (§) 132). The Asurak are mere gods of the lower world But just as they may go down
213
I V1y 314 a-Than 505a quotes 10 general painful sensations of
the hell-beings
2 JACOBI, Utt 6, 225 wrong Ghanika The sequence above rendered by Viy and Pannav is the normal In Dev it is 1 2 3 6 7 8. 9 10 4 5 For another different sequence see Umās vāti on T 4, 11. kumāra and -ri only Viy 3, 7, 4, 1-4 Exclusively disākumārio Jambudd 383 ff, disākumāri- and vjjukumari-mahattariyão Than 198b, 222 b, 418b The grammatical gender of dis and vidyut obviously excludes masculine princes
3
4. Partly different in Umäsvati on T 4, 11.
Those of the Udahik and Vauk are exchanged by mistake in
5
the text.

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DOCTRINE OF THE JAINAS into the deep beyond the Rayanappabhā, they are able to reach both the centre- and the upper world. Thc Nāgak. are water gods in general and as such are connected with the rain clouds while the Udahık. seem to command over the sea.3 to water must apply to the Udahik, just as well. The Suvannak. having their seat also in the Mānuss’uttara mountains ( § 122)* go back to the idea of the Suparna-Garuda, the Dısāk, to that of the world clephants. Thc latter femalc dignitaries share in the consecration of a Titthagara for the purpose of which they come running from the centre world as well, for these disākumārī-mahatlarıyā have their scats also on the Ruyaga mountains ( $ 123) and in the trec tops of the Nandana forcst
(§ 115).? The meaning of the Divak. with a lion as their attribute8 is not clear. The Vāuk. occupy submarine caves i § 121), and they cause the movement of the wind bodies (Viy 212 a) which is either a normal or an abnormal one (ahā-riyam riyar, utlara-horizam r.). Following thc same passage (211b) the theory of the wind may be added here. There are winds of the 4 kinds or grades īsım-purevāya, patthāvāya, mandā-vāya, mahā-vāya, and in the sections of the compass-card opposite each other winds of the same character arc simultaneous, whereas winds blowing over continents (diviccara, comp. Nāya 11) are not simultaneous with winds blowings over oceans (sāmuddaga), since the wind turns back on the sca-shore (tesz nam vāyānam vivaccā senam Lavane samudde velan närhkamai).
1 For the motives see Vay 16gb, 180b 2 Viy 278b, Jambudd 238 bf 3. velam dharanti Divas 308a 4 Divas 3421
5 Hence it is wrong to render it by Suvarnah in Prajn Comp Ayar II, 15 XII f and the common Samay 155b Their fight with the Nāgak. may be the cause for a partial carthquake (Thān 161 b).
6 See ALSDORF's instructive essay New Ind. Ant 9, 105-128. The author complains that his essay abounds in misprints
7. They therefore are called aheluga-vatthauva as well as uddhaloga-v (Jambudd V, (383ff , 388b) comp Thăn 436 b and Sthān) since in this altitude the upper would has begun already
8 The lion of the so-called Dvipakumāra may go back to the animal of the dvipa kat' exochen, Simhaladvipa But the neighbourhood of aggi and duju, perhaps even the princely names of Punna and Vasıttha (Avaśışta) are indicative of dipa instead of duiba.

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215
gill. With regard to both kinds of gods the Rayanappabhā region is horizontally divided into a southern and a northern half, being void, however, above and below in a layer measuring 1,000 joy. in depth both of hells and places pertaining to gods. These places (bhavana) are bright,1 sumptuously furnished and pleasant in every respect Those situated on the edge are circular, those situated inside are square shaped, the nethermost layer is merely circular (Jiv. 94b). the total number is 77.2 mill, the number of the individual kinds differs from 6 4 mill. with the Asurak. up to 9 6 mill with the Vāukumāra 2
Each of the two halves, of which all southern ones contain some more places than the northern ones, is governed by a prince. These pairs of princes in the above quoted sequence of the kinds are Camara and Balı Vairoyana, Dharana and Bhūyānanda, Venudeva and Venudāli, Harikanta and Haris(s)aha, Aggisiha and Aggimänava, Punna and Vasittha, Jalakanta and Jalappaha, Amiyagai and Amiyavāhana, Velamba and Pabhanjana, Ghosa and Mahāghosa. It is but in the case of Camara and to a smaller degree of Balı that we come to know more than the mere names of these princes, while the remaining pairs stand back completely, and it is only by their surnames (V1y 200b) that we are, partly, informed of their origin With regard to Camara and his Asurakumāras (and equally with Sakka, § 131) we can speak of something like a mythology (comp Viy. 169b ff, 319b, 752a, etc.) His residence-it is called Camaracancā as that of Bali bears the name of Balıcancā--is described in Viy. 144a, 617a, though it is added that it does not serve him as a dwelling but simply as place of entertainment.
ş112. The transition to the centre world is formed by the Vānamantara- (or Vantariya-) gods, for their seats are partly (Pannav 95a) subterranean (§ 110), partly in the groves (Jambudd. 31a) summarized in § 116–in the so-called
I Vay 246 b 2 Vuy 770a, where also the places of Vānamantara and Joisiya
are mentioned

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DOCTRINE OF THE JAINAS Long Veyaddha hills (Jambudd. 72a) I $ 114) and (Jiv. 145a) on the intermediate continents ( § 116). In the acknowledged sequence they range between humans and star gods who belong to the centre world. In them we find the dogmatic reflection of popular spirits, ghosts and demons, and it is characteristic, that in the Canon nothing special is being said as to their activities and numbers (à x 100,000, Viy. 601a). There were two sequences of Vānamantara kınds known, though at least by Umāsvātı T. 4, 12 one of them got the preponderance over the other. It is (Thān 442b, Pannav. 95b) that of the Pisāya, Bhūya, Jakkha, Rakkhasa, Kinnara, Kimpurisa, Mahākāya (Thān, 161b 442b, Mahoraga), and Gandhavva with two princes each (Pannav 97b). The other sequence has the Anavanniya, Panavaniya, Isivāıya, Bhūyavāiya, Kandiya, Mahākanduya, Kohanda (Ku-) and Payaga, and here equally two names of princes2 for each were invented (Pannav. 95b, comp also Thān. 85a). Umāsvāti mainly quotes these Vānamantara as sub-groups of the former sequence (differently classified by him). That at least the Anavanniya enjoyed popularity is clearly proved by Viy. 498a As to T. 4, 12 we also find specifications regarding their outward appearance which, except for the Rakkhasa, is a pleasing one; the colour is mostly of a dark shade (śyāma). The dwellings (bhomezjanagara) are in the uppermost layer, the Rayanakanda, of the Kharakanda of Rayanappabhā, and, what is more, within the 800 goy. left both above and below after deducting 100 unoccupied joy on either side The largest among these dwellings are as large as is the Jambuddīva, the medium ones as large as Videha (§ 113), and the smallest are khetta-sama. Within them the Vānamantara lead a happy life, free from care and ageless (Dev. 75 f.).
$113. The Centre World (tırıya-loga). The centre world rests on a disc the thickness of which we may say to be 0. For the 1,000 joy. beneath the surface into which the mountains
1. Thus also Thân 141b quotes the deva, nãga, jakkha, and bhūya as either sending or refusing rains
2. Dev. 72 has none but these, quoted by Pannav. 98a.

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penetrate (usually with the uvveha, a fifth quarter of their visible elevation?) are identical with the 1,000 joy which, in the Rayanappabhā, are void of places pertaining to either gods or hells The surface of the centre world consists of the circular continent of Jambuddīva surrounded by other continents and by oceans in concentric rings 2 We shall deal but with the former first.
The diameter of the Jambuddiva: measures 100,000 Jog, Its centre point and therewith that of the whole centre world, is the Mandara mountain (s b.). To the south of it—from S. to N.-we have the different parts of the world (vāsa, varusa, vassa) 4 called Bharaha, Hemavaya, Harivāsa, and to the northfrom N. to S—those of Eravaya (Erāv.), Hirannavaya (also Her., Er ), Rammaga, They, however, do not occupy the entire disc. It its centre there lies the continent called Mahāvideha or Videha. It divides into Puvva-Videha east and AvaraVideha west of Mandara, whilst to the south and to the north of it we have the countries of Devakurā and Uttarakurās (-kuravah). In the latter we behold the world tree of Jambū from which the whole continent derives its name It measures 8 joy. both in thickness and height, and it is the seat of the god Anādhiya. In Devakura the tree Kūdasāmali inhabited by the Venudeva Garula corresponds to it.
These seven parts of the world are separated from each other by world mountains (vāsadhara-pavvaya) extending from east to west, so that in the south between Bharaha and
1 This is shown by the distances measured in joy, and the astronomical distances (comp Jiv 376 ff ) counting from a bahu ama-ramanya bhūmibhāga in Rayanappabhã Hence the reason why it is merely called by the namc of imā Ray
2. We shall see ($ 123 ) that their number is limited, though by the term of asamkhejāim diva-samuddāım we might suppose the reverse Also Umāsvātı on T 3, 7 calls them countless, yet at the end of his Jambudvipasamāsa he gives a specified list
3. For a plan not true to scale see Antag ed BARNETT, P 138.
4 Umāsvāti T 3, 10, vamsa, varsa vasgā it? c'arşām gunatah paryayanāmānı bhavantı, vamsadhara on T 12 In the Prakrit of the Dig. we read vamsa.
5. Viy, Thân and Samay write Eravaya and (H)Erannavaya, Tambudd. has Eray, and Hır, also Nelavanta except in Jambudd V Comp. § 119.
6. Pl. -kurain corresponding to Bharahāım etc. V1y 791b.

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DOCTRINE OF THE JAINAS Hemavaya we have Cullahımavanta (Himavan), between Hemavaya and Harivāsa Mahāhimavanta, between Harivāsa and Mahāvideha Nisadha; in the north between Eravaya and Hirannavaya. Siharı, between Hirannavaya and Rammaga: Ruppi, and between Rammaga and Mahāvideha. Nīlavanta.
As to the ratio of size of these continents and world mountains, it is of a kind that towards the centre each of the succeeding is twice as wide as the preceding. The width (vikkhambha) of Bharaha and Eravaya measures 526 is goy.--1 . two quite narrow segments, that of Cullahimavanta and Siharı 1,052 if joy, etc. By taking Bharaha as 1 we may imagine the Jambuddīva as consisting of 190 units (khanda). From the width there follows the length of the chords (jivā) representing the boundaries of the continents and world mountains, of the pertinent arcs (dhanupattha), and of the arc sections between the chords (bāhā). The northern edge of the Cullahımayanta, for instance, is a little longer than 24,932 de joy., and the arc above it embracing both the mountains themselves and Bharaha measures 25, 230 i joy.
$114. The world mountains-JACOBI calls them by the appropriate term of “banks" (on T. 3, 11)-have 100, 200 and 400 joy. in height measured in pairs towards Mahāvideha, and they show 11, 8 and 9 summits (küda) 1 These summits rising to an individual height of 500 joy. sit upon the mountains. In the centre of these mountains we find the longish lakes (maha-ddaha) from which the large rivers spring (Thān. 72b). From those of the Cullahimavanta and Sihari there flow three each, ie into Bharaha eastward the Gangā, westward the Sindhu, northward into Hemavaya the Rohiyamsā; into Eravaya eastward the Rattā, westward the Rattāvai, southward into Hirannavaya the Suvannakūlā From the remaining lakes spring two rivers each to flow southward and northward Thus from the Mahāhimavanta there come the Rohiya in Hırannavaya and the Harikantā in Harivāsa from the Nisaha ibd. the Hari and the Sãoyā in Mahāvideha. They
1.
Thāņ 70 a ff counts 2 each

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correspond to the Ruppakūlā in Hırannavaya flowing northward and the Narakantă in Rammaga flowing southward from the Ruppi, as do the Nārīkantā and the Sīyā in Mahāvideha flowing from the Nīlavanta ibd These rivers start by flowing on top of the mountains in the above mentioned directions to leave it in a leap (called gubbhiyā for its tongue-like shape). At their foot they cross a lake (pavāya-kunda, p.-daha or salila-kunda) and turn off into their definite direction before the uplands (soon to be mentioned) in order to fall into the Lavana Sea either to the east or to the west Those mountains lying in this course are crossed by flowing beneath them. The medium continents are divided by the rivers into two equal halves All rivers of the continents that start by flowing to the south end up in the east, all others end up in the west A chord standing perpendicularly on them and its ends coinciding with those of the Nisaha and Nilavanta forms the boundary of an arc 2,923 joy wide which is filled by the “estuary forest” of these rivers (muha-vana).
Each of the two rivers in Bharaha and Eravaya has 5 tributaries (antara-nai, Thān. 351a, 477b). Those of the Gangă are called Jamună, Sarayū, Ādī, Kosiyā and Mahi, those of the Sindhū Sayadū, Vivacchā, Vibhāsā, Erāvai and Candabhāgi. Both the Sīyā and the Sioyā have three tributaries each of which springs from lakes on the slopes of the southern and northern world mountains
The mountains of the different continents, with the exception of Mahāvideha, are known by the name of Veyaddha, (T. 3,11 Vaitādhya, Jambūdv. Vijayādhya or Vijayārdha; comp. end of § 115).1 The Veyaddha mountains which divide Bharaha lengthwise into equal parts are exemplary. They measure 25 joy in height and 50 joy. in width, and they culminate in 9 summits. These mountains to which, naturally, there are corresponding ones in Eravaya, are called long (dihaV.), whereas the other Veyaddhas (bearing special names), are called round (vatta-V). The latter are situated in the four
1. For the etymology (vedyardhar) see ALSDORF ZDMG 92, 485f.

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DOCTRINE OF THE JAINAS remaining continents on the S-N Middle axis and are hemispherical in shape with 1,000 joy in diameter and height Other characteristics of Bharaha and Eravaya are (a.o ) the Usabhakūda on the slope of the Cullahimavanta or, resp., the Sihari between the two rivers
$115. The mountains in Mahāvideha are called vakkhāra-pavvaya They are grouped round the Mandara mountain which forms the centre point of the Jambuddvia. This mountain which, apart from 14 other names (Samav 31b),1 bears the name of Meru—preferred by later authors reaches below the earth surface by 1,000 joy. and rises above it by 99,000; at its visible foot in measures 10,000-and on its top 1,000 joy. in diametre On its slopes we have four forest districts (vana) On the earth surface there is the Bhaddasāla forest extending over a distance of 22,000 joy. from east to west, but of not more than 250 joy. from south to north, with eight directive summits (drsāhatthz-küda) rising from it up to a height of 500 Joy (Thān 436a). On the side of Mt. Mandara, at a height of 500 joy, we have the flat terrace of the Nandana forest, and at a height of 62,500 joy. that of the Somanasa forest, both measuring 500 joy. in width The former has ninesummits (Thān. 454a) At a height of 36,000 709 above the latter there follows the Pandaga forest with four sacred places (abhzsega-sılā) for world-emperors (cakkavattı) (s b) and Titthagaras (Thân 224a) From its ring 494 joy broad the headpiece (cūliyā) on the top level of the mountain measuring 12 joy. in diametre juts up It is 40 joy. high and 4 joy. wide at its top From the Mandara four mountain ranges stretch in the intermediate directions to the Nisaha and Nilavanta, their height decreasing on their course from 500 down to 400 joy, whilst their width increases from a minimum up to 500 joy. They embrace the countries of Devakurā in the south
I Jambudd has but 12 in all, whereas Sürap 5 and 7 has 20 The Meru is descubed by the name of Sudamsana in Sùy 1, 6, 10 to 13 Comp. also Dasay II, 16
2 The figures (500 +62,500=) 63,000 and 36,000 acc. to Jambudd. Samay 75a gives 61,000 and 38,000 for these parts (kanda)

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and of Uttarakurā in the north. Either country has five lakes with 20 mountains of gold each, 1 e. 200 mountains of gold (kancanaga-pavvaya) in all, in Devakura we have, furthermore, the mountains of Citta- and Vicittakuda corresponding to the two twin mountains (Jamaga-p.) in Uttarakura. In their western, resp, eastern part we have the world trees referred to above. Moreover, there are four times 4 parallel mountain chains,1 stretching from the world mountains by which Mahāvideha is bounded, they hit the two rivers a right angles, and it is here that they have their maximum height in correspondence with the case mentioned before Between every two of them there flow the 12 tributaries quoted above following their As in all other world continents, the mountains consist of one kind of noble metal each or either of precious stones. Merely the nethermost 1,000 joy. of the Mandara, hidden in the earth, consist of common rook
course
The mountains and rivers, as well as the estuary forests of the Siya and Sioyā form, in equal distances, the boundaries of the empires (cakkavatti-vijaya) under the rulership of a worldemperor (cakkavatti). By including Bharaha and Eravaya there are 34 of them in all (Than. 435 b) The empire of Bharaha with its Veyaddha,2 with its Ganga and Sindhu and other geographical details is merely copied by the remaining and so are these names. There we also find a great number of cities with an imperial residence in each case, and countless villages.
ones,
§116. At the point where the mountains of Cullahimavanta and Siharı touch the edge of the Jambuddīva, we find four intermediate continents (antara-diva) protruding into the sea in the four intermediate directions for a distance of 300 joy. and six more following each in the same directions always for a distance of 100 joy So that, then, each of the mountains ends up in 14 promontories, whilst their total number is 56.
I They are listed with the other vakkhāra-pavvaya in Than 2243,
326a
2 Since they halve the empire, Umasvati's Jambudvipasamāsa (Appendix to Tattvarhādhigama Bibl. Ind 1905), also gives Vijayārdha Owing to a wrong etymology (see end of §114).

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DOCTRINE or THE JAINAS
In rendering a description of the geography of the Jambuddiva we have confined ourselves to dealing with its major points only, and we shall continue to do so in dealing with the rings surrounding the J. In this connexion it may suffice to mention summarily that, just as is the case with the J. itself, "all hills, hill tops, summits, lakes, forests, estuary forests, spring ponds, sacred places, water courses, etc " are surrounded by an enclosure (pauma-vara-verza) and a grove (vana-khanda). The respective descriptions follow a cert un
contention d
pattern Here we also but mention the palices, gates, lotus ponds, sanctuaries and residences of gods on in islands?
mount uns and
§117. Though the dwelling place of man is not confined to the Jambuddiva but extends beyond it also to the continent of Dhayaikh inda and the inner half of Pukkharavar (§ 122), we may yet discuss it already here. The quasi political classi fication of men is done according to their dwelling quarters, 1e to the hamma-bhūmi, akamma-bhūmi and antera-dica Krmen places of a kind, where the Karman is acquired and annihilated, are found on the 22 continents in the world parts of Bharaha, Eravaya and Mahāvideh, except the two Kura; the latter, the remaining world parts and the intermediate continents are free from Karman (Viy 791 b) At the Karman places there live (lamma-bhūmaga) Aryans and Barbarians. Among the different classifications of the former (Umásy, on T. 3, 15, comp. Than 358a) the khett'arya range first. We are given 26 towns in 252 countries as native places of Jinas, cakkavattı, baladeva and vasudeva in that one section (haya) is considered non-aryan. With the bhasariya the Ardhamāgadhi and the "holy script" (bambhi livi) serve as a criterion, the latter being distinguished into 18 provincial and technical scripts The Barbarians (milakkhu, also meccha) greatly vary in kind, Pannav has more than 50 names of different peoples.
I
Umäsväti, Jambudv 4
For examples concerning their description see LEUMANN, VI OC III, 2, P 495 ff
2
Umäsvāti, being a Sanskrit author, expresses himself in general
3 terms only

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Unfortunately these names as well as the others are given next to no support by the commentary We but mention the Saga, Javana, Cilāya, Pārasa, Hūna, and Romaga The list of the royal household which, next to some curiosities, includes even ladies of foreign nationalities, is much shorter (Viy 457a, 557a, Nãyādh § 117; Pannav. 14a; Uvav. § 55). About the places void of Karman and their people we are told next to nothing (§ 119). The inhabitants of these intermediate continents (antara-divaga) are strangely shaped they are onelegged, they do not speak, they have tails and horns, the ears and mouths of horses, elephants, cattle, etc, radiant teeth, etc etc. Their 28 different kinds on the southern continentseach bearing one-repeat themselves on the northern Their cultural state is that of paradise They are vegetarians and eat but every second day. They live in trees and know of no communal life Their character is the best one can think of They have neither masters nor servants, neither parents nor children, neither enemies nor friends, no harmful animals and nothing evil from whatever side. Their outward appearance (they are 800 dhanu tall) is of every possible excellence, and as to the mentioned abnormities, they apparently do not stand in its way.1 The beauty of their wives is most extraordinary.
The mountain-banks as well as the different mountain ranges and hills are considered not to be inhabited by humans, and to get there or to the oceans of Lavana and Kaloya ( § 122) they can only do so by transposing themselves (Umāsv. on T. 3, 12). §118 All over the centre world we find the animals of any shape. The one-sensed kinds have been mentioned above already, since the smallest particles of earth, water, fire, wind and plants occur in all parts of the world, no matter whether they are solid or subtle. The two-sensed kinds which are
COSMOGRAPHY
I The description in Jiv 350a ff. equals on the whole that of Mahavira's Uvav 16, but since it concerns beings of common standing, it goes in the opposite direction, 1 c from below to above (just so Āyār. 2, 23 ff ). In either case the procedure is contrary to Brahman usage.

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DO OTRINE OF THE JAINAS capable of sensing and tasting, the three-sensed which, in addition, are capable of scenting, the four-sensed which are gifted with seeing, and the five-sensed which are even able to hear, all these kinds vary greatly, Pannav. 41 a ff without having the intention of being exhaustive, counts up to 40 species 1 The informations given in Utt. 362 are less complete. And yet the classification is crude. Worms appear side by side with shells, many lower insects as having three senses, and bccs, scorpions, crickets, flies, etc as having four. The highest class is formed by the higher animals, though, strangely enough, we are but insufficiently informed concerning their habitats (Pannav. 78 b f), for merely to say that all twosensed animals live about water places of the most different kinds, is but relatively truc, and yet this statement is repeated for all three to five-sensed animals, for the latter even twice (Pannav 84a) The habitats cqually serve for the classification of the higher animals, though only secondarily, for their being called water-, carth- and air- animals, or, more precisely, such that move in the corresponding element (jalayara, thalay., khahay, Suy II 3, 22 ff; Utt 36, 171 ff, Pannav. 43 bff) goes back to the fundamental discrimination between voluntarily movable and immovable beings, the tasa and thāvara pāna3— the latter comprising the earth- and water- beings and the plants (a o Than 134a) The medium or the way of locomotion further leads to speak of the land animals as solid- and multi
7b f
I Many animals are quoted in a more than one context Pannav 2 The two- to four-sensed do not occur as suhuma Hence the translation of Utt 36, 128, 137, 146 SBE 45, 219 f has to be rectified
3 The tasa pana are divided (Ayar 5, 1 f (=Dasav. 4, I intr ) acc to their physical creation into such coming out of eggs, being born ready made, being brought forth with the amnion, into such coming into existence in moisture, in sweat or by coagulation, and others that spring from the womb of the earth or from the nil We have dealt with the sixth case in § 63 already It is mentioned by Than 114a where it is claimed that the first and second case (andaya and poyaya) pertain to fishes, birds and the afore quoted crawlers For an attempt made by KOHL (ZDMG 103, p 151-155) to explain poyaya by "born in a boat" see above, p 142
4 It is improbable that the five thavara-kaya called inda, bambha, sippa, sammar and pajaracca together with their consonant ahivas (Than 292 a) have anything to do with it, even though Sthan insists on it In the Dig 2, 13 f. also fire and wind are sthavara

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225 hoofed, as equipped with claws, and as such crawling either breast- or armwise (ura- and bhuya-parisappa). In Sūy. II 3 we are systematically informed of the first and the later food taken by these creatures as well as by men and lower animals down to the elemental beings and plants.
$119. The conception of the circular shaped Jambuddiva is obviously due to that of the segment Bharaha as which the Indian peninsula seemed to show. We may further assume that the conception of the intermediate continents goes back to an ancient knowledge of Indo-China and the Malacca peninsula which was symmetrically enlarged later on. Bharaha (or Bhāraha võsa) is called after the king bearing this name and whose capital Vinīyā lay in the centre of the country to the south of the Veyaddha. He gained the rule over the entire continent, as we are told by Jambudd. III, and thus became cāuranta-cakkavattı. Of Eravaya we hear nothing except the precise repetition of this legend where, naturally, the king is given the name of Eravaya. In Mahāvideha we find the happy conditions prevailing in the susama-susamā period (s. b). In the following pairs of Karman-free continents the conditions are of the susama-dūsamā or, resp., the susamā kind The names of Hemavaya and Hirannavaya have been explained by the rich occurrence of gold, and this certainly goes back to the gold found in Tibet. As to the form of the latter Erannavaya it is, of course, of a secondary character.) In Harwāsa the people are of a yellowish or reddish colour (arun'ābha arun'obhāsa), by which it is intended to define the name. Rammaga needs no explanation regarding its name.
$120. The periods we have just come to mention have been connected with the ever turning time-wheel in a rather clumsy way. The most happy period of susama-susamā (Jambudd. 97a; Viy. 276a) is followed by the susamā.3 Both and two thirds of the succeeding, the susama-dūsamā are essentially
1. For its occurrence in later texts comp LEUMANN, Übersicht 44a
2. Comp FO SCHRADER, Philosophic p. 60 ff 8. The following after Jambudd II.

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DOCTRINE OF THE JAINAS cqual, thcir conditions correspond with those of the inhabitants of the intermediate continents, and they differ but in ccrtiin physical qualities of the human being and the regions, where thcy arc reincarnated. Thcir want of food, for instance, minifests itself in the three periods after four, three and two days ? In thc last third of the susama-dūsamā the change for the worse makcs itself felt, it incrcascs in the dūsama-susama and disamā to rcach ils climax in the dusama-dūsamā. The birth of Mahāvira fell in the cnd of thc dūsa ma-susamā,” 75 ycars and 8 months later the dūsamā camc on. Towards its cnd it brings the corruption of all religious and social order (comp. Thân 398a), and with the dūsama the order of the Jains, too, ccases to cvist. With their names changing, her last representatives arc with the Svet the monk Duppasah, the nun Vinhusiri (Phaggusiri) and the lay-couplc of Jinada tla (Nila) and Phaggusiri (Saccasirī). In the dūsama-dūsamā (Jambudd. 161a, Viy. 303a) all disaster aggravates beyond all bounds, the moons radiato detrimental cold, the suns scorching h cat, and cvil comes raining from the clouds Thc carth is rcd-hot and impassable so that people have to hide in cavcs which thcy darc not lcave but at sunrise and sun-sct in order to fced on the water animals jiggering on the dry banks of the retrcated rivers. These six periods or spikes (samā, Thán. 120a, 357a) arc uncqual in length They measure 4, 3, 2 timcs 1014 sāgarovama (1 s.8,400, 00010), 1014 minus 42,000 and two times 21,000 ycars 3 They form an osappini, 1.e the descending half of the timcwhccl. Then they are followed-again beginning with a dūsamadūsamā—by the ascending half, the issappini, with the same
1. They are affhima-, chaffha- and cauttha-bhalla, comp 156 2. Ayar II, 15, 2=Jinac 2.
2 The signs by which to recognize the approach of the dūsama arc (Thân 398a) untimely rainfall, tribute paid to discreditable persons, incffccti. veness of instruction, and bad thinking and doing
4 The AUTHOR, Mahānis p 18, 42 (here also quotations) The Damsanasāra of the Dig Devasena calls (48) Virangaja as the last one having the name of jai
5 Comp also Viy 2746
6 For the reverse sequence in later literature comp LEUMANN, Übersicht p 43 b.

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COSMOGRAPHY periods. By calling them both samā, Thān. 47b may well have thought of the adj. sama.
After the dūsama-dūsamā has come to its end, the cloud of Pukkhala-samvattagal appears in the dūsamā It is as big and thick as is Bharaha, and in a tempest lasting for seven days it extinguishes the fire. Now for the same time rains fall from the cloud of Khirameha thus producing colours, smells, etc potentially. With the Ghayameha there comes fertile humidity (sineha-bhāva), the Amayameha causes plants to grow, and the Naramsameha gives them flavour. Now all people come to light again and greet the reborn earth. Then the remaining periods up to the susama-susamā follow. This scquence pertains to Bharaha and Eravaya only, whereas in the other continents the conditions mentioned last for ever. Chronology is unknown there (V1y 791b).
$121. The Jambuddīva is surrounded on all sides by an enclosure (jagai) with numerous window-like openings. It measures 8 joy. in height and its width decreases from 12 to 4 joy. From the centre of its surface a pinnacle (veiya) stands up 1 joy high and 500 dhanu wide, and a grove (vana-sanda) extends in front of it. All measurements are made by starting from the outermost edge of this pinnacle. In the four main directions the enclosure is breached by a gate which, again, is 8 joy high and 4 joy. wide. The rivers Sīyā and Sãoyā fall into the eastern and western gates, since they form the entrances leading to the Lavana sea. There are thrce other entrances of such a kind to the east, south and west of Bharaha and Eravaya. They are the tittha we find in the legend of Bharaha (Jambudd III).
The Lavana sea has a width of 200,000 309. Its maximum depth is 1,000 joy. with a mean strip of 10,000 joy down to
Also Viy 232 b In another content this word stands for a generic name, where (Thān 270b) the rain-power of clouds is being described A single rainfall from thc pukh lasts for 100,000 ycars, from the bautunna for 1,000, from the jimila for 10, while many show crs from the jimha do not mean a rcal rain for certain
2 Thus the comm, acc to thc text thic jagai is cnclosed by a jala ka daga. The following very'ā we mentioned in § 116 alıcady-,

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DOCTRINE OF TIL JAINAS which the bottom descends - cvcnly, thc cnclosurc bcing Icft out of consideration This slanted bottom is called by the name of go-tittha Nor is the water-lcvcl a planc surfacc, since-owing to an optical illusion-it ascends from thc shorc up to 700 joy. to where thc maximum depth begins, above which, however, it rises up to 16,000 joy This scction above the decpest channel is the silā Ebb and flow, which occur twicc within 30 muhutta, hcrc cause a difference of joyas compared with the mean sca-lcvcl This is duc to the existence of submarine caves (Pāyāla) which cqually account for thc spring-tides on the 8th and 14th and at ncw moon and full moon. For in the main directions of thc compass card, 93,000 joy. distant, there arc four vast spaccs below the sca. They are 100,000 goy dccp with a width of 10,000 above and below and 100,000 30y. in between, so that they ncarly have the shape of hollow spheres with walls of diamonds 100 joy thick. It is in them that thc Vāukumaras Kāla, Mahākāla, Vclamba and Pabhanjana reside, the latter two of which we have mentioned already as princes of this specics of gods Apart from these four large caves we have 7,880 smaller ones with a diametrc of 100 joy. above and below, and 1,000 in between. The contents of all caves gradually changes from below to above from sind into water. Heavy winds blowing out of them causc thc springtides, while their being emptied of, resp., filled with water account for ebb and flow.
The god of the Lavana sea is called Sutthiya, and hc lives in an island, Goyamadīva, 12,000 goy. distant from the Jambuddīva to the west Equally distant to the cast (§ 128) uc find the two islands of the moons of the Jambuddiva, Candadiva, and opposite to them—though the island of the Sutthiya is said to lie there already—those of the suns, Sūradiva. The four moons (s b.) of the Lavana sea have two islands lying 12,000 joy. off its easternmost point, and two others cquidistant from the Jambuddiva to the east; this in correspondence with the four suns in the west All these islands have a surface slanting from a height of 90 joy in the east to 1 303 in the west. The position of the moon- and sun-islands of the remaining

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continents and seas is the same, though they are level. At a range of 42,000 joy. from Jambuddiva in the main directions there are, in the Lavana sea, the hills (āvāsa-pavvaya) of the Velamdhara-Nāga prince, and in the intermediate directions at the same range those of the Anuvelamdhara. They are 1,000 joy wide and 1,721 joy high. Like all other continents and seas, so the Lavana is also enclosed by a veryā with four gates bearing the same names as that of the Jambuddiva But no other sea is inhabited, nor has it any up and down as to its surface or any cloud formation (Jiv. 320b). Now, that the Lavana remains within its bounds without flooding all and everything, this is due to the sacred and benevolent human and superhuman inhabitants of Jambuddīva, “and, moreover, it is a world-law” (ad-uttaram ca nam loga-tthii loganubhāve, Jiv 324a).
$122. Just as the Lavana sea is twice the width of the Jambuddīva, so the ring-shaped adjoining continents (diva) and the oceans (samudda, oya) lying in between are twice the width of the preceding. The continent beyond the Lavana is Dhāyaikhanda.1 Two mountain ranges in the north and the south, bearing the name of Usuyāra (Isvākāra), divide it into an eastern and a western half, and within each we find a perfect copy of the geographical conditions prevailing in the Jambuddīva even including the names and with the only exception that here the world trees standing for the Jambũ tree are called Dhāyairukkha and Mahādhāyaīrukkha. The world mountains run in a radial course towards the Mandara of the Jambuddīva, and the two Mandaras naturally lie strictly to the east and the west of it Instead of 100,000 they measure but 85,000 109 in total height and but 9,400 joy in width at their foot (Samav. 92a, Sthān. 167b, Umāsvāti on 3, 11). Beyond the Dhāyaikhanda there follows thc Kāloya2 sea with black and thick watcr, and behind it the continent of Pukkharavara Its two halves with the Paumarukkha and Mahāpaumarukkha in the place of the Jambū, arc an interior and an
1. Jiv Osanda 2. Jiv frequently has Kāloyana

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DOCTRINE OF THE JAINAS exterior one, ie each of them is ring-shaped mcasuring 800,000 Joy in width cach The interior one-that much is clearrepeats the design of the Dhāyaikanda Bchind it and to separate it from the outer ring thcre risc thc Mānussuttara mountains with one summit in every main dircction mcasuring 1,721 joy in height and 1,022 joy in diamctre at their foot. They form the boundary of the world inhabited by mcn, the Samayakhetta or Manussakhetta, beyond which men as such are not able to reach Wherc it tcrminates, all human institutions which include chronology (samaya) comc to an end, and so do the atmospheric phenomena of lightning, thunder and rain; fire, mctals in thc carth, lakes, darkness and other astronomic occurrences do no longer show ( § 128)
$123 Scarcely anything characteristic is being said about the continents and occans bcyond thc Puhhharoya. First there follow the continents of Vārunavara (Umāsvāti · Var.) Khīravara, Ghayavara, Khoyavara (Iksuvara) with thcir seas of Vārunoya (Var ), ctc 1 Beyond the Khooya (Ihsuvaroda) there lics thc Nandissaravara-diva. At cvery cardinal point we have an Anjanaga mountain measuring 84, 000 joy. in height, 1,000 joy in depth and 10,000 joy in diametre at the foot decreasing down to 1,000 30y at the top Its surroundings include a Dahimuha hill of circular shanc In the intermediate directions this continent has four Raikara hills 1,000 goy high, 1,00 gāuya decp and 10,000 joy. in diametre The continents following on thc Nandissaroya nominally belong togсther in threes cach For to the diva Aruna, Arunavara and Arunavarohāsa there correspond threc Kundala, Ruyaga, Hara, Addha hāra, Kanaga, Rayanāvali, Muttavali, Āina and Sūra at a time, and it goes without saying that each of them has a sca: Arunoya, Arunavaroya, Arunavorohāsoya, etc ? On the Kundalavara
1 Of the scas hitherto quoted Kalôya and Pullharoya taste of pure water (udaga-tasa), and so does the outermost sca to be mentioned. The Lavana sca, Varunoya, Khiroya and Ghaoya arc pallg'a-tasa (samu. dråntaraih sahasādhārana-rasah) The remaining arc khoya-rasa (Div 371 b)
2. Thus after Div. where Addhahāra to Aina arc quoted only in the comm as the insertion for a 1āva Umāsvāri on T. 3, 7 has Nandiśvara(vara and the Nandiśvaravarôda followed by the Arunavara and its sea. and presently, byś continents and seas up to the Svayambhuramana, but at

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and Ruyaga there are the circular mountains all bearing the same name (manḍalıya pavvaya, Than. 166b) following the pattern of the Manussuttara. They are 42,000 and 84,000 joy. high and 100 joy deep and their diameter decreases from 10,000 down to 1,000 joy.1 The Ruyagavara has 4x8 summits." The last five continents are simple again. Their names are Deva, Nāga, Jakkha, and Sayambhuramana and they are washed by seas called by their names.
§124. Of the gods belonging to the centre world it is only the stars that are quoted in the acknowledged quaternary number, though, apart from them, we have numerous local deities. The superior gods in the Jambuddiva and the Lavana sea haven been mentioned already. Even individual places of the Jambuddīva have a god of their own bearing their name and for us mostly leading a wholly vague existence. With a few exceptions only he appears as the second answer to the question as to why a country, a hill, etc, bears his name, in that this name, e g. ofthe Mandara, is referred to as transmitted from that of the god to the resp. locality. The lakes from which the great rivers spring belong to the goddesses named Siri, Lacchi, Hiri, Buddhi, Dhii, Kitti. The reservoirs at the foot of the mountains have islands inhabited by the deities of these rivers the names of which they bear. Apart from these and many other individual deities we have different kinds of localized gods. On the Long Veyaddhas in Bharaha and Eravaya measuring 25 joy. in height as well as in their copies
the end of his Jambudvipasamāsa he is in conformity with Anuog 90a by quoting after the Arunabhāsa (sic Anuog) Arunavara Kundala, Rucaka, Aruna (Anuog. correctly Abharana), Vastra, Gandha, Utpala, Tilaka, Prthivi, Nidhana (Nihi), Ratna, Varsadhara, Hrada, Nadi, Vijaya, Vaksāra, kalpa, Indra, Pura (Kuru), Mandara, Aväsa, Kuta, Nahṣatra, Candra, three Surya, etc as above The separation of these names is not quite certain To each of these continents there pertains a sea of the same name comm. on Anuog. discusses some more deviations from the Cunni
The
3 The Div contain nothing as to these mountains. The statements made above follow Than and Samav. In the verses rendered by Sthan. 167a the diametres differ, thus 1,022 to 424 with the Kundalavara, 1022 to 4,024 with the Ruyagavara Sthan 480b notes these deviations Ibd partly even other continents are quoted, so that Kundalavara is the 11th and Ruyaga (sic) the 13th
4. Than 436b

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DOCTRINE ON THB JAINA: in Mahāvidehamwe find (Jambudd. 71b) at an altitude of 10 joy. both to the south and the north a so-called vijāharasedhi, i e. a line of seats (nagar'āvāsa) numbering 50 in the south and 60 in the north reserved for this human species gifted with magic power i § 181). 10 joy. above there are two equal Jines for the ābhrog (iyla deva, and another 5 joy. higher, on the top level, there follow the residential quarters of many Vānamantara gods. Equally located on the Long Veyaddhas as well as on the Citta- and Vicitta-Kuda, the two twin hills, and on all 200 mountains of gold in Devakurã and Uttarakură we have the seats of the Jambhaga gods (Viy. 653b) who devote themselves to pleasure, play and lust Their contentedness grants glory, their anger infamy. So it is they who, equally as servants of the Vesamana, 1 greatly add to the riches in Mahāvīra's parental home.
$125. Among the acknowledged gods those of the stars (Joisiya dede) are considered to belong to the centre world. The star gods are (acc. to Țhān 302a) the moons, the suns, the planets, the Naksatras and all fixed stars (tārā-gana). Cand(im)a and Sūr(iy)a are considered their princes. All these gods, however, scarcely show any personal traits.
Acc. to Sūrap. 285b there were people who supposed the moon and the sun to be incarnated souls or either both dead and soulless, as solid or hollow, as morally (by utthâna, kamma, etc.) or materially (by lightning or thunder) effective or uneffective. In the face of these assumptions, however, it is more correct to say that, in fact, they are powerful and magnificent gods, individuals that take an active part in the up and down of the sequence of existences (comp. Sürap. 17).: Their names of Sasi aud Aicca are defined (Vıy. 577b=Sūrap 291a) as
1 Vesamana-pkumdadhara Jin 89 98 (kunda in the comm =āyattatā, dynā) Preferably Ves - kun daladhara Ayār II, 15 IV, though apparently this is said of thc Logantıya gods ($ 134), in the Jinac they go by the name of finya jambhaga
2. Rational definitions as the following arc by no means sporadic among the padivatlı of the Sürap
3. When their life has come to an end, they are replaced by 4 or 5 gods of the next lower rank until their likes will incarnate (Jiv 346b)

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233 sašrī and āditya: “making the begin" (of chronology). With Rāhu it is similar (Sūrap. 286b). Some take him for a black mass (poggala) of which kind there are said to be 15 and all after the moon and the sun, while others take him for an ordinary god who either seizes or releases them below (buddh'antenam) or at their head muddh'ant. with his right or his left arm. But Rāhu is (Viy 474a=Sūrap 287a) also a powerful god with 10 names and with palaces of five colours; by penetrating (viivayar) he passes over to the side vis-à-vis of his advent, he then stands to the side, he withdraws, he passes right through, or, finally, he obscures the moon and the sun completely. Such observations prove spectacularly plain when compared with the popular belief saying (as is mentioned) that Rāhu has either seized or swallowed the moon and the sun, resp., that by doing so Rāhi's belly explodes, etc. Viy. 575a=Sūrap 288a distinguishes between the dhuva-R. causing the moon to wane and the pavva-R. causing lunar and solar eclipses, the former occurring every 42 months at the most and the latter every 48 years at the most. The waning and the waxing of the moon, however, are explained by Rāhu's vimāna, which invariably accompanies the moon at a distance of 4 angula below, successively obscuring the moon by of her disk for 15 days (kinhapakkha) — with one remaining free at its uppermost partand releasing it at the same rate for another 15 days (sukka-p.). Those of the disk of the moon come up to its of the Rāhuvimāna.
Both the god of the moon and the god of the sun bear the emblem of their qualities in their diadems. They measure 7 rayana (Thān. 405b). Their palaces (vimāna) have the shape of half a kavittha fruit measuring in diameter with the moons, i joy. with the suns, joy. with the planets, 1 kosa with the Naksatra, and kosal with the fixed stars (1 c. 1 and joy.). Their thickness is one half of it. They do not move of their own strength, but 4,000 gods are pulling the moons and the sunsa in all directions, 2,000 are doing so with the
1. Up to 500 dhanu Umāsvātı on T. 4, 14 2 As to the pl see below

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planets, 1,000 with the naksatras, and 500 with the fixed stars; those in the east have the shapes of lions, those in thic south such of elephants, those in the west of bulls, and those in the east of horses The speed is in inversc proportion to these tractive powers, whereas the importance (eddhi) is in direct proportion to them. This movement, however, only occurs within the field of Samayakhetta, whilc the stars beyond the Mānussuttara mountains—their dimensions are half of those on this side-are fixed and do not move
$126. As now to this movement itself, it is said to continue above the Jambuddiva as with a lion's roaring (ulkittha-sihanāya-bola-kalakala-saddena) right round the Mandara (Sūrap.: Meru), and it does so in a normal course (Viy 206b, Jiv. 346a; Sürap 278b). The moon accomplishes it in 15, the sun in 184 circles (mandala) which widen and narrow in the course of a year. The advance from a narrower to a wider circle (nikkhamar as against pavisar) is not by lcaps (bheya-ghācnam) but by forming a spiral (sūtie kanna-kalam nivvedher?) as is explained by Sūrap. 48a with regard to the sun. The process of widening and narrowing results in the solar year of 366 days (Sūrap lla), and it causes the length of the day dccrcasing from 18 down to 12 muhutta and again increasing up to 18 as compared with the length of the night Every further circle produces a day shorter by a muh , shorter, since of the 184 circles but 65 go above the Jambuddiva-1e their innermost, as with the moon, 180 joy distant from its edge—whcrcas the remaining go above the Lavana sea (Jambudd 434a). With the moon it is 5 of the 15 circles She stands 880, the sun 800 joy. above the earth surface, the fixed stars stand lower than the latter with 790, the naksatras with 884 higher than the former, and the planets at a height of 888 up to 900 joy. The shortest
(but invariably constant) distance of a star (9025a) from the Mandara is 1,121 goy (Jiv. 376b, Sūrap 259b). All these
2 kanna-kalam, acc to the comm , is an adverb and should be analysed by something like karma-hala jatha bhavatı tathā lama, however, is the most acute angle forming by the emergence of the new circle from the preceding.

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stars represent the retinue of a princely couple, the moon and the sun, consisting (Jambudd. 521b) of 88 planets, 28 nakşatras and 66,975 times 1014 (1e. 1 kodakođı) of fixed stars. Among all of them we shall see but the naksatras stand out, since they are important for dividing up the year. The planets (gaha) with Ingālaga ranging first are enumerated but annexwise by Sūrap. 294b, while Jambudd. 532b does so in a more casual way Six of these planets, i e. Sukka (Venus), Buha (Mercury), Bahassai (Jupiter), Angāraga (Mars), Saniccara (Saturn), and Ketu are comprised by Thān. 354a as tāraggaha, to which Sth. remarks that the common number of nine is made up by adding the moon, the sun, and Rähu. Of the different fixed stars, the polar star in special, we hear nothing. Now, acc to Jambudd. 495b, the 28 naksatras are called as follows. Abhiī, Savana, Dhanitthā, Sayabhisayā, (5) PuvvaBhaddavayā (Potthavayā); Uttara-Bh (P.), Revai, Assinī, Bharani (10) Kattiyā; Rohinī, Magasira (Sûrap 132a. Samthānā), Addā, Punnavvasū, (15) Pussa (Pūsa); Assesā (Asilesā), Mahā, Puyva-Phaggunī, Uttara-Ph, (20) Hattha; Città Sãi, Visāhā, Anurāhā, (25) Jetthā, Mūla, Puvv'Āsādhā, Uttar' Ās. The beginning with Abhıs in the first month of the rainy season is expressly stated by Sūrap. 93b (96a is correct) as against other authors who start with Kattiyā, Mahā, Dhanıtthā, Assini, or Bharani. In the Sūrap. we are told the design formed by each individual naksatra as well as the number of its stars which is between 1 and 7 (this partly also in Thān. 99a, 178a, 289a, 351b, 379b, 414b), and that each has a deity and a gotra of its own. Important occurrences in the life of a Titthagara happen in the sign of one and the same naksatra, comp. Āyär. II, 15, 1, Jinac, 149, 170, 204, Thān. 307a. By consulting also some later Svet-and Dig.-writings KIRFEL in his Kosmographie, p. 278 ff. has given a detailed description of the Jain Astronomy.
$127. If the altitude of the sun (and of all different kinds
1. Those just mentioned go together with moon and sun as mahaggaha (Thān 429 b)
2. Comp also S. R DAS IHQ.8, 30-42.

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of stars in general) is invariably the same, so Viy 392a-Jambudd. 458b wants to make it clear1 why at sunrise and sunset we see him dure ya müle ya, while at noon (majjh'antiva-muhuttams) we see him mule ya dure ya. Acc to the comm. mule means "near". Owing to the atmospheric obstruction of light (lesa-padighāenam), so we are told, the sun is casily visible in the morning and in the evening and, hence, is considered to be near, whereas owing to his blazing heat at noon (lesa' bhitāvenam) which by blinding our eyes makes him invisible to us, he is considered to be far off It may be doubted if by giving this explanation the comm has grasped the actual meaning. The range of solar radiation measures (Viy. 392b) 100 joy. up- and 1,800 joy downward including the depth mentioned in § 111, while horizontically it has 47, 263 joy Contrary to differing opinions terrestrial warmth, however, results from the circumstance (Surap. 92b)2 that in the intervals between the lesã radiated by the residences (vimana) of the gods of moon and sun other and separate (chinna) lesã are formed (sammucchant) which for their part warm their neighbourhood. V1y 77b and 392b render detailed information also about the visibility, the radiation field, etc of the sun
§128 Even where both the moon and the sun are spoken of in the singular-e g also in the contemplation of the red morning sun with Mahāvīra (Viy 656a)-it should always be remembered that either exist in duplicate over the Jambuddiva (Surap 175a, 268b) The one follows the other at an angle of 180° The "scientific" argument, however, is that in the course of 24 hours the sun can complete not more than half of his circle round Mount Meru When it is day over the southern half it is equally day on the same longitude over the northern, while in the meantime it is correspondingly night to the east
I
The question having this in
view begins in Jambudd by kamhā ņam, in Viy by kenam kh'ai atthenam This form is more archaic 2 The question ta kati-kaṭṭham ("how long") te surie porisi-cchayam nivvatter ähe ti vajjā? is erroneously anticipated from 94a
Jun"? in this 21 f "Each season has its sun' (nänālingatvad rtūnām nānā-suryatvam) Taitt Ar 1, 7, 6, comp OERTEL, Datıvı finales etc, Munich 1941, p 35

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and the west of the Mandara. The celestial bodies produce time (T. 4, 15) in a way that its periods—and Viy. 210a gives full particulars of them up to the largest time units-enter simultaneously in the south and in the north, while in the east and in the west they do so I samaya later (anantara-purakkhadamse samayams). Now the duplication of the two princes also involves the duplication of the afore mentioned retinue, and, hence, acc. to Sūrap. 268b we have 56 naksatras, 176 planets, 133, 950 fixed stars over the Jambuddīva. Since, however, each single star completely equals its counterpart in shape and activity (Sūrap. 1970) and since nobody on earth sees a star twice at the same time, the matter is practically of no importance. As was pointed out in $ 21, it may be a assumed that here we have an analogy to doubled dimensions of the continents and ring seas, though outside the Jambuddiva this analogy soon comes to an end. It is true, the Lavana sea still has 4 moons, 4 suns and the corresponding other double numbers, but over Dhāyaikhanda there stand 12, over Kāloya 42, and over Pukkharavara 72, and the remaining stars are multiplied correspondingly (Sūrap. 268 ff). The course of a celestial body circling over sea of course lacks a centre point which on the continents is given by the Mandaras. Over Pukkharoya up to the Kundalavarobhāsa sea there are x stars each of the different kinds, and from Ruyaga on ¿ stars each (Sūrap. 282), but, as was said before, they are fixed and do not wander (cāra-tthrīyā, no gai-raiyā; Sūrap. 278b; Jiv. 345f, more plainly Sūrap 278a), for beyond the Manussa- or Samayakhetta there is (or either for that very reason) no longer any division of time ( § 122).
$129. The Upper World (uddha-loga). The upper world begins at an altitude immeasurably high over the stars. There, again separated from each other by intermediate spaces of 2009., its different sections lie one above the other by storics. These interspaces are partly formed by the hulls enveloping the Raya
1. The word "hall”, as alrcady noted by Abhay is not quitc correct. Since all 4 directions are inquestion we are concerned with quadrants
2. For a survey scc KIRFEL, Kosmogr. p 337 ff.

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DOCTRINE OF THE JAINAS nappabhā together with the centre world. The idea represents itself as follows the nethermost celestial regions (kappa), Sohamma and Isāna, lie on the same level above the viscous water hull, above them and beyond the viscous wind hull there follow the heavens-if we may say so--of Sanamkumāra and Mahinda, and above the latter one after thc other. Bambhaloga, Lantaga, Mahāsukka and Sahassāra 1 Following Sahassāra we have the light wind hull and an intcrspace supporting the 4 uppermost heavens of Anaya and Pānaya, Aruna and Accuya in twos each one above the other Hence, from the fact that obviously the viscous wind hull is more concave than the viscous water hull and the subsequent hulls more than the preceding ones, it follows that we come to have the spaces for the above mentioned regions By Aruna and Accuya the group of the 12 kappa ends Above them there lie first the lower, the intermediate and the upper Geveyja places each again consisting of a lower, an intermediate, and an upper part, then on one level the 5 Anuttara regions, and above the highest point of their centremost (we shall deal with the details later) the region of Isipabbhāra, the place of the Siddhas, above which the world ends. In consequence thereof, those kappa that lie on one level in twos are crescent shaped with their diameters either in the north or in the south Acc to Umāsvāti, on T 4,20, however, we never come across a side by side position, but each region lies above the preceding, i e Isāna (Aiśāna) above Sohamma (Saudharma). The Anuttara region of Savvatthasiddha measures 100,000, that of Isīpabbhārā 4, 5 mill joy in diameter The circles of the remaining have radıı of an infinite length But the Bambhaloga is considered the largest, most certainly because it includes also the so-called Black Fields and the Logantiya places ($ 134). At the same time the Bambhaloga is qualified by having the greatest curvature (urggaha-vrggahıya, Viy. 616a). This can
1 The Dig in T 4,20 again render pairs by noting Brahman and Brahmottara, Lantava and Kāpışta, Sukra and Mabāsukra, Satāra and Sahasrara
2 Than 166 b
3 That is to say at the diggaha-kandaga (scil Brahmalokasya) Viy. 616a.

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only be understood by casting a look at the world profile (comp. § 103). Above the narrow waist representing the centre world1 the upper world increases horizontally and tapers off capwise above, as was just mentioned above. At the place of its widest extension we have to imagine the Bambhaloga.
§130 Just as the regions of the lower world count by layers, so do those of the upper world, and they, too, are called patthaḍa They are but sporadically mentioned 2 In the 4 first pairs there are 13, 12, 6, 5, în Anaya up to Accuya 4 times 4,3 in the Gevejja 3 times 34 and with the Anuttara 1.-The number of the places occupied by gods (vimāna) decreases from below to above In Sohamma and Isāna, for instance, they amount to 3,2 mill, is Sahassāra to 6,000, in the Gevejja to 318 altogether, and in the Anuttara to 5. Their total number is about 8, 497 mill 5 The southern halves contain a greater number than the northern. Their downward depth and their altitude invariably add up to 3,200 joy From Sohamma and Isāna measuring 2,700 joy. the depth decreases in pairs as far as Sahassara, then by 100 joy each as far as the Anuttara down to 2,100, while the height increases in proportion The arrangement (Dev. 208 to 218) is either by sequences or at will, and, accordingly, the shapes are either circular, quadrangular or triangular (Thān. 144 b), or else they vary. Only
I This part is conceived as two layers of (comparatively) insignificant height (khuddaga-payara, comp Thân 477b) one resting upon the other (uvarima-hetthilla) The world profile is completely even (bahusama) here and not bulging (probably savv' aviggahiya instead of savva-vigg, Viy 616a). 2 In Pannay, where they ought to be expected, they are but mentioned relative to the Gevija places (104b), Thân 367b is the only one to name the 6 of the Bambhaloga The details above follow the comm. on this
passage.
3 terasa barasa chap panca c'eva cattari causu kappesu Sthan. 368a must probably be understood as above, since the total number is said to be 62 here Hence we have to suppose that Bambhaloga is thought to lic on one level together with Lantaga, Mahasukha with Sahassara, while Anaya, etc, each he on a level of their own
4. For their names sce Than 452 b
5. Comp JACOBI ZDMG 60, 322.
6
vimanam mahanagara-kalpam, tasya cafari vanakhanda-pral ara prasad'adayah The vimana-pṛthvi-bāhalya concerns the former, the altitude to the latter (Jiv. 397b)

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some 7,900 places are arranged in sequences. Towards the end of the passages the Samav. mcntions numerous places by their names of the Anuttara the place of Vijaya faces the east, Vijayanta the south, Jayanta thc west, and Avarāiya the north. They are in the shape of a triangle, and the centre is occupied by the circular Savvatthasıddha. It need not be pointed out that the different adamantine places cqualling palaces with enclosures and gateways are radiant with all possible beauty and by their own illuminating power. All five colours blaze in Sohamma and Isāna, in every following pair one of them vanishes, until at last, above the mcrcly white Ānaya etc , the Gevejja and Anuttara glisten in a still higher purity of white
$131. The gods of the upper world are called Vcmāniya according to their places of residence, and thcy are distinguished into such that reside in the kappa (kappôvaga), and such that have gone beyond them (kappâiya). With them, too, the place is marked by emblems Moreover, their outward appearance is such of paramount beauty and immaculate radiance (Pannav. 100a). Their size, however, decreases with the height of the region. In Sohamma and Isāna it still amounts to 7 rayana, in every successive pair there is one less, until the Gevejjaga measure but 2 and the Anuttara not more than l ray The 12 kappa are commanded by princes (inda). In Sohamma his name is Sakka whose capital seat, the Suhammā sabhā, gives the whole its name, in the Bambhaloga most naturally Bambha, in Anaya and Pānaya Pānaya, in Arana and Accuya Accuya. The remaining are called according to their regions. Further up there are neither princes, nor are there any distinctions of rank being observed any longer (s b.), and anyone may call himself a prince. As among the Bhavanavāsí it is but Camara, the ruler of the first kind, and Balı, that come into prominence personally, so among the Kappa gods it is scarcely but Sakka
1. This would mean 10 princes Later there are 12 since as against Pannay 103bf, Thăn 85a the 4 highest kapça haye 4 princes of the same names (Dev 167, Umāsväti on T 4, 20)
2. Ahamındā nāman te deva-genā pannaitā, Pannav. 104b, etc.

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and Isāna that do so. Their attributes are, according to tradition, the thunderbolt and the elephant as a draught-animal with Sakka (vajja-pānı erāvana-dāhana),1 the spear and the bull with Isāna (süla-p usabha-v ). As a prince of the south Sakka is superior to Isāna (Viy. 168 a). For the way he punishes the Asurakumāra comp. Vıy. 3, 1, and for the way they have a squabbel with Sakka see Vıy. 3, 2. We are also told of Sakka's pre-existence (V1y. 737b). Other details (Viy. 633b, 405b with ref. to Rāyap., see LEUMANN VIth OC III, 2, p. 495 ff., 644b) concerning his faculties, his palace, etc., are not characteristic of him alone, but they give proof of his popularity. Sanamkumāra is placed above both him and Isāna since both appeal to him as an umpire in points of controversy (Viy. 168a), and just as much the princes of every higher region may be supposed to be the superiors to those of the lower So, then. it is Sakka who inaugurates the consecration of the new-born Titthagara, whereas it is Accuya who executes it (Jambudd. 395a, 410a).
$132. It is this the place where to deal with the distinction we observe among all gods, whether it be Bhavanavāsi. Vānamantara, Joisiya, or Vemānıya, under the rulership of their princes. They are followed in rank by 4 chiefs of the four districts orientated towards the main directions, the logan pāla (Viy 194b, 203a). Acc. to Vıy. 3, 8 they are of nearly equal rank with the inda. Their names in every northern half do not only equal those in every southern, but thcy also reappear in all kappa; they are Soma (E ), Jama (S.), Varuna (W), and Vesamana (N.). A great number of related gods is subordinate to those in the upper world including altogether all different kinds of the Bhavanavāsī of either sex, and they, for their part, again control an obedient retinuc. They all arc bound to watch carefully the most manifold occurrences of importance happening within their world-half either on the earth or in the stellar world So Soma and a o thc Vijju-, Aggi- and Vāukumāra are entrusted with supervising all possible
1. The traditionally accepted description of Sabba, Jinac. 14.

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disturbances of thc pcacc by the stars, all mctcorological phenomena and all tcrrcstrial conflagrations, Jama and the Asurakumāra with supervising all wars and cpidemics, Varuna, thc Nāga-, Udalı- and Thaniyakumāra with supervising all floods, and Vcsamana including the Suvanna-, Diva- and Dısākumāra with supervising the metals and their divinc rain at important cvents Thc Vānamantara and Joisiya do not know of any logapāla, nor do they hnow of thc class of the 33 highcst officials (tāyallisa). Everywhicrc we have the same number of corps (aniya) and their commanders (anīyahivar), 1 c 7 cach. Proportionatc to terrestrial conditions we find infantry, cavalry (jídlaniya), clcphants, bulls, chariots, dancers, and musicians. The infantry consists of 7 armygroups (haccha) cach twice as strong as the preceding. The first is formed by the sāmānija gods, the third by the so-called body-guards (āyarak kha)'in full armour. We may skap the names of the commanders cxccpt that of Harı Negamcsi who is in command of Sakka's infantry whilc, at the same time, he appears as his messenger 3 He is taken over from the Brahman mythology as is Pajjanna, Sakka's official rainmaker (hālavāsi, Vıy. 634b, Isibhās. 33, 4). The number of gods who, as it were, are members of the Crown Council (parışā) is cqually large. Arranged in three gradations this council is called an "inner" (“'secret”), a medium, and an outer one, or with the Bhavanavāsī and Vemāniya it is known by samiyā, candā, and jāyā, with the Vānamantara by isā, tudiyā, and dadharahā, with the Joisiya by tumbā, tudiyā, and pavvā parisā, denotations which we are
i For a story cxplaining their origin sce Viy 500 a
2. It is true that in the traditional division of the state, of the gods into sāmānuja, tayallisa, logabala, agga-mahisi, parisa, aniya, aniy ahivat, îyarakl ha (e g Pannay first 98b), we must distinguish the sam and ay from the aniya, and acc to JACOBI ZDMG 60, 317 the sām are considered by the latcr authors to be gods of princely rank But their numbers equal thosc given for the first kaccha, Than 406 a, and, moreover, they are very large Camara, for instance, has 64,000 and Sahka 84,000 There are always four times as many dyarakhha as there are sāmānıya
3 For thc aniya, haccha and commanders sce Thăn 406a ff For the special part played by Hari Negamesi comp Jinac 21. 30 ( § 17) where (see also Āyar II 15, 4) he is called (hryānukampanta (-paga) deva He is represented by the head of an antelope (comp JACOBI SBE 22, 227).
4 Comp WINTERNITZ JRAS 1895, 149 ff

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243 partly able to interpret differently or either not at all (Thān. 128a; Viy. 202a; Jiv. 164b). It would take cxtensive tables to render the figures both relating to these gods and to the sāmāniya, and we may content ourselves with sayıng that the outer council is the largest and that all three of their kind are also shared by goddesses, though to a comparatively small extent only.1
In the afore mentioned sequence traditionally acknowledged we also find the chief Queen Consorts numbering 4 to 8 (though from Sanamkumāra onward they disappear) together with their attendants, whereas we miss the ministering gods so frequently listed elsewhere (ābhrogiya), their absence being apparently due to their being classed with the centre world.
§ 133. The activities of the godly princes and their heavenly hosts have been sufficiently explained by the description concerning their state organization faithfully reflecting human living conditions and involving their terrestrial shortcoming, i. e. rivalries and struggles. The range of power (iddhi, Thān. 172a) of a god goes beyond four to five godly places pertaining to his class; beyond it he requires support (par’rddhı)). Of two gods possessing the same amount of power he will lose the battle who fails to be on the alert (pamatta). Circumstances permitting trickery (vimohitta, Viy. 498b, 637a, 751b) is employed, c.g. the producing of darkness. To a sinful heretic god it may happen that he attacks a spiritually advanced monk (magg ham magghenam vridagai, Viy, 636b), most certainly because in exercising magic ($ 181) he thinks him to be his like.
The life of the gods passes in a state beyond timc (Viy. 522a)-since the stars dividing time mcrcly pertain to the centre world in the uncarthly radiance of the figures with their jewelry and their princely residences (Thān. 263a).3 They pass in luxury and pomp and in the enjoyment of scnsual
1. With Camara in thc samyā 350 against 24,000
2 Viy 631b, also on the gradation of the thrcc fansă Comp. also LEUMANN, VIth OC III, 2, P 491, Jambudd V; Uit 36, 263
3 The dccrcase of this radiance indicates that the godly lfc in soon going to somc to an end (Than 1416)

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DOCTRINE OF THE JAINAS pleasures which, however, decrease in intensity according to the height of the divine abode, since it must be remembered that the mutual intercourse of the sexes is executed in ever nobler ways, until beyond the Kappa regions all desires have come to cease (Thān. 302a; Pannav. 547b; T. 4, 8 to 10).1 When the gods make their appearance in the centre world it is to serve the veneration of the Titthagaras in the great moments of their lives for the Titthagara rules the worlds : just as his birth, his departure into monkhood, his inspiration by supreme knowledge, all lighting up the whole world (lo’ujjoya) -while his decay and that of his teaching bury it in darkness (log'andhayāra), so they shake the seats of the gods and cause them to send rains (Viy 634b) and to draw near in veneration. Comp. Thān. 116 a ff Jambudd V. In the same way the future cakkavațți on his campaign of conquest acts on the local deities, comp. Jambudd. III By sympathy and apathy a god remains attached to the world (Thān. 144b). In the beginning of his career also private inclinations lead him back to the centre world · his gratitude towards his former teacher, his veneration for an ascetic, the display of pomp in front of his family, an appointment with a friend (Thān. 142b, 253a). As to his faculty of crossing the world a god knows of no limits, but his interest in doing so dwindles the more the higher he is seated (Viy. 752a; comp Umāsvāti on T. 4, 22). In order to make their appearance in the centre world the gods betake themselves to the continent of Nandissara to the south-eastern Raikara hill (Jambudd 402a). The place where Camara manifests himself is the silver mountain of Tıricchakūda which does not taper off but, narrowing at half of its height, offers a plane on its top measuring about three quarters of the width of its base. It rises to 42,000 joy. from the Aruna sea to the south of the continent bearing this name (Viy. 144a) From the
1. Gods have intercourse (samvāsam gaccchar) with Asuras, Rakkhasas, humans and beasts of either sex This discrimination pertains to the popular belief, not to dogmatics Humans (mānusa) as well as beasts seem to be called chadi (Thân 193a, 274a )
2. Both passages also contain the cases where the celestial enjoy
ments arrest him in spite of such a natural desire.

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same sea there also rise the uppāya-parvaya of the Naga and Udahi princes, those of the remaining Bhavanavāsī rulers partly on the Aruna continent and partly elsewhere 1
§ 134 Before we come to the end of this chapter we shall deal with some classes which, though relating to space they stand near by the hitherto mentioned Vemāniya, are not included by them, and to do so we have to be somewhat circumstantial. Darkness is conceived as being of a material quality (tamu-kaya), and this matter is supposed to be an aggregate not of earth, but of water. In the centre world, 42,000 joy distant from the continent of Arunavara into the sea bearing the same name, darkness rises (Viy 267b, comp. also 246b) as a wall, which, hence, must be ring-shaped, having the thickness of a space unit (§ 58) and reaching up to 1,721 joy. Above this height its extension increases to fill the four nethermost heavens up to the Rittha region (s b) in the Bambhaloga. As far as it extends the darkness is so intense that even a god would like to escape Among its 13 names3 we find the one of Arunodaga The upper continuation of the darkness-matter is represented by the 8 Black Fields (kanha-rãi).5 They lie above Sanamkumara and Mahında in the Rittha region of the Bambhaloga, and there are two of them in every direction, an inner and an outer onc Furthermore that much is clear that in between there are intermediate sections of the same number That absolute darkness so characteristic of those regions does not reign there, but these sections contain the 8 abodes of the Logantıya gods (Than 61b, 432a, 452b; Viy. 267b: Ayar. II 15, V) They comprise Sarassaya and Aicca, 14 Vanhi and Varuna cach, 7 Gaddatoya and Tusiya each,"
I Dev 46 ff.
2 lao paccha tiriyam patittharamâne 2 callari or happe avarellanam (comp also Than 217a) uddham pija nam jāva Bambhaloe kappe Riffha-vimanapatthadam sampatte Viy 268a For the gods as originators of a tamu-kāja see Viy 634b
3 times names, Than. 217a
3
4
567
Arunodaha-samudra-jala-vrhārattāl, Vy. 270 a.
Incorrect JACOBI SBE 22 195
Here the maruya deva, acc. to Sthan a group of the Log. Than 405b, 452b
2

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DOCTRINE OF THE JAINAS and 9 Avvāvāhal and Aggicca each with each having a retinue of 100 or, resp , 1,000 In the centre of this circle forming out of Black Fields alternating with Logantiy a abodes there lies Ritthābha whose gods (again 900 in number) are equally counted among the Logantıya.2 The qualities of all these abodes correspond with those of the Bambhaloga, and as does the latter they, too, of course rest upon the hull of viscous wind
Analogous to the Logantiya in the Bambhaloga, the Kıbbisiya gods (deva-kruviszyā Viy. 488b; Thān. 162a) in different Kappa occupy special places corresponding to their lower3 rank already expressed by its name. According to the time their lives are supposed to last they are grouped into three classes. Those of the lowest dwell in the lower region of Sohamma and Isāna, those of the middle on in that of Sanamkumāra, and the uppermost in that of Lantaga.4
§ 135 Both the position and the kind of the place representing the abode of the Siddhas are known from Uvay. 163 to 167 5 12 goy above the highest point of Savvatthasiddha measuring 10,000 joy in diameter we find the circular shaped region of Isipabbhārā 45 mill 309. wide, thus extending over it like an open umbrella Its central thickness measuring 8 joy decreases towards its edge until it is even thinner than the wing of a fly. Hence it owes its name to the small inclination of its surface Its radiance is of an immaculate white. One joy above it the world comes to an end In the uppermost part of this joyana, or, more correctly, in its last twenty-fourth, we have the place of the Siddhas ($ 187)
I The Avvābāha gods owe their name to their performing plays on the eye-lids of a man without giving him any physical trouble by doing so (Vay 653b)
2 Subodhikā p 273 (ref to Junac. 110) Here the differing forms of Aruna and Tudiya For Aruna see also ZDMG 60, 323 Both the 8 Logantiya and the Rigtha are called g deva-nikaya, Thăn 516b
3 Acc to Sthan they are untouchable as are the candāla (162b)
4 The prakiraka gods mentioned T 4, 4 do not appear in our passages 3on1 sdt io quoty 11.11
5 Pannav 13ob to 132b; Thãņ 440a, Uvay. 168 to 188-Pannav. 132b to 137b=Dev 278 to 299.

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$136. The mode of life practised in the monastic communiqy is called kappa. While the late Pancakappa knows of up to 42 different kappa divided among five different methods ( $52), we have but six according to the old tradition (Thân. 167b, 371b; K. 6, 14) Thus the monastic order, the kappatthu, is sıxfold Before his consecration the monk lives in the state of the sāmāıya- (or s-samjaya-)k -tthii ( § 138). It also includes the followers of Pāsa ( 8 16) who do not take the vows The monks of the cheovatthāvaniya-k -tih are exclusivcly followers of Mahāvira. They have gone through with the process of taking the vows (uvatthāvana) thus ending either their state as pupils or their membership of the Pāsavaccija, unless it be that, as a punishment of the cheya ( § 16 ), they were forced to repeat it. Another pair are the nivvisamāna- and the nuuvitthakārya-k.-tth. of those monks that were sentenced to disciplinary punishment (§ 161). The teaching of right conduct ( § 177) which starts with the two mentioned first comprises the last two by a special name A third pair is, in a certain way formed by the zina- and the thera-k -tth for quallfying such monks that, for the purpose of some extra self-castigation, have withdrawn from the community ( § 142), and such following the general rules. ( $ 140)
All that a good monk practises or from what hc abstains (samācāra) adds up to the sāmāyārī In its special sense, however, the word applies to 10 deportments of a monk referred to by Thãn 499a, Viy. 920b, 102 b, Utt 26, 1-7, Āv. 7; they comprise the compliance with a wish, the admission of one's being guilty ($ 159), asscnt (iccha-hāra. miccha-k, taha-l.k.),
For many details talcn csp form thc Nuuttis and Bhäsas the rcader is rcfcrred to Sh BDEO, History of Jaina Monachism from inscr. and lit, Poona 1956 Rev. by ALSDORI JAOS 1959, p 319 ff, the AUTHOR ZDMG 109, p 225
2. Thus LEUMANN, ubcrsicht. p gb

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formulac for either Icaving or entering (āvassijā, nisihiyā, § 151), a request for instructions as well as for confirmation cither a question concerning oncscls and sonicone e Isc (ābuca chanā, padipucchanā), placing something at somebody's disposal and giving a promisc (chandanā and nimantană), and, finally, cntering upon a new noviliatc (uvasampaya). For manlına we also have abbhutthāna=scrvicc.
The canonical sources for what concerns mon istic life are, in the first place, thc Chcya- and Mülasultas along with Ayār. II and a number of scattcrcd notcs in Thün. and Viy., whereas for all question concerning laymanship thc Uvās arc the main text The latc Mahānisiha holds a special position, and as to its deviations we can rcfer to thicm in a few cases only It may suffice to refer to the AUTHOR's trcatisc on this work ( § 52) Rather young Dig. texts which for us takc thc place of the Chcyasutta or, more precisely, that of thc Jiyahappa, are the Chidapinda (Chcyapinda, Chp) of Indranandin, allcgcdly thc 4th section of the Indranandisamhită, and the anonymous Chedānaudi (Chn), called Chcdasāstra in print In the following somc few details will be pointcd out to.
$137. The adhcrcnts of Mahävira's tcaching constitute the community (samgha). It comprises both monks and nuns as well as both malc and femalc rcprcscntatives of laymanship, and hence at is called fourfold (Viy. 792 b; Thān. 281b).' The namc for the monk is, parily, rather cpithctic in speaking, for instance, of cãi, jai, niyantha, mähana, samana 3 Thc Vay. mostly speaks of anagāra and samana niggautha In the texts purely concerned with disciplinary questions the monk is called
1 When Chapp, a Dig worh, in 1, 18 states that linga-dansona is confined to monks and both laymon and last womcn (callcd ulikifika and avara-fthiya sadaya) and that there is no fourth groun, this cannot mean that thcre were no Dig nuns For Chp 278, 289, 258 and Chn 71, 93 call the community by the name of cauvanna and they provide regulations for the samani This is also done in the Mülācāra and by Indranandin in the Nitisära
2 Vay 112b calls the layman Pingalaga ($ 17) by this numc.
8 samana and mahana in connexion with individuals in want of help to whom the monk gives prcccdcncc-comp gloss on Ayārl and the vanimaga of 5 kinds Thăn 341b-probably apply to non-Jain beggars But a tahā-rūva, 1 c, obviously distinguishable as such, samane và māhane di is, in this connexion (Viy 140b, 28ga, 373a), a niggantha

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niggantha, bhikkhu, samana niggantha, later sāhu. He is addressed by the words of āusanto samana and saman'āuso Fellow-bclicvers go by the names of sähammiya and sāhammini. The nun is called nigganthi, bhikkhuni-, and sāhuni. There are various reasons for devoting oneself to monkdom, 1.e the pavvajjā, which actually mean the departure from homely life into the state of homelessness (agārão anagāriyam) The motives for doing so differ widely. They may be found either in extrinsic reasons or in some inner urge just as they may be either of a more noble or a more vulgar character, comp. Thān. 128b, 276a, 473a passages which, partly, give the impression of holding up a mirror to the monks. It is certainly true that in many cases the former life of a person made itself felt also laters since we are told of nuns who are attha-jāyā, i e. who are the object of somc claim or other. Against inopportune clements, however, the community guards itself by means of strict rules. There is no entry (K. 4, 4) for sickly persons (vārya) or such with sexual defects (pandaga, kiva) The prohibition is extended (a. 0. Sthān. 165a) to persons being either too young or too old, being either of a vicious nature or unqualified, being previously convicted, suffering from bodily infirmity or else not being master of themselves, e.g. on account of being involved in debts (an'atta). Furthermore there are the guuvinī and thc bālāvacchā In other respects any person is free to enter and may do so even as early as a child of seven years and a half,” though, to be sure, at this age there can hardly be the qucstion of voluntarincss. pavvāvettae consists in the act of handing over the outfit, and it may be performed both by a nun and a monk 3 It deserves mentioning that acc to Thān. 56b this act as well as those immediately succeeding and, later, the studıcs, the confession, and the fasting-death, must be "orientated" towards the cast
1. For shiftings in thc usage of these words comp. the AUTHOR, Vav p. 8
2 The little monk Aimutta who makes a boat swim in the rain (Vıy. 219a. comp thc AUTHOR, IVortcp 19) 15 scarcely much older
2. Comp the nigganthi-havadyaya Thăn 314b. Haribhadra as Yakipi-dharmaputra was such a onc

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DOCTRINE OF THE JAINAS and the north. The novice's hcad is shaved clean of hair (mundāvcttae). He is now munda, ic. "bare", a word cqually applied to the state following the suspension of the fivc scnscs and the four passions (Thān. 334b, 196a). From now on the hair may not grow to a length longer than cow-hair, and this, too, only du, ing the rainy scason. Every half month it is altcrnately cut by scissors (Khura) or altogether rcnioved by shaving; every six months or every ycar what of hair has grown is torn out (Pajj 57, Nis. 10, 44). This is the act of the loja, comp. the lūya-sıraga Dasā 6 XI In the legend we read of thc pancamutthiya loya, the act of tcaring out 5 handful of hair, being performed right at the beginning of one's becoming a monk, eg for Mahāvīra āyāra II 15$ 22 (a),for Subhaddā Pupph. 32a, and thus it is donc up to this day This process certainly goes back to an ccstatic cruption
$138. The beginner is given into a tcacher's tutclage (szkkhāvci, schāver) and remains in the state of a novicc or pupil (scha, schatarāga) for at lcast onc wcck, for six months at the longest, but on the averagc, as sccms to be the casc, for the time of 4 months (Vav 10, 15=Than, 129b). The novice is not yet subject to thc whole austerity of the regulations; thus hic is allowed to partake of alms, as a monk is not, when offered to him by the latter, provided that it docs not contain any tlung living (K 4,13) The novitiatc comics to an end by the novice's taking the vows for becoming a monk (uvatthāvanā, later dilkhā, diksā) This may not be donc (Vav 10, 165) bcforc his having reached the end of the 8th ycar of his lifc? A postponement beyond the date up to 10 days is admissablc (Vav. 4, 15-17) A candidate who turns out to show thc above mentioned deficiencies is granted neither admission (uvatthavettae, -tthā-, Mahānus. dikhhellne) nor the subscqucnt tutclage
Mahāvira naturally follows thic clample of his predecessors 2-22, Usabha (1) on Indra's request abstuning from the fifth multhi (Hcmac Tris 1, 3, 69-71 ) -In the Mundaha-Upanisad which, atc to its title, postulated the removal of the hair, HERTEL (comp his cd 1926, p 6515 ) saw "distinct allusions to the tcaching of the Jains”
2. This date minus the longest possiblc novitiatc of half a ycar, even when no direct statement is made, results in the above mentioned seven years and a half

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251 nor is he made a novice (K. 4, 4). The admission implies the taking of the five vows. From here there dates the spiritual rank (parıyāya) commanding the relation towards the cquals and, for this reason, shortened in case of offence (§ 161). He who ranges in this sequence of age is called räinīyat (Vav. 4, 24f.); that it is being observed, a o. by the younger monk Coma-rāınīya Thãn. 240a) giving precedence to the older and by obliging him, is expressed by the word of āhārāimyāe or ahā-r. (K. 3, 19-21, Vav.4, 24-32). A monk's age of 20 years represents the pariyāya-thera (Vav. 10, 14).
$139. The companionship of monks and nuns in the samgha is characterized by either side observing strict retinence. It is in cases of emergency only that they are allowed to share the same quarters (Thān. 314a), 1 e in the very centre of the forests, at the cult place of a Nāga- or Suvannakumāra,? when endangered by robbers or persecutors, and, finally, in case of them should not have succeeded in finding shelter. They may speak to each other (Thān 216 b) only for the purpose of asking their way and of showing it, for exchanging food and for asking it to be taken along for an equal, and as to touching a nun for the sake of assisting her (Thān 327b, K. 6, 7-12) a monk may do so only in order to protect her against harm of different kind In spite of these restrictions monks and nuns go together in forming groups called sambhoga (Uvay. 30 II, Utt. 29, No 33, Nis 5, 63, comp also § 25). Sthān. 139 a defines it as a community practising in joint action the acquisition and consumption of the monk's outfit (and, probably, of the alms as well). 3 In exacting the duties of con
I The commis as wrong in deriving this word from ratna as is PISCHEL Gr $ 132 in tracing it from aratni (= 'cll" as a mcasure for fivng the time of the day by the length of a shadow) It gocs back to ray an "night" (="day") in the sense of "date" That is why the Mulācāra of the Dig in 1, 25 calls rādı (rātry-adhiha) him who prcccdcs in the spiritual runk
2 This rcfcicnce made to the jain panthicon (comp 10g) by the word of kumāra is, or course, secondary We are concerned with pre- or non-Jain Näga-stones and resp places of the Suparna cult
3 Hence the word has a wider mcaning than was supposcd by the AUTHOR, K 4 , 18-20 It appears that also sambliunillac K 4 4, Thin 56b, 164b alludes to the sambhoga, whcrcas by samrosilla (or sanitās ) a different and closer living community is bcing mount-BUHLER WZK: 3, 237, 4, 316 along with LEUMANN understood by sombhoga a districtcommunity in the kind of the mandala known among thc Dig.

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DOCTRINE OF THE JAINAS fession and service it remains within its frame (Vav. 5, 198). The cancellation of membership (sambhoiyam--for this comp. a.o. also Vay 6, 19f; Āyar. II 66, 12; 106, 20 24-uisambhojjam karettae, Vay 7, 2-5; Thān. 139a, 300a; 444a) follows from reasons of discipline as is trcated in detail by the Vrtti 22bf in the light of the twelve-fold sambhoga Samay. 21a As follows from Vav. 7, 1, a person becomes a member of thc sambhoga by being admitted to it; this admittance is rcpcated when changing over to a new s, in case one should come from a different gana For the gana, as we know, is the superior unit embracing several sambhoga (comp. K 4, 18-20). This name was already known in the carly communities, since Mahāvira's eleven disciples were called "group lcaders" (ganahara) (Ther, 1). Their successors have propagated the teaching by branches and schools (sāhā and kula, Ther 5 ff). Hence the gana denotes both a conception regarding the history of the tcaching (§ 22) and a technical term. The same applies to the gaccha by which the former was replaced in the later parts of the Canon, eg. in the Painna (incl the Gacchāyāra) and the Mahānisiha. The branches of the Svet are known to call themselves gaccha ( $ 34) Uvav. $ 31 speaks of the gaccha, if only in the phrase of gacchāgacchim gummāgummim phaddāphaddım. but it is not likely that they are allusions to actual groups, even though the comm subordinates the gaccha to an āyariya, the gumma to an uvājjhāya, and the phadda to a ganāvaccherya (§ 140). There may be different personal reasons (Thān. 381 a) for changing the gana though this may be donc once only in the course of six months (Dasā 2, 8) unless one risks to be called as gānamganıya (Utt. 17, 17 along with comm). For leaving it needs the permission of the superior, and even a teacher who wants to do so because as a teacher he docs not fill the requirements, or because he is in love, or else because he should not like to part from others leaving (Thăn. 331b, 385b), is bound to give up his office (K. 4, 15-20). To remove obstinate from a gana (K. 4, 25) or to refuse his admittance (Vav. 2, 6-17) is called nijjūhettae.
1. In the Gacch. we have gaccha alternating between masc. and ntr.

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Among the different reasons for which a monk leaves his gana, we also find his wish for performing an egalla-padımā (also Thān. 171a), i.e. one of the ascetic exercises to be described in § 157. With Vav. 1, 25-27 where his return to the old gana is settled, there are connected (1, 28-32) similar regulations regarding his temporary withdrawal owing to his wish for seclusion, though acc. to Dasav. 12, 10, this wish must not be granted for a time longer than one year. Here as well as elsewhere (a.o. Viy. 501a, in the Nis not before 4, 28-37) the monks are called pāsattha, ahacchanda, osanna, kusila, nitiya, and samsatta.1 These names express different kinds of displeasure and spiritual weakness. We also find the cases of an undisciplined "escape” (ohāvar, ohāna, Vav. 1, 33; 2, 25; 3, 1822; 4, 14; Dasav. 11 beg.), i.e. of a monk's return to civil life.
$140. Both monks and nuns are under the command of superiors, in the first line under that of the āyarıya and the uvajjhāya, to whom we have to add the pavattini for the nun (Vav. 3, 11 f.). General expressions for subordination are purao kaļļu (kāum) viharai (K. 3, 14, Vav. 4, 11, Pajj. 46. 48) and disam (anudisam) viharai (Vav. first 1, 22-24; Nis 10, 11 f.). The superiors are enumerated in the order of āyarıya, uvajjhāya, pavalli, thera, ganī, ganahara, ganāvaccherya (K. 3, 14; 4, 15-23; À yār. II 66, 33; 67, 7; 80, 31 etc.; Nandi 252b etc ), In this order of succession the thera is followed by the leaders for the exterior formation. The gani by way of his name is the head of the gana. The qualities by which he has to distinguish himself are, most naturally, eminent qualities of the mind manifesting themselves by knowledge, exemplariness, and a high proficiency in teaching, as well as such of the body represented by physical cfficiency and an engaging appcarance. They all go together as the 8 ganz-sampayā Dasā 4, 1-8=Țhān. 422b. The duties of the gani are dealt with by the Ganivijā based on considerations concerning both the calendar and the horoscope. Here we see the
1. Examples are the nuns named Kali (Nāyādh II 1), Subhadda (Pupph. ), Bhūyā (Pupphacũl ) Thc kusila of allegedly 200 different kinds is trcatcd by Mahānis. 3

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DOCTRINE OF THE JAINAS gana being summoned by him for certain ceremonics (ganasamgahanam kuijā first 27) apart from the gani's performing the scha-upphcdana, s -ahhhamana, vaóval thāvana and other duties which, as will presently be shown, is the task of the āyarija. The çanın, however, is—to speak with Sthan. 140.---gan'ācāra. Acc. to Ganiv. 37 the (common) ay is cxplicitly incant to be the object of an act performed by the gani, and hc, 100 (Gani. 40. 76), commands thc ganahara and the ganālacchcia. Tlic latter, being of a lower rank (scc later) as is indicated by his designation presides over a part of the gaña nominally ? A nun occupying this office is called ganrāvaccheri Vav. 5, 3r 7-10. 16) ? Hc who is pious, honcst, intclligent, Icarncd, cfficient and sociablc is qualificd for ganam dhārellac, ic the profession of the ganahara (Thān. 3526) The monk himscls voluntccrs to take over this office, and his thora, provided that thcy can do without him, arc bound to give their permission (Vav. 3, 1f): At any rate the word of ganahara has lost much of the meaning it had in the times of the carly communitics
$141. Parallel to those mentioned above the spiritual leaders in this scqucncc range on a descending linc according to their rank. At the top we have the dyariya who by his person embodies both the teacher and the master (dhamm'āyarıya), though he, too, directs the act of admitting and instructing the disciple or pupil (anlcvāsi) (Vav. 10, 11f.-Thān. 239b). Morcover hc is bound to inspect the objects of the outfit obtained as a present and the alms that have been accepted (K 1, 39, Dasav. 5, 1, 90, but Nis 14, 55, 18, 25 says somcthing the like of the gani). The office held by the uvayhāya consists in his task of instructing in the rcading of the teaching's text. Where there is a discrimination being made betwccn thc text (sutta) and its deeper meaning (attha), it is the task of the āyarıya to instruct in the latter and that of the uvajjhāya to do so
1 Contrary to this, however, Acār. 322b describes the ganadhara as being the head of a group living separate from the gana and acting for the ganin, and the ganāvacchedaka as gaccha-hārya-cintala
2 5, 16 read ganāvaccheiņıttam with the Sthānakvāsi print Haidarabad instead of ganāvaccheryatiam
3 The transl, in K. is to be corrected correspondingly.

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in the former, comp. Sthān. 140a. Standing between cither we have the āyarıya-uvajghāya (also āyarıôvajghāya) by whom the comm --they might refer to Vav. 4, 11f.-mostly understand (comp. Sthān. 329b; Vy. 232a) two persons, and this may apply to the few cases where the word is in the plur., eg. Vav. 1, 34. But thanks to what we are told (Vk 7, 15f; 3, 3-8) there can be no doubt that, apart from being otherwise qualified, the uvajghāya in order to meet the demands of his position must have been a monk for three years running and hence, on the ground of the syllabus (Vav. 10, 2011. § 39), must at least command the knowledge of the Āyārapakappa, while the office of an ay.-uv, asks for five years and the suyakkhandha Dasā-Kappa-Vavahāra, and that of an ayarıya for eight years and the Thāna-Samavāya.1 The K. and Vav. frcqucntly refer to the āy.-uv. (Thān. 444a to both the āy. and the uv.) in connexion with the ganāvacchezza whom he preceds in rank since he is allowed either five or seven privileges (aisesa), while the latter may enjoy but two (Vav. 6, 2f; Thān. 329a; 403b). He himself suggests his successor in office to be promoted (samukkasana) (Vav. 4, 13f), the appointment is called aņunnā (Thān. 139a), whereas the monk on his part2 may change the āy-uv. only with the consent of his superiors and by giving the reasons for doing so (K. 4, 21-23). It is a matter of course that by any culpability the qualification for teacher ship (āyariyatlā) is postponed, interrupted or cither altogether cancelled (Vav 3, 9. 13-29, 4, 17, 5, 15f),, unless the kula to which the person concerned belongs cnjoys an exceptionally good reputation, hula, however, mcans a school having formed around an outstanding teacher and his followers, and two schools of such kind, when being related with cach other, constitute a gana (comin. on Ther. 5). As to thc duties of a pavaltī the texts
I Acc to Vav 3, 7 the 8 y cars cntitlc to the ag an alla gara (in the Sthanakyası print rendcrcd by par atlitla theralla ganilla) gará cochealla Thuis docs not correspond with the order of prcccdcncc, and possibly the words of jāra gan (and their resp renderings ) haic but crept into thic icrt after the modcl of other passages Equally so in the common Ui? 31 (aboic & 140)
2 huis docs not fully harnionize with the carar and lcast of all with the ag -ut (4,221)
3. For mcrcly pretending the virtuc of an aganiga sec Nis 17, 132.

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DOCTRINE OF THB JAIN AS fail to provide us with detailed references, though acc to Ācār. 322 p. this"promotor" is known to deal with matters of practical concern and not with instruction. His female counterpart, the pavattınī, acc. to K. 1, 41f (and 3, 13f) holds the position of the āyarıya, acc to Vav 5, 1f., 5.f., 13f. (as compared with 4, 1f., 5f , 13f) that of the āy.-uvajghāya. To rise to the rank of an uvajjhāya it takes a nun 30 years and cven 60 ycars before she is able to become an āy-uv. (Vav. 7, 15f). Acc. to Viy 375a the pavattınī stands parallel to the thera As mentioned before, thera (Thān. 516a) or therī does not only mean a monk or a nun with a 20 years seniority but equally (Vav 10, 14) any sixty years old believer (jar-th ) and anyone knowing both the Thāna and the Samayāya (suya-th ). The facilitations referred to by Vav 5, 178; 8, 5 doubtlessly apply to older people. With regard to the expression of thera thera-bhūmi-patta Vav. 5, 17f, 8. 5) it appears that the quality as thera must be explicitly acknowledged
$142. By force of the fifth vow ($171) the monk is unpropertied. The objects he needs do not pass for parrggaha; he uses them and has them for himself for reasons of piety and decency (Dasav 6, 20f). He receives them as alms, but he may not ask for them except within an orbit not exceeding 1-2 joy. (Āyār. II 96, 10, 102. 5), nor may he accept them other than in bright daylight (K, 1, 45f). It goes without saying that he is forbidden to buy, to borrow, to barter or, least of all, to steal them (comp Nis. 14, 1-4; 18, 21-24; 16, 25-29). The outfit (bhandaga Āyār. II 54, 18. 21) comprises with novices? in the beginning three (with females four) unmended garments, a hand-broom, an alms-bowl and a brush (rayaharana-padıggahagocchaga K 3, 15f). After his being admitted the novice has as few and as bad clothes (ahā-pariggahıya) as may be the case. The common formula vattha, pāya, kambala, pāya-pumchana (e g. K. 1, 39-41; Āyār. 1 32, 26f; Dasav 6, 20) has a cloth instead of the brush. Neither sequence means to be exhaustive since also other objects (s b) are being quoted. In making
1.
This is the tab-badhamayāe sambadvayamana K. 3 15.

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RENUNCIATION allowance for the accessories of the alms-bowl Ohanijj. 668 ff. (comp. also a.o Ācār. 251a) quotes 12 or 14 different parts for the monk and 25 for the nun. The former difference explains itself by the discrimination made between jinakappiya and therakappiya. They are two of the six stages (kappa-ţthri, K. 6, 14-Thān. 167b; 371b; § 136) pertaining to the career of a monk. While the therakappa stands for the traditional membership of a gaccha, the monk of the jina-k of his own free will stands outside it living for himself and observing certain rules (comp. Sthān. 169a). This certainly goes back to the idea of imitating the jina which, however, is no longer intact at the time of our sources, since acc. to them the jinakappıya wears clothes (sb).
$143. The clothing (vattha, cela, cīvara, Ohanijj. 669 etc.: pacchāga) may be either of wool, hemp, linen, cotton or tırīļa (Symplocos racemosa)-bark (K. 2, 29; Thān. 138a); Āyār. II 96, 2, 97, 15 does not refer to the fifth kind and divides the fourth into khomiya (allegedly kārpāsıka) and tūla-kada (arkatūl’ādı-nıspanna). Nothing is being said as to the colour of the material which later comes to play an important part in the history of the Order ($ 26. 36). Under certain conditions even furs (camma) are admissible (K. 3, 3-6; Nis. 2, 22; 12,5 (at variance with K. 3, 4), Vav. 8, 5; Āyār. II 106, 8 (comp. 77, 32). In this connexion we hear of camma-(palı)ccheyanaga and c-kosaga which, acc. to the comm., stand for strap or needle and respectively, shoes or pouches. Traces owing to wear and tear, rents, patches (padiyānija ? Nis. 1, 47f.) of stains, of furs with the hair worn off in places, may not be repaired (K. 3, 710 Nis 2, 23f, Āyār. I 29, 19; 35, 26, etc.; II 96. 16). For further details concerning careful treatment sce Āyār.II 5; Nis 18. The ccla-cılımıniyā or-liyā (K 1, 18) serves for protection, wher- cas the cılımılī means a curtain for the nuns'quarters (K. 1, 14).
The monk, including the jinakappija (Ohanijj. 669), is allowed to have three garments (K. 3, 15, the so-called Lalba. traya; Āyār. 135, 26), two of linen and onc of wool (Sthān. 393b;
1. On the other hand lhomiya (96, 25) ranges among the matcrial forbidden for usagc since it is too finc.

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DOCTRINE OF THE JAINAS Ācār 251a). A young monk of a strong physical constitution will content himself with one only (Ayār II 96, 4) and an older one may confine himself to two, but in any casc he will have to stick to the number chosen (ibd I, 36, 15; 37,4). In the warm season he puts off his worn out clothes and goes, as the case may be, either as santar’uttara, as oma-celiya or simply with the sāda, a cloth worn about the loins (ibd I 36, 1, ctc.). The therakappiya monk, finally, is bound to wcar also the cola-palta (V1y 374b, Ohanij 7217 ) which conccals his genitals. The nun wears thc samghādi of which she has four in all (K. 3, 16) to be worn on various occasions (Ācār. II 176, 5, comp. SBE 22, 157%), and all of diffcrcnt width (Āyār II 96, 6, Thân 186b) She is well secured by means of 11 pieces of clothing listed by Ohanijj 676f. (comp. Sädh. 23-36), while in older texts only some of them arc rcferred to. They comprise 1. the boat-shaped bandagc oggahal-nanlaga and 2 the oggahanapattaga covering it (see also K 3, 11 f.), 3 the two addho’ruga, loin cloths, 4 the calanırā a length of cloth reaching down to her knees, 5. the abbhularā and 6 the bāhırā niyamsanızā, the former reaching down to the iniddle of her thighs and the latter going about her loins to be tied up, 7. the unsewn hancuya for covering her breasts, 8. the olacchiya covering her breasts and her back on her right side and fastened by a button on her left, 9 the vekacchiyā which covers the two prcccding pieces, 10 the above mentioned four samghādi measuring from 2 to 4 hasta in length, and 11 the hhandhakarani to cover the shoulders held by means of the khujjaharani -A wollen cloth which may be worn by either sex, is thc hambala (Dasav. 6, 20 8,17).
$144 The alms-bowl is called Padıggahā (ga)? or pāya, two names which are mutually exclusives.3 In thc zina-kappa there is but one (Ohanıy. 679) as is for a young strong pionh (Āyār II 102, 3). Where (as in the thera-h.) we have two, the other one is called maltaga, and Ācār. 368a shows
1. Simplified form of oggahana nanlaga also in sıhhaga-1 Nis 1, 13 2 Sht frcquently patad-graha, but Pht never padaggaha
3. Comp Āyār II, 102, 1-103, 22 and 103, 23 ff (26 -hagam Mss ) along with Nis 14 and variants

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that both are carried one on top of the other (in the samghātaha) as is still the case to-day, the one intended for solid and the other for liquid alms Anyone destitute for one rcason or the other may have a third bowl (Nis. 14,6).' These bowls cither consist of a gourd (K. 5, 41f.) or else they are made of wood or clay (Āyār II 102, 2; Thân 138a; Nis first 1, 39). Accessorics are (Ohanijj 668, 676, 693 ff.) bandha, the cord by which to carry the bowl, thavana, its foot (or its saucer ?), kesarıyā, the dish-cloth, in certain cases (K 5,53f) with a handlc, padalām, according to the season, 3, 5 or 7 linen cloths to cover both the bowl and the shoulders, raya-ttāna, the lid, gocchaga, the above mentioned brush (which acc to Utt 26, 23 also serves for cleaning the clothes). Nis. 1, 41f. refers to the tundiyā of the almsbowl It would, however, lead too far to give the measurements of the objects mentioned and of those to be mentioned picscntly.
A matlaga different from the one mentioned and cxisting in thiee types serves both monks and nuns for their excrements and as a spittoon during the rainy season preventing them from going out (K 1, 16f) It probably equals the kamadhaga attributed to them by Ohani 675 Finally Ohanı 713 f. refers to a mattaya as a means of fetching and carrying away things of sorts, though a gina-happya will not use it.
$145. The hand-broom, invariably referred to as rayaharara or pāya-pumchana, serves for clearing from living beings those places where something is to be laid down or where onc wants to step on. Acc to Ohanijj 710 it represents a specifically characteristic part of the outfit It has (K. 2,30= Thân. 338b) fringes of either shсep or camel wool, hemp, balbaja grass (Elcusinc indica)or rcad, while its handle is made of wood to be covered with a different matcrial (Nis 2,1-8 generalized as compared with K. 5, 45f.). This cover consists of two strips of fabric called nisadyā (Sthan 339b). Acc. to Ohanij 26 thc pāja
1. Explained by pátrala-mul harasiriha.
2. This word appears to have been formed with madisama-lona, i.. pada-11) asa-pronchana In considering the character of the tort nothing is proi cd by Panhāv. 123 thcwordszpplyinga side by si dc in thic samc comm.For rajoharana comp. ZACHARIAL WZKM 16, 35fT

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DOCTRINE OF THE JAINAS lehanıyā made of different kinds of wood is used instead of the rayaharana during the rainy season (Sthân. 356a).
Significant as is the hand-broom so is the napkin called muha-pottiyā (-patti, -pattıya), m.-nantaga; mukha-vastrikā. Acc. to Ohanijj. 712 its purpose is first (and in accordance with its root pū) to wipe insects and dust which we know to be animate, off the face—this the old teaching after Drona's comm.-and, second, when occupied with cleaning within thc house to prevent such beings from entering into both the mouth and the nose. It is characteristic of the Jains' dependence on Brahman models that the face-cloth unknown to the latter is not referred to in the sequences mentioned § 142, nor that it appears frequently at other places (Viy. 139a=Uvās. 77; Vivāgas. 38a; Panhāv. 123a; Utt. 26, 23, Nis. 4,24). At any rate we are not told that It should be used when talking with a superior, as is done by the Sthānakvāsi to-day, nor, since cultic customs are not being dealt with, that it should be applied towards the sacred figure.
As to such objects not necessarily pertaining to the outfit, the uvaggaha as against the oha (Ohani. 671, 23 ff.), the camma, c-kosaga, c-ccheyana, and the cılımıli have been mentioned above already. Of the four uttara-patta admitted two are the above mentioned nisejā on the hand-broom, while the remaining two serve as blankets on the bed (samthāra, § 147). A further pafia is defined as yogapattaka indicating that it was used for meditation or for ascetic positions. The passage referred to deals more widely with the dandaga and the vidandaga, the travelling-staffs for either the dry or the rainy seasons, and with the latthz (Āyār. 1 43, 4), latthiyā (Āyār. II 77, 31; Viv. 8, 5) and urlatthi, which are applied differently and serve for protection, etc.
$146 Equipped with these objects monks and nuns are fit for participating in the life of the community. The rhythm of this life is controlled by the seasons. The rainless season (udubadda-kāla) comprising winter and summer each lasting for 4 months (hemanta-gimhão) is opposed to the rainy season (vāsāvāsā or -sa) (comp. Uvay. 29). It obliges both monks and nuns to abstain from travelling from place to place (gāma

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nugāmam dūijjrttae) and to remain at a permanent residence (K. 1, 36f; Nıs. 10, 40-43) The Pajjosavanākappa which namc is more precise than Sāmāyārī give the regulations concerning this 4 months' stationary life, the pagjosavanā According to an alleged custom of Mahāvira's and the carly community they come into power within the time of one month and a half after the rains (Pajj. 1-8) since then the prepared houses are already damaged by occupation. This licence sanctioning a belated observation of the rainy season is not in harmony with the regulation referred to by Thān. 308b; Nis. 10, 40f. saying that travelling padhama-pāusamși is forbidden unless exccptional cases--danger, famine and other afflictions of an outward nature-enforce it. By this word we are to understand the first month of the prâurs consisting of Āsādha and Śrāvana which, again, means the first half of the rainy season altogether Travelling in this time (see again Thān. 308b) is allowed but for reasons of some inner spiritual need, e.g instruction failing to take place, etc. Walks may not exceed a certain distance (Pajj. 62). These restrictions expire 5 or 10 days after it has stopped raining (Ayır. II 82, 20, 25, Nis 2, 50).1 This secluded way of living is necessary owing to the abundance of life which springs up in nature and which must not be damaged (Āyār. II 82, 1) For the same reason at all times greatest care must be taken when walking, and it is this care which, as a duty, takes the foremost place among the five circumspections (samii, § 173). In poetry the circumspect traveller appcars in various characterizations (Āyār. 1 24,9 ff), he must not run (Dasā 1, 1) nor is hc allowed to be out at night or at dusk (K. 1, 47). In this respect Āyār II 3 provides most accurate prescriptions. We hcrc but mention the way of how to bchave when on water (sce also Nis. 18) along with the manner of resting on river banks (K 1, 19) and of crossing grcat strcans (K. 4, 27, Nis. 12, 42, Thân. 308b). Unsafe and politically disturbed dis
1. Thc cnd of the rainy scason was celebrated acc to later sources Bhadrapada sudi 5, and tradition rcferring to the Jinacariya (J.1COBI, Kalpasūtra p 114 fT) calls it an cxccptional cient that Kalala (524) antcdated the celebration by onc day. Comp also & 213.

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tricts should be avoided, and this warning may well be connected apart from others with the regulation that one should avoid visiting too often ten individually mentioned capital towns (Nis. 9, 19). Hence we see both monks and nuns leading a life of constant travelling, and we know of no permanent settlements Nuns may not stay in close living communities (villages, etc.) for longer than four, monks not for longer than two months (K. 1, 6-9). We may assume that in most cases the time of their stay was much shorter, comp. the words game ega-rāijā, nagare panca-rālyā viharantı in Uvay. 29. Busy places like a main street, a square or a bazar and public localities as, for instance, a guest house, the roots of bamboo and trecs (comp. Thân. 157a), may be chosen for quarters by monks only (K. 1, 12f 2, 11), and it goes without saying that the two sexes are not allowed to stay together in one house (K. 1, 27-30, exceptions Thān. 314a). For further regulations sec Āyar. II 2; K. 1, 14 f. 31-34).
$147. By a certain formula, so it seems (Āyār. II 78, 8,1 106, 15; 108, 6), the monk introduces himself as a guest and asks the proprietor sāgārıya, occasionally sāriya) for a accommodation. This request concerns the oggaha of the host, i.e. the room of which he is the master.2 So this word gave-the name to the user granted by him for a limited time, the expression ahalandam denoting the shortest space in question. Several special cases are referred to by K. 1, 39-42; 3, 28-33; 35; Vav. 4, 20ff , 7, 20 23,9, 43; the basic rule and a detailed casuistry in Āyār. II 7. Here we learn that the monk-is bound to ask for the oggaha even for objects to be used temporarily only. The accommodation (uuassaya, Āyār. 1 34, II: ādāsaha) does not merely serve for resting (sejjā) but equally for ascetic exercises (thāna) and either for meditation or studying (nisīhiyā). The resp. passages in Āyār. II 2, therefore, refer to all three cases; for the first and the third comp. also Āyār. II 8 and 9. For many reasons the quarters may not be shared by the host
1 Read kāmam
2. Comp the ogg of celestial and terrestrial princes and propricors Viy 700a.

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(sāgārıya, sejjāyara), his family and his servants, nor may they be visited by his animals,while, at least as far as nuns arc concerned, they must not lie beyond the reach of his command (K. 1, 22ff ; Āyār. II 72 ff). They may not contain any paintings (K. 1, 20 ff.), and their hight must allow for standing in them cithcr crcct or at least somewhat bent (K. 4, 28-31) Supplics of grain, meat etc. which are kept there, must be locked up, quarters in which there are pitchers containing certain beverages or where cither fire or light is burning at night may be taken up in cases of emergency only (K. 2, 1-10). It is doubtful whether during the rainy season the monk was allowed two supplementary quarters as a makeshift apart from his permanent one (comp. Pajj. 60).
The resting place (segjā) consists in a shake-down (samthāra, -raga) of either dry grass or hay (Āyār. II 53, 1; dabbha-s. Vıy. 126b),1 the above mentioned uttara-patta serving as a cover.2 As is the case with some other objects (Nis 1, 31-34; 5, 15-24), this sejjā-samthāraga is either lent to the monk for taking it away with him (pādıhārıya, also padi-) or clse it remains with the host (sāgāriya-santıya), K 3, 25-28; Nis. 2, 53-58; Vav. 8, 7-10, and it probably applies to the first case when the s. is counted among the additional outfit (§ 145). Before being placed back it has to be shaken up afresh (avigaranam katlu K. 3, 26). Though we are not informed as to how the s. was transported, It follows from Vav. 8, 2-4 that it may be light cnough to be carried by one hand for five days and for one day at least during the rainy season. This difference in weight is probably duc to the monk's then using a bench (pidha) or a plank (phalaga) instead of the sejjā-s., and, accordingly, Pajj. 53 docs not speak of a sejjā.-s but of a scjâsaniya 3 Thān. 157a the "resting litter" is a stone or wooden platc used for self-castigation.
$148. Utt 26 supplies the description of a monk's routinc dutics, and by it of all others we shall Ict oursclves bc
1. Herc as well as in thc Painnas the word has also thic mcanıng of "dcath-bcd".
2 This may account for the conim gning hambal'adı (a o in Utt. 17, 7) as an explanation
3 Ruad sojasanyānam in 53 with AB

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DOCTRINE OF THE JAINAS guided in the course of the following. Day and night are divided into four equal parts (forisi, porusī),1 their length changing according to the length of the day which, hence, has either 2, 3 or 4 paya. On days of rest and in the night the first and fourth porisē are for studying the sacred texts, the second is for meditating, whereas in the daytime the third is reserved to the monk's making his round for collecting alms and in the night to sleeping. Travelling is done in the first and second por of the day. Such is the ground-plan into which different duties of different kind are incorporated As to the confession of offences, if any, committed during the night, we shall deal with them in § 159. Apart from it the beginning of the day and the morning hours, comp Utt 26, 22 ff , arc devoted to examining both the utensils and one's own body, i c the monk most carefully examines (padılehai) if anything animate (in the broadest sense and, hence, including dust particles) adheres to them, and what is found he removes (pamajjar). This examination extends even to places where something was put off (comp K. 4, 11-13; 5, 11f, and as far as objects are concerned it is certainly not confined to those hours but is done at all times, especially so before using them (comp. Uvās 77; Viy. 139a). While the monk is very punctilious in carrying out all this, he takes no heed of physical culture. The regulations concerning the act of dejection referred to by Ayār II 10 cannot be counted among this point of the matter since they do not relate to the cleanliness of the performer, but to that of the locality. Acc. to Nis 3 4 6 11. 15. 17 the monk is forbidden both to oil and to wash his limbs, he must abstain from treating wounds or eczemae, nor is he allowed to rid himself of vermin, to cut either his nails or little hair, and to brush his teeth He may not even have these benefactions carried out on him by a fellow monk, let alone by a dissenter or any profane person, as little as he may carry them out on him So then, as indicated by Āyār. II 74, 13, the presence of a monk may be scarcely
1. Comp JACOBI ZDMG 74, 256 etc 2. Comp the nun Bhūyä Pupphacủl 77a and Utt 2, 3 f.

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bearable.1 Curiously enough Āyār. II 13. 14 is more indulgent in this point in allowing such favours being done by someone clse (para) or, mutually, by two monks, provided that the receiver of such favour neither asks for nor refuses it--though a mutual service of this kind is difficult to imagine. K. 5, 50f accordingly fails to refer to such cases, and the restrictions given lic in a different field.
Among the duties starting the daily routine we have, furthermore, the monk's reporting to his superior who, in cases, gives his orders. For the monk is bound to serve him as well as anyone superior to himself (thera), comp. K. 3, 21, if it be only by assisting him in rising from a seat or sitting down, in cleaning his things or in removing garbage (comp. K. 4, 26). This equally applies to the countenance he lends to the sick (gilāna) (comp. Nis. 10. 38f) or to those weakened by castigation (tavassi). On the other hand the master and teacher is equally bound by obligations towards his pupil (seha). Thus the menibers of the community are interconnected by services (deyāvacca, veyāvadıyā, kızkamma). This is expressed not only by the personal kinds of the vey mentioned above but also by the impersonal ones of the kula-, gana- and samgha-vey. All 10 are referred to by Uvav. 30 III, Vav 10, 34, Thān. 473b.
$149. The, modes of deportment which may be added here, are attuned to the note of decency, sociability and consideration. Even a slight indication of harshness is punishable (Nis. 2, 18, 13, 13-16; 15, 1-4) Ebullitions are called asamāhi, disrespectfulness is known as āstījanā; of the former we have 20 kinds, of the latter 33 (Dasā 1 and 3) The monk is obliged to behave in a strictly reserved and unobtrusive manner; when found singing, dancing, making music, imitating animal voices, laughing and disguising himself he is liable to prosecution (Nis. 4, 27, 11, 64-70, 17, 134-138) The reserve he exercises towards dissenters and profanc persons (annaulthiz'a and gārailhuya) quite naturally goes back to different causes No more
I The filth (mala) on the body of the acārya Hemacındra brought nim and his sect the honorary name of Maladhirin PETERSON, Third Report p 274 (Suc HLRTCL, Pála und Gopala p 150)

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DOCTRINE OF THE JAINAS than he may call in their help is he allowed to render them a service or any other kind assistance, comp. Nis. at various places. This also applies to laymen ( § 163).
His behaviour towards the teacher is determined by the vinaya. According to Uvav 30 II; Thân 407b the vinaya concerns both something abstract and concrete to a wide extent; as deference, reverence and respect it is of a positive quality, whereas as restraint from and rejection of bad profane things (apasattha) it is negative. The way how to deport himself, and especially so in front of his tcacher and master, is plastically demonstrated by Dasav. 9. The tribute externally paid to him is the vandana which has been given its place also among the resp. formulae necessary (avassaya, § 151)' It comprises two bows accompanied by a certain phrase as well as by certain movements and it has to be performed in the monk's normal outfit This is obligatory for some acts, especially so for the act of confession and during instruction, and, what is niore, four or, resp , three times, though it may equally be exercised on other occasions. LEUMANN Übersicht p. 11 ff refers to it in detail by the name of the kukamma which acc. to Āv. 12, comp also Samav. 21 b, means the same.
$150. As mentioned above and acc. to Utt. 26, 12 the the first and fourth porisi at day and at night are assigned to instruction (sajjhāya) The statements made by Nis. 19, 8; Thân 213 b are more detailed and yet less accurate. They forbid lessons at dawn and at dusk, at noon” and at midnight, and Thān. allows them in the morning and in the afternoon (puvvanhe and avaranhe), at or probably until-nightfall (paose) and at-or probably from-daybreak (paccūse). Holidays are constituted by the festivals (maha) in honour of Indra and Skanda, of a Yaksa or a Bhūta (Nis 19, 11). Acc. to Thān.
I In the Mahānis (the AUTHORp 82f ) we are told of monks who owing to offences were unworthy for some time of accepting a salute (aranda, avandanuja) This obviously applies to the salutation of monks among them. selves
2 majhanhe with Thân Nis has avaranhe which is obviously incorrect since in Thân this means an allowed time puvvanha and avaranha are supposed to be the first or, resp the last prahara (=paya, § 148 ) of the day

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213b the paḍivaya of the Inda-maha is the full moon-day in Asvina; further pad. are those of the Asādha, Kārttika and Sugrīşma (Caitra); Nis. 19, 12 has the pad. of the Bhadrapada instead of the Inda-maha referred to in 11. The hours assigned to the sajjh. must be punctually observed and hours not assigned to that purpose (asajjhāya) may not be used for it (Vav. 7, 10-14; Nis. 19, 8. 13-16). Acc. to Than. 475b an asajjharya may also be caused by certain phenomena, eg. thunder and lightning, northern lights-aurora borealis (dısı-dāha), dustfall (raya-ugghava), lunar and solar eclipses and the miraculous appearance called jakkh'älitta, but just as well by the death of a person of high standing (padana), war (rāya-vuggaha), a dead person within the house or else by lumps of meat, blood, bones, and excrements lying close by thus adding the spacial to the temporal point of view.1 The place of instruction is called musīhiyā, and its requisites referred to by Ayar II 2 (§ 147) are in conformity with those pertaining to the quarters as such. As demonstrated by Ayār. II 112, 11 the pupils go there in groups but careful of not coming too close to one another. From the way the instruction is performed (sajjhāyam uddısıttae, samuddısıttae) we learn that the pupil-occasionally called sıssa, sıssınï— recites the text (vāyanā), puts questions about it (padipucchanā) and repeats it (pariyattana), whereupon it is examined for its deeper meaning (anuppehā, comp Utt. 29, 22), and finally we have some exemplary or theoretical considerations regarding the Dharma, the dhamma-kaha, see Uvav 30 IV; Than 349a (not in Nis. 5. 5-11). Ayār. II 55, 9 etc. has dhammanuogacintă instead, a reflection on the Dharma, whereas dhammakaha stands for the sermon delivered by the teacher. From Than. 210a we know that as akkhevani it develops the teaching from within itself, that as vikkhevani it contrasts it with nonJain teachings, that as samveganī it promotes piety, and that
I. In Av. 18 the asajjhāya is given a special treatment.
2
Ayāra, Vavahāra, Pannattı (1 e. Viy) and Diṭṭhivāya represent the Canon. Acc to another conception the first three words do not mean texts but notions. But comp. Dasav. 8, 49

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DOCTRINE OF THE JAINAS as nidveyani it effects melancholy Rhetorical means of the sermon are the narrations of similes or naya. Their theory represented by Thān. 253b; Dasav. nijj. 53-88 was treated by LEUMANN ZDMG 49, 602 ffi The vāyanā (as is equally said of the whole) is directed by the uvajjhāya, though Vav. 10, 12 speaks of the uddesar'āyarıya and the vāyanayarıya. The words hetthilla and uvarima used in connexion with portions of the texts (Nis. 19, 17 ) may, perhaps, show that a manuscript served as a base for instruction referring to its passages by "see above" and "see below". Reciting must be donc with understanding, with accuracy, and by strictly observing the right scquence; want of self-possession and reliability is detrimental to the qualification for teaching, the teacher must be just in calling up pupils who may not speak without being asked to do so, and they are allowed hut a limited number of questions (Vav. 5, 15-18; Nis. 19, 19-24). Outsiders an such having isolated themselves are not admitted to instruction ($ 142, Nis. 19, 25-28), nor are unsociable and inattentive monks (K 4, 5=Thān. 165b-comp. § 156—, extended 246b). He who commands a portion of the text is given the permission by the teacher (anunnā, anujāner) to pass it on to others
$151. In later texts we find the porisi assigned to studying being distinguished into sutta-porisi and attha-p. according as a text is treated by the uvajjhāya relative to its wording and by the āyarıya with respect to its deeper meaning. Hence in the Mahānis and outside the Canon we frequently read about the giyattha in the sense of a thoroughly instructed monk. As now concerns the subject of instruction we have already mentioned ( § 40) the regular (kāliya) and irregular (ukkālıya) line of texts This is the discrimination made with works not pertaining to the Anga (anangapavittha or anga-bāhira), provided they are no Āvassaya. By it, however, we understand, as indicated by the name, certain formulae which “necessarily" have to be known, and, what is more, from the very moment a monks start on his monastic career, since the novitiate is
1 The subject was taken up by the AUTHOR in Studia Indologica (Festschrift KIRFEL 1955) p 297-319

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characterized by the name of the first Avassaya (§ 136). This 1st Av. is called Samaya, a short vow to be brought to one's mind repeatedly during the day (§ 170) for promising to shun for life all that is blamable in thoughts, words and deeds as well as in all one has presonally caused and approved of. The 2nd Av., called Cauvīsatthava, is a hymnical prayer of seven stanzas to the 24 Titthagaras. The 3rd place is taken by the Vandanaga, the formula of respectfully addressing a superior by touching his feet with one's hands followed by a humble request for indulgence (khamemi) towards offences committed during the day or the night. This formula contains the words of avassiya and nusihiya (mentioned § 136) by which a monk unobtrusively announces his due leaving and entering to the place and those being present.1 The 4th, called the Padikkamana, is the formula used at confession The 5th, the Kaussagga, introduces the low devotion (§ 161) and demands an attitude of complete immobility for the duration of one Namaskāra except for unvoluntary and insignificant movements like breathing, coughing and physical secreting. Finally and 6th we have the Paccakkhāna, expressing different modes of refusing food and drink. Owing to individual versions of the 1st and the 4th laymen equally share in the Avassaya (§ 164), and this is likely to account for the agara- and anagāra-sāmāya (Than 64b). As profusely the Av. was treated in later literature (for which LEUMANN, Comp. § 4, rendered an eloquent testimony, as scantily it is referred to in the Canon. We have its wording not otherwise than embedded in the explaining works; Utt. 29 No. 8-13 gives but the names and Viy. 466b.; 758b but the Avassaya group as a whole.
8
§152. The time devoted to studies is followed by meditation (jhana) to be dealt with in § 180. So far as either draws upon the night, we read about the dhamma-jāgariyā (K. 1, 19 v. 1). To be awake (jāgariyatta), as says Mahāvīra V1y. 557b,
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I LEUMANN, Übersicht p gb f where also the derivation from nı-şid-with abnormal aspiration-is being made probable.
2 For pace in its ethical respects see § 173. 3. Comp also his lecture Xth OC IL, 1, 125.

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DOCTRINE OF THE JAIN AS is good for those that have the dhamma; all others should rather apply themselves to sleeping (sullalla), since in this state--as well as in that of weakness and sloth-they will do nothing bad. The life of the pious layman cqually includes wakefulness as is demonstrated by thc cpisode with Sankha (Viy. 552b). His wakefulness (sudahkhu-zāgara) gocs together with that of the monk (abuddha-j) and of the Arhat (buddha-;.).
$153. The third porisi of the day is rcscrved to thcmonk's round for collecting food and drink (bhikkhājariza). It docs not take placc-nor do rounds for other purposes-in casc of heavy rainfall, fog, or dust-wind or when insects arc swarming (Āyār. II 54, 25), just as it may be dispcnscd with if certain reasons ask for doing so (Utt. 26, 35). For his round the monk is allowed a range (oggaha) of 13 joy. in radius, though in the rainy season this range will be limited by a larger river (K. 3, 35; Pajj. 9-13). What of alms he receives must be consumed within joy (K 4, 11;Vıy. 291b-Nis. 12, 30: comp Utt. 26, 36). Newly occupied villages, cspccially such where metal is being hammered, must bc shunned (Nis. 5, 34). Only respectable houses in contrast to the thavana-hula (Nis. 4, 22) may be visited (Āyār. II 51, 26). As to the order in which these visits have to succeed one anothcr thcrc arc 6-8 different methods, accordingly the way may be chosen by cither walking it in a quadrangle, in a zigzag line or in a spiral, ctc. (Disā 7,1 4. Thān. 365b; Utt. 30, 19. 26). But the monk may just as well go from house to housc, and thanks to such a gharasamudāna Viy. 139a) he may receive a samudāniya (or sām.) pindavāya (Āyār. II 53, 26. 29; Uvas. 77). He is obliged to display a modest behaviour and to give procedence to other receivers (Āyār II 57, 25, 52, 10), in Mahāvira's praxis even to animals3 (Āyār. I 44, 8ff). Once turned away from the door he may not return there for a second time (Nos. 3, 13).
I The word of vir-pantha occurring only in Vıy. 495b cqually seems to refer to the round for alms as a way going forwards and backwards like that of a wave.
2. For an explanation scc HOERNLE's ann. 146. But his spelling of samuddänya is unacceptable.
3. Comp also the sāna-vanimaga Thān. 341 b.

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He must never stay long at one place nor stand in a lax way, and he is not allowed either to be inquisitive or to recite long quotations from the texts (K. 3, 22-24; Ayār. II 58, 28; 59, 1).1
Ayar. II 1 and Dasav. 5 contain many more details to which we cannot refer here, and it is especially in the latter section that we gain an insight into the deficiencies of human nature." The cleanliness and, for this reason, the edibility of the alms (phãsuya3 esanija) have been treated in summarizing representation of the Pindanijjutti. The different qualities making them to become unacceptable-and they are so even in case of doubt (Ayār. II 54, 13)—are there indicated as 15 or 16 uggamadosa or mistakes on the side of the giver, 16 uppāyana-d. or illgotten acquisition of the receiver, 10 gahan'esaṇā-d. and as either 4 or 5 ghasa- or paribhog'esanā-d. or unclean condition and application. For these expressions compare Thān. 159a, 320a, 487a; Pindanijj. v. 129ff. Some of the 46 (Pindanijj. 659; Sthan. 159b)5 appear in the following on the ground of the earlier texts. Viy. 291 b already says that greedily eaten food is called saingāla, food eaten in a state of anger sadhūma, and food improved by admixtures samjayaṇā-dosa-duṭṭha. These are three of the ghas'esanā-dosa.
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§154. The person of the giver-mostly a woman as may be concluded from Dasav. 5, 28, etc is in the first line affected by the prohibition of the sāgāriya-pinda. He who accommodates a monk may not equally treat him to food and drink (Āyār. II 78, 12; Nis. 2, 46-48, Dasā 2, 11; Viy. 231a; Dasav. 3, 5), though what of alms he gives may be accepted for the benefit of one who is ill or otherwise prevented from doing his begging round, and also for the teacher acc. to Vıy. 374a (davet, K. 2, 19-28, Vav. 9, 1-30, 36-39; Pajj 14-16) Weak and ill monks
1. The beggars in general (bhikkhaga) owing to their swarming in all directions are compared with fishes (Than 341 b) and owing to their obtrusiveness of different intensity with worms (ghuna) (ibd 185 b) eating up the outer or inner bark of a tree, its wood or its pith
2. Comp the AUTHOR, Dasav p VII.
3 sparsuka (LEUMANN), not prasuka, as tradition will have it.
4
Comp JACOBI SBE 45, 131 ff. after the Dipika on Utt 24, 12. Gunaratna in his comm to Haribhadra's Şaddarśanasamuccaya speaks of 32 antaraya and 14 mala (ed SUALI p 112.1).
5

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DOCTRINE OF THE JAINAS are treated with consideration not only in point of food (K. 5, 49-52; Thân. 138a) but also in general respects (K. 3, 22; 5, 47f; Vav. 2, 6, Nis 10, 36-39; Āyār. I 36, 22) Nor is a monk allowed to accept any alms given by a prince or his retinue, the rāya-pinda (Āyār. II 54, 53)?, Nis. 9, 1-6; 8, 13-15; Viy. 231a, Dasay 3, 2). As is demonstrated in detail by Nis. 4,1-6,9, 7ff the monks must not enter into relations with potentates, and, accordingly, Ayār. II 83, 16, K. 1, 38; Nis. 11, 71 forbid their come and go in anarchic provinces and times in order that all complications be avoided 2 Some exceptions are referred to by Thān. 311b Even he who lives in the woods or passes them in travelling may not contribute to their sustenance (Nis 16, 12), and this probably accounts for the fantārabhatta (Vıy. 231a, Uvav. 96 III). The alms, above all, must not be prepared in advance, neither for receivers of alms his general (āhākamma3) nor for him personally who is expected to ask for them (uddesiya), no more than they may be sent for (abhrhada) or bought (kīja-gada) or set aside from one's own meal (cezya K. 2, 25-28, Dasā 2, 4, Nis. 10, 4, Āyār. I 36, 20, II 50, 20; Dasav. 3, 2). There is danger of such alms being offered when the monk calls on relatives or acquaintances (nāya-vihim er, Vav. 6, 1, Dasā 6 XI, Āyār. II 55.30, 65, 10) or when attending a public feeding (samkhadı Āyār. II 52, 19; Nis. 3, 14). Nor may he visit a house where he is sure to get some (nıtıya þında) or a certain part of the meal (Āyār. II 61, 6, 56, 16, Nis 2, 32-36). The substance of the alms—in correspondence with the component parts of a modern Hindu meal-may consist (comp. Thân 219b) in a main course (asana), liquids (pāna), sweets (khārma) and spices (sārma). As a matter of course it
1. Comp against this ibd 51, 28
2. For the expressions of verajja-diruddha-rajja etc comp NN LAW IHQ 1, 383-397-Talks about the public procession and the display of power by princely persons (rāyā-kahā, Thān 201 a) pertain to this subject, but partly also to the general talks (vikahā) about women, food and drink, and about the morals of other countries (Thän. 209 b, extended in 403b) They do not help the monk or the nun to profit by them, but, on the contrary, they help to bring them off the right path (Thān. 221 a)
3 Acc to LEUMĀNN ZDMG 37, 495=yäthäkāma The Skt. transcription invariably has ādhākarma For the Karman sequence regarding the eating of āh. comp. Vıy. 101 b=314 b.

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RENUNCIATION must be of course free of life(comp. Āyār. II 50, 1; 63, 5; K. 1, iff.; Nis. 15, 5-12; 16, 4-11; Dasav. 5, 2, 14-24). These passages and others refer to vegetables and fruit only, but it is evident that meat and fish in a live state were not less forbidden. Whether or not they were allowed to be eaten in a lifeless condition is a matter of interpretation The vegetarian standpoint is strongly maintained. Thus the words bahu-y-atthiya mamsa and bahukantaga maccha or animisa are meant to indicate a "flesh" of fruit and fish interspersed with kernels and stings. On the other hand we learn from Āyār. II 65, 33 (=II 1, 9, 3: Ācār. 321a) that in the interest of a sick monk or nun some meat or fish just being prepared for a guest may be asked for by a monk passing incidentally In the case of Āyār. II 67, 23 (=II 1, 10, 5) acc. to the Cunni (344b) a layman or a lay woman must not rebuke a monk asking for meat or fish for the same medical reason And Dasav.-cunni (184 b) as well as Haribhadra (Dasav.-tikā 176 b) would not have justified Sūtra 5, 1, 73 by referring to peculiar circumstances (kamcı kālam desam paducca, resp. kāľādy-apeksayā) if cases of non-vegetarianism were considered to have been totally excluded in those remote times. But, of course, the old scholiasts are anxious to put aside the literal meaning of mamsa and maccha in favour of the metaphorical one as fruit or trees, and Silānka (Ācār. 323 b) goes to the length of taking them as prescribed by an able surgeon for exterior application (!) to cure a cutaneous eruption
As follows from Sūy. I 2, 2,18-20;3,3,12; 3,4, 1-4; 7, 12; Ayār. I 3, 20-23, etc the monk may neither drink nor use cold water, i e water in its natural state It must be boiled and is then called udaga-viyada (K , Nis., Āyār. II, etc ). Even externally no live matter may adhere to the food, compĀyār. II 49, 1, and it must not stand on natural ground (Āyār II 61,
1. Hence maďár (mļlādın ) niyantha Vay 110 b.
2 KAPADIA Rey Phil Rel 4 (1923), 2 p 232-239 apart from his own scholarly deductions reproduced a letter of JACOBI's trying to solve the problem in a most ingenious manner.

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DOCTRINE OF THE JAINAS 10, 28; 60, 5; Nis. 17, 126-129). Another important qucstion is whether the vessel or the hands of cither the giver or the receiver of the food or the beverage arc moist (samsaltha, Āyār. II 59, 5; Dasav 5, 1, 31-36) or not. This Icads to cstablish 7 different ways of how the monk must have alms bcing given to him (prnd'esanā, pān'os. Āyār. II 69, 7, Thān. 385 b).
$155 What food has been reccived on a round for alms (pindavāya) must be shown to the Guru (Āyār. II 67, 4; Dasav. 5, 2, 31) and it must be sufficient for the needs of a hсalthy person, while only he who fcels weak (no samtharar) may repeat the round (K. 5, 54, Dasav 5, 22), as a nun may a when having received but very little, a pulāga-bhatta, as the figurativc expression has it 32 bits (kavala) of egg size are considered a normal quantity (Vay 292a-Uvay 30 II-Vav.8, 18). As was pointed out above, the round may be done but once in a day, during the 3rd porisi, and what has been received must be consumed within a certain spacial and, hence, also temporal limit. To receive food in the dark is forbidden by K 1, 43, and it is out of the question to consume it as rāz-bhoyana ($ 171), comp. K. 5, 6-91, nor is it allowed to keep it for the next day (K. 5, 49) except in cases of heavy illness. But yet K 4, 11-Nis. 12, 30 and Viy. 291b refer to food received during thc Ist porisi, 1e in the morning It remains but to assume that in this case it was brought to the monka and this must cqually apply to such food as was accepted before sunrise and consumed after it (V1y 291 b). That there is an early meal is also demonstrated by calling certain fastings by the name of cauttha-bhatta and the like ($ 156).
$156. Uvav. § 30 III; Sūy. II 2, 72; Thân 296a f. quote a large number of different methods as to how food may be asked for and taken by a monk. The acceptance of either the one or the other of these methods appertains to the province of asceticism or self-castigation to which we now proceed. Physical asceticism ( § 178) is known to concern, for its greater
I It is not said that what has been received must be eaten while standing This is the case with the Dig (sthiti-bhojana, also ubbh'asana etc. Chapp 1, 14=ūrdhvâšana, comm erroneously udbha-bhajana)
2. This is implied by anita Sādhudinakrtya 277 ($ 2012).

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275 part, eating and drinking. There are but few methods occurring apart from those quoted in the texts. The samkha-dattıya confine themselves to a certain number of ways regarding the reception (datti, 1 Vav. 9, 40) of food and drink. Those among them observing the java-majjha and the varra-majjhā canda-padımā (Vav. 10, 1; Thān. 64b) follow the example given by the waxing and waning moon. Starting with 1 dattı on the 1st day of the bright half of the month the former take 1 d. more every day for a fortnight's time procecding up to 15 d. taken on full moon day and then to decrease the d in the same way. In the daira-m. r-p. the number of d. inci cases during the dark half of the month to decrease during its bright half, so that here the lowest point or the state of contraction fall on full moon, while there it is the highest point or the state of expansion that do so, and hence the names. padımā in the frequent usage of the word?--as Samav. 96a wants it there are 92 pad. in allis explained by abhigraha. By Thāna 64b; 195a we come to know them as interior (samāhi-p.) and exterior (uvahāna-p.) ones. Other exercises do not proceed from day to day but at a much slower pace. They take 7 times 7, 8 times 8, 9 times 9 or 10 times 10 days and are accordingly called salta-sattamiyā etc. bhikkhupadımā Vay. 9, 31-34; Thāņ. 385b; 440a; 518b. During the first 7, 8, 9 or 10 days 1 dattı is taken daily, during the second 2 daily, etc. so that all d. sum up to 196, 288, 405 or 650. All these methods already positively concern the quantity and would therefore, come under the omoyarıyā or the restriction of food. Uvav. § 30 II=Viy. 292a=Vav. 8, 16 here quotes that instead of 32 morsels one takes but 31, 24, 16, 12 or 8, or that either one diminishes each figure by 1. As against that the anasana, as far as it is only temporary (ittarıya),” consists in the dropping of the meals. If one half of the day remains without a mcal being taken we have the egâsana fasting, and in case it be the first half we have the purim'addha (comp. § 161).
1 dattıh sakyt-prakṣepa-laksanā, eka-kşepa-bhikṣā-l, comm In doing so bhikkhā Var 9 31-34 is unprecisely equated with kavala Sthān 65 b.
2. And equally so with the gr para-ueyāvacca-kamma-padımā Samav. 95.
3. For fasting leading to death (ävakahıya) see 165.

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DOCTRINE OF THE JAINAS 276 cauttha-bhattıya, chattha-bh , atthama-bh , etc. is called he who refuses to take food until the 4th, 6th, 8th, etc. meal, i.e. who spends 1 , 22 37, etc. days by fasting, though he may take certain drinks differing as the case may be (Thân 147a), The moya-badımā (Vav. 9, 35, and comm. Thān. 64b; Uvav, 24) as a "small one" lasts 62 as a "large one" 7 days; for both of them the drinking of urine (mokam kāyıkā) was obligatory.1 Either was reserved for monks of a strong constitution at the beginning or the end of the hot season. The cauttha- etc. fastings are arranged in artificial systems and sequences. We find their names in Uvay. 24, Than. 292a, while the ways as to how most of them and some others are being practised are referred to in Antag 8 2 The kanag'āvali, for instance, appears as follows 4 (abbreviation for cauttha, the following accordingly); 6; 8; 8 times 8, 4 up to 34, 34 times 8, 34 down to 4; 8 times 8. 8; 6; 4 This sums up to 522 days in all Moreover we have the "short” sawaobhadda-padınā of 100 and the “long” s-p. of 245, the "short” siha-nikhiliya of 187 and the "long” s.-n of 462 days apart from several more up to the rajan'āvali of 472 days. In all cases, however, the individual fastings are interrupted by times of recreation (savva-kāna-guniyam pārei). The female ascetics of the Antag carry out such fastings four times each in succession and in connexion with the changes as to the contents of the meals allowed to them (see below) By ascetic positions (§ 157), however, the gunarayana-samvacchara cycle of 16 months' duration is intensified and the way they act upon the fasting Khandaga is illustrated by Viy 123b, comp also Antag in BARNETT on p 56. The third aspect of asceticism in cating and drinking is the change of food, of which Uvav. § 30 IV gives nine different kinds (comp also Thān. 296a) by the name of rasa-pariccāga We here point out the abstention from the 10 vigai, ie milk and its products dahi, sappi, navanīja, ghnya, oil, fat, honey, meat and marrow (Thān. 204 b, 450 b) Accordingly we speak of the nivvīya. We are
1 Malayagın's ādātaryam in the AUTHOR'S ed of Vav p. 32 ult. is wrong for āpātawyam (=āijavve of the Sutra)
2. Comp also BARNETT, Antag. p 98ff. 3 For mid11y1=niruiklika,

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277 told that he who is not able to brace himself upto this abstention (vigai-padıbaddha) may attend lessons no more than he who is illmannered (aviniya) or unsociable (aviosaviya-pāhuda, K. 4, 5). But viktti here certainly stands for "ill-humour", and what is meant is a monk of moods easily getting out of tune. The āyambliya owing to his disposition to sourness has to content himself with eating the sour porridge called ayambıla. The words of panta and lūha āhāra are, so it seems, expressions of general meaning denoting old and, hence, dry leftovers.
$157. According to their time of duration we have 12 different bhikkhu-padimā referred to by Samav. 21b and illustrated by Dasā 7. The first seven last 1 to 7 months (māsıyā, dom., tem., etc. bh.-p.), the 8th to the 10th 7 days, the 11th is ahoraimdiyā, the 12th egarāryā. For the seven month's padımā the principle of jettiyā māsā jettiyā dattio ( § 156) as to solid and liquid food prevails. For the one month's p. we have an additional number of complicating regulations. The shorter they are the more the strains grow in that certain ascetic positions (see below) preceded by a cauttha- to an atthama-bhatta become obligatóry. For doing so the monk (see also Thān. 147b) who carries out the 12th padımā after a 31 days' fasting without taking any liquid food, 1.e. continuing outside as village for one night with his body slightly bent forward (īsim pabbhāragaenam kāenam), his eyes fixed on an object, his feet close together, his arms hanging down, is rewarded with attaining the three supersensual forms of cognition (§ 78), while if he fails he is doomed either to madness, long illness or apostasy. Anyone performing one of these padımā does not take part in the life of the Gana, he is an egalla-vihārı (Vav. 1, 25-27). It goes without saying that only a deserving monk will have the teacher's permission for doing so (Thān. 416a). For the modes of expression he is allowed to apply see § 74.
! The repeatedly quoted positions are listed in Uvay. § 30 V; Thān. 387b anong the kāya-kolesa which form another component part of asceticism. The general expression applied
:
1. For derivation see BARNETT, Antag p 99 PISCHEL, Gr $137.

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DOCTRINE OF THE JAINA 8 byĀyār. II2 preceding segjā and nisihijā is thāna (thānam thai, thānaiya). The positions are 1 lying: uttānaya, uttāna-sāt stretched out on the ground, pāsıllaga sidewise, dandāyaiya with feet outstretched, laganda-sāî with hollow back. Then follows 2. the squatting position with the dir’āsaniya and ukkuduya. Acc to Thān 300b the latter is a sitting position, i e. one of the 5 kinds of the nesajjiya among which we have also the godohiya (Dasā 7). The above mentioned performer of the 12th padımā and others mortify their flesh in standing erect as do those who stare into the sun with one foot lifted up and both arms, raised (K. 5, 22) āyāvanāe āyāvettae here refers to one exposing himself to the blazing sun, comp. āyāvaga Uvay. and Thān. The avāuda exposes himself to the cold, the akanduyaga to insects (comp. Āyār 141,21) and the anıtthubhaga refrains from spitting, a habit probably popular already in those days. The nuns (K. 5, 19-34) are allowed to exercise physical asceticism to a very small extent only When exposing themselves to the blazing sun they may do so only by wearing not more than 1 samghādi and by standing on a level ground within the enclosure of their quarters
$158. Voluntary asceticism has some points of contact with the compulsary forced upon a monk for punishment. Punishment is the consequence of guilt, and guilt, as § 168 will show, is something leaving the path of truth, hence being called mājā; māi he who has made himself guilty, samphāsai mõitthānam ? A monk caught in three māz-tthāna in the course of one month and in ten in the course of one year makes himself guilty of sabala (Dasā 2, 20). We have 21 sabala which, acc. to Dasā 2, Samay 32a, range among gross offences, whereas the 20 asamāhi (Dasā 1; Samav.37b) are considered acts of rashness rather than of calculation Improper behaviour towards an older monk is gathered up in 33 cases called āsāyanā (Dasā 3; Samav 58b). A sin not confessed is a salla ($168, Mahānis. 1, 16; comp. Utt 26, 24)
I The translation K 5,22f must be corrected
2 I e māyı-sthānam, neither māts-sth (Silāgka on Ayār II, 53, 27) nor māyā-sth (JACOBI on Sūy I, 9, 25).

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For instituting further proceedings every offence committed by oneself (akıcca-tthāna, padısevanā) must be reported (aloettae; comp. Viy. 498a) to the teacher (thera, resp. pavattini). This asks for self-victory as developed by breeding and instruction (Thān. 423b; 484a). In the motives inducing a monk not to confess we are shown the deficiencies of human nature (Thān. 137a, 417a), thus when saying to himself “it cannot be helped” or for fear of slander, or in the reasons for yet confessing his guilt for fear of the verdict of the teacher and of his fellow monks, of the Karman consequences and of his own conscience, and finally 10 dosa (Thān. 484a; Viy. 919a) in the way he makes his confession, i e. with reseryations within and tricks without. Insincerety, however, adds to the punishment (Vav. 1, 1-20= Nis. 20, 1-20).
$159 The qualities of him who accepts the confession is demonstrated by Thān, 423b; 484a. He must be pious, attentive, experienced in practical affairs, gifted with the power of inspiring trust Covilaga), energetic (pakuvuaga), discreet (aparissāž), convincing (nuggavaga) and ready to allow extenuating circumstances (avāya-damsi). If by force majeure the monk was prevented from seeing the teacher-in which case he becomes an amuha-he is not liable to reproach (Viy. 375a). Hence, when the teacher is absent he is (acc. to Vav. 1, 34) represented by a number of substitutes i.e. by a member of the same sambhoga ( § 139), by one of another s., by a layman going through the (temporary) career of a monk (sārūviya, § 163) or by one of the common kind (sammam-bhāviya). When even one of the latter is not at hand, the monk makes his confession under the open sky in the spiritual presence of the Siddhas. Performed in this way, however, the act has no further consequences, whereas in the normal case it entails the criminal procedure 1 The same applies to the confession made by a monk before his death (3165). It is equally requisite (Vav. 1, 25-32; 6, 10f; 7, 1) when a monk enters into a new gana or when he returns to his foriner after having gone through an
Yet this is also maintained in the Sutia referred to

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ascetic exercise. Self-accusation (aloyanā) is invariably bound up with one's confessing one's guilt (padıkhamana), and only if both go together we come near to the western act of confession. The word applied for it signifies the return, and in the fivefold padıkkamana relative to "influx" (§ 167 f), heresy, passion, etc. (Than 349a) it has the meaning of "conversion." Its literal meaning is intermixed with the sixfold (Than 378b) as far as reference is being made to one's return from having relieved nature or cither from sleep (uccara-p., pāsavana-p, soman'antia-p). The confession which, now, concerns us here and which, like that formula, culminates in the words of tassa miccha me dukkadam is made at certain appointed times in the carly morning for offences committed during the night (raiya p), in the evening for such committed during the day (divasija p) and for the purpose of confirmation and also for making good in a more solemn way at the end of each half of a month (pakkhiya p.hence the name of Pakkhiya Sutta (§ 55), after a lapse of 4 months (cāummāsiya p) and after 1 year (semvaccharya p). So then also in this respect the p. is fivefold. The proceeding is demonstrated in the comm by Yaśodeva (p 82) in the words of the Pakkhiyacunni and the Avassayac important mainly for the lecture delivered by the Padikkamana-Sutta1 (§ 55) and the prayer for remission (khāmer, khamāver) directed not only by a younger monk to an older according to seniority but also by the teacher (guru) to his group and, what is
more, to the
youngest first
§160 What lies between the confession of guilt and the acceptance of the penalty inflicted upon the confessor (aha' riham payacchittam padivazzittae) is rendered by the texts (c.g. V1y 375a, Than 56b, K 4, 25) in the words of nindittae garahittae vruttettae visohettae akaran (ay)ãe abbhutthittae The first two say that the delinquent reproves himself in front of himself and his teacher,2 the second pair expresses the process of the
I Literally printed from a ms by WEBER Verz II, 739-741 All sentences throughout start with icchami padikhamium to end with tassa miccha mi dukkaḍam (a Śloka-pāda)
2 In verses Caus 50-54 garahat between udirat and samvaras, see Viy 57b, theorizing Than 43b, 112b, 213b

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inner purge from ill-doing, and the last two the will to amendment. The further proceeding (vavahāra) is theoretically, as the case may be, determined by superior cognition (āgama), traditional prescriptions (suya), a commission sent over a long distance (ānā), a regulation (dhāranā) or by a habit legitimated by the qualified (jiya) (Vav. 10, 2) in that always the following comes in with the absence of the preceding (Than. 317b; Viy. 383a; comp. LEUMANN, Jit p. 1196). In praxi we have but the suya (K. 5, 25) as a necessary evidence for the execution (paṭṭhavanā), patthaver), while the vavahāra is merely mentioned as a “lightest possible procedure" (ahā-lahusae nāmam vavahare, K. 5, 53; Vav. 2, 6-17).1
$161. The frequently quoted stanza Av. 19, contains 10 different forms of atonement, an enumeration probably going back to Uvav. § 30 I (also Than. 484a; incomplete 355b; 423b; 453a), where atonement (pāyacchitta,3 frequently also pacchitta) is coordinated with inward asceticism. The first two forms are report (aloyana) and confession (padikkamaņa). Now, certainly, there are offences which by merely reporting them are atoned for, whereas there is no confession possible without aloyanā or else both must go together (tadubhaya or misa, the third form). Hence to count padikkamana individually comes up to mere schematism The sequence continues by giving (4.) vivega, the renunciation of the corpus delicti, and (5.) vuussagga, standing motionless with one's arms hanging down. Under the name of kaussagga this is (so also Than. 212b) part of the ceremonial observed in the act of confession etc. and may be called "low devotions", particularly as its duration is determined by the time takes to say one or several namaskāra formulae. In the Jiy. the time is a measured
I. The classification into 3 times 3 pav communicated by the AUTHOR, Kalpasūtra op 14 footnote is obviously a mere construction 2 LEUMANN, Jit p 2 For a Dig analogy see Chp 174 (§ 136) 3. This in the case of an offence and of a combination of such, and it is decreed as an additional punishment (§ 162) as well as for insincerety in confessing (Than 199a).
4 namo anhantānam, n siddhānam, n ayaryānam, n uvajjhāyāṇam n loe savva-sähūņam Then there follows the presentation of this formula in the famous Sloka. eso tanca-namokkāro savva-pāva-panasano, mangalānam ca sar

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by breaths, and we there read of viussagga which have to last for 8, 25, 100, 108, etc. up to as many as 1008 ūsāsa If in Thān. 64b both vivega and viussagga are called padımā, it may be assumed that the former word stands for the spiritual and the latter for the physical "position" (6) tada is the food either reduced, dropped or changed. The forms previously mentioned as well as those ranging from 7 to 10 (cheya, mūla, anavatthayā and pāranciya) are dealt with by the Jiyakappa ( § 52), while in the older disciplinary collections we meet but with concrete cases of the last four In K. and Vav. the cheya mostly appears in connexion with the parihāra. In this book we must, however, deny ourselves the discussion as to what offences ask for what atonements, but it deserves mentioning that in the non-disciplinary parts of the Canon there is no reference whatever being made to punishments of this kind
$162 (7) cheya means the reduction of the monk's age (§ 138) Among the Svetāmbaras as well as among the Digambaras this punishment gave the name to one group of disciplinary texts each, comp the Cheyasutta, Indranandın's Chedapında and the Chedānaudi (136). Where we are able to make out the duration of an offence we find that with a common monk the cheya amounts to the fivefold, with the uvagghāya to the tenfold, and with the āyarıya to the fifteenfold of it (Cunni on K 5,5), and it may well be that this is what in the Sūtra is expressed by the word s'antarā (=sva-krtād antarāt). The parihāra means a "special position" mainly with regard to diet Sthān 168b gives the differences in diet fasting according to the different seasons Acc. to Jiy, the restrictions concern the constituents mentioned § 156, they merely allow of nivvīıya, āyambıla, egâsana or purim'addha. For other regulations regarding alms see K 4, 26, Vav 2, 28-30. They rest on the
desim pa dhaman hacai mangalam (printed along with other formulae in the ritual books). Canonical only Mahānis 3 II (the AUTHOR P 14) For a dispute concerning the wording (havai or hor) see WEBER, Kup. p 811.
1 For the 3rd and 4th word Chp. and Chn have ega-thāna and purimandala. There all four words and, additionally, Khamana (=upadāsa) arc called the 5 kallāna.

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283 fact that the parihāra-kappa-tthiya is obliged to render service to the thera from which he is releascd only temporarily (K 5, 53; Vav. 1, 22-24). Strictly speaking he stands outside the gana (comp. Vav. 2, 6), and he joins the others neither in their obligatory rounds nor in their travelling (Āyāı. II 50, 7=Nis. 2,40-42; Nis 4,112). If several monks of a closer companionship have committed an offence and, hence, are under , always one of them is except from it and considered kappāga (= kappa-tthaya, § 136), to be served by the others He will atone for his guilt (nivvisar)1 after them (Vav. 2, 1-4). By the same word the nivvisamāna is distinguished from the nivvitthakāıya (K. 6, 14=Thân. 167b; 371a) The principle of inequality which governs the life within the Order is complied with by alternately dividing such a group into parihāriya (also pārı-) and anuparıhāriya (for which scc Vay 2, 5) with the latter serving the former (Dip. on Utt. 28, 32)
The parihāra is pronounced in two ways according as a reduction is admissible or not (ugghārya or -ima or anuggh. K 4, 1=Thān. 162b; 311a)? In K. and Nis. (comp. Nis 1 end etc.) the duration is either one or four months, Vav 1-20 has all numbers upto six For the distribution of the restrictions on one, four or six months and'their calling them lahu and guru comp the Cunni on Jiy 61 and Kalpasūtra p 14 footnote. Though for an individual offence the p. does not extend over a period longer than six months, yet its duration will be extended if within this period a new offence is being committed (Nis. 20, 21-53). Then an additional p. (ārovanā) is due amounting to 20 or, resp. 15 days if the new offence is subject to a þ of two or, resp one month As to additional þ charged for new offences of three to six months the Nis cunni (fol 650ff) gives the following extra charges with 3 months 25 days, with 4 30, with 5. 35, and with 6 40
As we have seen the cheya reduces the spiritual age of a
1. In his translation of K. 3, 13 this word was misunderstood by the AUTHOR.-Comp also Vav 1, 17.
2. Chp 204 (an Jugghāda

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monk If reduced without a remainder the monk is punished with the (8.) müla, ie by repeating the act of consecration he starts right from the bottom.” The comm, attach some importance to the müla ( Chp . mūla-khidi, m.-bhūmi ), whereas the Canon neglects it altogether From this "new start” the (9) anavatthappa (K 4, 3=Țhān 162b)--adj. to anavatthayā—distinguishes itself in that the offender has to temporize for an interim till the act of consecration can be once more performed on him Since during this interim, acc. to the comm., fastings have to be exercised, it may be assumed that it is limited according to the case However, the offender can be re-consecrated only when, in the meantime, he has conducted himself like a layman (as opposed to a profane person), provided that the gana he is to belong to categorically asks for it (Vav 2, 18f, 22) The same applies (Vav 2, 20f 23) to the (10) pāranciya (K 4, 2=Thān 162b, an abstract subst. is missing) 1 He is excluded from the community of the monks, and no reference is made as to his being re-admitted Yet his readmittance is possible, as we learn from those Sūtras. But we have to consider that it is not offences but qualities of character that make a pāranciya he is bad, frivolous or of a homosexual disposition (anna-m-annam karemāne). That is why in praxi his classification as a par comes up to his permanent exclusion, all the more since his subsequent conduct as a layman does not necessarily imply his re-consecration.
$163 The samgha is constituted not only by monks and nuns but by laymen and lay women as well ( § 137). The latter two are called samanovāsaga and -sıyā, abbreviated uddsaga and -siyā Other names are sāvaga and sāryā (along with the preceding pair Āyār II 92, V1y 221b), saddha (e.g Āyār. II 69, 15; 75, 22) and gzhi (e g Vav 2, 18-23). The sāgāriya which in itself means the same (Vav. 4, 18f; 9, 1-30 sāriya) is the host ( § 147), the gāratthrya and the gāratthini are complete strangers to the community of true believers by whom
I Ip Chp 174 262 ff the gth and roth form are comprised as anupatthavaga and pāranciga under (9) þarıhāra (comp also Mülāc. 5, 165) Here the saddahanā leading through nindana and garahana (comp $ 160) to the sammalta, e to righteousness, is considered as the roth form of the pāyacchitta.

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they are even avoided ( § 148). An expression for the layman taken from the ethics ( $ 168) is desa-viraya, i.e. "he who observes but part of the main regulations" (Bhattap. 29, 34; Āurap. 7; Caus. 57) as opposed to the savva-v., the monk.
Thān. 242b says that a layman may wave to and fro like a flag, that he may either offer resistance like a picket or else be provocative like a thorn-bush (khara-kantaya), while on the other hand he may reflect the picture like a mirror. All this certainly goes back to his attitudes taken towards the wishes or the instructions on the part of either the monk or the nun. He is bound to grant them shelter, food, equipment and, in certain cases, to nurse them (comp. Uvās. 58 where, at the same time, it is emphasized that monks and nuns should obscrve a reserved attitude towards heretics and profane persons), and this certainly explains why, in the passage quoted, he is compared with father and mother, brother, friend or wife (savatli). For the hospitable welcome of a monk comp. Vivāgas. 2, 1. The moral value of giving alms is demonstrated by Viy. 289a, 373a. Nothing, however, is said in the Canon regarding the services rendered by a layman for the general welfare, i.e. nothing regarding the foundation of local meetingand rest-houscs resembling the dharma-śālā and upāśraya of our days, let alone temples or Jına statues ( § 25). The scene of instruction—as a return made by the monks (Viy 141a), though also laymen among themselves ask for it (Viy 550a)is represented by the cerya. The layman approaches the teacher in simple clothing without having anything on him containing life, and he does so with concentration and with his hands uplifted for the anjalı from the moment he comes in sight of the teacher (Viy 137a, Uvav. 54).
The morality of the layman is involved in his vows to be treated in § 170. Horizontally expanded as it were, these obligations are projected into the vertical by the ladder of the the 11 uvāsaga-padımā (Dasā 6, Samay 19a) 2 1. damsana
1. The words samanorāsayassa samanorāsae (-ovassae) acchamānassa Vay. 2886 367as
58b 367a seem to speak of a layman who is staying at his own house.
2 See also HOERNLE Uvās footnotc 127, for which comp the
comm. vol I, p. 27ff.

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DOCTRINE OF THE JAINAS sāvaga is one who approves of the regulations for laymen in theory without having realized them in praxis yet. This having been done on the 2nd step, the layman is a kaya-upayakamma, 2 though he does not yet practise the sāmāya (acc. to Dasā 6 II also the desavagāsiya) to its full extent. On the 3rd step he is sāmārya-kada, but he still lacks the posahovavāsa. The (4th) pos -nıraya, on the other hand, neglects the ega-rālyā uvāsagapadımā Apart from various externals the latter is chiefly characterized by the observance of sexual moderation according to which the layman is called (5th) diyā bambhāyārī rattim parımānakada. In this state of life he remains from 1-3 days upto 5 months 3 On the 6th step he is continent even at night up to 6 months Also with the further padımā their longest duration in months corresponds with their numbering. On the 7th step he starts with renouncing any food containing life (sacitt’āhāra), on the 8th and 9th he altogether ceases doing harm to living beings by either his own or foreign actions (ārambha and pess’ārambha), and on the 10th he gives up any diet ready for him (uddittha-bhatta, § 154). Here, moreover, the layman's head is clean-shaven except for a lock of hair (khuramundaga chihāli-dhāraga). When being asked questions he must speak the truth by saying frankly whether he is able to answer or not (kappantı duve bhāsão bhāsittae, jahā jānam "jānam", azānam vā "no jānam" o By this we find ourselves in the very centre of the monastic ethics to which the preceding padımā came conspicuously close already, and it is small wonder that on the 11th step equals the monk for as many months (samaņa-bhūya). The only
I In the description Dasā (tassa nam bahüm silavvaya-guna-octamarapaccakkhāna-posahovavāsārm no sammampatthaviya-puovāım bhavanti) the anuvvaya are missing, but comp Abhay Samay 19b
2 These and the following word only Samy
3. Abhayadeva lists (Samay 20b) ao a scquence wherein the 5th padimă renounces eating in the dark and the following range in the order of 7, 5, 6, while 8 und 9 go together as one p.
4 Act to the Tıkā ābhattha and samābh = (sam jābhāşta. They accordingly belong to PISCHEL $ 564
5 =jārāmi, Thus and more such forms were registered from archaic Ms (the Vasudeva-hındı) by ALSDORF BSOS 8 (1936), p. 321.
6. Comp also HOERNLE loc. cit

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difference is that he still acknowledges relatives and close relations, and that on his round for alms he is allowed to call on them (nāya-vihim er) though he has to observe the regulation forbidding him to accept food prepared in advance--we hear of caulôdaña and bhilanga-sūva. In any case, however, when asking for something he is bound to introduce himself as a layman.
The texts (comp. Uvās. 71 and others) are anxious to make it appear credible that a layman performs the 11 padımā one after the other. But this, certainly, is not meant, whereas the idea rather implies partly a gradation of a more theoretical kind and partly the opportunity of making a selection. On step 1-4, as we have seen, the layman does not yet fully comply with the demands, and if Ānanda (loc. cit) after 14 years of laymanship would charge himself with all p. he would have to re-descend to their lower grades.
$164. The ancient sources fail to provide us with details concerning this temporary monastic life, and only K. 2, 13 in speaking of pārihārıya sāgāriya can be taken as doing so à In case this does not hit the point, 1 e. If the word sāgāriya rather refers to the layman leading a normal life, then even such a one would be subject to disciplinary measures. This would correspond with the statements made in the Saddhajīyakappa (141 G) of Dharmaghosa (13th century), a later counterpart3 to the above mentioned Jiyakappa. Since (in spite of Thān. 240a) there is, at least in the strict acceptation of the word, no "seniority” for a layman he can be punished only by restrictions imposed upon his food. These punishments extend from the nivvigar up to the atthama bhatta. A layman can make himself guilty either by acting contrary to his vows or by not observing the regulations concerning the condition and the acceptance of the alms. Confession (āloyaņā) takes place in the middle of every month, but we also know of cori esponding
I Comp also HOERNLE loc cit.
The German and English translations rendered by the AUTHOR are in any case wrong
3 WEBER, Verz. II, 881f

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DOCTRINE OF THE JAINAS ceremonies taking place every four months and every year (Saddhaj. 10), whereas acc. to the older Saddhadinakicca of Devendrai confession is made cvcry evening (stanza 233). Acc. to Saddhaj 12 the layman chooses a confessor from among the āyarıya, uvajghāya or pavatli, and they are replaced by others in a way similar to that set down by Vay 1, 34 for the monk, though here the sammam-bhāvija is called paccha-lada, and corresponding to the changed times the last instances next to the Siddhas arc the figures of the Titthagaras (devajā-badımā). A Saddhapadikkamana-Sutta of 50 G2 reflects the act of confession of a layman. Among the āvassaya this act is referred to by Sāmāıya and Padıkkamana rendering it in a separate version. As long as thc layman practices the sāmâiya Saddhad. 231 expects him to be respected cqual to the monk,
$165. As indicated by the Uvās reporting on Ananda it certainly happened more often than not that by practising the eleventh monastic mode of life the layman also came to practise the monastic mode of death, since the monk no less than the layman can form and carry out the resolution of ending thcir lives by fasting themselves to death. For the true believer this is the only possible kind of suicide3 unrescrvedly acknowledged and even recommended, and that is why in thc way of a feeling of sympathy (ārāhanā, comnonly "loyalty") it is added (as samlehanā, sallehanā) to the solemn act of a layman taking the oath of allegiance ($ 170). This subject is treated in a study delivered by K v. KAMPTZ4 on which in the inain the following is based Theory (Viy. 118a; 624a, Thān. 93b; 175a, Āuiap ) distinguishes between a fool's (bāla) way of dying and a wise man's (pandiya) manner of dcath by adding a third category in between. All those untouched by Mahāvīra's teaching or disregarding his postulations dic the fool's
i Srāddhadınakrtya aur Ātmanındā bhāvanā the latter (in Hındı). Benares 1876
2. WEBER, Verz 883 ff
3 The natural manners of death (visumbhar) are discussed in K. 4, 24, Vay 2, 26, 4, If , 5, if , 7, 17
4 Comp P 75
5 For the discrimination made also with the ririya sce Viy 63b and for that made with the personality in general sce Viy gob, 102a

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289 death, whereas the semi-wise death (bāla-p.) comes to the layman who is "befallen by him unexpectedly and suddenly, without ány preceding fasting, but after having confessed and on a death-bed recognized as such.". In the description (Viy. 118a; Thān. 93b; Nis. 11, 92) the execution mixes with the motives among which we find the desire for post-existence (with the niyāna- or tabbhava-marana) or, provided we do not misinterprct them, weariness and incapability (with the odlayaand vas'atta-m.). In all cases we are, of course, concerned with voluntary dying. It is unconditionally disapproved of by Mahāvira when executed in the form of putting an end to one's life by drowning, burning, poisoning oneself, by using a weapon or by hurling oneself down a precipice, whereas in certain cases he is not blamed (käranena appadikuţtha) who hangs himself or allows himself to be lacerated by vultures, i.e. who dies the vehānasa- or giddha-pattha2 -marana. There is reason to assume that such a tolerant attitude is explicable only by the idea that the latter kind of suicide does not injure earth, water, and firebeings by his fall. Over against this the suicide of the sage (pandıya-m.) is the result of a fasting which as a lifelong fasting (āvakahıya) pertains to the system ($ 178). There are two different kinds bhatta-paccakkhāna3 and pāõvagamana with subdivisions for either kind. The renunciation of food expressed by the first word equally applies to the second, and the aim expressed by the second equally applies to the first. The difference consists in maintaining a posture without moving, and that is why, at least among the Svetāmbaras, there has been since long the tendency of a wrong" derivation from pādapa. This tendency may have been encouraged by the role which the tree is known to play in Indian religion in general and in both the Buddhist and Jain teaching (§ 18) in particular. Occasionally (Samav, 33a, Utt 5, 32, and others) a third category is placed between the two mentioned above, the engini-marana, which
V KAMPTZ, loc. at p 15. 2 Preferably=grdhra-sprşfá in the sense of g -bhukla (loc cit p 16). & Vay 650 a appears to refer to a recidivous bhaila-paccakkhāyaga, 4. LEUMANN, Aup.

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DOCTRINE OF THE JAIN. allows of a limited freedom to move, and after all it is pr' - these three that are described by Āyār. 38, 20 leaving of technical names. The actions serying for the preparati been represented by v. KAMPTZ on the authority of th We here but talk of the act of confession, the aton publicly confessed offences and the new subjection to or smaller vows, the solemn renunciation of the thr the solid food, the taking of a soft laxative drink (s! and the renunciation of the fourfold food, i.e. lig . well. The diffierent acts are performed in the prel community fellowship attending in an attitudes attention and accompanied by a sermon (anusatth.. by the Guru. Gn the whole this corresponds with tion of Khandaga's death-fasting supplied by V) . may be concluded from the expressions ma and kāla-māsa, death is expected to come in the month. The corpse is cremated, as was the rulei. II 1, 15; Isıbhās. 20 end) and as is equally saiof the Titthagaras.
RNAL, A QUARTERLY, ON JAINOLOGY 25, KALAKAR STREET, CALCUTTA-700 007 er of Newspapers for india under the No. R. N. 12121/66
1 HOERNLE, Uvas footnote 161. The equally applied for the death of profane persons (c. 131a) though probably only out of babit.
.

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301
Kula says साहसस्य निर्माण निर्मितिसाधनम् , अमित्रेषु दृश्यमानायाः म्याः संकेतगृहमभिसारस्थानं, संहितरोषस्यालानं बन्धस्तम्भमिव, भुजदर्पस्य द्वितीय म् । तदीयभुनदर्पस्य एको लक्ष्यः शत्रुः द्वितीयश्चापः, तेनोभयोरशक्ययोरपि नाम्यमानत्वात् , एवंभूतं चापं गृह्णाति .
18. K and Muda read धरणितलोत्स्थ ल for dharani - alaala (धरणितलस्थल) found in R. For the reading उत्स्थ ल thala) cf, 8.9. .
K says आक्रान्तस्य आरोपणार्थमाक्रान्तस्य भुवि प्रतिष्ठापितकोटेः धनुषो ण गौरवेण अवनते धरणितले उत्स्थल लुठितः स्थलमुल्लङ्घय प्रचलितः प्राग्भारः जलसमूहः यस्य स तथाभूत उदधिः चापे स्तोकमपि अनारूढे रोपिते सनि संशयमारूढः अस्ति नास्तीति संशयं प्राप्तः .
MY and Muda say अनारूढे अनाततज्ये .
Kula seems to read उत्स्थ ल (उच्छलत्), like K. He says रोपणार्थमाक्रान्तस्य धनुषो भरेण अवनतधरणितलत्वात् उच्छलन् उल्लञ्चिततलः प्रागभारः जलोच्छ्रायः यस्य स उदधिः . Hemacandra 4.174 gives hallai उच्छलति .
Muda explains palotta as
प्रत्यागत .
20. K, Muda, [MY and Kula (2) read भिद्यते for izjau fuarai (B). K, Muda, Kula and MY read agafa r nasau नश्यतु (R). K and Muda read स्फुटं (phudam) r mane (R and Kula) मनसि or मन्ये , 5.39

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सूत्रधार ‘मंडन' विरचित प्रासाद्ध मंडन (देवालय निर्माण शास्त्र) हिन्दी स'नुवाद ! MLA HOM EMER 1JGm - - CERIO DAY CASTRA अनुवादक और सम्पादक / पं० भगवानदास जैन प्रकाशक : बी. एस. शर्मा B. Sc. विशारद जयपुर सिटी 25) मूल्य सोलह रुपया - वि० सं० 2020] [ इस्वी सन् 1663