Indian Antiquary Vol 59

Author(s): Richard Carnac Temple, Charles E A W Oldham, S Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Devadatta Ramkrishna Bhandarka
Publisher: Swati Publications
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/032551/1

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY A JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH IN ARCHAEOLOGY, EPIGRAPHY, ETHNOLOGY, GEOGRAPHY, HISTORY, FOLKLORE, LANGUAGES LITERATURE, NUMISMATICS, PHILOSOPHY, RELIGION, Etc., Etc., EDITED BY SIR RICHARD CARNAC TEMPLE, Bt. C.B., C.I.E., F.B.A., F.S.A., HON. FELLOW, TRIN. HALL, CAMBRIDGE, FORMERLY LIEUTENANT-COLONEL, INDIAN ARMY CHARLES E. A. W. OLDHAM, C.S.I., FORMERLY OF THE INDIAN CIVIL SERVICE, RAO BAHADUR DR. S. KRISHNASWAMI AIYANGAR, M.A., (HONY.) PH.D., F.A.S.B., HONORARY CORRESPONDENT, ARCHAEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA, AND PROF. DEVADATTA RAMKRISHNA BHANDARKAR, M.A., VOL. LIX.-1930. Swati Publication Delhi 1986

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Published by Swati Publications, 34, Central Market, Ashok Vihar, Delhi-110052 Ph. 7113395 and Printed by S.K. Mehra at Mehra Offset Press, Delhi.

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CONTENTS. - AIYANGAR, Psor. Rao BAHADUR, 8. K. M.A. (HONY.), P.D.Mahabharata .. . .. .. .. 167 The Pandyan Kingdom, by K. A. Nilakanta Sastri .. .. .. .. .. .. 188 ALI, A. YUSUFA history of Arabian Musio to the Thirteenth Contury, by H. G. Farmer .. .. AYYAR, L. V. RAMASWAMI, M.A., B.L. TAXIL Arit (RIOR) AND GREEK Oruson .. TE VELAR ASPIRATE D DRAVIDIAN .. DRAVIDIO MISCELLANY.. BIREN BONNERJEA, D.LITT. (PARIS) TO SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LOTS OF THE SANTILS TROX VARIOUS BOUBOES .. 67, 88, 95 CHINTAHARAN CHAKRAVARTI, M.A.BEGAL'S CONTRIBUTION TO PHILOSOPHICAL LITERATURE IN SANSKRIT .. .. .. 23 OODRINGTON, K. DE B. ANCIENT SITES NEAR ELLORA, DHOOAN .. 10 TED CULTURE OF MEDIEVAL INDIA MS ILLUS TRATED BY THE AJANTA FRESCOM. 169, 169 Double Ring Rafting .. .. 120 OOTTON, SIB EVAN, C.I.E. Foreign Biographies of Shivaji: by Dr. Su rondra Nath Sen, B.Litt. (Oxon.), M.A., Ph.D. (Cal.) .. .. .. .. .. DE, DR. 8. K ON TE TOT OF THE MAKIVERACARITA .. DEWHURST, R. P.Palakt-i-Shirwant, His Times, Life and Works, by Hadi Hasan .. . FRANOKE, Psor, A. H., PE.D. NOTES ON KHOTAN AND LADAKK .. 41, 65 GREENE, LILY DEXTER, PE.D.NATURE STUDY IN THE SANSKRIT POEM MEGHADITA .. .. .. .. 114, 131 HALDER, R. R.NIBON INSCRIPTION OF TAINABHATA OY Vix LAMA SAIVAT 887 .. .. .. .. 21 CHITOR AND ITS Sisoms ... 163, 235 HARIHAR DAS, B.LITT. (Oxon.). F.R. HIST. S.RUSTAMJE MINAK: A NOTABLE PAR BRO KEB .. .. .. .. .. 106, 136 HERAS, TEE Rev. H., S.J. TH PORTUGUESE FORT OF BARCELOB .. 182 HILL, 8. CHARLES, THE LATEORION OF THE CASTE SYSTEM IN INDIA 81, 72, 81, 196 JARL OHARPENTIER, PROF., Ph.D., UPSALASoms REMARES ON THE BHAGAVADOPTA 46, 77; 101, 121 PODARI .. .. .. . . .. .. 141 JARL OHARPENTIER, PROY., PH.D., UPSALA cond. The Bhagavadgita Translated from the Sans krit with an Introduction, an Argument and a Commentary by W. Douglas P. Hill. 19 Panjab University Oriental Publications. The Saundarananda of Afvaghoga. Oriti. cally edited with Notes by E. H. Johnston. 39 Gesetzbuch und Purdpa, by J.J. Meyer Les Chanta Mystiques de Kanha et de Saraha, by M. Shahidullah .. .. .. .. Die Rama-Sage bei der Malaien, ihre Her. kunft und Gestattung .. The Mim Athal Nyhya Prakasa or Apadevl. by Franklin Edgerton .. .. .. Du Kumarapalapratibodha... .. .. Indian Studio in Honor of Charles Rockwell Lanman .. JAYASWAL, K. P. M.A.- . Notes on Aboka's Inscriptions KAMTA PRASAD JAIN, M.R.A.S. A FURTHER NOTE ON THE SVETIMBARA DIGAMBABA SEOTS .. .. .. KESAVA PRASAD MISRA DR. KEITH ON APABHRAMA .. M. J. B. Djawa .. .. .. .. .. MUDALIAR O. RASANAYAGAM - TE ORIGIN OF THE PALLAVAS .. NALINI NATH DAS GUPTA, M.A.The Meaning of Bhavabhapa-santati and tho Identifloation of Apara-MandAra in the Ramacarita of Sandhyakara Nandi .. 244 OLDHAM, O. E. A. W. SIDI 'ALI SKELEBE IN INDIA, 1554-1556 219, 239 Bulletin de L'Ecole Francaise d'Extreme Orient .. .. .. .. .. 38 Vodische Mythologie, von Alfred Hillebrandt. 55 Bibliotheque dos Geographes Arabes 65 Mo-ha-chan-p'o .. .. .. .. Annual Bibliography of Indian Archaeology for the year 1927 .. .. .. .. The Chronicles of the East India Company Trading to China, 1636-1834, by H. B. Morse, LL.D. . .. .. .. 76 The Porsonality of Muhammad the Prophet, by A. Yusuf Ali, O.B.E. .. .. .. 93 The Inscriptions of Nagai, Hyderabad Arhaeological Series. Annual Report of the Archeological Department of H. E. H. the Nizam's Dominions for the year 1926 Annual Report of the Mysore Archeological Department for the year 1928 .. . 93 A Study in the Economic Condition of An. cient India, by Dr. Pran Nath, D.Sc., Ph.D. 93

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CONTENTS OLDHAM, C. E. A. W.conut. RICHARDS, F. J., M.A., INDIAN CIVIL SER. T'ho Origin of Saivism and its History in VICE. (Retired.) the Tamil Land, by K. R. Subramanian, PERIODS IN INDIAN HISTORY.. .. 33, 61, 84 M.A. .. .. RACE DRIFT IN SOUTH INDIA . 211, 229 A History of Mughal North-East Frontier South Indian Inscriptions, vol. III, Part IV, Policy, by Sudhindra Nath Bhattacharyya, by Rao Bahadur H. Krishna Sastri 39 M.A. .. .. .. .. .. 118 The Dolmens of the Pulney Hills, by the Rev. The Agrarian System of Moslem India, by A. Anglade, S.J., and the Rev. L. V W. H. Moreland, C.S.I., C.I.E. .. .. 119 Newton, S.J. .. .. .. .. .. 55 Ceylon Journal of Science, Section G. Archae SASHIBHUSHAN CHAUDHURI, M.A. ology, Ethnology, etc., by A. M. Hocart. THE NINE DVIPAS OF BERATAVARRA 204, 224 Epigraphia Zeylanica, by H. W. Codring. SATINDRA KUMAR MUKHERJEE, M.A.ton and S. Paranavitana .. .. .. 147 SAMKABA ON THE CONDITIONS OF KNOWLEDGE 173 Memoirs of the Archaological Survey of SRINIVASACHARI, C. S. India, No. 41, by Rai Bahadur Rampra Tamil Lexicon .. .. 189 sad Chanda, B.A. .. .. .. .. 148 Beginnings of Vijayanagara History, by the TEMPLE, SIR RICHARD O., BT., O.B., O.I.E., Rev. H. Heras, S.J., M.A. .. .. .. 168 F.B.A., F.S.A.- . At Ajanta, by Kanaiyalal Vakil, B.A., LL.B. 190 REMARKS ON THE ANDAMAN ISLANDERS AND Archeological Survey of India : Annual Re. THEIR COUNTRY. (Supp.) . . . 49, 57, 65 port for the year 1925-26. Memoirs of the THE SCATTERGOODS AND THE EAST INDIA Archaeological Survey of India, No. 35, by COMPANY, A COLLECTION OF MSS. BY H. Hargreaves . . . 209 BERNARD P. SCATTERGOOD, M.A., F.S.A. Buddhist Sculptures from a stupe near Goli (Supp.) .. .. .. 33, 41, 51, 59, 67 Village, Guntur District, by T. N. Rama. Tas MYSTERY AND MENTAL ATMOSPHERE. chandran, M.A. .. .. .. .. 226 (Supp.) .. .. .. .. .. 1,9 History of Pre-Musalman India, vol. I. Pro. historic India, by V. Rangacharya, M.A.. 228 SCRAPS Or TIBETO-BUBMAN FOLKLORE .. 184 Change in the course of the Son River .. 246 NOTES ON CHIAMAY (The Mysterious Lake of PANDIT ANAND KOUL (PRESIDENT, SRINA the Far East) .. .. .. .. .. 241 GAR MUNICIPALITY. (Retired.) - Folktales of the Land of Ind, by M.N. Ven. A LIFE OF NAND Righ . .. kataswami.. .. ... . .. 40 SOME ADDITIONS TO THE LALLA-VARYANI Ancient Jaffna to the Portuguese Period, by (The Wise Sayings of Lal Ded) 108, 127 Mudaliyar C. Ramanayagam, Ceylon Civil PANDIT BISHESHWARNATH REU Service . . . . . . . . . 190 FALSE STATEMENTS ABOUT KING JAYACHAN. Fallacios and their Classification according to DRA AND RAO SIH .. the Early Hindu Logicians, by Stephen P. ANUJAN ACHAN, STATE ARCHAEOLOGIST Stasink .. .. .. .. .. 210 COCHIN The Khizri Script .. .. .. .. 248 A HEBREW INSCRIPTION FROM CHENNAMAN. TUCOI, PROF. GIUSEPPE, PE.D. DALAM BH MAHA AND DINNGA PRADHAN, DR. S. N., M.Sc., Ph.D., BRIHAS. .. .. .. V. R. R. DIKSHITARPATI THE SITE OF THE RIGVEDIC BATTLE BETWEEN The Maratha Rajas of Tanjore, by K. R. DrvoDISA AND SAMBARA .. .. .. 191 Subramanian, M.A. .. .. .. .. 167 R. E. E. WALSH, E. H. C., O.S.I. Medieval India, by Upendra Nath Ball, M.A. 190 Une Grammaire Tibetaine du Tibetain Hindu Administrative Institutions, by V. R. Classique. Los Slokas Grammaticaux de Ramachandra Dikshitar, M.A. .. .. 227 ! Thonmi Sambhote, by Jaoques Bacot. 118 MISCELLANEA. Notow on Adoka's Inscriptions, by K. P. Jayawal, M.A. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 18 Mo-ha-chan-p'o, by C. E. A. W. Oldham, Joint-Editor .. .. .. .. 75 The Meaning of Bhavabhusana-santati and the Identification of Apara-Mandara in the Ramacarita of Sandhyakara Nandi, by Nalini Nath Dm Gupta, M.A. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 244

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CONTENTS :::: BOOK-NOTICES. The Bhagavadgita, Translated from the Sanskrit with an Introduotion, an Argument and a Commentary by W. Douglas P. Hill, by Jari Charpentier .. .. .. . .. . 19 Falaki-i-Shirwani, His Times, Life and Works, by Hadi Hasan, by R. P. Dewhurst Bulletin de L'Ecole Francaise d'Extreme Orient, by C. E. A. W. Oldham Panjab Univorsity Oriental Publications. The Saundarananda of Asvaghoa. Oritically edited with Notes by E. H. Johnston, by Jarl Oharpentier .. . .. South-Indian Inscriptions, vol. III, Part IV, by Rao Bahadur H. Krishna Sastri, by F.J. Richards .. Gesetzbuch und Purana, by J. J. Meyer, by Jarl Cherpentier Folktales of the Land of Ind. by M.N. Venkataswami, by Sir R. O. Temple, Bt. Les Chants Mystiques de Kapha et de Saraha, by M. Shahidullah, by Jarl Charpentier .. .. Vedische Mythologie, von Alfred Hillebrandt, by C. E. A. W.O. .. .. .. .. .. .. 55 The Dolmens of the Pulney Hillo, by the Rev. A. Anglade, S.J., and the Rev. L. V. Newton, 8.J., by J. Richarde Bibliotheque des Geographes Arabes, by C. E. A. W. Oldham .. .. .. .. .. Die Rama-Sage bei der Malaien, ihre Herkunft und Gestattung, by Jarl Charpentier . .. Djawa, by M. J. B. .. .. .. . .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Annual Bibliography of Indian Archeology for the year 1927, by O. E. A. W. Oldham .. A History of Arabian Music to the Thirteenth Century, by H. G. Farmer, by A. Yusuf Ali The Chronicles of the East India Company Trading to China, 1638-1884, by H.B. Morae, LL.D., by O. E. A. W. Oldham .. .. The Personality of Muhammad the Prophet, by A. Yusuf Ali, C.B.E., by C. E. A. W. Oldham .. The Inscriptions of Nayai, Hyderabad Archaeological Seriee. Annual Report of the Archeological Department of H. E. H. the Nizam's Dominions for the year 1926-27, by O. E. A. W. Oldham Annual Report of the Mysore Archeological Department for the year 1928, by C. E. A. W. Oldham .. A Study in the Economic Condition of Ancient India, by Dr. Pran Nath, D.Sc., Ph.D., by C. E. A. W. Oldham .. The Origin of Saivism and its History in the Tamil Land, by K. R. Subramanian, M.A., by O. E. A. W. Oldham .. A History of Mughal North-East Frontier Policy, by Sudhindra Nath Bhattacharyya, M.A., by O. E. A. W. Oldham ... Une Grammairo Tibetaine du Tibetain Classique. Les Slokas Grammaticaux de Thonmi Sambhota, by Jacques Bacot, by E. L. C. Walsh, 0.8.I. .. .. .. .. 118 The Agrarian System of Moslem India: by W. H. Moreland, 0.8.I., O.I.E., by C. E. A. W.0... .. 119 The Mimamga Nya ya Prakasa or Apadovi, by Franklin Edgerton, by Jarl Charpentier .. .. .. 119 Djawa, by J. M. B. .. . .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 120 Ceylon Journal of Science, Section G. Archology, Ethnology, etc., by A. M. Hooart. Epigraphia Zeyla nica, by H. W. Codrington and S. Paranavitana, by O. E. A. W.o. .. .. .. .. .. 147 Du Kumarapalapratibodha, by Jarl Charpentier .. .. .. .. .. .. .. . . 147 Memoirs of the Archeological Survey of India, No. 41, by Rai Bahadur Ramprasad Chanda, B.A.. by O. E. A. W.0. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 148 Mahabharata, by S. K. Aiyangar .. .. .. .. .. The Maratha Rajas of Tanjore, by K R. Subramanian, M.A., by V. R. R. Dikshitar. . . . . . Beginnings of Vijayanagara History, by the Rev. H. Heras, 8.J., M.A., by O. E. A.W.O. .. .. 163 The Pandyan Kingdom, by K. A. Nilakanta Sastri, by S. K. Aiyangar. .. .. .. Tamil Lexicon, by C. S. Srinivasachari .. Ancient Jaffna to the Portuguese Period, by Mudaliar C. Ramanayagam, Ceylon Civil Service, by Sir R. O. Temple.. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 190 At Ajanta, by Kanaiyalal Vakil, B.A., LL.B., by C. E. A. W.O. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 190 Medieval India, by Upendra Nath Ball, M.A., by R. E. E. .. . .. .. .. . .. .. .. .. .. 190 Archeologioal Survey of India : Annual Report for the year 1920-26. Memoirs of the Archaeological Survey of India, No. 35, by H. Hargreaves, by O. E. A. W. Oldham .. .. Indian Studies in Honor of Charles Rockwell Lanman, by Jarl Charpentier .. .. .. .. 209 Fallacies and their classification according to the Early Hindu Logicians by Stephen Stasink, by Sir R. O. Temple .. .. .. .. .. Buddhist Soulptures from a Stupa near Goli Village, Guntur District, by T. N. Ramachandran, M.A.. by O. E. A.W.O. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 226 Hindu Administrative Institutions, by V. R. Ramachandra Dikshitar, M.A., by R E. E. .. .. 227 History of Pre-Musalman India, vol. I. Pre-historic India, by V. Rangacharya, M.A., by O. E. A.W.O... 223 Foreign Biographies of Shivaji : by Dr. Surendra Nath Sen, B.Litt. (Oxon.), M.A., Ph.D. (Cal.), by Sir Evan Cotton, C.I.E... .. 118

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CONTENTS NOTES AND QUERIES. Double Ring Hatting, by K. de B. Codrington Change in the Course of the Son River, by O. E. A. W.0... .. The Khizri Soript, by Sir R. O. Temple .. .. .. .. .. .. 120 - 246 .. 246 .. .. .. .. SUPPLEMENTS. Remarks on the Andaman Lalanders and their country (with seven platea), by Sir Richard O. Templo, Bt. C.B., O.L.E., F.8.A. " .. .. 40, 67, 68 VARhe Ramard. P. Bonttorgood, M.A. The Scattergoods and the East India Company, a collection of M88. by Bernard P. Bonttorgood, M.A.. 7.8.A., edited by Sir Richard O. Temple, Bt., C.B., O.L.E., F.8.A. .. .. .. 39, 41, 61, 69, 67 The Mystery and Mental Atmosphoro, by Bir Richard O. Templo, Bt., O.B., O.L.E., F.S.A. .. .. 1,9 to face p. 10 to face D. 21 to face D. 48 to face p. 60 to face p. 135 MAPS AND PLATES. Ono Plato: Slotoh Map of the North-Western Decoen -Western Deconn .. .. .. .. .. One Plate : Naon Inscription of Isknabhata, V. 8. 887 .. .. .. .. .. One Plate : Indian Characters on Olay Tablets from Lah containing yo-dharma formula Plate 1 : The Anda: man Islands, showing Tribal Territories .. Plate ? : Map of the Earthquake line in the Andaman Ses . Plato 3 The Three Divisions of the Andamanece by Territories .. Plate 4 : Andaman Islands : Conaus Tours, January and February 1901 .. . Plate 8 : Andaman Group: Hills and Harbours .. .. .. .. Plate 8 : Andaman Islands : illustrating Journeys of Mentrs. Vous and Rogers Plate 7 : Map of Rain-gauge stations in the Penal Settlement, Port Blair . One Plato: Skotoh Map showing Scattergood's route from Indahan to Bandar 'Abbla .. Plate A Hebrew Insoription of 1269 A.D. from Chennamangalam .. .. .. Plato : Culture of Medieval India-A. Costumo. B. Textiles O. Ships and Boata. D. Horse Furniture. E. Arms. F. Pottery and Metal Work .. .. Plate * The Fort of Barcalor. From Faria y Souna's Ania Portuguna (1074), vol. II Plate I Fig. 1. 8. India, orographical .. Fig. 2. Census Divisions . .. Plate II Fig. 3. Drift Ourrents .. Fig. 4. Density .. .. Fig. 6. Kistna-Godavari Plains .. Fig. 6. N. Kerala, density " Fig. 7. 8. Korala .. .. .. Plate : Fig. 8. N. Circars, density.. in (Fig. 9. Tamil Plains, density .. Fig. 10. Kongu Fig. 11. BAramahal Plate IV : Fig. 12. Rashtrakata Inscriptions.. Fig. 13. Hoysala Inscriptions .. Plate V : Fig. 14. Tottiya 3 .. .. .. 22 Fig. 16. Kammu .. .. .. to face p. 160 to face p. 182 to face p. 214 to face p. 216 :::::::::::::: :::::::::::::: :::::::::::: to face p. 218 to face p. 229 :

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY A JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH. VOLUME LIX-1930 DR. KEITH ON APABHRASA. BY KESAVA PRASAD MISRA. A PROLIFID and voluminous writer as Dr. Keith is known to be, he may well be called the Hemacandra of Sootland. No branch of Sanskrit literature has escaped his untiring and overbusy pen and no topic contained in the Vedas down to the Vetala-poncavimfatika has been denied appreciation, of course in the language and style so peouliar to him. Of his latest achievement, History of Sanskrit Literature, he has devoted the first part to the investigation of the languages, and just like his great predecessor, he has written on the Apabhraisa language also In his verdiot on Apabhramsa he has mainly touched on two points: firstly, that the scheme constructed by Sir G. Grierson for the derivation of modern vernaculars from the various looal Apabhrarbas is merely a theoretioal scheme and will not stand investigation, for the evidence of texts and even of the literature proves clearly that Apabhramsa has a different signification, and secondly, that the essential fact regarding Apabhramsa is that it is the collective term employed to denote literary languages, not Sanskrit or Prakrit, and that Apa bhramsa is a quite different thing from what is known as the vernacular ( TCT). Relying on the authority of Dandin he has laid special stress on the term Apabhramsa being applied to the idioms of Abhiras, etc., appearing in poetry, for it were they who infused into Prakpit a measure of their own vernacular and sought to create & literature of their own by producing Apabhramsa and spreading it along with their civilization as a literary language from the Panjab to Bihar. As regards the first point it can safely be admitted that unless and until sufficient materials are at hand, it would be rather risky to support the view of Sir G. Grierson. But his hypothesis is sure to gain ground at last, for the reasons so far furnished and materials se tar supplied by scholars seem quite favourable to it. Dr. Keith has, however, modified his sweeping remarks against the hypothetical scheme py adrhitting a considerable amount of resemblance to Apabhrathia in old Gujarats, but denying the same in other cases. But it would not be out of place here if I present some substantial matter in support of the hypothesis so summarily dismissed by Keith, which every student of philology also will I am sure, have some hesitation in explaining away with any show of cogenoy. The langnage which I speak at home is a patois of the so-called Eastern Hindi, assumed by Grierson to have boon derived from Ardham&gadhf Apabhramsa, and is one spoken in and around Benares. I propoee now to convert some of the Apabhramsa verses cited as examples in the Apabhramsa section of the Prakfit Grammar by Hemacandra into the patois and to point out some Ardhamagadhi traits in the conversion. This, I hope, will go a long way towards convincing my readers of the soundness of the scheme under discussion, and will plainly show that Apabhramsa elements are not only to be found in those western languages alone, wbich Keith has been at pains to connect somehow or other with Abhiras, but in the eastern languages also, and that Apabhramba was so popularly used for some time that ita traits are still noticeable in its offshoots dipahA mAnta jhaDappaDahiM paDahi mamoraha pcchi| maMpacchaha taM mAviSada hosai karata ma pacchi // 5 // frat (For the use of fase fua *77* ; fremuri TAafrais ) ard 17984 Tot air er 779 (cf. *TIT . CY) TT (From Skt. V

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ JANUARY, 1930 to exist, apacayA,of. maggahiM nihiMvi pahA Ibid. 25) tavana mAnava, ho karata mata (Skt. mA tAvana) raha (cf. murasAra siramaha rahA (prAkRta piMganna 111). N.B.-Wherever I have used words in the conversion not derived from those in the text, I have reforred to their original sources, of course in the Apabhramsa language, santA bhoga ju pariharai tasu kantaho bani kIsu / tamu daIyAvi muNDipa jasu khalihaDauM sIsu // 6 // pAusa (of. agara vyA. 5) bhoga je chor3aba (et. vAha vichoni Tbid. t0) kannAkAja [ kayana] jAvaM (et. bali kijau muaNamma Til. 13) lekara (of. jamukaMga ikAraDaeM Ibid. 131) devaba [se mana jekara (la. 138) khAi siis| putaM jAeM kyaNu guNu pavaguNu kapaNu muenn| ___nA bappA ko muMhaDI cAmpajjai avareNa // 4 // pUna bhaila (See raMbhA maJjarI-21) kavana guna, avaguna kavana mucale (prA.pi. 190) zaMkara (see abovo) bApaka durayAM copala jAya aure [se ]. po gorI muhAnAjaghau baddala luku miyaMku / bhannu vi jo pArahAvayataNu so kiva bhai nisaMku // 23 // jagArI [ke] maha [sa] jItana badare lukala mataMka: pAnI meM dhUsana (Skt.yasta fromve to be vanquished) se kaise (Skt. kodRza) ghUmaya (see hai. vyA.1117prA.pi. 16.)nisk| sAva salonA goraDI navakho kaSi visagaSThi / bhaDu paJcAlita so marai jAsu na laggai kaNThi // 123 // sabai salonI goriyA (ef. gorI timmada antu 1.5) nokhI koI bisake gAMTha (Mark the dissolution of the compound) bhaTa ulaTaya (Se ulaTa, dezInA..,81) se maraya jekare (of. 139) na lagava gare (f. gali maniahA navIsa 155) eka kuDulA paMcAha rudI taha paJcaha vi nujutra buddhI / bahiNue taM gharu kAhi kiMva nandala jetyu kuTumbauM cappaNachandau~ / 136 // eka kulI pA~ca [se ] haMdhI teha pA~coM ka yA jujuSA (Skt. yutayuta, yu to separate ; of Persian lan) puddhI / bahinI, tavana ghara kahIM kAhe (of. kiha Thiu giri ANanda (5). [a] nandaya johina kuTumI echandI (Skt. svacchanda:appaNachanda). siri jarakhaMDI lopaDI gali maniSaDA na bIsa / 'to vi gohaDA karASiyA mudae uhabaIsa // 15 // sira jarakhaMDI lugarI gare manicoM na bIsa | mabo goThe karaulesa bhaulI (ef. bhAlo muMdhi ma gambu kari, prabandhacintAmaNi ) karabaITa (baisa is also arustic form of the patois). I think this will suffice to prove clearly what I have said before. For translation of the verses, see Pischel, which I have purposely refrained from giving here, in order to make the comparison clearer and more independent. I wish now to draw the attention of my readers to some of the words which are usod in the verses and the patois, and which are important from the Apabhramsa point of view, my further object being to point out some Ardhamagadhi traits therein, with a view to prove that the etymological relation of Eastern Hindi with Ardhamagadhi Apabhramsa is not spurious, but is based on substantial grounds :(1) javana, takana, kavana in the patois are purely Apabhramsa forms partly noticed by Hemacandra in kimaH kAIkavanI vA 367. (2) vahA rahA etc., of Apabhramsa are pronounced as pATaba, rahaba etc., in the patois simply for the reason that and are interchangeable. (3) Instead of ko, bhI, so in the Apabhramba taught by Hemacandra, the use of # , & in the patois is simply due to Ardhamagadhi influenoe,

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JANUARY, 1930] (4) kavala, bhayala, muala, gayala, mU~Dala, capala etc. are all past participles having the pleonastio suffix W peculiar to Magadhi Apabbramsa hinted at by Hemacandra in his sudra 8, 4, 427. (5) kara in lekara, jekara eto., and ka in kantAka, pA~coka etc. are derived from kera of Apabhramea advocated by Hemacandra in 8, 4, 422. (6) The resemblance between khavihaDaDa and khallar3a campiara and capalajAya baddala and bahare, luka and hukala, navakhI and nokhI, kuDulI and kuDalI, kahi and kahIM, appaNachanda and chachanda, joDI and lugarI is quite sufficient to show the genetic affinity of the two languages, and leaves no room for such doubts as Keith has entertained about their relations. DR. KEITH ON APABHRAMSA 3 (7) Disappearance of case-endings is a recognized characteristic of Apabhramsa, and instances are not rare even in the above few quotations. When this practice came into vogue the great syntactical confusion was sought to be avoided by the addition of the new postpositions to the shrunken and worn-out forms of Apabhramsa. For example, take at, af, etc. These, though being themselves inflected forms, require, a, etc., to assert their morphological position in a sentence. This tendency can also be noticed even in Apabhramsa itself. The phrase-c a furnishes an instance in point. (8) The use of ra for Magadhi na, as evinced in bahare for baddala, gare for gali, etc., is a well-marked tendency now, but perhaps at one time was the rule in central and western Magadhi (see Dr. S. K. Chatterji's The Origin and Development of the Bengali Language, para. 52). (9) The pleonastic suffix or is very common in Apabhramsa. Our patois also has preserved it in mukhar3A, bachar3A, lothar3A, etc. (10) The nominative in, the commonest feature of Apabhramsa, has been confined in the patois to proper nouns only. rAmR, natakU, ghasITU, bhaMgarU are examples of this.. (11) Compounds like gorImuhAna jamaDa, parihaviyataNu, etc., are such literary artifica every language is bound to contrive when it begins to put on poetic trammels. From what has gone before, the reader will see at a glance how closely a thousand year old language is related to its daughter of the day, thereby disproving the segregation advocated by Keith on the strength of meagre evidence. This affinity constitutes internal evidence which is doubtless worth more than a hundred slender hypotheses to the contrary. The second point remains to be considered now. Dr. Keith says that Apabhramsa is a name given to some literary languages, which were nowhere spoken and were different from Sanskrit and Prakrit. But this assertion contradicts the same Rudrata on whose authority he has relied so much. Rudrata declares in very plain words that among the languages, the sixth, i.6., Apabbramsa, is of many kinds on account of the difference of lands where it was spoken paSThI'tra bhUrimedo dezavizeSAdapabhraMzaH Keith has unsuccessfully tried to narrow down the broader sense of the statement by taking a to mean only the lands of Abhiras and Gurjaras, etc., though his conscience itself is not clear, as he, in disagreement with what he says here, has written on page 34 that "But once Apabbranca had become popular, perhaps through the activity of the Abhira and Gurjara princes it spread beyond the west and various local Apabhrancas arose, as is recognized by Rudrata." I cannot quite follow the arguments advanced to connect the Apabhramsa language so exclusively with Abhiras and Gurjaras. The term Apabhramsa for the first time appears in the Mahabhasya in connection with language, and etymologically it means 'corruption' or 'deterioration' of norm. This corresponds exactly with the Vibhrama or Vibhrasta of Bharata, which is nothing but a particular linguistic phenomenon. The word Apabhramsa, then, had nothing to do with the Abbiras, nor had it acquired its later connotation, viz., people's dialect or dialects and

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY JANUARY, 1930 yohicle of literature, like the various Prakrits. When Sanskrit was standardized, any deviation from the norm meant Apabhramsa, and it is what Dandin has expressly told us by orig saMskRtAranyadapabhraMzatabozitam. But, in obedience to philological law, Sanskrit could not maintain its sway for ever, and it began to deteriorate gradually. At this juncture, as the structure of the language was still almost the same and considerable foreign matter had not found its way in, cultured society tolerated this corruption of the vocables at the hands of their own people and gave to tho speech the significant name of Prakpit- natural,' 'common ' or 'ordinary language. In course of time even this less favoured speech became the idol of its votaries in whom it inspired the same respect and zeal as its predecessor. This also died a natural death yielding place to a tongue which not only inherited the legacy reserved for it, but also high-handedly added a large amount of foreign matter to it. This was too much to digest and assimilate, and an altogether new language was therefore the result of this surfeit. It began practically to losu its inflectional character, , fc, taking the place of old case-endings. This was doubtless an utter deterioration of the norm, and Aryan people could not help calling it, though indignantly, apabhranida--corruption' or 'deterioration. The investigation whether the foreign matter pertained to Abbiras or Gurjaras concerns ethnology more than philology, and does not therefore deserve elaborate discussion here. What can be positively asserted here is that the refined Prakrits became turbid by the admixture of some very coarse un. refined and vulgar matter. It was possibly Abhiras who first thrust their vernacular into Prakrit. And the disappearance of Sarasvati (the river as well as the speech), attributable to their abhorrence of it (vide Mahabharata, IV, 20, 798), is very significant, in this connection. At first the mixture came to be called w ith or wroftfr, after them. There is mention of this w ork in the oldest document (C's Natya distra, 18, 44, Benares vdition, 1929) extant in this field of literature. But when this corruption introduced by Abhiras or Gurjaras developed into & widespread linguistio phenomenon and was imbibed by almost all the Prakrits of different countries, the appellation with being unsuited to the wider sense, was confined to the proper writt dialect. Markan. doya in his Prakrit-sarvasva has clearly indicated that fact by mentioning varit as different from Apabhramsa. Dandin by saying with that o f at: has only reminded us of the original sense of the term, and nothing more. Had Apabhramsa been from beginning to end connected exclusively with Abhiras or others, it could not have Aourished so much nor comprised so vast a literature as to claim the careful attention of such conservative Sanskrit poeticians as Bhamaha and Dandin. of textual evidence there is an abundance, but I shall cite here only a few examples to show that Dr. Keith's allegation that Apabhramsa was never a vernacular and that it was different from Sanskrit and Prakfit is baseless. Namisadhu, while commenting upon the same passage of the Kavydlankara (II. 12) of Rudrata, which has been the basis of Keith's verdict, quoted above, has the following remarks on Apabhramsa tathA prAkRtamevApabhraMzaH / sa cAnyapanAgarAbhAragrAmyatva bhedena triyoktastanirAsArthamuktaM bhUribheda iti / to dezaPastara I TRY T O 44 1 The importance of the passage lies in the fact that Namisadhu (1) recognizes Apa bhrama as one of the Prakfits themselves, (2) names the varieties laid down by others before him as being upanagara, Athira and gramya, (3) expressly says that they are many more than three, and, what is most important of all, (4) points to the people themselves as the best source to learn it. The last point is most significant as showing that by the time of Namisadhu, who finished his commentary in 1069 A.D., the Apabhramsa of many dialects had not ceased to be spoken by the common people,

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JANUARY, 1930) DR. KEITH ON APABHRANSA In the following quotations there is an express mention of the fact that Apebbramsa was a vernacular: dezeSu dezeSu pRyaga viminnaM na zakyate lakSaNatastuvakuma | lokeSu yassyAdapavArasaMjhaM jJeyaM hi tadevAvidoSaviram // (Vinnudharmottara, Book 3, ch. 7) paprabhraSTaM tRtIya va tadanantaM narAdhipa / dezASA vizeSeNa tasyAnto maiva vidyate // (Ibid. B. 3, ch. 3) papabhraMstu yacchuLaM tattadRzeSu bhASitam / (Vagbhaja's Kdvydlankara, 2-3.) S ant Feart: dezasya burumagadhAderudezaH prakRtasvaM tasmin sati svasvadezasaMbandhinI bhASA nibandhanIyA- iti / iyaM dazagAva prAyo'pabhraMze faraatia (Ramacandra's Natyadarpana, with his own commentary. MS. in Baroda, leaf 124, being edited for G. O. Series.) HTT: DEBTPT:' bhAdhyante bhASAH saMskRta prAkRta mAgadhI zaurasanI paizAcyapabhraMzalakSaNAH (Hemacandra's Abhidhana-chintamani, with his own commentary, 2, 100.) [Quite contrary to this, Keith says that "Hemacandra also does not identify Apabhramsa with the vernaculars."] Besides & Prakrit work named Kuvalayamala, written in 778 A.D. by a DAksinya Cinhodyotanacharya, has recorded many informing and interesting topics concerning the vernaculars of the time. It gives a very lively and vivid description of Apabbramsa, which displays the vivacity and power of absorption of a living and current language :X X X X X X X 4-414-324FRUCTE vatro 979918 sajalaya gvAhapurapanvAliyAgariNaisArasaM samaksima paNayakRSiyapiyapaNaiNIsamakhAva sarisamaNoharaM / (Jaisalmer Bhandar, Palm leaves 57 and 58). i.s., Apabhramsa is now gentle, now rough and turbulent like the mountain rivulet swollen by the rains of the fresh monsoon clouds, is graceful equally with corrupt and uncorrupt words belonging both to Prakfit and Sanskrit like the playful ripples, is fascinating like the amorous babbling of a lady piqued in a love quarrel. The above work also contains some lively conversations in the living language of the time, which are very important from the Apabhramsa point of view and leave no room for any objection whatever to the acceptance of Apabhrarosa as a vernacular. In order to differentiate Apabhramba from vernacular, Keith has resorted to the Kamasutra, which, as he thinks, "in enumerating their (s.e., of heta irai) sixty-four accomplishments, includes knowledge of vernaculars as well as of literary speeches (kdvyakriyd)." "Moreover it (Kamasutra) preserves the interesting notice that a man of taste would mingle his vernacular with Sanskrit, as is the way with modern vernaculars, not with Apabhranca." Unfortunately both the arguments based on the Kamasutra are wrong. In the first Dr. Keith has taken the textual term as to mean literary speeches, but it never conveys that sense. It always means the composition of poems' only,--and can never, therefore, be contrasted with what is meant by 'vernaoular. As regards the second argument, the plausible inference of Keith that Apabhramsa never drew upon Sanskrit, as modern vernaculars do, is nuliified by the above quotation from the Kuvalayamala and by Rajasekhara, who expressly says in his Kavyamimanad that "E u tenter da' (Kavyamimansd ch. 7, p. 33.) (Apabhramsa should never he recited but by making it more graceful by the intermingling of Sanskrit with it.) N.B.- I am indebted to the writer of the introduction to the Apabhramba Kdvyatray for 'utilizing his valuable quotations extracted from M88.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ JANUARY, 1930 FALSE STATEMENTS ABOUT KING JAYACHANDRA AND RAO SIHA. BY PANDIT BISHESHWARNATH REU. JAYACHANDRA, king of Kanauj, has often been accused of having caused the downfall of the last Hindu kingdom in Northern India. His grandson Rao Siba also has been accused of having usurped Pali, by treacherously murdering the Palival Brahmans of that place. No reasons are, however, offered for these suppositions, but the only argument resorted to by these orities is that these stories are handed down from generation to generation or that they are so mentioned in the Prithviraj Raso and in Tod's Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan. . In fact, none has yet taken the trouble of investigating the truth or otherwise of the problem. For the consideration of scholars I lay down my views on the subject here. The brief story of the Prithviraj Raso may be told as follows. Once Kamdhaj Rai, with the assistance of king Vijaypal Rathor of Kanauj invaded Delhi. At this, Tunvar Anangpal, king of Delhi, requested king Somesvara Chauhan of Ajmer for help. Somesvara thereupon marched with all his foroes and joined Anangpal. A battle was fought in which the latter won a victory, and the bostile forces retreated. As a mark of gratitude for this timely succour, Anangpal married bis younger daughter Kamaldvati to Somesvara and simultaneously his another daughter to Vijaypal of Karauj. In V.S. 1115 Kamalavati gavo birth to Prithviraja. Onoe NAhad Rao, king of Mandor, had paid a visit to king Anangpal of Delhi, and beholding the handsome features of prince Prithviraja there, he declared his intention to marry his daughter to him. But later he abandoned the idea. On this Prithviraja invaded Mandor in about V.8. 1129, and having defested Nahad Rao, took his daughter in marriage. Later, in V.S. 1138, Anangpal, disregarding the right of his elder daughter's son Jayachandra, made over the kingdom of Delhi to Prithviraja. Subsequently Prithviraja having abducted the daughter of the Yadava king, Bhan of Deogiri, who was engaged to Virachandra, nephew of Jayachandra, the armies of Prithviraja and Jayachandra had to meet on the battlefield. Sometime after this, Anangpal also invaded Delhi to recapture it from Prithviraja, on the complaints of his former subjects being now oppressed by Prithviraja's coercive policy, but he did not succeed. In V.8. 1144, when Jayachandra proposed to perform a Rajasuya-yajna and the evayamvara of his daughter Samyogita, Prithviraja, considering it inadvisable to confront him, thought out another plan to render both the above ceremonies abortive. He at first repaired to Khokhand. pur where he killed Jayachandra's brother, Baluk Rai, and afterwards eloped with Samyogita. Jayachandra was therefore obliged to wage war against Prithviraja. The latter managed somehow to escape, but as many as 64 of his generals were killed and his power was almost' annihilated. According to the Raso, Prithviraja was 36 years of age when this event took place. So the date of the event must be Vikrama-samvat 1151. The bravery of the young general Dhirasen Pundir in the struggle with Jayachandra attract ed Prithviraja's attention, and the king favoured him most. At this his veteran generals Chamund Rai and others became jealous and carried on intrigues with ShibAbu'd-din. But Prithviraja, being too much engrossed with Samyogita, did not pay any heed to these affairs. His government, therefore, gradually showed signs of disintegration. This gave an opportu. nity to Shihabu'd-din to invade Delhi. Prithviraja was obliged to come out with his army to meet him. On this vooasion Raval Samarsi of Mewar, his brother-in-law, had also joined Prithviraja in the battle. But due to disorganisation of the army Shihabu'd-din eventually won a victory, and Prithviraja was captured and taken to Ghazni. Shortly after this, it is related, Shihabu'd-din met his death at the hands of Prithvir&ja a Ghazni, who immediately after kiled himself.' Shortly after, Rainsi, son of Prithviraja, attacked the Muhammadans of Lahore, to avenge his father's death, and drove them out. Thereupon Qutbu'd-din marched 1 Jayachandra was born to this lady. 3 According to the Rdoo Prithviraja had died at an age of 43; so the date of this event coincs to V.8. 1168.

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JANUARY, 1930] FALSE STATEMENTS ABOUT KING JAYACHANDRA AND RAO SHA 1 against Rainsi and killing him in the battle that followed, advanced further upon Kanauj. Hearing of this Jayachandra also arranged his army to enoounter him. But in the battle that ensued Jayachandra was killed and the Muhammadans were victorious. The above story cannot stand any historical test. The Kamdhaj Rai mentioned in it is a fictitious name, inasmuch as we know of no individual of that name in history. Similarly the name of Jayachandra's father was not Vijaypal, but Vijayachandra, who lived not in the beginning of the twelfth century of the Vikrama era, but in the first half of the thirteenth century, as is evident from his oopper plate grants and insoriptions of V.S. 1224 and 1225. Again, although the period of Anangpal has not yet been precisely ascertained, yet this much is certain that Somesvara's third ancestor Vigraharaja (or Visaladeva IV) had acquired possession of Delhi, which is borne out by the inscription of V.S. 1220 (1163 A.D.) on the pillar of Firax Shah at Delhi. Under these circumstances we do not understand how Somesvara could have gone to Delhi to help Anangpal. Moreover, in the Prithvirdjavijaya-mahakavya, which was written in Prithviraja's time, the name of Prithviraja's mother is mentioned not as Kamalavati, but as Karpuradevi, who is stated to be the daughter not of Tunvar Anangpal, but of a king of the Haihaya dynasty (of Tripuri). In the Hammira-mahdkdvya also, the name of Prithviraja's mother is mentioned as Karpuradevi. The author of the Raso has mentioned the date of the birth of his hero Prithviraja as V.S. 1115, but in fact Prithviraja should have been born in V.S. 1217 (1160 A.D.) or somewhat later, as at the death of his father in about V.8. 1236 (1179 A.D.) he was a minor and his mother took charge of the administration. Let us now consider the tale of Prithviraja having married a daughter of Nahad Rao, king of Mandor. This, too, is an absurdity, because from an inscription of V.S. 894 of king Bauka, who was tenth in descent from this NAhad Rao, we oonolude that the latter must have lived about V.8.714, i.e., nearly 500 years before Prithviraja. Sometime between V.S. 1189 and V.S. 1202 the Parihar dynasty of Mandor had ceased to exist, having been overthrown by Chauhan Raya pala, whose son Sahajapala ruled at Mandor in V.S. 1202, as appears from his inscription of that year found at Mandor. Besides this, the name of the prime anoestor of the Parihar dynasty of Kanau was also Nagabhata (or NAhad). From the copper grant dated V.8. 813 of the Chauhan king, Bhartrivaddha II, found at Hansot, it appears that this Nahad lived in the beginning of the ninth century of the Vikram era. Further, the first Parihar conqueror of Kavauj, too, was Nagabhata (NAhad II), who was fifth in descent from the aforesaid Nahad. He had died in V.S. 890, as appears from the Prabhava ka-caritra. No fourth Nahad besides these has been heard of in the history of India. We have already mentioned above V.S. 1217 as the approximate birth year of Prithvi. raja. In such a case it would certainly be impossible to assume that Anangpal made over the kingdom of Delhi to Prithviraja in V.8. 1138 ! Further, the story of Prithviraja having abducted the daughter of the Yadava king, Bhan of Deogiri, and of the consequent battle between Prithviraja and Jayachandra, also seems to be spurious. The founder of the city of Deogiri was not Bhan, but Bhillama, who had founded the city about V.S. 1244 (1187 A.D.). Neitheveuoes this event find place in the history of Bhillama nor does the name Bhan occur in the pedigree of the dynasty. Similarly, Virachandra, the name of a nephew of king Jayachandra, ooours only in the Raso and nowhere else. We have mentioned above that an ancestor, third from Prithviraja's father, had acquired possession of Delhi. Thus the talk of Tunvar Anangpal's effort to regain his kingdom from Prithviraja on complaint from his subjects about the latter's high-handedness is an untenable proposition. Kielhorn's Supplement to Northern List (Ep. Ind., vol. VIII, Appendix I), p. 13. Above vol. XIX, p. 218. . . The names of Prithviraj's ancestors mentioned in the Rdeo appear also to a large extent incorrect. 1 The Mandor inscription referred to here is not dated, so far as we know. It has been transcribed by Rai Bahadur Dayarama Sahni, Archool. Suru. Ind., 46. Rep., 1909-10, pp. 102-3.-D.R.B. 8 Ep. Ind., vol. XII, p. 197..

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JANUARY, 1930 There now remains the affair of the Rajastya and Svayashvara ceremonies performed by king Jayachandra. Had Jayachandra performed such a grand ceremony as the Rajasya, some mention of it would have been found in the inscriptions of that monarch, or in the Ram. bhamanjari-natiki by Nayachandra-suri, of which Jayachandra himself is the hero. Fourteen oopper plates and two stone inscriptions of Jayachandra have been found, the last of which is dated V.8. 124510 (1189 A.D.). Although there are thus as many as sixteen epigraphic records belonging to him, not one of them contains any reference to his having oelebrated a Rajasuya. The story of Prithviraja's elopement with Samyogita seems to be a creation of the fertile brain of the author of the Raso. Neither the Prithvirajavijaya-mahakdvya written in Prithviraja's time, nor the Hammira-Mahakavya compiled in the last half of the fourteenth century of the Vik. rama era, 11 makes any mention of any such event. To rely on the story under these circumstances is to tread on uncertain ground. The datesls of the events given in the Raso are alike incorrect. The story of Mabaraval Samarsingh of Mewar being a brother-in-law of Ptithviraja and being killed in the battle with Shihabu'd-din, while helping his brother-in-law Prithviraja, is also an idle tale. This battle had in fact been fought in V.S. 1249, whereas MahArdval Samarsi died in V.S. 1359.13 Under these circumstances, the above statement of the Raso cannot be admitted as either true or possible. After this, there is the mention of Prithviraja's son Rainsi, but in fact the name of Prithviraja's son was Govindaraja 14 He being a child, his uncle Hariraja had usurpod his dominion of Ajmer, whereupon Quibu'd-din, having defeated Hariraja, had protected Govindaraja. In the end there is the mention of an invasion by Qatbu'd-din against Jayachandra, but, according to the Persian histories of India, this invasion is said to have been made not after Shihabu'd-din's death, but in his lifetime, and that he himself had taken part in it. He was killed at the hands of the Gakkhars or Khakkars in V.S. 1262 (1206 A.D.). Besides, in the Persian chronicles there is no mention of Jayachandra's collusion with &nihabu'd-din. When all these circumstances are taken into consideration, the historical value of the Prithvirdja-rdso becomes vitiated. Besides, even if we accept for a moment the whole story of the Raso as correct, yet nowhere in that work is there any mention either of Jayachandra having invited Shihabu'd-din to attack Prithviraja or of his having any other sort of connection whatsoever with the Muhammadan ruler. On the other hand, at various places in the Raso we read of Prithviraja's aggressive attacks, his elopement with the princess, his neglect of state affairs through his devotion to Samyogita, his proud and overbearing behaviour towards his brave and wise general Ch&mund Rai, whom he had sent to prison without any fault on his part and his high-handedness which gave rise to the complaints of the subjects of a state left as a legacy to him by his maternal grandfather. Along with this we also learn from the Raso that his unwise steps obliged his own generals to conspire with his enemy Sultan Shihabu'd-din. In the light of these ciroumstances readers will be able to judge for themselves how far it is just to dub king Jayachandra with the title of Vibhishana and thus malign him as a traitor, Let us now examine the attack made on Rao Siha, grandson of Maharaj Jayachandra.15 Colonel James Tod writes: "Here in the land of Kher amidst the sandhills of Luni (the salt river of the desert) from which the Gohils were expelled, Sihaji planted the standard of the Rathors. Bharat-le-Prdchin Rajoamaha, part III, p. 108-110. 10 Annual report of the Arch. Survey of India (1921-22, page 120-121). 11 Further there is no trace of Somavami Mukundadeva of Kateka in the History of that period, whose daughter is mentioned as the mother of Samyogit& in the Rd so. 13 Mr. Mohan Lal Vishnu Lal Pandya had however 858 umed the dates of the Rdeo to be batrod on the Ananda Vikrama Samvat which he taken for granted on the basis of the words *** Vic According to this the Vikrama Sarvat is arrived by adding 91 to the Samvat stated in the Rdeo. Thus by adding 91 to the Savivat 1158, the date of Prithviraja's death arrived at scoording to the Raso, wo come to 1249. This dato alono can be proved to be correot by this method. But the other dates and the periods Assigned to NAhad Rao, etc., still remain quite unreliable. 13 Above, vol. LV, page II, D. L. 14 Bharat-le-Prachin Rajvansa, part I, page 263. 15 SihA was a Rathor and Jayachandra a GAhada vala. For an attempt at identifying. Gabavala with Rathor, noe Sir Aoutosh Mookerjee Silver Jubilee Volumea, Orientalia, Pt. 2, p. 261,-D.R.B.

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JANUARY, 19301 FALSE STATEMENTS ABOUT KING JAYACHANDRA AND RAO SIRA 9 "At this period & community of Brahmans held the city and extensive lands about Pali, from which they were termed Pallivals, and being greatly harassed by the incursions of the mountaineers, the Mors and the Minas, they called in the aid of Sihaji's band, which readily undertook and exeouted the task of rescuing the Brabmans from their depredations. Aware that they would be renewed, they offered Sihaji lands to settle amongst them, which he readily accepted. "Afterwards he found an opportunity to obtain land by putting to death the beads of this community and adding the distriot to his conquesta." From this narrative it is evident that before rendering aid to these Pallival Brahmans RAO Siha had acquired possession of Mehwa and Kherdhar. It does not seem reasonable that an adventurer, hankering after land, should have renounced possession of these two large districts, merely to oontent himself with a few acres of land granted to him by his proteges, the Pallivals. Further, he had not at that time enough men with him to look after his possessions of Kher and Mehwa as well as for keeping under subjection the Mers and Minas of the hilly tracts, who often overran Pali. Besides, from the narratives of the old chronicles of Marwar we learn that the PallivAls of Pali were a class of rich traders. It is nowhere recorded that they were masters of the town of PAli; nor do we find any mention that Rao Sih& had murdered them. In the temple of Somnath at PAli there is a stone inscription of V.S. 1209 of Solanki Kumarapala, which shows that at that time the latter held sway over Pali. It also appears from this inscription that one BAhadadeva, a feudatory of KumArapala, ruled over Pali at this time on behalf of Kumara pala. There had also been one Alhanadeva, & Chauhan feudatory and favourite of king Kumarapala. An inscription dated V.8. 1209 of Kiradu shows that this Alhanadevs had acquired possession of the districts of Kiradu, Radadhara and Siva by the favour of king Kumarapala.16 On the death of Kumarapala about V.8. 1230, his nephew Ajayapala succeeded to the throne. From this time the power of the Solankis began to decline. Presumably the Minas and Mers might have taken advantage of this weakness and plundered Pali, whioh was then one of the richest oities in the vicinity. In the inscription dated V.S. 1319 at Sundha of Chauhan Chiobigadeva it is stated that Udayasimha, father of Chaohigadeva, and great-grandson of the aforesaid Albanadeva, was master of the districts of Nadol, Jalor, Mandor, BAbadmer, Ratnapura, Sanchor, Surdohand, Radadhara, Kher, Ramsin, and Bhinmal. Udayasinha is also described in this inscription as invincible to the kings of Gujarat. We have found four inscriptions of this king ranging from V.8. 1262 to V.S. 1306 at Bhinmal. We conclude therofore that at sometime in this period, this Chauhan feudatory might have thrown off the yoko of the Solanki kings of Gujarat. At the same time, when we oonsider the geographical position of the above-mentioned distriots, we are led to believe that the city of Pali, too, must have passed into the possession of the Chauh&ns from the Solankis. So that at the time of Rao Siha's arrival in Marwar, such an important city as PAli must have been in possession of the Solankis or the Chauhans. What circumstances, then, could have obliged Rao Siha to butcher his helpless and trading supplicants of the Brahman caste so sacred to a Rajput for the possession of PAli ? Besides this, when finding themselves too weak to ward off the marauding inoursions of the hill tribes, these Brahmans had themselves applied to RAO Siha for help, and having gained experience of his prowess, and having appointed him to be their protector, how could they have ever dared to incur his wrath by an act of effrontery? Thus automatically Siha became master of the city, and so his interest lay in fostering its trade by conferring favours upon its merchants, the Pallival Brahmans, and not in laying waste the country by killing these traders, as is supposed by the learned scholar, Colonel Tod. 16 Ep. Ind., VOL. XI. p. 70. 17 Ep. Ind., vol. IX, p. 78, V, 46.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JANUARY, 1930 ANCIENT SITES NEAR ELLORA, DECCAN. BY K. DE B. CODRINGTON. The Elora Caves take their name from the village which stands about a mile west of the Boarp in which they are exoavated. This runs north and south between two hills (2548 and 2800, Survey Sheet No. 46 P-4, 1 in. to 1 mile), the distanoe between them being about two miles. Above the caves and about three-quarters of a mile from them is Rauga (Khuldabad), & walled town, famous in the Deccan as a Mohammedan place of pilgrimage. It contains the tombs of Aurangzeb and his second son 'Azam Shab. of Asaf JAV, the founder of the present ruling house of Haidarabad and of his son NAgir Jang, of Tana Shah, the exilod king of Golkonda and of Malik Ambar, the Minister of the last of the Nigam Shahis. It also contains the shrines of the three saints, Burhanu'd-din, who died in 1344, Zainu'd-din, who died in A.D. 1370, and Muntazbudin Zar Zorf Bakhsh, who died in 1385. A few miles to the west there are also the shrines of Saiyid Khaksa and Ganja Bakhsh, near by two large irrigation tanks. Except for the three shrines mentioned above, which were perhaps the nucleus of the town, Rauza dates from the time of Aurangzeb, who built its walls. The name Rauza (garden,' and then 'tomby being changed to Khuldabad, when after his death, the title Khuld-makdni (* Translated to Paradise') was given to Aurangzeb. The ground falls away between Raugs and Daulatabad, the intervening escarpment being crossed by the Pipal gh&t, which is said to have been paved by certain of Aurangzeb's courtiers. Between the ghat and Rauze is an ancient site of large extent, which is said to be known as "Buddra-vanti" or "Buddha-vanti" and to be associated with the "Yavana Raja" (Bilgrami and Willmott, Hist. and Descriptive Sketch of the Nizam's Dominions, p. 725). Coins of Tughlaq Shah are said to have been found there. The hill fort of Daulatabad lies between the gh&t and the present railway line, the road from Ellora and Rauza here swinging north to Aurangabad, where it joins the Ajanta Road running north to Asirgarh-this was the ancient high road to the north and was fed directly by three main routes from the coast. The first ran vid the Nana ghat to Junnar and Paithan. The second ran near-by, vid the Malsej ghat to Utar and thence to Paithan. The third ran vid the Bor ghat to Poons and Ahmadnagar. This last route was followed by Seeley when he visited Ellora. It is really part of a crossline of communication which runs from Poona to Junnar to Nasik (Clunes' Itinerary, No. VII) or from Poons to Ahmadnagar to Sangamner to Nasik (Clunes, No. XXXVI), and takes advantage of the Bor ghat, which seems to have been the easiest of the coast passes, although unfit for oarts. Clunes' description of the Malsej ghat is also applicable to the Nana ghat, which he neglects altogether as a practicable route : it is "perfectly passable by camels and elephants but.......... their loads require to be taken off at the bottom..... there is a made road throughout." He describes the N&ni ghat as the shortest route from Kalyan to Ahmadnagar, but says that its rook-out steps are dangerous for the passage of cattle in the rains (p. 145). The thick jungle on the seaward slope of the ghats is an added obstacle to both these routes, and also the fact that several lesser ghata still remain to be crossed beyond Utar and Junnar. A third route from the coast ran vid the Thal ghat to Nasik, Chandor and Malegaon (Clunes, No. LIV), at which place it was met by a third cross-line of communication from Daulatabad (Aurangabad) vid the Ankai-Tankai gap. A fourth cross-line exists in the Daulatabad-Ellora-Kunur.Dhalia route vid the G&otala ghat. This seems to have been the only dependable pass in the sweep of the hills between Ajanta and Ankai-Tankai, before the engineering of the Aurangabad-Devgaon-Kasari-Nandgaon road to the south of it. An alternate route to Ajanta may be taken vid the Ellora gh&t, and is 80 marked in early maps (e.g., that published by Kingsbury, Allen and Parbury, 1825); but its last stages must be very difficult. It must be pointed out that these several lines of communication are not definite routes, except where they are necessarily defined by hill-passes, fords and large commercial towns.

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Indian Antiquary. .Khandwa JBROACH * A N a e TPORA RANGE GAWILOARH HILLS Asirgarh urhanpus Tepti R Ellychput Amraett Malegaon Ajanta M SATMALA HILLS Chalisa AJA TA HILLS Kenned AWAMINI Torben SKETCH MAP OF THE NORTH-WESTERN DECCAN to illustrate MK dB Cad rington's paper 4 . Aurangabad SER Nandur FI ately other Male INDIAN OCEAN Bhiwandi. ve Kalyan o Ahmadnega ayat BALAGHAT RANGE " sr nat Scale of Miles

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JANUARY, 1930 ] ANCIENT SITES NEAR ELLORA, DEOCAN The intervening stages vary according to the state of the roads and the season of the year. It is reported that at the beginning of British rule there were "no made roads or lines of traffic fit for wheels." (Bombay Gazetteer, vol. XVII, p. 327.) The Poona-Ahmadnagar road was one of the first gun-roads made, and served to draw much of the Berar cotton traffic from the round. about Surat route. The seaward part of the Thal ghat route was put in order by the Pioneers In 1826. The Bor ghat was improved by Sir Arthur Wellesley in 1804, but Heber in 1825 found it unfit even for palanquins. It was not until 1830 that it was metalled and made fit for carts. The age of these several routes can be estimated by the antiquity of the sites they link together. The Bor ghat, with its Buddhist rock-cut monasteries of BhAju-Bedsa and Karlo (second century B.O.-second century A.D.). The Nana ghat bears inscriptions of the S&tav hana kings, and passes through Junnar (caves, first-second oentury A.D.) to Aurangabad (VihArs caves circa 500 A.D.) and Ellora (early sixth century to mid eighth century A.D.) to Ajanta (second century B.C. and late fifth oentury A.D.) The Thal gh&t route was fed by & coastal road from Sopara to Bhiwndi, which passed near K&nheri (caves, second century-fifth century A.D.) and led to Nasik (caves, first and second century A.D.) continuing near by Ankai-Tankai and the foot of the Gaotala ghat, where there is the ancient site of Patna and the Pitalkhord caves (first century B.C.). Moreover, Junnar is associated with the dynasty of Nahapana, which was overthrown by Pulumayi, who was known to Ptolemy in connection with Paithan in the second century A.D. It is to be noted that the distant origin of many of the benefactors of the various Buddhist caves is a standing witness to the case of communication in the early centuries of the era. Among them are certain persons who go under the name of "Yavana," perhaps as being of even more distant origin. It is in this sense that the Ellora legend mentioned above must be read. With regard to the antiquity of Ellora as a cave-temple site, there is no sign of the existence of any community there before the beginning of the sixth century. The local version of the name is undoubtedly Verul, or Yerul and it has been therefore identified with the Vellura of Varahamihira's Brihatsanhita (XIV, 14, see Ind. Ant., XXII, p. 193) and also with the Vallura of the Ghatotkacba cave inscription (Arch. Survey Western Ind., vol. IV, p. 139). Furthermore, at Karle there are two inscriptions (Nos. 13 and 14) which record the gift of a village to the Sargha of Valuraka, which has also been identified with Ellora. These records stand in the name of Ubabhadata and Vasithiputa Pulumayi, and thus would considerably extend the antiquity of Ellora. However, the village mentioned in No. 13 is Karajaka, which has been identified with the modern Karanj near Bedsa. Burgess therefore identifies this Valuraka with Karle itself. Finally in the Wardha plates the Rashtrakuta King Krishnaraja is extolled as a builder of Siva shrines, and in the Baroda grant as the constructor of "a temple of wonderful form in the fountain of Elapura." This Bhandarkar identified with the Kailasa temple at Ellora (Ind. Ant., XII, p. 128). Fleet had previously identified it with Yellapur in North Kanera (Ibid., p. 162), but the presence of a later R&shtrakuta inscription in the Tin Thal cave(No. 15) at Ellora, and the style of the Kailasa are consistent with Bhandarkar's identification. The earliest caves of Ellora are Buddhist and date, as has been said, from the beginning of the sixth century. The earliest Brahmanical caves are early seventh century, while the Jain 0&vos are eighth century. The village still ranks as an orthodox Saiva tirtha, and the little stream that leaps the scarp near cave XXIX is consequently dignified with the title of the Velgange (Ellora-Ganga'). Between the village and the caves is a temple and stepped well built by Ahalya BAT, wife of Malhar Rao Holkar of Indore, in the eighteenth century. In the village iteelf is the shrine of a Muhammadan saint which brings about miracles. To the south of the village stretches out the sickle-shaped embankment of a surface drainage tank, undoubtedly the most ancient object in the neighbourhood. The village itself has no claims to antiquity. Its history is subsequent to the history of the caves, the preservation of the continuity of the sanctity of the site being largely due to the annual fair, as is so often the case in Ladis,

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12 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY JANUARY, 1930 It has been stated that the caves at Ajanta fall into two groups, there being a complete hiatus between the early caves and the work of the great period of Ajanta, circa 500 A.D. The Vihara caves at Aurangabad and the early caves (I-V) at Ellora are approximately of the same period, though a few years later, as minor developments in plan show. The expansion of the Aurangabad community, however, was limited, perhaps owing to geological difficulties, or perhaps owing to lack of water. The problem of lay support probably decided the matter : there is no sign of a village site of any size between the caves and the modern city, over three miles away. This evidence seems to suggest that in the early centuries of our era, when Nasik, Junnar, Paithan, Karle and Kanheri were flourishing, trade deserted the Ajanta route, to return in the fifth century. The history of Daulatabad is a long one. As Deogiri it is associated with the Yadava dynasty, which arose in the twelfth century, after the fall of the Western Chalukyag and the Kalachuris, who suoceeded them. In 1294 Aldu'd-din, governor of Central India under Jalalu'd-din Khalji, took it apparently by surprise, an event which marks the first Muhammadan intrusion into the Deocan. The place was ravaged in 1312' by Malik Kafur for nonpayment of tribute. It revolted after the assassination of Alau'd-din in 1316, but was retaken by Qutbu'd-din in 1318. In 1338 Muhammad Tughlaq Shah conceived the idea of making it his capital and commanded the inhabitants of Delhi to remove thither, renaming it DaulatAbad. According to Ibn Batata it rivalled Delhi in size and splendour. Eventually it was absorbed into the Bahmani kingdom. The near-by city, which finally came to be known as Aurangabad, was founded by Malik Ambar. The whole distriot passed into Mughal hands in 1632. Tavernier visited Daulatabad and the Ellora caves; and so did Thevenot; but he says that the prosperity of the ancient capital had greatly decreased. Immediately above the caves at Ellora there is an ancient site of great interest. Its position may be described with referenoe to the three streams which find their way over the scarp. The first of these crosses the gh&t road about half way between the Guest House and the Kailasa (cave XVI). The second stream runs down from the south corner of the curred ombankment of a surface drainage tank, which lies on the high ground a little to the north of the Kailasa and about half a mile east of it (i.e., between these two streams rises the hill in which the Kailasa is cut). The third stream is the Velgange, which leaps the scarp imme. diately to the south of cave XXIX, which is provided with a water gate and steps down to the pool below. Between the second and third streams the ground rises about 400 feet. the general lie being easily discernible on the 1 in. map, which, however, does not mark the tank. Its looal name appears to be Dudhai Tallo (dadhiya, 'yielding milk ') but the Dhangar whom I questioned was rather soeptical of its purposes, for "who would build a tank on a hill-top?" It is in fact only just on the Ellora side of the watershed which gives rise to the Phalmasta stream on the Daulatabad side. The embankment is of earth, and immediately to the north of it are two cross-tracks, one running north to the Velganga, the other east, presumably to join the Rauga-Sonkheda track, which is marked on the map. Where they cross, these tracks are deeply worn beneath the surface of the land. Cultivation of a kind has evidently been carried on fairly recently, both on the plateau to the north of the tank and in the small triangular area, terraced in the hill-side immediately below the embankment. The whole area north of the tank is strewn, in the greatest profusion, with opal, bloodstone, and chaloedony artifacts and cores. These are somewhat larger than the average examples of Indian neolithio instruments. I found that fractured " blade" flakes were fairly common, and also an almost oiroular, beaked soraper, but could detect none of the well-known "Pygmy" types. The large number of quartz crystals which also strew the ground do not seem to have been worked, although elsewhere in India and in Ceylon quarts implements are found in large numbers. Along the Kailasa Hill, approximately up to the line of the tank embankment, runs a double line, or "street," of roughly out and laid stone platforms (chablird). Just below the tank this

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JANUARY, 19301 ON THE TEXT OF THE MAHAVIRACARITA "street" is met at right angles by a series of chabilirds in parallel lines, forming terraces along the slope of the hill. Near where the two "streets" meet there is a well-finished stone block about 16 feet long by 2 feet square. The tradition of this site has been preserved. The shepherd informed me that it was where the ancient emperors pitched their camp in the rains. To Dr. E. H. Hunt, later, he quoted the emperor Yunas (Yunas-Yunan); a local version of Alau'd-din's princely name, also given by Grant Duff. Dr. Hunt found here & fragment of Celadon ware of the kind imported into India up to the end of the Mughal period, usually and significantly known as "Ghori Ware." ON THE TEXT OF THE MAHAVIRACARITA. BY DR. 8. K. DE. SINCE Dr. Hertel published, in January 1924, his striking monograph on the textual pro*blems connected with the Mahaviracarita, much material on the subject has been made accessible by Todar Mall's recent edition of the drama published by the University of the Panjab. It will not, therefore, be out of place to reopen the question and oonsider it in the light of the fresh data supplied by this new edition of the text. . Dr. Hertel very pertinently remarked that we did not possess any truly oritioaledition of the Mahdviracarita, and that no edition gave even the soantiest critical material for settling the text. This reproach has now been happily removed by Todar Mall's edition, which is based upon ample manuscript material (18 Northern and Southern MSS.), and which gives very full oritical apparatus. The editio princeps of F.H. Trithen, published in London in 1848, was based on only three MSS., belonging to the India Office and the Bodleian, which have also been used by Todar Mall and marked by him as I, I, and W, respectively. The first of these MSS. is fairly old, being dated in samvat 1665=1609 A.D.; but the other two are comparatively modern, one being dated in samoat 1857=1801 A.D., and the other conjeotured to have been copied for Wilson about 1820 A.D. Trithen's edition, however, gives no variant readings, nor any account of the MSS., but it admits collation of doubtful passages with their reproductions in Alamkara literature. The next Calcutta edition of Taranatha Tarkavacaspati with his occasional but very scanty glosses, published in 1857, was reprinted (without mention of the fact) by his son, and is thus substantially the same as the Calcutta edition of Jivananda Vidyasagara, published in 1873. Taranatha appears to have used Trithen's edition, which he refers to in his Bengali preface as "the text printed in England," but he also consulteda MS. of the drama which existed in the Calcutta Sanskrit College Library and which is presumably the same as the manusoript Sc of Todar Mall, complete in seven Acts. Nothing, however, is said about the extent and oharacter of the MS. used, nor are any variant readings noted. Anundaram Borooah's edition, published in Calcutta in 1877 with a Sanskrit commentary of his own, is based on noindependent MS. material, but is prepared ohiefly with the help of the editions of Trithen and Taranatha, as well as with the aid of readings of quoted passages in Alamkera works; but this edition makes the first attempt at a systematic and running interpretation of the text in its Sanskrit commentary. The text in all these editions is frankly eclectic, butit follows one and the same 1 Entitled "A Note on Bhavabhati and VAkpatirkja" in Asia Major I, 1, pp. 1-9. > Edited with critical apparatus, introduction and notes by the late Todar Mall, Government of India Sanskrit Scholar at Oxford. Revised and prepared for the Press by Prof. A. A. Macdonoll. Panjab University Oriental Publications, Oxford University Press, 1928. It is remarkable that although this edition is published in a revised form in 1928, no reference is made to Dr. Hertel's important article referred to above. *I=India Office no. 1140-4136 (Eggeling's Catalogue, pt. vii, p. 1681); Ig=India Office no. 943-4135 (Ergoling, loc. cit.): W=Bodleian MS, no. 200 (Wilson MS.2296) noticed in Aufrecht's Bodleian Catalogue, p. 136. * No dato is given in the MS. itself, but see Todar Mall, p. xiv, and Hertol, p. 3. No. 481-242 in the Descriptive Catalogue of Sanskrit MSS. in the Library of the CalcuttaSanskrit College, pt. vi, p. 145. It is a modern copy made noar Caloutta for one Philla-sAhaba' and dated in comat 1879_1823 A.D. 6 Taranatha remarks in his Bengali proface that many passages of the text are obmoure to him and he has not ventured to write glosses on them.

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14 1. THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY . L'ANUARY, 1930 maoension which was presumably universally accepted in Northern India. It may for practical purposes be taken as being represented by Trithen's editio princeps. Of later editions published in Bombay, Poona and elsewhere, the most noteworthy is that printed by the Nirnay Sagar Press, Bombay, and edited with Viraraghava's commentary by T. R. Ratnam Aiyar of Tri. chinopoly and S. Rangachariar of Srirangam. It gives no description of manusoript material utilised, nor does it notice any variant readings, except what is casually mentioned in Virardghava's commentary itself. It is presumably based on Southern MSS., as its text agrees with the Mysore manuscript Mr of Todar Mall. This edition is important, not only because it gives the text of Viraraghava, but also because it presents for a portion of the text an entirely different recension, which has its origin probably in Southern India. Todar Mall's edition, however, brings to light a third recension, which is probably North Indian or rather Kashmirian, but which was hitherto unknown. Todar Mall has given a fairly full account of the MSS. used by him, and it is not necessary to recapitulate it here. But it would be convenient to summarise at the outset the main differences between the three recensions mentioned above. Todar Mall divides his eighteen manuscripts into two groups: Northern (11 MS.) and Southern (7 MS.) ; but three different recensions for a portion of the text are distinguishable in them. All the eighteen Northern and Southern MSS. of Todar Mall, as well as all the printed editions of the drama, agree in giving the same text from Act I to the end of Act V, 46, the divergences being nothing more than the inevitable differences of reading of partioular words or passages. Here also Todar Mall's Cambridge manusoript Cu (Northern), as well as his Southern manuscripts Mt, Mg, T, T, end.& Material divergences however begin from this point, and for the rest of the text we mark threo distinot recensions: (1) From Act V, 46, to the end of Act VII (i.e., to the end of the drama), the editions of Trithon, Taranatha, Jivananda, Borooah and Sridbara, as well as Todar Mall's eight Northern manuscripts (I, I, W, E, SC, Md, Alw and Bo), give what has been oalled by Todar Mall Recension A and by Hertel the vulgata recension, this being the universally accepted text, or as Ratnam Aiyar puts it,10 sarvatra pracalitah, pdthah. (2) But Ratnam Aiyar's edition, as well as Todar Mall's single Mysore manuscript Mr, gives a different text for this portion of the drama (i.e., from Act V, 46, to the end of Act VII), and this recension, marked by Todar Mall as Recension 011, is expressly attributed to one poet Subrahmanya. At the end of Act VII the manuscript Mr reads (Todar Mall, p. 306): aemin ndtake viliprakarane dauritmyid aribhih' (V, 46) iti bloka-paryantena grantha-sandarbhena Bhavabhaitina tri-bhaga-parimita katha vinacita tatahavasyam ca breyasvind maya bhavitavyam' (prose-passage preceding V, 47, in this recension) iti vili-vikyid Arabhya bharata-odlya-paryantena grantina-sanlarbhena Subrahmanya-kavina kertono'pi kathbesah puritah/ tasya pollaruvamia-jaladhi-condrasya Venkteudryatandbhavasya Verktamba-garbha-sambhavasya drigevid. waitdtma-jnanasidhir astul. Ratnam Aiyar's footnote repeats (3rd. ed., 1910, p. 224) these words up to the end of katha-bepah pidritah, but omits the rest, probably basing the footnote on a similar colophon in the MS. utilised for that edition. These two Recensions A and C, i.e., the vulgata and Subrahmanya's text, therefore, stand in sharp oontrast to each other with regard The Poona editiops, both of which were published in 1887, one by 8. G. Jyotishi and the other by Sridhara Sastri with his own commentary, also follow this recension. There is also a Madras edition with the modern commentary of Laksmana Sari (New ed. 1904); but I have not seen it. Mt and Mg appear to be nos. 12683 and 12585 montioned in the Description Oatalogue of Sank. M88. in the Govt. Oriental MSS. Library, Madras, vol. XYI, pp. 8451, 8453. But there are three other MSS., probably trore recent acquisitions, in the same Library, which have not been collated by Todar Mall, but which are dosoribed in the above Catalogue. These are: (1) no. 12584 (p. 8452) going up to the end of Act V, (2) no. 12586 (p. 8453), with Viraraghava's commentary, containing Acts 1.VII completo and (3) no. 12587 (p. 8466) which breaks off in Act IV. Of the romaining three Northern MSS. of Todar Mall, his Cambridge University martisoript Cu enda with v. 46: India Office M89 I, ends with Ant V; Bengal Asiatic Society manuscript Bfollows Recension 10 This text is given by him as an appendix to his edition. 11 This rooension is given in Appendix B, p. 286L.

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JANUARY, 19901 ON THE TEXT OF THE MAHAVIRACARITA 15 to the portion of the text between Act V, 46, to the end of Aot VII. (3) But the third recension disclosed by Todar Mall's Kashmir and Bengal manuscripts K and BI is somewhat peculiar. It is distinguished by reading a different text only from Act V, 48, to the end of that Aot; for the rest of the text, i.e., for Acts VI and VII, it agrees with the vulgata or Recension A. After giving the full text of V, 46, the manuscript K notes: etavad Bhavabhaleh, agre kavi-nayaka. Vinayakabhattair apari. From this point it adds a different text up to the end of Act V, and also for the last few syllables of the third foot and the whole of the fourth foot of V, 46.13 From what has been said above the following facts will be clear: (1) With regard to the text from Act I to the end of Act V, 46, there is agreement in all MSS. and editions of the drama. (2) With regard to the text from Act V, 46, to the end of Act VII we have (a) the vulgata or the Recension A, (b) the text of Subrahmanya and (e) the text of Vinayaka, which agrees partially with the vulgata in Aots VI and VII, but differs from the vulgata as well as from Subrahmanya's text in the portion from Act V, 46, to the end of that Act. Now with regard to the text from Act I to the end of Act V, 46, there is not only universal agreement but we have also the fact that one Northern (Cu) and four Southern manuscripts (Mt, Mg, T, T2) end at this point. It is also important to note that both Subrahmanya and Vinayaka undertake independently to supplement the text only after V, 46. There is the distinct evidence of Viraraghava who says :14 etavatyeva Bhavabhuteh suktih itah param tu Subrahmanya-namnah kasyacit kaver vaca iti mulla eval sphutibhavisyati avasyam ca' ityadi (the prose passage immediately following V, 46) Subrahmanya-kaver vacamayapi prayako vyakhyasyantel. This can only mean that the genuine text of Bhavabhuti was available to Viraraghava only up to the end of V, 46, and that he was apparently of opinion that this was the extent to which Bhavabhuti's text was composed, the remainder being a supplement written in later times by one (kasyacit) Subrahmanya-kavi. That this supplement came into existence some considerable time before Viraraghava is apparent from the fact that Viraraghava knew hardly anything of this "certain" Subrahmanya, but also from the indication given in his commentary that he must have used more than one MS. of Subrahmanya's text, of which he notices several variant readings. On the other hand, the manuscript Kalso indicates that the genuine work of Bhavabhuti extended up to the end of V, 46 (etavad Bhavabhateh) and that another supplement was composed by one Vinayaka Bhatta. From this, either of two conclusions is possible: (1) that the genuine text of Bhavabhuti was available to the scribes and commentators up to the end of V, 46, and, as we have two independent supplements composed respectively in Northern and Southern India only after this point, the rest of the work was lost, or (2) that Bhavabhuti wrote the work only up to the end of V, 46, and for some reason or other left the drama incomplete. We have no data to establish definitely the correctness of either of these conclusions. At the same time it is clear that the text up to the end of V, 46, is undoubtedly the work of Bhavabhuti himself. The rest was either lost or never written by the dramatist, and attempts were made in later times to supplement it (a phenomenon which is not unusual in Sanskrit literature) by (I) the anonymous vulgata text, (2) by Vinayaka Bhatta and (3) by Subrahmanya. 13 This agreement between Kashmir and Bengal manuscripts is notable; but Todar Mall's Calcutta Sanskrit College manuscript So follows the vulgata or Recension A. The manuscript B belongs to the Asiatic Society of Bengal. 13 The reading of B is not clear from Todar Mall's description. At p. viii of the Introduction, we are toid that "B is very fragmentary, covering as it does a little over two Acts"; and from p. xi it appears that it comprised Acts VI and VII, although we are not told what else it included. From the varias lectionas noted in the text it seems that the MS. begins with the 4th pdda of V, 59, of Recension C (see p. 282) and ends with Act VII, following Recension C throughout. 14 This passage is given in the footnote to the commentary on V, 46 (p. 199) in Ratnam Aiyar's edition, with[it] Viraraghavah. 18 This reference to a later passage of the text can only mean (as Hertel interprets it), the colophon of one or all of Viraraghava's own MSS. of the text.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JANUARY, 1990 It is diffioult to identify VinAyaka Bhatta. Of all the Vinayakas mentioned by Aufrecht, one Vinayaka Pandita is quoted in Sarngadhara-paddhati (no. 1254), while another Vinayaka is mentioned as the author of a metrical Parva-pfthika to Daiakumdra-carita. It is possible, h-wever, to identify Subrahmanya from the details given about him by the Mysore MS., which tells us that he was the son of Venkatesa and VenkatambA and that he belonged to the Pollaru family. It appears to have been he who wrote a commentary on the Prabodha-candrodaya, called Praudha-prakasa, 16 as well as a commentary entitled Dharma-pradipikd on a treatise on Asauca called Abhinava-salafiti 17 In the opening verses of both these works the same parentage is given, but the name of the family is mentioned as Ponduri. With regard to Subrahmanya's supplement, or Recension C, which extends from Act V, 46, to the end of Act VII, no question arises, as it is homogeneous and distinctly attributed to a particular author. But the vulgata (or Recension A) and Vinayaka's text (Recension B) have a large portion of the supplementary text in common, viz., the whole of the text of Acts VI and VII which is the same in both recensions. That this portion is spurious admits of no doubt, and both Hertel and Todar Mall have brought forward enough evidence to prove it.18 But how is it that both Recensions A and B have this portion in common, although they differ in giving two entirely divergent texts for the portion covered by the text from Act V, 46, to the end of Act V? Todar Mall has advanced (pp. viii, xviii-xix) a somewhat extraordinary theory that Bhavabhuti's original work must have come to a sudden close with Aot V, 46, but that later on the dramatist revised this portion and brought the Act to a close. He maintains that the vulgata text or Recension A from Act 1, 46, to the end of that Act represents this authentic added text of Bhavabhuti. The inoomplete unrevised text up to the end of Act V, 46, 18 preserved in the MSS. of the Southern group; the revised completed text up to the end of Aot V travelled to the North where it appears in the MSS. of the Northern group. About the alleged revision of the original text the evidence does not seem to be very convincing. The fact that in some MSS. better readings are found proves nothing, especially in the case of an author like Bhavabhuti who is perhaps less careful in phrasing than most poets and naturally tempted later emendations. Again, Todar Mall himself admits (p.ix) that the readings of the Southern MSS. are at places decidedly superior to those of the Northern. This strikes at the very root of his hypothesis of revision, although Todar Mall attempts to explain this anomaly away by supposing that these occasional superior readings were inevitable in the South, which is assumed to have been the home of Sanskrit culture where Bhavabhuti's works were more frequently studied. Of this supposition no convincing evidence is produced. For his hypothesis that the portion from Act V, 46, to the end of that Act in the vulgata or Recension A represents the authentic text of Bhavabhati, the following arguments are put forward. It is necessary to consider them in detail : (1) Todar Mall writes "The oldest known MS. I, which is dated samvat 1665 (= 1609 A.D.) runs without a break beyond V, 46, and does not mention that the portion of the Act after V, 46, is from the pon of a different author. Neither do the other MSS. belonging to Recension A come to a sudden stop in the middle of the Act. On the other hand, the MSS. of the other two recensions attribute the part preceding V, 46, and that following V, 46, to the end of Aot V in clear words to different authors." There are several inacouracies in this argument. In the first place, the Cambridge University Manuscript Cu, an equally old Northern MS.supposed to be "a little over 300 years old," extends only up to V, 46, and its evidence cannot be lightly set aside. In the second place, if the MSS. of Recension A, which give the text without & break, do not mention (as the MSS. of other recensions do) that the portion after V, 46, is from the pon of a different author, 16 Noticed with extracts in Descriptive Catalogue of Sanak. MSS. in the Madras Government Oriental Montoript Library, vol. XXI, No. 12560, p. 8429. 11 Notiood in the same Cataloguo, vol, V, No. 3011, p. 2240. 18 Soo Todar Mall, p. xix ; Fprtol, p. &.

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JANUARY, 1930] ON THE TEXT OF THE MAHAVIRACARITA 17 they also do not mention that Acts VI and VII are spurious. Applying the same argument, we shall have to consider these Acts also as the authentic text of Bhavabhati. It is difficult indeed to conclude anything definite from the fact that some MSS. of Recension A stop without a break at the end of Act V, for other MSS. of the same recension oarry on the text without break to the end of Act VII. On the other hand, the evidence of the other two Recensions B and is not in favour of the genuineness of anything beyond V, 46. The Kashmirian manuscript K, which is dated in samvat 1674 (1618 A.D.), and which is therefore nearly as old us Todar Mall's I, considers only the portion ending with V, 46, as genuine, and regards the whole. of the remaining text (i.e., even including VI and VII) as the supplementary work of Vinayaka. Four 1 Southern MSS. also either (1) stop abruptly at V, 46, or (2) as in the case of the Mysore MS. or Viraraghava's text(Recension C), regard the whole of the remaining text (i.e., from V, 46, to the end of the drama) as the work of Subrahmanya. It is clear that both Vinkyaka and Subrahmanya undertake to write a supplement of the work, each in his way, after V, 46, and not after the end of Act V. If Bhavabhati's own text has been preserved in Recension A up to the end of Act V (as both Hertel and Todar Mall argue), then we are driven to the ratherunwarranted conclusion that not only Subrahmanya but also Vinayaka took the unusual liberty of altering even the genuine text after V, 46, to the end of Act V. The very fact that both these authors were independently in agreement in completing the text only after V, 46, would make us pause before we seriously maintain that the Recension A preserves Bhavabhuti's. genuine text up to the end of Act V. (2) Todar Mall's second argument is more important. He points out that Mahaviracarita V, 49, in Recension A is cited (with the words yatha Vfracarite or yatha Mahaviracarite) in the Avaloka commentary on Dasarti paka II, 50 (ed. Hall) and in Sahitya-darpana (on VI, 30, ed. Durgaprasad, 1915, p. 309), and infers from this that evidently the authors of these old works on Alamkara considered the text of Recension A [i.e., from V, 46, to the end of that Aot] as the genuine text of Bhavabhati." In oonsidering this argument, it must be noted that the Sahitya-darpana cannot be taken as an old work on Alamkara and that the context shews that it merely borrows or copies this illustrative quotation from Dabartpaka in oonnexion with the discussion of adttuati urtli in the heroio and its four divisions. The citation in the Dasarupaka, which alone we need therefore consider here, cannot however be so lightly brushed aside. But this singles citation by itself cannot, in our opinion, be taken as having a conclusive foroe. It only shows that Dhanika, author of the Avaloka commentary, regarded this verse as a part of the genuine text, and nothing more. It only indicates that in Dhanika's time, as in later times, the whole of the vulgata texta1 came to be generally accepted as genuine in the North (as sarvatra pracalitah pathah) and we need not therefore be surprised that he did not regard it as spurious. (3) Todar Mall's third argument that this portion of Recension A (i..., from V, 46, to the end of that Act) contains a couple of passages which appear to be repeated in the other dramas of the author, does not bear close scrutiny; for these slight repetitions of phrases (as in two cases in Act VI noted by Todar Mall himself) can be easily accounted for by the likely supposition that the unknown writer of the vulgata supplomont wanted to imitate Bhavabhati and probably appropriated these phrases from the latter. (4) Todar Mall's fourth argument that Recension B runs to an unusual longth and covers 75 verses (as against 16 of Recension A) need not be seriously considered; for this recension is distinotly ascribed to a different author, and the question therefore does not arise. 10 Viz., Mt, Mg, T, and Ty. Only Madros Oriental Library M8. No. 12684 and 12688 (100 above footnoto 8) end with Aot V, but there is nothing to show that they belong to the Souther group. The Tanjore M88. TO and Tare obviously fragmentary, the former broalcing on in Ao V, the latter containing only mroo Aote. 30 The citation of Mahdolracorita, V, 61, in Sarapat-kanthabharana (od. Borooah, p. 361) is anonymous and proves nothing. n And not necesarily up to the end of Act V, for the abuonos of any quotations from Acts VI sad VII proves nothing. .

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18 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ JANUARY, 1930 We are now in a position to conclude with great probability that (1) the text from Act I to the end of Act V, 46, forms the only authentic text of Bhavabhuti, and (2) that the vulgata.on Recension A of the rest of the drama (and not merely of Acts VI and VII) is as spurious as Recen sions B and C, which are expressly attributed to Vinayaka and Subrahmanya respectively. But one question still remains unsolved. We have already noted that Acts VI and VII have identical texts in both A and B recensions. Only the text from Act. V, 46, to the end.of Act V differ entirely in these two recensions, A giving a shorter and B a longer text for this portion. But Todar Mall's Kashmirian manuscript K, which presents Recension B and which is a fairly old MS. dated in 1618 A.D., reads after V, 46: etavad Bhavabhuteh agre kavi-nayaka-Vinayaka-bhattair apuri/. Now as this MS. (as well as B which gives also Recension B) includes Acts VI and VII and does not end with Act V, and as this inscription occurs after V, 46, the word agre must be taken to refer to the rest of the text from Act V, 46, to the end of Act VII. In other words, Vinayaka must be taken as responsible not only for the text between Act V, 46, to the end of that Act, but also for Acts VI and VII in Recension B. But the text for Acts VI and VII in Recension B is identical with the text for those Acts in Recension A, which therefore must also be the work of Vinayaka, but which was indiscriminately incorporated into the anonymous Recension A. In other words, the Recension A extends only from Act V, 46, to the end of that Act and does not include Acts VI and VII, for which if merely borrows the text of Recension B.. Todar Mall, however, appears to take agre as referring only to the portion between Act V, 46, to the end of that Act. In other words, he appears to think that Acts VI and VII in both Recensions A and B are of anonymous authorship; but with regard to the text between Act V, 46, to the end of that Act, the Recension A is anonymous, while Recension B is the work of Vinayaka. But unfortunately there are no data to establish this point. I am inclined to believe, for reasons given above, that the whole of the text from Act V, 46, to the end of Act VII is the work of Vinayaka. For the portion between Act V, 46, to the end of that Act, it is probable that there originally existed the longer text of Vinayaka in Recension B, but subsequently a shorter, anonymous text (as represented by Recension A) came into existence, receiving universal acceptance and even superseding the original text of Vinayaka. MISCELLANEA. NOTES ON ASOKA'S INSCRIPTIONS. Rock Proclamations. (1) akachd in ekachd samajd at Girnar (RP. I); variante: ekatiyd (Kdies, Jaugada), ekatiya (Mansehr&). Restored in Sanskrit, it would bb elatya, formed after the fashion of daksidiya, amatya, ihatya, nistya of Sanskrit (Panini, IV, 2, 98, IV, 2, 104; Kabika, pp. 316, 318), where, however, the formation is possible only from avyayas. The meaning given to the term by Hultzsch (C.1.1., vol. I, p. 2) namely, 'some' (" But there are Also some festival meetings which are considered meritorious......") is unacceptable. It does not bring out the significance of ekatya. The text is not end bad, but elucha samajd. Ekatya means of one,' ie., single-show samaja, as opposed to those where, as Professor F. W.Thomas has pointed out (JRAS., 1914, p. 394), fights or contests took place. These latter were held between animal and animal, man and animal, or man and man, resulting in sights of cruelties, blood or death. These samajas were prohibited, following the policy of merey proclaimed in dharma-lipi No. 1. Those samajas where a single living being performed, i.c., non-duelling ones, were not prohibited. The description in the royal document is accurate and positive and not, as Hultzsch makes it, indefinite and undefined ('some'). (2) Dhamma-lipi. Hultesch translates this by 'rescript on morality'; Buhler, by 'religious edict.' In 1915 (Modern Review, Calcutta, Jan., 1915, p. 81) I pointed out that the rendering 'edict' was inadmissible. Some of the dharma-lipin, e.g., Rock series II, VIII and X, are not orders; they merely record facts. The term 'rescript,' connected as it is with Roman imperial edicts or Papal orders, is open to the same objection. The word lipi is explained, so to speak, by Asoka himself by its use in the Sarnath record. Two lipis of the same denna are directed to be dealt with, one lipi (ikd lips) of which was to be 'deposited' (Hultasoh) or 'inscribed' (Venis) in your office," ie., the office of the songhe. Here lipi is a despatch, a document or a draft, used in the secondary sense of a 'copy. Sasana is the raja-deana of the Kaufillya Artha-stra (c. 31, or II. 10), the royal edict or order. Lipi, therefore, is not " escr or 'edict.' K. P. JAYASWAL.

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JANUARY, 1930] BOOK-NOTICE BOOK-NOTICE THE BHAGAVADGITA, TRANSLATED FROM THE SANS. editio princeps of Schlegel (and Lassen). The pre KRIT WITH AN INTRODUCTION, AN ARGUMENTsent writer has, however, pointed to the quotationg WXD A COMMENTARY BY W. DOUGLAS P. HILL. from the Bhagavadgita by Albiranil as indicating xii + 303 pp. 8vo. Oxford University Press. the existence of another text, and he still believes London: Humphrey Milford, 1928. this to be the case. Professor F. O. Schrader, who The Bhagavadgita still holds its sway over the ! on this point cherishes a different opinion, has Hindu mind as being one of the most admirable and pointed out the existence of a text containing 745 saintly poems ever brought forth by the human verses instead of the traditional 700--which is intellect. It still seems to interest and stimulate in fact mentioned already in the M. Bh. vi, 43, 4-6. Western scholarship as much as it did a hundred But the summary of that text given by Profesor years ago, and there is certainly not a year that Schrader proves it to be extremely doubtful whether passes without conferring upon us some learned it can really claim any great age at all. Thus there contribution towards the understanding of this is no room for textual conjectures although a few text--wbother in one of the very numerous perio. verses seem strongly to invite suggestions. To quote dicals of Europe, India or America. ope or two instances : in 3, 23-29, we find the It is thus with every reason that Mr. Hill, former actual text roading thus: ly of King's Colloge Cambridge, and a lato principal Yadi ny aham na vartteyam jdtu karmasy alanof Jay Narayan's High School at Benares, has dritah undertaken to re-edit the Bhagavadgita together Mama vartmd nu variante manupyah pdrtha aarwith an introduction and an English translation. vada) || 23 | Let us admit at once that he has succeeded quite Utsideyur ine lokd na kuryam karma oed aham well with his not very easy task, and that he has given Samkaraaga ca kartta Ayam upahanydm imda us a very useful handbook for lectures as well as for praja! || 24 || private studies. The text is admirably printed, like As these verses stand the latter half of v. 23 must everything issued by the Oxford University Press. needs form a sort of parenthesis, which is rather The English translation is clear and fluent and awkward. But this half-verse is identical with the gives & very good idea of the not always very pel second part of 4. 11. where everything second part of 4, 11, where everything is in order ; lucid arguments of Srf Bhagavdn. The introduc. and I should think it very probable that in our tion contains what we might expect to find there, I passage the text originally ran thus: viz., a collection of notices on Krsna Vasudeva and mama varttmdnu vartteran manupyda pdrtha aarhis cult, together with an exposition of the main doctrines of the Bhagavadgit; there is also an ample which would make the whole & well defined and and generally very helpful conspectus of the main unimpeachable sentence. And in 11, 12, it would contents of the poem. The commentary on tho i certainly ameliorate the sense to a considerable de text limits itself to paraphrasing the native com gree if wo were allowed to read thus : mentators. We might have wished it somewhat divi odryasahasrarya bhaved yugapad ndhild otherwise, but we shall by no means argue this yadi bhdsadrat na sydd bhdaas tarya mahdipoint, as that is mainly a matter of taste. The pre manah Il went writer has already found opportunity to use Mr. instead of the traditional sadra od sydd, etc., which Hill's work as a text-book for a series of lectures, and is certainly rather tame. he can warmly recommend it for its sound qualities. On the questions dealt with in the introduction But these may be futile speculations. There aro, we shall not dwell here, as they will partly be touch however, several passages where we feel we must ed upon in a separate article in this journal. As for disagree with the learned author on points of transthe doctrines of the Bhagavadgita, the main impres lation, textual criticism, eto. And we shall now sion of the present writer is that they have been allow ourselves to touch upon a few of these passages. strongly overrated. The poem in its present shape In 1, 7, mibodha hardly means 'learn' but rather contains a most marvellous jumble of sublime doc. mark,' observe.' 3 In 1, 10, aparydpla and par. trines and nonsensical platitudes; but that probR y dpta form an old cru translatoris. They cannot, bly has got something to do with the origin and however, mean 'too weak' and 'too strong 'which growth of the text. Anyhow, the astounding hy. in the month of Duryodhans sounds absurd; the pothesis of the late Professor Garbe concerning sense must rather be that of 'full'='tightly closed,' & Samkhye and a later Vedanta version explains packed together, which talice fairly well with nothing, as it remains entirely fanciful. the next vers. 1, 23, does not, of course, forma * The Bhagavadgita pretends to be a text with continuation of 1, 22, but is a self-contained sentence; next to no varice lectiones, and consequently the Schlegel correctly tranplates the words : yotoyamd. vext of Mr. Hill is on the whole identical with the ndn avekse, "ham ya ete' tra samdgardh by 'proelia 1 Cp. JRAS. 1925, p. 802. ? Cp. Aus Indiens Kultur Festgabe far R. v. Garbe (1927), p. 171 1. 3 Schlegel correctly translates animadverte.' 1 Cr.e.g., M. Bh. , 186 : dvdrdri...... parydptani bhansi ca and Kumaras. III, 54 : parydplaput pasabak ivanamrd, where the sense is somewhat the same. wadah

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20 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ JANUARY, 1930 turos equidem intelligo istos, qui huc convenere.' sonally I should rather profer still more than forIn 2, 2, Mr. Hill, liko other translators, renders Katm erly.' In 8, 17, the translation correctly pro. mala by despondency '; but it is in reality identi- suppones that we read ye for yad which is, however, cal with moha. The verse 2, 11, has been correctly in Mr. Hill's text. And in 9, 33 : lokam imam prdpya rendered by Mr. Hill, though it was at one time the will most probably mean: 'thou who hast come object of a rather fanciful emendation, which might into this world.' perhaps have been mentioned in the commentary. Parve catedro manaval in 10, 6, must, no doubt, On the curious construction of 2, 38, there is not the go together and not as parue calvdro + mananal.. slightest remark though it has boon commented Likewise in 10, 13, Asita and Devala are not two upon by various scholars.7 separate persone, but the well-known old seer Anita On the verse 2, 46, there is a somewhat extensive Devala who visited the child Siddhartha, the future literature, cf. Pavolini, Album Kem, p. 141 ag, Buddha. In 10, 28, the Forefather Kandarpa Fritzsche, Vierteljahrsachrift for Philosophie u. Sozio should be the Procreator K.' The translation, in Iania. xvi. 354. Belloni Filippi, ZDMG.Iviil, 379 | 11, 30, of tejoblir dpdrya jagas aamagram by 'thou aq.; Jacobi, ibid. lviii, 383 sq.; Sohrador, ibid. lxiv, 1 fillost the wholo universe with the glory,' would be 336 sq. Of all these scholars, Professors Pavolini correct if for 'glory' were read flames. In and Schrader have, with the help of the native 11, 32, rte'pi tudm are correctly rendered by Schlegel: commentaries and parallel passages from Indian 'te solo excepto.' In 11, 37, the translation of tatpa. literature, interpreted the passage quito intelli- ram by 'that Supreme' is senseless; the correct vibly; it simply means: 'w much to as there rendering is found in the quotation given in the is in a tank when everything else is flooded by footnote. And in 17, 19, mudhagrdhesa is less water,' ete. In 2, 53, the rendering of frutivi aptly rendered by: 'with fond conviction.' pratipannd by perplexed by what is heard' We have also noted some slight misprints in the is probably a slip, as it gives not the slightest sense ; . Sanskrit text which may perhaps be mentioned it must mean turned away from holy lore (fruti). t h ere. Thug in 2, 37, read bhakayade mahim; in 2, 53, In 2, 54, Boehtlingk. Sitz.ber d. adcho. Ges. theyati; in 4, 22, nibadhyate; in 5, 14, karmaphala. d. Wiss., 1897, p. 89.. wanted to read and for whaedamyoga: in 6, 23, yogo, nirvignacetaed (thus cor. which is, of course, fanciful : in the second half of rectly the translation); in 9, 15, ekatrena; in 11, 16, this verse the translation ought to run thus : 'Does vivarupa (thus the translation); in 14, 26, brahma. the man of steadfast mind talk? Does he sit 8 bhdydya; in 15, 4, prapadyed (op. p. 238, n. 1); in 18, (immovable)? Does he move about ?' 31, pdrtha. In 11, 41, mahindnam tavedam is probab. With the verso 3, 13 op. (except Manu iii, 118) ly not a miaprint though Schlegel-Lassen have the RV. X, 117, 6, as well as Professor Sieg, Sagenstoffe, correct tapemam; and in 11, 43, the author mentions p. 9, and the present writer, ZDMG., lxvi, 46. In the correct reading guror garlydn in the footnote, the translation of 3, 16, we ought to reject the word but without making use of it in his text and transla. *with,' and read "he who .. turns not the wheel, tion-gurur gariyan is, of course, next to senseless. to obtain the correct sense. Lokanat graha in 3, 20 Dr. Rajwadlo somo years ago published a fairly ex. (and elsewhere) scarcely means 'guidance, but tensive list of grammatical and literary misdoinge rather support of the world. committed by the author(s) of the BhagavadgitA. 10 In 5, 4, children should, of course, be fools. That paper, in spite of its usefulness, was in the In 5, 8, manyeta is not very aptly rendered by the main a failure, for epic texts like this one cannot simple thinks.' As for 5, 10, the present writer be judged by the standards of Panini and Patajali would venture the humblo question whether a or of the authorities on Alamkara. But, no doubt, lotus-leaf can really be 'smeared' by water: the the Bhagavadgita contains shocking things from English word, anyhow, does not here render the grammatical point of view such as prasavigyadham real sense of lipyate. In 5, 11, doma fuddhaye most (3, 10), nivasinyari (12, 8), md ducak (16, 5) or the probably must be co-ordinated with sangam tyaltod. vocative he wakheti in 11, 41.11 Mr. Hill has, how. In 5, 17, the words: their stain by knowledge ever, withheld his opinion on these absurdities, cleansed' would translate an expression jndnanirdh which is perhaps the wisest course to follow. qulakalmapd but not the present reading nirdh. We have allowed ourselves to criticise a few minor dia'; and in 5, 18, vinaya scarcely means 'humility.' El points in Mr. Hill's work. But on the whole we Sambalpa in 6,2-24, is not exactly 'purpose,' but have found it thoroughly satisfactory and should rather wish.' And in 6, 43, I doubt whether tato like to congratulato him upon his fair amount of success. bhdyal really means 'thence. ... once more; per. JARL CHARPENTIER. 6 Schlegel correctly : perturbatio. * Op. Speyer, ZDMG., lvi, 123 sq., contra Boehtlingh, ibid. Ivi, 200; Oldenberg, Goett. Nachrichten 1919, p. 332, n. 3. 1 Op. Schlegel. Laren, Bhaponadgid, P. xxix n.: Johansson, Monde Oriental ii, 84 ; Rajwade, Bhandarkar, Comm., vol. p. 329. * Cp. 2, 61. On him ep. Windisch, Veslachrift . Kuhn, p. 6 sq. 10 Op. Bhandarkar, Comm., vol. p. 325 sq. 11 As for this last form I do not believe in Rajwade's explanation (sakheti) but rather think with Lamen that it is due to the correct) form otheti in the previous line.

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Plate Indian Antiquary X 94D SONS-00-08- 2 HTTER AD EMALETURNA SONSOR THE yaMAramA THAN KAL AL LDIADMARRIERT NASON INSCRIPTION OF ISANABHATA, V. S. 887. Note.--Scale 11/20 ths of original.

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FEBRUARY, 1930 ] NASUN INSCRIPTION OF ISANABHARA OF VIKRAMA SAMVAT 887 21 NASON INSCRIPTION OF ISANABHATA OF VIKRAMA SAMVAT 887. BY R. R. FALDER. This fragmentary inscription, engraved on the back of the lower part of a broken image, was found at Nasun in Kbarwa estate in Ajmer-Merwara by Thakur Gopalasimha of Kharwa, who presented it to the Rajputana Museum, Ajmer. It was noticed in the Annual Report of the Museum for the year 1920-21. The inscription consists of 16 lines, comprising twenty verses followed by nearly three lines of prose at the end. The upper part of the stone being broken and its surface having peeled off at several places, much of the writing has been lost, and the letters here and there are indistinct. The characters are of the northern type of alphabet, generally known as Kutila lipi, and belonging to the ninth century A.D. They include some letters which are generally found in inscriptions of earlier date. For instance, of gte in l. 6;ug of egzto and to in II. 7 and 13, respeotively; of in 1. 11 ; 2 of 2deg in l. 12; 7 oftar in l. 13; of 1 in l. 16, eto., show their earlier forms. The subscript u and I are written in different ways, as in #4 (1.5), gat (1. 13) and goto (1.6), y: (1. 8), eto. Similarly, T is written differently, as in TTT (1. 12), (1. 14), and trao (1. 15). The numerical symbol for 7 in 17 (1. 11) and in 887 (1. 15) is also worthy of note. The language is Sanskrit with some occasional mistakes, which are shown in the footnotes accompanying the text. In respect of orthography the following may be noted Consonants are doubled (1) with a superscript , as in partao (1.6), (1. 10), "Patto (1. 12), eto. ; (2) with a subscript t, as in Ter (1.9), Taro (1.9), 2 (1. 15), eto. is used for in iTY (1.8), Anusvara is used for nasals in (1. 5), to (1.13), WASHTdeg (1. 15), eto. Other mistakes and irregularities are pointed out in the footnotes acoompanying the text. The contents of the insoription may be thus summarised : After the first fifteen verges, the meaning of which is not clear the verses being inoomplete), the inscription records the name of Isanabhata as the son of Dhanika in verse 16. Verse 17 eulogises the god Siva, wbile the next verse informs us that the image of Nilalohita (Siva) was set up by the guru (preceptor) Gamundasvami. In verse 19 we are told that the verses were composed by Krona, son of Bhatta Govinda, by the order of Isanabhata. In the prose lines at the end, we are informed that this Prasasti was written by the chieftain Isanabhata, son of Dhanika, for the sake of bis guru Gamundasvami; that the idol was caused to be made by the monk Jajjasvami, and that the inscription was engraved by Deddata, son of Atiganadita. The prose portion (1: 15) also contains the date as the second day of the dark half of Vaisakha, samvat:887, corresponding to the 4th April 830 A.D. The year is given in words as well as in symbols. The inscription records the installation of an image of Siva by Gamundasvamt. It has also some historioal interest in that it mentions the name of the chieftain Isanabhata, son of Dhanika. Now, the date of Dhanika, according to this inscription; may be placed about Samvat 887 (A.D. 810), if a rule of twenty years be assigned to fsanabhata. This date of Dhanika agrees with that of the Guhila chief Dhanika ruling at Dhavagarta (Dhor in the Jahazpur district of the Udaipur State) and mentioned in the Dabok inscription of Dhavslappadeva, dated Harga Samvat 207 (A.D. 813). Thus, from these two inscriptions it would appear that the two Dhanikas are identical and that this chieftain ruled over that part of the country which extended from Nastat (the findspot of this insoription) to Dhof. Another ruler named Dhanika, belonging to the Guhila family, is mentioned in the Chatsa inscription1 of BalAditya, in which, as opposed to the present inscription, he is said to be the great-grandson of I&Anabbgta. He, therefore, appears to be a different person from the Dhanika of this record, Who is said to be the father of Isanabhata. Again, from the Chats insoription we know that 1 Ep. Inch, vol. XII, p. 11.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ FEBRUARY 1930 / / / / ||11 Dhanika mentioned thereim was the fifth predecessor of Haryaraja, who was contemporary' with the imperial Pratibara King Bhoja (V.S. 900-38, A.D. 843-81) of Kanauj. His date will therefore, fall about S. 820 (A.D. 763), if an average rule of twenty years be assigned to each of his successors. Thus from the dates as well as from the genealogies given in two inscriptions (Chatsu and the present), it is probable that these two Dhanikas were different persons and flourished at different periods, though they may both have belonged to the Gubila family. Similarly, it might be shown that there were different Isanabhatas. It will be seen, moreover, from the above that the Guhilas, besides their main branch ruling at Nagda, Ahada (Aghata) and Chitor, etc., were also in control of the territory extendingfrom Chatsu in Jaipur State to Dhor in Mewar, most probably in subordination to the imperial Prati. baras of Kanauj, who at the period in question held sway over nearly the whole of Rajpatana. Text.3 - - - - - prazAnta - - 2. - - - - - - - - - - samA - ta - - - - - - pa - lIlayA bhanuma --pya - - ---tA yAti va-ca-dAtAsya bhukko -tiSa sya--- syAbhimAnaH doSamasyaikamAhuH paramiha yadasau [ sarva ] lokAnukaMpI // 15 // zrIvaka pa - 6. gA [muNDa ] svAmiyogapIThavinirgatayogezvaraM matvA na -dhi -: uttarasumagA ! pUrvapazcimamAskaraH zrImatadAtaH -- 7. raNa -h - ta vicchaToSikapiLagAmuNDasvAminaM zrI -- zvara zrI - - varI zrIgAuNDasvAmyekapiNDavaikamAtti [2]8. pare tasminlInAH zrutvA zrIdhanikAtmajo nRpa pasau zrIzAna puryobhaTaH / bhartadharmaruciM 'pRyaMvadamapi tyaktAnRtaM dUrataH 9. sAdhU sajjanavacchalaM khanananastrastaM10 zuciM jJAninaM / draSTayA pAda [5] 12ya tasya na matistAra [sa] tanAH gataH // 16 // yatrAstre gu10. ru yadasadRzo dItyA na coSNAsya sA niHzeSe nRpaH --ma paraH pApApaho darzanA ---mavadasya dhIraya - 11. masI zrImAnumAvallabhaH dharmAdharmavinAzakApara pada 14prAtiyato jAyate // 17 // - gAmaNDasvAmiguruNA sthApito nI12. salohitaH / draSTanyoyaM 15namaHsyazca smartabyazca zubhArSibhiH 16 // 18 // zrIzAnabhaTanirdezAdbhagobindasanunA kRSce13. na racitAH zlokAH katicinmUDhacetasA // 20 // 17 185vaMdohInA yati bhraSTA 10pazavyayutA papi kItimate kariSyanti kartuM - 14. bdhi nivezitAH // 21 // 30 sitA ceyaM prazastA maNDalAdhipa zrImadIzAna - bhaTena zrIdhanikasUnumA zrIgA - 15. muNDasvAmiguvarSe yadatta cUca dharmatvAryA:22 || . // saMvatsarazatecA saptAzIyadhikaSyAtopi 887 - 16. zAkha vadi dvitIyA // * // kArAvakona tapasIjajjasvAmi / utkIravA25 ceyaM prazakhA deTenAtigavAditasUtena [1] Bp. Indh, vol. XII. p. 12. From the stone. * Road mAno. * Read vicchAdau * Read bhardharma. .. - Read priyaM. 8 Read art. Road palsarja 10 Rond degcasta, 11 Read {ET. 1B Road ya. 18 Road vA gavaH . 10 Band prAdhibaMto. 15 Road namasyaca. 16 Read 10. 11:Read 19. . 10 Read chandoM.. 10 Read degzara. 10 Read 20. 31 Read yoga. Road sAmbamsvA: Rond 'kArApako "Road tapasvI. . Read utkIrNA. 0 Reed sutena.

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FEBRUARY, 1930 1 BENGAL'S PHILOSOPHICAL LITARYTURE IN SANSKRIT BENGAL'S CONTRIBUTION TO PHILOSOPHICAL LITERATURE IN SANSKRIT. BY CHINTAHARAN CHAKRAVARTI, M.A. (Continued from vol. LVIII, p. 233.) Vaispavism. Every religion is found to have a philosophical system of its own on the basis of which the doctrines and tenets peculiar to it should be explained. And Neo-Vaisnavism of Bengal was not an exception to this rule. It also evolved a full-fledged philosophy of its own, which, in course of time, came to be known as Gaudiya Vaisnava philosophy. This is properly a sub-school of Vedanta, being based primarily on the Madhva system, though it was influenced hy the Nimbarka and Ballabha schools as well. But it differs in some points at least from the system of Madhva. Thus, according to the latter, the object of adoration is Visnu alone, no divinity being ascribed to his consort Laksmi. But according to the Gaudiya school, Visnn together with his congort should be worshipped. Devotion in conjunction with action, assert the Madhvas, leads to salvation. Devotion, puro and unmixed, is the cause of salvation --this is the view of the sohool of Caitanya. According to the school of Madhya, salvation can be attained by Brahman devotees alone, but the Gaudiya school is more liberal and asserts the equal right of all, irrespective of any distinction of caste, to that supreme goal of life. The most prominent distinguishing features of the Bengal school of Vaisna vism are (1) the doctrine of Acintya-bhedabheda (incomprehensible difference-non-difference), (2) prominence given to urndavanaldia of Krena, in contradistinction to the different Vaianava schools of the South. The work which the followers of this school regard as the most important and authorita tive is the Bhagavata-purana. This Purana, they suppose, was composed to elucidate the Vedanta sutras and is regarded by them as the commentary on the said sutras. Thus the major portion of the philosophical works of this school is covered by direct commentaries on the Bhagavata and by independent works composed to elucidate and systematically presont the views of it. Of direct comunentaries mention may be made of the works of Sanatana, Jiva, Visvanatha, Baladeva. Besides these, the Brhad-bhagavatamrta of Sanatana and Laghubhagavalamrta of Rapa, which is an abridgement of the former, deal with the teachings of the Bhagavata. The most important, popular and scholarly work that sets forth in detail the philosophy of the Bhagavata is the Bhagavatao or Sat-sandarbha of Jiva Gosvamin (Ed. by Syamalal Gosvamin, Calcutta). It consists of six books, viz., Tattvasandarbha, Bhagavatao, Paramalmao, Srikrana', Bhaktio and Priti. The present work is stated to have been based on a work of Gopala Bhatta, the famous disciple of Caitanya, which appears to have been fragmentary and incomplete. An abridgement of this voluminous work, presumably by the author himself, is the Sarasamgraha (Cs., X, p. 96). But works on the Bhagavata alone could secure no recognition for tho Bengal Vaisnavas among those of other provinces, for a school was required to have commentaries on the Vedanta sitras, the Bhagavad-gita and Upanipads to entitle itself to that recognition. And, it is told, that it was to win that recognition for this school that Baladeva Vidyabhusana composed a commentary on the Vedanta-sdtra, called the Govindabharya (Purana Karyalaya, Calcutta--1301 B.S.). This embodies the doctrines peculiar to the system. Baladeva flourished sometime in the middle of the eighteenth century. Thus possibly he was chronologically about the last among the host of scholars who, from time to time, commented on that highly popular work--the Vedanta-sutras. But this was not the only work that Baladeva composed. Like Rapa and Jiva, he was a polymath, writing on a variety of subjectsphilosophy, rhetoric, prosody, etc. Other philosophical works composed by him were : (1) Commentary on the Bhagavad-gita (published by the Gaudiya matha, Calcutta), (2) Commentary on the ten upanipoda, tsa, Kena, Katha, Praena, Mundaka, Mandukya, Aitareya, Tait.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [FEBRUARY, 1990 tiriya, Cchandogya and Brhaddraryaka, (3) Siddhantaratna or Bhasya-pithaka (Saraswati Bhavan Series), (4) Prameya-ratndvalt (8.8.P. Series), an elementary treatise on the Vaisnava philosophy of Bengal. This work follows the school of Madhva in toto, as is indioated by the author in the introductory portions of his work. (5) Vedanta-ayamantaka, which seems to deal with the elements of the Vedanta philosophy. It was probably about the time of Baladeva that Anapa-narayana Siromani, who was apparently a follower of the school of Caitanya, wrote a gloss entitled Samanjasdvrtlile on the Vedanta-sutra. At the end of his work he dedicates it to Caitanya and refers to Ropa and Svarupa in respectful terms. But as he was not one of the recognised gosvamins held in high respect by the Vairnavas, his work is little known. Similar fate seems to have attended other works also which were composed from time to time. Of these, reference may be made to the Tattvadipika-& short Vaisnava treatise of great interest by Vasudeva Sarvabhauma, the great NaiyAyika and teacher of Caitanya (Sarasvati Bhavan Series-vol. IV, p. 68). Buddhism, Traces of Buddhist Culture in Bengal. Bengal was pre-eminently a land of Buddhism, at least before the revival of Brahmanism took place finally during the Sena rule, though previous attempts to consolidate Brahmanism are traditionally believed to have been made by kings like Adisura and Syamalavarman. The Chinese pilgrims refer to Buddhist monasteries in different parts of Bengal, which were all centres of Buddhist culture. She lived under the rule of Buddhist kings-the PAlas-for several centuries together. Bengal produced fine Buddhist icons and some of the greatest Bud. dhist scholars whose names are known far and wide. Though from about the eighth century most of these scholars of Bengal had their field of activity outside Bengal in the universities of Nalanda, Vikramasila, and sometime in far-off Tibet, there can be no gainsaying the fact that there were centres of Buddhistio culture in Bengal as well up to a fairly late period. The Mah. vihara of Jagaddala, the loonlity of which is not yet known, but which is believed to have been somewhere in Bengal, is even supposed to have been to Bengal what Nalanda was to Magadha (JBORS., 1919, p. 508). Buddhistio works were studied and copied here as in other riharas. And we know of two Buddhistic works copied in Bengal during the reign of Hari. varmadeva (circa eleventh century). These are Asfasahasrikd-prajid-paramita (R. D. Banerji -Banglar Itihasa-2nd ed., p. 304), and Laghukalacakrafika (A.S.B.-I., No. 67). The latter work, as is recorded in the manuscript itself, seems to have been recited on the banks of the river Veng in Jessore for five times. It was under the Sena rule that Brahmanism strongly asgertod itself in Bengal at the instance of BallAlasena, who is supposed to have reorganised Hindu Society in Bengal in its entirety and placed Brahmanism on a solid foundation. But there is evidenoe of Buddhist culture in Bengal as late as the fifteenth century, if not later, when a manuscript of the Bodhicaryavatara of Santideva was copied at Venugrama in 1492 V. S. (A.S.B.-I., 19). And it seems that, in spite of the efforts of Sena kings and those that followed them. Buddhism lingered on in some form or other difficult to be distinguished from the more popular Brahmanism. And this has been shown by Mm. H. P. Shastri in his Discovery of Living Buddhism in Bengal.' Bengal's Contribution to Buddhist Literature. Old Buddhist works would naturally be expected to be found in plenty in this land of Buddhism. But curious though it may seem, that is far from the actual state of things. Very few Buddhist works of Bengal are known to have been found in their Sanskrit original, and even those that have been found were discovered in places that were far from Bengal-in 16 A manuscript of the work is in the S. S. P.

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FEBRUARY, 1930 ) BENGAL'S PHILOSOPHICAL LITERATURE IN SANSKRIT 25 Nepal for instance. It was in Nepal also that the Buddhist works copied in Bengal were found. A good many works, however, fortunately for us, are preserved in their translations, in Tibetan in which the locality of the authors is found to have been mentioned in many cases. Candragomin. The earliest Bengali Buddhist scholar of whom we know anything was perhaps Candragomin, who belonged to the sobool of Asanga. He is stated to have been a grammarian, philosopher and poet, and enjoyed high renown in the Buddhist literary world. He is sup. posed to have flourished sometime about the fifth or sixth century of the Christian era (Nari. man-Lit. Hist. of Sans. Buddhism, p. 100). It is known from Tibetan records that he was born in Varendri in Bengal (Taranatha pp. 148 ff., 159 ff., Dpag-bsam-ljon-bzan-S. C. Dasp. 95, 139). Several works of his are known. Of these, Sisyalekha-dharma-kavya, which is in the form of an epistle by the author to his disciple, propounds the Buddhist doctrine in elegant kavua style (Nariman-loc. cit.). We know at least two more works composed by him. Of these, Lokananda, which exists in a Tibetan version alone, is a drama (Sanskrit Drama, Keith, p. 168), and Candra-vyakarana (edited by Dr. Bruno Liebich-Leipzig, 1902) is an independent original grammar. Silabhadra. After him probably came Silabhadra, the teacher of the great Chinese pilgrim Yuan Chwang. He is stated to have been the author of several well-known treatises (On Yuan Chwang-Watters--vol. II, p. 109, 165). But unfortunately none of his works are known to have survived. Some of his works are preserved in their Chinese translations. Santideva. After Silabhadra we may mention Santideva, who is supposed to have written sometime between 648 to 816 A.D. (H. P. Shastri-Bauddha-gana-o-doha-Introd., p. 23). In the Tanjur his home is stated to have beun in Zahore, which has been sought to be identified with & small village called Sabhar in the District of Dacca (see under Santaraksita infra). The Tibetan writer Taranatha, however, in his History of Buddhism assigns him to Surastra. But Mm. H. P. Sastri is inclined to take him to be a Bengali, one ground for this, among several others, being that one of his works contains passages in Bengali (JBORS., 1919, p. 502-3). SAntideva was a great and well-known scholar of Buddhism. Some of his works deal with Buddhist Tantra. Two of his works-Siksd-samuccaya (Ed. by Bendall-Bibliotheca BuddhicaSt. Petersburg, 1897) and Bodhicaryavatara (Bib. Ind.)-have been published. Santarak sila. The next name is that of Santaraksita, who was a great scholar of Buddhism of his time and was the High Priest of the monastery of Naland. His fame travelled beyond the limits of India, and he was invited by the king of Tibet to preach Buddhism in the land of snow. In compliance with this invitation, Santaraksita proceeded to Tibet and was fully successful in his great mission. In fact it was Santaraksita who first laid the foundation of Buddhism in the land where Bon fetishism was the prevalent faith. It is, however, a matter for great regret that we get no light about his life and works from any Indian source. All that is preserved of him is in Tibetan. He is called Santaraksita, Santiraksita and Acarya Bodhi. sattva in Tibetan. Details about his life-story as contained in Tibetan works were collected by that great Tibetan scholar, S. C. Das, in vol. I of Journal of the Buddhist Text Society where he definitely calls Santaraksita an inhabitant of Gauda, and also by Dr. S. C. Vidyabhushana in his History of Indian Logic (p. 323). The latter work represents him as having descended from the royal family of Zahore, which has been identified on phonetio grounds with the small village of Sabhar in the district of Dacca (Bengal), where ruins of old palaces and other 17 I am indebted for these references to Drs. N. P. Chakravarti and P. C. Bagchi of the Calcutta University,

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26 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (FEBRUARY, 1930 objects testifying to its antiquity and splendour have been found. (B. Bhattacharya Foreword to Tattvasangraha, p. xiii.) The Jocality was no doubt a centre of Buddhism, It was about this region that the great Buddhist scholar, Dipankara Srijnana, was born, and many Buddhist Tantrik images are said to have been found there. As regards the time when Santa flourished, we are informed by Tibetan works that he crected the monastery of Sam-ye in Tibet in the year 749 A.D., and that he died there in 762 A.D. Thus he lived in the first half of the eighth century of the Christian era. As has already been atated, he was a great scholar. He was well-versed not only in the texts of Mahayana Buddhism, but also in different systems of Indian philosophy, which he quotes and refutes in his monumental work Tattvasangraha (Gaekwad's Oriental Sories). This work gives a brilliant exposition of Mahayana Buddhism in relation to other systems of Indian philosophy, of which the shallowness is sought to be established. He wrote a good many works, of which very few have been preserved in their Sanskrit original. Tho only works of which the Sanskrit originals are known to exist are two, Tattvasangraha and Tatten. siddhi. Besides these, he wrote several other works which are available now only in their Tibetan translations. Eight of these are mentioned by Mr. Bhattacharya (op. cit., pp. xx, xxi). It will be noticed that most of these works related to Buddhist Tantra. Jetari. Next in chronological order would probably be Jetari, whose father was a Brahman named Garbhapada, who lived in Varendri at the court of Raja Santana, a vassal of the Pala kings. The famous Dipankara (born in 980 A.D.), when very young, is said to have been sent by his parents for education to Jet&ri. King Mahapala (who ruled up to 940 A.D.) is said to have conferred on him the title of Pandita of the University of Vikramasild. He thus seems to have flourished in the beginning of the tenth century. He was the author of three works on Buddhist Logio, which are found in their Tibetan translations.18 Dipankara. Now we come to Dipankara Srijnana, who, as has already boen stated, was a pupil of Jetari in his early years. He is also known by the name of Atisa. Nothing definite is known of him from any Indian souroe. We are fortunate in getting a fairly detailed account of his life and works in Tibetan works, on which was based the long and informing account of him given in the Journal of the Buddhist Text Society, vol. I, p. 9 ff. From the latter we know that Dipankara was born in 980 A.D. in the royal family of Gauda at Vikramapura in Ban. gala. His father was Kalyana Sri, and his mother Prabhavati. He probably belonged to the same Ksatriya race from which Santaraksita had hailed. His name before his initiation was Candragarbha. At a comparatively young age he became a great scholar, versed equally in Brahmanic and Buddhist lore. As a reward for his great scholarship he was made the High Priest of the monastery of Vikramasila. At the repeated invitation of the king of Tibet he went to that forbidden land' to reform the Buddhism of Tibet, which had much degenerated at that time. He worked hard for the regeneration of Tibetan Buddhism and met with his death at the ripe old age of seventy-three in 1053 A.D. at a place in Tibet near Lhasa, far away from his native land. He is still held in high respect all over Tihet and has almost been deified therein. He wrote a good many works, none of which, however, are known to exist in their Sanskrit original. Twenty works of his, of which the translations are found in the Tibetan Tangur, have been mentioned by S. C. Das in his article already referred to. Ratnakara Santi. Ratnakara Santi flourished sometime about the tenth century. He may be identical with Santi, two of whose songs in Bengali are known to have come down (Bauddha-gana-odoha-H.P.S., Intro., p. 28). He was the author of a good many Buddhist works, of which 18 The account of Jetari is based on that of Dr. 8. C. Vidyabhusana, op. cit., p. 337.

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FEBRUARY, 1930) BENGAL'S PHILOSOPHICAL LITERATURE IN SANSKRIT several belong to Buddhist Tantra, while two of his works on Buddhist logio are known (Ibid.-Appendix on list of Buddhist Tantra works, S. C. Vidyabhusana-op. cit., p. 343). Luipada. Another Buddhist scholar who has almost been deified and held in high respect, not only in some parts of Bengal but also in Mayurbhanj, Nepal and Tibet, is definitely called a Bengali in the Tanjur. He is stated to have been assisted in his Abhisamayavibhanga by Dipankara Srijnana (H. P. Shastri, op. cit.-Intro., p. 15). He thus seems to have flourished about the middle of the tenth century. His connection with Bengal is definitely referred to in the Tanjur. He was the author of several Buddhist Tantrika works, which are found in the Tanjur. Ramacandra. We may next mention another Bengali scholar, whose field of activity was in Ceylon, where his name is still held in great honour. His name is Ramacandra Kavi. bharati, on whom was conferred the dignified title of Bauddhagama-Cakravarti by Parakramabahu, the then ruling king of Ceylon. Fortunately for us he has left behind much usefnl personal account in his works. In the colophon of his works he calls himself Gawla-desiya (one who belongs to the Gauda land) and once at least Sad-Gauda (a respected Bengali). In the conoluding verses of his Vittaraindkara-panicikd he refers to Rahule-the celebrated Buddhist sobolar of Ceylon-as his teacher through whose teachInge he embraced Buddhism. Even before his conversion he seems to have been a great scholar and was proficient in Tarka, Vyakarana, Sruti, Smrti, MahAkavya, Agama, Alankara, Chandah. Jyotiga and Nataka. Ho hailed, as he himself says, from tho village of Viravati. the present location of which is not known. His father was Ganapati and his mother Devid He refers to two of his younger brothers-Halayudha and Angirasa. His time is approxi. mately known from the date of composition of his Vrtlaratnakara-pancika, which was 1999 Buddha era, or 1245 A.D. A fact that is important from the view point of social history is that in all his works he calls himself both a follower of Buddhism and a Brahman (bhusura, dharanf-devah, ksiti. surah). It should be noted that oven Margalamuni, who translated Ramacandra's Bhaktidataka into Sinhalese, calls him a doija. Three works of Ramacandra are known 1. Bhakti-bataka, which is in 107 beautiful verses, praises Buddha and Buddhism (published in Nagari by the Buddhist Text Society-1896, also in Sinhalese charaoters by M. P. Ekorayaka, Bharati Press, Colombo). 2. Vittamala-& work on prosody, which incidentally vives an account of the celebrated monk Mahanetra prasada (M.P. Ekara yaka, Bharati Press, Colombo). 3. Vytlaratnakara-pancik-a commentary on the well-known work on prosoly, the Vittaratnalara of KedArabhatta (Nirnaya Sagara Press, Bombay).19 Some less known Buddhist Authors. 'There were some other scholars also whose names are not as well-known as those men. tioned above. The works of some of these are found in the Tanjur. We may mention the names of Vibbutioandra, Kronoarya, Advayavajra, the last two of whom are known to have composed works in Bengali also (Mm. H. P. Shastri, op. cit.--Intro.; JBORS., 1919, p. 507-8). Besides those, one Pradjnavarman, who wrote a commentary on the Uddnavarga, is stated, in the introduction to the Tibetan translation of his work, to have hailed from Kava in Bhongala or Bhangala, wbich may not unlikely be identified with Bengal (Rockhill -Udanavarga, Intro., p. xu). 19 I am indebted to Prof. R. Siddhartha of the Ceylon University College for kindly supplying me with some valuable information regarding Ramacandra's works and the place occupied by bim in the estimation of the people of Ceylon.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ FEBRUABY, 1930 A LIFE OF NAND RISHI. BY PANDIT ANAND KOUL, PRESIDENT, SRINAGAR MUNICIPALITY. (Retired.) (Continued from vol. LVIH, p. 224.) The peon, on hearing this advice, repented and thenceforth desisted from troubling anyone. A farmer named Sung onoe came to Nand Rishi and told him that he was dissatisfied with his past deeds and wanted to renounce the world and become one of his followers. Nand Rishi directed a disciple of his named Mung to make over to Sung the duties he was per. forming. For some time Sung performed these duties, and then took leave to go home to see his own family. At home his family were so pleased to bave him back to live with them that they world not let him return to Nand Rishi. A long time thus elapsed. Nand Risbi onoe remembered him, remarking Av Sung tset tsyuny, Nit bihenavyav Mungun vas. Asi zon bhavi suna sund sung ; Wuchhon hat, lach tak ads. Asi he tazi thavahon ulcharas; Charbari gandahos baras sati. Chhuh nah tazi, samih nah kharas; Din doh bhari gharas sati. Sung oame, the heart was glad, We kept him in Mung's place. We thought he would become a golden weight; We shall see him outweigh a hundred, a thousand and a lakh. Had he been a steed we would have kept him in the stable ; We would have tied him with ropes attached to the door. He is not a steed, not even an ass; He will spend his days at home. When Sung heard that Nand Rishi was remembering him, he left his home and returned to his preceptor, to whom he remained devoted until his death. A number of men once came to see Nand Rishi and hinted at his belonging to a low oaste of watchers. Nand Rishi remarked : Push-dyul avazot : Kheyas nah gur gupun lah gar. Suh yelih shahas sheri wot, Suh avazot drenth katih av? The flower-seller's dyul (grass with which a bouquet is tied) is of low birth: Neither pony, nor cattle, nor cow will eat it. When it reached the head of the king Where did it (then) appear of low birth? Nand Rishi was once going through a forest, where he saw a number of men pretending to meditate on God, but living in ease and comfort and having no true love of Him. He rebuked tbem in the following words Kali-yugi ghara ghara Rishi lagan, Yitha patar lagan rangan. Nish-budh atyant wdni lagan; Wawan nah muth kapas tah ann; Akrut khenas isuran ulgan; Lukan latih tah lagan wan. The people of the Kali-yuga (iron age) in every bouse will pretend to be rishis (saints], As a prostitute does at clancing (sbe sings morality).

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PARRUARY, 1930 ] A LIFE OF NAND RISHI 29 They will pretend to be innooent and extremely gentle ; They will not sow beans, cotton-seeds and grains (i.e., earn their bread by honest labour); They will excel thieves in living by unlawful means ; To hide themselves they will repair to a forest. He further attacked hypocrisy in these words - Paran penah sati Rishi no banak Yandar-muhuli tul nah kala thud zah. Guphi ateanah Dai no labak Na tah gagur drdi nah wajih manzah zah. Shrdnau aati manah no shrotaak Gad tah wudur buth khati nah zah. U pas dinah sati Dai yud toshihe Drdlidan leli wai ladun nah zah. By bowing down, thou shalt not become a fishi The pounder in the rice-mill did not ever raise up its bead. By entering a cave, God cannot be attained The mongoose and rat never come out of their holes. By bathing, the mind will not be cleansed The fish and otter never ascend the bank. If God were pleased by fasting The indigent had never cooked food in the pot in his own house]. A similar saying is found in Bawa Nanak's teachings Kam gale sidh addh ; khudja khasiydn. . Dudh piwe sidh addh ; balak bachhyan. Tan nawe sidh addh ; mendak machhydn. Nanak 1 sat samudd, 80 gal achhyan. A saint may subdue desire ; [it is extinct in eunuchs. A saint may drink milk; [it is done by) infants and calves. A saint may wash his body ; [it is done by] frogs and fish. Nanak I speak the truth. Those words are good. Onoe Nand Rishi saw a hypooritical priest at a mosque twirling a rosary in his hand, who took six platefuls of rice, which were brought to him by six different persons at different times, to each of whom he said he had bad no food at all that day. He then rebuked him thus : Tasbih chani chhem grunasd hisho; Murid dishit kardn kham. Sheh chinih khetham hisham hisho ; Taah ai per tak tahzan kam ? Thy rosary is like a snake; * Thou bendest it on seeing the disciples. Thou hast eaten six platefuls, one like another ; If thou art a priest, then who are robbers ? In regard to dislikes, which man or beast naturally have, Nand Rishi remarked : Gur, khar, wutsh dramas khare. Watahis khare tadm. Nitais drdlidas potsh Ichare. Nushi khare zam: Pony, ass and calf are disliked by the vegetable-grower. The fleshy matter in the palate is disliked by the calf. A guest is disliked by the vile wretch. A husband's sister is digliked by the daughter-in-law.

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80. THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (FZBRUARY, 1930 Apropos of the proolivities of one's family members, Nand Rishi said K dr chhas makaz wan deodaras Taatit kares guni ladi. Cubner chhui tazi bacha akhiratas Ladit palana karus sudri. Boi chhui phal ku bakhtdraras Piyas muhim tah kares ydri. Rani chhai khani andar pigiras Wandas tah untis kares yuri. A daughter is like an axe to the forest of deodars It will fell it and make heaps of logs. A son is like an Arabian colt in the world to come Thou canst put a saddle on him and ride. A brother is like a fruit tree to a lucky person When there be need it will provide help. The wife is like a quilt in a basket It will be of use in the winter and in the open. War hajih mandare par nai dsike; Nushi nai Asihe hash tah zum ; Muqadamas patak nai phukadam dsihe; Gamas tulihe shlimas tim. If there were not a mallet for (use upon) a knotted block of wood; If there were not a mother-in-law and sister-in-law to the daughter. in-law ; If there were not an overseer [to look] after the lombardar : Ho would harass the village till evening. On the vicissitudes of life, Nand Rishi lamented thus Hanzanih hanzan woulga puzan; Handi bihan sabhan tah khash wdzan. Sah atsan guphan tak whal gmazon ; Hanih mandorih dolan gdak paharen. Boat-women will serve wulga (one of the best kinds of rice) to boatmen : The sheep will sit to dine, and the cooks will be slaughtered. Tigers will enter the caves and jackals will howl ; Castles will remain deserted, and buts will have light. Rundh paliki ari nakh dit tas ; Akh chhas nah paramats takhta sipar. Truthah tih kardn tahandis rakhtas; Bakhtas brudh chhai khitmatgdr. A lim bless sman) is being carried in a palankin by the able-bodied; He has not read a single section of the Quran. A clever man is folding his dress; In times of good fortune intelligenre serves as a slave. Lalan handen timan robakhanan, Janan dapan dei uhrinui gatsh. Sundara dechham hari rakhanan; Todmara sati dsah duwan laish. Tatih meh az dithim ka pas ruwan. Meh wuchi, Nasarak, taah tih wuchhnih gatsh. In those glittering halls of lords, The great were told to sbrink back, H .

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FEBRUARY, 1930) A LIFE OF NAND RISHI I saw pretty damsels singing songs there ; They were sweeping the dust with yaks' tails. There I now observed cotton being sown. I saw, O Nasar, thou mightest also go to see it. Nasru'd-din was one of the four disciples of Nand Risbi, namely, Nasru'd-din (Autar), Bamu'd-din (Bbm Sadbu), Zainu'd-din (Zaya Singh) and Latifu'd-din (Adit Raina). Nasar Baba, bozto gurah sandi watsan. Sorah sandih wudih asih morah sund taj; Vethah arah hukhan henar grazan ; Adah, ha malih, asi wandar raj.. Nasar Baba, listen to the word of your preceptor. The crest of the peacock will be on the head of a pig; The Jehlam and its tributaries will dry up and the drains will roar; Then, O father, will be the reign of monkeys. Nand Risbi advised seeking good company and shunning the bad, contrasting the two in forcible torms. He shows that the rogue will wrong the good, attacking him with crooked words, if be is not careful. Nunden satin doh din bharize Lagiyo shih wulge kanz. Badan satin zah tih no phirze Atsizih nak tamanen bunan manz. Spend tby days with the good The shah wulga [one of the best kinds of rive) will get pounded. Nover go about with the wicked Do not walk close to pots covered with soot [else thou shalt get soiled). On man's attempts to secure worldly objects, which, of course, result in disappointment, Nand Rishi observed : Sun travil sarlalik riwum ; kurlal pheutram karimas drati. Dol luy darah tai banbari pedum ; Agun tshiwum bunah nah wodti. I cast off gold and hankered after brass ; I broke a sword and made a sickle of it. The day began to end, and in haste I commenced to light a fire (on the hearth); The flame went out, but the cooking pots were not ready. In regard to the imperative necessity of devotion to God, Nand Rishi observed Yin gharak, galshani glarah; Kangard gatsham tapani kitsai. Gura ! kun todtah nah pilih nah nardh ; Sat chham chani akhir buh tsai. Thore is a moment for coming [birth) and a moment for going (death) A moment I want for devotion. O Preceptor! I cannot reach anywhere nor can (my) arm reach thee : 1 bave faith in thee that I am thou after all. Onoe Nand Rishi spoke about the futility of performing namaz without concentrating the mind on God : Puz yud bozak pants numrak ; Natah mdz ai numrak rachhi nah mdz ;

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (FEBRUABY, 1930 Shivas salin yalih myul karak; Sidhi taeh, Rishi Mali, teli namaz. If thou listeneth to truth, thou oughtest to subdue the tive (senses, i.e., passion, etc.); If thou lowereth only thy fleshly body, the fleshly body will not save thee; If thou maketh union with Siva, Then only, 0 Rishi Mali, will prayer avail thee. A Persian poet has rendered the above in the following couplet: Sar-tu bazamin chi mi-nihi bahr-i namaz ? An-ra bazamin binih ki dar sar dari. Why art thou bowing down thy head on the earth for the sake of praying? Bow down to earth that which is in thy head (i.e., thy pride and arrogance). In regard to natural disabilities, Nand Rishi once remarked Dandah rust kydh karih danis ? Hanis kydh karih mukhtahar? Run kyah karih khunih kamane ? Un kyah zane padmane? Of what use is a walnut to a toothless person? Of what use is a pearl necklace to a dog? Of what use is a bow to an elbowless person? Of what estimation is a pretty woman to a blind man? "Come good, come evil, there is an end," was the subject on which Nand Rishi once spoke to his favourite disciple, Nasar Baba, as follows: Vetha wawas tan nani, suh tih doha, Nasaro. Tun wugarah tah seni pani, suh tih doha, Nasaro. Nishi rani tah wurani khani, suh tih doha, Nasaro. Wurah batah tah ga lah gani, suh tih doha, Nasaro. When the body was bered to the wind of the Jehlam, that day has passed, 0 Nasar. When we had thin curry and unsalted vegetables only to eat, that day too has gone, O Nasar. When the wife was near and warm clothing covered the bed, that day too has gone by, O Nasar. When boiled rice and sliced fish were provided for us, that day also has passed, O Nasar. Nand Iishi breathed his last at Rupawan village on 26th Ramazen (Shab-i-Qadr), i.e., 26th Poh, 842 Hijra (1438 A.D.) at the age of 63 years, 1 month and 20 days. His body was carried to Tsrar, and was buried on the mound called Nafla Teng. His funeral was at. tended by thousands of people, among whom was the then king of Kashmir, Zainu'l-Abidin. Baba Daud Khaki, who was a highly learned man during the time of Ya'qub Chak (1584 A.D.), wrote an epitaph in loving memory of Nand Rishi in Persian verse, which may be translated into English as follows Shaikh Nuru'd-din Rishi, the preceptor of all rishis, Was a good hermit and had much communion with God. In addition to loading a retired and solitary life, he was also one of those in this world who keep fasts ; He had given up eating flesh, honey, milk and onions for many years ; He was a man of revelation und miracles and had a fine command of speech, And he had no known spiritual guide, as a good-natured narrator has stated.

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FEBRUARY, 1930 ] PERIODS IN INDIAN HISTORY 33 PERIODS IN INDIAN HISTORY.* By F. J. RICHARDS, M.A., I.C.S. (Retired.) The sobeme submitted for discussion in the Indian Section of the Royal Anthropologioal In. stitute on January 19th, 1926, was to divide the historical period into three "Major"Divisions: 1. Early, B.C. 600 to 300 A.D. 2. Medieval, 300 to 1500 A.D. 3. Modern, 1500 to 1900 A.D. and to divide each of these into three "Minor "Periods.1 Civilization is a "recurrent phenomenon " in India as elsewhere. There are periods of expansion and periods of sbrinkage, of vigour and decay, of integration and disruption. The purpose of the discussion is not to supersede the periods already recognized by scholars and bistorians, but to correlate them with the ebb and flow of culture within India and beyond its borders. To this end dynastic terms such as "Sunga," "Andhra," "Indo-Greek" are unsuited, because they are applioable only to limited areas and are, in part, concurrent Religious terms such as "Buddhist " or " Muhammadan "as applied to India are no more definite than the "Pagan," " Papal" or "Protestant" periods of Europe. Even "Rajput," "Maratha," "Mughal" connote different periods in different areas. Terms are needed sufficiently elastic to cover accepted terminology in all areas. They should indioate sequence, and each period should stand in definite relation to tho89 oycles of fusion and fission which make up Indian history. i. Dynastie Periods. The framework of Indian chronology is dynastic, and is based on the evidence of (1) inscriptions, (2) coins, (3) foreign writers, chiefly Graeco-Roman, Moslem and Chinese. The adjustment of literary and archaeologioal material to the dynastic chronology is largely conjectural. The so-called "Indo-Sumerian "culture of Harappa and other sites, and also most of the 80-called " Vedic "Period are outside the scope of this discussion. The propriety of the "Major" Periods suggested, opening with 600 B.C., 300 A.D. and 1500 A.D. (roughly parallel to the Cambridge History scheme of Ancient, Medieval and Modern) is not challenged. There is some differenoe of opinion, however, as to how these Periods should be subdivided : For the Early Period the divisions suggested are I. 600--300 B.C. II. 300--1 B.O. III. 1-300 A.D. I. The Period 600--300 BC, answers roughly to the Hellenio Period of Europe, the Achaemenid Empire of Persia (558-330) and the close of the Chou Dynasty (1122--249) in China. In N. India it covers the rise of Buddhism and Jainism and the gradual consoli. dation in the Lower Gangetic Plain of the Saisunaga Kingdom of Magadha, oulminating in c. 320 B.C. in the establishment of the Mauryan Empire. Foreign influence is represented by the Persian conquest of the N.W. (512) and the invasion of Alexander (327-324.. II and III. The Period 300 B.C. to 300 A.D. covers the Hellenistio Puriod Greece and the rise to imperial rank of Rome, the Tsin and Han Dynasties of China and that of the Parthian Arsacids in W. Asia. In N. India this Period falls into two phases - (1) The Mauryan Empire at its zenith under Asoka and its partition between (a) the Sungas, (b) the Andbras of the N. Deccan, (c) the Greeks from Baotria and (d) at a later stage the Sakas and Pahlavas from Iran. - This scheme has been reproduced as submitted to the Indian Research Committee, R.A.I. (without diacritical marks). 1 Many useful suggestions were offered in drawing up the scheme and in course of the discussion. These will be referred to as the points arise. For brevity centuries are occasionally referred to by Roman numerals, with or (where the context permits) without the letters B.c. or A.D. 2 Sind was "Muhammadan" in VIII A.D., South India was not "Muhammadan" even in XIII A.D. 3 More correctly, its zenith and decline ; it began about 780 B.C.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ FEBRUARY, 1930 (2) The rise and dealine of the Kushan Empire in N. W. India and C. Asia, and the subsequent struggle between the Kushan Satraps and the Later Andhras. The history of S. India in the Early Period is obscure, but two facts are certain ; (1) in III B.C. Asoka was in touch with the three traditional Kingdoms of the South, Chera, Chola and Pandya; (2) in I A.D. Roman traders were busy in Malabar and the Tamil country, as numerous hoards of denarii and the Periplus testify. Prof. Rapson suggests a slight re-adjustment of these subdivisions, viz. "I. 600-350 B.C., characterised by Persian dominion in N.W. India and a number of independent Kingdoms in the valley of the Jumna and Ganges. "II. 350--50 B.C., to include the extension of the Macedonian Empire to N.W.India and characterised by the subsequent rise of the Maurya Empire in India and the later Greek invasions. "III. 50 B.C.-300 A.D. Roughly from the Partho-Scythian Empire in N.W. Indis to the rise of the Gupta Empire." It is not very material whether "Early I"closes with 350 or 325 or 300 B.C. In any case the period 326-305 B.c. is a transitional phase in India, beginning with Alexander's invasion and ending in Seleuous I Nicator's treaty with Chandragupta, and the Maurya Empire is associated with Hellenistio rather than with Hellenic Greece, with the Seleucids rather than with Macedon. On the other hand, Partho-Soythian rule marks a phase of disintegration; it is the Kushan epoch which was really formative. For the advent of the Kushans A.D. 50 is the most favoured date, but unfortunately this is not undisputed.4 The date 1 A.D. is suggested as a rough compromise. As regards foreign contacts, the Mauryas were in touch with Mediterranean Greeks, the Kushans with Imperial Rome, but the main thrust came from China. In about 165 B.C. the Hiung-nu, foiled in their attempts on China, turned on their neighbours the Yueb-chi, and sent them hurtling across Asia to the Oxus valley. The impetus drove the "Scythians" on to the Bactrian Greeks and the Parthians, and nearly broke them (c. 138-123 B.C.). The last phase of the movement was the reconstruction of Yueh-chi power under the leadership of the Kushans. The Hans followed this up with the occupation of Turkestan and kept touch with the Yueh-chi till well into III A.D.6 For the Medieval Period the divisions suggested are I. 300--650 A.D. II. 6501-1200 A.D. III. 1200--1500 A.D. 1. The Period 300-650 A.D. corresponds roughly to the strugglo between the Christian Roman Empire and the Persian Sassanids and the period of Chinese disintegration. The crucial event in Europe is the transfer of imperial headquarters from Rome to Constantinople, the beginning of that germanization of the Western Roman Empire which culminated in its destruction in 476 A.D. In N. India the period is divided into two phases by the Huna Invasion (c. 480-528 A.D.). It is commonly called the "Gupta Period," though in the later phase the Guptas ocase to be imperial. The death of Harsha (647 A.D.) is, however, generally accepted as cardinal. * Somo placo Kanishka in I B.C., others in II A.D. 6 See Stein, Sand-buried Ruins of Khotan, p. 385. 6 Exception has been taken by some to the term "Modioval"; but the term is in frequent use, though in different senses, e.g. (1) S. Lane-Poole, Mediaeval India, 720-1794 A.D. (2) Prof. E. J. Rapson, Ancient India, p. 147, 78--1000 A.D. (3) J. Kennedy, Imp. Gaz. 2. 303, 650-1200 A.D. (4) Sir John Marshall, Guide to Sanchi, p. 7, c. 350-1200. 7 The year 650 seerns preferable to the year 750 proposed in the original scheme. 8 Fleet's dating of the Imperial Guptas is challenged by Dr. Shama bastry (Arch. Rep. Mysore, 1923,p. 23)

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FEBRUARY, 1930] PERIODS IN INDIAN HISTORY 35 II. The Period 650-1200 covers the struggle between the Byzantine Empire and Islam, and the second great expansion of China under the Tang Dynasty (618-907 A.D.), and the subsequent struggle with the "Tartars" (Khitan 937-1125, Kin 1127-1234). In N. India it answers to the "Rajput Period" (the "Hindu Period" of Kennedy), a period of conflicting states centring round Harsha's capital, Kanauj. Three phases may be distin. guished. They correspond roughly to the three phases of the Caliphate, (A) zenith, (B) decline, (C) subjection (to the Seljuks, etc.). A. 650-800, during which the running was made in turn by Tibet, Kashmir, (Karkota or Naga Dynasty), and the earlier Palas of Bengal. B. 800-1000, when the hegemony fell to the Pratiharas (or Parihars) of Bhinmal, to be challenged in turn by Rashtrakutas from the Deccan and Chandels from Mahoba, and broken by Mahmud of Ghazni. C. 1000-1200, during which, the Ghaznavi cataclysm over, politics reverted to type, and power was fought for by Chandels, Palas, Paramaras of Malwa, Kalachuris of Chedi, Chalukyas of Gujarat, Senas of Bengal, Gaharwars of Benares and Chauhans of Delhi, till, in the last decade of XII A.D., the Ghori armies made a clean sweep of Hindu sovereignty right up to the borders of Assam. It has been suggested that the "Hindu Period" should end at 1000 A.D. But, though the phase 1000-1200 is a clear cut interlude between the Ghaznavi and Ghori invasions, in character it belongs to the period which preceded it and not to that which followed. Muhammadan influence dates from the Arab invasion of Sind (712) or earlier; the Ghaznavi raids, it is true, brought the Panjab under Muslim rule, but the rest of N. India went on as before; politically the period 650-1200 A.D. is of uniform type, the new epoch begins with Muham. mad Ghori. III. The Period 1200-1500 covers the closing epoch of the Roman Empire and Mongol dominion in Asia. There are two phases, the tide turning in about 1350, when the Mings ousted the Mongols from China (1368) and the Ottomans displaced them in the West. In N. India the Delhi Sultanate, too, presents two phases; the ebb set in with the reign of Muhammad Tughlaq (d. 1351) and the disruption of his empire into the Provincial Sultanates of Kashmir, Jaunpur, Bengal, Malwa, Gujarat, Khandesh, and the Deccan Bahmanis. In S. India the Medieval Period is more coherent. Apart from minor dynasties, which need not here be discussed, interest, in the period 650-1200, centres in the Chalukyas (Solankis) of the W. Deccan. Their history falls into three phases: A. 550-753, during which the Chalukyas ruled at Badami (in Dharwar District in the S. of the present Bombay Presidency), and founded an Eastern Branch at Vengi (in the Kistna-Godavari deltaic plain). B. 753-973, when the W. Chalukyas were eclipsed by the Rashtrakutas. C. 973-1200, when the W. Chalukyas re-established their power and ruled from Kalyani (in Bidar District, Hyderabad). In the first phase the Chalukyas were pitted against the Pallavas of Conjeeveram, in the second the Rashtrakutas established themselves in Gujarat also and penetrated even to Kanauj; their suzerainty was recognized generally by the States of the South, but the E. Chalukyas held their own; in the third phase the W. Chalukyas also ruled in Gujarat but in the S. and E. their power was successfully challenged by the Tamil Cholas, who in the course of XI A.D. coalesced with the E. Chalukyas and even penetrated to the Ganges Valley. Disruption set in towards the close of XII A.D.; from 1162 to 1183 the sovereignty was usurped by the Kalachuris; their dominions were divided between (1) the Yadavas in the N.W., (2) the Kakatiyas in the N.E. and (3) the Hoysalas in the S.W., while the Cholas were Imp. Gaz. 2, p. 303,

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38 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ FEBRUARY, 1930 bard pressed by their Pandya feudatories and only saved from extinction by the intervention of the Hoysalas. The Period 1200-1500 thus opens with S. India divided between four warring States. These lasted till the beginning of XIV A.D., when the armies of Alau'd-din Khalji of Delhi broke them. Out of the wreckage arose the Empire of Vijayanagar which held the Kistna against the Bahmani Sultans till 1500 and after. Correlations, historical and cultural, between N. and S. India have not received the attention they deserve ; events in the two areas are closely related. The Chalukyas and their successors in title had to fight on two fronts (North and South), and sometimes the East, too, was hostile. Pressure from the North meant weakness on the South front; weakness in the North invited a northward move, or in the alternative, left them free to press southwards. Thus in 620 A.D. the Chalukyas had to meet an invasion by Harsha, and this gave the Pallaves their opportunity; they took it ; in 642 A.D. they captured Badami and the Chaluk. yas for a few years ceased to exist. Then Harsha died (647) and his empire crumbled; the Chalukyas recovered' and from 650 onwards the Pallavas were on the defensive; the date +650 A.D. is the real turning point. So too in 1350 A.D., when the disruption of the Tughlaq Empire enabled Vijayanagar to consolidate the South. Another interesting feature of S. Indian history is the concurrent decadence of Chalukyas and Cholas in 1150-1200, a decline presumably born of prosperity. A like thing happened in the closing years of XV A.D. when both Vijayanagar and the Bahmanis were the prey of revolution. The Bahmani Empire split into five separate Sultanates. Vijayanagar re. covered unity under its third and most famous dynasty. The Modern Period from 1500 A.D. onwards covers the zenith and decline of the Ottoman Empire, the revival of Persia under the Safavids and of China under the Manchus, and the first serious intervention in world history of the States of W. Europe. In India the Sultanates gave place to the Mughals, whose collapse led to the Great Anarchy of XVIII A.D., followed by the British Peace. To recapitulate ; the epochs selected are1. EARLY: I. Pre-Maurya or Saisunaga. II. The Mauryan Empire and its dismemberment. III. The Kushans. 2. MEDIEVAL: I. The Gupta Empire and its disruption. II. The Rajput Period in the North and the Chalukyan Period in the South. III. The Delhi Sultanate, its expansion and decline. 3. MODERN: Mughal and European. This scheme is more than "dynastic "; it is a record of political growth and decay, and politics is a very vital branch of cultural history. The reflection of these vicissitudes on other branches of culture may be tested by a few examples. II. Cultural Periods. 1. Language. A. ARYAN: Linguists recognise two periods in the evolution of Sanskrit, I" Vedio"and II "Classical"; and three in the evolution of the vernaculars, (Prakrits) Primary, Secondary and Tertiary. (Imp. Gaz. i. 360). The crystallization of the Vedic language into Sanskrit was completed some time in the period 600--300 B.C.10 10 The process of standardization presumably covered a considerable period, during which archaic and literary forms were used side by side. It culminated in the grammar of Panini to whom the date 350-300 B.O. is usually assigned, though some put him as early as 500 B.C.

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FEBRUARY, 1930 ] PERIODS IN INDIAN HISTORY The "Primary Prakrits" belong to the Vedic Period. The " Secondary Prakrits" cover the period 550 B.C. to 1000 A.D. The "Tertiary Prakrits" are the modern verneculars. Their phonetic and grammatical evolution is parallel to that of the modern Romanoe languages from Latin. Roughly speaking, for general purposes Prakrits dominate the Early Period, Sanskrit the Medieval Period and the modern vernaculars the Modern Period.. The period 1-300 A.D. may be regarded as "transitional." Thus Prakrit was the language in which the Buddha and Mahavira preached, the Buddhist and Jain canons were compiled and Asoka's edicts engraved. Sanskrit, presumably, was the language of the learned few, and it is not till about 150 A.D. that it appears in public documents. Thenoe onward the use of Sanskrit grew apace, till under the Guptas it was recognized as the literary lingua franca of India. The effect on the vernaculars was unhappy; to evade the stigma of vulgarity they were sanskritized. The supremacy of Sanskrit was not seriously challenged till the period 1200-1500 A.D., when modern vernaculais entered the field of literature; by the end of that period they were firmly established. In the Modern Period yet another element was added under Mughal influence ; W. Hindi, the vernacular of the Upper Gangetic Valley was persianized, and in the form of Hindostani became the lingua franca of all N. and C. India. B. DRAVIDIAN : The chief Dravidian languages of the South (Tamil, Telugu, Kanarese and Malayalam) preserved their identity throughout, though the vocabularies of all except Tamil became heavily sanskritized during the Medieval Period. 2. Script. Two alphabets were used throughout the Early Period, viz. (1) Kharoshthi, (2) Brahmi. Kharoshtii is of Aramaio origin and confined mainly to N.W. India (and C. Asia), and was probably introduced by the Persians; it lingered on till V A.D. but left no descendants. Brahmi, the parent of most Indian alphabets, is of Phoenician type, perhaps brought by traders from Mesopotamia. Asoka used both scripts; so did the Kushang. Of Brahmi, Asoka used two varieties; in the break-up of the Mauryan Empire Asoka's North types were carried on by the Mathura Satraps ind the Kushans, his South types by the Malwa and Gujarat Satraps and the Andhras. The Guptas failed to standardize; they used both North and South types in several varieties. Diversity persisted and the Medieval Period presents a bewildering variety of scripts, two or more of which are often used at a time in the same area. Up to 650 A.D. the art of writing was unstable ; North and South characters were strangely mixed. In the Middle Medieval Period, however, things got more uniform, local varieties disappear and by 1000 A.D. Aryan India writes in some form or other of Nagari; Dravidian India either in Kanarese-Telugu, or Tamil-Grantha, or Tamil. By the end of the Medieval Period the scripts differ little from their present-day form. The Arabio scripts of India also tell their tale. Two soripts, Kufic and Naskh, existed side by side in Islam till XIII A.D., when Kufic went out of use. Henge Naslh was the script of the Delhi Sultanate. Meanwhile in XIV A.D.) Nasta'liq developed in Persia under Pahlavi influence. Nasta'lq [with its variant (Shikasta)] became the dominant script of the Mughals.11 (To be continued.) 11 Mem. Arch. Suro-Ind., No. 29.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ FEBRUARY, 1930 BOOK-NOTICES. FALAK-I-SHIRWAN. HIS TIMES, LITE AND WORKS, excluded, leaving a balance of 1197, es previously by Hadi Ilasan. James G. Furlong Fund. mentioned. Vol. VI. The Royal Asiatic Society. 1929. From the poems of Falaki which have been quoted and translated by the editor in this introductory This short fasciculus of 96 pages constitutes an fasciculus, it is impossible to form a high opinion of introduction to an edition of the complete extant Falaki's poetical merite. A fairer estimate of their remains of an early Persian poet, who lived in the value may perhaps be formed when the whole works first half of the twelfth century and was a pupil of are available en masse. This introduction is certain the great poet Khaqani, who lived from 1106 to ly a first-rate piece of work. The manner in which 1185 A.D. It is not possible to fix the date of birth such diverse questions as the date of Falakt's death, or death of Falaki with any accuracy, but it is clear his relations with Khaqant, and the correct name of from Khaqani's reference to him that he died young the Shirwan king who imprisoned Khaqani- this is and that the date ordinarily accepted for his death shown on metrical grounds combined with evidence (577 A...) is much too late. Like his master, Falaki from the Georgian chronicles to have been AkhBAWas & court poet of the small principality of Shir. tan-and to whom Nizami dedicated his LailA and wan or Sharwan, which lay between the Christian Majnon, and many other debateable pointe have kingdom of Georgia and the Caspian Sea. been handled, must command no small degree of There is no preface or introduction to this little admiration from those who are interested in book. The reader is left without any information Oriental scholarship. as to the personality of the author, who does not R. P. DEWHURST. explain how and why his attention was attracted to the works, of no great quantity or quality, of & BULLETIN DE L'ECOLE FRANCAISE D'EXTREME comparatively insignificant poot, who, like 'Umar ORIENT, Tomes XXVI, XXVII. 11x7; pp. 552 Khayyam, was primarily an astronomer. There and 703. Hanoi, 1927 and 1928. can be no doubt, however, that Mr. Hadi Hasan These Bulletina, replete with matter of value to (assuming this not to be a nom de plume) is & all scholars interested in the Far East, maintain the competent and trained scholar, with a thorough high standard for which they are so widely known. knowledge not only of the Persian language and Volume XXVI is dedicated to the memory of literature but also of western methods of criticism M. Charles Maybon, whose zealous and fruitful and the use of manuscripte. He shows a marked labours in various capacities were prematurely cut interest in questions of history and particularly of short in that year through a fatal accident when he chronology. Chronological points arising out of was on leave in France. The contents include a the poems are handled with great skill and acumen. French-Man dictionary, being an important study The way in which it is proved that two particular of the language of the Kim-di-mun, 'the people who codes of Falaki must have been written in the years live at the foot of the mountains,' in Tonkin and the 521 and 522 A... is most interesting and also quito adjoining Chinese territory, by M.F. M. Savina of the convincing. On some historical points aid has been Societe des Missions Etrangers of Paris, and a selecobtained from numismatics. tion of three Japanese lyrical dramas, with a trans. The text of Falaki as determined by the present literation of the Japanese text, & translation in editor consists of 1197 couplets, 70 more than are French and numerous annotations by Lt.-Col. Re. included in the longest extent collection, viz., that nondeau. In addition to these longer articles, we which is contained in a manuscript in the Munich have an interesting noto by M. Henri Marchal on library. This Alunich dlwan comprises 20 qasidas certain peculiar architectural features of the Nak in alphabetical order. 3 tarkib-bands, one prison Pan remains, not observable elsewhere in Cambodia, poem, o quatrains and some ghazals and fragments, and a description of excavations at two sites at Amounting altogether to 1135 coupleto. Three of Quang-binh in Annam written by the late M. L. these couplets, however, oceur twice over, and if we Aurousseau, whose sad death since we deeply subtract these and two coupleta proved to belong deplore. to Shams-i-Tabriz (i.e., to Maulana Rumi) and three attributable to Qatran, a balance of 1127 is left. In volume XXVII Col. Renondeau continues his In addition to the couplets found in the Munich study of Japanese lyrical dramas, adding five more diun, a collection of 108 couplets attributed to plays to those published in the preceding volume. Falaki has been made by the editor, mostly from two The following article by M. Henri Parmentier forms the eighth of his serios of Notes on Indo-Chinese MS. copies of an anthology arranged by Taqiu'udin Archaeology and deals with the modifications under KAshi in 985 A.H., which are in the British Museum gone by the Bayon in the course of its construction. and in the Bibliotheque Nationale in Paris. In anticipation of a larger work which he contem. This would have given an aggregate of 1235, but plates, M. Parmentier sets forth in this article out of this one couplet has been omitted as assign- reasons for holding that the Bayon as extant differs able to Adib-i-sabir, and a whole prison-poem of 37 from the edifice originally planned and that numecouplots attributed to Sa'd 1. Salman has also been rous religious elements of the decoration have boon

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FEBRUARY, 1930] BOOK-NOTICES altered, chiefly with a view to suppressing the Buddhistic features and substituting Saivite forms. As will be remembered, this question has also been dealt with by Prof. L. Finot, as well as by M. P. Stern in his recent work on the Bayon and the Evolution of Khmer Art. We next find a very interesting account of the Tsa Khmu, one of the mountaineer tribes scattered over Lai-chau and Phongsaly, by MM. Henri Roux and Tran-van-chu, illustrated by appropriate photographs, and concluding with a short Khmu vocabulary. Special attention may perhaps be directed to the scholarly and suggestive note by M. Victor Goloubew on the horse Balaha, the legend about which is the subject of a group of sculpture at Nak Pan, of bas-reliefs at the Bayon and at Barabudur in Java and Pagan in Burmah, of a panel on a Mathura railing in the Indian Museum, Calcutta, and of a fresco in Cave XVII at Ajanta. C. E. A. W. OLDHAM, PANJAB UNIVERSITY ORIENTAL PUBLICATIONS. THE SAUNDARANANDA OF ASVAGHOSA. CRITICALLY EDITED WITH NOTES BY E. H. JOHNSTON. XV + 175 pp. 8deg. Published for the University of the Panjab, Lahore. Oxford University Press, London Humphrey Milford, 1928. The Panjab University Oriental Publications have hitherto brought us two very valuable works in new and thoroughly revised editions, viz., Bhava. bhuti's Mahaviracarita, edited by the late Todar Mall and Professor Macdonell, and Aevaghosa's Saundaranandakavya, edited by Mr. Johnston. The latter work has not been long known, and the only existing edition-that by MM. Haraprasad Shastri in the Bibliotheca Indica-in spite of its obvious merits, does not satisfy the craving for a real critical edition. Mr. Johnston has brought to this very difficult task his undoubted critical acumen and his most thorough acquaintance with the works of Asvaghosa; and he has succeeded in giving us a text which is perhaps not perfect for that were to ask for too much under the present circumstancesbut as excellent as could with every right be expected. Of manuscripts there are only two known, both be. longing to the Library of H. H. the Maharaja of Nepal. Of these, the old palm-leaf one is generally trustworthy but has, unfortunately, been much damaged in various ways and is now incomplete. The younger paper manuscript, dating probably from the eighteenth century, seems complete but is badly written and gives much material which cannot be used without being duly corrected. Beside the manuscripts, Mr. Johnston has also availed himself of the editio princeps as well as of several well-known papers by Speyer, Hultzsch, Gawronski, Professor Jacobi and other scholars. In this way he has constituted his text, which does undoubtedly contain obscure passages, but which can still be read rather fluently and with a fair amount of pleasure. 39 On a few minor points we should like, with due respect and diffidence, to differ from the learned editor; but these are points of very limited importance. Thus, e.g., in iv, 39, we ought undoubtedly to read with Gawronski pradhydnasunya athiraniscaldkst instead of "sthita" of the manuscripts.. Likewise in v, 52, the conjecture of Hultzsch-pravdpyamdnesu -alone seems correct. In i, 3, the second ca certainly must be superfluous; and there is a small number of very unimportant and easily corrected misprints, upon which we shall, of course, not enter here. We allow ourselves sincerely to congratulate Mr. Johnston upon his undoubtedly great success as an editor of a very knotty text. If we be not misinformed, he is now preparing a translation of the Saundarananda, which will certainly be of great value and interest to his fellow-scholars. We express a hope that after achieving this task, Mr. Johnston will contemplate re-editing the Buddhacarita, which, in spite of Cowell's excellent edition, is in bad need of going through a thorough revision. No living scholar would be better prepared for such a task than is Mr. Johnston. JARL CHARPENTIER. SOUTH-INDIAN INSCRIPTIONS, Vol. III, Part IV, by RAO BAHADUR H. KRISHNA SASTRI. Pp. 441 to 480, with Preface, Introduction and Index to vol. III, pp. xvi + 22+ 44. Madras, 1929. Cholas and Pandyas have been neighbours since the days of Asoka. The frontier between them is marked by the group of hills that lie to the north of Madura and by the arid course of the (Southern) Vellar, which carries their storm water to the sea. More than once the Pandyas pressed northwards into the fertile Kaveri-fed Chola-mandalam ("Coromandel "), and the Cholas, when in turn they pushed southwards, treated the Pandyas with respect, and appointed "Pandya " governors to rule them. The records of Pandya history are all too meagre,. though the Pandya city of Madura was the home of Tamil literature. Of the pregnant period that preceded the rise of the Chola Empire in the tenth century almost nothing was known till the discovery of the Velvikudi and Sinnamanur Plates (1906-7)The former was edited by H. Krishna Sastri in vol. XVII of Epigraphia Indica, the latter is the main theme of this fourth (and last) part of vol. III of South Indian Inscriptions, Parts I and II of which were issued by Hultzsch in 1899 and 1903, Part III by Krishna Sastri in 1920. Clearly and concisely Krishna Sastri tells how the Pandyas, during the pietist reign of the Rashtrakuta Emperor, Amoghavarsha (814-877), advanced against Cholas and Pallavas as far as the Ponnaiyar, fought stoutly in the plains which Clive and Lawrence afterwards made famous, till finally, after Amoghavarsha's death, the Cholas took the Pandya capital, and broke their power.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. FEBRUARY, 1930 Seven Chola plates of minor interest are also The preface is somewhat grandiloquent for a published in this issue. In an Introduction to the book in English, but Sir N. Chandavarkar's forecompleted volume Krishna Sastri sums up the history word is frank and interesting. The story he tells of of the Cholas down to the conquests of Rajendre his childhood (p. xi) reveals a breadth of religious 1 in the Ganges Valley and Sumatra. But the Pre- view on the part of purely Hindu parents, which face, alas! is by another hand, for Krishna Sastri should put to shame many & Christian teacher of did not live to see this last work of his through the childhood. Of the Notes, I select, for the benefit of Press. In his ripe scholarship, and that of his prede- readers of this journal, that on Gandharva Laws of cessor, Venkayya, Hultzach's labours have borne Marriage (p. 17): In the absence of a priest the splendid fruit, and Krishna Sastri's death is a grie contracting parties enter a temple and in the presence vous lose to epigraphic research and to the many of the deity garland themselves or throw wreaths friends he was always so willing to help and advise. of flowers on each other's neck and thus they Mr. K. V. Subrahmanya Ayyar, a succesor of are said to become man and wife in perfect legitimate proved merit, has given the finishing touches to manner. The right of contracting Gandharva mar. Krishna Sastri's work, and it is he who edite the riages is vested in royal personages, and this too minor Chola plates. only permitted in the absence of priests. F. J. RICHARDS. Altogether the book is not one to be lightly 19t aside by the student. GESETZBUCH UND PURINA. (INDISCHE FOR R. C. TEMPLE. SCHUNGEN begrundet von A. HILLEBRANDT, in zwanglosen Heften herausgegeben von B. LES CHANTS MYSTIQUES DE KAYHA ET DE SARAFA. LIEBICH. HEFT 7.) J. J. MEYERxii+122 pp. 8o. Breslau, M. and H. Marcus, 1929. LES DOH KOSA (en apabhramsa, avec les ver sions tibetains) et LES CARYA (en vieux-bengali) Dr. J. J. Meyer, shortly aftar publishing his very avec introduction, vocabulaires et notes editee bulky translation of the Kaufillya and his important et traduits par M. SHAHIDULLAH. xii +234 PP. work, Uber das Wesen der indischen Rechtsschrif. 8o. Paris, 1928. ten, has now produced still another volume dealing Scholars interested in the study of religion, as well with the interrelations between Purana and law. As in that of philology, will feel thankful to Mr. book in Ancient India. The work is mainly a pole. Shahidullah for providing them with an edition, mic against Dr. H. Losch, who, in his thesis on the with introductory and explanatory notes, of these Ydjaavalkya-smrti, tried to subvert the previous ar. guments of Dr. Meyer and to prove that the Sm ti interesting mystio songs of Kapha and Sarahe. The Dohd-Koga are the only Buddhist texts in has been pieced together from fragments taken out Apabhramsa that have so far become known, and of the Puranas, and that no individual authors of Hindu law-books existed. their importance has been pointed out in brief already by Professor Jacobi.1 Dr. Moyer pleads his cause in a spirited way, and his work as usual is full of learned and valuable in To call these works Buddhist is, of course, scarceformation. Personally the present writer feels in ly correct, for what they preserve of the old doc. clined to think that Dr. Meyer's arguments carry & trine of the followers of the Enlightened One is good deal of weight and are, as a rule, of a stronger next to nothing. It is more suitable to speak of them as Tantric; and their vocabulary, as explained nature than those of his opponent. It is, therefore, by Mr. Shahidullah (p. 9 sq.), is of the specifically a great pity that this book, like the previous one, should show a lack of proper arrangement and Tantric trend which may well evoke interest, but be couched in a language that is only partly which is mainly-like the doctrines it is used to understandable. interpret-of a very repulsive nature. However, JARL CHARPENTIER. in the history of Indian (and Tibetan) religion, Tantra has played and is playing a great role. And FOLETALES OF THE LAND OF IND, by MN. VENKATA- no one interested in the manifold developments of SWAMI with a foreword by Sir Narayan Chanda- what, for want of a better name, we persist in calling varkar. Madras Methodist Publishing House, 1927. Hinduism, can venture wholly to look away from it, Mr. Venkataswami is a well-known student of unsavoury though it be from every point of view. Indian folktales, and has in this book given one more The grammatical parts of Mr. Shahidullah's work instalment of his efforts in preserving those to be are gound and full of interest. With his etymologifound in Southern India. He states exactly the cal suggestions we are not always at one, but, having provenance of each tale, has classified his collection found opportunity to go into some detail elsewhere, a and has drawn up, evidently with much labour, en we shall not enter upon that thorny gubject here. index of their contents which should be valuable to On the whole Mr. Shahidullah is to be congratulated students. Ho has also added notes on pointe pecu. for having achieved a good and sound piece of liar to India which require explanation. The book work. is thus of value to students in general. JARL CHARPENTIER. 1 Op. Sana kumdracarita, p. xxvii. 3 In a review shortly to be publlabed in Le Monde Oriental

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MARCH, 1330 ] VOTES ON KHOTAX AND LADAKI NOTES ON KHOTAN AND LADAKTI. (From a Tibetan point of victo.) BY PROF. A. H. FRANCKE, PH.D. (Continued from rcl. LVIII, p. 152.) IV. The End of Buddhism in Turkestan. After the year 745 A.D., when the Uigurs had beaten the ot! er Turkish tribes, who were related to them, their power increased in Central Asia. It was only balanced by that of the Tibetans, who were, however, soon weakened by their internal religious wars, which became disastrous when king Ral-pa-can was murdered by his brother Glan-dar-ma, and when Buddhists and Bonpos fought for the supremacy. These quarrels lasted till c. 840 A.D. and robbed Tibet of her entire power, so that Turkestan became an easy prey to the Turks. As regards Islam, it had been at the gates of the country since the eighth century, but not before the middle of the tenth century, when the ruler of Kashgar accepted its doctrines, did it become a danger. Then large portions of Turkestan were conquered by the Muhammadan Turks : Yarkand, Khotan, Kucha, and finally the most eastern territories. That was the time of emigration of the Turkestan Buddhists into India and Tibet. It apparently started in the days of Glau-dar-ma, and continued during the tenth and eleventh centuries, coming to an end about the year 1200 A.D. It had two principal phases: the first was the enmity of the Bonpos to the Buddhists in the ninth century, and the second the enmity of the Muham. madans to the Buddhists in the tenth and eleventh centuries. This cmigration is referred to in the prophecies of Li-yul and Gospinga. Rockhill gives an extract about it in his Life of the Buddha. It was found also embodied in the list of kings of Khotan, evidently in the wrong place, and had to be taken out of the context and treated as a separate chapter. Rockhill's story (Life of the Buddha, p. 240 f.) is somewhat as follows: 1600 years after the Buddha's nirvana, there was a king of Khotan, who was an unbeliever and persecuted the priests. Irreligious ministers and other enemies confiscated the buildings of the Bud. dhists, and so the congregation assembled in the Thsar-ma Monastery and resolved to emi. grate. After a number of miracles, Vaisravana, in the shape of a white ox, led the emigrants to Thsal-byi, whence a message was sent to the king of Tibet, who at the time was the seventh successor to the king who had introduced Buddhism into Tibet. His wife was a Chinese princess, a Kon-jo. The king of Tibet invited them to come, and they soon arrived at Bru-shal or Gilgit. There they were joined by more emigrants from An-tse (Kucha), Shu-lig (Kashgar), Tokara (near Kucha), Gilgit and Kashmir. In Bru-shal they were told that the king of Tibet was a Bodhisattva. They went to him, and lived for three years in peace in Tibet. Then an epidemic broke out in the country, which carried off many people. Even the queen was seized by it and died. The king thereupon ordered the emigrants to leave the country. At first they went to Gandhara, where they became witnesses of the murder of the king by his brother, similar to that of Ral-pa-can. Finally they went to Central India, where they came to rest. Rockhill, in searching for the Tibetan king who lived seven generations after Sron-btsan. sgam-po, came to the conclusion that he must be Rel.pa-can, although there is no evidence that this king was married to a Chinese princess. This king might certainly have welcomed Buddhist emigrants; but, as he could not be credited with turning them out after a stay of three years only, Rockhill decided that this unfriendly act was executed by his murderer and successor, Glai-dar-ma. Now let us leave Rockhill, and let us try to explain matters from a Tibetan point of view. As regards Tibet, the first great persecution of Buddhists certainly took place under Glao-dar-ma, the Bonpo, c. 814 A.D. Although it was started in Tibet, it may have passed over to Turkestan; for in those days Turkestan was a province of the Tibetan empire. If we examine the names of the Tibetan officers and soldiers stationed in Turkestan at that time, we notice that Buddhist names are very rare among them. Most of the names are of

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MARCT, 1930 the Bonpo type, and, as the Bonpos were fierce enemies of the Buddhist cause, it is only natural that they should have destroyed Buddhist sanctuaries not only in Tibet, but in Turkestan as well. These Bonpos may also have tried to seduce from Buddhism the authorities of Turkestan, the kings of Khotan and Kashgar. How far they succeeded in this attempt, we do not know. But, as it is stated in the prophecies that "there came up a king, who was not a believer," that idea may not be without foundation. Although it is very difficult in the case of the Turkestar ruins to fix the date of their destruction, Sir Aurel Stein as well as Dr. von Lecoq believe in the probability of a number of buildings being destroyed a long time before the Musulmans entered the country. The second period of devastation is that connected with the Musulman conquest between the tenth and the twelfth centuries, and that the writer of the Khotan prophecies knew of those times also is plainly shown by his account of the emigration. He says that the Bud. dhist emigrants not only came from Turkestan, but from Kashmir and Gilgit as well, and such an emigration from these last countries is only known to have occurred in Muhammadan times. The country they went to is not Lhasa-Tibet, but Ladakh or Western Tibet, LhasaTibet was in a state of rebellion and turmoil for several centuries after Glan-dar-ma, while Western Tibet was not only at rest and in prosperity, but was then enjoying the second establishment of Buddhism within its limits. The Guge kings are well known as heralds of the Buddhist cause, and the inscription of Tabo shows plainly that the kings of Leb were united with them in the same aim. Let us now turn our attention to the repeated statement of the prophecies, that the king of Tibet of ti9 time of the emigration was a Bodhisattva. It is interesting to note that one of the Ladakhi kings of those times actually had the name of Bodhisattva (Byao. chub-sem-dpa). He was a cousin of the Guge king Byan-chub-'od, together with whom he is mentioned in the Tabo inscription. Byan.chub-'od in 1038 A.D. invited Atisa to Tibet, and this circumstance led to a great revival of Buddhism in that country. This period is occasionally referred to as that of the second introduction of Buddhism into Tibet, as stated before. We learn from the contemporary Tabo inscription that Byan-chub-sems-dpa of Leh was then "the great king," and Byan-chub-'od of Guge was his vassal. Both monarchs seem to have taken orders, and on that occasion they may bave received their Buddhist names. The popular tradition of Ladakh has much to tell about the immigration of Kashmir monks into Ladakh in those days, and of the erection of several monasteries. And it may be that the report of the turning out of the Buddhists after a stay of only three years is not with. out foundation ; for although the rulers may have wished to lodge all the exiled Buddhists within their territories, the productive power of the country did not allow them to keep them all. Even nowadays, the government of Kashmir, in co-operation with the British Indian govern. ment, is obliged to limit the number of visitors to Ladakh each summer. If that were not done, the many European visitors to Ladakh would soon cause a famine. So it is quite probable that in the eleventh century the multitude of Buddhist exiles from Turkestan, Kashmir, Gilgit (and even the Panjab) was greater than it was possible to feed in Ladakh ; and the outbreak of an epidemio may have been used as a plausible reason for turning the greater part out again, After the rigorous introduction of Islam into Turkestan, the country deteriorated in many respects, but the influence of Chinese culture made itself felt again. This is shown by the numerous Chinese eoins dating from c. 1000-1200 A.D., which are found at so many ruined sites in Turkestan. This has also been shown by our table of collected Chinese coins. Muhammadan coins are much rarer in Turkestan. As regards Buddhism and Christianity, ther seem to have lingered on in poor health for some time in Turkestan, and in the days of Timur they came to a sudden and tragical end. As regards remains dating from these times of persecution and emigration, besides the coins mentioned above, there is not much to be shown. Paper scraps with Arabic writing are occasionally found among old Tibetan and Sakyan rubbish, but these have not yet See Lha-lun temple, M.A.S.I., No. 39, p. I.

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India Antiguairy. pra y ma H rina | ang u sam ha 5 he 3 (nya) [ 3 ] INDIAN CHARACTERS ON CLAY TABLETS FROM LEH. CONTAINING A YE-DHARMA FORMULA. (Circa 1000 A.D.) Dr. Spiter scripsit,

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MARCH, 1930 ] NOTES ON KHOTAN AND LADAKH 43 been made an object of eacnest study. But a fex antiquitios which come from the Ladakla side may prove to be of interest. The pilgrims from Turkestan and Kashmir apparently brought their matrices for clay tablets, to be used at burials, with them and used them in their new Ladakhi home; and it is remarkable how many clay tablets found in Ladakh are covered with writing. In many cases this writing is not Tibetan, but an Indian script of the tenth or eleventh century. On the accompanying plate, Dr. Spitzer has collected all the Indian charac. ters found on such tablets as come from the vicinity of Leh. As Bubler's tables show, the characters are those of c. 1000 A.D. The similarity of type and design of the tablets becomes noticeable on a comparison of some of the Leh originals with those represented in Serindia. V. Nubra-Khapulu. When going to India from Turkeston, most people go by way of Yarkand. The Buddhist teacher, who is said to have taken that route from Roruka, probably also passed through that town. But as the ancient trade road lay a little to the north of the present route, the then caravanserai of Yarkand may also have been situated a little to the north of the present town. The town of Roruka has been identified by Sir Aurel Stein with Phimo or a place near by (Ho-lao-lo-chia). This is the locality where, according to Heuan-teang, as well as in popular tradition, the great rain of sand and jewels took place, which buried the town, whose sinful people had once covered a boly man with sand and earth, playing him a baa joke. This is one of the places of Turkestan where looal tradition is in agreement with the Divyavadana tale of Roruka. Another identification is more of iconographic interest. In the treasure caves at Qyzil near Kucba is found a picture representing king Rudrayana of Roruka with his wife dancing before him. (See picture No. 34 in E. Wadschmidt's Gan. dhara.) This shows that this legend was well known in those parts of Turkestan. Now a place a little to the north-east of Yarkand is, according to my opinion, connected with another tale of the Roruka legend. When I was in Yarkand in 1914, I asked the Aksakals if they had any information of remains of Buddhist antiquities in the vicinity. They said that there was a sito with ruins in the desert between Yarkand and Karghaiik, which had been visited by several travellers, among them Sir George Macartney; but none of them had found anything besides an old pair of leather boots. Each disappointed archaeologist had apparently buried this pair of boots again when he discovered them, and this may account for the fact that his successor had the same surprise again. This tale of the Aksakals I had almost forgotten when I was reminded of it by my study of the Roruka tale in the Kanjur. There we read that the teacher Mahakatyayana had made up his mind to visit Irdia. When he was on the way to the Sindhu, a goddess, who had her abode on the northern road, asked bim to leave her a keepsake, that she might worship it. Then Mahakatyayana remembered the following words, once pronounced by the Buddha: "In the middle land people can do without boots (pula) furnished with leather-straps !" Thinking of this, he made a present of his boots to the goddess. The latter ordered a sanotuary to be erected for them, which became known by the name of Pulasthandila (lham-gyi-gzhi). It is probably this "boots-sanctuary" which was found by all these travellers on the old Yarkand-Karghalik road. As regards the kind of boots buried here, we have a nice illustration of them in Ancient Khotan, plate LXI. The boots shown in this picture are of the same kind as the boots worn nowadays in Turkestan. They are much used on long rides in winter. When travelling to Ladakh by way of Yarkand, the first country with traces of cultivation reached after a long march of nearly 20 days across the Kuen-lun, Karakorum, the Dabzang plain and the Sa-ser glacier, is, Nubra. The name of this province is Tibetan and means western district." (The name occurs already in a document of the eighth century excavated in Turkestan (MI. IV. 8).] It is interesting that many local names on the road, right up to the Nubra valley, are of Turkish origin, e.g., Karakorum, Gumbas, Chung-tash, Koroldawan. Also the Tibetan speaking inhabitants of Nubra are, according to Dr. K. Marx,

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MAROH, 1930 all able to understand a certain amount of Turkish. This is due to the Yarkand-Ieh road which leads through this province of Ladakh. As popular tradition has it, in former daya Nubra formed part of Baltistan. This may be correct. As Nubra is situated on the Shayog river and on a tributary to the same, it may have formed part of the principality of Khapulu, which is found in the lower valley of the Shayog; but Khapulu also was a vassal state of the Ladakh kingdom, at least during the last oenturies of this empire. In earlier times Khapulu seems to have been independent and a dangerous rival of Ladakh. That was in the days of the famous king Stobs-yab-sgo pa, who is called Sultan Yagu in Cunningham's list of Khapulu kings. (Yagu developed from the Tibetan Yab-sgo (pa).] In Cunningham's list Sultan Yagu is placed eighteen generations before Sultan Bairam, who can be dated, and belongs to the sixteenth century. Eighteen generations would mean about six centuries, so that we should have to place him in the tenth century. This king Stobs-yab-ego-pa is also found named in the Zans-dkar Chronicle. There he appears as the robber of the queen, and is placed in those early days when Zans-dkar was still part of the Kashmir state, that is previous to 1000 A.D. In & popular song (see Ind. Antiquary, 1909, Ten Ancient Historical Songs, No. IV), we hear of Yab-sgo-pa's victory over the Ladakhis on the shores of Lake Mon-dur. This lake, which was not yet identified when this song was published, can be located now. It is the lake Thso-mo-ri-ri (Tsomorari on the map of Rub-cu. On the lake is situated the solitary monastery of Dkor-mdzod, and in its vicinity are found ancient graves called mon-dur, that is graves of the Mons' (Indian mountain tribes). About one point we may be certain. In the days of old king Yab-sgo-pa the religion of the principality of Khapulu, including that of Nubra, was Buddhism. When Islam entered Baltistan we do not know for certain, but it appears that it did not enter all parts of the country at the same time. From the first part of the sixteenth century we have, however, some little information. At that time Khapulu was ruled by Sultan Bairam, who lived occasionally in Nubra, where he left an insoription, in which he is called Bhagram-mir. Going by this name, he was apparently a confessor of Muhammadanism. In Nubra he was suddenly overtaken by the Turkomans (c. 1532 A.D.) who had crossed the Karakorum range and the Sa-ser pass. He had to choose between taking their side or giving up his rule altogether. He elected to take the former course, and as Bahram Chu (Jo) he showed them the way to the prinoipality of Shigar. Thus we read in Mirza Haidar's Tarikh-i-Rashidi. At this point the history of Nubra seems to branoh off from the history of Khapulu. Khapulu as well as its chief, Sultan Baicam, became entirely Muhammadan, whilst Nubra under Thse-dban-brtan-pa and, after him, under the Ladakhi kings, remained Buddhist. That this Mughal invasion of Khapulu took place about the time when it changed its religion, is further indioated by the age of the principal mosque of Khapulu, Chag-Chang, which is believed to be 400 years old. (See Miss Duncan's Summer Ride, pp. 200-239.) Thee-dban-brtan-pa was apparently one of the last native rulers of Nubra and, probably, of Khapulu origin. His name is found in an inscription from Snun-dar (Hundar), where also his son, Mgon-po-rnam-rgyal, is mentioned. Later inscriptions give only the names of Ladakhi kings, wbo made Nubra their summer resort and called it Ldum.ca, or fruit-garden.' The first Ladakhi king who paid a long visit to Nubra was Grags-pa-'abum (1400-1440 A.D.), the founder of the Rnam-rgyal dynasty of Ladakh. His name is found in an insoription at Khyun-rdzon-mkbar, the castle of Saun-dar. The principality of Khapulu remained in the hands of the Ladakhi kings when it had become Muhammadan. Every now and then, the Chief of Khapulu was attacked by one or other of the Balti tribes during the seventeenth or eighteenth century, and in every case he promptly applied to the Ladakhis for help. (See Minor Chronicles, XVI, XVII.) At first sight it may appear astonishing that the valley of the Shayog river was divided 80 distinctly into a Muhammadan and a Buddhist half. The reason for this fact may be found in the character of the road along the Shayog river from east to west, which, after

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MAROH, 1930) NOTES ON KHOTAN AND LADAKH leaving Nubra, is so bad that hardly anybody can venture to travel on it: it is hardly ever used nowadays. In spite of this difficulty of communication between Nubra and Khapulu proper, Muhammadanism has ventured on another raid into Nubra, and has been successful in one respect. It has conquered the lowest castes of inhabitants of Nubra, viz., the castes of the blacksmiths and musicians. They have become adherents of the Shia sect. These people dress quite differently from the rest of the population of Nubra. The hair of the men is no longer plaited into a long pigtail, but allowed to hang down over the ears at half length, similar to the modern custom of European ladies. Also the cap worn by the musicians is that of the Baltis. As Nubra has got this little touch of Muhammadanism, Khapulu bas also preserved a few relics of its former Buddhism. Let me mention first of all the telescopic trumpets, which are found in all Lamaistic monasteries. They were not abandoned in Khapulu, when the state became Muhammadan, but were kept up and used at every festivity of whatever character. Then when Dr. de Filippi visited this country, be found there the ruins of stoves for burning the dead. This custom also was given up on the change of religion, for the Muhammadans bury their dead. It is very probable that on proper search several inscriptions of the Lamaistic formula Om-mani-padme-hum will be found in Khapulu, as have actually come to light at the neighbouring town of Khar.man : but up to the present nobody has searched the country properly. A still further attack of the Muhammadans on Nubra was made at a later date, viz., during the reign of king Seu-ge-rnam-rgyal, in the first part of the sixteenth century. The mother of this king, the daughter of the Balti chief 'Ali Mic Sher Khan, who had married 'aJam-dbyans-rnam-rgyal, remained Muhammadan all her lifetime. She is credited with the erection of three mosques: (1) one in Leh, (2) one in Tin-mo-sgan and (3) one in Saun-dar (Hundar) in Nubra. This queen died when on a visit to Nubra, and was buried in front of her own mosque. The peasant who had to look after the grave became a Buddhist in later years. This did not hinder him from performing his duties, and he regularly lighted the lamp inside the mosque. But after his death decay set in, and the mosque soon became & head of ruins, when suddenly in 1918, the Muhammadans of Saun-dar (the musicians) woke up to their duty, and rebuilt the mosque. When I travelled through the Nubra valley in 1914, I found no antiquities of importance until I entered the side valley of mKhar-gsar ('new castle'), below mKhar-rdzon. (All the insoriptions mentioned above 'had already been traced by some of my Tibetan friends on former visits to the valley.) This place (mKhar-gsar) is situated on & little brook, a tributary of the Shayog, and consists of four farms nowadays. As the site round about the houses is filled up with extensive ruins of atapas, visitors are led to believe that here must be the site of a former Buddhist establishment of some importance. Besides the stupas, there were several graves, and we noticed that many of the stupas were filled with Buddhist clay tablets inscribed with an ancient type of Indian characters, which date from early mediaeval times. As stated above, these tablets may point to the period of emigration of Buddhist monks from Turkestan, Kashmir and India. My companion, Dr. Korber, took several photos of this interesting site. I never heard of the fate of these pictures, and was higbly astonished to find them as illustrations in Laufer's Milaraspa, published in the Folkwang Verlag. One local name found in Nubra, and mentioned above, is of historical importance; it is the name of the town of Snun-dar (Hundar). The word anun-dar or snon-dar is found in the report of the introduction of Buddhism into Tibet. There it is stated that the times from Sron-btsan-sgam-po to Glad-dar-ma, viz., 600-830 A.D., are called srun-dar or 'first spread' of Buddhism. Then follows a period of downfall and persecution. After the year 1000 A.D., when Atisa visited Tibet, follows a period called phyi-dar or later spread' (of Buddhism). The local name of Snun-dar, found in Nubra, seems to testify to the fact that Buddhism was introduced here during the times of the first spread of Buddhism. (To be continued.)

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46 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY SOME REMARKS ON THE BHAGAVADGITA. BY PROF. JARL CHARPENTIER, PH.D., UPSALA. I. THE Bhagavadgita since a very remote period occupies a high position among the sacred books of the Hindus. Of native commentaries, composed by more or less famous authors from the great Samkara onwards, there is certainly no lack; and modern scholars, European, Hindu, and American, have produced an astounding mass of books and papers dealing with this famous text from various points of view. However, many problems connected with the Bhagavadgita still remain unsolved, and there is not even unity of opinion among scholars concerning the elementary questions of the origin and development of the poem. Such being the case, it may perhaps be pardonable if a scholar who, like the present writer, can lay claim to no special authority on problems of this wide scope, still ventures a few remarks on some of them. It goes without saying that no final solutions will probably be reached within the scope of the following scanty pages; however, a few scattered remarks will perhaps not be found altogether without value. It also goes without saying that of all literature, ancient and modern, connected with the Bhagavadgita only very little can be taken into account here. That a certain book or paper is not quoted in the following pages does not, however, necessarily mean, that it has not come under the writer's perusal." These short preliminary remarks may serve alike as an explanation of, and an excuse for, the pages that follow. [MARCH, 1980 To the Indian commentators, quite naturally, the problem of the original shape of the Bhagavadgita does not present itself. To them it has always been a text of great authority and sanctity, an upanisad (as it styles itself) or a smrti,3 and there could, of course, be no question of criticising it according to the principles of European scholarship. Already at a very early time a completely uniform text of the Gita with next to no variae lectiones had been established; and although we now know, thanks to the learned investigations of Professor F. O. Schrader, that there does really exist another and more extensive text of the poem, this one does not seem to have played any important part with the Hindu pandits of yore. Textual problems as we know them scarcely exist in India; and they would, of course, be totally non-existent in the case of a text enjoying the enormous authority of the Gita. The Bhagavadgita, through the translation of Sir Charles Wilkins (1785) became known in Europe during the very infancy of Sanskrit studies, and soon evoked great interest and admiration. In 1823 A. W. von Schlegel edited a critical text of the poem together with a Latin translation, which is still perhaps the best one available. And in 1826 there appeared a paper by the great Wilhelm von Humboldt, entitled Ueber die unter dem Namen A good and fairly complete bibliography is found in the preface of the Dutch translation of the Bhagavadgita by Boissevain (3rd ed., 1919). 2 It seems, however, unfortunate that I have not had access to a paper by Mr. D. S. Sarma in the Journal of Oriental Research, vol. iii, pt. i, entitled One of the Sources of the Bhagavadgita. 3 According to the commentaries, the author of the Brahmasutras considered the Bhagavadgita to be a smrti. To this question we shall return presently. Cp., however, Schrade:, Festgabe R. von Garbe, p. 178 f. 5 This translation is generally said to have been the first one of a Sanskrit work printed in Europe. That, however, is scarcely quite correct, as already the well-known book by Abr. Roger De Open-deure tot het verborgen Heydendom (1651, reprinted by Professor Caland in 1915) contained, as an appendix, a transla. tion of the Vairagya- and Nuti-Sataka. Translations from Sanskrit that were possibly made by Jesuit Fathers have so far not been published. * Schlegel's edition was extensively reviewed by several scholars, amongst others by Langlois, JA., iv, 105 f., 236 f.; v, 240 f.; vi, 232 f. Against this rather severe and partial review Schlegel defended himself (JA., ix, 3 f.), and he was strongly defended by von Humboldt, Ind. Bibl., ii, 219 f., 328 f.

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MARCH, 1930 ] SOME REMARKS ON THE BHAGAVADGITA Bhagavadgita bekannte Episode des Mahabharata, which is still not only readable but one of the most important that has hitherto been published on the subject of the Gita.7 Humboldt, apart from his philosophical remarks, which may here be left alone, made some sagacious observations on the original shape of the work (p. 46 f.). That it was from the beginning divided into chapters or cantos seemed to him a natural conclusion. He found, however, that the poem could be brought to a perfectly befitting end by stopping with the eleventh canto and adding to this the verses xviii, 63-78. Canto xviii again, according to him, marks no real stop, as after it there might as well follow any number of chapters. Humboldt also called attention to the obvious differences that prevail between cantos i-xi on the one hand and xii-xviii on the other. These sagacious observations have, however, been generally left unnoticed. During the eighty years that passed between the publication of Humboldt's paper and the first edition of Garbe's translation (1905) but little was suggested concerning the original shape of the Gita. Thus Weber8 regarded the poem as having been patched together from various pieces, and Holtzmanno forty years later (1893) was not averse to the suggestion that the Bhagavadgita had undergone more than one redaction. Hopkins10 also found that the Gita had"clearly been rewritten by a modernising hand," and that on the ground of its contents and metre alike. And Deussen, 11 to depart slightly from the cbronological order, found that the Gita had been put together from three fairly equal pieces, viz., an ethical one (cantos i--vi), a metaphysical one (cantos vii-xii), and a psychological one (cantos xiiixviii). Probably no one with the exception of Deusgen himself ever felt fully convinced that such could have been the case. But of the efforts to divide up the whole of the Bhagavadgita into widely differing parts none has become more famous than that of the late Professor Garbe.13 His theories are too well known to need any detailed repetition. He sees in the present Gita the result of two quite different redactions : in the old and original one the cult of the supreme God Krsna-Visnu is based on the philosophical system of the Samkhya-Yoga, while the later redaction tries to graft upon this uniform and logical exposition the pantheistic dootrines of the Vedanta. Thus this curious jumble of discrepancies and illogical arguments resolves itself into what is really two different works, To Garbe, who cherished these opinions, the quite obvious conclusion was that it would be possible to divide the poem into these two different parts. And consequently we find that in his translation he printed with different styles the original part and the Vedantie additions of the poem. The result of this analysis is that out of the 700 verses of the Gita, 170 are rejected as being later additions. Garbe, of course, does not claim absoluto authority for his statements, and he willingly admits that there may still bo some verses that have escaped his criticism, Several scholars expressed their unhesitating, acceptance of Garbe's theories ; and the present writer well remembers that at one time, shortly after he had commenced his Sanskrit studies, they were quite fashionable. The scholar who gave his most unreserved applause to them was one of great authority, viz., Professor Winternitz,18 Not only was he quite at one with Garbe in rejecting those 170 verses, but he wanted to delete from the original poem another 200 verses, which seemed to him to be of a later dato. However, his otherwise most sound judgment seems momentarily to have left him, when he looks upon the dry and 7 This paper has been printed in the Abh. d. hist.-phil. Klasse d. Kgl. Akad. d. Wiss. su Berlin, 1826, Pp, 1-64. 8p. Ind. Stud., ii, 394. Cp. Das Mahabharata und seine Teile, ii, 108 1. 10 The Great Epic of India, p. 234 1. ; cp. also p. 225, and Garbe, Die Bhagavadgita, p. 24, n. 1. 11 Op. Der Gesang des Heiligen, cine philosophische Episode des Mahabharatam (1911). 13 Op. Die Bhagavadgita aus dem Sanskrit aberastet mit einer Einleitung uber ihre ursprungliche Gestalt, ihre Lehren und ihr Alter (1905 ; 2nd ed., 1921); cp. also Indien und das Christenthum (1914), p. 228 f. 18 Op. VOJ, , 194 f.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MARCH, 1930 uninspiring oanto xii as being the very acme of Gita poetry, while the sublime canto xi appears to him to be quite miserable trash. We feel sorry to admit that in this case Professor Winternitz's arguments seem to us just as little conclusive and convincing as those proffered by Garbe himselt. However, Garbe's theory did not meet with acceptance from all sides. Opposition came from scholars of very great authority, such as Oldenberg and Professor Jacobi, an opposition upon which we shall shortly dwell. Oldenberg, in an article called Bemerkungen zur Bhagavadgita, 14 somewhat strongly criticised the theories of Garbe from two different points of view. He himself, like some other scholars, 15 has made it highly probable that there existed once an older sesvara samkhya, which did not deny the existence of brahman, the Universal Soul. The argumentation of Oldenberg as usual shows his brilliant sens commun, and we cannot abstain from quoting the following words, which ought to be carefully borne in mind by every echolar concerned with Indian modes of thought : "Trifft dies18 zu, so entfallt damit die Moglichkeit, aus dem Durcheinandergehen von Ausserungen, welche die charakteristische Sprache des Samkhya reden und von Bekenntnissen zum Brahman auf Ubereinanderlagerung verschiedener Schichten zu schliessen. Wer diesen Schluss sicht, scheint mir allzuschr in den Anschauungen der groesen klassischen Lehrtexte und der Polemiken, die in spaterer Zeit zwischen Samkhya and Vedanta hin und her gingen, befangen zu sein, das fertig entwickelte in die Zeit, wo die Entwicklung noch im Fliessen war, zu ubertragen." Oldenberg also emphasizes the need of carefulness in suggesting the existence of an original niristara yoga. We should like to add that the very nature of the Yoga appears to us totally to preclude such a supposition.' However, Oldenberg also attacked Garbe's theories in detail, proving by numerous examples that the verses rejected by this scholar did often destroy the connection of ideas pervading different cantos, and that consequently this method of rejecting all the verses savouring of Vedanta could only lead to further confusion 18 It seems to the present writer that everyone who carefully reads through the original text together with Garbe's translation can only whole-heartedly subscribe to this criticism by Oldenberg. To quote only one instance which has been partly touched upon by Oldenberg ; Gerbe rejects the verse iv, 24 : brahmarpanam brahma havir brahmagnau brahmana hutam | brahmaiva tena gantavyam brahmakarmasa madhina but wants to keep the following one (iv, 25); dairam evapare yajram yoginah paryupasate brahmagnav apare yajian yajnenaivopajuhvati | This, of course, is pure assumption ; but it becomes even worse when we find that in the translation the first brahmagnau is rendered by: "das Brahman ist im Opferfeuer," while the second one is said to mean : "in dem Feuer der Heiligkeit"! The following verses (iv, 2630), which describe various kinds of sacrifices, are all preserved by Garbe, who, however, rejects the concluding one (iv, 32): evam bahuvidha yajsa vitata brahmano mukhe karmajan viddhi tan sarvan evam jnatva vimoyase 1 A method which operates in this way seems to me worse than no method at all. 16 Nachrichten d. Ges. d. Wiss. zu Gottingen, phil-hish. Klasse, 1919, p. 321 f. 15 Op. Oldenberg, Die Lehre der Upanischaden, p. 206 1.; Nachrichten d. Ges. d. Wiss. zu Gottinger, phil-mist. Klases, 1917, p. 218 f., as well as Dahlmann, Die Samkhya-Philosophie, p. 5, and Edgerton, 4. J. Phi., xlv, p. 71. 16 Viz., the ruggostod existence of the Soluara Samkhya. 17 Cp. also Jacobi, Deutsche Lit Zeit, 1921, 721 f. 18 Oldenberg admits that the vv. iii, 9-18, which contain the general theory of sacrifice, may possibly be an interpolation. This may be pomiblo, or even probable, but not on the grounds adduced by Garbo. Cp. alao Jacobi, Deutsche Lit. Zeit., 1921, 720 f.

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49 MAROK, 1930] SOME REMARKS ON THE BHAGAVADGITA If, however, Oldenberg's criticism must needs evoke our consent, his own reconstruction of the original Bhagavadgita would scarcely do so to the same degrec: After all, Oldenberg finds that the first great part of the poem ends with canto vi, and the second with canto xii, while the last six cantos are to him obviously a later addition 10 His arguments, and seemingly also his results, are different from those of Deussen ; but on the whole he has, like him, divided up the poem in an unnatural and nowise convincing way. After the issue of Garbe's second edition Professor Jacobi published a review of his book, which drew from the translator a somewhat spirited reply and gave rise to still more articles from the two combatants.29 The arguments, however, are chiefly of a philosophical nature and cannot be repeated here. All that can be said is that Professor Jacobi, with his unsurpassed mastery of the later philosophical sutras, has made out a seemingly strong case for himself but which would scarcely be very convincing to anyone who did not for other reasons doubt the validity of Garbe's theories. The latter scholar's first reply seems rather happy, and he is, for example, no doubt right in his suggestion that the date of the Brahmasutras cannot be fixed with any certainty in the way attempted by Professor Jacobi. The two last contributions to the discussion, however, are mainly a display of learning, which in this case can lead to no tangible result. Garbe's theory of a theistic (Samkhya) and a pontheistical (Vedanta) Bhagavadgita that have been melted into one can scarcely be refuted on purely historical reasons, as we are too fragmentarily informed' of the chronological interrelations of the various philosophical systems. And the judgment of his method in rejecting or preserving verses will always be purely subjective, although to an unbiassed mind it seems obvious that he has rather spoilt the text than restored it. However, Garbe's argumentation, of course, presupposes that Samkhya (Yoga) and Vedanta existed as real philosophical systems at the time of the first and second redaction of the Bhagavadgita. For, only if they did exist as such and are, within the text of the Gita, discernible as such, can there be any talk of separating the special tenets of each philosophical system in the way that Garbe has tried to do it. That this is not the case has, however, been proved in an incontrovertible way by Professor Edgerton in an excellent article, which has attracted by far too little attention. We shall allow ourselves to quote a few conclusive words from that (p. 5 f.), words that prove without possi. bility of refutation the exact state of things as far as the Gita is concerned : Nowhere 23 is there a suggestion that it24 or Yoga either- means any particular system of metaphysical truth. In the Gita Sankhya and Yoga are not metaphysical, speculative systems, not what we should call philosophies at all, but ways of gaining salvation ; that and nothing elst. More. over, that and nothing else is what they are in all Indian literature until a late time- until far down in the Christian era.'26 It such be the case--and I cannot think that anybody 10 Oldenberg, following Professor F. O. Schrader (and Professor Jacobi), thinks that the real Gita be. gins with the verse ii, 39 : exa to 'bhihita amkhye buddhir yoge tu imam ernu buddhya yukto yatha Partha karmabandham prahasyasi | We shall return to this point presently. 30 Cp. Jacobi, Deutsche Lit. Zeit., 1921, 715 f. ; 1922, 265 f. ; Garbe ibid., 1922, 97 f., 604 f. 21 Certain German scholars-.g., Professors Otto and von Glasenapp-nowadays prefer a new expres. sion 'theopanistic' or 'theopantistio ' instead of 'pantheistic. Chacun a son goat, but it searcoly seems possible that a term, senseless in itself, should gain any permanent favour. 22 A.J.Phil., vol. xlv, pp. 1-46. 28 Viz., in the Bhagavadgita. 24 Vix., Saukhya. 36 In the last part of his article (p. 36 1.) Professor Edgerton has nicoly defined the real sense of the words samkhya and yoga. The first one according to him means something like 'method (of salvation) based on calculation, the second one moans disciplined activity, etc. "Sankhya seoks salvation by knowing something ; yoga by doing something." The present writer long ago (ZDMG., lxv, 846 f., in a review of Professor Tuxen's excellent Yoga book) had suggested that yoga in reality means something like practice' (the practical division of the samkhya-yoga system which is in reality one, op. ekam samkhyam ca yogam ca yah pafyati na pasyati, etc.); and he feels very pleased to find his humble suggestion fully corrobo. rated by a scholar so well at home in these matters as is Professor Edgerton. On a curious use of the word yoya ( =nyaya or vzidesila) cp. K. Chattopadhyaya, JR48., 1927, p. 851 f.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY ( MARCH, 1930 would be able to controvert the argumentation of Professor Edgerton-there can, of course, be no talk whatsoever about separating the tenets of different philosophical systems within the Gita-simply because there are none. 26 And in such case we need not further trouble ourselves with the ingenious but impossible theories of Garbe. Other scholars go to the opposite extreme and find in the Bhagavadgita a work of complete and insoluble unity. For instance, Professor Oltramare, in a lecture presented to the 17th Congress of Orientalists at Oxford, which has since been printed, considers that the whole of the Gita, as we have it now, belonged to the original Mahabharata, and that this text is a uniform whole and without any internal discrepancies. A young Sanskritist, M. Etienne Lamotte, whose name we meet with for the first time in a recently published work, 38 holds much the same opinion, and we come to know through him that other renowned scholars, like MM. de la Vallee Poussin and Formichi, are also convinced of the original unity of the Gita. With all due respect to these prominent authorities we would fain suggest that if the unity of the poem can possibly be maintained on purely philosophical grounds, it cannot be upheld because of the manifold other difficulties that would ensue from such a theory. The opinions of these scholars are the reverse of those of Garbe; but in reality they are just as unacceptable. We shall, however, now make an end with this rapid survey of former opinions and put forth in the following our own modest suggestions. Some twenty years ago Professor F. 0. Schrader published a short but important paragraph 29 on what he called the 'old' Bhagavadgita. In this passage he gave it as his opinion that the original Gita, which belonged to a pre-Vaignavite Mahabharata,' came to an end with the verse zi, 38, of the present text. To this oldest Gita there might, however, possibly have been added a few more Slokas of the same tenor ere the Bhagavatas fixed upon it and made it the introduction to the present text. Several years later Professor Jacobi in a short paper30 arrived at results which are not very unlike the conclusion of Professor Schrader. Jacobi regards canto i of the present Gita as belonging to the original epic text; and out of canto ii he selected verses 1-,9-12, 18, 25-27 and 30-37, to which he has finally added xviii, 73, as a fitting conclusion to the whole. He emphasizes, however, that this reconstruction is only a tentative one. In a similar way Oldenberg31 wanted to reconstruct the oldest part of the Gita. According to him it should have consisted of canto i and canto ii, vv. 1-38. Still he admits the possibility of vv.26-27 and 38 being later additions. (To be continued.) 26 Professor Edgerton's conclusions should not be contested because samkhya and yoga are mentioned in the Kautiliya. First of all that work does not with certainty belong to the fourth century B.C. ; and then the translation of the words samkhyam yogo loloyatam cety anpikpiki, which have been badly misinterpreted, has been put right by Professor Winternitz (Indologica Pragensia, i, 2 f.) 37 Op. Revue de l'Histoire des Religions, vol. xovii, p. 161 1.) 38 Notes sur la Bhagavadona (Societe Belge d'Etudes Orientales), Paris, 1929." 29 Cp. ZDMG., lxiv (1910), p. 339 f. 30 ZDMG., lxxii (1918), p. 323 f. 81 Cp. Nachrichten d. Ges. d. Wiss. Goettingen, phil.-hist. Klasse, 1919, p. 332 f. Oldenberg, Lc., p. 334, n. 1, quito corroztly criticises the very formal way in which Professor Jacobi has tried to explain the words anaryajuam asvanyyam alirttikaram in ii, 2.

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MARCH, 1930) ORIGIN OF THE CASTE SYSTEM IN INDIA ORIGIN OF THE CASTE SYSTEM IN INDIA. BY THE LATE S. CHARLES HILL. I. The Caste System peculiar to India and its bond of union.-Of all the many strange things with which the European meets in India, the strangest is the Caste System. At first it may appear ludicrous or even cruel and repellent, but the more one sees and thinks of it, the more it grips the imagination, until at last it gets to be simple, natural and inevitable. On this subject Professor Vincent Smith (Oxford History of India, 1923, pp. ix-x) writes :"The political unity of all Indin, though never attained perfectly in fact, always was the ideal of the people throughout the centuries........The diverse peoples of India have developed a peculiar type of culture or civilization utterly different from any other type in the world. That civilization may be summed up in the term Hinduism. India primarily is a Hindu country, the land of the Brahmans, who have succeeded by means of peaceful penetration, not by the sword, in carrying their ideas into every corner of India. Caste, the characteristis Brahman institution, utterly unknown in Burma, Tibet and other border lands, dominates the whole of India and exercises no small influence over the powerful Muhammadan minority." And again (ibid., p. 42) "Talk about the abolition or even the automatic extinction of caste is futile........The system grew up of itself in remote antiquity because it suited India, and will last for untold centuries because it still suits India on the whole, in spite of its many inconveniences. Hindu society without caste is inconceivable. Reformers must be content to make the best of a system which cannot be destroyed." 1. Nature of Caste. Its strength and power of absorption.-The word Caste is of Portu. guese origin and simply denotes Purity, i.e., Purity of Birth or Breed. Under this system the whole Hindu population is divided into distinct groups, the members of any one of which neither eat with nor intermarry with the members of any other, and even in some cases consider themselves defiled by the touch or even shadow of members of certain of the lowest groups. Whilst the system is aristocratic in that birth is considered essential to the possession of certain qualities, it is democratic in the fact that the system is based solely on the goodwill of the whole of the people, that the members of each group are all theoretically on an equal footing and that the importance of a man is based on character and not on wealth, rank, position or even ability. How strong the system is, is shown, as Dr. Farquhar tells us (Smith's O.rford History, p. 261). by the fact that Caste has found its way back into every Hindu sect that has disowned it. It has absorbed whole bodies of invaders like the Marathas. It has even affected people protected by definite and clearly stated forms of religion, which teach the equality and bro. therhood of all men, like the Muhammadans and the Portuguese, who have been long settled in the country. The descendants of the Portuguese in the Sundarbans are said to have formed themselves at one time into seven castes. III. Increase in the number of castes intended to preserve Caste Purity.--Accepting absolutely its divine origin, Hindus will sacrifice anything and everything to the preservation of the purity of their caste, yet, whilst any cause, however slight or accidental, is considered sufficient reason for expulsion from one's caste, the usual punishment, if it can so be called, is the formation of a new caste when the breach is great or intentional, and of a sub-caste when it is slight or accidental. Thus the expulsion or secession of one or more members frorn a caste merely results in the formation of a new caste or sub-caste, pure in itself and leaving the purity of the parent caste undefilod. The final effect of this particularity, continued through many centuries, is that now there are more than 2,000 castes or sub-castes, which, in respect of their modes of origin, have been classed in the Imperial Gazetteer under the following types, viz. :-(1) Tribal, (2) Functional or Occupational, (3) Sectarian, (4) Castes formed by crossing, (5) National, showing traces of more elaborate organization than the Tribal, (6) Castes formed by migration and (7) Castes formed by changes of custom. But neither from this classification, nor from the arrangement of all the castes into a list of graduated importance, as has been attempted for the purposes of the Census, is any light thrown upon the origin of Caste. stes.

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52 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ MARCH, 1930 IV. The four original castes.-In fact such mechanical treatment of the subject tends rather to increased obscurity, and we have to go back to the ancient tradition, in accordance with which all Hindus were originally divided into four castes only, viz., "The Brahmans, destined to fulfil the high functions of spiritual priesthood and to show the way of salvation to their fellowmen, [who] issue from the head of the Creator; the Kshatriyas, endowed with physical force and destined to undergo the fatigues of war, [who] have their origin in the shoulders and arms of Brahma; the Vaisyas, whose duty it is to provide the food, the clothing and other bodily necessities of man, [who] are born in the belly of the god; and the Sudras, whose lot is servitude and rude labour in the fields, [who] issue from his feet." (Abbe Dubois, Hindu Manners and Customs, p. 47.) Of these castes, the first three are considered twiceborn and are entitled to wear the sacred thread, though the Vaisya receives it only upon marriage. From this it will be seen that the Hindu legislators, like all social legislators, holding as a cardinal principle (Dubois, p. 30) that every member of the community should be useful, prescribed for each caste its peculiar public duty, but as State exigencies often ignore all rules, so also they allowed the necessary latitude. Thus we are told by Dubois (pp. 31-32): "It must here be remarked, however, that the four great professions without which a civilized nation could not exist, namely the army, agriculture, commerce and weaving, are held everywhere in the highest esteem. All castes from the Brahman to the Parish are permitted to follow the first three, and the fourth can be followed by all the principal classes of Sudras." From this we may, perhaps, conclude that, originally, it was not so much the occupation as the way in which and the motives from which it was followed that distinguished the different castes. All Hindus, included in the hundreds (the Imperial Gazetteer says nearly 2,400) of now existent castes, belong to one or other of the four original castes and some suppose, therefore, that the whole Caste System is only the Indian modification of a division of Society into four classes-priests, warriors, cultivators and artisans-such as once existed in Persia, Egypt and Arabia; but if that were all that is to be said upon the subject, why should the system have collapsed everywhere else and yet retained such extraordinary vitality in India? V. Suggested reason and occasion for the institution of the Hindu Caste System, viz., the necessity of finding a stable system of Society after the breakdown of an older civilization.-The Article on Caste in the Imperial Gazetteer (I, 348) concludes with the statement that "the origin of Caste is, from the nature of the case, an insoluble problem. We can only frame more or less plausible conjectures, derived from the analogy of observed facts." This is certainly true if by origin we mean the name of its author and the date of its institution, but, if we mean the cause and object, I think it is one of those things, like names in large letters on a crowded map, the very obviousness of which makes them hard to discern. If it can be shown that any course of intelligent action or thought leads definitely and inevitably to a particular end, desirable or otherwise, it is, I think, not unreasonable to suppose that this end was the cause or motive, i.e., the origin, of that course of action or thought. In this case, as Vincent Smith observes (Oxford History, p. 41):-"The chief attribute of the Caste System is its stability." Is it then not more than probable that the reason for establishing this system was the hope that in it would be found a permanent basis for a stable form of Society? Again, if it is clear that a particular course of action or thought would, in all probability, be suggested by only one particular kind of event, and if it were known that such events had repeatedly happened in times not far removed, is it not most probable that such an event did actually happen and did furnish the occasion for that course of action or thought? Now the search for a more stable form of Society would not suggest itself as a problem for serious consideration in a time of social rest or peace, but would be most likely to do so after some great upheaval like a revolution or coup-d'etat or after some great catastrophe like a foreign conquest, followed by the breakdown of the Social system and resulting, in the former case, in the slaughter or flight of the late rulers and, in the latter case, in the flight of those of the conquered people, naturally

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MARCI, 1930) ORIGIN OF THE CASTE SYSTEM IN INDIA the boldest and most intelligent, who refused to submit to the yoke of a foreign and perhaps barbarous conqueror. In the case of the Aryans I do not think it likely that they left their original home in consequence of a rubellion or coup d'elat which expelled a dethroned prince or an unpopular teacher, because in that case the very fidelity which had caused them to follow him into exile would almost certainly have caused them to perpetuate and not, as the Aryans did, conceal or even forget his name. I think it more probable that they were the refugee remnant of a conquered people, who would not submit to their conquerors anci, with their priests and petty chiefs, set out for a new country. Under such circumstances their loaders, horrified at what had happened, might well have cast about in their minds to discover what were the causes of decay that had brought about the fall of their State and have anxiously sought for some system of Society, which offered a greater probability of permanent strength or which would, at any rate, enable them to retain their social organization and so bear such a catastrophe with equanimity. That the Caste System is capable of achieving the latter object is shown by the energy with which the Hindus adhere to it, at the same time as they show an apparently extraordinary apathy to the form of government and indifference to changes in it, which has attracted the attention of many observers of Indian life and to which I shall have occasion to refer again. We now know that, in what we are still forced to call prehistoric times, more than one great civilization rose and fell either from internal decay or overwhelming external pressure. Is it not then most likely that the reason why the Aryan invaders of India, a cultured people as we gather from their early literature, left their own country to seek a new home was some such great catastrophe and that the Caste System was the system devised by them to prevent the possibility of its recurrence or, if it occurred, still to retain their Social System? VI. Reason why the name of the Hindu Legislator is unlenoun.--It has already been observed that the Hindus ascribe the origin of the Caste System to divine inspiration, as Manu (Institutes of Manu compiled by the sage Bhrigu between 200 B.C. and 200 A.D. See Vincent Smith's Oxford History, p. 42) taught in symbolic language, when he said that the four great castes sprang directly from the body of Brahma. But in order that any teaching, divine or human, shall be immediately and willingly accepted by the masses it must be in complete accord with Reason and Religion, meaning here by Religion the accepted belief as to the relation of Man to the Supreme B.ing. It is, I think, highly probable, though our knowledge on this subject is but meagre, that the Caste System, as originally promulgated, not only appeared eminently reasonable, but was also in complete accord with the religious beliefs of the early Aryans. That we do not know the name of the sage or prophet through whom the inspiration was delivered, or the time in which he lived, is not really relevant, for the self-effacement, which he made the chief characteristic of the true Brahman, would naturally have prevented him from allowing his name to be known, not only as a personal duty, but in humble and pious recognition of the fact that all good ideas come to Man not of himself but from the Supreme Being. For similar reasons he would present his scheme not as a new discovery but as a reformation of modern abuses in the original divine plan. VII. Increase in the number of castes a means of preserving caste purity. Interrelation of the different casles. Brahman perfection. Rajput honour.-Turning then to the Caste System as it now exists, one's first conclusion, from seeing so many castes and these daily increasing in number, would be that, far from the system forming a stable basis for Society, it encourages a blind instinct towards disintegration, but looking a little closer we see, as I have already pointed out, that the mere formation of a new caste is in itself an effort to preserve caste purity, being merely an acknowledgment of the necessity, according to the divine plan, for the creation of a new type of man, which will add to the perfection of the 1 The Abbe Dubois (Hindu Manners, p. 30) says :-" These ancient lawgivers .... anxious to provide durable and inviolablo rules for the different castes comprising the Hindu nation, new no marer way of attaining their object than by combining in an unmistakablo manner those two great foundations of orderly government-religion and politics,"

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (MARCE, 1930 ladder or scale of castes, which is the national ideal that binds all Hindus together whatever their caste may be. Nowhere do we find amongst the Hindus any evidence of that centrifugal and hostile tendency of portions of Society to withdraw from the main body and to form Trades, Guilds and other Fraternities organised to protect their own interests against those of the community. As a new leaf draws life from, and gives life to, the plant upon which it grows, so cach new caste takes strength from and, at the same time, nourishes the parent system. Further, as a matter of fact, though we talk of higher and lower castes and though the haughtiness of the Brahmans is now proverbial, no caste was originally considered superior or inferior, cxccpt in the sense that its bodily type represented a more or less advanced stage in the human habitations which must be, in turn, occupied by the Soul. The Bhagavadgita says "The wise regard a Brahman gifted with knowledge and modesty, a cow, an elephant, a dog and a Swapaka [i.e., one whose duty it is to carry out unclaimed dead bodies) as alike." In other words, though in the Sudra the body is predominant, in the Vaikya the Reason, in the Kshatriya the Heart, and in the Brahman the Soul, all castes are equally manifestations of Brahma though of different qualities. The relation between a higher and a lower caste is then more like that between an adult and a child than that between a noble and a serf of the same nationality. VIII. Caste distinctions entirely dependent upon Character.--Instead therefore of allowing ourselves to be misled by the outward show of Hinduism we must concentrate our attention on what the Hindu religious writings tell us of what is required of true members of the different castes. According to the Bhagavadgita, to be truly wise one must have learnt - (1) To control the Body in its appetites and desires, so that it does not injure itself or impede the free action of the Soul. (2) To act for the benefit of the community without hope of reward or even care whether one's action is successful or not, so long as one's duty, as laid down by the requirements of Caste, is performed. (3) To act towards all others without partiality. (4) To resign oneself with absolute patience to pain and suffering and loss and to feel no exultation in success. "He, my servant, is dear unto me, who is free from enmity, the friend of all nature, merciful, exempt from pride and egoism, the same in pain and pleasure, patient of wrongs, contented, constantly devout, of subdued passions and firm resolves, and whose heart and mind are fixed on me alone. "He also is my beloved, of whom mankind are not afraid and who of mankind is not afraid : who is free from the influence of joy, impatience and the dread of harm. "He, my servant, is dear unto me, who wants nothing, is just and pure, impartial, free from distraction of mind, and who has renounced every enterprise. He also is worthy of my love, who neither rejoiceth nor findeth fault ; who neither lamenteth nor coveteth, and, being my servant, hath renounced both good and evil. He also is my beloved servant, who is the same to friend and foe, in honour and dishonour, in cold and in heat, in pain and in pleasure ; who is unsolicitous about the event of things; to whom praise and blame are as one ; who is silent and pleased with whatever cometh to pass ; homeless and who is of a steady mind." (Bhagavadgita, XII.) In other words, to fit oneself for the position of a Ruler, one must have overcome all human weaknesses and renounced all material rewards. This is possible for the Brahman born, almost if not wholly impossible for any other. It is not necessary to enter upon the requirements of other castes, for the above is sufficient to show that what differentiates them is simply Character, and we can appreciate what Elphinstone says (Smith's Oxford History, pp. 431-2) of the Rajputs, who are Kshatriyas "A Rajput warrior, so long as he does not dishonour his race, seems almost indifferent to the result of any contest he is engaged - in.". For all castes the saying of the Bhagavadgita holds good, viz. "One's own duty i.e., dharma or caste rules) though defective, is better than another's duty well performed. Better is death in one's own duty; another's duty is full of danger." (To be continued.)

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MAROK, 1930 ] BOOK-NOTTOES. 65 BOOK NOTICES. VIDIMOUN MYTHOLOGTM, vou Allrod Hillebrandt; and aoma- (or canulu) turidi roos, to which thu second and revised edition in 3 vols. ; vol. I, proudeat oluns in India yot trnce thoir ancostry. 91 x 61' ; pp. 547. Breslau, 1927. In Appendix II. Professor Hillebrandt deals very All Sanskritists are familiar with the late Pro- exhaustively with the questions of the identity fessor Hillebrandt's long pursued and deep study and domicile of the Panis, go often referred to of the Vedas. This is a second and revised edition in the RV., and he has conclusively established of his Vedische Mythologie. The matter has been as has in fact been generally accepted-that Pani ro-arranged and many improvements made in was the name of a people or tribe, and not merely the manner of presenting it, while several portions a term for a 'miser or non-giver' or 'unbeliever. have been rewritten. After preliminary sections The further suggestions of a goographical nature on Usas, the Asvins and Agni, the main portion made in this appendix as to the locale of certain of the volume is devoted to the elaboration of tribes mentioned in the RV., such as the Panis, his well-known views on the importance, or even Paravatas, and Bruayas, and the original Saras. predominance, of the moon in the religion of Vedic vati river, are, as he himself justly claims, of widetimes. The many developments in research and reaching import: and when the Ancient history criticism that have been made since he first pro- of the area between India and Iran has been pounded his ideas on this subject have not caused more fully elucidated by Archeological exploration, him to change his opinion to any substantial his views may prove to be well founded. extent, nor convinced him that any of his critics The work has been excellently printed, and the had come to more correct interpretation. If indexes provided are most useful. The second the soma element of the sacrifice (the plant and volume is now appearing. its juice that supplied the ampia) be rightly ac C. E. A. W.O. copted as a symbol or synonym of the moon-80 THE DOLMENS OF THE PULNEY HILLS, by the Rev. A. intimately Asociated in early mythology with ANGLADE, S.J., and the Rev. L. V. NEWTON, S.J. immortality and resurrection-We must admit Memoirs of the Archaeological Survey of India, No. the importance of lunar beliefs at the time, and 36; pp. viii + 14, with 7 plates. Caloutta, 1928. we are disnosed to agree with M. Augusto Barth that Fifty yeare ago the 'rudo sono monuments of Trofessor Hillebrandt has correctly equatod soma with South India were much in fashion, but archeologists the moon : but it in doubtful whether some other seem to have grown shy of the awkward probleme equations proposed can be considered as established. Since Professor Hillebrandt first formulated they present. Meanwhile the monuments them. selves are vanishing under the ruthless march of his conclusions on this subject, the investigations "civilization"; the road contractor is fast convert. of several students of the past have disclosed the ing them into road metal. Fathers Anglade and great antiquity of moon worship and its possible Newton deserve thanks for retrieving a few facta Bacendancy oven over that of the sun among from the wreckage. The megaliths of the Palni primitive peoples. The influence of old moon Hills (80 usually spelt) are in several features unique. myths may perhaps survive in the frequent re Wisely concentrating on the monuments of a limited forences to 'prersers and non-pressers' (of the area, the authors of this monograph have done a very noma) and the insistence upon the importance thorough piece of work. Digging and theories they of securing the aid of Indra, who was so devoted leave to experts; but their evidence, set forth by to the ambrosial juice, with which he is even identified. We have abundant evidence Also, map, plan, photograph, and concise description, is a record of solid value. of course, in the RV. of the high importance attached Sewell's Lists of Antiquities (vol. I, 1882), contain to the power and influences of the sun, no less than ten hymns being devoted to Surya as the much information regarding the distribution of sun-god. We must not, as Professor Hillebrandt is megaliths in 8. India, but his lead has not been fol. careful to point out, regard the RV. as a mythology lowed. The publication of this Memoir is & welcome of primitive times (Urmythologie) nor even as the augury of reviving interest. Many secrets of India's beginning of Indian mythology, but only as a past are locked up in these ancient monuments, and, even if they be deemed unworthy of the law's prosection, or reach, in the ever-flowing stream of mythological conceptions. The primitive mind tection, << descriptive list of those that survivo incorporated new ideas with the old traditions, would be a useful basis for future research treating them as new aspects or attributes, till 'F. J. RICHARDS. the old myths gradually became overlaid or BIBLIOTHEQUE DES GROGRAPHES ARABAS, Tomo transformed. To cito single example, Indra I, Introduction & l'astronomie nautique arabe, himself lonce his pre-eminent position, surviving par Gabriel Ferrand. 04' X 6t": Pp. xi+-272. the Vedie period as the patron deity of the Paris, Paul Geuthner, 1928. Ksatriyas. To-day he is almost insignificant, M. Ferrand is rondoring a paramount servior though still regarded as the rain and storm god in to students of the history of geographical knowledge popular belief. Traces of the old distinction between by making available to those not aoquainted with the followers of the sun and moon cults are probably Arabio the most important toxta of the early Arab to be found in the ethnic divisions of the suryavansi' geographers. He is thus supplementing the work

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56 THE INDIAN ANTIQUAR MARCT, 1930 done by the learned M. J. de Gooje of Leyden RAVANA and Hanuman also began to spread amongst in editing tho original Arabic texts in his Bibliotheca tho inhabitants of Java and Bali, whose monugeographorun arabicorum. No moro competent inents and literature aliko testify to iheir great scholar could be found for this task than M. Torrand. ! popularity with the inhabitants of those island. who has already done so much to elucidate the Somo years ago (1925), Dr. Stutterheim, in his book geographical knowledge of the Chinese and Arabian Rama-Legenden und Rama-Rcliefe in Indonesien, gave and other early travellers and writers in his works, An excellent contribution towards our knowledge of Le K'ouen-louen, l'Empire sumatranais de Crivijaya, Indonesian Ramn lore. At the present moment Voyage du marchand Sulayman, le Tuhfat al-albab, Dr. Ziesenirs, of the University of Hamburg, has foletc. In the present volume the editor has incor. lower np Ruch researches nlong independent lines porated the results of the researches of another And has tried to form a distinct opinion on the rent Orientalist, the late M. Leopoll de Sa:93111e, origin and development of Javanese Rama legends. * brilliant member of a famous scientific family That the Rama talos should have been carried to and perhaps the best authority on the subject Indonesia from Bengal And Coromandel as well as of the early Chinese knowledge of astronomy. In from the Western coast of India Reeme possible fact M. de Saussure's Commentaire des instruction enough. And Dr. Ziesenine seems to have made suela nautiques, recorded in response to certain references a theory entirely probable. Perhaps his argumente made to him by M. Ferrand on points that seemed at first sight to defy interpretation, is one of the would have carried still more weight had he made most valuable documents that has yet appeared in more profound researches in the available Indian this connexion. From it, for example, we obtain materials as well as in the older European literature dealing with Indian mythology, Polier, whom he a clear explanation of the exact meaning of the torms iba', dhubban, tirfa and basht, so frequently repeatedly quotes, is a good and generally reliable source, but there are older ones of far greater interest used in the Arab sailing instructions and so often and value. Concerning Indian versions of the misunderstood. This volume constitutos an in. Ramayana, two articles by Sir George Grierson in dispensable introduction to the study of the records PSOS., iv, 11 ng., v, 28.5 ., might have been of use of the Arab navigators. We congratulate the learned to the author ; but the later one was perhaps not editor on its publication, and look forward to the available when his book went into print. appearance of the other volumes of the series now We are not quite at one with the author in his in the press or in course of preparation. | arguments concerning the date of Hikayat Sri Rama C. E. A. W. OLDHAM. (p. 112 f.), as they seem scarcely quite cogont. DIE RAMA-SAGE BEI DER MALAIEN, IHRE HERKUNFT However, we cannot enter upon such a problem UND GESTATTUNG. (Alt-und Neu-Indische Studien here, and wind up with expressing our hope soon herausgegeben vorn Seminar fur Kultur und Ges. Again to meet with Dr. Ziegeniss in a field of re search where he is apparently perfectly at home. chichte Indiens an der Hamburgischen Universitat. I.) 123 pp. By A. ZIESENISS. Hamburg, 1928. JARL CHARPENTIER. The Mahabharata, through the magnificent ex. ertions of the Bhandarkar Institute and its able DJAWA. TIJDSCHRIFT VAN VET JAVA-INSTITUUT. Vol. IX. Nos. 9 and 3, May 1929. Secre. leaders, is now being critically edited, by which many of its central problems will obtain their final tariaat van het Java - Instituut, Kadipolo, Solo. solution. For the second groat epic, the Ramayana, Thewhole of this issue is taken up with an article of nothing like that is being done or could, perhaps, 50 120 pp. by B. Van Tricht entitled Living Antiquities far be done.1 Its versions are manifold and differ in West Java. It is divided into two parts-1) The so strongly that we may well fool diffident whether | Badoojs, (2) Coenoeng Segara. The information at any time they could be proved to derive from one contained in the article was obtained on an expedition and the same original. But probably there existed undertaken by Prof. J. Bocke, Prof. O. D. de Langen a quite old cycle of legends connected with Rama, the and the quthor in the hope of making a medical ex. son of Dasaratha, the main part of which was at an amination of the Badoejs in South Bantem, whose early date set into immortal verses by the Adikavi. secular isolation must have had important anthroFrom this common stock were derived Northern, pological and physiological results. From this point Southern and Eastern Ramayanas, which cannot, of view, however the expedition was a failure owing of course, represent exact counterparts of the epic to the passive resistance of the peoplo. of VAlmiki, but which, though mostly of a decidedly Many interesting facts, however, about the reli. late origin, may well have preserved older materials | gious beliefs and worship, the social organization and not known to or discarded by the poet of yore. the ethnography of this interesting people were With the spread of Hindu culture to the Eastern i observed and are recorded in this article. Archipelago the tales of Rams and Laksmann. Sita. M. J. B. It should be clear to everyone that I am not hera speaking of the Valmiki-Ramayana but of the old epic which may possibly be at the bottom of that as well as of other versions. To quote one instance : on p. 82 the author has & theory concerning the relation between Sive and Hanuman. But older writers are acquainted with a tradition according to which H. was generated by Siva and Parvati in the shape of monkeys.

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APRIL, 1909) SOCIAL AND CERYMONIAL LIVES OF THE SANTALS THE SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE OF THE SANTALS CULLED FROM VARIOUS SOURCES. BY BIREN BONNERJEA, D.LITT. (PARIS). Tae Santals are a large tribe of cultivators of the Dravidian family, who have as their nucleus the Santal Parganas or Sontalia.' But they are found scattered at intervals over a strip of Bengal which stretches for about 350 miles from the Ganges to the Vaitarani, and is bisected by the meridian of Bhagalpur, or 87deg east longitude. According to the latest census report the numerical strength of the Santals in 1921 was 2,265,285, of wbich 33% were re. turned as Hindus. They are therefore one of the largest aboriginal tribes of India, and at the present moment they certainly number well over two millions of human beings, claiming a common origin, speaking one language, following similar customs, and so on. In physical appearance the Santal may be considered as an almost perfect specimen of the Dravidian type. He is a well built man, standing about 5' 7" in height and weighing about 9 stone; but he lacks the refined and delicate features of the Aryany, neither is he disfigured by the oblique eyes of the Mongolian races. His skin colour varies between dark brown and almost jet black. The Santal nose has the same proportions as that of a negro; his mouth is large ; his lips, thick and protruding; hair, coarse, black, and sometimes curly. The large preponderance of dolichocephalism among them excludes, however, all possibility of Mongolian affinities. The face of the Santal is round rather than oblong or square ; his lower jaw is not heavy, and bis cheek-bone is higber than that of a Hindu. He is "more squarely built than the Hindu, with a forehead not so high, but rounder and broader; a man created to labour rather than to think, better fitted to serve the manual exigencies of the present, than to speculate on the future or to venerate the past."4 The present generation of the Santals have no notion as to their origin, and everything is enveloped in a dark veil of mystery. They have no written documents, which might give any clue as to their possible origin, or as to the probable date of their arrival in India. The earliest fact of which the Santals have been conscious was'the proximity of great mountains, which would probably mean that they came south from the region of the Himalaya mountains, but when or how we do not know. According to the traditions of the Santals, before the birth of man, the Great Mountain stood alone among the waters and talked to himself in solemn solitude. Then he saw that birds moved upon the waters, so he put them on a water lily, and let them rest there. Later, huge prawns were created, who raised the rooks from under the waters, and the water-lily along with the rooks. Various kinds of creeping things spread over the rocks, and by the command of the Great Mountain the rocks were covered with earth. Then the Lord of all made grass grow on the earth. Last of all man was created from a wild duck's (hasdak) egg, which was laid on the water lily. From this egg the first human pair, Pilou Haram and. Pilcu Burhi, a brother and a sister, were hatched, and these in turn became the anoestors of the seven tribes of men. These two human beings were at first naked, so the Great Mountain clothed them, and became the culture hero of the Santals; to the man he gave ten cubits of cloth and to the woman twelve cubits--it was sufficient for the man, but not for the woman. 1 Census of India, 1921, vol. i, India, Part 1, Report by J. T. Marten (Calcutta, 1924), p. 112, 87 3 Cf. B. Bonnerjoa, L'Ethnologic du Bengale (Paris, 1927), Appendix B, No. 5 (p. 163). 3 B. Bonnerjes, op. cit., p. 22. + (Sir) W. W. Hunter, Annals of Mural Bengal, Seventh edition (London, 1897), p. 146. 6 (Sir) W.-W. Hunter, Annals of Rural Bengal, pp. 148, 451 ; B. Bonnerjea, L'Ethnologie du Bengale, p. 21. Cf. E. T. Talton, Descriptive Ethnology of Bengal (Calcutta, 1872), p. 209; Asiatic Quarterly Review, July 1886, p. 76: (Sir) J. G. Frazer, Totahism and Erogamy (London, 1910), vol. I, p. 7. 6 The myth seems to be influenced t, the Hindus, if not of Hindu origin. There is a Bengali proverb which snye : Meyeder bara hath kdpare kacha ndi, meaning "Although women have pieces of cloth twelve cubita (hdth is about 18 inches) long, yet they have no kdchd [: the left end of the dhoti (cloth for men) made to pass between the logs, which gives men an appearance of wearing breeches. Women's dress looks like a skirt). The similarity of the statement and the exact measurement of the cloth are, to say the least of it, very suggestive.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [APRIL, 1930 Then the man and the woman were faint, and the Great Mountain commanded them to mako a strong drink. This they made in the following manner. He gave them a handful of leaven, and badle then put it in a pitcher of water. After four days this had become a strong drink. He ordered them to drink it, but before doing so they were to make a libation of it.7 Seeing afterwards that the human race was liable to be exterminated, the Great Moun. tain made the man and woman get drunk with this strong drink. In their inebriate condition the first human pair copulated, as a result of which seven children were born to them these children soon multiplied, and became the forefathers of the Santal race. The most ancient residence of the Santals within their memory was pargana Ahuri in Hazuribagh district. From there they migrated west towards Khoj Kaman, where the greater part of them were destroyed on account of their wickedness. They say that during the first stage of human existence nearly the whole of the human race was destroyed by fire falling from heaven. After numerous other migrations they took up their abode at Cainpa, where they remained for several generations. Finally the Hindus drove them away from Campa, and they settle in Saont,10 where they reigned for a period of over two hun. dred years. From this last plave too they were driven away by the Hindus. They fled to Manbhum, where their Raja adopted the Hindu faith. But the people were unwilling to accept the Hindu religion, so they left their king to reign over the Hindus, and themselves emigrated to the Santal Parganas, where they remain to the present day, 11 With regard to their migrations, Hunter saygls: "In this time (i.c., soon after the human race was multiplied) they dwelt in Hihiri Pipiri, but when the land could not hold them they journeyed to Chao Champa; and when Chae Champa would not hold them they journeyed to Silda ; and when Silda would not hold them they journeyed to Sikar, and from Sikar they journeyed to Nagpur, and from Nagpur to the north, even to Sir." Although ethnologically the SantAls belong to the great Dravidian family of the human race, linguistically they are a branch of the Munda (once called 'Kolarian ') family 18 The principal occupation of the Santals is tilling the soil, and they cultivate principally rice, which is their staple food. As huntsmen they are alike skilful and intrepid ; their principal weapons for this sport are bows and arrows. The arrows are of two kinds: heavy, sbarp ones for the larger kinds of game, and light ones with a broad knob at the point for small birds. In their habits they may be called nomadic, but gradually they are settling down. They have a highly pronounced artistio sense; they are very fond of music and dancing, and are themselves great adepte with the flute-a native bamboo instrument with holes burned in it , and they play these flutes in a very melodious manner. As a rule the Santal women are extremely fond of finery as they understand by the term. A fully-equipped Santal ballo carries two anklets, and perhaps twelve bracelets, and a necklace weighing a pound, the total weight of ornaments on her person amounting to about thirty-four pounds of bell-metal. "A greater weight," says Sherwill, "than any one of our drawing room 1 (Sir) W. W. Hunter, Annals of Rural Bengal, pp. 148, 451. . For stories of incestuous uniong Bee (Sir) J. G. Frazer, Pausanias'. Description of Greece (London, 1899). vol. ii. p. 85; E. Westermarck, The History of Human Marriage (New York, 1929), vol. iii, p. 631, .. v. "Incest"; E. Durkheim, "La prohibition de l'inceste," L' Arnde Sociologique, vol. i (1896-1897), and references quoted there. B. Bonneriea, L'Ethnologie du Bengale, p. 21, quoting (Sir) J. G. Frazer. Folklore in the Old Testa. ment (London, 1919), vol. 1, p. 1961. 10 See (Sir) G. A. Grierson, Linguistic Survey of India, vol. iv (Caloutta, 1906), p. 30. 11 B. Bonnerjea, L'Ethnologie du Bengale, pp. 21 sq. 19 (Sir) W. W. Hunter, Annals of Rural Bengal, p. 149. 13 Seo Col. E. T. Dalton, Descriptive Ethnology of Bengal, p. 207: (Sir) H. H. Risley, Tribes and Castes of Bengal; Ethnographic Glossary (Calcutta, 1892), vol. ii, p. 224 f. : (Sir) G. A. Grionson, Linguistic Survy of India, vol. iv, p. 30; (Sir) J. G. Frazer, Tolemist and Exogamy, yol, ii, p. 300; B. Bonnerjes, L'Ethnologie du Bengale, p. 22.

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APRIL, 1930 ] SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE OF THE SANTALS 59 belles could well lift."14 And of Santal men at a feast, Hunter says that "if all the colours of the rainbow were not displayed by them, certainly the hedgehog, the peacock, and a variety of the feathered tribe had been laid under contribution in order to supply the young Santal beaux with plumes."16 The secret of Santal homogeneity lies in the family system. Their classification depends not upon social rank or occupation, but upon the family basis. Every Santal feels himself a member of a corporate body; he is the kinsman of the whole race, and the only difference he makes between his own sept or clan and others is that "he thinks the relationship between himself and his clanswomen too close to permit of intermarriage."16 The Santal family is patriarchal. The children belong to the father's sept, although daughters, when married, go over to their husbands' septs. The Santal tribe is divided into twelve septs (pari) and 198 or more sub-septs (khunt).17 Of these twelve septs, six bear the names of different animals, such as wild goose, nilgau (a species of antelope, Boselaphus tragocamelus), falcon, pigeon, lizard, and sheep; two have names of plants: betel palm, grass ; one has the name of the constellation Pleiades; and three have doubtful names. Both the septs and sub-septs are exogamous and totemic. No man may marry into his own sept or sub-sept, but he may marry into any other sept, including his mother's, although he is not allowed to marry into his mother's sub.sept.18 The twelve septs and 198 sub-septa are as follows :18 1. HASDAK (wild goose). 15 sub-septs : Bed wir Hasdak Kahu Hasdak Cil Bindha Haslal Kuvir Hasdak Kara-gujiyel Hasdak kuhi Hasdak Kunda Hasdak Vaske khil Hasdak Jihu Hasdak Obor Hasilat Nij Hasdak Sada Hasdak Rokh-lutur Hasdak Saikh Hasdak. Bododir (Bordwar) Hasdak 2. MURMU (nilgau). 29 sub-septs : Badar Murmu Kui Murma Bodra Murmu Lath Murmu Garh Murmu Munda Murmu Jihu Murmu Nij Murmu Kolha Murmu Obor Murmu 14 Capt. W. S. Sherwill, "Notes upon a Tour through tho Rajmahal Hills," Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, vol. xx (Calcutta, 1852), p. 584 ; E. Westermarck, The History of Human Marriage, vol. i, p. 498. 15 (Bir) W. W. Hunter, Annals of Rural Bengal, p. 185. Soo E. Westermarck, op. cit., vol. I, p. 510. 16 (Sir) W. W. Hunter, Annals of Rural Bengal, p. 202. 17 Sir James G. Frazer (Totemism and Exogany, vol. ii, p. 300) snya, "At lonst seventy-six sub-clans or sub-septs." 19 (Sir) H. H. Risley, Tribes and Castes of Bengal; Ethnographic Glossary, vol. I, pp. 400 sq. ; (Sir) J. G. Frazer. Totemism and Epogany, vol. ii, pp. 300 .: E. Westermarck, The History of Human Marriage, vol. ii, p. 117. Moreover, the Hasdak and Murmu septa refuso to marry onch other (B. Bonnerjea, L'Ethnologie du Bengale, p. 23). 19 B. Bonnerjea, L'Ethnologie du Bengale, pr. 23-25. The list is exactly tho samo na I gave in 1926 (my book was published in March, 1927), but since then I have found the same, with minor differences in F. Bradley Birt, Chota Nagpur, a little-known Province of the Empire (London, 1903).

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ APRIL, 1930 Pond Murmu Sada Murmu . San Murmu Tika (Tilok) Murrau Bitol Murmu Gajar Murmu Handi Murmu Jugi Murau Kopidr Murmu Kudam Murmu Manjhi Khil Murmu Ndeks Khil Murmu Odra Murmu Okh Murmu Power Murmu Samakh Murmu Sarjam Murmu Tirku Lumam Murmu Tuti Murmu. 3. KISKU (?) 15 sub-septs : Ad Kisku Gark Kislu Bitol Kisku Katwa Kisku Jabe Kisku Vaeke Khil Kisku Manjhi Kkil Kisku Obor Kisku Nij Kisku Pati Kielu Okh Kisku Son Kisku Sada Kisicu s'ika (Tilok) Kisku. Badar Kisku 4. HEMBRON (betel palm. Piper Betle). 15 sub-septs : Badar Hebron Garh Hembron Danteld Hembron Hadi Hembron Guu Hembron Lath Hembron Kuari Hembron Vaeke Khil Hembron Manjhi Khil Hembron Obor Hembron Nij Hembron Sole Hembron Sada Hembron Thilur Hembion. Bitol Hembron 6. MARUDI (graas). 27 sub-septs : Babre Marudi Buru Marudi Bitol Marudi Godo Marudi Garh Marudi Juigi Mirudi Jonok Marudi Keduir Marudi Rada Marudi Khanda Jogao Marudi Khanda Marudi Kulkhi Marudi Khand Mardi Mini Marudi Manjhi Khil Mandi Nij Marudi Ndoke khil Marudi Pond Marudi Obor Marudi Rot Marudi Rokh Lutur Marudi Sada Marudi Rupd Marudi Tika (Tilok) Marudi Sidhup Marudi Turku Luman Marudi. Bhoso Marudi (To be continued.)

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APR., 19:30] PERIODS IN INDIAN HISTORY PERIODS IN INDIAN HISTORY. BY F. J. RICKARDS, M.A., I.C.S. (Retired). (Continued from p. 37.) 3. Literature. Literature, elsewhere the bed-rock of history, is in India a chronological quagmire. Up to about 500 A.D. its dating is purely conjectural. In Sanskrit literature two main periods are usually postulated, the "Vedic " and the "Classical," corresponding to the two periods of the Vedic-Sanskrit language before and after its grammatical fixation; to the Vedic Period are assigned the Vedas, the Brahmanas Upanishads and Sutras, to the Sanskrit Period the Epics, the Paranas and the Law Books. It is impossible to say when the Vedic Period ceased and when the Sanskrit Period began, for, as Dr. Barnett points out, "one pandit might write in a sub-Vedic style at the same time as another is writing almost classicnl stuff." Moreover, Epios, Puranas and Law Books received their present form a little before or a little after the beginning of the Medieval Period and are the product of a long period of revision and amplification of much older materials. That the development of Sanskrit Literature from VI B.C. to IV A.D. was continuous most scholars are agreed, but the actual form of the several works that have survived prior to their final recension is a matter of inference. The partial eclipse of Sanskrit literature is of political origin; the political dominance which the priestly caste had achieved in the Upper Gangetic plain by 600 B.C. was not acceptable to the laity of Bihar, and the eastward drift of Brahmanic culture provoked a revolt. In Bihar "the Kshatriyas," writes Dr. Barnett, " asserted themselves as de facto rulers of society and forced the Brahmans to accept them and to buttress up the royal power with a theory of divine right." Buddhism and Jainism are Kshatriya movements; their literature is Prakrit, and the older parts of the Epics are Kshatriya documents. Dr. Barnett suggests 500-150 B.C. as the "Kshatriya Period"; the period 150 B.C.-300 A.D. he would call "Proto-Classical," the period in which the Brahmans reconstructed their culture on new foundations and the Epics assumed their final form. By the close of the Early Period the Brahmans had achieved success and the Medieval Period opens with the "Golden Age" of Classical Sanskrit, the age of the Drama and Lyric, of Science, Art, and Philosophy, of a culture which before long saturated India from end to end, and gave to Indian civilization a unity as distinctive as that which Graeco-Roman cul. ture has given to the warring states of Medieval and Modern Europe. The shock of Muhammadan conquest fell heavily on the homeland of Sanskrit literature, and from 1000 A.D. onwards culture became provincialized. The Period 1200-1500 A.D. is relatively sterile. Vernacular literature of Aryan stock belongs mainly to the Modern Period, though its beginnings go back to XII A.D. Of Dravidian literature Tamil is the richest and most ancient ; some would place its" Augustan Age"in II A.D. A new epoch begins with the Saiva Saint Sambandhar who flourished 650 A.D. Between that date and 1200 A.D. the Tirumurai and the Naldyira-prabandham, the canons of the southern Saivas and Vaishnavas respectively, were completed, and with XIII A.D. begins a third epoch. Kanarese literature, too, presents similar phases; though the earliest extant work dates from about 850 A.D. Till near the close of XII A.D. the writers are almost exclusively Jain; the period 1200-1500 is dominated by the Lingavat movement, the succeeding centuries by the Vaishnava revival.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (APRIL 1930 Telugu literature is still more recent, the earliest work dating from XII A.D., and the "Golden Age" is that of Krishna Raya of Vijayanagar at the opening of XVI A.D. 4. Religion. The religious evolution of India may be resolved into five periods of florescence and deoay. The periods overlap, and through each run various "streams of tendency " which freely blend and branch. A. The "Nature Worship" of the Rig Veda petered out in the sacerdotalism of the Brahmanas somewhere about 600 B.C. It was replaced by B. The Pantheistic Philosophy of the Upanishads which elaborated (1) the so-called "Brahman-Atman" (World Soul) metaphysics and (2) the doctrine of Transmigration, the foundation on which Buddhism and Jainism built. Tho Period 600-300 B.C. Covers both the formative period of these two religions and also the period of their systemization in the form of condensed aphorisms (Suttas, Sutras), affected alike by Buddhists, Jains and Brahmans. By the close of this period the greater part of the Buddhist and Jain canons was probably in being. C. The Period 300-1 B.C. opens with the adoption of Buddhism as the state religion of Asoka. The Mauryan collapse is associated with a movement, partly reactionary and partly new, which in the succeeding period saturated and undermined Indian Buddhism. Of this "Proto-Classical" movement the dominant motifs are (1) Theism and (2) Incarnation. The evolution of the Mahabharata is typical. This Epic, scholars say, is the product of eight or ten centuries or more of "editing." Three main strata are traced-(1) the Bharata Lays, (2) the Pandu Epic, (3) the Didactic Epic. The lays are perhaps pre-historic, the Pandu Epic is assignable roughly to the Kshatriya Period, the Didactic to the ProtoClassical. In the lays Krishna is human, in the Pandu Epic a Demi-God, in the Didactic "All-God." The Ramayana has a parallel development. Rama begins as a man and ends as an incarnation of Vishnu.! But this is only one aspect of the bewildering syncretism of cults and philosophies, old and new, that characterizes the age. As to dates, the Middle Epic " may, perhaps, be assigned to the Period 300--1 B.C., as in it the Greeks are much in evidence, and the final redactions to the Period 1-300 B.C. (or a little later) when, under the Kushans, Buddhism, affected by prevailing fashion, evolved a pantheon of its own. By the end of the period transition was completed, the main Sects and Philosophies of Hinduism were in being. The Gupta Period is secular in tone; spiritually it is a time of decadence ; sectarianism elaborates itself in the Puranas and towards the end of the period Buddhism and Hinduism are corrupted by Tantric influence. D. The next movement, the gospel of Bhakti (Devotion) comes from the South. To the Period 650-1000 A.D., as alreads stated, belong the sacred canons of the Tamil Saivas and Vaishnavas (Alvars). On the philosophic side Kumarila in Bihar (c. 700-750) and Sankara in Travancore "remade" the ancient Brahmanism, 13 dealing thereby a deadly blow to waning Buddhism. The phase 1000-1200 A.D. is one of decline. In N. India the Pala Dynasty, last stronghold of Buddhism, was undermined by the militant Hinduism of the rival Sens, and with the Chori conquest Buddhism vanished. In the Deccan Jainism, the state religion of Chalukyas and Rashtrakutas, was dethroned by a double reformation, (1) that of Ramanuja who developed and improved on the tradition of the Alvars, and (2) the so-called Lingayat revolt 19 E. W. Hopkins. Great Epic, p. 398. 19 Hopkins, Religions of India, 437.

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APRIL, 1930 ] PERIODS IN INDIAN HISTORY 63 against Brahmanism, which is associated with the downfall of the Kalaohuris. In the North at Brindaban, the birthplace of Krishna, the cult of Radha, Krishna's consort, arose. E. The last movement is the Neo-Vaishnavism of N. India contring round the cults of Rama, Krishna and Radha. To XIII A.D. belong the Krishnaite teachers Madhva, Vishnuswami and Nimbarka, who prepared the way for the modern sectarianism of Vallabha and Chaitanya. The tradition of Ramanuja was carried north by Ramananda (c. 1400-70) and developed under Muslim influence at the opening of the Modern Period into the deism of Kabir and the Sikhs. 5. Art. A. Sculpture. Two major periods of Indian sculpture are recognized-I Early c. 400 B.C.--300 A.D. II Medieval 300-1200 A.D.14 of the Early Period (apart from pre-Mauryan remains) there are three phases : I. Mauryan, in which two strains run concurrently : (a) Persian, (b) indigenous. II. Bharhut-Sanchi, in which Creek influence intrudes, but the Buddha is never por. trayed in human form. III. Gandhara-Amravati, in which Graeco-Roman influence is dominant and the Bud dha is figured in human form. Mauryan and Bharhut-Sanchi coincide rougbly with the Period 300---1 B.C. and Gandhara-Amravati with the Period 1-300 A.D. Sculpture of the Medieval Period is disappointing ; under the Guptas it attained its highest expression, and then became stereotyped by text-books of priestly rules, and under. went little change in the succeeding centuries. B. Architecture. The architecture of the Early Period is mainly a matter of stupas and rock-cut caves ; of structural buildings only foundations and pillars survive. Of what may be called the "Early Cave Period " there are three main groups, (1) Magadha (of Mauryan date), (2) Orissa (all Jain of about 1 B.C.)15 and (3) Western India. The last named group shows an interesting evolution in two stages, to the earlier of which belong Bhaja, Kondane, Pitalkhora and Ajanta 10, to the later Bedsa, Ajanta 9, Nasik 3 and 8 and Karli. The dates assigned to them range from 200 B.c. to 200 A,D. It was in the Medieval Period that the art of building attained its highest development. The few surviving structural temples of the Gupta Period are remarkable for the beauty of their ornament rather than their size. Cave architecture, too, entered on a second period of vitality in VI and VII A.D.16 The seventh century again marks an epoch, for it was at this time that the "styles" of N. and S. India (Himalayan, Indo-Aryan, Chalukyan and Dravidian) took shape.17 The "Golden Age " of stone temples runs from about 900--1200 A.D., the zenith being reached at different times in different areas.18 16 Sir John Marshall, Guide to Sanchi. 16 Camb. Hist. India, I, 638-42. 10 The chief sites for this "Later Cave Period" are Ajanta, Aurungabad, Badami, Ellora, Dhamnar .and the Seven Pagodas. 17 In the District of Bijapur, e.g., the prototypes of sovoral different styles are found togother. 18 The best work in Kashmir belongs to VIII and IX, in Khajuraho to X and XI, in Orissa it ranges from 650 to 1000 A.D., in Mysore (Chalukyan or Hoysala) from XI to XIII, while tho Tamils worked out tradition of their own which runs continuously from VII to XVII.

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64 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ Arril, 1930 Except in the South the impact of Islam was usually fatal to the old tradition, but the hand of the Indian craftsinan is traccable in the buildings crocted by the Sultans and their Mughal successors. In the South the Dravidian tradition of the Pallavas was carried forward by the Cholas, the Pandyas and the rulers of Vijayanagar and Madura well into modern times. c. Painting. Two great periods of Indian painting are known.--I the Ajanta Period and II the Rajput. Mughal Period. The Ajanta frescoes of caves 9 and 10 are assigned to I A.D., the rest to the period 350-650 A.D. From 650 to 1500 is a blank. The Rajput and Mughal schools belong to the Modern Period. 19 6. Coins. The coinage of India embodies three great traditions, I the Greek, II the Gupta and III the Muhammadan. These are associated respectively with the Early, Medieval and Modern Periods. In the Early Period indigenous and immigrant influences run side by side, as in sculpture. In the Period 600-300 B.C. the indigenous tradition is represented by crude "punchmarked " pieces of silver and copper of weights corresponding to those prescribed in the Cosle of Manu. How long they continued to be issued is not known. Towards the end of the period they were superseded in some parts by cast coins and "single-die" types. Coins of Persian and Athenian types were a!so current. The Period 300-1 B.C. is marked by the superb coins of the Bactrian Greeks, based on a Persian weight standard with bilingual legends (Greek and Kharoshthi) and occasional Indian devices. The Sakas and Pahlavas followed Bactrian models, but with diminished skill. The Period 1-300 A.D. is marked by a recovery in artistic merit under the Kushans ; Greek feeling survives, but the designs and craftsmanship are Indian. The weight standards are Roman. The Medieval Period opens well with the Gupta coinage, which in its variety and execution ranks among the finest examples of Indian art. But the Gupta tradition was shortlived ; with the Huna invasions came a slump from which India did not recover till the Medieval Period was drawing to its close. The Imperial Guptas followed Roman weight standards till the eve of the Huna invasion. when they reverted to the ancient standards of Manu. The Hunas introduced degraded silver imitations of Sassanian types and Attic standards of weight. These standards per. sisted right through the period with increasing degeneration till after the Ghaznavi raids. With the rise of the Rajput States the "bull-and-horseman " type becaine general. The Arabs in Sind followed Baghdad models, but the early Sultans of Delhi continued the Rajput tradition, till the raids of 'Alau'd-din Khalji filled the Delbi treasury with gold, to be squandered by Muhammad Tughlaq in the most exuberant coinage ever issued by a single monarch. Then followed another slump till the reforms of Sher Shab Sur and Akbar established a now tradition which lasted till the British Raj. (To be continued.) 19 The Jogiiara frescoes of Ramgarhi (Sarguju Slato, C.P.) are asiguod to I 3.c. (Camb. Hist. Ind., I. 643), but one sample does not make a Period.

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APRIL, 1930 NOTES ON KHOTAN AND LADAKH NOTES ON KHOTAN AND LADAKH. (From a Tibetan point of view.) BY PROF. A. H. FRANCKE, Ph.D. (Continued from page 45.) VI. Ladakh. Ladakh is all that remains now of the ancient West Tibetan empire, and as I have found that Tibetanists, as well as native Lhasa-Tibetans, dismiss the West generally with a smile, let me say a few words in honour of this unjustly despised country. To my mind, the West is the most important province of the country, for every kind of Tibetan culture came from the West: even the dynasty of Sron-btsan-sgam-po seems to have originated there. Tibetan historiography was the field of battle of two parties, bitterly opposed to each other, viz., the Buddhist and the Bonpo party. The chronicles of Ladakh, as well as other works, are the result of the strife between these two parties. According to the Buddhist conception, the line of Tibetan kings begins with Gnya-khri-htsan-po, who was an Indian prince of the Buddha's family. This beginning was introduced into Tibetan historiography probably about the time of king Ral-pa-can (c. 804-816). Formerly the Tibetan line of kings began with Rapati or Spu-rgyal ;'and to this beginning point many passages in Tibetan histori. cal books. Although prince Rupati also comes from India, he is of Pandava origin. The following passages may be of interest in this connection: (1) In the beginning of chapter IV of the La-dvags-rgyal-rabs (Ladakhi Chronicles) we read: "The head of the line is Spu-rgyal, the king of Tibet." (2) In JRAS., 1928, p. 77, where Prof. F. W. Thomas gives a translation of a prayer recited at the opening of a Buddhist monastery we read: "'Od-Ido-Spu-rgyal is called the first king of Tibet." (3) In the old Lhasa inscription published and translated by Waddell (JRAS., 1909, p. 949), we find the same name. (4) This name is also found in the inscription discovered by the Japanese at Lhasa on the back of the stone containing the former inscription. There it is mentioned in line 5. (5) In the Chronicles of Ladakh, on p. 79, we find the ancient Bonpo beginning of the book of Chronicles, where it is said that "king Bya-khri received the name of Spu-de-gunrgyal." The text then goes on to tell of the beginning of culture and of the Bon religion in Tibet. King Spu-(de-gun)-rgyal is said to have resided at the castle of Yar-lun, a place which was also connected with Gnya-khri-btsan-po. Thrte generations after Spu-rgyal, the book tells of the erection of Phyi-dban-stag-rtso, another of Guya-khri-btaan-po's castles. If we want to read the saga of king Spu-rgyal in full, we must look it up in S. Ch. Das' contributions published in JASB., 1881, p. 211 f. There we read of an Indian general called Rupati, who took part in the ancient war between the Kauravas and Pandavas, and who ran away into the Tibetan mountains, disguised as a woman. This Rupati accepted the Tibetan name of Spu-rgyal, and took his abode in that part of Tibet where is found mount Spu-rgyal or Spu-rgyul, near the point where the river Sutlej turns its course toward the south. At the foot of Spu-rgyal hill the small town of Spu is situated and, a few miles higher up, the village of Khab, which means 'royal castle,' is found. This is the country where people place the history of the first king Spu-rgyal. More than 1000 years later the kings of Guge arose, and they took the same country as their residence. As has been said, the Buddhist Tibetans later on would not accept Rupati-Spu-rgyal as their first king, but invented another unqpstor of Spu-rgyal, viz., Gnyu-khri-btsan-po, as their first king. Now there are two accounts of king Gnya-khri-btsan-po, ono current in the wost, and embodied in the Ladakhi chronicles, and another current in the east, embodied in other chronicles. As I have shown in JASB., 1910, No. 3, the Ladakhi account of the first king mentions a number of places

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [APRIL, 1930 which are all found in Ladakh, while the eastern account mentions chiefly Yar-kluns, a valley near Lhasa. But whether east or west, we may be sure that all accounts of Gnya-khri-btsan-po are later fictions, and that the original tale of the first king of Tibet is that which arose about king Spr-rgyal in the Sutlej valley.10 If we are now ready to accept the fact that the Tibetan dynasty took its origin in the west of the country, in the valley of the Sutlej, several other historical events may be readily explained. In the earliest times it is stated that & castle of Khri. brtsegg-'abumgdugs was erected. Such a castle has not yet been found in the Lhasa district. But in the vicinity of Leh a very conspicuous castle-monastery called Khri-rtse (Khri-brtsegs) is found. It is a place of considerable antiquity, and shows a great number of ruined walls, crossing each other in all directions. It seems to have had its origin in bygone times and to have been rebuilt from time to time. This ancient castle was eventually turned into a monastery. Now let me refer to the story of the find of several symbols of Buddhism some centuries before Buddbism was actually established in Tibet. Those symbols of Buddhism are supposed to have dropped from heaven and to have been explained by some stranger (Bodhi. mor). This story oan easily be explained if we accept that it took place in the west. Here, in the west, Buddhism was apparently established already in the days of the Kushana kings (compare the Khalatee Kharosthi inscriptions) of the second century A.D. It was apparently the Dards, the original cultivators of the Indus valley, who adhered to it. Here it was possible to find Buddhist clay tablets (thsa-thsa), stupas, even Buddhist books in Sanskrit. Here it is also possible that strangers who could explain the books and symbols may have appeared before the king. The grand act of Sron-btsan-sgam-po was to make Lhasa the capital of Tibet, after his father had already advanced to its vicinity when he conquered Gru-gu, near Kham-ba-rdzon. Now, for the first time, the Chinese made the acquaintance of the Tibetan royal dynasty. All the ancestors of Sron-btsan-sgam-po had remained unknown to them, probably because they had lived a long way off, i.e., in the west. In this connection it is also interesting to note that one of the two great ministers of Sron-btsan-sgam-po, General Mgar-lun-btsan, had his home in the west. His house is still pointed out at Sbar-ago-la in Purig. It is also probable that among the Tibetan soldiers who marched against Turkestan there were many people of the west, and therefore I consider it quite natural that several names of western localities should oocur in the Turkestan doouments. Prof. F. W. Thomas in his article, "Tibetan documents concerning Chinese Turkestan," JRAS., 1927, p. 52, says: "References to Western Tibetan countries are, however, hardly to be expected, and in point of fact rare, in those documents." As I am of different opinion, I will give here a list of local names from the Turkestan documents, which certainly refer to the west : 1. Mna-ris, nowadays used as the name of the Tibetan province east of Ladakh, but. 88 the Shel inscription plainly shows, the ancient name of the entire Ladakhi kingdom. (Mi. i. 3; Mi. XXI. 03 ; M. Tagh, a. II. 006. M. Tagh. b. I. 0036.) 2. Nan-gon, an old name of Baltistan, used still nowadays. (Mi. XXX. 8; Mi. IX. 6.) 3. Gle is the name of the capital of Ladakh; it is the Leh of the maps. It was a place of importance before the western empire was founded. Glechu (Mi. XXXI. i ; Gleu. Tu. 116). 4. Pa-ldum is the name of the capital of Zana-dkar, spelt dPaldum or dpal-dum, eto. (M. I. IX. 15.) 5. Ru-shod is still the name of the high plain of Ru-bcu, between Ladakh and Laboul. It is called Ru-shod ( lower Ru') in contradistinotion to Ru-thog (upper Ru '), the wellknown town close by. (Chronicles from Tun-huang II, 33-5.) 10 In the Tibetan Bonpo-chroniolo, compiled in the fourteenth century, an abstract of which was publishWhy Laufer in T'oung Pao, 1901, the two legends of Spu-rgyal and Gnya-khri-btean.po are mixed up with each other. Although the first king is called a descendant of tho Pandavas, he is called Gnya-khri-btean.po

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APRIL 1930 NOTES ON KHOTAN AND LADAKA 67 6. Zhan-zhun. This is the name of the upper Sutlej valley, & very important province of the western empire (see Thomas, Sa-ou, 16). 7. Nubra, spelt gNub-ra, is found in M. I. IV. 8. 8. Gtsans-poi-'abrog-pa, spelt, in accordance with the Ladakhi pronunciation, rtsanspoi-'abrog-pa. It means the Dard population (who are called 'abrog-pa by the Tibetans) on the Indus. We might also think of the 'abrog-pa population on the Brahmaputra ; but that river is spelt glean.po and pronounced tear-po. That a portion of Ladakh was aotually known by the name risanis-po in those days is proved by Hsuan-tsang, who gives the name Sam pobo as that of a portion of Ladakh.-We find the reference in the chronicle from Tun-huang, I, 62 (A.D. 693), where the Brog-pas of the Rtaans-po are called up to fight against the 'A-zha in Turkestan. It was quite a natural thing to call to arms the Dards ('abrog-pa) of the Indus, for they were the subjects of the Tibetan king. In Chron. II. 70-71 (A.D. 696) we get the name of a town, apparently in the rischs-po district. It is Zind-mda, where the Tibetan king resided for a time. Zird-mdd means the aiming arrow.' It is probably the ancient and full name of the village of MDA, which is still the capital of the 'a Brog-pas of the Indus valley. Several names oocur in Turkestan as well as in Western Tibet, and it is, therefore, pot advisable to locate them in Ladakh if we find them in the ancient documents. Let me mention rGya, an important and well known town in Upper Ladakh. Andther place of the same name seems to have existed near Khotan. Then Ston-ade, meaning socording to Prof. F. W. Thomas 'thousand provinces,' according to my view 'empty (desert) province,' is a well known town in Zans-dkar; but according to the documents a place in Turkestan on the Chinese frontier seems to have had the same name. 'A-sba, a tribe, which is, according to the Ladakhi chronicles, one of the Tibetan tribes, called Se.'a-xha, but according to the results of Prof. F. W. Thomas' researches there are certainly other 'A-sha tribes between Khotan and China. Now let me add a few words regarding Leh (Gle). A place called Gle-obun, even Gleu, is certainly mentioned in the Turkestan documents. Ancient ruins in the Leh valley, in particular the graves in the vicinity of the Teu-bkra-shis-'od-mtho, show that Leh is a place of considerable antiquity. In the chronicles of Ladakh Leh seems to be a place of little importance, however, until c. 1400 A.D., when the Ladakbi kings pay a little more attention to it by providing it with a few buildings. In the fifteenth century they make it the oapital of the country. The name of the town is explained by the natives as being derived from gles, or hles (hlas=sheepfold). In ancient days the nomads are supposed to have travelled through the Leh valley, and to have there established their sheepfolds. This explanation of the name is corroborated by the fact that the neighbouring village below Leh is called Dgar-ba. And the word dgar.ba also means sheepfold.' To modern people a name meaning sheepfold' for a town like Leh appears extraordinary, because nowadays nomads are not seen in the vicinity of Leh; and the present people of Leh keep their sheep and oattle in stables con. nected with their houses. But about 2000 years ago, when the Gilgit Dards began to found their colonies along the Indus, they must certainly have met with Tibetan nomads in the entire territory of the Indus valley. I have met traces of former nomads even as far down a Khalatee. On the plain between the villages of Tin-mo-agan and Ba-lu-mkbar there are low walls, called thas, or sheepfolds, which the natives explain as the work of ancient nomads. It is such low walls which are supposed to have been the beginning of Leh. The ancient graves of Leh, which were described for the first time in my book Antiquities of Indian Tibet, point to a later time, when a dynasty with high culture was established at Teb. In that book I expressed the view that these graves might belong to the Kingdom

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY APRIL, 1930 of the Eastern Women," which, according to Sui-sbu, might be looked for in Ladakh. Now I see that Dr. A. Herrmann of Berlin also, in his contribution to Sven Hedin's work, Southern Tibet, places this kingdom in the same region. He mentions also Ru-thog as a possible site. But graves of this particular type have, up to the present, been found only at Leh and at the town of Gya.11 When we locate the kingdom of the Eastern Women in Ladakh, we are confronted with the difficulty that another name of Ladakh in those times was Khrom-ge-sargdan, or market, throne of Gesar,' and it is not easy to imagine that a kingdom which is called after Gesar, the mythical hero, was governed by women. Thus we hear that the Tibetan princess, who married a king of Khotan in the seventh century, is called a princess of Khrom-ge-sar; but it is quite possible that just in the beginning of the seventh century the change from an empire of women'to an empire of heroes' had been completed, for then the emperor of entire Tibet was Sron-btsan-sgam-po, and he was decidedly against the inatriarchate. When, in c. 930 A.D. Skid-de-nyi-ma-mgon conquered the West of Tibet, he found in Loh a dynasty of descendants of Gesar,' apparently descendants of the kings of the seventh century. With regard to the Kingdom of the Eastern Women'we are also told that an Indian script was in use there. That is nothing extraordinary, for as we have seen, in Kushana times the greater part of Ladakh was in touch with Kushana culture; and, as the Ladakhi inscriptions prove, Ladakh was also influenced by Kashmir and NorthWestern India in later times.--Let us now, once more, turn to the history of the introduction of the Tibetan script by Sron-btsan-sgam-po, who, as the chronicles tell us, himself knew Sanskrit, Newari and Chinese. He sent his minister Thon-mi to Kashmir (as the Western chronicles have it), to learn to read and write Sanskrit, and after that he was urged to form a Tibetan alphabet. The Indian script, from which the Tibetan alphabet was derived, was plainly a kind of north-western Gupta ; and this script could profitably be studied in Kashmir, where there were several famous Buddhist monasteries at the time. The chronicles speak of two teachers of Thon-mi-one was called Sen-ge-sgra, Simhanada, the other Li. byin. The name Li.byin was translated by S. Chandra Das as Lipidatta, clerk.' There can be no doubt, that the syllable byin is generally translated by the Indian word datta, given,' 'gift. If the word preceding the syllable byin is the name of a deity (deva, etc.), the name Devadatta corresponds exactly to our name Theodore, Isidor, eto. Now in the Tibetan language we find several names in which the syllable byin is connected with a local name. Thus, in the Ladakhi chronicles a horo called Khri-bdun-yul-by in is mentioned under king Gun-sron-'adu-rje (679-705 A.D.) This name I translated by blessing of the country Khri-hdun.' We might just as well say gift of the country Khri-bdun.' Another name of this type is the name Mna-ris-byin, which has to be translated as 'gift of Mna-ris,' Mna-rsi being the name of Western Tibet. Encouraged by these examples, I feel now inclined to translate the name Li-byin by 'gift of the land Li.' Li is the Tibetan name for Khotan; and the name Li-byin would thus point to Khotan as the hearers' place of origin. Until now a great number of ancient Tibetan documents with personal names beginning with the syllable Li have been excavated. The bearers of all these names were apparently natives of Khotan. Such names are: Li-mnan, Li-snan, Li-bu-god, Li-shir-de, Li-sa-bdad, etc. These names tend to convince me of the fact that the name of Thon-mi's teacher has also something to do with Li (Khotan). And, in this connection, it is of some importance that Professor R. Hoernle also wrote in JRAS., 1915, p. 492 -"The Tibetan script agrecs with the Khotanese script in making the vocalic radical a (9) to function as a consonantal radical, and this fact shows quite clearly that the Tibetan script was introduced from Khotan." I shall not go as far as that, or as I did formerly in stating that the Tibetan script was altogether brought from Khotan. But with regard to the method of writing initial vowels, as pointed out by Dr. Hoernle, I must really say that here we have a peculiarity in which the Tibetan soript agrees so closely with that of Khotan that we must accept the fact that a 11 Compare also my noto on Po-lo-hih-mo-pu-lo, etc., JRAS., 1910, pp. 489-90.

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APRIL, 1 NOTES ON KHOTAN AND LADAKH 69 certain influence on the formation of the Tibetan script was exercised by Khotan; and the presence of a teacher in Kashmir called Li-byin might explain this fact. To suit the requirements of the Tibetan language, Thon-mi had to invent several characters for his alphabet. These were called ran-gis-byas, selfmade.' At first there were six, then seven of them. In an old manuscript they are called rins, but this may be a mistake for ran-gis.13 It is remarkable that the Tibetan alphabet very soon spread over the whole country and became generally known. Thus in the eighth century, as proved by the Turkestan documents, it was used by officials, soldiers, monks, cooks and peasants, in short by everybody. As exact dates are, however, missing in those documents, it is very difficult to decide which is the oldest Tibetan document left to us. Among the famous inscription stones of Lhasa, five of which were published by Waddell (JRAS., 1909, II) the oldest seems to be his Potala pillar inscription B: for in it king Khri-sron-lde-btsan's father, Khri-lde-gtsug-btsan, is mentioned as king. This would take us back to the middle of the eighth century. Of the seventh century, no datable document of Tibetan script has as yet been found. With regard to the west, I am convinced that there also we have several documents of the eighth century. Let me refer to: (1) the Balu-mkhar inscription published in this journal (Ind. Ant., vol. XXXIV, p. 203 f.; (2) the old Balti inscription (Lho-nub-mna-mdzad-rgyal-po); and (3) an inscription of the Indus valley between Saspo-la and Snyun-la. This inscription was published by myself in ZDMG., vol. LXI, Tafel I, No. 7. As I could not translate it at the time of publication, I left the question open. Now that I have profited from my study of Turkestan documents, and seen the inscription again (October 1914) I venture to present the following reading of it: 'aphar-ma-'adi-la-lam-rdzeg-byun. "At this difficult (passage) the road was completed." This means that the road along the river was exceedingly difficult to construct, just in the place ('aphar-ma) where the inscription was carved. When this difficulty was overcome, the road could easily be completed. What hindered me at first from reading this short inscription, was the fact that I could not recognize the letter r contained in it. The letter r was written like an inverted . This strange form of r I have now met so often in documents from Turkestan that I can read it safely. Two other letters also of ancient type are found in this inscription, viz., the 'a-chun with stroke to the right hand side, and the letter dz, which is written like the present letter j. All this makes it certain that this inscription must be dated about the middle of the eighth or the beginning of the ninth century. It is of a certain historical interest, for from it we learn that the principal road along the Indus valley lay along the river in the eighth century, that is at a time when no powder for blasting was available to the people who constructed, it. But this extraordinary road seems to have lasted for a short time only. When it broke down, the so-called upperroad,' which passed by the villages Lte-ba-Tin-mo-sgan, He-mis-shug-pa-can and Li-kir, and avoided the river Indus from Khalatse to Bab-sgo, was constructed. It was only after the conquest of Ladakh by the Dogras that the ancient road along the Indus was built again with much blasting of rocks; and nowadays people travel once more as they did 1000 years ago, and the ancient inscription is seen again from the modern road. a Even after the early Indian times of Western Tibet, the west was distinguished by many brilliant names. The great teacher and translator Rinchen-bzan-po, the contemporary of Atisa, belonged to the west, where many of his buildings are still extant; the philosopher Mar-pa, the teacher of Milaraspa, had his home in Zans-dkar. Other famous names are connected with Spyi-ti, Man-yul, Gu-ge, Mna-ris, Gun-than, even Baltistan (sBal-ti-dgra-bcom). But the west has not yet had an advocate, and it will probably still be some time before its importance is generally recognized. But we may be sure that this time will come! 12 As stated by Laufer,

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70 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ APRIL, 1930 Appendix to Notes on Khotan and Ladakh. Note 1. When I had completed my article on Khotan and Ladakh I was pleasantly surprised by the publication of Sir Aurel Stein's splendid volumes of Innermost Asia. On plate VII we find a document from Mazar Tagh, which may interest us again in our study of both these countries, Khotan and Ladakh. This plate gives a most exoellent representation of a drawing of horses with a groom. The picture is mutilated, but, nevertheless, it can be seen that it represents a fine artistio effort. Besides, it is furnished with a Tibetan inscription of four lines, the right haif of which is unfortunately lost. A small por. tion of another line of writing is also found at the bottom of the page. This inscription is of some importance, as it appears to refer to the representation on the picture. It reads as follows : 1. rtsans-rman-rogg-gis-yon-du-pul-ba, rta...... 2. 'adon-po-smon...... 3.zhi-tab-du-byui...... 4. rgya-drug, spy (an)-- (ab)...... At bottom : 5. gyo-g Yu...... Translation - 1. Rman-rogs from Rtaans gave as an offering : horses...... 2. The reciter, Smon.... 3. zhi (four ?) entered the order...... 4.600 (or 106) Sp (yan)-T (<<)...... At bottom 5. pieces of turquoise...... From the first line we learn that horse. like those represented in the picture were apparently offered to a monastery by a certain Rman-rogs, who either came from the district of Rtsans, or belonged to the clan of Rtsans. In the second line, the word 'reciter' ('adon-po) refers to a monk who recites religious books and is paid for that. The syllable smon may be the first part of the word amon-lam, prayer.' Prayers might also be paid for. In the third line the word zhi cannot be translated with certainty ; rab-du-byus-(ba) is used for entering the order. Unfortunately we cannot make out who enters the order, whether the sacrificer or some other person. Of the fourth line I do not venture to say anything. The fifth line contains only the words sherds of turquoises. These stones might also be an offering. GENERAL REMARKS. As regards olan names and names of localities, which indicate the homes of Tibetans, it is remarkable that both these kinds of names are placed before the personal name. The reason is probably that many of the clan names are in reality local names. They indicate the locality from which a certain clan emigrated before it settled in the district where it is now found. In my paper, A Language Map of W. Tibet (JASB., 1904, p. 362 f.), I wrote of the clans of the little village of Khalatee. By the names of these clans it could be proved that more than half of the population of this village had emigrated from Gilgit. If rtsans is & olan name, it would show that the ancestors of Rman-rogs once emigrated from the Rtsans district. Now, where is that district ? We find it also mentioned in Chronicle II, 62, the ancient

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APRIL, 1930 ] NOTES ON KHOTAN AND LADAKH 71 Tibetan annals quoted by F. W. Thomas in his article entitled Tibetan Documents from Chinese Turkestan, JRAS., 1927, p. 54), where we read: Risan-chen-poi'abrog-skos-nas, blon-che Khri-'abrin, 'A-zha-yul-du-mchis-par-lo-gcig, which may be translated as follows: "Having called up the Brog-(pa) of Rtsan-chen-po (the great river), the great minister Khri-'abrin went into the 'A-xha country-thus one year." Regarding the words "the great river " we might think of two rivers known as Gtsan-po, viz., the Brahmaputra and the Indus. I believe that here the Indus is meant. The Brahmaputra runs through middle and eastern Tibet, i.e., through districts in which the pronunciation of the word gtsan-po is tsan-po. Hence the name of the province on its borders is Tsan. The Indus in its course through Ladakh, however, is called Rtsan-po, or even Rtsanspo; hence the portion of Ladakh which is found on its banks was called Rtsan(s)-po, or Rtsan(s). As here in our documents we find the forms Rtsan-po as well as Rtsans, which plainly point to the Ladakhi pronunciation of the clan or local name, it is very probable that they refer to the Indus. It is of interest also, that the inhabitants of the Indus valley below Hanu are called 'aBrog-pa. They are Dards and were Dards probably also 1200 years ago. In the days) Sron-btsan-sgam-po they were called to arms by the Tibetan kings, to fight against the Chinese and the 'A-zha, just as they were called up 80 years ago by the Ladakhi kings to fight against the Dogras. There are 'a Brog-pa of Tibetan origin also on the banks of the Brahmaputra, as we know from Mrs. David Neel's book, Arjopa ; but that in Chronicle II, 62, by the words Rtsan-pochen-poi-'abrog the Indus valley is meant, and not the Brahmaputra valley, is quite clear from the spelling of the word gisan-po, viz., risan-po. That Ladakh as a whole was also known by this name in those days we learn from Hsuantsang, who gives San-poho or Sam-pa-ha as a name of the country. This appears to be the Chinese rendering of the name Rtsans-po. We find this name in his definition of the frontiers of Suvarnagotra. The personal name of the donor, Rman-rogs, reminded me of another document I had once seen; and when I looked through Sir Aurel Stein's collection of Mazar Tagh documents I found it in the document numbered Mazar-Tagh br. 00104. This document is in a very bad state of preservation. Not only is the right half torn off, but elsewhere also words are mutilated. In the first line we read that it was written by Rman-rogs, whose clan name is not given, to a certain nobleman called Pan-khri. Also in this letter, horses are mentioned. Line 8 speaks of ria-aou (88-bo), grey horses,' and in line 9 we find the words chibe-mchibs-pa, riding on horses.' This makes it probable that the writer of the letter and the sacrificer of horses were one and the same person. Perhaps another point deserves mention. In line 5 we read the words khyim-pan-du, which mean' on the occasion of abandoning the house,' and may refer to the fact that at a certain time the writer was going to enter the order. That horses as well as other animals were brought to Buddhist priests as sacrificial offerings, is known from literature, as, for instance, from glin-bed-chos-skyid-kyi-ram-thar, where we read (1) yon-la-khrab-gnyis-rta-phuo-mo-gsum-gYag-bcu-bdun, zhin-gnyis-rnams-phul-nas, bero-ba-zhus. (Translation) As an offering I brought 2 cuirasses, 3 male and female horses, 17 yaks and presented) 2 fields, and asked for a blessing.' (2) bekas-bshaga-brgya-thao-gnyis-byas-pai-yon-la-ria-bzan-po-gcig, gYu, mdzo-ri-ba-gcig-byas. (Translation) 'As an offering for a two hundred-fold copying (or reciting) of the book bekan-bahags I gave a good horse, turquoises, a valuable mdzo.' From this it is apparent that horses, yaks, mDzos and other useful animals and also turquoises were brought to the priests as religious offerings. About the custom of breaking jewels to pieces, we read the following in Mr. D. Macdonald's recent work, The Land of the Lama (p. 83) :-"Most of those images are covered with gold-leaf

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [APRIL, 1980 and in one or two of the older institutions, that have become pilgrim centres, they are encrusted with rough uncut gems." On page 84, he adds: "The bases of some images are filled with crushed gems. This prevents any venal lama from stealing them for the precious stones inside them, while they still have the value of the gems enclosed." Thus the inscription on the picture, besides explaining its meaning, presents us with an interesting view of Buddhist life in Turkestan during the eighth century. Note 2. As regards the wedge-shaped wooden writing tablets from Turkestan called kilamudra, I wish to state that this form of writing tablet is still preserved and is in use in Ladakh. 'T'wo equal boards of wood (wedge-shaped) are connected by a nail joint at the narrow end. They are used for writing on the inside, and then tied by a string at the wider end, wben closed together. As far as I know, this form of writing tablet is found only in Ladakh, and not in Lhasa or Tibet proper. It is found in Turkestan only in the Kharosthi period, i.e., in the second and third century A.D. As the Kharosthi script was also in use in Ladakh at that time, it is probable that these tablets were then introduced from Turkestan. This form of tablet is one of the few surviving links which connect the civilization of Turkestan with that of Ladakh. ORIGIN OF THE CASTE SYSTEM IN INDIA. BY THE LATE S. CHARLES HILL. (Continued from p. 54.) (X) Actual existence of true Brahmans and true Brahman Hindu Stales. Brahman Rule. If any one objects that nowadays he nowhere finds such Brahmans as these and nowhere any Hindu State, which follows the true Hindu tradition, one would do well to remember that the system is now, some 4000 years old (Smith's Oxford History, p. 8) and to ponder upon what was written about the Brahmans and Hindu States by European observers as late as the middle of the eighteenth century. About 1762 Luke Scrafton, a servant of the East India Company, wrote in his Reflections (and was approvingly quoted in his Empire Mogol by the Scoto-Frenchman Jean Law, who, like Scrafton, had spent much time in the interior of India) as follows "Such of the Brahmans who are not engaged in worldly pursuits are a very moral, superstitious, innocent people, who promote charity as much as they can to men and beasts, but such who engage in the world are the worst of the Gentool [i. e., the Hindus). for, persuaded the waters of the Ganges will purify them from their sins, and being exempted from the utmost rigour of the Courts of Justice under the Gentoo Government, they run into the greatest excesses." This, it should be remembered, was in the northern parts of India, where alien influences were strongest, for the Muhammadans had conquered Bengal more than 500 years earlier. A little later the French missionary, the Abbe Dubois, writing of the Brahmans of Southern India, says (Hindu Manners, p. 104) ?" The original Brahman is described as a penitent and a philosopher, living apart from the world and its temptations and entirely engrossed in the pursuit of knowledge, leading a life of introspection and practis. ing a life of purity......The simple and blameless lives led by the primitive Brahmans, their contempt for wealth and honours, their disinterestedness and, above all, their extreme sobriety attracted the attention of the Princes and the people." Even in the good Abbe's time the Brahmans, he says (ibid, p. 159), formed a class of men in tone and manners infinitely superior to the other Hindus, and there were certain villages inhabited almost entirely by Brahmans. This last statement emphasizes the Brahman love of seclusion, natural enough in men inclined to meditation, which led some of the more devout to a life in the forest, accompanied only by their wives, or to the absolutely solitary life of the Sannyasi. Naturally Europeans come rarely into contact and, still less often, into intimacy with the two last classes of Brahmans. "The hate and contempt which they cherish against all strangers,

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APRIL, 1930 ] ORIGIN OF THE CASTE SYSTEM IN INDIA 73 especially against Europeans; the jealous inquietude with which they hide from the profane the mysteries of their religious cult, the records of their learning, the privacy of their homes, all these form barriers between themselves and their observers which it is almost impossible to pass" (Hindu Manners, p. 12).. To return, however, to Scrafton. In spite of the corruption which he deplored in a portion of the Hindu community, he says :-" But in justice to the Glontoo religion and customs I must say that before the late wars between the French and us in the Car natick i.e., Southern India] country, which is chiefly divided into little Indian Rajaships, human nature in no part of the world afforded a fairer scene of contemplation to a philosophic mind." Another Company's servant, John Zephaniah Holwell, wrote in 1765 (Interesting Historical Facts, p. 193) of the subjects of a Bengal Raja, Gopal Singh, whom he describes as of the "Rajput Brahmin "tribe " It would be almost cruelty to molest these happy people, for in this district are the only vestiges of the beauty, purity, regularity, equity and strictness of the ancient Indian Government. Here the property as well as the liberty of the people are inviolate ; here no robberies are heard of, either public or private." It was, in fact, a survival of the Hindu type of kingdom, in which the ruler was a Rajput, i.e., a Kshatriya, and his advisers were Brahmans. From the above we may, I think, conclude that, before denying the existence of true Brahmans, one should look for them elsewhere than in public life and that the ideal Hindu kingdom is not a Utopian dream, but has actually existed in comparatively recent times and still exists in the hearts of the Hindus, that it was based upon a social system which secured the happiness and contentment and loyalty of all classes of the people, and that the later stages of corruption and confusion have been due to foreign intrusion, whether by land from Central Asia or by sea from distant Europe, whilst whatever unrest now prevails in India is caused by the incessant struggle of the Hindu Caste ideal against alien influences. So, at least, thought the Abbe, for he wrote "Under the supremacy of the Brahmans (in Muhammadan as well as Hindu [States) the people of India hated their [rules of] government while they cherished and respected their rulers ; under the supremacy of Europeans they hate and despise their rulers from the bottom of their hearts, whilst they cherish and respect their (mode of] government (Hindu Manners, p. 4)." (X) European objections to the Caste System. Hindu indifference to the form of and changes in government. The possibility of Caste as an effective social and political system being then demonstrated, one may notice some objections which have been brought against it. The first, as noted by Scrafton and Law, is that the division of the people into castes is a bar to individual development and hence to the material progress of the nation and that the diversity of interests creates such a want of national solidarity that the country lies defenceless against the attack of any invader. A second is that the prejudices created by Caste are 80 strong that they prevent the Hindu from receiving a purer form of religion. A third objection is that the Brahmans do nothing productive themselves and are therefore & useless burden upon the community. As regards the first the Hindu might reply that the restrictions of Caste teach the individual what so few members of other civilizations know, namely the limitations of his powers and 80 save him from futile efforts towards the unattainable ; he would point to the material achievements of the Hindus at a time when Europe was only issuing from barbarism, whilst the Brahman, in his scorn for luxury, would point out that material progress alone, so far from leading to happiness and content, only increases the number of material desires and so leads to unrest. In a country where the wants of nature are so easily supplied as they are in India, it seems mere folly to create new wants and with them new evils. On the other hand, 48 Scrafton reflected, "It is this same division which has maintained the manufactures of the country in spite of all the vexations of the Muhammadans, since, as long as a son can follow

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74 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY APRIL, 1930 no other occupation than that of his father, manufactures can be destroyed only by the extermination of the nation itself." And the Abbe Dubois writes (Hindu Manners, p. 28) "I believe caste division to be in many respects the chef d'ouvre of Hindu legislation. I am persuaded that it is simply and solely due to the distribution of the people into castes that India did not lapse into a state of barbarism and that she preserved and perfected the arts and sciences of civilization whilst most other nations of the earth remained in a state of barbarism." And again (ibid, p. 34) -" It is to caste distinctions that India owes the preservation of her arts and industries. For the same reason she would have reached a high standard of perfection in them had not the avarice of her rulers prevented it." On the same subject Vincent Smith remarks (Oxford History, p. 42) --" That stability, although not absolute, has been the main agent in preserving Hindu ideas of religion, morals, art and craftsmanship.......... Monier Williams concisely observes that caste has been useful in promoting self-sacrifice, in securing subordination of the individual to an organized body, in restraining vice, in preventing pauperism.'" As regards the defencelessness of a Hindu State against foreign aggression, the fact that the Kshatriyas, whose chief duty was war, formed one of the four great original castes shows that the founders of the Caste System did provide, in this caste, for the defence of the State what was, practically, the first standing army recorded in history. In most parts of India this caste has disappeared and the old legends seem" to show that the Brahmans, at least in the original seat of their power, had repressed the Kshatriya or warrior class. (Imperial Gazetteer, I, 407)." But Scrafton and Law had no personal knowledge of the Rajput States in which the Kshatriya caste still survives. These were never really conquered by the Muhammadans or Europeans and still maintain their independence and dignity. Again, it was chiefly European interference which prevented the Marathas from establishing Hindu States throughout all India. When they first clashed with the British they already held the Mughal Emperors in their hands. The Gurkhas of Nepal, who claim Rajput origin (Imperial Gazetteer, II, 493), maintain a jealous independence in the mountains of India. But, as a matter of fact, the easy submission of those Hindu States, in which the Kshatriyas had disappeared, to foreign attacks, assumes quite another complexion when we consider how indifferent the Hindus always were to the Governments under which they happened to live. Their allegiance was not to the Government but, as it still is, to the Brahmans. On this Dubois remarks (Hindu Manners, p. 4) :-"The people of India have always been accustomed to bow their heads beneath the yoke of a cruel and oppressive despotism, and moreover, strange to say, have always displayed mere indifference towards those who have forced them to it. Little cared they whether the princes under whom they groaned were of their own country or from foreign lands....Never did the fall of one of their despots cause the least regret ; never did the elevation of another cause the least joy....... They have always considered themselves lucky enough if their religious and domestic institutions were left untouched by those who, by good fortune or force of arms, had got hold of the reins of govern. ment." Now, in Europe we are accustomed to think of the Political and Social systems of a country as one and the same thing, or at least as so closely connected that they cannot be Beparated. But these remarks of the good Abbe show that to the Hindu mind they are not only distinct, but separable in fact. His intimate life, the life over which he has control, the life which to the Hindu really matters, is altogether independent of the political conditions which happen to prevail. The Abbe, indeed, implies that this indifference is due to a kind of apathy or slavish submission but, from the Hindu point of view, it is only a sensible sub mission to what is unavoidable. He recognizes that just as there is weather everywhere and the wise man enjoys it when it is good without repining when it is bad, so there will always be some form of government wherever there are communities of human beings and a wise man should think of it as he does of the weather, namely something which ho can enjoy

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APRIL, 1930 ] MISCELLANEA. 76 or guard against, but which he cannot control. The popular idea prevalent in democracies tbat the people can govern themselves is to him a laughable delusion. If they could, there would be no need of or possibility of a Government. Andrew Fletcher wrote to the Marquis of Montrose -"I knew a very wise man that believed that if a man were permitted to make all the ballads, he need not care who should make the laws of a nation." Fletcher's" vers wise man" held the same opinion as the Brahmans. For whatever reason the Brahmans contrived or allowed the extinction of the Kshatriya caste in some of the Hindu States, it may, I think be taken for granted that they had determined to withdraw from politics so long as their position as social and religious rulers was left untouched. In a somewhat peculiar way the Brahmans had decided to be in the world and yet not of it. As regards the religious objection that Hinduism prevents the people from accepting a purer form of religion, this is partly due to manners and customs which are strange and at times shocking to Europeans but which are based upon reasons of which they are ignorant or which they misunderstand. But mainly this objection is based upon the Hindu opposition to Christianity and the penalties imposed upon converts to that religion. To understand this one must look into the reasons why Hinduism, which allows absolute freedom of thought to its devotees, should now, for it was not always so, be specially hostile to Christianity. (To be continued.) MISCELLANEA. In the note published at pp. 57-58, above (Mar. the remarks of Mr. C. Duroiselle, Archeological 1929), reference was made to a communication Superintendent, Burma Circle, published at p. 117 received from Mahamahopadhaya P. Bhattacharya of the Annual Report, A.S.I., for the year 1925-26, Vidyavinod on the subject of his proposed identifica. and especially to the footnote, which runs as tions of the six countries mentioned by Hiuan-tsang follows: As lying beyond Samatata. The Mahamahopadhyaya, "A close examination of the ruins of the walls it will be remembered, is of opinion that Hiuan- and of the bricks with which they were built tends tang's Mocha-chan-p'o ghould be identified with to show that Hiuen Tsang did not refer to Sam. Sampanago, and as oomprising the whole of northern panago near Bhsmo. Burma. In this connexion attention is drawn to C. E. A. W. OLDHAM, Jt. Editor. BOOK-NOTICES. ANNUAL BIBLIOGRAPHY OF INDIAN ARCHAEOLOGY, the other hand, we are supplied with some useful TOR THE YHAR 1927, published by the Kern fresh information relating to the excavations carried Institute, Leyden. 12+94 in.; pp. x+143 ; 12 out by Mr. A. H. Longhurst during the cold season plates and 6 figures in the text. Leyden, 1929. of 1927-28 at NAgarjunikonda in the north-west of This valuable publication follows the same lines the Guntur district, on the right bank of the Kistna &3 in the inaugural volume for 1926, with two river, above Amravati. At this site no less than modifications, namely, that a separate section (IIA) three Buddhist temples, two monasteries, three has been formed to include all periodicals dealing stupas and several well-preserved sculptures of with the archaeology, epigraphy and history of India great interest have been discovered, which bid fair proper, and that extracts from reviews in French to justify the claim of the Nagarjunikonda valley, and German have been printed in those languages, put forward by Mr. Longhurst, to be the most and not translated into English. In orch case important Buddhist site hitherto found in southern the change seems expedient. India. It will be remembered that three importent The introductory chapter contains a survey of the Prakrit inscriptions in Brahmi obaracters of about more important features of the year's work, ranging the third century A.D. relating to the southern over different parts of India as well as Siam, Indo Ikpvaku dynasty were found in this locality a year or two earlier. nesia and Iran. A note on the prehistorio civilization in the Indus valley naturally comes first; but, In connexion with the vexed question of the owing to the extraordinary delay in publishing full interpretation of the great rock sculpture, popularly details of the work that has been carried out by the known M'Arjuna's Penance,' at MahAbalipuram, Archeological Department at Mohenjodaro and attention is drawn to Mr. Longhurst's description, Harappa, the editors have had to content themselves i printod at p. 103 of the Annual Report, A.S.L., for with printing extracts from a paper communicated 1924-25, of remains found on top of the rock indiby Sir J. Marshall to a London weekly joumal. Oncating that there was once a masonry or brick

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY APRIL, 1930 cistern thero. In a further communication, it seems, Mr. Longhurst has suggested that on certain festival occasions this cistern would be filled "and the water allowed to flow down the cleft in the form of cascade into the tank below, simulating the descent of a mountain torrent." The editors .regard this evidence as corroborating M. Coloubew's identifi. cation of the sculpture with the descent of ihe Ganges from heaven. We have also a note by M. George Coedes on the excavations at Pong Tuk in western Lower Siam, on the right bank of the Meklong river. The objects found, which include a Greco-Roman lamp and a Buddha statuette in Amravati style, appear to belong to the second and sixth centuries A.D.; and M. Coedes came to the conclusion that the local monuments had been abandoned previous to the arrival of the Khmers. The bibliography seems to be complete as far as it goes. We are glad to learn that arrangements havo been made to include information regarding public cations appearing in Italy and Russia, and that it is hoped to do the same in respect of Japan. The printing is excellent, and the plates have been admirably produced. Altogether this second volume maintains the high standard of which the first gave promise. C. E. 4. W. O. which determined the general musical culture. the theory and practice of music considered generally and without technical details, and notices the celebrated composers, singers, instrumentalists and writers on the theory, science, and art of music. A careful account is given of the evolution of the Arabian musical instruments, which may be read with Mr. Farmer's article on Meccan musical instruments in the current number of the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (July 1929). The three illustrations are taken from Arabic Manu. scripts of the twelfth, thirteenth, and fourteenth centuries, and give us a glimpse of the Arabian Shahrud and of the Arabian systems of musical notation. It may be permissible to point out a few misprints. At p. 19,"olegaist" should read "elegiast." At p. 48, "Al-Hasary, the grandson of Khalif Ali," should read "Hasen, a son of Khalifa Ali." At p. 53, the date of Khalifa 'Uthman should read "641-56" instead of "644-66". The date is correctly given in other places. At p. 90, "Muqaddima" should be "Muqaddama." I would also suggest that the barbarous "Khaliphate" should be discarded in favour of "Khilafat." A. YUSUF ALI. A HISTORY OF ARABIAN MUSIC TO TIE THIRTEEN TX CENTURY, by H. G. Farmer. (Luzac & Co., 1929.) Mr. Farmer has added to his reputation as a student of Arabian Music by this systematic study. He is already well known by his books on the Arabian Influence on Musical Theory, The Arabic Manuscripts in the Bodleian Library, The Influence of Music : From Arabic Sources, and some articles in the Orientalist Journals. He has the advantage of being both an Arabist and a musical man, rare combination. He writes with appreciation of the Arabian spirit in the Fine Arts and a true perspective, which can distinguish the indigenous genius of the Arab people from the outside influence which enabled it to express itself in the changing fashions of the Arabic and Islamic world. He begins from the earliest times, when music played an important part in the mysteries of the soothsayer and the magic man. Definite records of pro-Islamic music are scanty. With the rise of Islam began the full record of every phase of Arab life and civilization, including music. Mr. sie M Farmer roviows impartially the arguments for and against music in the controversies of early Islam, and details the various kinds of music which were held "permissible." He rightly draws attention to the spiritual music of the Sufis, who called in music as a Handmaid to Islam. He reviews the various periods of Muslim history--the Orthodox Khilafat, the Umaiya period, and the Abbasido Khilafat in three distinct periods. Under each hond he considers the social and political factors THE CHRONICLES OF THE EAST INDIA COMPANY TRADING TO CHINA, 1635-1834, by H. B. MORSE, LL.D., vol. V (supplementary), 1742.74. 84 x 5} in.; pp. +212. Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1929. When the first four volumes of these Chronicles appeared in 1926, Dr. Morse recorded, in the Preface to vol. I, his regret that the Canton records of the Company for the years 1743-1753 were but fragmentary, while those for the years 1754-1774 were entirely missing from the India Office archives. Diligent search, however, brought to light certain duplicate copies that had been deposited in the Legation at Peking. Wo congratulate the editor on this discovery, which has enabled him to compile this supplementary, fifth, volume. The period concerned falls wholly within the long reign of the Manchu emperor K'ien-lung, famous not only for his warlike, but also for his literary activities. Though Canton was then the only open port, the commerce between Europe and China was rapidly attaining im. portant proportions. The interminable disputes with the local Chinese officials and the frequent dissensions between the competing companies make it difficult bet to undorstand how any profitable trade could be carried on at all. The explanation will be found in the dogged resolution and indomitable spirit of the Company's servants disclosed by this chronicle. Though the records found be still very incomplete, Dr. Morse has succeeded in piecing together infor. mation on a variety of topics of much interest and value to students of the economic and commercial history of the eighteenth century. C. E. A. W.o.

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MAY, 1530 ) SOME REMARKS ON THE BP SZAVAROITA SOME REMARKS ON THE BHAGAVADGITA. BY PROF. JARL CHARPENTIER, PH.D., UPSALA. (Continued from page 50.) Unfortunately these more or less authoritative passages had slipped out of my mind when about a year ago I came to occupy myself somewhat more seriously with the Gita in order to give a series of lectures on that text. However, after having formed my own opinions on certain important points in connection with the exterior constitution of the text, I found, with very great pleasure, that my own suggestions did at least partly concur with those of far more prominent scholars. Also to me it seems quite obvious that the verses following upon u, 38, can in no wise have belonged to the original epic text. As, however, I cannot find with Professors Schrader and Oldenberg that the whole of ii, 1--38--with two or three possible exceptions-belongs to the old text nor feel quite convinced of the correctness of Professor Jacobi's view, I shall here give those parts of canto ii which to me undoubt. edly seem to be old and original.32 Canto u. tam tatha krpayavistam abrupurnakulekranam visidantam idam vakyam uvaca Madhusudana) || 1 || Sri-Bhagavan uvaca | katas tva kasmalam idam visame samupa sthitam anaryajustam asvargyam akirttikaram Arjuna 2 11 klaibyam ma sma gamah Partha naitat trayy u pa pad yate keudram hrdayadaurbalyam tya ktvotti tha paramtapa || 3 | Arjuna uvaca | katham Bhinmam aham samkhye Dronam ca Madhusudana 1 isubhih pratiyotsyami pajarhav arisudana | 4 || gurun ahatva hi mahanubhavan chreyo bhoktum bhaiksyam ihaiva loke hatvarthakamams tu gurun ihaiva bhunjiya bhogan rudhirapradigdhan |5 || na caitad vidmah kataran no gariyo yad va jayema yadi va no jayeyuh yan eua hatva na jijivisamas te vasthitah pramukhe Dhartara strah | 6 | karpanyadovopahatasvabhavah prcchami tvam dharmasammudhacetah yac chreyah syan niscitam bruhi tan me bisyos te 'ham sadhi mam tvam prapannam || 7 || na hi prapasyami mamapanudyads 99 As for canto i there is no apparent reason for rejecting any verses; they may well be old and original all of them, though there is, of course, no abeolute certainty that such is the case. Verse 10 : aparyapeam tad camakam balam Bhiamabhiraksitam paryaplam tu idam etapam balam Bhimabh irakpitam| is a crux interpretationis. That Duryodhana Rhould be made to say: 'Impar certamini est hic noster exercitus,' etc. (Schlogel) is apparently nonsensical. Either aparyapta must mean something like 'not tightly closed (ep. the 180 of paryupto- in MBh., xv, 186) which would tally well with the exhortation in v. 11; or the text has been tempered with. Originally it may have run like this: aparyaptan tad asmakam balam Bhipman virakpitum (ep. the exhortation to protect Bhigma in v. 11); and the not very common vi-rakswas ousted by the more well-known abhi-rako. In v 23 Duryodhana is called by Arjuna durbuddhi. This does not mean sceleratu (Schlegel), 'perverse (Hill) or something like that. The native commentaries have the correct explanation (cp., e.g., Madhusudana : durbuddheh sarakpanopayam ajanatah); it means * unwise, stupid,' op. alpabuddhi in xvi, 9. With v. 47 rathopaatha wpavilat, cp. Moh., iv, 41, 8. 33 On a panudyat, sp. Professor Rajwado, Bhandarkar Comm. Volume, p. 328.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ May, 1930 yac chokam ucsho sanam indriyapam avapya bhumav asapatnam ddham rajyam suranam api cadhipatyam || 8 || exam uktva Hrpikcsam Gudaketal paramtapak na yoteya iti Govindam uktva tusim babhura ha || 9 || tam uvaca Hrikesah praha sann iva Bharata senayor ubhayor madhye vipidantam idam vacah | 10 || Sri-Bhagavan uvaca i asocyan anvasocas tvam prajnavadams ca bhagase 1 gatasun agatasums ca nanusocanti panditak | 11 | svadharmam api caveksya na vikampitum arhasi dharmyud dhi yuddhac chreyo 'nyat kpattriyasya na vidyate || 12 (31) || yadscchaya copa pannam svargadvaram a paustam sukhinah ksattriyah Partha labhante yuddham idy sam || 13 (32) || atha cet tvam imam dharmyam samgramam na kariqyasi tatah svadharmam kirttim ca hitva papam avapoyasi ! 14 (33) || akirttim capi bhutani kathayi syanti te'vyayam sambhavitasya cakirttir maranad atiricyate || 15 (34) || bhayad ranad uparatam mameyante tvam maharathah 1 yesam ca tvam bhumato bhutva yasyasi laghavam || 16 (35) avacyavadamsca bahun vadisyanti tavahitah nindantas tava samarthyam tato duhkhataram nu kim || 17 (36) | hato va prapeya si srargam jitva va bhokoyase mahim ! tasmad uttiatha Kaunteya yuddhaya krtaniscayah || 18 (37) sukhaduh khe same kytva labhalabhau jayajayau tato yudahaya yujyasta paita papat avapsyasi || 19 (38) || tato Dhananjayam drava baragandivadharinam punar eva mahanadam vyasrjanta maharathah || MBh., vi, 2533 || etc. 1. "To him, who was thus filled with compassion, whose eyes were distressed and filled with tears, and who was full of despair, Madhusudana spoke these words: "The Holy One said : 2. "Whence in this perilous time did this folly84 come upon thee, meet for ignoble minds, leading to Hell, and causing disrepute, 0 Arjuna ? 3. "Yield not to unmanly behaviour, thou son of Pptha, it is not fitting to thee. Away with that smellness of heart belonging to mean souls (lepudra)! Rise up, O Scourge of thy foes! "Arjuna said: 4. "How can I let fly my darts in battle on Bhisma and Drona, O Madhusudana ? Worship crave those both, 0 Arisudana. 5. "For better it were to feed on alms in this world than to slay these highly venerable persons; were I to slay my Gurus, even if they be greedy for wealth, I should have to eat blood-gullied food.36 6. "Nor even do we know which is better for us : that we should conquer or they should conquer us. The sons of Dhrtarastra are there in the forefront-were we to slay them we should not wish to live. 35 Kamala is generally translated by despondency' or something like that. It is, however, fairly identical with moha and means folly, illusion-Arjuna is a fool not to discern his clear and obvious duty which leads either directly to Heaven or to universal kingship (ii, 37), kaimala is spoken of as mohaja and is destroyed hetubhir mokadardanaih in MBh., i, 2, 156 (Poona ed. =i, 521 c.); it is buddhinadana. obscuring the intellect. in MBh., ii, 1662, etc. 36 The latest translation (by Hill) is far too weak here

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MAY, 1930) SOME REMARKS ON THE BHAGAVADGITA 7. "With my heart obscured by the darkness of compassion, with my mind gone astray on the question of duty, I ask thee: tell me right out which is the better part-I must be taught by thee ; 38 teach thou me who has come to thee. 8. "I cannot even see clearly what would dispel that grief which dries up my senses 37 though I might win on earth unrivalled mighty kingship, nay even sovereignty amongst the gods.38 9. "Thus spoke Gudakesa, the Scourge of his foes, to Hrsikesa: 'I shall not fight,' he said to Govinda, and then became silent. 10. "To him in despair39 Hrsikesa, slightly smiling, spoke this word in the midat of both armies : "The Holy One said : 11. Thou hast grieved for those who are not in need of grief--yet speakest thou not unwisely.40 Wise men grieve not for dead nor for living. 12. (31) And further : considering thy caste-duty thou must not waver; for, there is nothing better for a noble warrior than a fight prescribed by his duty.41 13. (32) Happy, 0 son of P tha, are those noble warriors who come upon a fight like this that meets them fortuitously (like) the gate of Heaven thrown wide open.43. '* 14. (33) Then if thou wilt not wage this lawful war thou wilt neglect caste-duty and reputation and fall into sin. 15. (34) And then all beings will tell of thy everlasting dishonour; and dishonour is much worse than death to a man of great reputation. 16. (35) The warriors on their high cars will think that out of fear didst thou shrink from battle; and those by whom thou hast been highly estimated will think of thee but lightly.43 17. (36) "And thy enemies will tell many unspeakable tales (about thee) mocking thy manly power 44_what could be more painful than that? 18. (37) If slain thou shalt go to Heaven; if victorious thou shalt reign over the earth. Therefore, rise up, O son of Kunti, with a firm resolution to fight. 88 Translations of these words such as 'I am thy disciple' and conclusions based on them are wholly wrong. Somo commentarios quite correctly interpret bigya by sasanarha (op. Schlegel-Lassen, Bhagavadgua, p. 163). 37 Op. i, 29 : mukham ca pariousyate, and i, 30 : tvak caiva paridahyale. 38.e., if I might become a cakravarttin or even Sakro devanam indrah. 89 With visidantam, cp. i, 28 ; ii, 1. 40 On the words prajnavadamaca bhasase, op. Speyer, ZDMG., Ivi, 123 f.; Boehtlingk, ibid., lvi, 209; Oldenberg, 1.c., p. 332, n. 3. To me the passage seems perfectly cloar (cp. also MBh., xii, 6528 : dhira iva bhagase). Professor Schrader has kindly furnished me with the various reading of the Kasmir redaction which runs : afocyan anvabocas tuam prajflavan nabhibhanase ; this, however, to me appears to be only an * emendation of a seemingly unintelligible passage. 41 Cp. MBh., vi, 646; adharmah ksattriyasyaica yad vyadhimaranam gihe yad ajau nidhanam yati 80'sya dharmah sanatanah || ; Visu 3, 44: nasti rajnam samare tanutyagasad do dharmah, etc. 13 With this verse cp. MBM., vi, 643 : idam van ksattriya dporam svargayapaortam mahat gacchadh an tena sakrasya brahmanasca salokatam|| Rajwade Bhandarkar Comm. Volume, p. 332, correctly remarks that in our verse one expecte ina after svargadvaram. 43 On the words venim ca tvam balumato bhutva yasyari laghavam, op. Schlegel-Larsen, I.c., pp. xxix, n. 187. Boehtlingk, Ber. d. Sache. Ges. d. Wiss., 1897, p. 7; Johansson, Monde or.. ii, 84 ; Rajwade, 1.c., p. 329. The construction is bad, but soaroely worse than many others met with in the opic. 4* The unspeakable talee' (araeyapadan) would probably allude not only to Arjuna's refusal to fight, but also to the rather dubious part played by him an Bihannala (on the namo ep. ZDMG., lxxii, 226) in the court of Virata. The earlier part of the Virataparvan, where the Pandavas mak oa rather ridiculous display of themselves, must certainly belong to the old parts of the epic.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MAY, 1930 19. (38) Being indifferent to pleasure and pain, gain and loss, victory and defeat, make thyself ready for battle. Then thou shalt not fall into sin.'" 46 20. "When the warriors on their high cars perceived Dhananjaya grasping his arrows and the Gandiva 46 they again gave forth great shouts." Thus, I venture to think, ran the original part of the text upon which, later on, the Bhagavatas built up what is now known as the Bhagavadgita. That the whole of the present poem starts from u, 39, is a conclusion which I hold more or less in common with Professors Schrader and Jacobi and with the late Oldenberg. However, I differ from these great authorities in totally rejecting also the verses ii, 12-30, which have been retained wholly or partly by previous authors. 'That little part of canto ii which I find it possible to retain as part of the original Maha. bharata contains the exhortation of Krsna to Arjuna to rise up in arms and take part in the battle. But in these verses, just as little as in those preceding and in canto i, we find not the slightest trace of those doctrines which are characteristic of the present Bhagavadgita. There is not a word here of resignation, of Yoga, etc. 'Take part in the battle,' says Krsna, and : hato vi prupsyasi swargam jitva vi bhoksyase mahim. Either live and conquer the carth, or die and go to Heaven, the paradise of Indra'47_these are the ideals of a chivalrous class and period, in a way strikingly like those of the Scandinavian Viking time when the brave man did either win power and riches or go, sword in hand, to the very material paradise of Valhall. Be it far from me to deny that the doctrine of metempsychosis was known to those preux chevaliers. But it was of no great consequence, as valour and fulfilment of the svadharma would assure for them a life in Heaven of so long duration as to appear nearly eternal. Not to obey the svadharma, however, would lead, not to svarga, but to Hell. And as the svadharma of the nobleman-warrior is to fight and conquer or die in battle, Arjuna's unmanly resolution is only a sort of folly (moha, kasmala) which is soon dissipated by the fiery words of Krena. In such surroundings the explanations regarding rebirth and immortality contained in vv. ii, 12-30, are singularly inappropriate. They have been strung on quite loosely to the words: gatasun agatasums ca nanusocanti panditah in verse 11, and can never have belonged to the old epic text. We may also observe that within these nineteen verses there is quite a series of quotations from or more or less close parallels to verses belonging to other texts. 48 Verses 19-20 are closely related to Kath. Up., 2, 19. 18 and verse 29 to Kath. Up., 2, 7, while verse 13 is= Visnusmrti 20, 49 and verses 23-25 and 27-28 are with certain minor variants -Visnusmrti 20, 51-53. 29. 4849; there is also a strong resemblance between verse 22 and Visnusmfli 20, 50. The passage u, 12--30, is apparently of late origin and has partly been pieced together from quotations taken from older sources. (To be continued.) 45 Profesor Jacobi, ZDMG., lxxii, 324, finds a certain discrepancy between this verse and the preceding one. Of this I can trace nothing. If, however, we want to keep v. 33 we must needs keep this one too, as there is an apparent correspondence between papam avapoyasi in that verse and naiva papam avapoyasi here. 46 The words banagandtvadharinam apparently allude to i, 47 ; euam uktvarjunah samkhye rathopaatha upavidat viatjya sasaran cupam dokasamvignaminasah || After hearing Kropa's words Arjuna has again grasped his bow and arrows and is ready to fight. 47 Cp. with this Arjuna's words in ii, 8: aripya bhumir asapatnam ddham rajyam surunam api cadki patyam. 18 Cp. Dr. G. Haas, JAOS., xlii, 40 f. 49 A comparison between Vin smrti 20, 48, a-b: avyaktadins bhutano vyaktamadhyans capy atha and Bhag., ii, 28 a-b: avyaktadini bhutani vyaktamadhyani bharata seems to me not to leave room for any doubt that the Cita version with its unnecessary bharata is of a younger date.

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MAY, 1930 ] ORIGIN OF THE CASTE SYSTEM IN INDIA ORIGIN OF THE CASTE SYSTEM IN INDIA. BY THE LATE S. CHARLES HILL. (Continued from page 75.) Jean Law, rightly ignoring the crudities of popular belief and custom, tells us that from the learned Brahmans with whom he conversed, he learned that the Hindu was taught "to believe in a Supreme Being, who has created & regular gradation of beings, some superior, some inferior to men, the immortality of the Soul and a future state of recompense and punishment, which consists in its transmigration from one body to another, according to the life which it has led in the precedent state........ They own that errors have been introduced into their religion........and ridicule the idolatry of the multitude, but maintain that it is necessary to humour the weakness of the common people and so will not admit the faintest doubt as to the divine character of their Legislator. Speak to them of the truth of the Chris. tian religion, they answer that it may well be true, but that God has given to each nation its own laws and a form of worship different from others, which He has prescribed for them, which their ancestors have followed for thousands of years and which they have no reason to doubt that it pleases Him." Vincent Smith (Oxford History, p. 34) says "The members of any caste may believo or disbelieve any creed or doctrine, religious or philosophical, without affecting their caste position. That can be forfeited only by breach of the caste regulations concerning the dharma or practical duty of members belonging to the group. Each caste has its own dharma in addition to the common rules of morality as accepted by Hindus generally and considered to be the dharma of mankind." The Abbe Dubois (Hindu Manners, pp. 300301) gays :"Before the character and behaviour of Europeans became well known to the people it seemed possible that Christianity might take root among them. Little by little it was overcoming the numberless obstacles which the prejudices of the country continually placed in its way. Several missionaries, animated by a truly apostolic zeal, had penetrated into the interior of the country and there, by conforming scrupulously to all the usages and customs of the Brahmans in their clothing, food, conversation and general conduct in lifehad managed to win the attention of the people and by dint of perseverance had succeeded in gaining a hearing. Their high character, talents and virtues and, above all, their perfect disinterestedness, obtained for them the countenance and support of even the native princes who, agreeably surprised at the novelty of their teaching, took these extraordinary men under their protection and gave them liberty to preach their religion and make what proselytes they could." Roberto de Nobili converted nearly 100,000 idolaters in the kingdom of Madura alone. "The French Mission at Pondicherry numbered 60,000 Christians in the province of Arcot and was daily making further progress when the conquest of the country by Europeans took place disastrous event as far as the advance of Christianity was concerned....... About eighty years ago there must have been at least 1,200,000 native Christians in the Peninsula, while now, at the very utmost they amount to but one half of that number." It is evident therefore that Hindu intolerance towards Christianity did not exist so long as the teaching of the new religion made no attack upon Caste, but was first excited by the bad conduct of the people, mostly English and French, who professed that religion. It was further accentuated when it appeared that a principal tenet of the followers of this religion was the equality of mankind and when the missionaries began to teach their converts to ignore caste distinctions. To a people accustomed for thousands of years to the idea of Caste inequality, this tenet was not merely shocking but patently opposed to the evidence of everyday observation and even contradicted by its very professors with their assumption of racial superiority. * N.B.-This doctrine of Transmigration or Metempsychosis, according to the Encyclopedia Britannica, is not found in the Vedas but in the Upanishads, which latter are supposed to have been composed not earlier than 600 B.C., but this fact gives us no real clue as to when it was adopted in the popular belief.

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82 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (May, 1930 So far, therefore, from Hinduism being aggressive, the charge of intolerance resolves itself into the fact that Hinduism resents attacks, as does every other religion. The third objection is to the apparently idle life of the Brahmans. This charge, of course, is levelled against the Temple Brahmans and priesthood and so far is so similar to the charges brought against the priesthoods of other religions, which are maintained by common consent in all civilizations, that it would be idle to discuss it. It has no bearing whatsoever on the lives of the true Brahmans who have betaken themselves to a life of seclusion and meditation. Such Brahmans are not ignorant of the world. They have passed through the stages of study and married life and have renounced the pleasures of ordinary life only when they have performed its duties and experienced its cares. Their maintenance is no charge upon the community. At the same time their assistance is available as disinterested advisers or arbitrators whenever such services are needed. When one thinks how much of the trouble in western countries is due to mutual distrust between both individuals and classes, this in itself would be a sufficient justification of their mode of life, but there is another form of service rendered by them which is not easy to gauge and is very difficult to describe. In the first place, it is, I think, an acknowledged fact that there is no discovery in modern science, no fresh mastery over the powers of Nature, which has not been anticipated and, perhaps I may add, suggested to what we call practical men by imaginative dreamers to whose minds strange ideas have presented themselves when meditating in silence and seclusion. It is for the practical man to carry these into effect, but why should he despise the man whose mind first gave birth to the idea and made other men think about it until, in due time, the desire for its fruition arose and the means presented themselves? In most cases the practical man rejects as idle all those ideas which he cannot at the moment find means to carry out but he does not dare to say that they will never be carried out. Further, it is a known fact that in all countries and at all times there have been people who possessed powers inexplicable to the science of their time and any man who has been long in India will acknowledge that he has known or heard of, on unimpeachable authority, men amongst the Brahmans to whom such powers are ascribed. A European may doubt the superhuman character of these men, but he cannot deny their existence and their powers. It is evident that the knowledge and powers of these men are not the result of what we mean by scientific observation and experiment. Whence then were they derived ? The Hindu would say they come by inspiration granted only to men who have devoted themselves to meditation and have renounced all possibility of personal advantage from the gift, but keep it stored up for the benefit of mankind at the right season. If this is so, it must be acknowledged that the existence of a class of men fitted to receive such ideas and such powers is a distinct advantage to the world in general. With these remarks on the nature of the Caste System we may return to the question of its origin. (XI) Line of thought leading to the suggestion of the Caste System. Reasons for the imper. manence of earlier civilizations and imperfection of various forms of government.--As I have said, we cannot fix any date for the first institution of Caste, but signs of its existence can be traced to about 2000 B.C. It was either brought by the Aryan invaders or established soon after their arrival in India. That these invaders were a highly cultured race is proved by the sublimity of their early literature, which it is impossible to suppose could have been the product of barbarian minds. That they were few in number seems to me the natural conclusion when one considers that, as Vincent Smith has pointed out (vide the first paragraph of this paper), the Hindu policy was one of peaceful penetration only, and that an invasion by a great horde can hardly have been accomplished peacefully. This paucity of numbers is no mere idea of my own, for Mr. A. E. Gough remarks (Philosophy of the Upanishads, 1882, p. 4) :-"Following Dr. Latham and Mr. Norris, Dr. Carpenter points out that it is only by an error that the ordinary Hindu population are supposed to be the descendants of this invading

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MAY, 1930) ORIGIN OF THE CASTE SYSTEM IN INDIA 83 branch of the Aryan stock. ....... The number of individuals of the invading race were so small in proportion to that of the indigenous population as to be speedily merged in it...... The only distinct traces of the Aryan stock are to be found in the Brahmanical caste which preserves, though with great corruption, the original Brahmanical religion and keeps up the Sangkrit as its classical language." It seems to me, therefore, that these Aryan invaders were, 86 I have already suggested, the refugee remnant of some great civilization and that their leaders, whilst seeking for a new home, worked out in their minds the problem of a stable basis for Society. The line of thought which they followed may have been somewhat of this nature. As the stability of any social system must ultimately rest partly upon the fitness of the ruling power and partly upon the happiness and contentment of the governed, it was clear that any solution of the problem would depend upon the nature of the human individuals occupying either position. No people could be happy and contented if their rulers were greedy and tyrannical, and no rulers could make their subjects happy if the latter were ignorant and vicious. It was, therefore, necessary to enquire what it was in human nature which u nfitted human beings either to rule or to be ruled. Looking around them, these early philcecphers saw that not only did different men desire different things, but that the same individual desired different things at different times and often, at any given time, did not know clearly what it was that he desired. Further, they saw that the strength of desire was by no means balanced by the knowledge how to satisfy that desire, and hence human action was more often the result of panic efforts to escape from a present evil than of a calm and intelligent examination of suitable means and a clear understanding of the object aimed at. Confusion of desire produced infirmity of will and so rendered reasoned and consistent action impossible. An examination of the past showed that the founders of the earliest social systems recognized the general weakness of human beings and, despairing of the masses, had come to the conclusion that they could be controlled only by superior force. As long as this could be maintained and no longer, the State would be stable. They first thought to stabilize Society by picking out what appeared to be the best individuals of the tribe or nation, i.e., those with the greatest force of mind and body, in short the natural leaders, whom the mob followed instinctively, and establishing them and their descendants, as the likely heirs of their superior qualities, in a position of permanent power. Hence the growth of Theocracies, Despotisms and Aristocracies. In all these what was considered requisite in the ruler or ruling power was physical force to control and defend the people, wisdom to guide and provide, and comparative wealth which, while freeing the ruler or rulers from personal anxiety and the greed which would certainly lead to injustice, allowed leisure for thought and disinterested and dispassionate study of State problems. How much leisure and freedom from worldly interests were considered essential for those who were to govern the people is to be seen in the exclusion from all share in publio affairs of whole classes of people who now lay claim to it, which we find in Ecclesiasticus (Chap. 38, vv. 24--34) "The wisdom of a learned man cometh by opportunity of leisure and he that hath a little business shall become wise." The peasant and the artisan are too much occupied with their work to have the leisure necessary for thinking upon public questions. "All these trust to their hands and every one is wise in his own work. Without these cannot & city be inhabited," but "they shall not be sought for in public counsel nor set high in the congregation; they shall not sit in the judge's seat nor understand the sentence of judgment; they cannot declare justice and judgment and they shall not be found where parables are spoken. But they will maintain the state of the world and all their desire is in the work of their craft." It was this leisure which the Brahmans, alone of all ruling bodies, provided for themselves, not by imposing a costly charge for their maintenance upon the governed, but

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84 THE INDIAN ANTIQLARY (May, 1930 .by renouncing all civic honours and material rewards and living in as simple a manner as Nature and the Climate would allow them. The theory underlying these previous political and social systems, namely that ail that was requisite for stability was strength and wisdom in the ruler and attention to his own business on the part of the subject, seemed sound enough at first, but it was based upon the false hypothesis that the ruling class and the clase ruled would, by the hereditary transmission of their respective qualities, always retain the same relative position towards each other ; but, sooner or later, the members of the ruling class were de bauched by the easiness of their lives, dwindled in numbers relatively to the governed and, losing consciousness of real strength, out of fear became tyrannical, whilst the subject classes, forced to think by their sufferings, grew conscious of their brute strength and refused to submit to control. Hence came democracies, in which the people, fondly thinking that they governed themselves, really entrusted their destinies to the hands of leaders of no greater wisdom than themselvesand, as e natural result of the attempt to choose the wisest by the votes of the foolish, succumbed to the first powerful attack from an external enemy.' (To be continued.) PERIODS IN INDIAN HISTORY. By F. J. RICHARDS, M.A., I.C.S. (Retired.) (Continued from page 64.) III. Further India. The periodicity of culture in Further India is a reflex of Indian history. 1. Ceylon. The Sinhalese chronicles distinguish between the "Great Dynasty " and the "Lesser Dynasty" (Maba-vamsa and Sulavamsa). Why the distinction is drawn is not obvious, but it so happens that the Great Dynasty covers roughly the Early Period, the Lesser Dy. nasty the Medieval and Modern. The history of Ceylon is a history of invasions from India. The chief events assigned by tradition to the Period 600--300 e.c. are (1) the arrival of Vijaya, a prince of Bengal lineage, in the year of the Buddha's death, (2) the Sinhalese oolonization and (3) the foundation of Anuradhapura (c. 370 B.C.), which remained continuously the capital till VII A.D. The Period 3001 B.c. is one of great activity, religious and political. It covers the conversion of Devanampiya Tiesa (247--207 B.C.)20 by a mission sent by Asoka (246 B.C.) and the establishment of Buddhism. From 177 to 101 21 B.c. the sovereignty was usurped by Tamil invaders. Two other rulers of note succeeded them,-Duthagamani (101--77) and, after a second Tamil usurpation (44-29 B.C.), Vattagamani (29-17 B.C.). The Period 1-300 A.D. is one of stagnation. The Medieval Period opens with a revival of religious activity under Gothabhaya (302315) and Mahasena (3254352, the last ruler of the "Great Dynasty "). Then follows a series of dreary Tamil wars and usurpations. In about 650 A.D. there are indications of a change of policy ; Ceylon interfered in mainland politics, aided Pallavas against Chalukyan, and Pandyas against Cholas; till XI A.D., when Ceylon became a Chola Province. The ejection of the Cholas was followed by a final outburst of Sinbalese vigour in the brilliant reign of Parakrama Bahu I (1153--86), who played a part in the disruption of the Chola Empire. The Period 1200-1500 A.D. is one of decadence and recession. As early as c. 650 A.D. Anuradhapura gave place temporarily to the less exposed Polonnaruva as royal residence. The shifting of a capital is a symptom of instability, and though Anuradhapura regained its status, Polonnaruva was preferred at intervals, and became the permanent capital from 30 Following the tentative chronology suggested by W. Geiger, The Mahavamsa (1912). 21 With one brief interval, 155--145 B.O.

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MAY, 1930 ] PERIODS IN INDIAN HISTORY . 85 c. 1070 to 1215.29 Then wandering began again, this time towards the S.W., and, ultimately, with the advent of the Europeans in XVI A.D., the remnant of Sinhalese nationality retired to the Kandyan Hills. 2. Burma.98 The history of Burma is the product of three main ethnic factors-(1) Mon (Talaing), (2) Tibeto-Burman and (3) Tai (Shan). The Mons (of Austrio speech) developou tirir culture in Lower Burma in Thaton and Pegu, the Tibeto-Burmans in Upper Burma in the Middle Irrawaddy basin, the Tai-speaking Shans, in the Yunnan hinterland. 24 Indian cultural influence is strong. Upper Burma apparently got its early culture by land from Bengal, Lower Burma by sea from S. India. Thus the early Buddhism of Upper Burma was Sanskrit -Mahayanist, of Lower Burma Pali-Hinayanist. The chronology of the Early Period is not known. Dated history begins only with the Middle Medieval Period. A. By about 650 A.D. the Pyus, "forerunners of the Tibeto-Burmans," had established a great city at Prome; their language was Tibeto-Burman ; their script akin to that used in S. India in V and VI A.D. The Burmese Era (adopted later in Siam and Cambodia) dates from 638 A.D. B. Some time after 800 A.D. the Pyus of Prome were overthrown and migrated, it is said, to Pagan. In course of time the Pyus appear to have merged in the Burmese nation. C. The last phase of this period saw Burma united under the enlightened Empire of Pagan. Anawrahta (1044-81) over-ran the South, captured Thaton (c. 1067) and assimilated the culture of the Mons. Henceforth Burma was the stronghold of Hinayana Buddhism. 26 The Period 1200-1500 A.D. is that of "Shan Dominion." It has two phases. Be. tween 1200 and 1360 the Shans (with Kublai Khan behind them) over-ran the Irrawaddy valley and broke up the Pagan Empire into Shan principalities, notably those at Sagning and Pinya on the Middle Irrawaddy and at Martaban near Thaton. In about 1366 came a move towards reconstruction with the founding of Ava in Upper Burma and the transfer of the capital of the South from Martaban to Pegu. This consolidation led to a generation of war between Ava and Pegu (1385-1417), followed by a period of internecine strife in Ava and the "Golden Age" of the Mons (1423--1539). Early in the Modern Period Burma became once more united under the Toungoo Dynasty (1531-1762), a buffer state which grew up between Ava and Pegu and then destroyed them both. Toungoo had been an asylum for disgruntled Burmese, and was anti-Shan. In 1547 the new rulers entered on the last phase of the struggle with the Tai, the wars with Siam, 6 which lasted well into the nineteenth century. In 1740 came the Talaing Revolution, the last brief flicker of the Mons, followed by the Burmese Empire of Alompra (1752-1885). 3. Middle and Further Indo-China. As in Lower Burma, so in the countries now known as Siam and French Indo-China, history begins with peoples of Avstric speech and Indianized culture, Mons in the Upper Menam valley centring in Lamphun, Khmers in Cambodia in the Mekong valley, Chams in Champa on the Annam seaboard. 23 Except for a short interval (1026--54). 28 This, and the succeeding sections on Indo-China and Indonesia, are largely based on notes kindly furnished by Dr. C. 0. Blagden. 24 The Tibeto-Chinese family of languages is divided into (1) Tibeto-Burman and (2) Tai-Chinese subfamilies. To the latter belongs the language of the Shans. The Austrio family includes among others the languages of Polynesia and Melanesia and Malaya, the Khmers of Cambodia, the Chams of Champa and about four million Munda speakers in Chota Nagpur. 95 From c. 1181--2 (Kalyani inscription) Ceylon Buddhism began to replace the Thaton type, which probably came from Conjeeveram. See G. E. Harvey, Hist. of Burma, p. 56. 26 The word "Shan" is a Burmanized form of "Siam," now restricted to the Nordern Tai only.

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THE INDIAN ANTA THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY ... NOVEMBER, 1928 meaning long ago adopted by Max Muller, Deussen, etc.26 Amongst the innumerable problems presented by India sacred lore this one at least can be counted as solved. 90 yatrya iti Goran u tinin Ohh Laan met fria fralai C hor ubhay. m . As is well known, the different. Upanisads are counted as belonging to different Vedas, the vast majority consisting of carboina Atharyana Upanisads. But there seems to be some denkt about the position of the Kibakah within the sacred lore. No doubt Anquetil Duperron doseribed ittas ex Atharban' Beid desumptum,' and Colebrooke enumerated it as tho 35th and 30th parimad of the Athagva-Veda. Still, he seems to have had some doubts about that, as he tried to ascribe it both to the Yajur Veda and to the Pancavimu. Bidhmand of the Sama Veda, 37 for which laster suggestion there is certainly not the slightest reason. According tw Colebrook however Samkara and Balakrsna should have commentated upon its belonging to the Atharva Veda, Art assumtiof which has been eagerly en. dorsed by: AVeberze phu consensus of the other authorities seems to be that the Kathaka is in reatity an artisadiot the Atharva Vedas": This into hoberet Bombotito be too well founded. I do not lay much stress upon the faithatthreontants of our Upenisad is not much like that of the Atharvana Upani. kads in our for hithe Withslow did really belong to the Atharva-Veda it would un. doubtedly be the oldest of its species, and we would thus have no precedents from which to judge the contents of the earliest Atharvana Upanisads. But the name, Katha or Kathaka, is certainly inexplicable 18 that of an Upanisad belonging to the fourth Veda.29 For, there cannot 7 of colupe'be the slightest doubt that this name Katha is identical with that of the old sage Katha, 'boy, whos achbo]30 belonged that branch of the Yajur Veda happily preserved to us with the name of Kathaka Samhita. Judging from the name our Upanisad ought un. doubtedly to belong to that branch of the Black Yajur Veda. 15 In this connection we may perhaped draw attention to the fact that certain verses of our Upanised are wholly or partly identicat with verses from other Vedic texts. Of these the vernd 4,9 is nearly the sdme as AV. X, 8, 16; but at the same time its first line is identical with the first line of Bhkr. Up., 1, 5, 23. Verse 2, 5 is with the exception of one single word-ideritical with Mund. Up. 2, 8-34); but it is also identical with verse 7, 9 of the Maitr. Up., a text said to belong to the Black Yajus. Verse 2, 23 is entirely identical with Mund. Up, 2, 3, wille 5, 15 tallios with Mund. Up: 2, 10, but also with Verse 6, 14 of the Svel. Up., a Black Yajur Veda text. Of other coincidences verse 2, 20 tallies with Taitl. Ar. X, 10, 1 and with SulUp: 3, 20; while 5, 12-13=Svet. Up. 6, 12-13, and 6, 9=Svet. Up. 4, 20. Finally, pants pf the yerses, 10-11 wake up the verse found in Brh, Ar. Up. iv, 4, 19, and verse:6, 1=Brlenir Up (AVA 4,7. In this enumeration I have not included the passages in our text borrowed from the Rig-veda nor the verses 6, 16-17, which are apparently a later 12 . have agt. Itaken into consideration here the suggestion of Mr. M. R. Bodas, JBBRAS. xxii, p. 69.sq., tlit upanijad should mean sitting down by the sacrificial fire,' as it is unnecessary and partly ... 20 upek'hut, vol, ii, P. 299. B7 Cr. Poley, Y.c. p. 70. 28 Thu Suid. ii. D. 1960.. wat oo r despozydens 2.A klase Hast days donnection with the atquibution of "our Upanised to tho Atharya Voda". Pso`That School is called afhay by Pap, i3, 107, and is there mentioned together with the Carakah Audther pch pol of the Black jus. The aro the Pracya-Kathah and tho Rapinthaja-Kathah, and thoy are albo mautions together with other school. Which need not be named here. 2. Wundana, a wy known, upposed to be the oldest existing Upanipad of the Atharva Voda

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NOVEMBER, 1928). O 1. KATHAKA TRANISADAS KATHAKA UPANISAD. 46 onth a an he on the Tos TRANSLATED WITH AN INTRODUCIOS AB Asion, with my in na t BY PROP. SARE CHARPENSTER turha is the better part te kohala for Kalatt pahisadas the br68B8sPliin amongst those often sublime and sometimes rambling text known'as Upaniquus, drugethet with the oth redory has perhaps 4 claim to the foremost ranik ataong them at Ho has already beedil ni&nyeines Tratisme into various European languages. It apparently belonged to that famous collection of fifty Upanisads which the unlampy Prince Muhammad Dirt Shikoho used to be translated into Persian. For, we find it in Anquetil Duperron's dwalb-known collection unsNo. XXXVII, with the bewildering, apie Kibuni. Otherwise, the oldest translation into a European language, as far as I can find, is the German one by Poley, Lc. p. 113 sqq. (1847) Other German translations are those by Bohtlingleti, end by Professor Geldner, as well.s$ one of the three first vallig by the late lamented Professor Hillebrandt There are English translations by Max Muller", by Whitney, by Humes and perhaps still others10. Further, qur, text has been translated into Italianli, and twice into Swedish There may be translations Into other languages, too, but in that case, they have, unfortunately escaner mentre entre other languages, too, but in that of all these translations that by Anquetii Duperron 'can' scarcely claim more than his torical interest, though we know, thanks to the researches of Dr. F. 0 Schratleri3, that his work is still not without importance for the constitution of the texto certahta mitor M gadd. Polet's translation, on the contrary, still seems to be quite good. Certain emendations of the text wete suggested by Buhtlingk tad Whitaveig Some of thomd distoreiefage wawile ydeful, bathd Intajarity seem to the present writer far too violent to be acceptable ; and it may be sid, with all dea respect to Whitaxthat his endeyyquus in the line of textemmeridation were no salways loy chappele'a banslation makes P4Xe requins but.it lightimply an imitation and modification of that by Whitney. However, amongst all the translation known to me there is one which stands out far above the others in penetration and clearness, viti, that by Professor Geldner, the foremost living interpreter of the Vedas. I gratefully confess that I owe very much to this excellent piece of work, and it is only with diffidence that have ventura, upon various points de tom him. Several excellent suggestions afe also found in the translation of 'Hateblanc" which, however, is unto tunatelonincompleteord: such as I am thy diseiple and conclusions based on then ace wholly wrong of merature narekig paniga, Youtside the works already baotise, esetet i litt ragh to se mentioned hereta A few years ago, Madhva's commentary on it was edited by Dr. B. 18 . Obrerikan beberSecretum gindune);Toint X. (Strasbourg 1/802), pp. 299-327. 31 WA Berituoltokplain,this by the words : 'Samskretice, Khmihi, magnus, magni momenti : vel, Kamla thuimmat yraghimpaidananders which is slegourageposible.12 Webobotnduidib.199vigivas no explanation. I can, unfortunately, find no probable explanation. No. XXXVI in Angutil Duperpon's collections the Kookshich is there called Kin However, Colebrooke :(d. Polet. Abhandlung aber die heiligen Schriften der. Indiers p. 79) mentions the Kon 4 the 4th of the atharap pemise d it possible that kiduni is simply: antigunderstood.rendering of Kena? +1 On Poley, Windrich Geschichte, da Sang Hologia da PM 18 ye d hane on 19 xina Berisha, der nachrischen Gesellighafleid ing en schatten wathes 99.99 SB.), 1890, p. 127 sq.; ***Ti h olet, kellelensgeschichtlichen Bedden ropa 2023 parut mazat dhe lonun Brannahas und Upanisade om betroradio" name SBB: vol. XV;"7838 entarke that in over th e American Philological Association, XXI (1890), p. 88 sq. 187: Boon hinter sincipa Upanishadka 9419, m ko hawa w schuma Lien, dud: ED. KRAB 10. There is least 8 translation by Roer which; however, I havb'nobblerPablo tisode..... 329. The contr. Belionirillph Ea kathaka Upanishadstone Pavilo, Pikasoiko "The Bronte, anakupihan, d ah 80% and this late Profesor K. uportahan in r ands ringtonsinew, i, 288-hay bite u Bhanuala (out ... Diszi, 257) into Con tinuedas Pote n , where the livin...tako a rather ridiculous de of themselves, Tuust certainly doux co the old posits of the op . b

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (MAY, 1930 THE SOCIAL ANL CEREMONIAL LIFE OF THE SANTALS CULLED FROM VARIOUS SOURCES: BY BIREN BONNERJEA, D.Lrrr. (PARIS). (Continued from page EUR0.) 6. SAREN the constellation Pleiades). 23 sub-septs : Badar (Manda) Saren Cenel Saren Bitol Saren Gud Saren Dantela Saren Jugi Saren Jihu Saren Mal saren Khanda Saren Mar Sdren Manjhi Khil Saren Nij Saren Ndoka Khil Saren Okh Sarene Obor sdren Rokh Lutut Saren Pond Saren Sankh Saren Sada Saren Tilok Saren Sidhup Saren Turku Lumam Siren Barchir Saren 7. TUPU (?) 19 sub-septs : Babre Tudu Bitol ]'udu Bhokad Tudu Curuch Tudu Cigi Tudu Garh Tudu Danteld Tudu Kharhard Tudu Ji Yude Lath Tudu Kudam Trulu Ndeks Khil Tudu Manjhi Khil sadut Obor Tudu Nij Tudu Sidhup Tudu sada Tudu Tilok Tidu Baski Tudu 8. BASKI (?). 16 sub-septs : Bhidi Baski Bindar Baski Hende Baslei Bitol Baski Jihu Baski Hedwar Baski Kuhi Baski Lath Baski Manjhi Khil Baski Munda Baski Nij Baski Obor Baski Okh Baski Sada Baski Saru Gada Baskie Sure Baski 9. BBRA (falcon). 14 ub-septs : Basli Basrd Bindar Beard Bitol Beard Garh Besra Kahu Bosrd Kuhi Beard Lath Beard Manjhi Khil Bearit Ndoka Khil Beard Nij Beard Obor Board Olch Beard Son Board Tslok Band

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MA SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE OF THE SANTALS 89 10. PAURIYA (pigeon). 8 sub-septs : Babre Pauriya Bitol Pauriyu Dantela Pauriya Garh Pauriya Jugi Pauriya Lath Pauriya Nij Pauriya Tika Pauriya 11. CORE (lizard). 10 sub-septs : Badar core Bardu core Dantela core Jihu core Klinda core Mal core Ndeke Khil core Nij core Obor Core Sada core 12. BEDIYA (BEDEYA) (sheep). 7 sub-septs : Bitol Bediya Manjhi Khil Bediyi Lath Bediya Obor Bediya Nacke Khil Bediya Tika Bediya Garh Berliyat Of these septs and sub-scpts, the "Pauria (pigeon) and the Clors (Lizard) clans are said to have been so called because on a famous hunting party conductod by the tribe, members of these clans failed to kill anything but pigeons and lizards respectively. Members of the Murmu (antelopo) clan may not kill the species of antelope from which they take their name, no hay they touch its flesh.30 Among the sub-clans or sub-septs (khunts) into which the Sa c lans paris) are divided we may note Kahu (crow), Kara (buffalo), Chillinda (eagleslav.), Roh-Lutur (ear-pieroed), Dantela (so called from breeding pigs with very large tusks fodorifice), Gua (areca nut), Kachua (tortoise), Nag (cobra), Somal (deer), Kekra (crab), Rohli panjaun tree), Boar (a fish), Handi (earthen vessel), Sikiya (a chain), Barchi (spearmen), Sankh (conch shell), Sidup or Siduk (a bundle of straw), Agaria (charcoal-burners), and Lat (bake meat in a leaf platter).21 Many of the sub-clans observe certain curious traditional us . Thus at the time of the harvest in January members of the Saren (Pleiades) olan de pe Sidup (bundle of straw) sub-clan set up a sheaf of rice in the doorway of their cattle shed. This sheaf they may not themselves touch, but some one belonging to another subclan must be got to take it away. Men of the Saren clan and the Sada sub-clan do not use vermilion in their marriage ritual; they may not wear clothes with a red border on such occasions hor may they be present at any ceremony at which the priest offers his own blood to propitiate the god . Men of the Saren olan and the Jugi sub-clan, on the other hand, smear their forehead with vermilion (sindur) at the harvest festival and go round begging alm e With the rice they get they make little cakes, which they offer to the gods. Men is the Sare plan and the Manjhe sub-clan are so called because their ancestor was mangar vill to headman. Like t ada-Saren, they are forbidden to attend when the priest offers up his own blood. Members of the saren clan and the Naili-Kiil sub-clan claim descent from a naik or village priest way not enter a house of which the inmates are ceremonially uncloan. They have a bor j adhirthan) of their own apart from the common sacred grove of the village, and the pense with the services of the priest who serves the rest of the village. Members of the saren clan and the Ok sub-clan sacrifice & goat or & pig in their homes, and during the peremony they shut the doors tight and allow no 20 [E. T. Dalton, Dbscriptive Ethnology o Bengal, pp. 212 1. (Bir) H. H. Risley, Tribes and Oaster of Bengal, ii, 226-228, and Appendix, pp. 126 . (li) W. W. Hunter, Annals of Rural Bengal,' p. 202 (as to exogamy of the clan and paternal descent).] I have given Sir James's references within square bracketa (Sin) . H. Risloy, Tribes and Castes of Beng, ii. Appendix, pp. 128 .)

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208 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY | NOVEMBER 1928 SOME LITERARY NOTES ON THE AUTHORSHIP OF THE GOVINDALILAMRTA. BY CHINTAHARAN CHAKRAVABTI, M.A. The Govindalilamrta is a fairly popular Sanekut Kavya among the Vaisnavas of Bengal. It deals, as its name implies, with the amours: 01-Radba and Krena. Its popularity is at. tested by the fact of its having been translated into Bengali verse as early as 1610 A.D. by. Yadunandana Dasa. Numerous manuscripts of iti found and noticed or described by various scholars in notices, reports and descriptive catalogues of Sanskrit MSS. in different parts of the world point to the same fact. But curiously enough there has been a good deal of confusion among scholars with regard to its authorship. -Thus one set of scholars attributes it to Raghunatha Dasal, while another is inclined to suppose Raghunatha Bhatta as its author. All this confusion seems to have arison out of a verse which occurs, mutatis mutandis, at the end of every canto. At the end of the last canto it runs as follows: mit Terra RAYTiergarten inte W i fe of the effort and S o strati Mala i Graff ita: agit975:,!! . . This the twenty-third canto, full of nightly amoura, in the Govindalilampla which is the fruit of waiting on Sri Bupa, the bee, as it were of the feat-lotus of Sri Chaitanya.. which was directed by the scholarly Raghunatha Dash-which resulted from the companion. ship of Sri Jiva---which originated from the boon of Sri Raghunatha Bhatta, is complete." Evidently the verse does not name the author of the work, but only refers to persons through whose inspiration and help the author undertook and finished his work, But this should not lead one to suppose that the name of the author is not mentioned at all in the work. It is true we have got no colophon proper to this work, where we could expect the name of the author. A verse however in the last canto of the work (xxiii. 95) definitely refers to tho author. It runs : le cannot rustik a begaga : 11 prick y powers of these men are te a fectate scientific observation and experimente Wachine DELAWFOm bhide Bhortlindhaw a PPE the Yearratish otuskuilpolondoRaghunidade ve devoted themselves to meditation and have renounced all possibility of personal advantage trom the gift, but knop it stored up for the benefit of mankind the leaves scarcelyany 26,9,185thpult kasb helyes horairesistbacor e Bugr this, imate the only place wheran irad Aswit referanser athanukb8484babeskindralishis Weiche Bengali translation of then aynandante Spate in herinnths and at the end of the commentary salanardavidhayini on te, as contained in the published edition of the work, also attributes it to Krenadasa in thg introduc. tory verses sur les llen. Jesli of the Cute SystRent e r. mancace of easi e rfectionnriqxs forms of government. A l ve care matter of fact the book is quite wel mongtube Yaign4rae of Bengal, as the ofkan Kunadasa. The edition of it, in Bengalir Paarastina publishes from Berhampur Murshidabad) bears his name as the autho d a matter for gratification that of all er att Raport on the Search of Sanskrit M6S, in the airpyler 188744891. No:1394; Ibid .48911898, No. 494,495, 496; Descriptive Catalogue of M the India ofice, vol. VII, No. 3878.c. " g or the Search of Sans Mss. in the Bomway prepare for 788787, No. 356.; Descriptive Data Fogue 46.8. in the Dibrary of the sitcointech okol. X. NO:39, Noetoed of sanktis. By Li Margal L.No. 22 , Descript pendingia uklystwo nhas.in the Barley Sets Library A Nyt w ild peacefully. This paucity of aula id tem LEA noro sliteral tranpletion of the vergeweld hear m einestarza..the Amours of Slovindatlie selected stories of his amoups) was collected to But this is tantamount to saying that the work was up poled by for add. Nr MTW 1F. Carpenter points at what y our sy ar ITU hat na i htior are supposed to be the piante of the inaning

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281 KATHAKA UPANTBAD ! 205 the most numerous coincidences are with texts belonging to the Yajur. conclude from this that our pavisad, most probably belongs to that Veda kind of it which is known as the Kathar i n a c him preserves, though with a motion, the original orig ins and keeps up! Sanskrit as its olajadier It seems to me, there thate Aryan invarters were Pls I have ulice i refugee remnant of some 47 u civilisation and that the leaders whils t home, worked out in the problem of a tool basis the stry of Naciketas is found als bish theyrast Br. iii, 11, 8, 1-5, a' fext which must Fundolibtedly belong to an older period than our Upanisad. We are told there that Usan Vafsrivastest gave away. Sil his earthry goods, atid that his son, young Naciketas, three times skod his father to whom he wanted to give him33 At last 'the father answered him: "To Beath I MV thee. And with the bey'itarted for thosbotle of Death a certain (divine) 34 dido ukididiri, advising him to arrive at the house of Denth while he was absent. There "He was to stay fdoding for three nighta, kWhen Death, having returned, asked him: What hasti ihbar etten ocho first night the was to answer. Thy offspring and likewise nettiderhinnehon d nibart Thy onttlebe and doncerning the third : " Thy good actions." Death kappstently eated lout cafl hishiwite lapor bearing this terrible meme nowspeaks Hmm this otthda, olivenornblenokie iflua bags he,l'lchonse a boon't-" Then mallixing oftaito my fatherontinhobub w seband otheY!' Tall me therbbernal reward of specifice and bod works Bo this he repliedya Then the boldnhibplahout this. Nadiketa fites Cher, forago this sacrificenand good works gave abundant fruit, h i t a Ghodise, a third one," he 63.i. Tell me how to ward off (a pajita)36 recurring death", thus he-replied. Then he told him about this Naciketa fire. Then forsooth he warded off recurring death: **** This story tallies only partly with the Kathaka U panigad. According to the latter text Ucan V&jasre vasa-otherwise the famous Uddalaka Arumi-gave away all his eartbly goods as daksinas.37 His young son Naciketas38, when he saw the sacrificial cows being led away, was seized by longing for the heavenly worlds38 and spoke a verse: conceraing those cows, which is not to be found in the Brahmana. Three times he asks his father to whom he is going to give him until finally the father angwers: "I give thee to Death.":40 . There must be something like a gap in our present text at this point, for the connection is apparently broken and can only be gestored. hypothetically. Anyhow, it is quite clear 10!3jOn him at. Weber, Ind. Stud. 1, p. 207 sq. and infra.. . TIM ** That the father, after having given everything else 4 way, should at last, have to give even his own ohild Andoubtedly reminds us of the stories of Hariscandra and of the Buddhist Vessantarajataka (Jataka 647 Jatakanala 7 ote. But the situations are, of courso, entirely different. 34 Thus the commentary. Wh i sta purtayor me "kritt brand The Bibbindi edition incorrectly reads me katin brun." 88 The commentary reads apacitl-probably only by misprint. 37. That probably though not necessarilkorengnu that ho had been celebrating, Asarummedha. Cu Hillebrandt, Rituglliteratur, !04: to be seen in th e last dated are insatisfactory. The Indian analysis Naciketas (dt. Wifch X add61ada by Bohthtigk, SB: 1890, p. 120, of course, withidat any W o lveria Pilotostor Wildergellina Adriadex tahammari,69 kms quita Carrete Pointed *748 watthid the orth of hi4 Howed as the 2014 (989 powst. There i n od stubut # Wolbrobeh bofound to have the same meaning, teteh nasi kelas would mean about the same prekrokatu er, makara daugia. well-known enithetg of Kima, The Aon of Walk AMAP, of course, is peta-ketu (cf. Professor Ladera, Festscht. Windlach p.92841. Mit 18, anyhow, rertih Akih tratarockowilines, ikydajnahagues-keluroom to enla rlo bre ky. Nakra Wheagh Protubonientligre splpurn akn, thother, sho'be identical thithjheid's cont in u e ex of ancient noinads, they seat, infra r e and Sudent and that in SA h 49 Hillebrandt, 44 Brahmanasund Spanishadene B116, thought that we might find here an obliterated traon of a puruqamedha in connection with the giving away of all wealth. To me thie Booms fairly probable, but it cannot be provod satisfactorily.one 7 es

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92 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY to The Santal weddings begin by the father of the boy sending a rai-ba e, en the chosen girl's father. When a marriage offer is made, the girl's father re and then, after consulting with his wife, says: "Let the youth and the mai these things may be talked over." A meeting is arranged at a fair, and, if the couple be satisfied, some trifling present is made to the girl, who publicly prostrates herself before her prospective father-in-law, thus showing that she is agreeable to the engagement. The girl's clansmen then visit the lad's village, where the future husband salutes them with a kiss," taking each of them on his knees for a minute,36 and gives to each of them a small present. Then the lad's clansmen visit the girl's village; the bride-elect does exactly the same as the bridegroom-elect, that is, she salutes them and takes each in turn on her knee,37 and makes some presents. This is done as a token of goodwill between the contracting parties, and these ceremonies complete the preliminaries pending the actual wedding. The wedding ceremony itself takes place in a temporary shed erected for the purpose by the bride's clansmen in their own village. In this shed is placed a bough of the mahud thee, from which an intoxicating liquor is made, and under the bough is kept a pot of rice husked by the girl's family in a particular manner, soaked in water and coloured with a red dye.39 On the arrival of the bridegroom the ceremony of purification begins by bathing him in water, which is drawn in a special manner. While the water destined for the nuptial bath is being drawn, one woman shoots an arrow into the water, and another slashes the water with a sword; afterwards two young girls collect the water in pots, and carry it home in procession. 40 After the bath, the bridegroom takes off his old clothes, and puts on new clothes which are stained with vermilion by the girl's clanswomen. The rice and red-coloured water kept in the shed are used for divining purposes. If the grain has germinated abundantly, there will be many children; if sparingly, there will be few; and if the seeds, instead of germinating, have rotted, the marriage is an ill-omened one. On the fifth day, the bridegroom, dressed in his new clothes, is carried on men's shoulders to the bride's house. The bride is put in a basket, and the procession marches out. The young couple sprinkle one another with water from the opposite sides of a cloth placed between them. The bridegroom calls out the name of a god, and lifts the bride out of the basket. The clansmen then unite the dresses of the bride and bridegroom together, after which the girl's clanswomen bring burning charcoal, pound it with a pestle (tok), and extinguish it with water as a symbol of the final dissolution of all ties of the bride with her father's sept.41 Moreover, the Santal girl, after having eaten with her husband, becomes a member of his sept, and loses all connection with that of her father.42 (To be continued.) 37 Rev. E. L. Puxley of Rajmahal, quoted by (Sir) W. W. Hunter, Annals of Rural Bengal, p. 206. 38 Rev. E. L. Puxley, loc. cit. 39 Presumably the bough of the mahud tree and the pot of rice are symbolic of plenty for the pair, and red is meant as a protection against demons or the evil eye. 40 Rev. A. Campbell, "Santal Marriage Customs," Journal Bihar and Orissa Research Society, ii, 313; (Sir) J. G. Frazer, Folklore in the Old Testament, ii, 421; B. Bonnerjea, L'Ethnologie du Bengale, p. 26. Sir James Frazer says (loc. cit.) that the intention of shooting arrows and slashing with a sword is to awaken the spirit of the water, whom they are going to rob, and I too agreed with the explanation (loc. cit.); but on mature consideration I am inclined to think that the ceremony is meant as a rite of purification so that the water may be free from the unwelcome presence of any evil spirits. The arrow-shooting and the sword. slashing are evidently meant to frighten away the demons. 41 (Sir) W. W. Hunter, Annals of Rural Bengal, pp. 205 f. 42 E. T. Dalton, Descriptive Ethnology of Bengal, p. 216; E. S. Hartland, The Legend of Perseus (London, 1894-1896), vol. ii, p. 353; E. Westermarck, The History of Human Marriage, vol. ii, pp. 449 f.

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BOOK-NOTICES BOOK-NOTICES. Book ALLRY OF MUHAMMAD THE PROPHWT, by A. Alampur, in that they display the influence of toon , C.B.E. 8x51 in., pp. 23. London, 1929. diverse architectural styles, besides their wealth This is a reprint of a speech delivered in London of graceful carving. It is gratifying to learn that at the festival of 'Idi azha, and conveys a brief but the revised scheme for the establishment of a appreciative presentment of the author's impres- museum at Hyderabad has been sanctioned; that sions of Muhammad's personality in its spiritual and steady progress is being made with the preparation moral aspects. As the occasion called for brevity, of the Album of Ajanta frescoes; and that an the address was confined to the salient attributes of artist has been appointed to copy the froscoea at the Prophet's character--his purity of heart and his Ellora. The plates in this volume have been staunchpes of purpose, unshaken by difficulties or most excellently reproduced ; but we notice that the opposition or even fierce persecution. Mr. Yusuf numbers assigned to the Alampur temples on the Ali concludes with an appropriate and eloquent plates are not quoted in the description in the text. epiloguio, to the effect that if his co-religionista C.E.A.W.O. understand aright and observe the teaching of their ANNUAL REPORT OF THE MYSORE ARCHEOLOGICAL Prophet, "then we [Muhammadans) shall not act DEPARTMENT FOR THE YEAR 1928. Pp. +121 + vainly or arrogantly in this world, but we shall res. 44+12, with 15 plates. Bangalore, 1929. pect all other people as he respected all those with The most important discovery recorded in this whom he came into contact, and thus realise the report is that of two very beautiful Hoysala temples meenage which is the corner-stone of his ministry situated near Nadkalsi in the Sagar taluk, which the Fatherhood of God and the Brotherhood of Man." appear from inscriptions on three pillars to date C. E. A. W. O. from the early part of the thirteenth century. From THE INSCRIPTIONS OF NAGAr. Hyderabad Archaeo the views given on Plate VI and the line carvings logical Series, No. 8. Pp. vi+ 60, with 8 plates. on Plate IX it will be noticed that these temples Calcutta, 1928. present certain architectural and sculptural features ANNUAL REPORT OY THE ARCHEOLOGICAL DEPARTMENT worthy of more detailed illustration and com Or H. E.H. THE NIZAM'S DOMINIONS FOR THE YEAR mentary. They are reported to be in a very good 1926-27. Pp. x+37, with 13 plates. Caloutta, 1929. stato of preservation, which is possibly due to The monograph on the Nagai Inscriptions has ! their secluded situation. Excavation work has been written by Mr. C. R. Krishnamacharlu, now commenced at the ancient Chandravalli site Assistant Superintendent of Epigraphy, Southern near Chitaldrug, and though details are not yet Circle, Madras, and contains a full description of available, the finding of coins belonging to the four inscriptions found at Nagai (Nagavapl) in Batavahana, Dutu and Chutu dynasties give the Gulbarga district, not far from the well known camest, we hope, of important discoveries to be made site of Malkhed (the ancient Minyakhota), relating ! later. Perhaps the most interesting portions of to an educational institution founded and main this report are the notes recorded in Part II by tained under royal patronage. The establishment Dr. Shama Shastry on The Kannada Language would seen from the contenta to have been of a under the Mauryas and Satavdhanas and The Sringeri residential type, with provision made not only Math and its Gurus. for boarding, but also for the clothing of its mem. Several of the plates have been badly printed. bers, and the equipment and supervision of a C.E. A. W.O. library. The inscriptions, which belong to the A STUDY IN THE ECONOMIC CONDITION OY ANORENT eleventh and twelfth centuries, are mostly in s INDLA, by DR. PRAN NATH, D.Sc., Ph.D.; pp. viii + fair state of preservation and are of deep interest for 172 ; Royal Asiatic Society Monographs, vol. XX; the history of such institutions in medieval times. London, 1929. In the annual report Mr. Yazdani records very This is a thesis approved for the degree of D.Sc. interesting details of several old temples at Pillal. in Economics) at the University of London, and, marf and Nagulpad, both of which places Are unlike most three prepared for a similar purpose, situated in the Nalgonda distriot in the valley of it is not a more compilation from previous works the Moi river, northern tributary of the Kistna, and records, but shows throughout abundant and at Alampur in the Raichur district, on the ovidence of wide, original research and power of left bank of the Tungabhadri, about seven miles reasoning on independent lines. By "Ancient India," from Karnal. The stone carving and the fluting it should be noted, is meant India of the period of the pillars in the Somebars and Ramesvars in which the Artha-istra of Kautilya was compiled, temples at Pillalmart, which date from the twelfth which Dr. Pran Nath is inclined to place "at an early century, aro remarkably fine examples of medieval dato, perhaps not later than the times of the early workmanship. Temple No. 1 at Nagelpad, dating Gupta sovereigns." Having regard to the vast from the thirteenth century, also ethihita Boope of the subject, the author has necerrily anos of soulptural design and detail rarely excelled. limited his survey to certain definito aspects, which A special nterest attaches to the temples at he olaiflee under the headings of Territorial

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24 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY I MAY, 1930 Divisiops: Administration ; Weights, measures, cavanni (4 ands), which still beari, the old prohis coinage and rate of interest ; Prices ; Population of toric ratio to the paied (pana), vig., as 16 to 1. the country; Landowning clance; and Labouring We believe he is the first to have made a considclasses. Under each of these heads Dr. Pran Nath ered, if but conjectural, estimate of the probable propounds fresh suggestions that will command population of the 84 countries comprised in ancient the attention of earnest oriental scholars, whose India, and the evidential data requisitioned for this aim is to establish the true interpretation of many purpose have been utilized with much ingenuity. hitherto ambiguous or doubtful terms and racertain In his chapter on the landowning classes Dr. the actual social and political conditions of those ! Pran Nath exposes the misconceptions resulting early days, as distinguished from the holstering from the loose translation of the terms admanta, up of theories, whether fanciful or idealistic. He rdjan, etc., by 'king,' and he adduces grounds for has mised several questions of basic importance regarding the social organization of ancient India as for the interpretation of the old texts, of which similar in many aspects to the feudal systein per only a few can be noticed here. taining in Europe in the medieval age: He is A difficulty has long been felt in reconciling with evidently not enamoured of the theories that aim facts the figures given by Heuan Teang in reepectat interpreting such terms as gana as signifying of countries and towns, hitherto interpreted as a republican form of government. meaning circumference or circuit. Dr. Pran | The monograph ovinces a remarkable power of Nath suggests that we should understand the pilgrim collating and assimilating evidence culled from a as rocording the superficial areas and he draws great variety of sources and, what are perhaps its most laudable features, a freedom from preconremarkable parallel between the figuree given ceived theories and a determination to direct by the pilgrim and thosecontained in the Bdrhaspatya- research along its proper lines, towards the artha-ddatra. He then takes up the question of the ascertainment of facts. Work like this is of real value, real meaning of grama as used in the ancient records, C.E.A.W.O. and he comes to the conclusion, for cogent reasons, THE ORIGIN OF SAIVISM AND ITS HISTORY IN THE *hat must, we feel, ecm end themselves to most TAMIL LAND, by K. R. SUBRAMANIAN, M.A., mpartial thinkers, that the term originally meant 91 x64 in.; pp. 82. Madras, 1929. n'estate' or fiscal village, the territorial unit This is a revised edition of a thesis accepted by the in fact for the purpose of revenue asherement. University of Madras for the Sankara Parvathy Iue interpretation of janapada 'as an administrative prize. It is divided into four parte. Part I deals territorial division only will not be welcome to those with the NAgns and their traces in various parts of who prefer to regard it as resseeenting a constitu- India, the evolution of the "Naga cult." and the tional body. Dr. Pran Nath is disposed to hold meaning of the linga ; Part II is devoted to the that each desa (country) was subdivided into jana- traces and influences of Buddhism and Jainism in padas, each janapada into ganas (modern parganas), the Tamil country ; Part III to the Tamil temples; and each gana into gramas. He is led by the and Part IV to the growth of sectarianism and the researches cutlined in the first two chapters to sus dates of Sambandhar, Sundarar and others. A pect that some form of survey of culturable lands variety of subjects thus come under notice, and we had been carried out in ancient times, a view which confess to feeling some difficulty in following the seeme to find support from other sources. Dr. thread of the author's argument as to the origin of Prap Nath' investigations into the weights and saivism. The conclusion which we are led to form measures, coinage, rate of interest and prices of is that saivism was non." Aryan" in origin, being food-stuffs disclose profound research and much an outgrowth from the cult of the Nagas, who, acumen. His conclusions go to show that while whether the name refers back to their totem, the in the previous centuries the variation had been snake, or to their old association with "hill and slow, an erojmous jise in prices occurred between cave,' were certainly not " Aryan." It is interesting the time of the Artha-odstra and the tenth or to note that Mr. Subramanian is convinced and eleventh century A.D., which he ascribes to the recent research fully justifies the conviction that rapid change in econcmic conditions when the conti- primitive Indian society was of a matriarchal characnent became widely convuleed by inroads and ter, and that most of the spirits to be propitiated invasions from the north-west and west. To this were female. Ho rightly draws attention in this CHUBO may be added, perhaps, the intercourse connexion to the significant fact that, with fow that had developed by sea with distant countries exceptions, the village deities of India are goddesses. both to the west and east of India. He shows He considers that the phallic cult could not have that the Muhammadan conquerors of the land flourished in the matriarchal stage, when the takicult based their coinage as well as their territorial and was dominant, and that it "imposed itself on the latfiscal divisions- upon the systems already in force, ter with the suppression of the female and the evolu. and how the British Government have also followed tion of patriarchal life. It was closely connected with in the same footsteps in adopting the ancient pana Ancestor-worship and the Snake-cnh." We could under the name of paied and the dei pano or dam have wished, however, that some further light might as the double pice' (takd), and how the ancient have been thrown upon the evolution of Bivs himself. silver kdrapana is represented by the modern C. E. A. W.O.

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JUNE, 1930] SOCIAVAND-CEREMONIAL LIFY OF THE SANTALS 95 THE SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE OF THE SANTALS CULLED FROM VARIOUS SOURCES. BY BIREN BONNERJEA, D.LITT. (PARIS). (Continued from page 92.) As a rule the Santals are monogamous, 43 and they remain faithful to one wife. They treat the femalo members of the family with respect 44 ; and a Santal wife is not only the ruler of the house, but her influence extends to social and political matters. 46 Second marriages are rare; when contracted they are mostly for the purpose of obtaining an heir ; but even then the first wife is honoured as the head of the house. 46 According to Skref srud it is out of the question for a man to have more than one wife, unless he be a younger brother who has inherited his elder brother's widow; and if he has ten brothers older than himself. who die, he marries the widows of all of them.47 And Man says that polygamy, though not exactly prohibited, is looked upon with disfavour.48 Here it should be noted that though the Santals usually practise monogyny, yet there are traces of polyandry among them. We are told that among them, a man's unmarried younger brothers are per mitted to share his wife," so long as they respect his dignity and feelings and do not indulge in amorous dalliance in his presence" 49; and according to another account they retain this privilege even after they marry for themselves,60 And, finally, Risley, one of our best authorities on Indian tribes, writes : " There seem to be indications that fraternal polyandry may at some time have existed among the Santals. Even now, says Mr. Skrefsrud, a man's younger brother may share his wife with impunity; only they must not go about it very oponly. Similarly, a wife will admit her younger sister to intimate relations with her husband, and if pregnancy occurs, scandal is avoided by marrying the girl as & second wife. It will be of course noticed that this kind of polyandry need not be regarded as a survival of female kinship."'51 And besides the facts mentioned above, every Santal girl is said to prostitute herself at least once in her life.68 To sum up then, the husband's younger brothers are allowed to share his wife, and the husband in his turn has access to his wife's younger sisters.63 Divorce is rare among the Bantals. It is fairly easy, but it cannot take place without the consent of both the husband and the wife, and of the husband's clansmen.54 For this purpose five of the nearest relatives are assembled together before whom the injured party 48 Cf. Encyclopaedia Britannica, 18 vol. xxiv, p. 188. 44 (Sir) W. W. Hunter, Annals of Rural Bengal, p. 217; E. G. Man, Sonthalia and the Sonthale, p. 15; E. Westermarck, The History of Human Marriage, vol. iii, p. 98. 45 E. Westermarok, ibid., citing L, Hartel, Indisk i jemimemission blandt Santalerne ved H. P. Bornesen og L. O. Streforud, p. 84. 46 (Sir) W. W. Hunter, Annals of Rural Bengal, p. 208; E. T. Dalton, Descriptive Ethnology of Bengal, p. 216. * 47 E. Westermarck, op. cit., vol. iii, p. 9, citing L. Hertel, Indisk Hjemmemission blandt Santalerne, p. 74. 48 E. G. Man, Sonthalia and the Sonthals, p. 15. 49 C. F. Craven, "Traces of Fraternal Polyandry amongst the Santals," Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, vol. lxxii, Part III (Calcutta, 1904), p. 89; E. Westermarck, The History of Human Marriage, isl, p. 123. 80 L. O. Skrefsrud, "Traces of Fraternal Polyandry amongst the Santals," Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, vol. lxxii, Part III (Calcutta, 1904), p. 90. si isir) H. H. Risley, People of India, (London, 1915), p. 444; cf. id., Tribes and Castes of Bengal, vol. ii, p. 229. 59 North Indian Notes and Querica, iii (July-September 1893), p. 212; Folklore, v (1894), p. 85. 43 Cf. E. Westermarck, The History of Human Marriage, iii, 265; C. H. Craven, loc. cit.; L. O. Skrof. krud, loc. cit.; E. A. Gait, in Census of India, 1911, vol. i, Report, p. 240 ; (Sir) J. G. Frazer, Folklore in the Old Testament, vol. ii, p. 309. 54 E. Westermarck, The History of Human Marriage, vol. iii, pp. 286, 299, citing L. Hertel, Indisk Hiem memianion blandt Santalerne, PP. 83 f. ; (Sir) W. W. Hunter, Annals of Rural Bengal, p. 208.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JUNE, 1930 explains his or her case. The relatives, after hearing the case, pass judgment. If they decide to grant the divorce, the party seeking the divorce solemnly tears up a leaf before the little court, symbolizing that the marriage is at an end. 65 96 Of the other two great ceremonies of a Santal's life, his dismissal from the race is accomplished when he lies on his death-bed. For this purpose the ojha (exorciser) rubs oil on a leaf in order to discover which witch or demon is causing the death. After death the body is anointed with oil tinged with red herbs, and placed on a bed or couch. Two brazen pots, one filled with rice and one with water, are placed beside the couch as a peace offering to the demons. When the funeral pyre is ready, the body is carried three times round it by five clansmen, after which the body is laid on top of the pyre. A cock is nailed through the neck by a wooden pin to the corner of the pile. Then the next of kin prepares a grass torch, walks three times round the pyre, and touches the mouth of the corpse with the torch. After that the clansmen, facing south, set fire to the pile. When the body is nearly consumed, they extinguish the fire, and the nearest relative breaks off three fragments from the skull, washes them in new milk coloured with red herbs, and places them in a small earthenware vessel. The last ceremony is performed by the nearest relative of the deceased. He takes the three fragments of the skull and a bag of rice, and goes to the sacred river. 56 Arriving there, he places the pot containing the three fragments on his head, enters the stream, dips completely under the water, and at the same time leans slightly forward so that the fragments fall into the current. Thus he accomplishes the last rite of uniting the dead with the fathers.67 Besides the traces of fraternal polyandry already mentioned, the Santals consider that a widow has a right to marry her deceased husband's younger brother, but not his elder.58 The law of inheritance of the Santals is as follows. Primogeniture does not exist among them. On the death of a person all his sons inherit in equal shares; a daughter cannot legally inherit the property, but it is usual for her to receive a cow as her share. If a person dies without leaving any sons, his father inherits the property, and after them the male agnates. If there are no agnates, the daughter inherits, and her share of the property goes to her children. When a person dies, his widow looks after the property as an executrix for his sons; and if she remarries outside the family, the male agnates administer the property as long as the sons have not attained majority. Whoever has any relations in the male line cannot dispose of his property even to his son-in-law.69 With the Santals as well as with the Oraons of Chota Nagpur, the husband of a woman who has no brothers, if he stays in his father-in-law's house and works for him till he dies, inherits his property. In such cases the eldest son is named after his maternal, and not, as is usual among them, after his paternal grandfather.60 Festivals play a very important part in the otherwise humdrum Santal life. Of all the festivals the Sohrdi (or Johordi) is the most important. This festival is held in the month of Pas (December-January) after gathering in the rice harvest. It lasts five days in each village, but is generally protracted to a month by fixing different dates for it in the neigh. bouring villages. The ceremony consists in placing an egg 61 on the ground, and driving all the cows of the village near it. The animal that first smells the egg is honoured by having its horns rubbed with oil.62 Public sacrifices of fowls are offered by the priests in the sacred 55 (Sir) W. W. Hunter, Annals of Rural Bengal, p. 208; E. Westermarck, The History of Human Marriage, vol. iii, p. 300; L. Hertel, Indisk Hjemmemission blandt Santalerne, p. 83. 56 Damodar ?-See below. Compare B. Bonnerjea, L'Ethnologie du Bengale, p. 71. 57 Summarized from (Sir) W. W. Hunter, Annals of Rural Bengal, pp. 208-210. 58 (Sir) H. H. Risley, Tribes and Castes of Bengal, vol. ii, p. 231; (Sir) J. G. Frazer, Totemiem and Ero. gamy, vol. ii, p. 302. 59 B. Bonnerjea, L'Ethnologie du Bengale, p. 26 citing (Sir) H. H. Risley, People of India, p. 446. 60 Census of India, 1911, vol. i, Report, p. 236, *286. 61 The egg seems to show that it is a fertility charm. 03 (Sir) W. W. Hunter, Annals of Rural Bengal, p. 463.

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JUNE, 1930] SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE OF THE SANTALS 97 groves; pigs, goats and fowls are saorificed by private families, and these sacrifices are round. ed up with debauchery and drunkenness. During the Sohrdi festival the greatest sexual license is allowed, and all codes of decency are forgotten. Every one not married takes part in the general orgy which follows; but adultery is not allowed, neither is any infringement of the interdiction against persons of the same sept. But even in these latter cases, if committed during the Sohrai, the culprits are punished less severely than at any other time.63 By these symbolic promiscuous relationships they probably attempt to increase the growth of vegetation in the following spring. A few days after the Sohrdi there is another festival of practising with bows and arrows, of performing sword dance, and of similar sports. This is known as the Sakrat, and it lasts for two days.64 The Jatra festival takes place about February, and lasts for two days. Eight men sit on chairs and are swung round the two posts placed outside of every Santal village. About one month after the Jatra the Baha or flower-festival comes round. This too lasts for two days. This is the time when the Ndeks or Naikki (nayaka, priest) is specially honoured by having his feet washed in every household; in return he distributes flowers. Ceremonies are performed in the groves of trees outside of each village. Four chickens are offered to Marang Buru, the great Santal god, one coloured chicken to Jahir-era, the primeval mother of the race, one black chicken to Gosain-era, a female divinity residing in the adl grove, and a goat or chicken to the Manjhi Haram, the late head of the village. Nearly all the festivals of the Santals are in some way or other connected with either sowing or harvesting. Thus the festival of Ero-sim takes place in each house at seed-sowing time; Hariar-sim, when the dhan (rice) has somewhat grown; Horo, when the rice is ripening, and so on. During the last mentioned festival, Horo, the first fruits of the rice are offered to the Pargana Bonga (district deity), along with a pig, which the men of the village eat afterwards in the adl grove.67 Another festival, which has died out now, but used to be practised formerly, was the Carak Paja. Men used to put hooks through the fleshy part of their backs, and were swung round suspended by these hooks. Sometimes this swinging on hooks seems to have been intended to propitiate demons. Some Santals asked Mr. V. Ball to be allowed to perform it because their women and children were dying of sickness and their cattle were being killed by wild beasts: they believed that the misfortunes befell them because the evil spirits had not been appeased.$8 Coming now to the religious life of the Santals, we can do no better than quote the words of an eminent and at the same time a sympathetic authority, who says: "Of a supreme and beneficent God the Santal has no conception. His religion is a religion of terror and deprecation. Hunted and driven from country to country by a superior race, he cannot understand how a Being can be more powerful than himself without wishing to harm him. Dis. courses upon the attributes of the deity excite no emotion among the isolated sections of the race, except a disposition to run away and hide themselves in the jungle, and the only reply made to a missionary at the end of an eloquent description of the omnipotence of God, was And what if that Strong One should eat me?'" 69 But this statement must not be taken 63 (Sir) H. H. Risley, Tribes and Castes of Bengal, vol. ii, p. 253; (Sir) J. G. Frazer, Totemism and Exogamy, vol. ii, p. 303; B. Bonnerjea, L'Ethnologie du Bengale, p. 25. 64 (Bir) W. W. Hunter, Annals of Rural Bengal, p. 463. 65 (Sir) W. W. Hunter, ibid. For swinging as a magical rite, see (Sir) J. G. Frazer, The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings, vol. ii, p. 52; B. Bonnerjea, A Dictionary of Superstitions and Mythology (London, 1928), p. 163, 8.v. "Maypole." 66 (Sir) W. W. Hunter, Annals of Rural Bengal, p. 463. 67 (Bir) W. W. Hunter, Annals of Rural Bengal, pp. 463 f. 68 V. Ball, Jungle Life in India (London, 1880), p. 232; (Sir) J. G. Frazer, The Dying God, p. 279, cf. ibid., Note B, "Swinging as a Magical Rite," pp. 277-285, where a large number of authenticated data has been collected. See note 66 above. 69 (Sir) W. W. Hunter, Annals of Rural Bengal, p. 181.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JUNE, 1930 to mean that the SantAls are entirely devoid of all religious sentiments. On the contrary, they are religious, that is if we accept a minimum definition of religion. Auguste Comte had described the primitive form of religious consciousness as that in which man conceives of all external bodies as animated by a life analogous to his own." This has since been designated as polyzoism, pantheliom, or panvitalism. Comte himself was unfortunate in the choice of his expression, for he called it fetishism ; but since the term was misleading, R. R. Marrett proposed animatism' as a term better suited. The German philosopher Hegel found the seed of religion in magic, and Sir James G. Frazer accepted Hegel's hypothesis.73 Max Muller, building on philosophy and mythology, affirmed that "Religion consists in the perception of the infinite under guch manifestations as are able to influence the moral character of man."74 Herbert Spencer derived all religion from the worship of the dead, from his "ghost theory,"76 and Grant Allen and Lippert were of the same opinion. Andrew Lang supposes, unlike those of the evolutionary school, that the belief in a superior being came first in the order of evolution, but was afterwards thrust into the background by the belief in ghosts and lesser divinities.76 Jevons finds the primitive form of religion in totemism "7; and Emile Durkheim calls totemism the elementary form of religion.T8 E. Crawley interprets religion by the vital instinct, and connects its first mani. festations with the processes of organic life.79 And, finally, Wilhelm Wundt recurs to the primitive conception of the soul as the source of all subsequent developments.80 Be that as it may, since we are not concerned here with the history of religion, but only with the ques. tion as to what it is, we may for our purpose take the minimum definition of religion : A belief in the supernatural. . If religion is a belief in the supernatural, the Santal is an intensely religious person. He has all kinds of gods and demons inhabiting the sky, the earth and the elements of nature. Directly, he expects no favours from his gods; the only favour he hopes for is that his gods may leave him in peace, and with this object in view he tries to placate them to the best of his ability. His gods do not reward the good, but they punish the wicked; therefore his rites are infinitely more numerous than those of the Hindus, and his superstitious nature is ever on the look out for the gods. 81 In order to placate his gods he has need of priests as intermediaries. His ndeke (priest), by starving for many days, attains a state of half frenzy. He then answers questions through the power of the possessing god. All his aotions and words are considered as no longer his own, but those of the deity who has taken temporary possession of his body. While giving the answers, the priest's eyes bulge out and roll in a mad frenzy, bis voice becomes unnatural, his face pale, and his general appear. ance thoroughly changed. 89 70 La philosophie positive, ed. 1841, vol. v, p. 30. 71 Folklore, xi (1900), p. 171. 71 Vorlesungen uber die Philosophie der Religion, ed. 1832, vol. I, pp. 220 f. 78 The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kinga, vol. i, p. 63. 74 Natural Religion, ed. 1899, p. 188. 76 Principles of Sociology, vol. i. 76 Magic and Religion, ed. 1901, p. 224. Cf. E. S. Hartland, "The High Gods of Australia," Folklore, ix (1898), p. 290. 77 Introduction to the History of Religion, ed. 1896, ch. IX. 78 Les formes dlementaires de la vie religieuse. 79 The Tree of Life, ed. 1905. 80 Myths und Religion, ed. 1906, vol. ii, p. 177. On the subject of the origin of religion, see H. Hubert and M. Maun, "Esquisse d'une theorie generale de la magie," L'Annde Sociologique, viii (1904), pp. 1 f. ; W. Schmidt, Die Ursprung der Gottesidee [in this last mentioned work the opinions of other scholars have been criticised). 11 Cf. Encyclopaedia Britannica, 13 xxiv, p. 188; (Sir) W. W. Hunter, Annals of Rural Bengal, Pp. 181 f. 83 Cf. Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, vol. xx, p. 671.

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JUNE, 1930 ] SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL LIFE OF THE SANT The Santals, therefore, have their own pantheon, in which fire and other elements of nature play a by no means unimportant part.85 Mountains, rivers and other objects are almost deified. The Great Mountain, of which mention has been made before, is venerated above everything else. It has been identified as the eastern Himalaya, considered by them as their natal region; it is the Marang Buru, the divinity which watches over their birth, and is invoked with bloody sacrifices.84 The Great Mountain represents neither man nor woman, but the life-sustaining providence necessary for the existence of either. It is invoked publicly as well as in private on all important occasions, such as, for example, in times of tribulation, in time of wealth, in 'health, in sickness, on the birth of a child, and on the death-bed ; and bloody offerings are common. "Goats, sheep, bullocks, fowls, rice, flowers, beer, the berries from the jungle, a head of Indian corn from the field, or even a handful of earth; all are acceptable to the Great Mountain, who is in a sense lower than a Christian understands by the epithet, but still in a high sense the Common Father of the people. It was he who divinely instituted worship, who has journeyed with the race from its primitive home, shared its defeats and flights, and still remains with it, the symbol of the Everlasting and Unohangeable One "86 In a long and erudite discussion, Hunter has attempted to identify this Santal divinity with the Hindu god Rudra or Siva.86 The home of the Santal possesses no mighty rivers watering its shores; no river with rolling waves have the SantAls seen. In fact, there is nothing there majestic enough for the honour of being deified. Were there any such rivers, there is no doubt that the SantAls would have apotheosized it, or at least populated it with a horde of water-spirits. Their largest river is the Damodar, which is fordable even in a carriage during many months of the year.87 The SantAls regard it as sacred. If the death of a Santal occurs at a distance from the river, his nearest kinsman carries a little relio, and places it in the current to be carried to the ocean, the traditional origin and resting place of the Santal race,88 This ceremony known as 'Purifying for the Dead' takes place once a year : and at other times hundreds of superstitious Santals repair to the banks of the Damodar to consult the prophets and diviners. Instances have been known where the relatives of a person killed by a tiger or some other wild animal have tracked the animal for miles in order to bring back some relio, no matter how insignificant it may be, so that it could later be thrown into the Damodar." Adjoining Santal villages there is a grove of the national adl tree (Shorea robusta) which is regarded as a favourite resort of all the family gode of the community. These gods are feared by the superstitious SantAls, for it is these gods that cause crooked limbs, leprosy, cramps, and so on. Hence they are appeased by offerings of goats and chickens. Men and women come to these groves; dance round them and chant songs in remembrance of the original founder of the community, who is venerated as the head of the village pantheon." The religion of the Santals, as well as everything else, is based on the family. Each family has its own household gods, who are two in number: the Ordk-bongd and the Abge-bongd. 83 Sylvain Levi, in Grande Encyclopedie, vol. x, p. 682, .o. "Inde." C. Bibhutibhusan Gupta, "Santal jfvan," Prabdol, Jaistha 1332 [Bengali ora), pp. 263, 266. 84 OL. Herbert Spencer, Principles of Sociology (London, 1906), vol. i, p. 366, *186 [4 System of Synthe. tie Philosophy, vol. vi]. 86 (Sir) W. W. Hunter, Annale of Rural Bengal, p. 187; af. Encyclopoodia Britannica, 18 vol. xxiv, p. 188. 86 (Bir) W. W. Hunter, Annals of Rural Bengal, p. 188 1. 87 (Bir) W. W. Hunter, Annals of Rural Bengal, pp. 162 1. 88 Enoyclopaedia Britannica, :vol. xxiv, p. 188. Herbert Spencer (Principles of Sociology i, 202, 112 quoting Hunter) says that they are placed in the current to be conveyed to the far-off eastern land from which their ancestors came. And oommenta (ibid.) that it is "an avowed purpose which, in adjacent regions, dictates the placing of the entire body in the stream." 8deg (Sir) W. W. Hunter, Annals of Rural Bengal, p. 163. or (ir) W. W. Hunter, Annals of Rural Bengal, p. 184. 01 (Bir) W. W. Hunter, Annals of Rural Bengal, p. 183.

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100 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JUNE, 1930 Ordk-bongd is the god of the bearth, and Abge-bongd, the secret god." These gods are worshipped with unknown rites-rites which are scrupulously concealed from all strangers. So "strict is the secrecy that one brother does not know what the other brother wor. ships, and the least allusion to the subject brings a suspicious cloud upon the mountaineer's brow, or sends him abruptly at the top of his speed to the forest."93 The only person to whom a Santal would reveal the name of his Orak-bongd and his Abge-bonga is his eldest son, and men are particularly careful not to reveal the names of these gods to their womenfolk, lest they acquire an abnormal power by being in possession of these holy names. During the Bacrifices offered to Orak-bongd the whole family-men, women and children-takes part in them, but men alone are allowed to touch the food offered to Abge-bongd. These sacrifices take place once a year. In addition to the family gods, the Santals worship the ghosts of their ancestors, especially during the Sohrai festival. The Santals believe in an external soul. They tell how a man fell asleep, and growing very thirty, his soul, in the form of a lizard, left his body and entered a pitcher of water to drink. Just then the owner of the pitcher happened to cover it; so that the soul could not return to the body, and the man died. While his friends were preparing to burn the body Romeone uncovered the pitcher to get water. The lizard thus escaped and returned to the body, which immediately revived; so the man rose up and asked his friends why they were weeping. They told him they thought he was dead and were about to burn his body. He Raid he had been down a well to get water, but had found it hard to get out, and had just returned. But, althongh they believe in a soul, they seem to have no definite conception of a futnre life. At moat there is a vague idea of a life after death, where the spirits of the dead are engaged in the ceaseless toil of grinding the bones of past generations into a dust from which the gods may recreate children. They believe also in disordbodied spirits, who flit among the fields where they onoe tilled, and otherwise haunt the places where, during their life, they lived and laboured. These spirits too are mostly of an evil nature, and need to be pacified. The SantAls seem to have venerated the wild beasts of the forest at a no very remote antiquity. Even down to our own times one of the most solemn forms of oath among them is sworn on a tiger-skin.98 Besides the deities and spirits mentioned in the foregoing pages, they have a multitude of other demons, all of which need to be appeased." The Abgi are anthropophagous ghouls; the Pargana-bongas are tutelary deities of the ancient deserted villages, roaming about the country till the time when they are fortunate enough to find & cave or a tree to dwell in. Then there are river-demons or Da-bonga, well-demons or Daddibongit, tank-demons or Pakri-bongd, mountain-demons or Buru-bongd, forest-demons or Biri-bongd, and so forth.100 To sum up, then, we see that Santal religion is a mixture of mythology and nature-worship. . B. Bonnerjoa, L'Ethnologie du Bengale, p. 22, quoting (Bir) H. H. Risloy, People of India,' p. 447. " (Sir) W. W. Hunter, Annals of Rural Bengal, p. 182. 14 B. Bonnerjea, loc. cit. #5 CE. (Sir) W. W. Hunter, Annals of Rural Bengah, pp. 182 f. ; Encyclopaedia Britannica, 18 vol. xxiv, p. 188. 96 The Indian Antiquary, vii (1878), p. 273 ; A. Bastian, Volkerstamme am Brahmanputra, p. 127; (Sir) J. G. Frazer, Taboo and the Perils of the Soul, p. 38. Cf. Panjab Notes and Queries, iii, p. 166, 1679. 97 Encyclopaedia Britannica, 13 vol. xxiv, p. 188. 18 Ibid. 99 Ibid. 100 (Bir) W. W. Hunter, Annals of Rural Bengal, p. 184. N.B.-On p. 89, line 10, from bottom, in the quotation from Sir James G. Frazer, the word begging." should be asking", line 5," naik " should be " naiki "; and " sub-clan" should be subclan" all the way through in the quotation. On p. 91, notesy " Brresen " should be Borresen."

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Joxe, 1930 1 SOME REMARKS ON THE BHAGAVADOITA 101 SOME REMARKS ON THE BHAGAVADGITA. BY PROF. JARL OHARPENTIER, PH.D., UPSALA. (Continued from page 80.) From ii, 39, on there begins the real Bhagavadgita, the lecture delivered by Krsna to Arjuna. This lecture at certain places is broken by a question or a mild retort from Arjuna, which thus gives the whole the exterior shape of an Upanigad, a dialogue between a teacher and his pupil. The verses attributed to Arjuna are, however, with the exception of canto xi, remarkably few (viz., ii, 54 ; iii, 1-2. 36 ; iv, 4; v, 1; vi, 33-34. 37-39; viii, 1-2; x, 12-18: xi, 1-4. 15-31. 36-46. 51; xii, 1 ; xiv, 21 ; xvii, 1; xviii, 1. 73). And it is certainly remarkable that while cantos ii, 39-, contain twenty verses spoken by Arjuna, there are only five such verses to be found in cantos xii-xviii. Canto xi stands by itself in quite a separate category; for, out of its fifty-five verses no less than thirty-three belong to Arjuna. This same canto also totally differs from the others, because no less than thirtysix of its fifty-five verses are in tristubh ; while otherwise in the whole poem there are no more than altogether twenty verses composed in a metre other than the common bloka 60 We may first of all fix upon one fact which seems perfectly obvious, viz., that the eleventh canto is quite unlike the other parts of the poem. Exactly three-fifths of it are spoken by Arjuna, who is otherwise throughout the Gitabi mainly a silent listener to the wisdom preached by Krsna. And more than three-fifths (36 out of 55) of its verses are composed in tristubh, a metre which seems otherwise to have been almost wholly foreign to the Gita,62 It seems to me, therefore, probable that we have in the main part of canto xi, especially in the tristubh, verses 15-50, the remnants of an old Bhagavata hymn on the revelation of Krana as the Universal God to Arjuna. This hymn was taken up by the poet who composed the earlier part of the Bhagavadgita; and in a very clever way he affixed it to the end of his poem--to this topic we shall revert prezently. Whether he recomposed the introductory stanzas into the bloka metre, or whether those verses be his own composition is certainly a problem that must remain unsolved. There is, however, scarcely any doubt that the last verses (51-55) of the present canto xi are a later addition. Compared with the preceding lofty, nay even fublime, tristubhs, they are incredibly flat and nonsensical. I lay no great weight upon the fact that in v. 51 Arjuna addresses Krana by the name Janardana, though after his preceding devotional language, this is somewhat disrespectful.63 But his words here are wholly unnecessary, and the expression rupam.... sa umyam is apparently coined on saumya wapuh in v. 50. The v. 53: nahan vedair na tapasi na dunena na cejyayii Sakya evamvidho dranfum dr stavan asi mam yatha 3 50 Those verses are i, 26; ii, 5-8. 20. 22. 29. 70; viii, 9-11. 28; ix, 20-21 ; xv. 2-5. 15. Of these, ii, 20. not very different from Kath. Up., 2,18; ii, 22, somewhat closely agrees with Vimtiemti 20, 50 ; ii, 29, is possi. bly related to Kath. Up., 2, 7; ii, 70, is=Vipnusmrti, 72, 7; viii, 9, has apparent parallels in the Upanigads, tc. (op. Haas, Lc., xlii, 41); viii, 11, in closely related with Kafh Up., 2, 15; on ix, 21 cp. Haas, le., xlii, 12: xv9 I., are verses with strong connections in the Upanisadio literature. Ten or eleven of these verses consequently are quotations from older literature from which the Upanipads and the Vippusmrti may also have borrowed-though they have probably boon more or less altered by the redactors of the Gita. The verses i, 26 and ii, 5-8, belong to the old epic text. Thus there only remain verses viii, 10, 28, ix, 20 and xv, 15, which to me all look uncommonly like some sort of quotations, though, unfortunately, I am not able o trace them. It appears as if the tripfubha did not originally belong to the didactic poem which we now call the Bhagavadgita. 81 With the exception, of course, of cantog i and ii, 1.11, 31-38, which, according to the suggestions put forth above, do not belong to the roal Gita. 53 The present writer has proved (op. ZDMG., kvi, 44 mq.; Die Suparnasage, p. 204 sq.) with examples from the Rig Veda, the Jatakas, the Mahabharata, etc., that originally dialoguee wore nearly always composed in trisfubh. The opic dialogues, which are mainly in floka, show a lator litorary development. 33 To this I shall rofer presently.

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102 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY JUNE, 1930 is only a deteriorated repetition of v. 48 : na vedayajiadhyayanair na danair na ca kriyabhir na tapobhir ugraih evamrupah sakya aham nsloke drastum tvad anyena kuru pravira ! The verses 54-55 preach bhakti, like so many other stanzas of the Gita, and are not necessary here ; besides v. 65 : matkarmakrn matparamo madbhaktah sangavarjitah nirvairah sarvabhutenu yah sa mam eti Pandava 1 is strongly reminiscent of ix, 34 : manmana bhava madbhakto madyaji mam namaskuru mam evaisyasi yuktusivam atmanam matparayanah | and also of other passages within the Gita. There are, however, a few verses at the very end of the present text which must, according to my opinion, have once followed immediately upon xi, 50, viz., tviii, 74--78 : Samjaya uvaca ity aham Vasudevasya Parthasya ca mahatmanah ! samvadam imam asrausam adbhutam romaharganam | 74 1 Vyasa prasadac chrutavan elad guhyam aham param yogam yogesvarat Kyrnat saknat kathayatah svayam || 75 | rujan samsmrtya 8amsmrtya samvadam imam adbhutam ! Kesavirjunayoh punyam hayami ca muhur muhuh || 76 | tac ca samsmrtya samsmrtya rupam atyadbhutam Hareh vismayo me mahan rajan hrayami ca punah punah || 77 yatra yogesvairah kreno yatra Partho dhanurdharah 1 tatra Srir vijayo bhutir dhruva nitir matir mama || 78 || Only here and in xi, 4. 9 (mahayogesvara) is Krsna called yogesvara, 'Lord of magic powers'; and only in canto xi, where he reveals himself to Arjuna as the Universal and terrible God, is there any reason for him being thus styled. And verse 77 : tac ca samsmrtya samsmrtya Tupam atyadbhutam Hareh, etc., expressly tells us that Samjaya is still under the impression of the bewildering and horrible sight revealed to him as well as to Arjuna, as told in canto xi.64 So far we have thus found that the Bhagavadgita in its present state consists of a smaller part that belonged to the original epic text and is represented by cantos i and ii, 1-11, 31-38, and a larger part which not to mention the interpolated verses ii, 12-30-runs from ii. 39 to xi, 50. The verses xi, 51-55 are of a later date, while xviii, 74-78, apparently at one time followed immediately after xi, 50. The verses xi, 15-50 are most probably the remnants of an old Bhagavata hymn which was taken over by the author of ii, 39x, and put in a fitting place at the end of his poem, to which it formed a most impressive final piece. Though it has not yet been specially emphasized, it is fairly obvious from what has already been said that I consider the older Bhagavadgita to have ended with xi, 50-xvii, 7478, and the remnant of the present text to be a later addition. For such a conclusion, though I have arrived at it simply by repeated study of the text itself, I can claim the assist. ance of the very highest authority. For, we are instantly reminded of the fact that Humboldt about a century ago laid it down as his own opinion that the Bhagavadgita probably at one time ended with canto xi. To this older Gita he wanted to add the verses xviii, 63-78, which he considered to be old and original. 54 I should also doem it probable that Arjuna is in v. 78 called dhanurdhara because the poet who wrote that verse had in his mind tho Dhanaf jayam....bunagundiradharinam of MBI., vi, 2533, a vorse that was to follow immediately after this one.

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JUNE, 1930 1 SOME REMARKS ON THE BHAGAVADGITA 103 In this suggestion Humboldt, according to my humble opinion, was quite right, even though I personally differ from him in some less important details. His arguments are perhaps somewhat subjective and no longer quite valid. But there is not the slightest doubt that after canto xi there is the most marked and important division in the present text. Of reasons for regarding cantos xii-xviii, 73, as an addition of later date, the work of an entirely different author, there is a sufficient number. First of all these cantos are not wanted, as with canto xi, the sublime hymn on the revelation of the Universal God, the real Gita has come to a most fitting end. The question of Arjuna in xii, 1: evam satatayukta ye bhaktas tvam paryupasate ye capy akparam avyaktam tesam ke yogavittamah ||1|| is wholly unnecessary and stands in no relation whatsoever to the preceding parts of the Gita, except to xi, 55. And it seems probable that the poetaster who put together the tedious and save a very few passages-most trivial cantos xii-xviii was also the author of xi, 51---56, verses, which we have already rejected as not belonging to the original Gita. What this later author did was consequently that he took away the five final verses of the older text (now xviii, 74-78) and relegated them to the end of his own creation. In their place he put five other verses (xi, 51-55) of his own composition, meaning to bridge the gap between the older poem and his own inferior work. The introduction to the latter is formed by the question in verse xii, 1, which is one of the five out of the 231 stanzas of cantos xii-xviii that are put into the mouth of Arjuna. Someone will perhaps raise the objection that in style and in choice of words there is no marked difference at all between cantos ii-xi and xii-xviii. Such an objection is, of course, of very limited value, as it was not impossible for a later author to ape the special style of his predecessor; and besides-apart from a sort of quasi-philosophical jargon there is not much in the whole of the Gita to separate its trend of style from the general one of the Great Epic. Professor Rajwade some years ago published a paper on the grammar of the Gita, where he strongly censured a number of faults and mistakes, clumsy expressions, etc., which anyhow tend to show that the author or authors of this text at any rate did not side with the school of Panini. Such, I take it, is more or less the case with all the epic poets; and as far as I am able to gather from Professor Rajwade's paper, there is no marked difference from this point of view between the earlier and later parts of the Gita as I see them. Slight differences, however, seem to exist in the vocabularies used by the suggested authors of cantos i-xi and xii-xviii. Thus it is undeniable that the word kseira- in a philosophical sense67 is only used by the author of canto xiii, with whom it seems to have been a favourite word, as it occurs (together with kpetrin- and kretrajiia.) in no less than eight verses out of thirty-three. Now, there can, as far as I am aware, be found no passage in the literature where knetra- occurs in this sense which is decidedly older than the Gita; and there is no doubt whatevever that kgetra, body,' and ketrajia, soul,' are both late words which belong to the systematio terminology of the Samkhya-Yoga.68 The special Samkhya term gund- OCCU18-together with derivatives like traigunya-, etc.--altogether ten times in cantos ii, iii, iv and vii, while we meet with it in more than twenty passages in canto xiii f. Again, out of the names of 35 I have already mentioned above (cp. p. 47 ) that I can in nowise whare tho judgment of Professor Winternitz, VOJ., xxi, 194 f., on canto xi, Oldenburg, 1.c., p. 331, n. 1, quite correctly speaks of the *wundervoll schwungreiches Kap. xi." 56 Bhandarkar Comm. Volume, p. 323 f. 67 The kurukpetra and dharmakpetra of i, 1, do not, of course, fall within the scope of this remark. 58 Cp. also Garbo, Samkhya Philosophie, 2nd ed., pp. 267, 355. In this connection I should like to draw attention to Kunarasamblava, 6, 77: yogino yam vicinvanti ketrabhyantaravartfinam; for yoginak can here only mean the votaries of the Yoga system. And Kalidasa's date is, according to my firm opinion, that of Skandegupta.

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104 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JUNI, 1930 the three gines the derivatives Intl. rii jast- and sittriku- are all found in vii, 12, and besides, rajas- occur in jii, 37, in its strictly philosophical sense ; but otherwise this use of the words tamas-, rajas-, and sattva- is limited to the cantos xii-xviii.69 On the other hand, prana- occurs in xv, 14 and xviii, 33, while otherwise it is only found within the earlier part of the text. Likewise maya, even in its later sense a word of Vedic origin, is met with in four verses in cantos iv and vii, while later on it occurs only in xviii, 61. Finally nirvanaoccurs only in vi, 15, and the compound brahmanirvina- in ii, 72 and v, 24, 25--26 80; and swarga- occurs only in ii, 32, 37, 43 and ix, 21, together with the derivative asvargya- in ii, 2.61 It may be remarked that the word brahmaloka- does not occur within the Gita, which seems to me strongly to confirm the suggestion of M. Przyluski concerning the original identity between this word and swarga. Slight as are these discrepancies between the vocabularies of cantos ii-xi and xiixviii, they are not entirely without importance. There seems to me to exiet another fact which has perhaps been slightly overlooked, but which also points to a certain discrepancy existing between what I venture to call the earlier and later parts of the present Bhagavadgita. In i, 21 c-d, Arjuna speaks thus to Krsna : senayor ubhayor madhye ratham sthapaya me'cyuta The reading me'cyuta, whatever be the text of manuscripts available at the present date, must be false ; for this verse belongs to the original epic text, and to its authors Krsna is not Acyuta, the Supreme God Visnu.63 But the same word occurs also within the last lines of the Gita, viz., in xviii, 73: na to mohah smrtir labdha tvatprasiidan mayucyula 1 sthito'smi galasamehah korisye vacanam tava And it is easily understandable that from here the final redactor of the Cita transposed it to i, 21 63 ; for then Arjuna would be made to address the Supreme Being as Aciruta the first and the last time that he speaks to him within the Gita.84 After these somewhat digressive remarks, let us follow, throughout the poem, the way in which Arjuna addresses his friend, in whom after some considerable time he is taught to behold the Supreme God. We shall then come upon the following list : i. 28: Krang ; 32: KRUG, Govinda ; 35: Madhusudana ; 36: Janardana; 37 : Madhava ; 39: Janardana; 41: Krena, Varmeya ; 44: Janirdana. ii, 4: Madhusudana, Arisudana ; 54: Kesava. iii, 1: Janardana, Kesava ; 36: Varmeya. iv, 4: bhavan, tvam. V, 1: Kru. 59 Tumus. in viii, , simply darkness; nor is it in x, 11, used in its puroly philosophical sonce. In vi, 21, the epithet santa-rajas- means 'froe from passion' (rajas=raga.). Finally, sattua in ii, 45 and X, 36, is not used as a philosophical term, and in x, 41, it simply means 'being. - 60 On brahma-nirvana and the ideas connected with it, cp. Senart, Album Kern, p. 104; Garbe, Bhagavadgita, p. 65; Professor Steherbatsky, The Conception of Buddhist Nirvana, p. 4, n. 1 ; and M. Przyluski, Le Concile de Rajagtha, p. 367, n. 1. If svarga is long identical with brahmaloka, the world of Brahma' (cp. M. Przyluski. Le.. p. 368), then it seems clear that brahmanirvana, means simply the final calin in brahman': I venture to think that it is coined on Buddhist Nirvana and is meant to prove that that conception is nothing but a sectarian metamorphosis of brahman. on Op. also the old-fashioned marjati- in ix, 20. Boehtlingk, Ber. d. sachs. Ges. d. Wiss., 1897, p. 11, coniectured svaryjo, instead of sargo, in v. 19; however, vii, 27, seems to me to prove that sargo should be retained. On the importance of svarga in the inscriptions of Asoka, cp. Senart, Inscriptions de Piyadasi, ii, 322 f. 62 Acyuta as a name of Visnu-Krypa, of course, means the one who does not fall (cyre), i.e., who is not subject to the laws of metompsychosis. 63 Where the original text may have run somewhat like this: 8. U. m. ratha sthi paya kedavo (or madhava). o cyuta also occurs in si, 42, which, however, is of 10 spocial importance in this connection.

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105 JUNT, 1930 1 SOME REMARKS ON THE BHAGAVADGITA vi, 33 : Madhusudana ; 34, 37: Krena ; 38: muhibaho ; 39: Krona. viii, 1: purusottama ; 2: Madhusudana. x, 12 : bhavan; 14: Kebava, bhagavon ; 15: purusottama, bhutabhavana, bhutesa, devadeva, jagatpate ; 17: yogin, bhagavan.; 18: Janardana. xi, 2 : kamalapattraksa; 3: paramesvara, purusottama ; 4: yogesvara ; 15: deva ; 16: visvesvara, visvarupa : 23: mahabaho : 24 : Vigno ; 25: devesa, jaganni. visa ; 30: Visno ; 31: devwara ; 36: Hrsikesa ; 37: mahatman, ananta, devesa, jagannivisa : 38: anantarupa ; 40: sarva ; 42: Acyuta ; 44: devt ; 45: den, levesa, jagannirvisa : 46: sahasraliho, visumurtte : 51: Janardann. xiv, 21 : prabho. xvii, 1: Krona. xviii, 1: mahabuho, Hrsikesa, Kesinisiidana, xviii, 73: cyuta. It will be seen from this list that--apart from the Acyuta in i, 21-which I have rejected above-there is in the allocutions of Arjuna no hint of the supremely divine nature of Krsna until we arrive at the purusottama in viii, 1.66 And it is only in the cantos x and xi that Arjuna raises himself to a language of the purest bhakti by using cpithets like derudeva, visvesvara, Visno, etc.66 There is not the slightest doubt that this rising scale has been conscientiously aimed at by the author of the earlier Bhagavadgita.07 After listening to this devotional exaltation it is with a certain feeling of astonishment that in xvii, 1, we meet again with the simple allocution Krsna. And our astonishment will be considerably increased if with this last-mentioned verse we compare xi, 41-42: sakheti matva prasabham yad uktam he Krena he Yadava he sakheti 68 ajanata mahimanam tavedam maya pramadat pranayena vapi || 41 || yac cavahasartham asalkyto 'si vihara sayyasanabhojancsu 1 eko 'thavapy Acyuta tat samaksam tat ksamaye tvim aham aprameyam | 42 || Here Arjuna expressively apologizes for having, because of not knowing his grentness, ad. dressed the Supreme God as 'Krena,' Yadava' or 'comrade'; which is, of course, discourteous and inaulmissible.89 When, after that, the author of xvii, 1, makes him again talk to the Supreme Being as Krsna', this can only be explained by assuming that he had for the moment forgotten this passage in the work of his predecessor. To suggest that the very same author should have committed, within such a limited space, such a blunder is scarcely admissible. (To be continued.) 85 Krspa in viii, 4, pays a corresponding compliment by styling Arjuna dehabhrtam vara. 66 There is a still longer list of such superlative epitheta in the Vimuomoti, i, 49 f. 67 There is something like this found in the use of the Buddha's epithets in the Buddhacarita and the Saundarananda, cp. Mr. Johnston, JRAS., 1929, p. 538. 88 On this incorrect form op. Schlegel Lagsen, Lc., p. xxx, n. ; Professor Rajwade, 1.c., p. 327. Lassen probably is right in looking upon it as being & senseless repetition of the previous correct sakheti. 69 The situation undoubtedly reminds 128 of the Mahavagga, i, 6, 12, where Buddha speaks thus to the pancavaggiya bhikkha : ma bhikkhave tathagatam namena ca avusovadena ca samudacaratha araham bhikkhave tathagato sammasambuddho.

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106 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JUNE, 1930 RUSTAMJI MANAK: A NOTABLE PARSI BROKER. BY HARIHAR DAS, B.LITT. (Oxon.), F.R. HIST.S. Tre life-story of this famous Parsi is of great interest to all students of the history of the East India Company, and especially to those who are tracing the genealogy of the great families of merchant princes and others both in Calcutta and in Bombay. The fortunes of some of their ancestors were made in the service of that Company, and their descendants are enjoying to-day the fruits of the achievements of their forefathers. The subject of this article, Rustamji Manak, born in 1660, was one of those who made a fortune in that service during the severiteenth century, and is the founder of one of the best known Parsi families of our day in Bombay. We are not acquainted with the early history of Rustamji's family, but Mr. Henry Grose mentioned in his book, A Voyage to the East Indies, that the family was descended " from those kings of Persia, whose dynasty was destroyed by the Mahometan invasion." His descendants are still distinguished for their opulence and philanthropy, amongst them being Mr. K. J. Sett, one of the largest land-owners in the city of Bombay and a member of the Parsi Panchayat ; and Sir Phiroz Settna, a member of the Council of State. There are occasional references to Rustamji in Bruce's Annals, Hedge's Diary, Sir George Forrest's Selections from the Records in the Bombay Secretariat, as well as in other works. Mr. S. H. Hodivala delivered an interesting lecture in April, 1927, at the Cama Oriental Institute, Bombay, on the True History of Rustam Manak. His paper was chiefly based on the above authorities and on private information. Mr. Hodivala has done a distinct service by pointing out inaccuracies with regard to certain facts and tradi. tions associated with Rustamji. The object of the present article is to give a short account of the prominent part played by Rustamji as broker to the New English East India Company, and interpreter to the Em. bassy of Sir William Norris to Aurangzeb. It has been compiled from records, not hitherto published, which are preserved at the India Office. These include Rusta mji's Diary and the letters written by him during the time he was connected with the Embassy. The Journals of Sir William Norris contained references to Rustamji, which have already been inserted by the writer in his articles on the Embassy published in various journals. Before further describing Rustamji's connection with the Embassy, it may be mentioned that he amassed a large fortune in the Company's service and in private enterprises. He founded the suburb at Surat which still bears his name, Rustampura. His philanthropic spirit prompted him to devote a large portion of his money to charitable objects, and his descendants are continuing to emulate the generosity of their great ancestor. Rustamji was appointed broker to the New English East India Company by Sir Nicholas Waite a few months before the arrival of Sir William Norris at Surat in December, 1700. He enjoyed the entire confidence of the President for several years. It was customary at that time that any one receiving an appointment should make a present to the official to whom he owed his new office. When, therefore, Rustamji was made chief broker, he presented Sir Nicholas Waite with the sum of Rs. 20,000, which was unanimously accepted by the President and his Council. In reporting to the Court of Directors, they wrote that the money would be "applied toward defraying the charge of building lodgings for your servants, with warehouses and other conveniences, web charge, our house adjoining to the Wall and one of the city gates upon the river will in few years after have our Phirmaund dissipate said Expence in cartage eto., beside the great security it will be upon any revolution in this Govermt when have the comand of such a gate."'l It may easily he concluded that, as Rustamji was able to pay so largo & bum on receiving his appointment, the emoluments attached to his post as well as sums derived from other sources must have been very great 1 See No. 7032, 0. C. 56-I; No. 222, 0. C. 56-II.

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JUNE, 1930 ] RUSTAMJI MANAK: A NOTABLE PARSI BROKER 107 There was no dearth of candidates for that post, and many oompetitors were prepared to pay even larger sums if by any means they could have superseded him. His position was, therefore, at first one of considerable difficulty ; but, being in the good graces of Sir Nicholas Waite, he was able to withstand his enemies. In a letter written to the Court of Directors on the 30th November, 1700, Sir Nicholas Waite and his Council wrote "The Old Com. pany's servants used many artifices for turning out of our present Broker being the first of the Parsee caste that hath at any time been in such publick employment which being in prejudice to all the Baman caste the Old and Chief managers of all business here hath occasioned a storme of envy from the last, and all those that may propose an advantage for their introduction when in our consciences believe it is your interest for us to suport him, when your honrs. may be assured that we shall certainly have advice of the least ill act he can contrive in your prejudice, and 'tis notorions to all the city that he is the best master of busi. ness with the Governm which could never have been carried with that secregy and expedilion had a Baman been our Broker wch cast being so exasperated have by Vittull Parrack the Old Compa* late Broker (of whom wrote your hon by the Norris) offered Sir Nicholas Waite one hundred thousand rupees to be Broker. Then by the Brother of the Dutch Broker seaventy thousand rupees worth of diamonds in hand and thirty thousand rupees when so declared weh, if the Consul had accepted, tho an estate for any reasonable man your settlem had by that interest purchased by the Old Factory been wh the Embassy totally over throwne which virtue not blinded with Gold or pretious stones can't believe that your honro. will pass without cognizance for encouragement of such as are faithful and do well when have not reol. anything but what hath been brought to your credit, as a horse the Haroarra since the Norris sailed gave the President valued at Rs. 500 and 4 p:attlasses and 3 p. of Allejahs valued at Rs. 70 reort: from Abdul Goffore who was with Mirza Zaid our Landlord two of the Principall Merchts of this city presented upon your honors account n cloth etc. to the value of ---rups they being our friends and by whose interest have gained is the favour of the great Codgee (Kazi) and Mufty of the King and others at Court and the merchants and others of this city......" After Sir William Norris' arrival at Surat in December, 1700, Rusta mji Manak was authorised to inform the local Mughal Governor and the other officials that by virtue of his authority the Ambassador had ordered the flag which Sir John Gayer had caused to be hoisted on board the Tavistock to be hauled down. Rustamji was commissioned by Sir Nicholas Waite to make all the preliminary arrangements connected with the Ambassador's landing, and he lost no time in visiting the latter in company with his chief. This proceeding greatly alarmed the servants of the Old Company who feared that, if Sir Nicholas followed implicitly the advise of Rustamji, it would " cause new troubles in some kind or other." Shortly afterwards at a Council held at the Ambassador's Camp on January 3, 1700, the President and Council recommended their Chief broker Rusta mji as a faithful interpreter to attend his Excellency to the Mughal Court till the farman should have been obtained for the Presidency of Surat. Accordingly Rustamji accompanied Sir William Norris on his journey to the Mughal Court and was entrusted with a large sum of money for the necessary expenses. He was especially commissioned to superintend the Indian members of the reti. nue; but from the very beginning it appeared that the Ambassador was not favourably impressed by the manner in which Rustamji performed his work. His dissatisfaction is shown by the following extract from a letter written by Sir William Norris to Sir Nicholas Waite on February 19, 1700-1 -"I refer you to my brother's letter for account of all transactions in our march and in relation to ye behaviour of our Indian retinue, over which I have all along given kustum the authority, but really he has not courage to execute, but suffers ye least of them to dispute his commands, and after he has given them am often 9 See No. 7222, 0, C. 56-II. 9 Surat Factory Records, vol. 99,

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108 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY JUNE, 1990 - obliged to force ye Eddies to see them executed, suffering no Englishmen whatsoever to in. termeddle or be concerned with them." On the other hand it was evident that Sir Nicholas Waite and his Council entertained a very high opinion of Rustamji's ability and integrity. They still considered him to be the most suitable person to assist the Ambassador in the negotiations with the Mughal's ministers. This view was fully expressed in a letter to the Court of Directors dated March 6, 1700-1S "The Ambassador being upon his journey strongly guarded and we furnished with what were most acceptable to such whose corrupt natures adore the God of this earth, and accompanied with our Chief Broker Rustumjec faithful to your intrest well acquainted with yo misterious intreagues of these people and capable to prevent the impolice and chargable projections of our hot brethren extorted this permission having no other in view that could repose so great a trust and beleiving in our conscience had been wanting in our duty if not complied with his Excy's desire to keep him until our Phirmaund granted is past ye seal and another provided in his room and hope that your affairs will not be much prejudiced by his absence being all the Mountapes cargoc except peper drugs and coffee and most of what intended for the Rooke contracted for before the Rains tho he complains it will be considerably to his disadvantage refusing any gratuity from his Excy referring himself to your hon from whom probably he may expect a medal and chain and some uncommon curiosity to be delivered if find him not staind in his stedfastness to your interest." (To be continued.) SOME ADDITIONS TO THE LALLA-VAKYANI. (i'le Wise Sayings of Lal Ded.) By PANDIT ANAND KOUL, SRINAGAR, KASHMIR. The ages, it has been truly said, are mirrored in their old songs and sayings. In this age of spiritual rebirth, which is characterized by an insatiable thirst for higher knowledge, there cannot be an object of more intense desire than to gaze upon the matchless and cloquent forms of classical antiquity. The philosophical and poetical works of genius of every age and clime, hitherto hidden treasures, should, therefore, be recovered and made accessible to all by translation. Lallishwari or Lal Ded is among the most venerable characters of moral antiquity and is the heroine of ancient popular religious culture in Kashmir. Her precious sayings-productions of divine inspiration--have rooted themselves in the popular mind and are resound. ing and vibrating many-toned within them. There reign in them both power and fulness of genius. She penetrated more deeply than ordinary mortals into the mysteries of theology. Her mind conld well he compared to a mirror in whose depths was reflected the history of humanity. She lashed vice and extolled virtue, and her savings are animated and inflamed with the most chaste metaphors, whose conception and composition are very beautiful, sweet and sublime, conveying vivid moral truths that can never be read without internal emotion. By the arrangement of her words her ideas are artfully disclosed and rendered beauti. fully picturesque. These unique effusions of real inspiration soothe the ear, mend and melt the heart and elevate the mind. In short, they are a gift, immeasurably precious, to the world and to all nations. In the life-sketch of this prophetess, published in the Indian Antiquary of November and December 1921, I stated that I had been fortunate enough to collect a number of her sayings in addition to those already published by Sir George Grierson and Dr. Lionel D. Barnett. * See 0. C. 56-IV. See No. 7478, 0. C. 56-IV.

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JUNE, 1930 1 SOME ADDITIONS TO THE LALLA-VAKYANI 109 I have since translated them, and I give them below with the satisfaction of feeling that these literary jewels are now rescued from falling into the deep, dark and dim ditoh of oblivion. l." Aguruy ratak sari sari tarak, Adah kavah mudo phacak zah. If thou wilt go to the sourer (of a stream and) cross after feeling the feet firmly, Then, O fool, how shalt thou ever be drowned ? Aras nerih nah mudur shiray; Nir-viryas nerih nah shurah nav, Murkhas prunun chhuy hastis kashun; Yaso mali dandas boha isciv. Babrih-langas mushk no morey; Huni-bastih kapur nerih nah zah. Manah yud gwarahan, pheriy zerey, Natah shalah-tungey neriy kyah. Sweet juice cannot be extracted from a plum; A eunuch cannot be called a hero. To give instruction to a foolish person is to scratch an elephant (he payeth no regard to it); Whichever ox hath become addicted to laziness (he cannot be made active). A branch of sweet basil shall not loose its odour; Camphor can never come out of a dog's skin. If thou rememberest (Him) in thy mind, (He) will turn to thee sasily; Otherwise what will come out of a jackal's howl? (.e., saying prayers with the tongue alone, with an absent mind, is as meaningless as a jackal's howl). 3. Asiy asi tay asiy asau; Asiy dor kari palawat. Shivas sorik nah zyun luh marun; Roxas sorik nak alajul. Only we existed in the past) and only we shall exist in the future), Only we did ever make exoursion in the past. Birth and death will not come to an end for Siva; Rising and setting will not come to an end for the sun. This saying compares with Bhagavadgita, II, 12. Na tvevaham jatu nisam na tvam neme janadhipah Na caiva na bhavigyamah sarte rayamatah param || The interminable round of birth and death. In the Civil and Military Gazette, Lahore, dated 30th May 1928, it was reported that a girl of seven years of age, named Ramkuli, daughter of Pandit Ganga Visnu, a Brahman in the village of Shadinagar in the Farrukhabad district of the United Provinces, remembered her previous life in a family at a village named Maglabagh, where, she said, she had three sons, one having been born shortly before her death. The eldest was named Siyaram and the second Ramsvarup. She was taken to this village and, wlion approaching it, she pointed

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110 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY JUNE, 1930 out two houses in the distance, in which, she said, she had lived during her previous existence. She confirmed her assertion by identifying her sons there. The girl was then cross-examined. She described correctly the alterations and repairs to the house, which had been effected some years before ; and to other questions put by the villagers she gave correct replies. Avitsdri pothen chhih hau, mali, paran, Yitha tota parangRama " pinjras. Gita paran tak hitha laban ; Param Gita tak paran chhas. O father, the thoughtless are reading books, As a parrot is repeating "Rama" in the cage. (They are reading the (Bhagavad Gita, having a pretext to do so, I have read the (Bhagavad) Gita, and I am still reading it. The other version of this saying is given in No. 27 below. 6 Ayas tih siduy tah gatshah tih siduy : Sidis hul meh karem kych ? Buh tas dsas agaray veday Vidis tah vendis karim kyah ? I came straight and I shall also return straight. What can a crooked person do to me, a straightforward person? I was acquainted with Him from the beginning, What will He do to me, His acquaintance and a dear one! Azad Gayatry hamsah hamsah zapit Aham travit suy adah rat. Yami trov aham suh rud panay. Buh nah asun chhuy opadesh. Without mentally reciting the gayatri (a verse from the Rig Veda) but reciting it by hamsa hamaa (which a human being utters 21,600 times unconsciously by breathing during 24 hours, and which means atma, i.e., hanti avedyim hamsah). Hold Him (alma) after leaving self-love. Ho who left self-love remained himself. Ceasing to be "I" is the right doctrine. Duchhinis ubras zayun zinahi. Samudras zunaha kadit ath. Mandis rogiyas waidyut sanaha. Mudas zanim nah pranit kath. I might know how to disperse the clouds from the south, I might know how to drain away a sea, I might know how to cite a feeble, sick person, (These impossibilities might be possible for me, but) I could not know how to say anything to a stupid person.

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JUNE, 1930 1 SOME ADDITIONS TO THE LALLA-VAKYANI 111 - -- -- - - - Damah damah Orkar man paranawum. Panay paran panay bozan. So'ham padas aham golum, Teli Lal boh watsus pralishasthan. Every moment I taught On kur to the mind. I was myself reading and myself hearing. From so'ham (I am He) I cut off aham (I am), Then did I, Lalla, reach the place of illumination. Dish ayos dash dish tilit, Tsalit tsatum shani adah wav. Shivay dyuthum shayi shayi milit. Shoh tah treh trupimas tah Shiray drain. Sun drav vahnih tah mal gau vathit, Yeli meh anilah ditumas tav. Katur zan gayas lolah riglit, Yeli kathkush tsul nishi rau drav. Lal buh ruzus tili shehilit, Yeli tsetas pev buh tas nav. I came from my quarter after visiting ten quarters, Then I cut and ran through void and wind. I found Siva pervading everywhere. I closed six (senses) and three (malar or impurities which are the causes of the existence of the material world) and even Siva appeared. Gold came out of the furnace and dirt was removed, When I heated it in fire. T got melted by love, like ice When the frost thawed and the sun appeared. I, Lalla, remained then in peace, When I remembered "I" (to be) His name. 10. Grata chhuh pheran zerey zerey; Uhukuy zanih gratuk tahal. Grafa yclih pherih tay zavyul nerey, Ga wati panay gratabal. Slowly, slowly, is the mill turning; The pivot alone knoweth the trick of the mill. When the mill will turn, fine (flour) will come out ; Wheat (for being ground) will itself reach the mill-yard. 11. Guras mail pev amen natan : Biyan pashan swad kych dsey ? Yi hal guras, tay rih kyah tadan? Brahma kulis mewah kuih pixe! The spiritual teacher had an appetite for raw flesh; Of what taste will be other animals (to him)? This being the state of the spiritual teacher, What fault lieth with the pupils ? What fruit is brought forth by the divine tree!

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112 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JUNE, 1030 12. Hachivi karinji petsiv kan gom ; Abak chhan pyom yath razdhaney: Manzbag bazaras kulfa rust wan gom ; Tirtha rost pan gom kus mali zaney. For a wooden bow I have got an arrow of rush grass; For (building) this domed castle I have got a foolish carpenter; In the middle of the market I have got a shop without a lock; My body has been without bathing at) a pilgrimage : who will know this, O father? 13. Ha tsetta kavah chhuy lugmut para mas ? Kavah guy apazis pazyuk bront? Dishi buz vash kurnak para-dharmas; Yinah gatshanah zena-maranas kront. O mind, why hast thou becone intoxicated at another's expense ? Why hast thou mistaken true for untrue ? Thy little understanding hath made thee attached to other's religion ; Subdued to coming and going ; to birth and death. 14. Kaliy sal kul gatshan pataliy; Akiliy zalah malah varahan pen, Mamas taki tay masah kiy pydliy Brahman tah terdliy ikawatah kehen. The time is coming when seven generations will sink down to hell, When untimely showers of rain and dust will fall, When plates of flesh and wine cups Brahmans and sweepers will take together. Terol (singular of Israli) is a corruption of Chandal. This class of the people, having become Muhammadan converts, were appointed by King Zainu'l-Abidin (1422-74 A.D.) to go round as spies to the Brahmans' houses. They now supply lime to the Brahmans for use in religious rites and decorate the compound by marking a circular diagram in it (called vydg) with lime and turmeric at weddings, etc., and receive presents from them. 15. Kamsan nendrih tay kamsan udy! Kamsan nish-budhy bhavan ? Kamsan lolah narah dady? Kamsan ads tay kamsan sun ? Kamsan maranas bronth mudy? Tim asi sds tay sa paniy sun. Who are asleep, and who are awake? Who are born devoid of intellect? Who are fired with the fire of love? Who are ashes and who are gold ? Who died before death? They were ashes and became gold.

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Joi, 1930 ] SOME ADDITIONS TO THE LALLA-VAKYANI 113 16. Kuner ay bozak kuni no rozak. Kuniran kurnam hanidkar, Kunuy doit don hund jang gom. Sug Berang gom kari rang. If thou hearest of loneliness, thou wilt remain nowhere. The loneliness hath turned me into the universe. Being alone it became two persons' quarrel. That Formless One went away after shaping me into form. 17. Kus marih tah kaso maran! Marsh kus tay maran kas? Yu8 Harah Harah travit gharah gharah karcy; Adah suh marih tay mdran tas. Gurah shabdas yus yatsh patah bharay, Gnyanak wagih ratih tacla turgas ; Indrey Shumrit anand learey. Adah kus marih tay mdran kas? Who will die, and whom will they kill! Die who will, and killed who will be ! One who leaving Siva, Siva, will desire home, home, Then he will die, and him will they kill. One who cherisheth love and faith in the Teacher's word, Controlloth the horse of mind by the bridle of knowledge, With senses subdued he will enjoy peace. Then who will die, and whom will they kill? (i.e., none). 18. Lali mch dapuk lola-hand karani, Tavay Isulum manih shonkh. Magh nawum ag laolum. Krehnal kosum manih shonkh. I, Lalla, was told to cry aloud in public, By that alone I got rid of doubt from my mind. I bathed during Magh (January February) and bore the heat of fire (i.6., suffered the rigour of both), I cast off blackness--the doubt of the mind. (To be continued.)

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114 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JUNE, 1930 NATURE STUDY IN THE SANSKRIT POEM MEGHADOTA. BY LILY DEXTER GREENE, PH.D. In a perusal of the Sanskrit poems and dramas, we find wonderful descriptions of natural scenery. These are used in such a way as to show real appreciation of material beauty of form, richness of colour and freshness of poetic fancy. It is my purpose to make a study of Sanskrit Literature, with particular reference to these descriptions, and to find out, as far as possible, the names and principal physical aspects of the plants mentioned, and to show how the poetic fancy of the Hindu writer uses these wonderfully realistic descriptions to embellish his story, as he weaves his noblest thoughts and deepest feelings into a peculiarly variegated pattern. These nature descriptions are not in the least prosaic and dull, but with accuracy of observation and delicacy of expression, the poet draws pictures that stand out vividly and challenge our highest praise. First of all, let us consider Kalidasa's poem, "The Cloud Messenger," or, as it is called in Sanskrit, Meghadata. The subject of this poem is a simple one, but rather unique. One of the attendants of Kuvera has angered him, and, as a result, is condemned to a period of twelve months' exile from his home. In the lonely sacred forest, he longs to send some message to his wife, but as there is no human being to convey it, he calls upon the cloud, one of those (ccoy masses seen in a tropical sky at the beginning of the monsoon. The whole poem is full of beautiful imagery and replete with many references of mytho. logical and local value. The Yaksha, who is the central figure, is an inferior divinity, and an attendant of Kuvera, the god of wealth, but he remembers, that the first duty of a polite suppliant is to offer an oblation, as if to a guest, or to a fellow deity. The usual oblation is called argha ( = boat) because of the boat-shaped vessel in which it is offored. It consists of water, milk, points of kuca grass, curds, ghi, rice, barley and white mustard. Various deities are offered special oblations, but here, with true poetic feeling, Kalidasa substitutes the fragrant white blossoms of the Kutaya tree, instead of the more prosaic offerings. These now-blown buds are wonderfully fragrant, pure white in colour, and blossom at the beginning of the rainy season. This small mountain tree (Wrightia antidysenterica, Roxb., Holarrhena antidysenterica, Wall.) grows in various parts of India in elevated regions, and is commonly called karaya, kutaja, or kutaya. The seeds and bark of the kulaya are both considcrcd very beneficiai in certain diseases. Stanza 17 As the cloud passes on its way, bearing the message to the wife of the Yaksha, it is told to dass eastward, and the reference to " Indra's bow" means the rainbow Thenco sailing to the north and veering to the west On Amrakuta's lofty ridges rest." and in stanza 18, there is a fanciful, but picturesque idea in the words "When o'er the wooded mountain's towering head, Thy hovering shades like flowing tresses spread." stany 20 the mountain rivulets on the slopes are very realistically portrayed, where the Reva (i.c., Narmada) stream 18 spoken of in the following passage: "Whose slender streams upon the brown hill's side, Like painted streaks upon the dusky hide Of the tall elephant." One who has travelled in the higher ranges of the Himalaya mountains during the rainy season will fully appreciate the scene where the streams "through stones and stocks wind slow their arduous way." This and the subsequent quotations within inverted commas aro from H. H. Wilson's translation in vorse, first published at Calcutta in 1914.

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JUNE, 1930) NATURE STUDY IN THE SANSKRIT POEM MEGHADUTA 115 In the poem Rtu-samnhara, Kalidasa refers to the ichor of the elephant in the following lines ? "Roars the wild elephant inflamed with love, And deep the sound reverberates from above, His ample front like some rich lotus shows, Where sport the bees and fragrant moisture flows." In stanza 22 there is a beautiful touch in "Reviving nature bounteous shall dispense, To cheer thy journey every charm of sense, Blossoms with blended green and russet hue, And opening buds shall smile upon thy view." The brilliant flowering trees are like unto "incense that shall rise," and the "warbling birds with music fill the skies," as if in praise for the promise of rain to be. In stanza 25 we have a very vivid picture of the common pipal tree. "Then shall the ancient tree, whose branches wear The marks of village reverence and tear, Shake through each leaf as birds profanely wrest The reverend boughs to form the rising nest." This trec-(Sanskrit Ficus religiosa)-is at all times in India sacred to the Hindu mind. He calls it devalaru, divine tree'; also devabhavana, divine habitation '; and nagabandhu friend of snakes,' because of the belief that the snake deities were especially protected by it. In Sanskrit, the names commonly used for it are pippala and asvattha. The latter name is thought by some to have been given because its fruit ripens in Asvina. This tree is found all over India and is usually planted in every garden, for its dense shade and rapid growth. It is quite bare during the winter months. Owing to the long, slender, petioles, the gentlest breeze causes a constant shaking of the leaves, similar to that of the aspen tree (Populus tremula). The fruit, which is about the size of a small cherry, is vertically compressed. It has medicinal qualities and is greedily eaten by birds, but is not fit for food for man. The young tender leaves are eaten by silk-worms, and a milky, tenacious, juice exudes from any break in the bark--this is rich in caoutchouc and is often used to smear the inside of earthen Vessels, so that they will hold fluids. In all villages inhabited by Hindus, the pipal tree is planted and watered and most tenderly cared for. Frequently idols or temples are found beneath its sheltering branches, and garlands of flowers and offerings of fruit are placed before the idols or hung on the lower limbs. In stanza 27 we find a rather naive thought of the Hindu mind, that pleasure or delight vauses the hairs of the body to stand on end. "Next o'er the lesser hills thy flight suspend, And growth erect to drooping flowerlets lend, While sweeter fragrance breathes from each recess Than rich perfumes the hireling wanton's dress." Or, translated more literaily, "That hill with upright flowers is like the body with its hairs on end." The fragranou of the body here referred to is due to the abundant use of rich and fragrant perfume. Stanza 28.-The tenderness and delicacy of the jasmine is accurately portrayed in the following: "And raise the feeble jasmine's languid head, Grant for a while thy interposing shroud To where those damsels woo the friendly cloud." This probably refers to Jasminum Sambac, Ait., the well-known, single-flowered plant, the Arabian Jasmine, which blossoms during the hot season, but more profusely, after the rainy

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116 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JUNE, 1930 Season begins. Here, too, we find the work of the malakaras, or wreath-sellers, who search for the early blossoms of the wild jasmine, to sell to devout Hindus, to be offered before-skrines in the temples, or to be used in decorating their own homes. It is a common sight to see these flower vendors in the markets. The difficulty of gathering such flowers is vividly portrayed in the following lines : "As while the garland's flowery stores they seck, The scorching sunbeams singe the tender cheek, The ear-hung lotus fades : and vain they chase, Fatigued and faint, the drops that dew the face." In stanzas 30, 31 the river Nirvindhya is personified as a love-lorn maiden wooing the cloud. "Who speaks the language amorous maids devise, The lore of signs, the eloquence of eyes, And seeks with lavish beauty to arrest Thy course and woo thee to her bridal breast." The oloud has barely escaped this enticing one, when another river, the Sindhu, appears. and now, its sympathy is appealed to, for the Sindhu, diminished by the hot season is likened to the peculiar fashion in which the hair is worn by one whose husband is absent, as though this river-maid, because of the absence of the cloud, had bound her hair in one long, single braid, called fuff (veni), to show her sorrow and dejection. The wife does not care to oil and adorn her tresses, with dozens of little braids and many jewels and other gay-colour. ed ornaments, unless her husband can be there to enjoy all her adornment. In stanzas 32 to 36 the desoription of Avanti is exceptionally clear and beautiful. "Here as the early zephyrs waft along, In swelling harmony, the woodland song, They scatter sweetness from the fragrant flower, That joyful opens to the morning hour; With friendly zeal they sport around the maid, Who early courts their vivifying aid, And ...... Here should thy spirit with thy toils decay, Rest from the labours of the wearying way; Round every house the flowery fragrance spreads ; O'er every floor the painted footstep treads ; Breathed through each casement swells the scented air, Soft odours shaken from dishevelled hair." The painted footstep" refers to the common custom of staining the soles of the feet with mehdi, or henna. This is also applied to the palms of the hands and in the dry, hot season is very cooling. Its botanical name is Lawsonia inermis, Roxb. This is a shrub much used for low hedges and is readily started from cuttings. Its fresh, tender leaves are crushed and rubbed on the nails, the palms of the hands and the soles of the feet. This dyes them a rich, reddish orange colour, which is greatly admired by Indian ladies, and is considered, not only very elegant, but very refreshing. The colour remains until it wears off. The plant has very small, greenish.yellow flowers, which are strongly pungent and very beautiful. Stanza 37. The femalo attendants upon the idol are like bees, whose "glances gleam along the sky." The piercing gleam of their glance is, in effeot, like the sting of the bee, and the poet likens the glance, to a long line of bees. What could be more effective in delineating tito coquettish actions of these attendants than such expressive statements of the poet's kcon observation

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JUNE, 1990) NATURE STUDY IN THE SANSKRIT POEM MECHADUTA Stanza 47 "To him whose youth in Sara thickets strayed. Reared by the nymphs, thy adoration paid," refors to the legend concerning Skanda, or Kartikeya, who is the son of Siva and Parvati. He was created to destroy a demon, who by great austerities had acquired too much power to suit the gods. Skanda was cast into the flame of Agni, thenoe transferred to the goddess Ganga. After his birth, he was reared in the midst of thickets of sdra by the wives of soven rishis----these were later placed in the skies and are the Pleiades. The reed reforred to. is Saccharum procerum (Sara), Roxb. This grows to be six to sixteen feet high and is related to the sugarcane, though it seems to be used chiefly for medicinal purposes and for reed pens used in writing the vernacular on paper or on takhtis (wooden slates). Stanza 49 "Whose arching brows like graceful creepers glow, Whose upturned lashes, to thy lofty way, The pearly ball and pupil dark display ; Such contrast as the lovely kunda shows When the black bee sits pleased amidst her snows." The kunda is the beautiful Jasminum pubescens, a small ramous shrub which bears an abundance of pure, white, sweet-scented blossoms during the rainy season, or vargd, as this season is called in Sanskrit. Girls and women are fond of wearing these blossoms in their hair, or as garlands around their necks or wrists. The Sanskrit poets are given to this comparison of the arched brows of the fair-faced ones to the graceful creepers, and of the large shining black eyes, to the honey-bee in the midst of the blossoms. Stanza 54-- "As Siva's bull upon his sacred neck, Amidst his ermine, owns some sable speck, So shall thy shade upon the mountain show, Whose sides are silvered with eternak snow." The bull is the animal sacred to Siva and is supposed to be white, but the dust and " sable speck" may well be seen in hot, dusty India, and the dark shadow of the cloud upon the eternal snows adds a vivid touch of real Indian mountain scenery. Stanza 55-- "From writhing boughs should forest flames arise, Whose breath the air....." In a hot country like India, frequent forest fires break out, and the poet explains this as caused by the mutual friotion of intertwined branches aided by the blowing of the wind, It was a common thought in Vedic literature that the sami (Mimosa Suma, Roxb.) and the alpattha (Ficus religiosa) branohes rubbed together would produce a sacred fire. The Hindus are said to kindle the temple fires by rubbing together a dried twig of each of these. This may be the oase in legend only, as Pururavas is said to have generated primeval fire in this manner. The Mimosa Suma, Roxb. (the Acacia Suma of Buchanan and Hooker) is an evergreen tree with remarkably white bark and villous twigs. One of the peculiarities of this tree is that the flowers, at first bright-coloured, later turn pure white. In the laws of Manu. 8 246 and 247, both the asvattha and sami are mentioned as trees to mark boundaries. Stenza 64. The reference to the golden lotus-covered lake" and "the dews of MAnasa," no doubt, means the sacred lake Manasarovara, situated in the very heart of the higher ranges of the Himalaya mountains, and supposed to be the source of the Ganges river, until Moororoft penetrated to that remote region and disproved that view. The heavenly trees" of this stanza are the five fabled varieties of tree in Indra's, heaven. The kalpa tree is one of this variety, the names of the others are given in the Amarakosa of Amarasimha. (To be continued.)

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118 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JUNE, 1930 BOOK-NOTICES. A HISTORY OF MUGHAL NORTH-EAST FRONTIERtant information in regard to the complete sub POLICY, being a Study of the Political Relationjugation of the Bengal and Orisss zamindars during of the Mughal Empire with Koch Bihar, Kamrup Jahangir's reign, furnishes a mass of detail in respect and Assam, by SUDHINDRA NATH BHATTACHARYYA, of the campaigns in Kamrup and its vicinity during M.A. 81x51 in. ; pp. xxv + 434, with map. the years 1612-24, in which the author himself took Calcutta, 1929. & prominent part. In chapters IV and V, Professor The only comprehensive historical account of the Bhattacharyya has made full use of this account, north-east frontier region hitherto published is that and in chapter VII, of the Fathiya--'ibriya of Shi. contained in Sir E. A. Gait's History of Assam. habu'd-din Talish. He has subjected all the availThe volume before us does not supersede that useful able Assam and Ahom buranjis to a thorough exam. work, but largely amplifies and supplements it in ination, as well as Dr. Wade's MS. History of Assam respect of the Mughal period, and incidentally eug in the I. O. library. He has, besides, utilized all the gests some corrections, as a result of the fresh relevant portions of the better known Persian material used and a more detailed examination of histories and the scanty numismatic and epigraphica the local chronicles. The scope of the work, in the evidence bearing upon the area concerned. The author's words, is primarily that of "& political result is a valuable contribution to the history of the narrative, in which the origin, progress and result north-east frontier in Mughal times. The appendices of an interesting phase of Mughal history, i.e., contain a useful chronologien summary, lists of Muchal foreign policy in the north-east frontier of kings and an exhaustive bibliography. The index India, has been described in as exhaustive and is fairly full, and the map, though not complete, is is fairly systematic & manner as has been found possible." very helpful. The defects due to "rushing into This being the avowed object, the first two chapters, print" will, no doubt, he rectified in the next dealing with (1) the land, the people and their early edition. history, and (IT) the pre-Mughal Muslim relations C. E. A. W. o. with north-eastern India, are comparatively brief. In chapter II, however, the author puts forward UNE GRAMMATRE TIBETAINE DU TIRETAIN CLASSIQUE. certain conjectures as to the campaigns in this LES SLOKAS GRAMMATICAUX DE THONMI SAMquarter by Chiyanu'd-din Bahadur Shah, Muham- BHOTA, avec leurs commentaires, traduits du mad bin Tughlaq, Sikandar Shah and Chiyaou'd-din Tibetain et annotee par JACQUES BACor. 10 x64 Azam, which, being based upon coin finds as yet ini pp. iv. 4231 + 8 Plates. Paris : Geuthner. 1928. otherwise uncorroborated, cannot be accepted As In this work, which is published under the authofinally established. The bulk of the work deals rity of the French Ministry of Instruction, and with the period 1576-1682, or rather more than a forms one of the Annals of the Musee Guimet, century, falling within the reigns of the four great M. Bacot publishes for the first time the original Mughal emperors-Akbar, Jahangir, Shah Jahan Rules of Tibetan Grammar laid down in the seventh And Aurangzeb commencing with Akbar's final century by Thonmi Sambhota, who, with the aid conquest of Bengal from the Afghan dynasty and of Indian Pandits, created the written language ending with the year in which the Assam king of Tibet. The object of their labours was to finally triumphed over the Mughals, and Kamrup translate the Buddhist scriptures into Tibetan. passed out of their hands for good. The sections of and for this purpose the language of the primitive these chapters (III to VII) den with more or less nomads had to be adapted to represent and translate distinct phases in the ever-shifting struggle for supre- the abstract metaphysical and technical terms macy. The headings prefixed to them tend to give of the later school of Indian Buddhism. The the impression that a fixed policy Was maintained result was a purely artificial language, bearing by the Mughal Court for definite periods of time, but little resemblance to the current speech of whereas the constantly changing local conditions the people, restricted to their simple life and and the variable conduct of the rulers, so often at requirements. As M. Bacot observes, classical feud between themselves, rendered continuity of Tibetan is not dend language, for it hnd never policy largely impracticable. Much depended, more. ived. over, upon the personal disposition of the Bengal Thonmi Sambhota embodied his Rules in 65 vioeroy. But this does not detract from the value short aphorisms or articles called, after Sanskrit of the historical matter that has been collected and analogy, klokas, though they are actually of varying arranged with great industry and much impartiality. length. His slokas occupy in Tibetan the position The credit of first drawing attention to the value corresponding to the rules of Panini in Sanskrit, of what appears to be a unique manuscript of the as the basis on which all subsequent Tibetan Bahdristan-s-Ghaibi, preserved in the Gentil collec. grammarians have built. M. Bacot gives the tion in the Bibliotheque Nationale in Paris, lies with manuscript of Thonm Sambhota's Slokas in 8 the distinguished historian, Sir Jadunath Sarkar, platee in photogravure, and also the Tibetan toxt who published an aonysis thereof in the JBORS., (pp. 167-177) and their translation, with an index vol. VII, pt. I. This work, besides giving impor- ! of the grammatical terms employed (pp. 76-107).

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Jun, 1930 ] BOOK NOTICES 110 Thono aphoriama, like the stras in Sanskrit, who have ensayed to carry out research on similar require explanation and commentary, which has lines. He then deals with what he calls thp Laut been done by subsequent Tibetan grammarians. Phase in Northern India, carrying on his investi. M. Bacot also publishes the Tibetan text (pp. 109. gation into the period of the British administration, 165) of one of these grammars written in the seven. concluding, in chapter VIII, with a summary and teenth century, and also gives a translation of it, "hypothetical reconstruction," suggesting the with explanatory notes (pp. 9-75). This grammar, inferences to be drawn from the details given in the as appears from the colophon, was written under | preceding chapters. The scope of the work is the direction of mKhas grub dam pa, a disciple practically confined to northern India, ae sufficient of the grammarian Situ, and based upon his gram. material was not found for incorporating develop. mar. Situ's grammar has been already published mente in the Muhammadan states in the south. by Sarat Chandra Das. Students of Indian revenue history will find The Tibetan grammarians write for Tibetans, valuable matter in Appendices A to H, in which and their works are not therefore suited as an the various technical terms are explained and introduction for others to the classical language. certain passages dealing with agrarian matters dis. M. Bacot, however, has provided this in his "Con. ouaged. Some of the questions raised will, we hope, clusion--Elements et Mecanisme du Tibetain invite discussion, c.9. the meanings of hdyil and Litteraire," at the end of the volume. For this, mahad, nasag, rai', raqami, and what was the actual and for his scholarly explanatory notes throughout nature of the jama-s-famdrl, generally described a the book, M. Bacot deserves the gratitude of all the 'rent-roll,' supposed to have been fixed by students of classical Tibetan. Todar Mal for Bengal. We think that where Afit The price of the book, 200 francs, unfortunately writes: muddat shash sal bandagi Khudja Khwushplaces it beyond the reach of most students of khisal dar bildd-s-mamdlik gashta bar hukm-1-mushdclassical Tibetan. The essentials for that purpose hada mahsul basta 6 karor 75 lake tanka, etc., ho the Preface and Introduction, the Conclusion, means that Husamu'd-din spent six years touring the Translation of Thonmi Sambhota's Slokas round the provinces, and fixed the demand at that sum on the strength of his obeervation, s.e., the and of mKhas grub dam pa's grammar, omitting experience thus gained, that is to say, we think that the expensive plates and the long Tibetan texte would provide evaluable toxt-book of classical bar hukm-s is here used as a prepositional phrase, Tibetan within the reach of students of the lan meaning on the basis of. It seerns possible that guage ; and it is to be hoped that, in their interests, Barnf wed the expression in the same sense, 1.6., M. Bacot may consider doing this. that bar hukm-1-hdpil means on the basis of produce (or outturn). If this be a reasonable interpretation, E. F. C. WALSE. it would be unnecessary to regard mushdhada as having a special revenue meaning of sharing-byTER AGRARIAN SYSTEM OF MOSLEM INDIA: An estimation.' Historical Essay with Appendices, by W. H. In laying down this masterly review, which should MORELAND, C.S.I., C.L.E. 81 x 51 in. ; pp. xvii + be read by all interested in the revenue administra296. Cambridge, W. Heffer & Sons, 1920. tion of India, and should be prescribed for study In this work Mr. Moreland has set himself the by all officers employed.on settlement work, we fuel difficult, and hitherto unattempted, task of present that Mr. Moreland has enhanced the debt which ing a connected view of the position of the peasants all students already owe him for his previous researches into the economic conditions of that in their relations with the State and with the inter country under the Mughals. modiary agencies, such as chiefs, assignees, grantes, farmers, headmon and other representatives, during C.E.A.W.O. the six centuries of Muhammadan rule in India. He refers briefly to the antecedent Hindu organiza- THE MIMAMBA NYAYA PEAKASA OR APADEVI; tion, suggesting the probability of its persistence, & Treatise on the Mimarsd System by Apadeva with adaptation and modification and change of translated into English, with an Introduction, nomenclature ; and reoont research in the economic transliterated Sanskrit Text, and Glossarial conditions of pre-Muhammadan India bears this index, by FRANKLIN EDGERTON, Ix + 308 pp. out in many directions. In a series of chapters, each New Haven : Yale University Press, 1929. devoted to . ypical period, he then surveys the Profesor Edgerton, in his proface, tolla um that agrarian system from the time of Qutbu'd-din's this work is the outcome of his stay in 1926 in segumption of the Sultanate of Delhi (1206) down to Poona, where he read the padent with Pandit the end of the seventeenth century, as far as this can Wamana Sastri Kinjawadekar, the head of the be facertained or inferred from the axtant chronicles Poona Mimi Vidy Alaya. From the rough or unpublished doouments. The enormous labour translation prepared at that time the author hag involved in studying so thoroughly all the records now produced highly polished and most in. and documente utilized can only be realized by thomestructive ono, to which he has added an interesting

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120 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JUNE, 1930 owing to indications given by Roth; and it seems somewhat curious that so far no systematic investigations have been carried on in Southern India, the native land of the Yajur Vedas. Anyhow, it would certainly be very valuable if a thorough and systematic collection of all the quotations from Vedic texts in the Mimms scriptures were brought together. The quotation panca pancanakha bhakrydh. mentioned on p. 33, has been exhaustively dealt with by Professor Luders, ZDMG., 1xi, 641 f. It occurs in Jataka 537, as gatha 58, in MBh., xii, 141, 70, in the introduction to the Mahabhd ya and in various passages of the law literature (cp. also Dr. J. J. Meyer, Die altindischen Rechtsschriften). Professor Edgerton has, through several highly accomplished works, earned the gratitude of his follow-scholars. His last contribution to Sanskrit scholarship, upon which he is to be warmly congratu. lated, is certainly not the least. JARL CHARPENTIER. and pellucid introduction and several very useful indexes. He has also given us & reproduction of the Sanskrit text itself, which will be the more welcome as Indian editions of it are very seldom seen in Europe. Thus Professor Edgerton has in every way put his colleagues under a deep obligation. The Mimamsa system has certainly not been exhaustively studied in Europe ; and the present writer-probably much like many other scholarshas not felt very greatly enlightened by the explications of it given by Profoshore Keith, Das Gupta, Radhakrishnan, etc. It is, therefore, most welcome to have got, from the experienced pen of Professor Edgerton, a trustworthy translation of one of the most highly valued hand-books on the Mimarsa system. Abstruse as it undoubtedly appears to European minds, it is none the less of great interest as going back to very remote timos; and its method of reasoning has been of high importance for the development of Hindu legal literature. The principle of the Mimarns that the dnarthakya, the senselessness, should overywhere be ruled out of the Veda is upheld with great vigour throughout the codes of Hindu law. TO & scholar who knows little of Hindu philo. sophy and still less of the special tenets of the Mim Amad, the most interesting point is perhaps the one concerned with the Vedic quotations found in Sabarasvamin's Bhagya and in subsequent treatises of the Mimamsakas. It is quite obvious that the chief authority of these ritualistio philo Bophers consisted of the various Yajus texts. And it is extremely interesting to know that some of the quotations from such texts cannot be found in those now known to us; also that some others are found, but only in a more or less divergent form. We are at ance reminded of Patanjali's notice concerning the existence of more than & hundred Yajur Vedas. For, even if that be an exaggeration, there can be no doubt that the four versions, together with fragments of a fifth one, of which we are now possessed, do not exhaust the possible number of Yajus Texts. We cannot but remember how the Paippalada version of the Atharva Veda was happily unearthed in Kashmir DJAWA. TYDSCHRIFT VAN HET JAVA-INSTITUUT. Vol. IX, Nos. 2 and 3, May 1929. Secretariat Van Het Java-Instituut, Kadipolo, Solo. The whole of this issue is taken up with an article of 120 pp. by B. Van Tricht entitled Living Antiquities in West Java. It is divided into two parts (1) The Badoejs, (2 Goenoeng Segara. The information contained in the article was obtained during an expedition undertaken by Prof. J. Boeke, Prof. C. D. de Langen and the author, in the hope of making a medical examination of the Badooje in South Bantam, whose secular isolation must have had important anthropological and physiological results. From this point of view, however, the expedition was a failure, owing to the passive regis. tance of the people. Many interesting facts, how. ever, about the religious belief and worship, the social organization and the ethnography of this interesting people were observed and are recorded in this article. J. M. B. NOTES AND QUERIES. DOUBLE RING HAFTING. It is desired to ascertain as accurately as possible The Indian Research Committee of the Royal the geographical distribution of this type of hafting Anthropological Institute seek the following infor and the whereabouts of specimens in museum col. lections. Any information, together with sketches mation : of the specimens referred to, should be sent toA primitive method of hafting a flat sxe blade (i.e., & blade without hole or socket) survives in K. DE B. CODRINGTON, Esq., South India. The blade is inserted in a cleft stick, Honorary Secretary, which is prevented from splitting by two rings, enciroling the haft, one above and one below the India Research Committee, blade, so that the shock of a blow falls on one or Royal Anthropological Institute, other of the rings, instead of on the wood. 82, Upper Bedford Place, London, W. C. 1.

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JULY, 1930 ] SOME REMARKS ON THE BHAGAVADGITA SOME REMARKS ON THE BHAGAVADGITA, By Pror. JARL CHARPENTIER, PH.D., UPSALA. (Continued from page 105.) There is still another point where there seems to me to exist a marked difference between the earlier and later part of the Gita. It seems quite obvious that the later cantos in certain passages quote different systematic treatises on philosophy, which is scarcely the case with cantos ii-xi. Thus in xv, 15: Sarvasya cahain hrdi samnivieto mattal smytir jianam a pohanam ca i vedais ca sarvair aham eva vedyo vedantakrd vedavid eva caham || 15 | We hear about the Vedanta, though it may be doubtful whether by that is meant the Upani. sads or the later Vedanta system. In xv, 20 and in xvi, 24, we hear about a bastra which can scarcely be anything but a yogasastra ; and that such is the case seems obvious from a comparison with xvii, 5 a-b: asastravihitam ghoram tapyante ye lapo janah ...... tan viddhy asuraniscayan || For what else could this mean but to denote those who practise austere and terrible penanceas.e.g., the Jaing-for which rules are not laid down in the orthodox yoga-sastras. Then in xviii, 13, we hear of panca karanani, which are laid down samkhye krtante. This must needs mean'in the Sam khya system '; and though it be quite true that the doctrine laid down here is not found in the existing handbooks of Samkhya, this means nothing, seeing that they are all very late. There can be no doubt that an earlier exposition of that system is really meant here. Finally we come upon a crucial point, viz., the mention of the brahmasutra in xiii, 4: rsibhir bahudha gitam chandobhir vividhaih prthak | brahmasitra pada is caiva hetumadbhir viniscitail |4| It has been emphatically stated by Professor Jacobito that this verse must be an interpolation, and upon his authority the same opinion has been expressed also by other soholars.71 But Professor Jacobi's arguments seem to me scarcely valid. When he finds that the verse xiii, 4, destroys the connection between 3 and 5, this is a suggestion of entirely individual bearing, as I cannot find any sign of such a discontinuation. Stronger is the other objection, viz., that Badarayana has in three passages quoted the present Bhagavadgita. It is quite true that the commentaries on i, 3, 23 (api smaryate); ii, 3, 45 (api smaryate), and iv, 2, 21 (yoginah prati ca smaryate smurte caite) expressively point to the Gita, xv, 6, 12 and xiv, 2; xv, 7 and viii, 23 89., as being those passages of the Smrti alluded to by Badarayana. Such statements in commentaries much later than the text73 aro, of course, not authoritative by themselves; and it should be distinctly proved that there exist no other passages in the literature regarded by Badarayana as Smrti" than even those from the Gitu, to which he 70 Deutsche Lit. Zeit., 1921, 717 f.; 1922, 101 f. 91 Op. Professors Winternitz, Geschichte d. ind. Lit., iii, 429, n. i, and Keith, A History of Sanskrit Lit., p. 475, n. 1, as well as Dr. W. Ruben, Festschrift Jacobi, p. 351. Other, and more sensible, opinions are put forth by Professor Hopkins, The Great Epic, p. 16, and Dr. Raychaudhuri, Early History of the Vaishnava Sect, p. 52. 72 The exact date of the Brahmasutras still remains unknown. It is, of course, far abuve my power to criticise the opinions of Professor Jacobi on the dates of the philosophical Sutras (JAOS., XXXi, 1 f.). However, they appear to me inconclusive simply because I consider it impossible to date works, the internol history of which is entirely unknown to us, on purely internal grounds. That the Brahimasutras should date from 200-450 A.D. is, of course, possible; but I should venture to think that an earlier date is not excluded by the arguments of Professor Jacobi. 13 "Unter Smrti wird das Mahabharats und insbesondere die Bhagavadgita verstanden. Auch Samkhya und Yoga werden als "Smrtis in Bezug auf die Yoginsbezeichnet." (Winternitz, Gesch. d. ind. Lit., iii, 429 f.). However, it does not seem clear to me whether later and less authoritative works may nou also have been looked upon by the commentators as belonging to Smrti.

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122 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JULY, 1930 could have alluded here, before we take it for granted that the Brahmasutras really quote the Gita. However, I am fully prepared to admit that Br. Su., iv, 2, 21, is really a quotation from viii, 23 f., though the argument bo not wholly conclusive, for this passage belongs to what I call the earlier Gita, and that may certninly be older than the work of Badarayana. The reference to xv, 7, in the commentaries on Br. Si., ii, 3, 45, is inconclusive as the same idea might easily be drawn from x, 41 f. As for i, 3, 23, Sankara finds that it alludes to xv, 6, 12, while Ramanuja quotes xiv, 2; and whatever Badarayana meant by his api smaryate in this passage it is perfectly obvious that he could not at one time have in mind both these entirely different passages. Thus I can find it in no way proved that the author of the Brahmasutras did ever quote from the book xiv or xv of the Gita, and I feel fairly sure he did not. Consequently, I cannot look upon xiii, 4, as an interpolation, and it seems to me fairly obvious that the brahmasutra mentioned means nothing but the one known to us. To sum up what has been said hitherto : I venture to think that the present text of the Bhagavadgita does mainly consist of three different parts, viz. 1. Cantos i and ii, 1-11, 31-38, belonging to the original text of the Mahabharata. 2. Cantos ii, 12---30, 39--72 ; iii, 1-xi, 50, and xviii, 74-78, being what I would call the earlier Gita. Of this part, the Tristubh verses in xi, 15-50, may probably be an earlier fragment which has been incorporated in the text. 3. Cantos xi, 51-55, and xii, 1-xviii, 73, forming what I would call the later Gita. Suggestions like these can, unfortunately, never be proved. To different minds they may possess a greater or lesser degree of verisimilitude. II. To try and form, with any degree of exactitude, an opinion on the date of the Bhagavadgita-or rather of its different parts--will probably never be possible. However, a scholar who, like the present one, has tried to set forth his humble opinions on the original form and development of that text, will probably feel bound by duty to add a few suggestions also upon the problem of dates. This is perhaps the only excuse for the few modest remarks that follow below. The Bhagavadgita is insolubly joined with the names of Krsna and Arjuna. Whether these two were originally historical persons-which according to my opinion is highly probable-may be left aside here as being fairly irrelevant. However, we must begin with a rapid glance at those passages of the literature that contain some sort of information regarding their history, be it originally real or mythical. Krsna is said to have been the son of a certain Vasudeva-whence his paternal name Vasudeva74_and Devaki, the cousin of Kamsa. His elder brother was Balarama or Sam. karsana, whose mother was Rohini. Of this Krsna we hear for the first time this is at least 74 Professor Jacobi, ERE., vii, 195, and Festschr. Streitberg, p. 162 f., has tried to prove that Vasudex is the old name of a tribal god from which was derived a namo Vasudeve said to be that of his father. This is contrary to Patanjali on Pan., iv, 1, 114, vartt. 7, and can certainly not be uphold. That the form subhadra, used in the Saundarananda, i, 23, and in the Dutavikya, v. 6, should be very old, seems at least doubtful; Also that the father's name was originally Anakadundubhi, which sounds uncommonly like a nickname. Finally, an argument of Professor Jacobi's is completely unintelligible to me. It runs as follows: "In the Chand. Up., iii, 17, 1, where we first hear of Kropa (Krona Devaki putra) only his mother, not his father, is mentioned. Now, if Vasudevs was really & patronymic it ought to be applied first of all to Vasudeva's oldest son Samkarsana. He, however, is never styled thus but only by his maternal name Raubineya (from Rohin)." With all due respect I should like to ask Professor Jacobi : what does this provo except that a tradition was preserved according to which Kraps and Samkar jana were the sons of one father but of differ ont mothers, Devaki and Rohinl? In that case what could be more natural than that they should wooz just those names, vit., Devakiputra and Rauhipoya ?

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JULY, 1930 SOME REMARKS ON THE BHAGAVADGITA 123 the general opinion in the Chand. Up., iii, 17, 1 f., a passage which has been repeatedly translated but may still be given here in extenso " When one craves for food and drink and finds no pleasure that is one's diksa. (1.) "When one eats and drinks and finds all pleasure--then one takes part in the upasadah. (2.) "When one laughs and feeds sumptuously and joins in sexual intercourse-- then one takes part in stotra and sastra. (3.) "Penance, almsgiving, upright behaviour, ahimsa, and truthfulness, these are the sacri. ficial gifts. (4). "That is why they say: 'he will press Soma (procreate)- he has pressed Soma (procreated) '--that is his rebirth, that is his death. The ceremonial ablution is death." (5.) Ghora Angirasa, having explained this to Krena Devakiputra, said-for he was free from thirst: "In his last hour he should take refuge in this triratna : Thou art the indestructible ; Thou art the never reborn; Thou art the sharpening of the vital spirits.' "T And here are these two Rk-verses : (6) " Just then they see the early dawning light of the old kind " that gleameth beyond heaven.' " From out of surrounding darkness we, beholding the higher light, have come to Surya, god amongst the gods, the very highest light-yea, the very highest light.' "18 (7.) This Ghora Angirasa is mentioned in Kaus. Br., xxx, 6, as being the Adhvaryu of the Adityas which probably means as much as a sort of Sun-worshipper. This certainly tallies well with the importance evidently ascribed to that luminary in the passage translated above. Whether again Krsna (Devakiputra) is identical with the Krsna Angirasa mentioned in Kaus. Br., XXX, 9, seems highly doubtful. Krsna is by itself not an uncommon name : and though he may well have called himself Angirasa in imitation of his Guru, there is no necessity for an identification. And now which is the doctrine that the otherwise unknown Ghora Angirasa preaches to Krsna Devakiputra ? The answer seems to be that he compares the phases of human life to the stages of the diknar' which may be said to be an adequate interpretation if these phases be taken to be successive and not contemporaneous. We must remember that the diksa is not inaptly compared with human embryoship and birth 80; but this probably is not enough. For what Ghora expresses in Chand. Up., iii, 17, 1, can scarcely be said about the human embryo. This, however, is a fairly fit description of the life of a brahmacarin when the young student is bound to chastity (na ramale) and a very simple and austere life. Then in the two following paragraphs there is the description of the life of the newly married man, the grhastha, whose early domestic pastimes are compared to the upasad and the stutasastra. But even during a gay and pleasant life one is bound to practise virtues, 81 and these are compared to the sacrificial gifts (daksina), which, like good qualities, count as merit in a future life. But the height of earthly existence is the procreation of offspring, of sons who will be able to continue the family and feed the spirits of the forefathers; and thus the procreative act is compared to the pressing of the Soma. When man is no longer able to procreate, then death is awaiting him, and the funeral ceremonies are aptly compared 75 I have allowed myself to borrow this Buddhist expression, not being able to find a fit modern equivalent of traya in this passage. 76 I feel somewhat baffled by the expression pranasambitam asi; however, samtita must probably mean the same as samsiti in Ait. Br., i, 26. 77 pratnasya retasah is puzzling; it probably means '(the light seen) by the old forefathers,' cp. the use of the same expression in RV., iii, 31, 10 (Geldner, Der Rigveda, i, 331). 78 A curious parallel to some parts of Ghora's teaching is found in Ts., vii, 4, 9, 1. But as that passage has probably got nothing to do with ours we shall not touch upon it further here. 79 Cp. Dr. Barnett, Hindu Gods and Heroes, 68 f. and 82 f. 80 Cp. Ait. Br., i, 3, etc. 81 With Chand. Up., iii, 17, 4, cp. the enumeration in Bhagavadgita, x, 4-5.

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184 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JULY, 1930 to the arabh tha ablution. Thus there is a strict parallelism between human life and the successive stages of the sacrifice. And this human life contains only two of the regular four afra mas, riz., that of the brahmacurin and the grhastha.89 Now Professor Winternitz83 has shown that the oldest Upanisads, viz., the Brhadaranyaka and the Chandogya, know nothing of the later orthodox four abramas, but that they make a difference between the life of the householder and that of the muni or pravrajin. Only the Chand. Up., viii, 15-almost certainly a late passage-knows the three successive stages, viz., brahmacurin, grhastha, and samnyasin. The life of two aframas, however, which I venture to think Ghora has been comparing to the sacrifice, seems to be the most natural one for the ksattriya. For, even if great kings of yore have after the domestic life turned wandering ascetics-ag, for instance, does Janaka in Jain and Buddhist lore--they undoubtedly were exceptions. The usual life of a ksattriya probably ended either on the battlefield or in his own house-though the latter mode of death is sometimes disapproved by the authors of lawbooks.84 A possible way of ending one's life may also have been by suicide by fire-a sort of self-sacrifice which was held to lead to brahmaloka=svarga.86 But there is something more still in the teaching of Ghora Angirasa who was free from thirst (pipasa, the trend of the Bauddhas).&6 In one's final hour one ought to take refuge in three precious thoughts, viz., that some being is the indestructible, the never reborn (i.e., the everlasting absolute), and the sharpening of the vital spirits. This being, as far as my understanding goes, is not brahman but even Surya, the Sun, or rather the radiant brahmaloka or svarga beyond the visible heaven to which pious men who fulfil their svadharma may aspire. In so far the teaching of Ghora tallies with the promise of svarga held out by Krsna to Arjuna 87 ; but that is probably the common creed of the ksattriya caste.88 How far we can otherwise hope to find in the Gita a reflection of the doctrine of Ghora Angirasa may be somewhat doubtful, though the efforts of a most eminent scholar 89 in that direction are worthy of every attention. Unfortunately, the material for comparison is scanty and vague. Thus the Chandogya Upanigad tells us about a certain Krana Devakiputra- and there is to me not the slightest doubt that he is identical with the Krsna of the Great Epic-who was no doubt a koattriya and who was the pupil of Ghora Angirasa. It is, of course, only natural to think that in some way or other he propagated these doctrines and perhaps others of his own, and thus perhaps became the founder of some sect-sects seem to have been numerous in India from time immemorial. The date of the Chandogya is, unfortunately, just as unknown as that of nearly every important Sanskrit work. But upon the consensus of many leading authorities it is declared to be pre-Buddhist ; and if that means anything 83 Among recent literature on the problem of the asramas cp. Professor Winternitz, Festschr. Jacobi, p. 215 f. (with literature); Dr. Eggers, Das Dharmasutra der Vaikhanasas (Goettingen, 1929), and Dr. Weinrich, Archiv far Relig. Wissenschaft, xxvii, 77 f. 88 Lc., p. 216 f. 84 Op. MB., vi, 146; Vion usmrti 3, 44, etc. 85 On suicide by fire, op. a paper by the late Professor Hillebrandt. called Der freiwillige Feueriod in Indien und die Somaweihe in the Sitz. Ber. d. Bayer. Abad. d. Wiss., 1917, 8. Cp. also Mrochakatika, Act i, v. 40-d: najanam vikoya puttram paramasamudayena svomedhena centua labdhvi cayuh databdan dasadinasahitam hudrakognim pravistahl 88 I am totally at a loss to understand the suggestion of Mr. Jainath Pati, IHQ., v, 272, n. 2, that Zara. thushtra was known in Vedic times........either as Jarutha or Ghora Angiras.' But as the theories of Mr. Pati in general seem to run outside the pale of scientific method and criticism, I may perhaps be excused for not discussing them here. 87 Gita, ii, 37. 88 It should be remembered in this connection that what Krsna presches to Arjuna in the Gita is expressly called the rajavidya, the ndjaguhyam (=rijopanipat), Gita, ix, 2. op. the mahtpalavidhi of MBh.. xii, 11876 (on which op. Professor Edgerton, AJ Phil., xlv, 44 f.). And in iv, 1-2, we hear that the yoga has formerly been taught to a succession of nijar ayah (cp. bhakta rajarsayah, ix, 33). The Gita is essentially not a friend of the Brahmans; the conclusion of Professor Hopkins, The Great pic, p. 384, that it is a purely priestly product is simply unintelligible. 89 Cp. Dr. Barnett, 1.c., p. 82 f.

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JULY, 1930 1 SOME REMARKS ON THE BHAGAVADOITA 125 at all, it must probably mean that this Upanisad belongs to the time about 600-550 B.C. at the very lowest.90 This Krsna also, from the name of his father, became known as Vasudeva, and as such he is undoubtedly mentioned by Panini. I shall not venture to enter upon a renewed in. vestigation of the rule iv, 3, 98 (Vasudevurjunibhuim vun) which has up to a very recent date given rise to a somewhat spirited and partly most infructuous discussion.91 I shall simply take it for granted that in iv, 3, 95, bhakti has its usual sense of 'adoration' or 'Eure ship, and that Vasudeva and Arjuna-of whoin Vasudeva is obviously looked upon as being the chief person-are the well-known heroes of the Mahabharata. The sutra of Panini proves nothing for the existence of the Bhagavadgita-which at his time in all probability did not exist--as Krona and Arjuna certainly formed a pair already in the earliest nucleus of the Epic. However, Panini apparently knew that these two were worshipped by certain sectarians, which is, after all, no more marvellous than his acquaintance with the followers of Parasarya and Silalin, Karmanda and Krmiva betrayed by Sutras iv, 3, 110-111---to mention only one single example. And these sectarians were according to him called Vusuderaka and Arjunaka.99 That is all, and this need probably trouble us no further. That Arjuna should also have shared in some divine honours, or at least have been worshipped as a hero of yore-which in India is scarcely a very uncommon thing-is not so very shocking, seeing that in the Mahabharata Bhisma himself proclaims the divine nature of Krsna and Arjuna,98 and that they were probably at an early date identified with Narayana and Nara.94 Panini's date, of course, remains somewhat of a puzzle. The one which has long been semi-traditional in European literature on the subject, viz., 350 B.C., lacks even the very slightest value. The present writer has, some years ago, given it as his humble opinion that some time about 500 B.O. would suit him better,96 and he has so far found no reason to change his opinion.96 If such be the case, then it would follow that Krsna and Arjuna were worshipped as heroes about the presupposed date of the Buddha. That this worship should have had any special connection with the North-Western Frontier, the home of Panini, would be a precipitate conclusion. Still it may be well to remember that, according to the Mahabharata, Arjuna conquers the North and North-West and performs his mighty penance in the far North. He also at the end, like his brothers, dies in the mountains of the North. 90 The very wise words of the late Professor Rhys Davids (CHI., 1, 172 f.) ought to be taken more to heart by scholars than is perhape generally done. The present writer willingly admits that he has at one time himself (op. I A., xliii, 118 1., 125 f., 167 f.) maintained, in the face of evidence perhaps just as valuable, that the year of Buddha's death was 477 B.C. This as well as other dates is, of course, mere guess-work. All we know is, unfortunately, that Asoka (about 250 B.c.) knew of his (pretended or genuine) birth-place, and also that Asoka called him bhagavan. It may have taken some considerable time ere such a title was applied to the founder of a sect that was at the beginning perhaps not very numerous. That time may have been two or three centuries, perhaps even more and certainly less. There would, of course, be 8 slightly older testimony for Buddha's existence if the fragment in Clem. Alex. Stroin., i, xv, 71, 6, be roally taken from Megasthenes; but this seems to me highly uncertain. However, the apudvxt may really have been Buddhist friars, and in that case such people would bo proved to havo existed before 300 B.C. : but that does not carry u very much further. 91 Op. Kielhorn, JRAS., 1908, p. 502 1., Professor Keith, ibid., 1908, p. 847 f., Sir G. Grierson, ibid., 1909, p. 1122 ; Bhandarkar, ibid., 1910, p. 168 f., Vaimavism, p. 3; Professor Hopkins, The Great Epic, p. 395, n. 2; Garbe, Bhagavadgita, p. 34 f. ; Mr. Ramaprasad Chandra, MASI, No. 5 (1919), etc.; and quite lately Mr. U. Ch. Bhattacharjee, IHQ., i, 483 f., ii, 409 f., 865, and Mr. K. G. Subralimanyam, ibid., ii, 186 f., 864 f. Tho erlitor of the IHQ. is to ho complimented upon having closed the last mentioned discussion at a fairly carly date. 2 In M h., xiii, 1, 18 f., n huntor is introduced by the name of Arjunaka. 93 Cp. Holtzmann, Mahabharata, ii, 110; cp. Also Dr. Barnett, L.c., p. 87 .. 92 f. The Gita itself (x, 37) mentions Vasudeva and Dhanajaya in close connection. 9+ Vasudeva and Narayana are identified with each other and with Vispu) already in Taitt. Ar., x, 1, 6. 95 Cr. Zeitschr. f. Indologic, ii, 147 f. 90 Cp. also BSOS., iv, 313 ; TRAS., 1928, p. 345 f.

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126 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JULY, 1930 If now we proceed further, we next meet with the testimony of Megasthenes. The value of his fragments has at times been somewhat overratedar; however, we gather from him thut about 300 D.C. Krsna was a great god, the Indian Ileracles, who was specially worshipped by the Surasenas around the towns Mathura aud Kleur Bopz This is anyhow in perfoct accordance with Hindu tradition. To make a long story short, we have now only to turn to the well-known Besnagar inscription and to the Mahabhasya of Patanjali--other testimonies of a somewhat later date may well be left aside. The inscription on a column at Besnagar, which must probably be not much later than 200 B.C., tells us that a Garuda-column of Vasudeva, the devd-deva, was crected by the bhagavita Heliodorus, son of Dion, from Taxila, who came as an ambassador from the Great King Antialcidas (Amtalikila) to King Kasiputra Bhagabhadra. And there are helow it the two lines which tell us that: trini amuta padani (sulanuhitani nayamti svaga damaciga apramida. And Patanjali, whose date must fall about 150 B.C.,98 in his commentary on iv, 3, 98, speaks of Vasudeva as bhagavan and in that on ii, 2, 34, mentions temples of Rama and Kesava. Now, I venture to think that what the Besnagar inscription tells us is strongly remini. scent of what I have proposed to call the earlier Gita, viz., cantos ii-xi. Heliodorus, son of Diyn, calls himself a bhagavata, a follower of Bhagavan; and he styles his god Vasudeva the deva-deva, the 'god of gods,' an epithet which recurs in the Gita, x, 15 and xi, 13, but is otherwise only used in a few passages of the Mahabharata and in the late Bhagavata-puruna. And at the end of his inscription he refers to three immortal steps' that lead to heaven, warga, the svarga promised by Krsna to Arjuna (ii, 37) and spoken of in still other passages of the earlier Gita, the common goal of the brave warrior and the bhakta. And these three stops' are dama, 'self-control;'tyaga, which may well mean restraint' but also liberality,' almsgiving;' and a pra mada, 'alertness': all these three are qualities specially characteristic of and laudable in a knattriya.99 Such coincidences cannot, in my humble opinion, be quite tortuitous. And I should thus venture to conclude that if the earlier Gita (ii-xi) be not exactly contemporaneous with the Besnagar column inscription, it still belongs to a period which falls somewhere about 200 B.C. or perhaps even slightly earlier. That such a conclusion is not wholly preposterous seems clear to me also because the late Professor Garbe arrived, for his purified Gita, at a period about 200-150 B.C., though for reasons that are perhaps partly fallacious.100 AB for the later Gita (xii-xviii) I can fix upon no definite period whatsoever that would particularly suit it. However, I should not feel astonished if there were an interval of several centuries between the two parts of the poem. Such are the modest conclusions at which I have been able to arrive. It would be quite tempting to go into some other details connected with this extremely important text, but lack of time unfortunately prevents me from doing it. 97 This seems to me to be the case in the otherwise very valuable work by Professor O. Stein, Megasthenes and Kautilya (1922). 08 I still feel convinced that the Yavana king mentioned by Patanjali is really Menander. Professor Konow sometime ago (Acta Orientalia, i, 35) tried to prove that he was rather Demetrius but his arguments seem to me to carry little weight. Apparently he was not aware that such an idea had been forestalled by M. Levi Quid de Grecis veterum Indorum monumenta tradiderint, pp. 38, 63, and by R. O. Franke, Goett. gel. Anzeigen, 1891, p. 963. 09 Dr. Raychaudhuri, JProc ASB., xviii (1922), 269 f., has very happily compared the final verse of the inscription with MBh., xi, 7, 23 sq., where dama, tyaga and apramada are said to be the three steeds of Brah. ma that lead to brahmaloka. We are well aware that brahmaloka here means the same as svarga. We are reminded again of the part played by svarga in the edicts of Asoka, which are about half a century older than the Beenagar inscription. 100 Cp. Garbe, 1.c., p. 75 f. Garhe thought that the grammarian Patanjali and the author of the Yogasutras must be the same person, which, in spite of the high authority of Professor Liebich, is perhaps not the case. Otherwise dates suggested for the Gita are very vague; cp., e.g., Holtzmann, Mahabharata, i, 127, ii, 121Professor Hopkins, The Great Epic, pp. 205, 402; Professor Liebich, Panini. (Cp. also Franke, Goett. gel. Anzeigen, 1891, p. 956.)

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JULY, 1930 SOME ADDITIONS TO THE LALLA-VAKYAXI 127 SOMN ADDITIONS TO THE LALLA-VAKYANI. (The Wise Sayings of Lal Derd.) BY PANDIT AXAND KOUL, SRINAGAR, KASHMIR. (Continuerl from page 113.) 19. Las kusey shit nimarcy : Tran zal karey ihir. Yih kami opadesh kuruy, Phil Bhalla, Atsitan walas sutsitan kath dyun dhar? It (the sheep) removeth shame and dispelleth cold (by clothing made of its wool), It eateth (and) drinketh grass (and) water. Who taught this doctrine to thee, O foolish Brahman, To give a living sheep to a lifeless stone to eat ? 20. Loluk nar Lallih lolih lalunowum. Maranay moyus tah rizas nah zaray. Rangah ratshih zatsaiy kych nak rang howum ? Buh dapun tsolum ; kyuh sanah karay ? Ravanah manzay ravun rovum. Ravit athih ayas bhavasaray. Asan gindan Sahazay provum. Dapanuy karum panas saray. I, Lalla, bore the fire of love in my bosom. Before death I died and remained not in old age. What form did I not show in my formless nature ? I got rid of egotism. What shall I do? In the loss I lost the logs. After getting lost I got found in the lake of existence (i.6., this world). Laughing (and) playing I found the True Nature (Siva). This matter I did ascertain for myself. 21. Mandis vidar tay vidaris sakrey. Sakrey karak marak nah zak. Sakrey travit karak kukrey, Adah wakray gatshiy tah bhalak nah zah. Sickness (overtaketh) the weak and to the weak treatment (is necessary). If thou undergoest treatment thou shalt never die. If thou, having left treatment, wilt do ill deeds, Then thou shalt get cramped and shalt never be cured. 22. Mudas prunun chhuy muiwal tsidun; Mwlas prunun chhuy muri dyun kok; Mudas prunun chhuy samudur purun ; Mudas prinan raviy doh. To impart instruction to a fool is tantamount to splitting a hair; To impart instruction to a fool is tantamount to piling up a as a soreen; hill

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128 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JULY, 1930 To impart instruction to a fool is tantamount to filling in the sea, In imparting instruction to a fool thou shalt lose the day (i.e., it will be a Tiseless labour). 23. Modo kriy chhay nah dharun Inl girun. Mudo kriy chaley nah ruchhin lviy. Mudo kriy chley walk ich nundirun Sahaz vrisirun cheny oparesh. O fool it is not a pious deod to observe a fast and to eat after a fast. O fool it is not a pious deed to preserve the body. O fool it is not a pious deed to feed the body. To comprehend the Supreme (Siva) is the (true) doctrino. 24. Natho, buh no raniy mangay ; Meh Ravanun raj karem kyah ? Yih gom likhit tih ma harim; Harim harim tah harim kyah. Lord, I shall not ask Thee for even a queen, What will even Ravan's kingdom avail me ? Whatsoever (He) hath inscribed as my lot, that cannot be effaced. Go off, go off from me, and what shall go off from me ? 25. Paran paran zev tal phajim; Tsih yugi kriy tajim nah zah, Sumran phirun nyoth tah anguj gajim ; Manach duyi mali tsajim nah zah. By reciting (and) reciting my tongue and palate got worn away, I could not do practice befitting Thee. By telling the beads of the rosary my thumb and index-finger got worn away; (But,) O Father, I never got rid of the inner duality of any heart. 26. Parit tah buzit Brahman tshotan; Agar ghatan tihindi Veda satiy ; Pattanach san nit thavan Mattan; Mohit man gatshok ahankarty. After reading and hearing (what religion is) the Brahmans will get polluted, The sources (of rivers) will shrink down by their (recitation of) Vedas, They shall carry to Mactan property stolen from Patton, Having committed robbery, their mind will become proud (instead of being repentant). Pattan is a village in the Bangil pargana. Mattan is a village near which are the magni. ficent ruins of the temple of Martanda, or the Sun. This saying expresses remorse and agony at the prospect of the doom of degraded Brahmans.

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JULY, 1930 ] SOME ADDITIONS TO THE LALLA-VAKYANI 129 27. Par par karan zal do mandan; Badyok timany ahambho's Gita paran hetha labhan. Param Gita tah paran chhas. (They are) reading (and) re-reading, as if (they are) churning water (.e., doing useless work); To them self-love hath increased, (They are) reading (the Bhagavad) Grit (and) finding a pretext (to do so). I have read (the Bhagavad Gita and am still reading it i.e., it is futile to read it without profiting by its teachings). The other version of this saying is given in No. 4 above. 28. Rangas manz chhuy byun byun, labhan. Soruy tsalak bharak sukh. Tsak rashi tah uair ay galak; Adah deshak Shiva sund mukh. He is in different guises in the actor's show. Find Him. If thou bearest everything, thou shalt enjoy peace. If thou killest anger, envy and enmity, Then thou shalt see the face of Siva! 29. Samsar ho malih yariv jangul; Lariy kelam tah biyih badbuy. Gharah 1 karun ho mali petha pyun sangur ; Nerak nangur tah darog-goy. The world is, O father, like a forest of pine trees; Thou shalt be stained with tar and get an evil smell (there). To maintain a household (is & calamity as bad as) a mountain coming crash down (upon you). Thou shalt go out as a pauper and a liar, 30. Shayih asas shayil chhas; Lay bih panay panas chhas. Narit gatshan; tilit yiwan. Milit panah Day chhas. I was in the six (attributes of the Supreme Deity), I am in the six (the same attributes) I am absorbed within myself. I go out into the world); after an excursion I return to the Supreme Deity). I am one with the Supreme Deity. 31. Shiv chhuy zinul il wharivit ; Kranzan manz chhuy tarit kyat. Zindah nay wuchhihan adah katih marit? Panah manz pan kad vitsarit kyat. 1 Scih garah-{EDITOR)

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130 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY JULY, 1930 - Siva is with a fine net spread out, He permeateth the mortal coils. If thou, whilst alive, canst not see Him, how canst thou when dead ? Take out Self from self, after pondering over it. 32. Suyih kul no dudah sati sagizey. Sarpinih-thulan dih zih nah phah. Seli-shathas phal no wavizey. Rawarizih nah kum-yajan til. Mudas gnyanach lath no wanizey. Kharas gor dinah rdviy doh. Yus yuth kariy suh tyut surey. Krerey karizih nah pananuy pan. Irrigate not the nettle with milk. Hatch not & snake's eggs. Sow not seeds on the sandy river bed. Waste not oil over bran-cakes. Tell not matters of religion to a fool. If thou givest molasses to an ass thou shalt lose the day (s.e., thou shalt lose thy labour), Whoever treateth thee in whatsoever manner, he will himself fare in the same way. Let not thyself fall into a well. 33. Uchhan tah brih chhas sdricay andar; Uchhum prazalan sirisay manz. Buzit tah rizit, uchh Haras. Garah chhuh tasanduy ; bruk kusah, Lall ? I saw and (found) I am in everything; I saw (God) effulgent in everything. After hearing and pausing, see Siva. The house is His alone : who am I, Lella?

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Imy, 1930) NATURE STUDY IN THE SANSKRIT POEM MEGHADUTA 131 NATURE STUDY IN THE SANSKRIT POEM MEGHADUTA. BY LILY DEXTER GREENE, PH.D. (Continued from page 117.) In stanza 65, we have the wonderfully striking figure of the Ganges as a "costly train skirting the sacred hill" of Airavata, which is really the Elephant of Indra, or the Regent of the East. The Hindu idea is that each point of the compass has a presiding deity and each of these deities has & male and a female elephant attendant. This, too, with reference to her garments, is vividly realistio "Where brilliant pearls descend in lucid showers, And clouds like tresses clothe her lofty towers." The description of the city of Alaka, the capital of Kuvera's kingdom, as the "city of the gods" is full of the extravagant imagery of Oriental writers. The toilet of the Yaksinis, whose only "care" is "dress" and "all their labour play," is minutely described with special reference to the flowers used for personal adornment. They are desoribed as spending much of their time in elaborate toilet preparations, which deal chiefly with the adornment of their persons with flowers, at the special period when these flowers bloom. Stanza 67 gives the names of several of these. 1. Lotus.-The Lotus ---Nolumbium speciosum-blooms in Sarad, the sultry, moist, autumn season of August and September. At that time these yakrinis render the hot hours bearable by using great fragrant lotus blossoms as fluttering fans, and at the same time, no doubt, enhance their own personal charms. In some parts of India, as along the moist Coromandel coast, the lotus blooms all the year, but in Bengal in April, May and June, and in Kashmir in Sarad. The plant derives its botanical name, Nelumbium, from two Sanskrit words to (nila) --blue, and we (ambuja) produced in water. The Sanskrit name is padma, the name so familiar in the Buddhist prayer, Om mani padme hum. The blossoms are frequently used in the sacrificial rites of the Hindus. The broad, oval-shaped leaves, often rest on the surface of the water. The edges are smooth and unbroken, except that the part which was topmost before the leaf began to expand is emarginate when fully opened. The leaf's upper surface is a rich pea-green, soft and perfectly smooth, while the underside is of a vinaceous colour. Roxburgh says that when the blossoms open, they lift their heads a few inches above the surface of the water, but in the Dal Lake in Kashmir, the blossoms and leaves as well, are four feet or more above the surface of the water. The white, pink, and cream-coloured ones are the most common, but there is also a blue variety. 2. Kunda." Kunda topknots crown the jetty hair." Here we seem to have a reference to the Jasminum pubescens, Roxb., or to the Jasminum grandiflorum, for both of these have large, circular, snow-white blossoms, which are partioularly effective as hair or ear ornaments, and both bloom during the rainy season. - 3. Lodhra. The custom of tinting the cheeks red is referred to in the following: "Now o'er the cheek the Lodh's pale pollen shines." The lodhra or rodhra in Sanskrit is a small-sized tree-Symplocos racemosa, Roxb., --commonly found in sub-Himalayan tracts and in Chota Nagpur. The bark of this tree is used to make a red dye with which cloth is coloured. Ground to powder, it is used by the Hindus to throw upon each other during the days of the Holi Festival. It flowers during hemanta--the winter season and ripens its seeds in May. The seeds when ripe are strung like beads and hung round the necks of little children, with the superstitious belief that they will keep off evil or sickness. 4. Amaranth. The passage, "Now 'midst their curls the Amaranth entwines," refers to the kuravaka or kurabala, which is Gomphrena globosa. This is an annual, cultivated commonly in Indian gardens during vasanta, or spring. There are two varieties, one with

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132 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (July, 1930 crimson flowers, the other with white, and both blossom during the rainy 36ason and the winter. Some authorities consider the kuravaka a red variety of Barleria. 5. Sirisa.-"Sirisha blossoms deck the tender ear." The large, fluffy, ball-like flowers, with globular heads of greenish-white, fragrant.corollets are often wom so asto droop gracefully from the ears, as though a jewel of some sort. This is the flower of the common tree, Albizzia Lebbek, the Mimosa Sirised of Roxburgh, which flourishes all over India and is much valued in gardens because of its dense shade. It puts forth its blossom during grigma--the hot season. 6. Kadamba.-" Or new Cadambas, with thy coming bom, The parted locks and polished front adorn." This points to the fact that the large tree known as kadamba, or nipathe Naucleo Cadamba of Roxburgh-puts forth its blossoms at the coming of the refreshing rains. This tree is common in India, is very ornamental and furnishes dense, close shade. Its flowers are celebrated in Indian literature as among the beauties of the hot season, and as having a fragrance similar to that of new wine. No doubt the name Halipriya, by which it is known, refers to this fragrance, as Hali was the Bacchus of India. These fragrant blossoms are used by the women as graceful hair ornaments suspended down the central parted portion of the hair and allowed to rest on the forehead as indicated in the words "the parted locks and polished front," eto. Stanza 73 "The Lord of Love, remembering former woe, Wields not in Alaca his bee-strung bow: Yet still he triumphs, for each maid supplies The fatal bow with love-inspiring eyes." Here we have once more the idea of the bee-strung bow of Kama, the god of love. Kama of the Hindus is the Grecian Eros or the Roman Cupid. He was the son of Visnu and Maya, and his bogom friend was Vasanta. He is represented as a beautiful youth, spending much of his time in gardens or temples, with his mother, or his companions. Sometimes by moonlight he rides on a lory or a parrot, surrounded by dancing nymphs, one of whom, the leader, carries a banner, on which is a fish on a red ground. This refers to a marine monster called makara, which he is said to have subdued. His favorite haunt is near the region of Krsna's loves with the Gopis-the forest of brindavan, the modern Brindiban. Kama is armed with a bow made of sugarcane. His bowstring is made of bees and his five arrows are pointed with flowers. According to Sayana, the names of the five flowers are the lotus, asoka, sirisa, amra, and the blue lotus, and each arrow has a name supposed to indicate the quality possessed by the flower. According to Sir William Jones, these flowers are campaka, amra, kesara, ketaka, and vilva. Still otiser lists are given in the Gita-govinda. The " former woe " cefers to the story of Kandarpa or Kama, given in the Ramayana, L. 25, 10. There he is said to have sent one of his darts towards Siva, while the latter was practising austerities, whereupon the enraged deity cursed him with a terrible voice and, flashing his wrathful eye upon him, consumed his bodily nature. From that time on, he is said to have had power over the minds of mortals only and is called Anaiga (bodiless). (See "Hymn to Kama Deva" in the works of Sir William Jones.) Stanza 74 "Where on rich boughs the clustering flower depends, And low to earth the tall mandara bends." The mandara is a splendid and fairly lofty tree (Erythrina indica), commonly known as the Indian coral tree. The flowers are in clusters like great branches of coral, and each single flower has a peculiar arrangement of keels and wings which makes it bear a marked resemblance to the parrot, hence the Indian children call it the tota, or parrot, flowe.. The flowers bloom in great profusion in March and April, long before the leaves appear. In some parts of the East the tree is used to support the black pepper vines. See Marsden's History of Sumatra for the extensive use of the tree for that purpose. The rapid growth

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Jury, 19:30 NATURE STUDY IN THE SANSKRIT POEM MEGTADI'TA 133 of these trees makes them very suitable for this, and they are easily grown from cuttings. Their firm, strong, smooth bark, which never shales off, affords a strong hold for the vine, while the dense shade of its abundant leafage during the hottest months, not only affords protection from too much heat, but also keeps the ground moist. During the cold season, the leaves fall and expose the vines to the beneficial effects of the winter sun and rain, which renders them even more productive. For the purposes of this cultivation of the pepper vine, the young trees are topped, and the lateral branches trimmed so as to render pepper gathering easier. The tree is very ornamental and the lowers, being rich in nectar, attract many birds during florescence. The wood is valuable as it does not warp or split, and hence, is much nised for fine lacquered work in various parts of India. Stanza 77: 1. Madhavi." Soe where the clustering Madhavi entwines." This is a creeper known as Gaertnera racemosa (Roxb.), or Banisteria bengalensis (Linn.). It is the Hiptage Madablota of Gaertner. It is referred to by Hindu poets because of the superior appearance of its rugged vine and leaf, and the remarkable beauty and fragrance of its rich white blossoms. 2. Kuruvaka. This is probably the same as the kuravaka of stanza 67, the crimson Amaranth, though it is possible that this may refer to the Barleria cristata, with its purplish blue and white flowers, as this, too, is called kuravaka. 3. Asoka.-" Profuse, Asoka sheds its radiant flower .... " well expresses the wonderful beauty of tho Asoka blossom. The Saraca indica (Jonesia Asoka, Roxb.) is & middle-sized tree with dense foliage and shapely form. The branches are very numerous and spread in all directions, so as to form a very large, symmetrical, compact tree head. When fresh new leaves come out, they are tinted with a rich wine color, and the edges are slightly crinkled. The flowers, which are very numerous, appear at the beginning of the hot season, but the sceds do not ripen until the rains. When the flowers first open, they are of a beautiful, deep, orange-scarlet, striped with yellow. These gradually change from day to day, through a variety of rich shades, to deep red. The rare fragrance of these blossoms is given off at night, after sunset and before sunrise, when they are covered with the morning and evening dews. This tree, when in full bloom, with its rich leafy foliage. is one of the most beautiful objects in the plant world. A poetic thought of the Hindu mind is that the Asoka tree blossoms at the touch of the face or the foot of a woman who is in love. Stanza 82--"And budding Cesara adorns the bower."-The plant called kesara, or vakula, in Sanskrit is a large tree (Mimusops Elengi, Linn.), commonly cultivated in the packs and gardens of India. The flowers, neither very large nor very small, droop on the tree and are very fragrant, pure white, blossoms. When the flowering season is over, the fruit appears as an oval, smooth, yellow berry, with a central seed, and is eaten by man. Stanza 83 "These are my rivals; for the one would greet, As I would willingly, my charmer's feet, And with my fondness, would the other sip, The grateful hestar of her honey'd lip." This refers to the belief of the Hindus that the kesara tree blossoms at the touch of a woman's lips, and the asolea at the touch of her foot or her lips. Stanza 98 "For when the Sun withdraws his cheering rays, Faint are the charms the Kamala displays." The kamala is the lotus, which opens at the touch of tho rising sun and closes again at sunset. Here the Yaksa's separation from his wife is likened to the separation of the sun from the lotus,

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134 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY .. (JULY, 1930 A HEBREW INSCRIPTION FROM CHENNAMANGALAM. By P. ANUJAN ACHAN, STATE ARCHEOLOGIST, COCEN. DURING my inspection work last year, I happened to come across a very important Hebrew inscription of the thirteenth century A.D. in the possession of the Black Jews residing at the eastern end of the island of Chennamangalam, in Cochin State. It is neatly engraved on a piece of polished granite measuring about 14' by 8' and is complete in nine lines. Though the subject matter of the inscription may not be of any great interest, in that it merely records the day of the burial of one Sarah, daughter of Israel, the facts that it was engraved so many centuries ago, and that it was, and is still, so carefully preserved by a small colony of Jews residing in a remote corner of the country, invest it with considerable interest. The inscription is dated " in the year 1581, of the era of contracts, on the tenth day of the month of Kislev," which corresponds to 1269 A.D. It is said that there once took place at Cranganore--a place hardly two miles and a half down the Periyar river, to the west of the Jewish settlement at Chennamangalam-a great feud between the reigning head of the Jews and his brother, in which the White Jews sided with the former and the Black Jews with the latter. But, in the end, the elder brother with the help of the local Raja was able to drive out of Cranganore the younger brother and his comrades, the Black Jews, who fled to Chenna. mangalam, Parur and other neighbouring places and settled down under the protection of the respective local chiefs. The inscription under reference was, according to tradition, brought with the Jews from Kottappuram-a locality in Cranganore-when they first migrated to Chennamangalam from that place. Cranganore had been the first place of settlement of the Jews on the west coast. "Accord. ing to their own account the Jews made their way to this coast soon after the destruction of the second temple of Jerusalem by the Romans in 70 A.D. They appear to have been well received in their adopted country and to have enjoyed a degree of toleration to which they were strangers in Europe. In course of time they evidently attained a considerable amount of material prosperity, which is evidenced by the copper-plate charter granted to them by king Bhaskara Ravi Varman. The charter (which is now in the possession of the White Jews at Cochin) conferred valuable privileges upon them, and raised the head of the Jewish community virtually to a position of equality with the Naduvali chiefs. They continued in the enjoyment of this high standing till the arrival of the Portuguese, who not oniy perseoute them, but compelled them to leave their ancient settlement at Cranganore in 1565."1 The Cochin State Manual evidently omits to mention the feud that took place at Cranganore be. tween the White and the Black Jews, and the consequent dispersal of the latter to other places. In the Malabar Quarterly Review for June 1902 (vol. I, No. 2, p. 131), Mr. C. V. Subrah. manya Aiyar, who has contributed an article on The Jews of Cochin, writes: " In the middle of the fourteenth century two brothers of a noble family quarrelled for the chieftainship of the principality [of Anjuvannam) which fell vacant when the line of Joseph Rabban became extinct. The younger brother who was backed up by his converted slaves, slaughtered the White Jews, who enlisted themselves under the banner of the elder brother. They sought the help of the neighbouring Rajas who planted themselves in the principality and dispossessed the Jews of Anjuvannam. The younger brother fled to Coohin (Chennamangalam and other places) with some of his followers, and the elder brother had to follow suit (after two centuries) on account of the persecution to which he and his followers were subjected by the Portuguese." The point at issue now is as regards the probable date of the first dispersal of the Jews from their ancient and foremost settlement at Anjuvannam in Cranganore. According to 1 The Cochin State Manual by C. P. Achyuta Menon, pp. 129-30. This is only another version of the story. 3 In the oopperplate charter granted by Bhaskara Ravi Varman it is stated that the village of Anjuvan nam was given to Joseph Rabban, the head of the Jews, with all ite proprietary rights,

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Indian. Anziqary. 24 .g mym p`lv vhhvKHr`rh rSHt A HEBREW INSCRIPTION OF 1269 A.D. FROM CHEXNAMANGALAM

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JULY, 1930 A HEBREW INSCRIPTION FROM CHENXAMAXCALAM 133 tradition two things have to be accepted :-(1) the quarrel between the White and the Black Jews over the disputed succession to the chieftainship of the principality of Anjuvannam, and (2) the victory of the White Jews over the Black Jews. That the defeat of the Black Jews was followed by their subsequent dispersal to other more peaceful centren, where they could exercise better freedom, is undisputed. That one of the centres in which they found it conve. nient to settle was the nearest island of Chennamangalam is also confirmed by tradition. What now remains to be decide is when were the Black Jows forced to leave their chief settlement at Cranganore, and when did they first come to colonize Chonnamangalam. The fact that the tombstone, with its inscription in the Hebrew script dated 1269 A.D., was brought with the Jews from Cranganore when they first left that place precludes us from assuming an earlier date for their advent to Chennamangalam. Ibn Batuta, the famous Arab traveller (1342-47 A.D.), who makes mention of a prosperous colony of Jews at the eastern end of this island, throws definite light on the point. Speaking of his journey by the back-water in 1342 A.D. from Calicut to Quilon, he says: "It (Quilon) is situated at the distance of ten days from Calicut. After five days I came to Kanji. rakkara which stands on the top of a hill, is inhabited by Jews, and governed by an Emir, who pays tribute to the king of Kawlam (sic)."4 Mr. C. P. Achyuta Menon, commenting upon this passage, writes :-"This Emir was evidently the Villarvattat Chief. The river hereabouts used to be known as Kanjirappuzha, and the palace of the chief, the site of which is still pointed out, was on the top of the hills at the eastern end of the island of Chennamangalam. At the foot of the hill is a Jewish settlement, one of the oldest in Cochin." Thus, while the tradition helps us to assume a date near about 1269 A.D. for the first dispersal of the Black Jews from Cranganore, the interesting account left behind by Ibn Batuta definitely suggests a date much earlier than 1342 A.D., by which time one section of the Black Jews had stably settled down at Chennamangalam. "If the statement that some of the tombstones of the Black Jews are said to be six hundred years old is a fact," writes Mr. C. V. Subrahmanya Iyer in the Malabar Quarterly Review (vol. I, No. 2, p. 133). " then the Jews must have migrated to Cochin from Cranganore about the year 1200." We do not know to which tombstone reference has been made here, but the tombstone that we now edit is nearly 660 years old. It is impossible to say whether this latter is that of a Black Jewess or & White Jewens. Mr. E. I. Hallegue of Cochin, himself a White Jew and a Hebrew scholar, holds the opinion that the feud between the reigning head of the Jews and his brother, which caused the dispersal and the consequent advent of the Black Jews to Mattancheri (Cochin), Parur and Chennamangalan, had taken place about the date of the inscription or soon after it. This view, I think, is more plausible. I am indebted to Professor M. Winternitz, of Prague University, for the English translation of the inscription which I give below. The era of contracts is the so-called Seleuci. dan era, which dates from the battle of Gaza ir 312 B.C. "It is called . era of contracts,'" remarks the Professor," because it was used by the Jews in legal documents. It was used by the Jews as early as the Book of Maccabees, and it was likowise used by the Oriental Jows and Syrians until lato in the Middle Ages and is still occasionally employod by Jows in the East." The word "Rock" in the inscription means God."He is the Rock, his work is perfoot." (The Bible, Book of Deuteronomy, ch. 32, verse 4.) TRANSLATION. Praised be the true Judge. the Rock; perfect is his doing. And there was buried Sarah, daughter of Israel, in the year 1581 of the era of contracts, on the tenth day of the month of Kisier." The Cochin State Manual, p. 96, f.n. l'ide the Annual Report of the Archwolwicul Department, Coulin Satu (1930-27), plutu 1 (a). The Cochin State Manual, p. 96, l.lt

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136 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JULY, 1930 RUSTAMJI MANAK: A NOTABLE PARSI BROKER. BY HARIHAR DAS, B.Litt. (Oxon.), F.R.S.L., F.R.Hist.S. (Continued from page 108.) It was not possible to obtain at Surat a more reliable and experienced interpreter than Rustamji to accompany the ambassador on his mission to Aurangzeb, and Sir Nicholas Waite and his Council were therefore quite justified in the choice they made. Sir William's prejudice against Rustamji may perhaps have been due to the influence of his secretary, Mr. Mills. Sir Nicholas strongly advised the ambassador to avoid giving oocasion for misunderstanding to arise between Mr. Mills and Rustamjs, and also urged him to take the latter into his confidence because he was "well-vers'd in ye misterious intreigues of the Durbars may probably place money that will have it's operation sooner than greater sums all delays and formalitys being dangerous at this junoture when our rivals are for divideing your Excy etc from your (sic) and the most apt of your retinue, and 80 aged an Emperor and all the European Compas in combination for oposing any Phirmaund [farman] ..... if Rustum's found unfaithful to your interest please to return him imediately that regards your honor equally with his owne.''Sir Nicholas Waite and his council had such great confidence in Rustamji that they repeatedly impressed upon the ambassador their firm belief that the broker was "unspotted in your interest (however his other natural man may be inclined) for managing matters with those great men and their durbars in wch he is esteemed here a proficient master of those misteries. There was, therefore, no doubt in the minds of the Surat authorities concerning Rustamji's fitness for they wrote again to the Court of Directors on the 27th October 1701, complaining that the ambassador, not having sufficient confidence in Rustamji, had entrusted the management of affairs to Mr. Mills. Throughout the difficult negotiations conducted by Sir William Norris with the Mughal officials Rustamji's help proved invaluable. He thoroughly understood the intricacies of such transactions at Court as would involve the distribution of presents, or in other words diplomatic bribery necessary to enable him to effeot the object of the mission. He was constantly in attendance upon the ambassador and was in fact the sole intermediary between him and the Court officials. He was thus entrusted with considerable responsibility and it is necessary to judge how far he honestly served his master and the Company during the negotiations. In Sir William's journal glimpses can be obtained of Rustamji's own transactions, but these were of an unimportant nature. The latter, in the diary written in the form of letters from the Mughal's lashkar at Burhanpur, describes the causes which led to Sir William Norris' sudden departure from the Court and its sequel. The letters are written in " Gentu " script and were afterwards translated into Portuguese. It is doubtful whether the translator has retained the dignity and colour of Rustamji's original letters, for the Portuguese version (now preserved at the India Office) does not appear to have been carefully executed. The first letter, dated 12th November 1701, is addressed to his son Framji at Surat, with the request that he would communicate its contents to Sir Nicholas Waite and his Council. It contains details which explain the enormous difficulties experienced in the endeavour to secure the necessary farmins and the reasons for Sir William's detention on the way to Surat by the Mughal's general Ghaziu'd-din Khan Bahadur Firuz Jang. Rustamji's account is of great value as giving an exact description of what happened when Sir William Norris left the Camp without the Emperor's permission. Renatamji was always with the ambassador, and is there. fore able to give first-hand information of all that occurred. In his letter he describes the -negotiations between Nawab Asad Phan and the ambassador regarding the segurity of the 6 See 7569, 0. C., 57-1, India Office. 7 Ibid.

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JULY, 1930 1 RUSTAMJI MANAK: A NOTABLE PARSI BROKER 137 port of Mocha and the particulars of privileges to be obtained from the Emperor, and also shows that when the business was transferred to the hands of Inayatulla Khan, the question of security again came into prominence. There seems to be no doubt that the intrigues engineered by the Vakil of the Old Company at the Court were particularly designed with the view of thwarting the plans of Sir William Norris. Rustamji comments on the attitude taken by the ambassador towards the Mughal officials, which in his opinion demonstrated a decided lack of diplomatic taot at the most critical phases of the negotiations. The impatience shown by the ambassador and his threat to return to England if the necessary farmans were not granted, omitting the obligation of the security of the seas, caused, as Rustamji tells us, great annoyance to Nawab Asad Khan. The fact that Sir William did not entrust the negotiations entirely to Asad Khan resulted in a breach between the latter and Inayatulla Khan. Rustamji vividly narrates the forcible detention of Sir William Norris by the Emperor's messenger Mu'tabar Khan, who endeavoured to persuade him to return to the Camp and made a great, if ineffectual, effort to induce him to refrain from returning to England without the Emperor's permission. As a result of his attempt to do so, the ambassador was detained by the Mughal's general and Rustamji acted as an intermediary between them. His account shows that the ambassador repeatedly refused to return to the Camp for the reconsideration of the privileges to be obtained by the New Company. At this crisis the shrewd broker took immediate steps to communicate all the circumstanoes to Sir Nicholas Waite and further informed him that the Emperor had sent a command to the Mughal Governor at Surat to detain Sir William Norris in case he attempted to embark for England. He definitely states that the ambassador's own conduct was prejudicing the business; and that further complications were added by the moral support given him by the minister Yar 'Ali Beg, who had thereby incurred the Emperor's displeasure. 8 On the 25th November 1701, Rustamji communicated again with Sir Nicholas Waite and his Council, informing them of an exchange of civilities which had taken place between the Nawab Ghaziu'd-din Khan and the ambassador. In return for the Nawab's present of fruit, Sir William had sent Rustamji and three other persons to present to him " 100 gold mohurs, six scarlet pieces, four big muskets, two pistols, two large brass guns, two watches, and one hundred broadswords." Before taking leave they were regaled with a sumptuous banquet and presented with "serpaws" [sar u pd] by the Nawab. The latter took the opportunity of sending a message to the ambassador to the effect that the Emperor would be annoyed if Sir William did not refrain from going to Surat until all his business had been satisfactorily settled. He also empbasized the fact that he would do everything in bis power to further the granting of the farmans. As a mark of friendship and courtesy the Nawab sent him a magnificent dinner, which was conveyed to the ambassador's Camp in "18 dishes of gold, with covers of the same; seven silver dishes, with covers of the same; and seven gold dishes with bread." Sir William, in recognition of the Nawab's kindness, sent Rustamji and three English. men to present to him a gift of 101 gold mohuts, which were all accepted and, in return, "serpaws" [sar u pa] were again bestowed upon them. Before taking their leave they were assured by the Nawab that he had written to the Emperor on behalf of Sir William Norris and that the pattamars 10 would convey the letter immediately. Rustamji alludes to the visit of the Nawab's chief physician to the ambassador and to the long conversation which took place between them. This is followed by a detailed description from his pen of further communications between the ambassador and the Nawab. He tells us that Sir William persisted in his refusal to visit the Nawab, in spite of the great courtesy shown him and of the 8 See 7757, O. C., 57-II. Robe of honour. 10 Foot messengers-Ovington.

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138 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JULY, 1930 fact that the latter was viss irous of personally giving him the presents from the Emperor to the King of England as well as those for the ambassador himself. Ghaziu'd-din Khan gave him emphatio warning of the consequences which would ensue if he did not return to the Court, telling him that he had received orders from the Emperor to detain him by force if necessary. Rustamji is no less emphatic in declaring that Sir William continued to slight the request of Chaziu l-din Khan, notwithstanding that it was impressed upon him that the Nawab occupied an exalted position, being considered as a "second king" in the Empire. The remonstrance had no effect upon Sir William, who in an angry outburst declared that if the Nawab were "to give me the whole of Hindustan I would not go to take it." Rustamji's account proves that if the ambassador had shown due courtesy to the Nawab in receiving at his hands the presents intended for the King of England he might have avoided giving needless offence to him. Sir William Norris lacked the qualities of a shrewd diplomat in bis dealing with Nawab Ghaziu'd-din Khan, who had not only shown great courtesy to him, but had also offered in every way to expedite his journey to Surat. The ambassador went so far as to reply to those overtures in more haughty terms than before, going, according to Rustamji, so far as to say: "Though you were to assemble all the Umaras of Hindustan to guard me more closely, yet I will not stay." Rustamji explains that on account of the obstinacy shown by Sir William the long drawn out interviews between him and the messengers from Chaziu'd-din Khan had ended in a deadlock. Sir William's attitude greatly annoyed the Nawab, who, when he next summoned Rustamji, told him of the indignities offered to his messengers and asked why the ambassador had appeared so alarmed by the prospect of the proposed visit. The Nawab therefore put Rustamji in prison as a hostage pending the safe return of the messengers and also threatened if any harm befell them to cut off his head. The poor broker suffered greatly during the fow hours he was kept in the prison. Meanwhile the ambassador made one more attempt to effect his departure, and actually rode away. But being pursued by a large Mughal force, described by Rustamji as consisting of "from 1,500 to 2,000 horsemen, 1,500 to 2,000 gunners, 20 gun carriages," which followed him for "three leagues begging the ambas. sador to return." Sir William was compelled to retrace his steps and return to the Camp. Rustanji's detailed account of this episode is corroborated by Sir William's own version of his arrest. Rustamji writes that he was entrusted by Sir William with a petition to the Nawab in which he protested against his detention. Not without some justification, the Nawab in his reply pointed out to Sir William that he had been kindly received at the Empe. ror's Court as the representative of the King of England, and that his actions had been unworthy of the position he occupied. He reiterated his great regret that he had been compelled to cleta in him because he had not taken formal leave of the Emperor. At the same time he gave him an assurance that no further harm would be done to him, but that he must remain at the Camp till the Emperor's pleasure became known. According to Rustamji, a long discussion between him, Mr. Mills and the Nawab's brother followed, concerning the time when the ambassador might be allowed to take his leave, whether that would be permitted in two or four days. They debated whether the farmans should be given now or within forty days at Surat. It was also decided that if the farmans contained no promises regarding the security of the seas, a lakh of rupees should be given to the Emperor and to Glaziu'd-din khan and Rs. 20,000 to Hamid Khan. Rustamji was also commissioned to give a written guarantee that these promises would be carried out.11 The last phase of the negotiations between Nawab Ghaziu'd-din Khan and the ambassador is revealed in a letter written by Rustamji from Burhanpur to Framji at Surat on December 1, 1701. From this it is evident that the Agent of the Old Company was still actively engaged 11 See 7764, 0. C., 57-II.

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JULY, 1930 1 RUSTAMJI MANAK : A NOTABLE PARSI BROKER 139 in placing impediments in the way of the ambassador and that he was endeavouring to persuade the Nawab not to grant the farmans. It was reported that the Nawab's messengers, when they failed to persuade Sir William to visit him, threatened that the Nawab would agree with the proposal of the Old Company's Procurator not to grant the farmans, and that the ambassador might return to England. In this letter Rustamji expresses his disgust at the nature of the proceedings generally. The ambassador had not yet received any farman and as Rustamji was not sure whether he should take leave of the Nawab, he solicited the advice of the Consul as to the best course to be pursued under the circumstances, and further suggested that Sir Nicholas Waite himself might be willing to come to receive the farmans from the Nawab and in case he decided to the contrary, that Mr. Bonnell might be sent as his representative. In either case Rustamji expressed the hope that the Consul would communicate with him as to the procedure to be adopted with the Nawab. He warned the Con. sul that no communication as to the above proposal could be conveyed to the ambassador on account of the strained relations between him and Sir Nicholas Waite, and also informed Framji that the ambassador would quickly repair to Surat if no further obstacles were placed in his way.12 After the ambassador had finally taken leave of the Nawab and had received from him the letter and presents for the King of England, it was decided that Rustamji should reinain at Burhanpur in the hope of obtaining the three farmins. Sir Nicholas Waite and his Council also directed him not to advance or pay any of the sums promised till he had obtained them. Rustamji was so hopeful of obtaining the farmans that he informed the President that they would be forwarded to Surat within a few days. But this hope was doomed to disappointment.13 The charges incurred by Rustamji's residence at the lashkar became so great that the President and Council wrote to him on the 9th December 1702, revoking their former order and instructing him to make no further demand for the grant of the three farmans nor to pay any money towards securing them, but to return to Surat with all convenient speed and to resume his former employments.14 Rustamji on his part represented to the President that he had already been compelled to disburse considerable sums for the purpose of securing the ambassador's pardon. This protest was only an excuse for prolonging his stay at the Court and for procuring payment of a still larger amount for his expenses. Sir Nicholas Waite however did not accept those excuses and insisted on seeing for himself the various items of the expenses incurred. Rustamji was finally permitted to return to Surat on the 26th February 1702-3. When the two Companies were united, Rustamji, on the nomination of Sir Nicholas, was continued in office as their broker ; but his position with the Company's authorities gra. dually became insecure, partly owing to his own conduct and practices, and partly also to the rivalry and jealousies existing amongst his employers. In a letter dated the 25th April 1706, Sir John Gayer and his Council stated that Rustamji's corrupt practices in connection with private shipping were very prejudicial to the interests of the Company and that it was doubtful whether they would continue to employ him. This accusation was endorsed by Sir Nicholas Waite in a letter to the Court of Directors written in the following year. 15 It was unfortunate that Rustamji, who had been enjoying the entire confidence of Sir Nicholas Waite for the last few years, should have now incurred his displeasure, which culminated in his dismissal from the service of the Company in 1706. It was alleged that Sir Nicholas Waite on his transfer to Bombav evaded the payment of Rs. 50.000 claimed by 13 See 7786, O. C., 57-II. 18 See vol. VII, pp. 172, 286, of Surat Factory Records. 14 See 0. C., 58-II. 16 See p. CV, vol. III, of Hedges' Diary.

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140 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JULY, 1930 Rustamji as a reward for using his influence with the Mughal Governor to keep Sir John Gayer in prison. Rustamji circulated his grievances amongst the servants of the English Company at Surat, and this action greatly annoyed Sir Nicholas. At the time of his dismissal the Parsi broker also claimed a large sum from the Company for various transactions. The representatives of the English Company at Surat, who were hostile to Sir Nicholas Waite, took the opportunity to conspire with Rustamji and reported against the former to the Court of Directors, bringing various charges against him, some of which were based on information from Rustamji. They rightly maintained that great loss would accrue to the Company's trade and business at Surat if Rustamji were not restored to his former position, seeing how great was his intluence with the merchants and local Mughal officiale, while they also called attention to the irregularities practised by Sir Nicholas Waite in deficnce of the rules laid down by the Court of Directors.16 Rustamji was perfectly justified in claiming the sum promised him by Sir Nicholas Waite, and there is no room for doubt that the latter used him as an instrument for keeping Sir John Gavar in prison. If Rustamji was dismissed on that ground alone, his dismissal was undoubtedly an unjustifiable act on the part of Sir Nicholas Waite and the betrayal of a trust reposed on him. There is no doubt that the Company was indebted to Rustamji for a very large sum at the time of his dismissal, and that the Company's servants at Surat and Bombay tried their utmost to secure the rejection of the broker's claim. But the latter's claim for sume expanded by him in securing Sir William Norris' pardon from the Mughal may well be considered to have been an afterthought. He did not, however, live to see his claims admitted by the Company, dying in 1721, but the three song-Framji, Bomanji and Naurojiwho succeeded him as brokers in the Company's service, fought hard to substantiate their father's claims. Nauroji was deputed by his brothers to proceed to England to state a case before the Court of Directors. Accordingly he presented a petition in May 1724 on behalf of himself and his brothers, praying that justice might be done them in relation to the demands made by them on the Company. The case was referred to the Committee of Correspondence for the purpose of being examined with regard to the allegations contained therein. The Committee, after carefully considering the demands made by Nauroji, and having examined the accounts contained in the Company's books, decided that the matter should be submitted to arbitration. After nine months, the arbitrators gave their award in favour of Nauroji, his two brothers, and of their deceased father Rustamji Manak with regard to the sum of money due to them from the Company " in their own right or as representatives of their said father five hundred forty six thousand three hundred and ninety rupees which the Company are to pay." The whole sum was ordered to be paid to them by instalments within the next two years. His other complaints against the Company's servants at Surat and Bombay were also placed before the Directors, and were all satisfactorily settled by the Court. His business now being concluded, Nauroji returned to India in the Wyndham, taking with him ten brass guns and provisions for himself and his twelve servants free of freight.17 The decision of the Court in favour of Nauroji was received by the Company's servants at Surat and Bombay with some dismay, but they had no choice but to carry out the orders of the Court. The three brothers each received a sar u pa, and in addition a horse was given to Nauroji. In a despatch sent to the Court of Directors, the Company's servants pointed out that Rustamji Manak and his family were considered as of no importance at Surat before they joined the Company's service, but that thereafter their fortunes were assured. Though some wrong, they admitted, had been done to Rustamji's family and the decision had been 18 See vol. IEI, pp. 595-6, 619 of Bruce's Annals. 17 See Court Book 51, I. O.

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JULY, 1930 ] RUSTAMJI MANAK: A NOTABLE PARSI BROKER 141 given in favour of the latter by the Court of Directors, they nevertheless maintained that they had acted in the Company's interest. In despair the factors complained that their point of view had received very little consideration from the Court and that it would reflect on their reputation.18 In reviewing Rustamji's connection with the Company it is difficult to agree with Mr. George Briggs, who in his book, The Parsis, tentatively described the broker as "the quinteesence of mischief." There are also other writers whose estimate of Rustamji's character is not altogether fair and accurate. They based their statements only on despatches sent by the Company's servants at Surat and Bombay. The latter were Rustamji's enemies and they misrepresented his actions to the Court of Directors. The position occupied by Rustamji proved a difficult one, for the factors were unable to dispense with his services and he had therefore unlimited power over the entire trade of the Company, which led at times to abuses of his responsibility. On the other hand the circumstances and environment of that period must be taken into account. Rustamji had dealings with the local merchants and Mughal officials who were in the habit of giving presents in money for services rendered. He was a shrewd and hard-headed man of business, who thoroughly understood how to deal with his clients and how to profit from opportunities of increasing his own assets. He, therefore, indulged at times in practices which practically amounted to bribery and corruption. Perhaps the best summary of his character and business acumen may be found in an unsigned document, entitled " Observations on Surat," without date or year, preserved in the India Office. It was written by an unknown writer, evidently after the termination of Sir William Norris' Embassy, who compared the Old Company's broker Venwallidas with Rustamji and consi. dered the former to be "a sorry lying flatering dissembling pittyfull covetous fearful person," whereas the latter seemed to him "a bold spirited person, hath abundance of friends at Court, a great many he made when he went with the Ambassador and I believe served the New Company with all his might and seldom or never undertook anything but performed."19 He also alludes to the fact that Rustamji had considerable influence with the Mughal Governor at Surat and that the Old and New Company's servants from various settlements were obliged to employ him as their broker, otherwise their trading would be obstructed. The writer further adds that it was "believed by all that the last embargo laid upon all merchan. dize of both Old and New Comp goods in Suratt was occasioned by him."30 In the same writer's opinion Rustamji's services were indispensable on account of his ability to get any business entrusted to him speedily accomplished. Note-A completo account of Rustamji Manak's connection with the New English East India Company is under preparation by tho present writer. is See Bombay Letters, vol. I.A. 19 See O. C. 56-IV, pp. 406-7. 20 Ibid., p. 408.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JULY, 1930 BHAMAHA AND DINNAGA. BY PROFESSOR GIUSEPPE TUCCI, PH.D. The date of Bhamaha has been the subject of long discussions among scholars, which have been recently summarized by Professors Batuk Nath Sarma and Baladeva Upadhyaya in their learned and diligent introduction to the new edition of the Kavyalaikira. It is not my purpose to study here all the various questions connected with the solution of this problem, but only to point out some facts, which have, I think, their weight. As it has clearly been seen by Professor Jacobi and the Benares Professors, in the fifth chapter of Kavydlaikara, containing a brief allusion to logical theories, we are confronted with some data, the value of which cannot be sufficiently emphasized when we want to fix the approximate time of the completion of the book. The views held by scholars are two : according to Jacobi, followed by Professor S. K. De, Bhamaha was influenced by Dharmakirti, and therefore must come after him. But Professors Sarma and Upadhyaya are against this theory and try to show that no influence of Dharmakirti can be traced in the Kavyalankdra. I quite agree with their views. But since this is a fundament. al point for fixing the chronology of our text it is worth while to examine thoroughly the logical theories as expounded by Bhamaha, and then to find, if possible, their exact correlation in the Buddhist Nyaya-sastras. We shall then be able to ascertain whether this view can be accepted as a well established fact rather than as a probable hypothesis. (a) Pramanas.-According to our author they are only two, that is : pratyaksa, direct perception, and anumana. inference. So far as our present knowledge goes, we can safely assume that the doctrine maintaining the existence of two pramanus only represents an innovation due to Dinnaga ; though it was not accepted by all Buddhist schools, as is generally believed. The followers of the ancient Yogacara system, as expounded by Maitreya and Asanga, insisted upon maintaining three pramanas, viz., pratyaksa, anumana and agama. Such a view was accepted by Sthiramati and continued oven by relatively later authors, such as Haribhadra (ninth century A.D.), the commentator of the Asfasdhasrika-prajna-paramita. 4 On the other hand, the Madhyamikas prasangikas) were ready to accept the four traditional pramaras, but of course in the mere plan of contingent experience, samortisatya ; because paramarthatch pramanas, as well as any other notion, or dharma (prameya) are antinomical, contradictory, and therefore sunya, as was expounded in great detail by Nagarjuna in his Vigrchavyavartani. But according to Diunaga and his followers, such as Sankarasvamin, Dharmakirti, Dhar. mottara, etc., the pramanas are certainly two. Now the definition of these two praminas, as given by Bhamaha," agadharanasamanya. visayatvam tayoh leila" (v. 5), though finding its parallel even in the Nyayabindu, is really that already given by Ditnaga in his Prama na samuccain as well as in his Nyayamukha, 1 Kisi Sanskrit Series, n. 61, 1928. Cl. also the article of Mr. Diwekar in JR.19., 1929, p. 825, where rolation between Bhanaha and Nyayapraveia is stated. 2 Sitz. d. Prense. Akad. Wisk, XXIV, 1922, p. 211. 3 History of Sanskrit Poclics, vol. I, p. 50. * So also by his master Vimuktisena in his Abhisamayalankdrakarikavyakhyd. Both works are being edited by me. For the various theories on pramanas before Dinnagn I must refer to my Buddhist Logic before Dinnaga," JRAS., 1929, p. 451, and to the Introduction of my bool, Pre-Diineja Buddhist Logic. (Geekwad's Oriental Series.) And not Nyayadvara. See JRAS., 1928, P. 8. This book has been translated into English by me and will appear shortly in Heidelberg in the Bulletin published by the Buddhist Institute of Prof. Walleser.

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JULY, 1930 BAAMAHA AND DINNAGA 143 where we read: "Thus there are only two pranana3 by which we can apprehend [respect. ively] the thing in itself (volalguna) and its universal character (samanyalaksana). There is no other knowable besides these two, which could be apprehended by a pramana other than these two." (6) Pratyaksa.--Of direct perception we find in our text two definitions--(1) kalpana podla. (2) tato 'rthat. The paternity of these two definitions can easily be traced. Chronologically the second must come first, and the first second ; in fact we know that tato 'rthat (rupades tata eveti nanyatal, v. 10) was the definition of pratyaksa given by Vasubandhu, or rather by the author of the Vallavidhi, whoever he may have been. The passage quoted by Uddyotakara has been identified by me in the Pramalasamuccaya, where Dinnaga attributes this definition to the Vadavidhi, and refutes it. The second definition kalpana podha is, as already noted by the Benares professors, quite peculiar to Dirnaga; he suppressed the word abhranta or avyabhicarin contained in the definition of pratyaksa, as already given by Maitreya and Asanga ; but, as is known, abhranta was again added by Dharmakirti, for reasons expounded by Mallivadin in his Tippani (p. 19) on Nyayabindutika.8. It is almost certain that the word abhranta was again added to kalpanapodha by Dharmakirti, because Sankarasvamin, who lived between Dinnaga and Dharmakirti, still strictly follows Dinnaga, in his definition of pratyaksa.10 (c) The definition of kalpana as namajatyadiyojana. This is the doctrine of Dinnaga : kalpana is joined with nama and jati, etc., and it is just this doctrine which was criticised by Uddyotakara in his famous passage (p. 41): "apare tu manyante pratyaksam kalpana podham iti, atha keyam kalpana ? namajatiyojand."11 But on this point, as on many others, Dharmakirti held a different view: for him kalpana or vikalpa is namasambraya (abhilapini pratiti according to Santiraksita, Tattvasangraha, p. 366). pratyaksam kalpana pod ham pratyakgenaiva sidhyati pratyatmavedyah sarveram vikalpo ndmasambraya 13 or, as said in Nyayabindu : abhila pasamsargayogyapratibhdsapratitih. This discrepancy is not of mere words, but involves also difference of views, upon which we have not to insist now, ospecially because all this point has been so well illustrated by Santiraksita and Kamalasila (Tattvasangraha, p. 398). We must only remember that the definition of kalpand, as known to Bhamaha, is that of Dinnaga, but it has no relation whatsoever with that propounded by Dharmakirti. (d) avoha. This is quite peculiar to Dirnaga's teaching (though it was also continued long after him-cf. the Apohasiddhi by Ratnakarasanti): it was refuted, as is known, by Uddyotakara. Nyayavarttika, 328 f. 6 Nydyavdrttika, p. 40; cf. JRAS., 1929, p. 473. 7 On this book of Indian Historical Quarterly, vol. IV, p. 631, and vol. V, p. 81. 8 Cf. JRAS., 1929, p. 472. 9 And was known to Yuan Chwang, while no mention of Dharmakirti is to be found in the Memoirs of the great Chinese pilgrim. 10 Pratyaknam kalpandpodham yaj jadnam rupddau ndmajdlyddikalpandrahitam tad akram aksam prati vartata iti pratyalisar. C. the definition of pratyakra contained in Nydyamukha, and the Sanskrit original of which has been preserved in the panjiki of Kamalasila to Tattvasangraha (p. 379, L. 23): Yaj jndnam artharupadlau viderantbhidhayakabhedopacarenavikalpakam tad aksam akam prati vartata iti pratyale am. 11 This is the right reading, instead of kalpand ndmajatyddi of the printed text of Kavyalankara as well as of Nyayavirttika. 12 So Dharmakirti in his metrical commentary of Pramanasamuccaya, caded Pramaravarti ika. See my note, JRAS., 1928, pp. 378 and 906,

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TIIE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JOLS, 1930 (e) anumana.--Here also, as noted by the editors, two definitions of inference are referred to by Bhamaha-(1) triri palingato jnana and (2) tadvido nantartyarthadarsana. This second definition is quoted by Uddyotakara. I have found in the Pramanceamucoaya the corresponding translation of this pageage, which is quoted by Dinnaga as being taken from V ddavidhi and refuted by him.13 As to the first definition we cannot be so precise as regards its identification; in fact we know that the definition of the anumana as given by Dinnaga in Pramanasamuccaya was: anumeye'tha tattulye sadbhavo nastila 'sati.14 But it is quite evident that here the essential and fundamental aspect of the anumana is contained, viz., its trairupya : paksadharmata, sa paksasatira, vipakpdisattva. This theory of the trairdpya, as I have shown elsewhere, 16 does not represent an innovation due to Dinnaga, since it was certainly pre-existent, as is sufficiently proved by the fragments of the Turka-adstra preserved in Chinese. Therefore, even in this case, the facts alluded to seem to point to an analogy with Dinnaga more than with Dharmakirti. () pratijnadosas or pratijnabhasas, viz., thesis or proposition vitiated by errors. The definition of pakra and that of pratijfid imply that Bhamaha considers pakra as different from pratijna, viz., paksa is the formulation of the probandum, quite independent of the 8ddhana, and pratijfia is this very pakpa enunciated as the first member of a sadhana. This doctrine (on which see Indian Historical Quarterly, vol. IV, p. 632) was accepted by Asanga and the Vadavidhi, but Dinnaga suppresses the pratijna and substitutes for it the very paksa. Bhamaha in this place also seems, therefore, to follow doctrines anterior to Dinnaga. Bh&maha knows only six paksdbhasas - (a) tadarthaviruddha. (6) hetuviruddha. (c) svasiddhantaviruddha. (d) sarvagamaviruddha. (e) prasiddhadharma. () pratyaksavirudha. Dinnaga also knew five paksubhaisas only, as is evidenced by his Nydyamukha and Pramanasamuccaya; while in the Nyayapravesa by his pupil or follower, Sarkarasvamin, we have a list of nine paksabhasas,16 which again Dharmakirti reduoes to four (anumananirdkrta, pratyaksiniraksta, pratitiniraksta, svavacananiraksta). For Dinnaga the five paksdbhasas are as follows: (1) svavacanaviruddha : mata me bandhyd, sarvam vacanam mithya, (2) pratyakpaviruddha : anusno 'gnih. (3) anumanaviruddha : nityo ghatah. (4) lokaviruddha : sasi na candrah. (5) dgamaviruddha. Now it is evident that of the six paksdbhasas quoted by Bh&maha, (a)=(1), (c)=(5), (d)=(4), (N=(2). The second-(6-cannot be so easily identified; but from the example given it seems that it consists in the assumption of a dharmin anyatardsiddha, that is, a subject not proved for one of the opponents; e.g., when a Sankhya discusses with a Buddhist he cannot state this proposition : "the alman is existent," or "prakyti is existent," because the prativddin does not admit of any alman or prakrti : so that the thesis would in fact ignore one of the 18 JRAS., 1929, pp. 474-475. 14 Nydyandrttika, p. 55. 16 JRAS., 1929, pp. 479. 16 Cf, JRAS., 1928, p. 12,

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JULY, 1930 1 BHAMAHA AND DINNAGA 145 fundamental aspects of paksa, viz., prasiddha-dharmin. This kind of paksabkesc is not in Dinnaga, but is to be found in Sankarasvamin, and, as is evidenced by the commentary of K'wei. chi on the Nyaya pravesa, was largely discussed in logical schools after the great logician. One of the possible ways to avoid this fallacy was found in the theory of the avadharaya or specification, viz., the atman, in which we believe, or in which you believe, etc. Anyhow it is worth mentioning that the example given by Bh&maha as the second case of paksdbhasa clearly shows that it was taken from some Buddhist vade mecum. (g) Trairupya of the helu.- I have shown elsewhere17 that Dinnaga cannot be considered as the author of this theory, which we meet also in the Tarka-seistras, certainly anterior to him, and was perhaps contained also in the Vadavidhi. Anyhow the definition of vipaksa as addhyavydvrtti was not of Dinnaga, who in Nydyamukha as well as in Pramanasamuccaya contests the validity of such definition. We find vipaksavyarrtti in Tarkasastra. (h) Dyslanta.-The first definition, sadhyasadhanadharmabhyam, may be compared with that given by the author of Vadavidhi : tayoh sambandhanidarsanam dratanta quoted by Uddyotakara (NV., p. 137, 1. 3). The second is beyond any doubt of Dinnaga, and it is reproduced almost literally by Bhamaha. He says: (v. 27) Sadhyena linganugatis tadabhave ca ndatite sthapyale yena drstantahand the definition of Dinnaga, in Nydyamukha and Pramdndsamuccaya, quoted and refuted by Uddyotakara (NV., p. 137) in its Sanskrit original, runs thus - sadhyenanugamo hetuh addhyabhave ca ndstita. (1) Jatis.-The Jatis were reduced by Dinnaga to 14 only in Nyayamukha and Pramdnasamuccaya. According to Sankarasvamin they are considered as sadhanadogodbhavanani; and sadhanadora is nyinatva, etc., viz., adhikya ; this is just the theory that we find in Bhamaha, though in his case mention of sadharmyasamadaya18 is still to be found, just as in Dinnaga's works. II. Now if we are to sum up the results of this comparison of Bhamaha's logical chapter with Nyaya theories known to us, it appears evident that no trace of Dharmakirti can be found in Kavyalankara. All the doctrines upon which Jacobi founded his conclusions, viz., that Bh&maha is dependent on Nydyabindu, after closer examination prove to be not peculiar to Dharmakirti but anterior to him. We may add that not a single theory, proper to Dharmakirti, can be traced in Kavydlankana. On the other hand, Bhamaha refers twice quite unmistakably to Vagabandhu, or better, to the author of Vadavidhi, whose doctrines are Bo often alluded to and refuted in Pramanasamuccaya. And it is known that the Vadavidhi was completely superseded by the big work of Dinnaga and the logical activity of his followers, go that after DinnAga it is only occasionally alluded to for polemical purposes, e.g., by Uddyotakara, but it did not influence in any way the Nydya theories of post-Dinnaga time. On the other hand, Dharmakirti, with his Pramanardrttika, Pramanaviniscaya and Nyayabindu, very soon took the prominent part, and after him Pramanasamuccaya and its author were left in oblivion. V&caspati and Jayanta as well as the Jaina logicians are always engaged in refuting Dharmakirti's viows, and only occasionally refer to Dinnaga's doctrines. But from the comparison that we made in the first part of this paper it appears that Bhamaha's views reflect chiefly the older Nydya theories, such as those expounded by the Vadavidhi and Pramanasamuccaya or Nydyamukha, from which texts he seems to differ in a few points only. The fact that he still quotes from Vadaridhi and ignores the nine paksabhdeas of Sankarasvamin 17 Cf. JRAS., 1929, p. 479. . . 18 This must be the reading, and not camadhayah of the printed text,

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146 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY JULY, 19:30 seems to indicate that he was nearer in time to Dinnaga than to Dharmakirti. The verbal quotations that have bear noted in connection with the definition of the two framaras, pratyaksa and specially of dran prove beyond any doubt that he had direct acquaintance with Dinnaga's works, and that he was strictly dependent on them. For all these reasons I think that the priority of Bhamaha to Dharmakirti must be con. sidered as a well established fact, and not as a debatable hypothesis. His theories as a whole are essentially pre-Dharmakirti and show but very little influence of the progress which took place in Nydya after the Pramanasamuccaya. Whatever the religious creed of Bhamaha might have been, there is no doubt that in his work we find a new proof of the great influence exercised by Dinnaga and his logic not only upon Buddhist thinkers, but upon Indian philosophy in general. Unfortunately we do not know very much about the philosophical and, more particularly, Nyaya literature of the time which separates Dinnaga from Dharmakirti. But from the scattered information at our disposal, we may gather that the theories of Dinnaga were largely discussed and developed. This is what we can deduce from the commentary of K'wei-chi upon the Nyaya pravesa, which sheds much light upon the evolution of logical theories after Dinnaga and shows that many doctrines which appear now in the works of Dharmakirti had been discussed and formulated before him. And it seems to me that not only Buddhist authors were taking an active part in these discussions, but that thinkers belonging to other currents also contributed to them. Difference of opinion was always possible as regards the metaphysical and ontological points of view, but as regards Nyaya, and chiefly pararthanumana, viz., syllogism and its laws, as applied to dialectical discussions on philosophical topics, there was a general agreement.19 Prasastapada continues views that had been already elaborated by Buddhist Tarka-8dstras. Sankarasvamin, whom we have no arguments either for identifying or not with the philosopher of the same name quoted by Kamalasila, cannot perhaps be considered, at least if we are to judge from his name, as a Buddhist. The Matharavrtti, as I hope to show in a forthcoming paper, expounds logical theories similar, and therefore chronologically near to those of Sankarasvamin, and so does the Jaina Pramananirnaya 30 Thus, we are confronted, it seems, with a general predominance of formal logic as elaborated by the Tarka-sastras and Dinnaga in his fundamental works, which influenced all the vada-sastras of t e time. This is a fact which is perhaps alluded to by Uddyotakara in his mangalacarana : kutarkikajananivritihetuh. Unfortunately, except the Nyayapravesa. no other work of this kind has been preserved, though the names at least of some other great logicians have come down to us. One of these, for instance, is 1svarasena, well known from Tibetan sources.31 He was the teacher of Dharmakirti and he seems to have held particular views as regards the interpretation of Dinnaga's works, which were not accepted by his great disciple. But his works are lost : only some few fragments have come down to us. Quotations from Isvarasena are, in fact, to be found in the following Sanskrit texts :(1) Fragment of a Buddhist Nyaya-sastra, preserved in the library of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. The references to Isvarasena have been given by MM. Haraprasada Sastri as follows : (a) na tu yathesvaraseno manyata upalabdhyabhavamdtram anupalabdhir iti (6) [u]palabdhyabhavamdtram anupalabdhim abhavasya prasahya (corr. prasajya-] pratisedhatmanah prama intaratvena gamikam icchanti lovarasena prabhrtayah. 19 Practically no rosult is possible in dialectical debates if the opponents do not agree about the fundamental laws of the discussion itself. 30 We must remember, in fact, that the logical classifications of Nydyapravek ere identical neither with Dirinaga's theories, nor with Dharmakirti's. We must, therefore, deduce that they represent a particular moment in the evolution of logic between Diinags and Dharmakirti. 21 TAranatha, History of Buldhism, transl. by Schief ner, pp. 159, 176. 29 Descriptive Catalogue of the Sanskrit MSS. of the Asiatic Tociety of Bengal, vol. I, Buddhist M88., p. 31,

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JULY, 1930) BOOK-NOTICES 147 In another fragment of a Nydyc treatise, which was kindly shown to me by His Holiness Sri Hemaraja Sarma, guru of His Highness the Maharaja of Nepal, meriion of him is also found : ......canayati tattvat. para......vity abhiprayenesvarasena evaparo 'bhipretah. These documents are few and quite inadequate to give an idea of the main features of the system of Isvarasena ; but considering that they are the only thing that time has left.33 thoy are not without value. They also belong to that period of great philosophical elaboration which took place between Dinnaga and Dharmakirti, and of which Bhamaha also has preserved some not insignificant traces. BOOK NOTICES. CEYLON JOURNAL OF SCIENCE, Section G. Archaeology. The present part of the Epigraphia Zeylanica Ethnology, etc., vol. I, pts. 1 to 4; vol. II, pt, | contains readings of the texts, with translations and 1 : edited by A. M. HOCART, Archeological Commis- annotations, of the (1) Oruvala sannasa c.p. inscripsioner, Ceylon. London, Dulau & Co., 1925-28. tion, probably of the time of Parakrama Bahu VIII, (2) the Badulla pillar inscription of about 942 A.D., EPIGRAPHIA ZEYLANICA, vol. III, pt. 2 : edited by and the Mannar Kacceri pillar inscription of about H. W. CODRINGTON and S. PARANAVITANA. 900 A.D., the second of which contains matter of Oxford University Press, 1929. special interest in connexion with village organi. Scientific research in Ceylon has made a note. ization, trading, fines and tolls, etc. The interworthy advance in the last few years, thanks pretation of many words and phrases in the latter chiefly to the work of Messrs. H. W. Codrington. inscriptions are admittedly yet doubtful. E. R. Ayrton and A. M. Hocart. The results are C.E.A.W.O. contained in a series of publications, including the above, the Memoirs of the Archaological Depart. DU KUMARAPALAPRATIBODHA: Ein ment, Mr. Codrington's Coins and Coinage of Ceylon Beitrag zur Kenntnis der Apabhransa rend der Erzahlungsand his valuable Short History of Ceylon. The parts of the Journal of Science before us, besides the Literatur der Jainas. Von Ludwig Alsdorf. (Aut. und Neu-Indische archaeological summaries, contain some striking Struien herausgegeben vom Seminar fur Kultur und Geschichte Indiens an! articles by Mr. Hocart, e.g., on the Origin of the der Hamburgischen Universitat. 2.) xii +227 pp. Stapa, India and the Pacific, and tho Indo-European Hamburg : Frieclorichsen, De Gruyter and Co., Kinship System ; but perhaps the work of greatest 1928. value to which he has devoted his attention in the attempt to establish criteria by which the archaeolo. Regione visited long ago remain alluring to the gical remains of Ceylon can be dated. Chronological memory; and even ho who will probably never be data are peculiarly scanty in the epigraphical re- able to revisit them will sometimes think of them cords of Ceylon, and the extant chronicles are also with a molancholic pleasure. Being some twenty defective in this respect. By patient, methodical yonrs ago a pupil of Professor Jacobi the present examination of the monuments, the materials writer made some little progress in the study of employed and the methods of construction, the Jain narrative literature. And, though he will sculpture, balustrades, guardstones, 'moonstones,' probably never find a real opportunity for resuming etc., Mr. Hocart has been able to differentiate three those researches, it is with a special pleasure that main periode, which he calls (1) archaic, (9) classical he studies the researches of other scholars upon And (3) Archaistic. Though this nomenclature this and cognato subjects. may not meet with universal approval, we must Dr. Alsdorf, 2 pupil of Professor Sehubring, ono congratulate him upon the perseverance with which of the leading authorities on Jainism, has produced he has tackled this dimicult subject and laid a ro, an extensive and solid work on the Kumarapaliable foundation, at least, for future work. He is lapratibodha of Somaprabha, or rather on those being ably reconded on the epigraphical sido by parts of it which are written in Apabhrains. Mr. Paranavitana, who has alco contributed a very Literary Apabhrainea-apart from smaller interesting note on Mahayanism in Ceylon. | contributions chiefly by Pischel-has become 38 References to him are to be found in the commentary to Pramdnavarttika by Devendra hodhi,

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148 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JULY, 1930 known by two masterly publications of Professor it by prubundhapravitlum pdtlicyum. (Dr. Alsdorf's Jacobi ; and there is scarcely any doubt that thero quotation is not quite exact), and it is also explained is still in existence an extensive literature in that by adhikiri sambalam. But I fail to make out interesting, if monotonous, idiom. Dr. Alsdorf the exact senne underlying these explanations. has used the edition of the Kumdrapdla pratibodha We take leave of Dr. Alsdorf with expressions published in the Gaekwad's Oriental Series, vol. XIV. of gratitude for his able and interesting book, And, though he has not been able to avail himself and hope soon to meet with new contributions from of any manuscript materials, there can be no doubt his pen. that he has produced in the plurality of cases & JARL CHARPENTIER. sound and reliable text. The Apabhramsa stanzas of the Kundrapala. MEMOIRS OF THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA, pratibodha, some 250 in number, make up an No. 41. Survival of the Prehistoric Civilization allegoric tale called the Jivamanahkaranasam. of the Indus Valley, by RAI BAHADUR RAMPRASAD lapalatha, a tale of the famous saint Sthulabhadra, CHANDA, B.A. 13 x 10 in., pp. 40, with plates. A hymn on Parava, a small dogmatic text, four vorses on the seasons, and 42 separate verses of Calcutta, 1920. . clifforent contents. Of all these, Dr. Alsdorf gives In seeking to find a link between the Vedic text and translation, as well as a list of words. traditions and the chalcolithic civilization of the In an extensive and well-written introduction he Indus basin, as disclosed from the remains found at deals with his texts from a literary, grammatical Harappa and Mohenjo-daro, Mr. Chanda propounds his and metrical point of view. And in five appendices views upon certain subjects, which, though of wide we are able to study other texts dealing with the intereet, hardly fall within the scope of archeology. fortunes of Sthulabhadra. The author, whose For example, he would abandon what he calls the name we have probably not met with before, has 1 " orthodox view," that the upper Indus valley was produoed an altogether learned, interesting, and wrested from Disas and Dasyus by & vigorous excellent book. race of Aryan immigrants, and suggest, as better Tempting though it be, we cannot here enter fitting the evidence, that "the Aryans, mainly into details which would really lead too far. We represented by the Rishi clans, came to seek their shall only allow ourselves a few passing remarks fortunes in small numbers more or less as missionaries of the cults of Indra, Varuna, Agni and other gods of which will at any rate prove that we have studied the work with attention and with profit. nature and settled in peace under the protection of the native rulere who readily appreciated their On p. 112 (Sthalabhadra, 102, 4-5) we read the great merit as sorcerers and employed them to following lines : secure the assistance of the Aryan gods." We must Kasara-vannu uppayai nahi bhanjai jai vi avidhu point out, however, that Indian tradition would taha vi durehaha reha na hu pdvai govarakhidu. seem clearly to indicate that the earliest pris were The text is undoubtedly in slight disorder, as the established in the land before the so-called Aryan immigration. Ho would go further, and recognize second half of the first line is untranslatable. In any in the warrior clang-the Bharatas, Purus, Yadus, case I suppose that we shall have to read bhunjai Turvakas, Anus, Druhyus, etc., of the Rig Veda-the instead of bhanjai; unfortunately, however, I am representatives of the ruling class of the indigenous completely unable to solve the riddle of the word chaleolithic population. Here again we are up avidhu. The rhyme proves it to be fairly correct against & mass of Indian tradition. Rather than the sense must be something in the way of Skt. attribute the rigidity of enste to the sharp distinction amrta or madhu. The translation would run some. between the Arya and tho Sadra, he prefers to what like this: 'the black-coloured dung-beetle, regard it ne due to the wido gulf that separated the even though he flies up to the sky and eats (honey ?) cultures of the "proto-Brahmans and the proto will not attain the lustre of the bees.' The word Kshatriyan"-terms that seem to call for some kadvidiya, 'a porter' (p. 151), may possibly stand in definition. He proceeds to develop his view of A some relation to (Skt.) karanta- in one of its different fundamental difference in the mentality of the Renges. For joyai pasyati wo miss a reference to Brahmana and Ksatriya of ancient India by citing Hemscandra's grammar, iv, 332, with Piachel's evidence to show that their attitude towards purus note, and the Prakrilgrammatik, p. 173, SS 246. amedha and anumarapa were antagonistic. The Jhofinga. (r. 159) seems to mean sort of ghost; theory elaborated by him, that certain statuettes it would not be quite impossible to derive it from found at Mohenjo-daro represent Yatis of the proto dyotir. 'light' as I beliove to have proyed long historie and prehistoric Indus valloy civilization ago that glow-worms, etc., are at times lool:ed seems somewhat premature. We feel, in fact, upon as ghostly apparitions, cp. Kleine Beitr. :. that the author attempts in this short Memoir to indoiranischen Mythologie, p. 1 f. (1911). The solve too many difficult problems, though his viewe, curious word bhullaya, quoted on p. 174, does if not convincing, are in many respects suggestive. not simply mean viaticum: Hemacandra explains C.E. A: W.O.

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August, 1930) PINDARI 149 PINDARI. BY PROF. JARL CHARPENTIER, PH.D., UPSALA. Of the nefarious dealings of the Pindaris, of the unspeakable atrocities perpetrated, during their raids, upon the peaceful population of Central India, and of their rapid and complete extinction through the splendid activity of the Marquess of Hastings, not a word need be said here. They are all too well known to every reader of the Indian Antiguary. But we might allow ourselves here a few words upon the etymology of the word pindari, a problem that does not seem so far to have been satisfactorily settled.2 Not a few etymologies of this word have been suggested, which may be shortly mention. tioned here as far as they have become known to the present writer. Leaving aside Prinsep's fanciful connection of pindari with Pandour, we notice that Sir John Malcolm suggested a derivation from Mar. pendha, meaning a drink (for cattle and men) prepared from jondhala (Holcus sorghum, L. or Sorghum vulgare, Pers.) by steeping it and causing it to ferment; also a drink (for cattle) prepared from bhatena, or rice straw! (Molesworth). And Malcolm's suggestion was confirmed by Karim Khan as well as by other Pindaris. Wilson* again thought of another pendha which, according to Molesworth, means 'rice-straw; a bundle of rice-straw; a load or bundle of three ghada or rolls of rice. straw'; from this pendha+hara, 'taking' or 'fetching,' would be formed an apt name for those hangers-on to an army whose chief business it was to collect forage. However plausible such conjectures may at first seem to be, they do not carry much conviction and may nowadays quictly be left aside. Nor can any great probability be ascribed to the etymology suggested by Sir Henry Yule, Hobson-Jobson, 2nd ed., p. 711 b., according to which the word ought to be connected with Hindi pird-parna and Mar. pindas. barnen, both of which mean' to follow, to stick closely to.' Formal difficulties are in the way of such a derivation ; nor is such a suggestion strongly convincing from a semasiological point of view. A suggestion by Shakespear may conveniently be passed over in silenoe. And another one proposed by Balfour' apparently upon older authority, and which implies a relationship between pinlari and Bedar, has been aptly refuted by Irvine. However, his.own derivation from Pandhar, a place' situated in the neighbourhood of Burhanpur-carries, just as little conviction as the others. First of all, Irvine has scarcely succeeded in making it probable that the Pindaris did really originate from the place in question; and further the real name is undoubtedly pindarf and nothing else, which cannot well be brought to tally with Pundhar, whatever be the origin of that somewhat obscure name. Thus, though there is no lack of more or less ingenious explanations of the word, we are left completely in the dark as regards its real origin. Curiously enough no one, as far as I am aware, has noted the fact that traces of the word are to be found in Sanskrit as well as in Prakrit texts. The Marathi forms of the word recorded by Molesworth are the following: pendhara, 'a body of Pindaries, also that people considered collectively '; pendhara, 'the depredations of these marauders,' and pendhari or pendharakari, a marauder, a Pindari.' But there is no doubt that this form is of later 1 On the etymology of this word op. Hobson-Jobson, 2nd ed., p. 711 f. ; Irvine, IA., xxis (1900), 140 f.. Russell. Tribes and Castes of the Central Provinces, iv, 388 f., together with tho literature quoted in these pensages. 1 Op. History of Political and Military Transactions, i, 37 n. 3 Op. Central India, 2nd ed., I, 433. Cp. Glossary of Indian Terma, p. 04. 8 These words may possibly be connected with perdavai = prasthapayati mentioned by 'Temacandra, iv, 37. * Op. Hindustani and English Dictionary, ool. 668. 1 Op. Cyclopaedia of India (od. 1885), ili, 216.

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150 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY * ( August, 1930 origin, the aspiration (dh) being of secondary nature, and thus a form pencari or pindari would be the original one. And for this form we really find suitable connection in Sanskrit' and Prakpit. In the Kauciliya, ed. Jolly, p. 76, 1, we find a word piuddraka, which probably means buffalo-herd.' Hemacandra, Anekurthasamgraha, iii, 571 (ed. Zacharia), tells us as follows: ..... pindaro bhiksuke drume mahisipalake kipepe..... i.e., ' pindara means a beggar, a certain tree (probably Flacourtia sapida, Roxb.), a buffaloherd,' and an opprobrious denomination.'10 The second meaning (a certain tree), of course, has got nothing to do with the others ; and though it is quite possible, it may be doubtful whether they have all been drawn from a common source. But there is scarcely any cloubt that the most important meaning of the word, and the one upon which we have to fix our attention is that of 'buffalo-herd.' For the same Homacandra in his Desinamamala, 6, 58, bas preservod the gloss: pe duro gopal 1 pen laro mahigipala iti Devarajah il i.e., 'pendara means cowherd; p. means buffalo-herd according to Devaraja.' This Devaraja is mentioned by Hemacandra as an authority on lexicography also in 6, 72 and 8, 17, and according to Bhuvanapala he is the author of certain stanzas in Hala's Saptasati 11 As a matter of fact our word occurs also in a verse preserved in one of the numerous versions of that anthology and bearing the number 731.12 uvaharidi samaam pindare na kaham kunanlammi navavahua i sarosam savva ccia vacchad mukka II "Look! when the buffalo-herd13 starts talking with the maid, the young mistress of the house out of jealousy lets loose all the calves.' The commentary here seems to prefer the reading pendara to the pildara of the text, which certainly makes no great difference. Considering there passages from different authors there can be no doubt at all that there exists a Prakrit word pindara, pendara-which, like innumerable others, has found its way also into Sanskrit works with the sense of buffalo-herd.' In this connection it is certainly important to notice that the present-day Pindaris, of which there seem to exist some 10,000 in all, are professionally 'herdsmen and tenders of buffaloes,'14 For it cannot well be doubted that in the pilara, pe udara, testified to by various lexicographers--of whom Devaraja must be previous to Hemacandra, i.e., at least belong to the tenth or eleventh century-by Vautilya and by a stanza in the Saptasati, must be the source of the name Pindari' which during the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries won for itself such a sinister celebrity, Such seconda y aspiration does not seem to be altogether uncommon in Marathi, judging from mate. rials which I have gathered quite at random from Professor Jules Bloch's excellent work La formation de la langue Marathe. Thus, e.g., khapar: Skt. karpara. (the explanation given by Professor Bloch, p. 319, seems to me not quite oorreot); khuja: Skt. kubja-; khenkad : Skt. karkata cadhnen: Pkt. cadai; nidhal, besides nidal; babhny, besides babal, etc. (Bloch, 1.c., p. 375) : bhar (Page #165
Avoust, 1030) A FURTHER NOTE ON THE SVETAMBARA AND DIGAMBARA SECTS 181 As for the further relationship of this word pindara, pendara, I have nothing definite to suggest. However, I should like to point once more to the Desindmamala, where in 6, 80 we read : pedda ... mahiss . kecit peddasabdena mahiram ahuh ! Thus there seems to have existed a word pedda, 'buffalo, she-buffalo '; and an interchange between peddaand penda- (pinda-) would be nothing unheard of within the Prakfits. Possible as it would thus be to suggest that pindara, pendara were in some way connected with this name of the buffalo,' we shall prefer to make no definite assertions. And we shall rest content to think that the riddle of the name of the Pindaris has perhaps been solved in a very simple way. A FURTHER NOTE ON THE SVETAMBARA AND DIGAMBARA SECTS. BY KAMTA PRASAD JAIN, M.R.A.S. In the September 1929 issue of the Indian Antiquary Mr. Puran Chand Nahar, a learned Svetambara Jain, has expressed his ideas on the two sects of the Jains, and contends for the greater antiquity of the Svetambara sect as compared with the Digambaras. But, unfortunately, he has not supported his opinions with reliable references, and they hardly represent the true view of the facts. His conclusions, therefore, cannot be taken as the last word of "unbiassed research " on the point, and it becomes necessary to examine them in the light of the historical facts. He seems to lay great stress on the following points to prove the antiquity of the Svetambara seot : 1. That the idea of nudity or remote antiquity and the idea of the dressed or a later period " is not tenable, because, taking the period of Vedas, hardly any Praksit literature is found existing before the Vedas, although the Prakrit, or natural language, is taken to be older than the Sanskrit, or corrected language. And because the Svetambara Jains hold that all the predecessors of Mahavira Tirthankara wore clothes, the idea of nudity was preached by the last Tirthankara for the first time. 2. That the ancient Jain images bear no trace of any particular sect, but belong to the undivided Jain Sangha. Besides this, a good number of such images, in the sitting posture, bear ne trace of nudity. 3. That the inferior status assigned to woman by the Digambara sect, in denying her the possibility of full spiritual emancipation, is of later origin," for, such narrow dogmas had their birth in times when & strong reaction had already set in against the broad-minded democratic religion of Buddha and Mahavira....." 4. That those who advocated the most conservative ideas became known as the Digambaras, "and in order to establish the new theory, these Digambaras had to discard the whole of the then existing Jain canons," which are respected and recognised by the Svetambara sect alone, who maintain the same old principles as those taught by Mahavira. 5. That the Mathura antiquities speak for the priority of the Svetambara sect. 6. And that Digambaras hold the conservative idea, contrary to the Svetambaras, that only a Digambara Jain holding Digambara doctrines con attain nirvana, which is against the original teaching of Mahavira. It is owing to this conservatiem that they did not flourish during the Muhammadan period. 1. Now let us examine these points one by one. As for the first point, we should remember that it was not only in the times of Mahavira that nudity was practised in the country, but, on the contrary, it was treated with great reverence before Mahaviral and in the Vedio period itself. "The wind girdled Bachhantes," the Munayo Vatavasands, are mentioned in the Rik-Samhita (X, 136-2) and the learned Prof. Albrecht Weber regarded this as showing the greater antiquity of the Digambaras, whom he also took as referred to in the well-known accounts of the Indian Gymnosophists' of the time of Alexander the Great. |Indian Antiquary, vol, LX, p. 162 * Ibid., vol. XXX, p. 280,

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152 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY . [August, 1930 Besides, it is worthy of note that in almost all the Brahmanical Sanskrit literature which notice the Jains, Jain monks are designated as naked recluses. In the ancient and authentio literature of the Buddhists, too, the Jains (Niganthas) are described as naked monks. These notices refer not only to the Nigantha Samanas of the order of Mahavira ; but indirectly they describe the pre-Mahavira Nigantha Samanas as naked monks as well. For it is said in the Mahavagga (I, 70, 3)6 that "At that time the Bhikkus conferred the upasampadd ordination on persons that had neither alms-bowl nor robes. They went out for alms naked and (received alms) with their hands. People were annoyed, murmured and became angry, saying "Like the Titthiyas, etc.'" These Titthiyas wero, no doubt, the non-Buddhistio monks belonging to older orders than those of Mahavira and Buddha. The description of them, as given above, coincides exactly with that of a Digambara Jain monk, as described in their lastras. Hence there is little doubt about their being the naked monks of the school of Lord Parava, the immediate predecessor of Mahavira. Moreover, I am tempted to believe the Digambara sastras on the ground that their accounts are in agreement with those references in the Buddhist Tripi. taka and other secular literature which mention the Jains. For instance, the rules of conduct for the Sramanas (Jain monks) given in the Kassapa-Sihandda Sutta coincide to a word with those given in the Digambara Jain literature for their monks, and they mention the very first rule of the Jain muni, which requires him to go about naked.8 Thus the literary evidence would indicate that the nakedness of the Jain monks was in accordance with the original practice, and not a subsequent innovation started by Mahavira. The latter idea, moreover, is against the tradition of the Svetambara Jains themselves ; for, it is said in their authentic and canonical books that Lord Risabhadeva, the first Tir. thankara, also passed his life as a saint in a state of nudity.' This means that the practice of nudity was first introduced in the Jain Church by Lord Risabhadeva. This is exactly what the Digambaras say. But they do not say that along with the discarding of clothes the first Tirthankara also allowed the Jain saints to put them on. He, no doubt, did allow the Ksullaka to wear one or even two garments, but the Ksullakas are only householders observing the vows, and are called Ekasataka in the Digambara odstras.10 This division of the Digambaras is supported by the Buddhist references, since in them, too, the clothed Nirgranthas are styled Savaka gihi odata vasandil and Nigantha ekasataka.12 We find clear mention of the naked Jain munis and clothed Jain savakas in the Buddhist literature, and therefore the mere mention of the naked munis also in the Svetambara books cannot justify the divi. sion of the Jain munis-naked and clothed-as they have propagated. Therefore it is clear that the practice of observing nudity stands for remote antiquity. 3 Visnu Purdna, Bk. 3, ch. 18, vs. 2-10 ; Vedanta Sutras, II, 2, 33-38; Dasakumara-carita, 2 ; Vardhamihira-Sarihitd, 19-61 and 45-68; Mahdbhdrata, 3, 26-27; Ramdyana Bdlakdndo Bhalgona Tiked, 14. 22; and Bhagavata, 5. 4, 5, 6. 4 Jdtakamdia, S.B.B., vol. I, p. 145; Vildkhdpatthd-dhamma-padattha-Kathad, P.T.S., vol. I. Pt. 2, p. 384 ; Dialogues of the Buddha, vol. 3, p. 14; Divyavadana, p. 165; Mahdvagga, 8, 15; 38; Cullavagga, 8, 28, 3; Samyuta Nikaya, 2, 3, 10, 7, etc. 6 Vinaya Texts, S.B.E., vol. XIII, p. 223. I have established this theory fairly well in my Hindi book, Bhagawana Mandvira aur Mahdimd Buddha, which ought to be consulted. 6 Historical Gleanings, pp. 11-12. 7 Indian Historical Quarterly, vol. II, pp. 698710. 8 Studi e Materiali di Storia delle Religioni, Anno III, 1927, pp. 4-8; and The Jaina Hostel Magazine, VI, No. 2, pp. 8-21. * Kalpa Satra, JS., SBE., Pt. I. p. 286. 10. tyakAgArasya sadadRSTeH prazAMtasya gRhIzinaH / prAgdIko paaykaakaalaadekpaattkdhaarinnH||3|258 // AdipurANa 11 Digha Nikdya, PTS., vol. III, pp. 117-118, 19 Anguttara Nikdya, vol. III, p. 383.

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Avqust, 1930 ) A FURTHER NOTE ON THE SVETAMBARA AND DIGAMBARA SECTS 153 As to the existence of a Prakrit literature prior to the Vedio Sanskrit, nothing can safely be said in regard to this, since no literature of that period is available. Still we learn from scholars that there assuredly was a different and older literature existing besides the Vedas. 13 But the fact does not alter our position in the least. 2. The second point bears reference to the ancient Jain images. Only certain of the images found at Mathura and at Khandagiri-Udayagiri (Orissa) can safely be taken as dating from before the Christian era ; and these are found to be nude.14 Those Jain images of Mathura, on which references are made to the gacchas, garas, etc., as found in the Svetambara Kalpasutra, are also nude, like those found at the Digambara Jain temple of that place.16 This leaves no shadow of doubt as to the ancient shape of the Jain images. They of course were naked, and it was not the case with them that they should neither bear any sign of robes or of nudity as the Svetambaras say, 16 As to the images in the sitting posture, which bear no sign of the male organ, no particular stress can be laid upon them, since even to this day many a Digambara Jain image is found so fashioned. The absence of the male organ seems to be due to the difficulty felt by the sculptor in chiselling it out, and reliance cannot be placed on this evidence. On the contrary, if any of them had traces of drapery, the point would surely have been indisputable. In the existent conditions the argument does not support the Svetambara views, but is consonant with the Digambara one. 3. As to the third point, it is regrettable that the learned writer here, too, has been led into error and confusion. For the dogma which assigns an inferior status to women in the religious Order is not of late origin, when a strong reaction had already set in against the broad-minded democratic religion of Buddha and Mahavira. The democratic Buddha was himself reluctant to give a place to women in his Bhikku Sangha; and when such a thing was forced upon him, he expressed regret for it and said that the life of the Sangha had been shortened. The Buddhists, like the Digambaras, hold that only a man can become a Buddha.17 And in regard to Mahavira, the Svetambara themselves make him say, "Women were known as the causes of all sinful acts."18 In the Vedas we read that boys were wel. comed (RV., iii, 16, 5) and girls cursed (AV., viii, 6, 25). And the extremity is reached when it is said in the Satapatha Brah. (iv, 4, 2, 13) that (women) own neither themselves nor an inheritance. (Hand Tr .) Everywhere their inferiority is manifest in these works.19 Therefore it is not safe to accept the verdict that the inferiority assigned to women is of later origin, and so the point does not affect Digambara antiquity in the least. 4. It is painful to read the fourth point, unsupported us it is by any argument that may be deemed to justify it. The Digambaras had no need of establishing the new theory, since they remained adherents of the old ideas. The real Jain canon has been lost owing to the shortness of memory of the Rishis and the tradition now receives clear support from the ancient inscription of the Jain emperor Kharavela. 20 Hence the extant Anga-granthas of the Svetambaras cannot be taken as the very original ones. As Prof. A. Berriedale Keith says "The language of the Jain canon Svet&mbara Jain Angas) is far later than the time of the Nandas, and, if the language could be changed, then the content also was far from secure ; indeed Jain tradition reveals its early losses, and we have no right to hold that the present canon in substance or detail goes back to the fourth century B.C."91 13 Indian Historical Quarterly, vol. III, pp. 307-309. 14 Smith, Jaina and other Antiquities of Mathurd, and Hindt Bengal, Bihar and Orissa Jaina Antiquities, 15 Smith, Jain. Antiq. Mathurd, p. 24. 18 gfta from TTT YTT at arco ir tt 17 Hardy, Manual of Buddhism, pp. 101-106. 449998 . 18 Aodrdiga Satra, JS., SBE., pt. I, p. 41. 19 Cambridge History of India, vol. I, p. 292. 20 Journal of the Bihar and Orissa Research Society, vol. XIII, pp. 236, 21 Sir Ashutosh Memorial Volume, p. 21.

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184 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (Avaust, 1930 5. The Mathura antiquities are only about a century older than the date on which the Jain Sangha divided into two sects, and they rightly show signs of the Svetambara origin at the time. The inscription mentioning the Svetambara ganas, etc., inscribed on the Digambara or naked images, bears testimony to this fact and shows that the Svetambaras were the dissenters from the original Sangha and took pains to connect themselves with hoary antiquity. The Mathura antiquities show the topsy-turvy condition of the Jain Sangha at the time, which was but natural for a Sangha that divided just within a hundred years of their date. Hence they do not carry the age of the Svetambara sect beyond the first cen. tury B.C. But the mention of the loss of the Jain canon, in conformity with the Digambaras' belief, is mentioned in the Hathigumpha inscription of the second century B.C. The facts that only naked images were installed at that time and that these naked images are under the exclusive management of the Digambara sect, prove the greater antiquity of the Digambaras. And the coincidence of the rules of conduct of the Jain munis, as laid down in the Digambara sastras, with those given in the Buddhist literature takes us back directly to the fourth century B.C. at the very least.22 6. The Digambara sastras do not plead such conservatism as would go against the very teaching of Lord Mahavira. Their earliest Acarya, Sri Kundakunda, frankly says that "Jinendra preached the doctrine, the root of which is Right Faith, to all the followers": it is not reserved for any particular sect or class of man. But the present conservatism of the Digambaras, which took root during the medieval period, when Pauranic Hinduism held sway in India, and particularly in South India, where the Digambaras flourished, is a foreign exotic. Our Svetambara brethren, too, are not wanting in such a conservatism to a degree. And it is far from true that Digambara Jains did not flourish at all during the Muhammadan period. The pages of history of these times in South India and the enormous collection of Jain images in the Digambara temples, which were consecrated during that period, tell a very different tale. If the Digambaras were not a flourishing community like the SvetAmbaras under the Muhammadan rule, would it have been possible for Digambara pontiffs to approach the Muhammadan sovereigns, like 'Alau'd-din and Aurangzeb, and preach to them the Jain doctrines ?34 If the Digambaras were a dead body, how happened it that a learned scholar (pandita) like Nainsukhadasji forsook the Svetambara creed and adopted the Digambara faith ? In short, we should not forget that facts are facts and the history of any country or class should not be whitewashed. It is desirable that scholars studying and solving the vexed question about the origin of the two sects should not be misled, and should keep in mind what the non-Jain sources have to say in this respect. 33 Indian Historical Quarterly, vol. II, pp. 898-710. 23 'dasaNamUlo dhammo ubaDau jiNavarehi sissANI' 24 Studies in South Indian Jainism, pt. II, p. 132. 35 Jaina-Jagat, vol. II.

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August, 1930 ] THE ORIGIN OF THE PALLAVAS 155 THE ORIGIN OF THE PALLAVAS. By MUDALIYAR C. RASANAYAGAM. In volume LII (pp. 77-80) of the Indian Antiquary, an article entitled "The Origin of the Pallavas " was published over my name, and in it a theory was put forward that the progenitor of the Pallava dynasty was Tondaiman Ilam Tirayan, the son of a Chola king born of a liaison with a Naga princess of Manipallavam, and that the name "Pallava" given to the dynasty was a matronymic indicating the origin of his mother. Professor S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, in his Lectures on South Indian History, published a short time afterwards, and in his valuable paper on " The Origin and the Early History of the Pallavas of Kanchi," which appeared in the Journal of Indian History (vol. II, pt. 1) for Nov. 1922, held that they were native to South India and not a dynasty of foreigners. Further, on the grounds that their earliest charters were in Prakrit and Sanskrit and not in Tamil, and that their culture was Aryan and Brahmanio and not Dravidian, he suggested that they were in all probability a family of Naga feudatorics of the Satavahanas of the Dekkhan. Sir Richard Temple, while referring to the two theories in his paper entitled " A Sketch of South Indian Culture" published in the Indian Antiquary (vol. LIII, p. 26), stated that "if the Professor's conclusions are to be accepted, Mr. Rasanayagam's argument is ruled out. However, in its favour it may be said that the acceptance of purely Indian soil as the original home of the Pallavas does not account for their name, the Sprout, which is what Mr. Rasanayagam aims at explaining. The question then is not even yet finally settled, though the foreign Pahlava origin of the Pallavas may now be definitely regarded as inadmissible." In Vincent Smith's Early History of India (4th edition, revised by the late Mr. S. M. Edwardes, C.S.I., C.V.O., and published in 1924), Mr. Edwardes, in commenting on my theory (p. 49), stated that the possible origin of the Pallavas, as suggested by ancient Tamil poetry, did not appear to conflict with known facts and might perhaps offer an additional reason for the enmity which unquestionably existed between the Pallavas and the Tamil kingdoms. Being, however, reluctant to set aside the theory of so great a scholar and historian as Professor S. K. Aiyangar, he added that the historical Pallavas were feudatories of the Satavahanas of the Deccan and belonged to the Naga family. Mr. R. Gopalan, the latest writer on the Pallavas in his History of the Pallavas of Kanci, edited with an Introduction by Dr. S. K. Aiyangar, and published in 1928, while reviewing all the theories propounded on the origin of the Pallavas, seems to favour the view of the learned Professor that the Pallavas must have come down from the north. The difficulties that make it impossible for him to accept my view are said to be these : (1) that the inscriptions do not mention the Chola-Naga origin or even the name of Tondaiman Ilam Tirayan as the earliest member of the dynasty; but that on the other hand the Pallava kings described themselves as belonging to the Bharadvaja gotra, and as performers of Aryan sacrifices; (2) that their earliest charters are in Prakrit and Sanskrit and never in the Tamil language ; and (3) that the early Pallava kings were hostile to the Tamil rulers such as the Cholas and the Pandyas. These objections seem to have been put forward only for the sake of argument, for Mr. Gopalan in another part of the book (p. 160) unwillingly expresses his belief that Ilam Tirayan did belong to the Pallava dynasty, by stating that "Tirumalisai was a contemporary of one of the Pallava kings, perhaps Tondaiman Ilam Tirayan." Further, these objeotions presuppose that the early Pallava rulers were necessarily either Tamils or patrons of the Tamil language ; but the mere fact that the progenitor of the dynasty, Tondaiman Lam Tirayan, was a patron of the Tamil language is not enough to sustain any such assumption. If the Pallava inscriptions had mentioned the actual origin of the dynasty, there would have been no need now to search for its beginnings and its progenitors. The early Prakrit

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156 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ August, 1930 and Sanskrit charters and the Brahmanic culture that is now inferred from them, do not negative the Chola-Naga origin. One single ruling family could not have introduced that culture to an alien people in a comparatively large area. As for the language of the inscriptions, it would most naturally have been the language or dialect prevalent in the district in which the inscriptions were set up, or else the language which influenced the literature of the period. Whatever it was, it certainly would not have been a foreign language brought in by the earliest member of a ruling dynasty, and understood only by himself and his few followers. The absence of certain positive statements in inscriptions and literature should not be taken as an argument to prove a negative. It is quite probable, and the known facts do not make it an impossibility, that the early descendants of Ilam Tirayan, or even Ilam Tirayan himself, married among one or other of the northern dynasties, such as the Chutu Nagas, the Satavahanas or the Kadambas, as it would have been extremely difficult for Ilam Tirayan to obtain brides from among the haughty and exclusive Tamil dynasties on account of the taint of illegitimacy in his blood. The statement in the Velurpalayam plates that the earliest Pallava 'acquired the emblems of sovereignty on marrying the daughter of the Lord of the Serpents' is either a reference to the parents of Ilam Tirayan or to an alliance contracted by Ilam Tirayan himself with the Chutu Nagas and the acquisition of the northern dominions of the Pallava kingdom through such an alliance. The early Pallava rulers, therefore, may have adopted a culture in keeping with the alliances made by them. The dialect of the earliest inscriptions in Ceylon was Prakrit, although the rulers were Nagas and Kalingas; and some of the later non-Simhalese rulers issued their charters in Simhalese, although they wrote their own signatures in Grantha or Tamil. The diffusion through the Pallavas of some elements of Brahmanic culture in the Chola and the Pandya kingdoms can be easily traced. The Grantha characters displaced the Vatteluttu of the Tamils first in the Chola, and then in the Pandya country, and such influence came through the Pallavas. If the culture came from the north, it is not very essential that the dynasty of kings who readily accepted that culture should also have come from the north. Even before the time of Ilam Tirayan, Kanci had become a stronghold of Buddhism and Jainism. The different modes of worship in the country seem to have been considered by the people as equally true and by the rulers as equally useful. This toleration was the means of producing not only complete religious freedom, but also political concord between the inhabitants and the rulers. For a Hindu king to see his son converted to Buddhism or Jainism was not an infrequent phenomenon. The Pali and Sanskrit literature ushered in by the Buddhists and Jains and the influence of Vedic Brahmans made such a strong combination as to change the outlook of the Kanci rulers within a very short time. Hindu religious intolerance began at a much later period with the advent of the Saivite Saints and the Vaignava Alvars. Prakrit records belong to the third and fourth centuries A.D. If Ilam Tirayan came to the throne in the third quarter of the second century A.D., if he and his successors came under the influence of Brahmanic culture, and if the Kanci kings brought under their sway the territory below the river Krisna, which was under the Andhra rule till about the first quarter of the third century, it would be only natural to find Praksit charters in that territory. And the state. ment in the Allahabad pillar inscription, that the said territory was under the rule of Visnugopa then, becomes quite intelligible. Those charters would have been, in all probability, issued inimitation of the charters already issued by Andhra kings and their chieftains. If it be admitted that the Maidavolu and Hirahadagalli plates, the earliest of the Prakfit records, were issued by Sivaskandavarman, who preceded Visnugopa by four reigns, then it is clear that the kings of Kanci had, by the middle of the third century A.D., come under the influence of northern culture ; for these charters recorded grants to temples and Brahmans. The decadence of the Tamil language in Tondaimandalam after Ilam Tirayan and the failure of his successors to extend their patronage to Tamil literature do not necessarily mean that the Pallava kings of Kanci came from the north. It was owing to frosh interogte

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August, 1930) THE ORIGIN OF THE PALLAVAS 157 and a change of outlook that the kings of Kanci, during this obscure period, appear to have neglected Tamil literature. They seem to have actively participated in the spread of the culture in which they were then steeped. The presence of Sanskrit poets in the court at Kanci proves no more than an interest in the culture that these poets represented, and it is not valid to argue from that that the kings were Sanskrit-speaking men from the north. On the other hand, the kings of the East did not at any time discriminate in the matter of the language of the poets whom they encouraged at their courts. Kamban, the Tamil poet, was welcomed and honoured by Rudra I, the king of Warangal, and a Tamil astrological work called Sarajoti Malai received its imprimatur in the court of Parakrama Bahu, the Simhalese king of Dambadeniya. The decadence of Tamil literature synchronised with the rise of the Pallava power, and hence the absence of Tamil poets in the court of Kanci. The fact that the members of the ruling dynasty of Kanci were not well-disposed towards their neighbours, the Cholas, and that within a short time they became the over-lords of the Chola kingdom, can be easily inferred from the total absence of any mention of Kanci kings in Tamil literature and from the disappearance of the Cholas as powerful rulers after the second or the third century A.D. The enmity of the early Pallavas towards the Tamil kings is not at all surprising and is no argument to disprove my theory. When we know that members of the same branch of a family often fall out in the deadly struggle for power and glory, it is impossible to expect members of two different branches and one a bastard line-to maintain cordial relations for any length of time. The futility of this objection was foreseen by Mr. S. M. Edwardes when he stated that the origin of the Pallavas might perhaps offer an additional reason for the enmity which unquestionably existed between the Pallavas and the Tamil kingdoms. The pure branch of the Cholas was cut off within a very short time, and the authority of the Pallavas extended over that kingdom, too, almost to the end of the ninth century. If the earliest Tirayar of Kanci were patrons of Tamil literature and the later Pallavas of Sanskrit, it is not necessary to premise a change of dynasty in order to explain the decay of Tamil and the rise of Sanskrit. It is well known that this depended solely on the influence wielded by the Brahman ministers, officers and poets who thronged the court. Did not some of the later Pallava kings come under the influence of Tamil ministers and did they not encourage Tamil men of letters and cause inscriptions to be set up in Tamil? Are we, therefore, to infer that these kings were members of a different dynasty ? There was nothing to prevent the Pallava Tirayar who ruled over Kanci from the third quarter of the second century to the first quarter of the fourth century A.D. from manufacturing a gotra genealogy and calling themselves Pallavas as they slowly rose to power and sovereignty. The fact that the name Tondaiman' is identical with Pallava,' as admitted by Dr. S. K. Aiyangar and as seen from the names of several chiefs and generals who flourished under the later Pallavas and the Cholas, and that Ilam Tirayan was the earliest Tondaiman, shows that the earliest kings of Kafci were called Pallava Tirayar,' to distinguish them from Tirayar who hailed from other countries. Merely because the earliest kings of Kanci were called Tirayar in Tamil literature, and the later kings called themselves Pallavas in their charters, it does not follow that the Pallavas belonged to a different dynasty to the Tondaimans who were called Tirayar. Visnugopa of Kanci was not described either as a Tirayan or as a Pallava in the Allahabad pillar inscription, whereas Sivaskandavarman, who was a king of KAnci before Visnugopa, is called a Pallava in the Maida volu plates. It does not, therefore, negative the fact that Visnugopa was a Pallava If the dynasty of Ilam Tirayan continued to rule at Kanci, Bappadeva, the father of Sivaskandavarman, and the earliest Pallava king to be mentioned in the charters, must have been the son or grandson of Ilam Tirayan. Had the dynasty not continued, and had another dynasty supervened, it must bave been immediately after Ilam Tirayan's death. It Bappadeve

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158 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ August, 1930 was the actual name of the first of the line, he could have been nothing more than an obscure chieftain; and his son would not have dared, during the lifetime of his father, to manufacture a name and a gotra for the family and to have it published in the very neighbourhood in which the father had risen to his petty eminence. Some generations, at least, must have expired before the family thought of propping up their newly acquired kingship with an imaginary pedigree. It is, however, rather curious that the pedigree was not traced to the Sun or the Moon, or even to Iksvaku, the common ancestor of all kings of the Solar dynasty. The earlier records and inscriptions merely stated that the Pallavas belonged to the Bharadvaja gotra; it was the later Sanskrit records that developed the theme and improved the pedigree by tracing it back to Asvatthaman and Drona, who, according to the Mahabharata, belonged to the Bharadvaja gotra. It is quite probable that the words 'Palver Tirayan' ( ucapkarwer) appearing in the Tamil work Perumpanarrupadai (line 37) was a misreading for 'Pallavat Tirayan' (pll vt tiraiynnn). The early manuscript of the work which NachcinArkiniyar used in writing his commentary would have been written in Vatteluttu and the word 'Pallavat' (vars) could have been easily mistaken for 'Palver' ( u ap). From the context it can be surmised that Pallava was the original word, as the words Annirtirai [gorethe waves of that country)] appear in a previous line (1. 30) and the name of the country alluded to is omitted. It is wrong to think, as the commentator has done, that the words Annir ( 16) allude only to Munnir (coor of i-sea), in the beginning of the line (1. 30). If this reading of mine is accepted by Tamil pandits, then the argument can be clinched, and Tondaiman I!am Tirayan can be safely admitted as the first Pallava Tirayan. The derivation of the term 'Tirayan,' as given by the commentator, may be fanciful, but it does not oertainly take away from it the actual meaning that Ilam Tirayan came from beyond the seas, and that the waves which brought him were those of the Pallava seas. If he was the earliest of the Pallava Tirayan, would not his descendants be called Pallavas. If he, who was admittedly a Tirayan, was not a Pallava Tirayan, is there any proof or even a suspicion that he was a Tiravan from any other country? That there were different tribes of Tirayar living in Tondaimandalam about the tenth century, A.D. can be seen from the T'ondaimandalappattai. yam referred to by A. Kanagasabaipillai in his Tamils 1800 Years Ago. They were : (1) Pangala Tirayar-Tirayar from Bengal ; (2) China Tirayar-Tirayar from China ; (3) Kadara Tirayar-Tirayar from Kadaram, or Burma; (4) Simhala Tirayar-Tirayar from Simhalam, or Ceylon; and (5) Pallava Tirayar-Tiravar from Pallavam. What was this Pallavam, and where was it? The only possible answer is that it was the ancient Manipallavam of the Manimekhalali and the Mani Nagadvipa of the Mahavamsa. Whether the child born of a liaison between a Chola king and a Naga princess of Manipallavam was shipwrecked as an infant and was wafted ashore by the waves, or whether as a young man he sought out his father and claimed a kingdom from him, makes no difference to my proposition. It is clear that the earliest Tondaiman was a Pallava Tirayan. He reigned at KAnoipuram, just as the later Pallavas did. To assert that there was an interregnum between the Tirayar and the Pallavas and to attempt to locate it at a time after the reign of Vignugopa is ridiculous, as the genealogy given in the charters will not admit of such a conclusion; for, if Visnugopa is not to be regarded as a Pallava because he was not described in the Allahabad Pillar inscription, neither is he described as a Tirayan there, and according to the game reasoning he must not be regarded as a Tirayan either. Nor, with this data at our disposal is it, as my critios seem to think, sufficient to say that the Pallavas were the feudatories of the Andhra-Satavahanas somewhere in the northern districts, without attempting to trace the origin of the term 'Pallava,' now that the theory of the foreign Pahlava connection has been dropped.

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August, 1930 ] THE CULTURE OF MEDIEVAL INDIA 159 THE CULTURE OF MEDIEVAL INDIA AS ILLUSTRATED BY THE AJANTA FRESCOES.* BY K. DE B. CODRINGTON. It is customary to speak of Indian "culture," but it must be confessed that in the present state of Indian studies the phrase is almost meaningless. A culture must not only be represented by a considerable corpus of objects of daily life, but also be defined chronologically and geographically. The comparative study of the results of excavation in India has not yet been attempted, nor indeed have detailed illustrated lists of finds been published; this is especially true of pottery. Without these basic facts any talk of cultures must be exceedingly vague. The problem is further complicated by the loose dynastic chronology customarily used by Indian historians, and by a complete disregard of the geographical problems of distribution. With this state of affairs in mind, it seems worth while to attempt an analysis of the culture so vividly represented on the frescoed walls of the medieval Ajanta caves. The style of the work, although mannered and often calligraphic in its delight in the sweep of line, is built up upon minute observation of life. The rendering of fruit and flowers vouches for the accuracy of the vision, and there is no reason to doubt that the textiles, arms and accoutrements of the frescoes rendered with such loving attention to the least detail, are faithful witnesses to vanished originals. The use to which the frescoes are put at Ajanta emphasize their trustworthiness, for these Jataka soenes are scenes of everyday life displayed in the spirit of ancient Buddhism, untouched by medieval iconography, except in the single case of the person of the Buddha. With regard to the Ajanta Buddhas and Bodhisattvas the iconographical tradition must be confessed. These piled-up head-dresses and jewelled necklaces never existed outside the tradition. For this reason jewellery has not been discussed in this paper. With regard to the date of the frescoes, it is now generally agreed that the medieval caves were excavated at the end of the fifth and beginning of the sixth century A.D. Lady Herringham has stressed the large number of styles of painting visible at Ajanta, but she exaggerates. Actually four or, at the most, five sequent styles can be discerned, apart from minor variations suggestive of individual artists. None of them are later than the frescoes in the Kailasa and the Jain caves at Ellora. By comparison with remains of frescoes at Badami and Kanheri there is reason to believe that the bulk of the work closely followed the cutting of the caves. The work is mostly of the sixth century, perhaps partly of the seventh century, not later. With regard to the range of this culture, the dynastic geography of the period provides an indication. Ajanta owes its medieval revival to the existence of the Vakataka dynasty, who were allies of, and intermarried with, the Guptas. The Hun invasion at the end of the fifth century must have greatly disorganized the economy of these two large and prosperous king. doms. This disorganization of the north continued until the rise of Harsa of Kanauj in the beginning of the seventh century. Meanwhile the centre of political activity in India shifted southwards and the main events of the sixth, seventh and eighth centuries were the resultant of the repeated conflicts of the Chalukyas of the Deccan and the Pallavas of the south. Harga himself was forced to admit the power of the Chalukyas south of the Narbad& under Pulikesin II, whom he had the temerity to attack. The rise of the Rastrakutas in the Western Deccan seems to have continued Chalukyan-Pallava contacts; at any rate the long series of caves at Ellora, which date from circa 500 A.D. to the ninth century, clearly show direct southern influence. No cave at Ajanta is later than the first half of the sixth century. The Ajanta ghat is the gateway of the north. Ajanta stands to the northward of the frontier of the Deccan. While the rich and more or less stable political combinations of the south endowed Ellora with temples that clearly show southern influence, Ajanta received no further endowments. * Proceedings of the 17th International Congress of Orientalists, Oxford, 1928.

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160 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ August, 1930 Throughout Indian history it is noticeable that architecture and the arts inevitably follow the moving centre of political power. The ensuing years produced no great dynasties in the north, but only local powers, whose influence and patrimony were severely restricted. It is probable that the ancient northward line of communication, upon which Ajanta lies, fell into comparative diguse in the sixth century. As we have seen, Ellora flourished actively till well on into the eighth century, and Ellora lies upon the next northward route to the immediate west of the Ajanta ghat. This route continues from the easy Ellora ghat to the Tapti valley via the Gaotala ghat, and upon it lie Daulatabad and also Patna, which, we know, was a flourishing city under the Yadavas. In the following paragraphs I shall deal with the culture illustrated by the Ajanta frescoes under different headings, viz., (A) Costume and Embroidery, (B) Textiles, (C) Ships and Boats, (D) Horse-furniture, (E) Arms, (F) Pottery and (G) Metal work. Illustrations under the first six headings will be found on the plate facing this page, to which reference is invited. A. COSTUME AND EMBROIDERY It is usually said that cut and sewn garments were unknown in ancient India, and this is true as far as the testimony of the early sculpture at Bharhut and Sanchi goes. It is not true of Ajanta. The indoor costume of the women consisted of a waist-cloth of varying length and texture, usually supported by a beaded or jewelled belt. Oocasionally a breast cloth is seen, or a muslin scarf. On other occasions a knee length garment was worn, which seems to have been slipped over the head, for it fits tightly on the shoulders and is opened up on either side. This had short sleeves or none, and with it was worn, either on top or underneath, a long-sleeved waist-length bodice. Nothing like the orhni or sari is to be found, nor does the ghagra (gathered skirt) appear. The latter in modern India appears to belong chiefly to Gujarat and Western India, where also the sari, when worn; is not so full and is never passed between the legs after the Maratha fashion. The latter mode of wearing fine muslin waistcloths is followed by certain court ladies at Ajanta, but the occasion is a coronation and they are socompanied by music, and therefore may be dancers, 1 The Ajanta bodices also differ both from the modern choli, which ties in front, and from the kanchli, which is open-backed and ties behind. It also differs from the Southern Indian bodice, which laps over and ties in front. All these styles, it may be pointed out, are more or less dependent upon local fashion. The waist-cloth was also the chief costume of the men, although the small loin-cloth is worn by hunters and other forest people. A long-sleeved tunio down to the knee was the soldiers' and horsemen's dress, and the young Gautama is fittingly shown so clad in the school scene in Cave XVI. Another type of jacket ended above the waist and had short sleeves. These were embroidered at the wrist, upper arm and neck, and sometimes down the front. There are grounds for suggesting that some kind of uniform was worn, for in the Sinhala Avadana in Cave XVII and also in the fresco depicting the Descent from the Heaven of the Thirty-three Gods in the same cave, the various groups of warriors and attendants are all uniform in their dress. In the case of these horsemen and attendants the costume is completed by & short waist-cloth, but princes and other heroes wear what can be nothing else but paijamas, or rather somewhat tightly fitting " Jodhpurs." With them the prince in the Matripopala Jataka in Cave XVII wears scarlet slippers, obviously of leather, while the king in the Syima Jataka on the other side of the cell door wears "Jodhpurs," striped and checked in black and white. 1 The references in this paper are to vol. I of Griffith's Ajanta Paintings, the additional I. 8. number being the number of the original copies on view at the India Museum, South Kensington. Plate 75, I. 8. 19, 1892. Plate 45, I. 8. 50, 1885. 3 Plate 73, I. 8. 19, 1892, and plate 54, I. 8. 58, 1885. . L. 8. 33, 1885. See also plate 83.

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Plate. Indian Antiquary. A. COSTUME. B. TEXTILES. TH OOOO 00000 OOOGC ani c. Surs AND BOATS. D. HORSE PURNITURE E. ARM. F. POTTERY AND METAL WORK.

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August, 1930) THE CULTURE OF MEDIEVAL INDIA 161 Mention must here be made of certain foreigners" that appear repeatedly. They are usually bearded and wear pointed "Scythian " caps, as indeed do the "foreign "worshippers in the later sites at Taxila. This head-gear can hardly be said to be foreign to India, being common throughout the Himalaya region; it also has close parallels in the head-dresses of certain fakirs and in the children's caps and hoods of Kacch and Gujarat. However, both at Ajanta and Taxila, the difference of the personalities seems to be stressed deliberately. They wear long-sleeved, tight tunios and in the Cave I fresco, that was for so long called the Persian Embassy, one figure is plainly wearing tight trousers and boots. Boots are also worn by a person who seems to be the court minister in the Hansa Jataka in Cave XVII. They are of course orthodox in images of Surya and also appear in the Mat sculpture of Kanishka. In the Jatakas mention is often made of " Benares cloth," and one also reads of bright yellow robes of "Gandhara make." Cotton is, of course, the special textile material of India, but it is certain that silk was in use at least in the medieval period. There are, however, indications that it was not in common use. Supplies of raw silk in modern India have been derived from Bengal and from China by sea via Bombay or Surat, but mainly from Yarkand and Bokhara via Kabul. This trade was in the hands of Lohani merchants, and Vigne says that Multan alone took 700 maunds. Furthermore, in the oldest examples of the Panjab phulkari embroideries in yellow, white and green on a coarse madder brown cotton material, silk is used only for the yellow, the white and green being cotton. In Hissar phulkaris are also worked in wool. Furthermore, all" primitive "Indian embroidery is done with cotton or vegetable fibre of some kind or other. That of the Todas, with its narrow bands of geometrical motifs and looped towel-like finish, is more or less unique, but some of the motifs are comparable with the work of certain criminal tribes of south Bombay presidency. Their work, again, is directly comparable with the commonest motives of Indian cotton textiles, especially of the choli cloths of the Deccan and Southern India. So close is the likeness that one would be inclined to suspect a substitution of embroidery for loom work, were it not that the result is again closely paralleled by both Assamese and Singhalese work. As with the bulk of Indian woven cotton fabrics, checks and stripes form the main decoration together with chevron ("fishbone") and lozenged ("eyed ") bands, enlivened with processions of sacred geese and occasionally lions. Both geese and lion bands are found at Ajanta. Indian embroidery, apart from the minor types mentioned above, which are closely linked by their motives with loom work, has been quick to accept innovations. There are four main modern types. Firstly, there is the geometrical diaper phulkari done by Jat women from Hazara to Rohtak and Delhi.8 The only stitch used in it is the darn-stitch, and there are three kinds of design, viz. (1) chobe or border work with a plain centre, (2) bagh or garden,' in which the diapering is so close that the repeat is merely outlined by the red brown of the cloth, and (3) the true phulkari, which is an open diaper. The silk used is a golden yellow, loose floss silk, In later examples white silk appears, and tourist- and cantonment-pieces sport magenta, red and purple. Decadence introduces floral patterns and figures of elephants, women, etc. The second centre of embroidery is Gujarat. Among the upper classes, the silk used is well twisted and the stitch a chain stitch, both of which facts would suggest foreign in. fluence, probably Chinese ; buttonholing does not appear in the best and oldest examples. Here the basic patterns are quatrefoils and cinquefoils, geometrically treated in lozenges, bands and scrolls. Both phulkari and Gujarat work make great use of inset fragments of looking-glass (shishadar). The practice cannot, however, be of very long standing. Figures of women, elephants and birds, especially peacocks, are prominent in Gujarat work. 6 Plate 5, 1. S. 51, 1885. 6 Plato 64, I. S. 93, 1887. 1 It is significant that many silk-wolvers in Bengal and Madras claim Gujarat as their place of origin. 8 Mrs. A. F. Stoel, Jour. Ind. Art, vol. II. 9 Watts, Ind. Art at Delhi, p. 383; Jour. Ind. Art, p. 15.

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162 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ August, 1930 Thirdly, in Sindh and Baluchistan, work is done in floss silk, usually deep zed, which makes great use of herring.boning and of radially darn-stitched florettes confined by buttonholing. Lastly, there is the Muhammadan work of such cities as Delhi and Multan. Floss silks are usually used, dyed in pastel shades, the designs being of more or less Europeanized Mughal kind. It is noticeable throughout the range of modern Indian textiles that the influence of the floral diaper and sprigged patterns of che chintz printer is dominant.10 It is an interesting fact that wood blocks are often used primed with paste to outline designs for embroideries. B. TEXTILES Birdwood was of the opinion that the art of weaving gold brocades is indigenous in India. Kamkhabs were made until recently in many places, of which Benares, Surat, Aurangabad and Ahmad&bad were perhaps the most important. The patterns are divided into three classes : (1) beldar of scrolled, (2) bdtidar or sprigged, and (3) shikargah or hunting pattern, the last showing strong Persian influence, as indeed do the sprigged pieces. 11 In the above-mentioned classes of kamkhab the pattern is in silver or gold and the ground in silks. Another kind exists where this is reversed. In these, which chiefly come from Burhanpur, the designs are formalized by the technique ; stiff scrolls and floral motives are freely used and also very commonly the sacred goose, not only in bands, but on a large scale in the field. It is very difficult to identify work of this kind, but in two places in the frescoes work very like kamkhab is to be seen. In Cave XVI there is depicted a series of incidents from the life of the Buddha and here Sujata is shown with her bowl of food.13 She wears a white short-sleeved vest, coming down well below the waist and divided at the sides in the usual way, and under it a waist-cloth of stiff black material scrolled all over, seemingly in gold or silver. Again in Cave XVII Hansa Jataka fresco, already quoted, the king is shown seated apart in deep converse with the Bodhisattva, screened by a series of hangings, one of which, of a deep red colour, has the same scrolling. However the identification is somewhat doubtful, although both of these pieces have obviously been rendered with some care. An essentially India art exists in the weaving of patterned textiles that are dyed separately in the warp and the woof, although it is an art that has spread far and wide, Sumatra being famed for it. It is found distributed across Central India and in the Southern Shan States in Burma. This art requires the preliminary setting out of the warp and the woof and the application to them of knotted resists of either fibre or bark, the process being repeated acoording to the colour-scheme and pattern. Only on weaving is the design realized. Here again the patterns are perforce largely geometrical, and here again among purely geometrical devices one finds elephant, lion and hamsa motives, both in the Patoli marriage sdris of Gujarat and in the ikat woven fabrics of Sumatra. The Burmese examples of the art correspond closely with the Ajanta waist-cloths, and there is little doubt as to their technical origin. It is probable that the better type of waist-cloth was of this kind, while the cheaper sorts, usually worn in narrower widths, were of ordinary checked and tartan cotton stuffs. It is interesting to note that floral motives and human figures again accompany decadenoe in the silk patolis, which were until recently woven in large quantities in Baroda. 13 (To be continued.) 10 Textile-printing is certainly not an indigenous art in India. It has been stated that tho calicoprintors of go famous a centre of the craft as Jaipur get certain of their blocks from Shia Muhammadans from Multan, who are of Persian descent. Hendley, Jour. Ind. Art, vol. III, p. 6. 11 The term buidar algo seems to indicate a Persian origin. of. Pers. which, among other meanings, is applied to such patterns painted on cloth.-JT. EDITOR. 13 Plate 50, I. S. 79, 1887. 13 Jour. Ind. Art, vol. I, p. 120 and plate.

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AUGUST, 1930) CHITOR AND ITS SIEGES 163 CHITOR AND ITS SIEGES. BY R. R. HALDER. This ancient fortress, built on an isolated mass of rock about 37 miles long and 1 mile wide in the centre, was in bygone times one of the most famous strongholds in India. From the beginning of the eighth century A.D. up to the end of the seventeenth century it has played an important part in the history of Rajputana. It remained the capital of the most ancient ruling dynasty of the world, namely, the Guhila kings of Mewar, during the greater part of this period. Its conquest was one of the chief desires of the monarchs of India; for their Heat on the throne of Delhi was considered insecure until they obtained possession of it, while the final conquest of the fortress gave them confidence and afforded a point d'appui from which to extend their arms still further afield. Every inch of its ground is soaked with the blood of the brave Rajputs, who sacrificed their lives in thousands in its defence, while hun. dreds of Rajput women flung themselves along with their children into the flames of jauhar, and thus perished to escape dishonour at the hands of their enemies and to uphold the prestige of the Hindu race. To a visitor, every stone in the battlements seems to call forth memories of the heroic deeds once done and the glory attained by the Rajputs in the past. This hill fort is said to have been originally built by king Chitrangada of Maurya stock, who, according to the tradition, held Morwan and the adjacent tract in appanage and ultimately founded Chitor. It came into the possession of the Guhila kings of Mewar in the first quarter of the eighth century A.D., through the agency of B&pa, one of the early Guhila rulers of Mewar, who is said to have conquered it from Mana, the last king of the Maurya family then reigning in Rajputana. A tank in the vicinity of the fortress, which bore an inscription dated Samyat 770 (713 A.D.), of the time of Mana and is still known as Manasarovarao (the lake of MAna), lends support to this view. Before Bapa, the princes of the Mewar family seem to have ruled at Nagadraha (Nagda, near Eklingaji, 13 miles north of Udaipur in Mewar), which is supposed to have been established by Guhila himself, the founde of the Gubila family of Mewar. Chitor was ruled over by Bapa and his successors till another capital called Ahada, at a short distance from Udaipur, was founded later, probably by Bhartripatta II (S. 999-1000 = 942-943 A.D.) The fortress remained in the hands of the Guhilots up to the time of Saktikumara, the twentieth ruler from Guhila, during whose reign it is known that the Paramara king Munja (VAkpatiraja II) of Malwa (S. 1031-50=974-93 A.D.) attacked Mew&s and annexed it to his dominion. This attack of Munja is apparent from the Bijapur inscription,' dated Samvat 1053 (997 A.D.), of the time of the Rastrakuta king Dhavala, which records that Dhavala had rendered assistance to the Mewar army when Aghata (Ahada, the old capital of Mewar) was destroyed by Munija. After Munja, his nephew Bhoja (S. 107699=101942 A.D.8) held Chitor and lived there for sometime-a fact proved by the following authorities - (1) The inscription dated s. 1378 (1321 A.D.) in the Delwara temple of Vimalavasati on Mount Abu says that Dhandhu (Dhandhuka), lord of Chandravats went over te Bhoja (king of Dhara) when Bhimadeva (king of Gujarat) became angry with him. 1 For jauhar, al. johar, see Tod's Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan, edited by W. Crooke, vol. I, p. 310, n. 4, and Muntakhabre't-tawdrikh (English translation by George S. A. Ranking), vol. I, p. 397, n. 1. 2 Tod's Rajasthan, vol. III, p. 1647. 3 Ibid., vol. I, pp. 266-268. Rajputand Museum Report, 191 7-18, p. 3. 4 Tod's Rajasthan, vol. II, p. 919, No. III. 5 Cunningham's Archaeological Survey of India, vol. XXIII, p. 112. 6 The first inscription of Munija is dated in S. 1030 (Ind. Ant., vol. VI, p. 61 f.); while he is said to have ruled up to S. 1060. (The Parmdras of Dhar and Maled by Luard and Lele, p. 6.) 7 Ep. Ind., vol. X, p. 20, sloka 10. 8 Ep. Ind., vol. XI, p. 182 f., and vol. I, pp. 232 . tardiger: dray:11 II zrIbhImadevasya nRpasya sevAmamanyamAmaH kila dhNdhuraajH| narezaroSAraca tatI manasvI dhArAdhipa bhojanRpaM prapede // 6 // (From the impression.) See also Ojha's History of Rajputana, xol. I, p. 435,

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164 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ August, 1930 (2) The Jain Acharya Jinaprabhasuri also says that when the Gurjara king (Bhimadeva) took umbrage at Dhandhuka, he (Vimalasah) having brought him back from Chitor and pacified the Gurjara king, built the temple of Vimala vasati in the Samvat year 1088 (1031 A.D.10) These two authorities show that some time during the reign of Bhimadeva, Dhandhuka went to Bhoja, who then livea at Chitor. That Bhojadeva lived at Chitor is also clear from verse 31 of the Chirwa inscription 11 of S. 1330 (1273 A.D.). As a sequel of the attack of Munija, Chitor passed into the hands of the Parameras of Malwa. Since then it changed hands as follows The Paramaras (Munja and his successors) held sway over Chitor till the time of Naravarma and Yasovarma (Samvat 1191-92=1134-35 A.D. 19) during whose reign, the Chalukya king Siddhardja Jayasimha of Gujarat (s. 1150--99= 1093-1143 A.D. 18) established his supremacy over Malwa after warfare that lasted conti. nuously for twelve years. The Solanki rulers of Gujarat held Chitor till the reign of Ajayapala (Samvat 123033=1173-76 A.D. 14), who was attacked and defeated by Rawal Samantasimha of Mewar (S. 1228-36=1171-79 A.D. 16), who thus recovered possession of Chitor from the Solankis. Samantasimha, however, was soon attacked and driven out of Chitor by Kirtipala, the Chauhona ruler of JAlor (in Marwar). But his brother Kumarasimha ousted Kirtipala from Mewar with the help of the Gujarat king, and recovered possession of his ancestral dominion. 16 The fortress henceforth remained in the hands of the Guhila family for about a century and a quarter until the reign of Rawal Ratnasimha (S. 1360=1303 A.D.). In this year it became a victim to one of its great sieges, viz., the attack of 'Alau'd-din Khalji in 1303 A.D. 17 It was conquered by 'Alau'd-din and kept under the control of the Sultans of Delhi till the year 1325 A.D., after which it was overrun by Hammira, the ruler of Sesoda, and restored to the possession of the Guhila family. Henceforth the fortress continued to enjoy the happy rule of the Guhilots for about two centuries till the time of Vikramaditya (Vikramajit, 8. 1688-93=1631-36 A.D. 18), during whose reign it was again subjected to two attacks by Sultan Bahadar Shah of Gujarat. It was conquered by the Sultan, but the Rajputs very soon drove out his garrison and retook it. It remained in the hands of the Gubilas for about forty years, after which it was again vigorously attacked 19 and conquered by the Emperor Akbar in 1587 A.D. It remained in the possession of the Mughals until the reign of Jahangir, who shortly after his accession to the throne, restored it to Maharana Amarasimha. It was again occupied by the Mughals in the year 1680 during the reign of Maharana Rajasimha, when the emperor Aurangzeb visited it and placed a garrison in it.30 But in the following year peace was made by the emperor with Maharana Jayasimha, and Chitor was restored to him. Since this time, the fortress has remained in the hands of the Guhila family of Mew&p up to the present day. I shall now enumerate as far as possible the attacks that were made upon Chitor from time to time and describe briefly the events connected with each. 10 praraata ge TITI prasAya bhanyA te citrakUTAdAnIya tadvirA // 3 // vaikrame vasubasvAzA 1088 mite'nde bhariraivyayAt / rAsAdaM sa vimalavasatyAvaM vyadhApayat // Tirthakalpa (Arbudakalpa). 11 Vienna Oriental Journal, vol. 21, p. 143. See also Rajputand Museum Report, 1920-21, p. 4. According to these authorities Bhojadeve also erected at Chitor a templo of Siva, which was then called TribhuvananAriyana' and Bhojasvamijagati.' It is now called Mokalji's temple. 12 Ind. Ant., vol. XIX, pp. 353 and 349. 13 Ind. Ant., vol. VI, p. 213. See also The Parmdrae of Dhdr and Malwd, pp. 32-33. 14 Ind. Ant., vol. VI, p. 213. 16 Ind. Ant., vol. 63, p. 100. 16 Ibid., p. 101. 17 Duff's Chronology, p. 211. Also ante, vol. 65, p. 11. 18 Tod's Rajasthan, vol. I, p. 360. 19 V. A. Smith's Akbar, p. 86. 20 Ibid., p. 92.

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August, 1930] CHITOR AND ITS SIEGES 165 According to the Chach-nama, 31 an attack on Mahrat, Rana of Chitor, seems to have been made by Chacha very shortly before his accession to the throne of Sindh in 631 A.D.33 Rana Mahrat of Chitor appears to be the Maurya king, MAhesvara of Chitor, who was one of the predecessors of Mana. An attack on the Mauryas of Chitor is also mentioned in the Bombay Gazetteer 38 as having been made by Junaid, the Governor of Sind, sometime during the reign of Khalifa Hasbim (72443 A.D.). This is unlikely; for Chitor was then in all probability under the Guhila ruler Bapa. It is, however, possible that the attack referred tu was not on the Mauryas of Chitor, but on those of Khandesh, which was nearer to Sind than Chitor. As has already been noticed, Chitor was taken 34 from the Mori king Mana by Bapa sometime after 8. 770 (713 A.D.). Before taking Chitor, he is said to have ruled at Nagda, the old oapital of Mewar. He ruled at Chitor till . 810 (753 A.D.), in which year he is said to have abdicated 16 in favour of his son Khumman I. It is somewhat difficult to identify BApA and assign a place to him in the genealogy of the Mewar prinoes. The name B&pa does not appear to be a personal name, but & title. According to the Rajaprasastimahakdoya, 16 Muhnot Nainsi's Khydta 37 and other authorities, Khumman was the son of Bap&; while, according to the Atapur 18 inscription, Khumman was the son of Kalabhoja. From these it appears that BAPA and Kalabhoja were identical. Thus Ba pa may have been another name of Kalabhoja and the eighth 39 ruler from Guhadatta (Guhila, Guhaditya, Grahaditya, etc.), the founder of the Guhila dynasty of Mewar. In the inscription 80 dated Samvat 1028 (971 A.D.), of the time of the king Naravahana of Mewar, Bappaka (BApA) is said to be the moon among the kings of the Guhila family and a jewel of the surface of this earth. It Was this B&pa through whose bravery, according to Col. Tod,81 the first attack on Chitor, then under the Mori prince Mana, by Yazid or Muhammad bin Qasim, was defeated. The next irruption of the Muslim invaders against Chitor took place during the reign of Khumman II, and was made by the Khalifa Al-Maman of Baghdad. Col. Tod gives an exaggerated socount 8s of the invasion and mentions the names of many towns and kingdoms which had not been founded by then. For instance, the principal towns of Ajmer, Jaisalmer, Sirohi, eto, mentioned by Tod, were not founded earlier than the twelfth century A.D. The next assault on Chitor was made by the Chauhana ruler Kirtipala of JAlor during the reign of Rawal Samantasimha of Mew&f, as stated above. The result was that Samantasimha had to abandon Chitor and go to Vagada (the territory now occupied by the present Banswara and Dungarpur States), where he established an independent kingdom for himself, and thereby became the founder of the present ruling family of the Dungarpur State. 38 91 Elliot, History of India, vol. I, pp. 428-27. 13 Duff's Chronology, p. 60. Also Elliot, History of India, vol. I, pp. 406--7. 20 Bombay Gazetteer, vol. I, pt. I, p. 109. 24 Rajpuudnd Mweum Report, 1917-18, p. 3. 36 Ind. Ant., vol. 39, p. 190. 30 at tramet T ATTT: U trou ll ......... TTT 11 S TEHT........... Canto III. 37 Muhpot Nainsi's Khydta, sheet 2, p. l. 38 Ind. Ant., vol. 39, p. 191. 30 Ibid., p. 188. 30 AsmatrabhUhila [go]banarendracaMDa zrIvaSpakaH kSitipatiH kSitipITharatnam / Ante, vol. 39, p. 189. 31 Tod's Rajasthan, vol. I, pp. 287-90. 33 Ibid., p. 291. 38 Ind. Ant., vol. 53, p. 101. Before this an attack on Ahada by king Manjaraja has already been referred to

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166 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (August, 1930 Chitor was next assailed by Sultan NAsiru'd-din Mahmud of Delhi in the reign of Rawal Jaitrasimha of Mewar (S. 1270--1309=1213--1253 A.D.). In the Hijri year 646 (1247 A.D.), the Sultan called his brother Jalalu'd-din from his government of Kanauj to Delhi, but the latter, being afraid of a plot against his life, fled to Chitor with his men. He was unsuccessfully pursued for about eight months by the Sultan, who then returned to Delhi.84 An invasion 35 of Mewar by Saltan Shamsu'd-din Altamsh of Delhi is also recorded during the reign of Rawal Jaitrasimha; but Chitor was not affected by that attack. Chitor seems to have been next attacked during the reign of Tejasimha, (8. 1317-24= 1260--67 A.D.), the son and successor of Rawal Jaitrasimha of Mewar. This appears from an insoription 36 dated $. 1317 (1260 A.D.) of the time of Visaladeva, the Baghela rana of Dholka, which records that he (Visaladeva) was, as it were, a hatchet in cutting the roots of the government of Mewar. From verse 26 of the Chirwa inscription,87 dated 8. 1330 (1273 A.D.), of the time of Rawal Samarasimha (S. 1330--58=1273--1302 A.D.) of Mewap, it also appears that the battle between Tejasimha and Visaladeva was fought at the foot (talhati) of the fortress of Chitor. After these minor attacks, Chitor was subjected to one of its greatest sieges made by one of the most vigorous and warlike sovereigns that occupied the throne of Delhi. This was Alau'd-din Khalji, the Sulian of Delhi, who after a siege of six months, 38 during which his army suffered great loss, captured the fort on Monday, the 11th day of Muharram 703 A.H. (26th August 1303 A.D.) and, having ordered a massacre of 30,000 Hindus, bestowed the government of Chitor on his son Khigr Khan, after whom it was called Khizrabad.39 Kbizr Khan held Chitor for about ten years, but when the Muhammadan rule in Chitor became well-nigh impossible, and the Rajputs began to assert their independence by throwing the Muhammadans over the walls of the fortress, the Sultan ordered Kbier Khan to evacuate the place and hand it over to the Songara Chauhana Maladeva, 40 who acknowledged the supremacy of the Sultan. Thus the fortress remained under the direct or indirect control of the Sultans of Delhi till about 1325 A.D., after which it was conquered by Rand Hammira of Sisoda."1 After the accession of Hammira, an attack on Chitor is said to have been made by Muhammad Tughlaq of Delhi, whom Tod mianames the Khilji king. The Muhammadans were defeated in this attack, as appears from the insoription, dated S. 1495 (1438 A.D.), of the time of Maharana Kumbha of Mew&r. 13 This assault on Chitor has given rise to many interesting, accounts written by different authors. Let us quote what Col. Tod writes on the subject : "Lakhamgi gucceeded his father in S. 1331 (1275 A.D.), a memorable era in the annals, when Chitor, the repository of all that was precious yet untouched of the arts of India, was stormed, sacked, and treated with remorseless barbarity by the Pathan emperor Alau'd-din. Twice it was attacked by this subjugator of India. In the first siege it escaped spoliation, though at the price of its best defenders: that which followed is the first successful assault and capture of which we have any detailed account. (To be continued.) 84 Briggs' Ferishta, vol. I, p. 238. 86 Ind. Ant., vol. 57, p. 32 86 Ibid., vol. VI, p. 212. 37 See note 11, above. 38 In Muntakhabu't-tawdrikh (English translation by G. 8. A. Ranking), vol. I, p. 267, the author speaks of the conquest of Chitor within a few days. 39 Elliot, History of India, vol. III, pp. 76-77. 40 He was the brother of Kanhadadeva, the last Chauhana ruler of JAlor. After the fall of JAlor in about 1311 A.D., the garrison was put to the sword by Alau'd-din's general. Maladeva, however, escaped the fate of the garrison, and succeeded later on in winning favour of the Sultan 'Aldu'd-din Khalji who appointed him governor of Chitor in about 1313 A.D. 41 Ind. Ant., vol. 55, p. 11. 13 Ibid., pp. 11.12.

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AUGUST, 1930 ] BOOK-NOTICES 167 BOOK-NOTICES. it. MAHABHARATA : Edition of the Bhandarkar Oriental of more dating of the manuscripts. A fair mixture Research Instituto, Poona. Fasciculos 1, of conservatism and eclecticism is what is actually adopted, no good reading of good manuscripts 2 and 3. being rejected. "Interpretation has throughout We are glad to 100 that the edition of the Ma. been given precedence over emendation." In habharata undertaken by the Bhandarkar Oriental tho matter of corrections of soleciams, those for Research Institute, Poona, has begun to issue, which manuscript authority was sound have and we have with us three fascicules of this monu- been allowed to stand in the text. "As a general mental work. The plan of the work, as originally rule, preference is given to a reading which best arranged, was to collate all the available and suggeste how other readings might have arisen. Buthoritative versions, which are indeed very Wher such a reading was not available, the choice many and require very careful and elaborate fell upon one which is common to (what prima collation. A full introduction, giving a comprehen facio appeared to be more or less independent sive account of the manuacript material and versions and which is supported by intrinsic prodiscussing the principles of textual criticism bability; the presumption of originality in such adopted, is intended to be issued at the end of the cases is frequently confirmed by a lack of definite first section of the work, the Adiparap. The agreement between the discordant versions." first fascicule is preceded, however, by a few general This edition of the Mahabhdrata, if it does not observations on the growth of the texte, giving achieve at once the perfection of an authoritative & comparatively briof conspectus of the manuscript text, takee us, at any rate, a long way towards material used for the present edition. The manuscripts used come from all over the country The printing and the get-up are very good, as and naturally fall into a number of classes, each was to be expected of the Nirnaya Sagara press. clans having characteristics of its own. The editor It redounds to the credit of the editorial staff that dividoe these into a Northern and Southern ver few errors are discoverable. The edition is prosion. Among the Northern are included the KAmiri, vided with a few illustrations, due both to the of which eight manuscripts have been compared, one ability and the labour of the enlightened Chief of Maithilf from North Bihar; four from Bengal and one Aundh; and very creditable they are, both in regard from Indore. One from Mysore, about twenty to choice and achievement. We congratulate the from Tanjore, about six from Poona, four in organization upon their success. It is already MalayAlam and four from Mysore constitute the beginning to earn very good opinions from scholars, Southern, and all these have been compared so far. and it is to be hoped that it will receive adequate These are in a variety of scripta-Devanagari, with ite numerous varieties, Telugu, Granthe, and public support to enable the organization to Malayalam. In a general classification of these, carry on the work to completion. the arch type is the Kasmirf version, to which 8. K. AIYANGAB. other DevAnagri versions get collated. From this as a basis the elaboration into the various other versions is discussed, and the character of these THE MARATHA RAJAS OF TANJORE, by K. R. inflations is said to be more or less due to the SUBRAMANIAN, M.A., Lecturer in History, Mahetendency to elaborate the account already given, raja's College, Vizianagram, with a foreword by and the portions that can thus be marked out Mr. P. T. Srinivasa Aiyangar, Reader in History, can safely be omitted as spurious, or later Additions, Madras University. Published by the author. where there is not much manuscript support; otherwise the discovery of a principle on which Price Ro. 1. these can be rejected is recognised to be a matter No history of India would be complete if it were of difficulty. not based on full ard satisfactory local histories. One other important point is that there is a con A study of the political map of India shows different states, each active in some epoch or siderable amount of agreement between the Kasmiri other, and consequently enriching the political versions and the Southern, so that the inference and cultural history of the land. An attempt seems possible that they were originally based on has not yet been made to study the local game texte. In some respects the Bengali history of innumerable small states, whioh have versions show the smallest addition, and they may contributed to the sum total of Indian History. perhape be regarded as having suffered the least In the history of South India, no kingdom has from interpolations. been more prominent than the small state of Tanjore, The principle adopted in the choice of the texts which was ruled at different times by different is not a question of the arithmetical majority, dynasties. The Cholas, the Nayaks, the Marathis nor is it on any other casier principle of the basis I have been ite rulers. In this monograph Mr.

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168 THE INDIAN ANTIQTJARY [ August, 1930 and sent to Delhi by Malik Kafur after his conquest of Dvarasamudra, but was later released and sent back to his kingdom. He considers that the conveniag of his kinsmen by Vira Ballala, referred to by Firishta, most likely occurred at Tiruvan. pamalai in 1328, and that it was in pursuance of the defensive measures against the Muhammadan invaders from the north devised at this conference that steps were taken to fortify and perhaps enlarge Anegondi. He suggests, further, that by the "foundation of Vijayanagara " Nuniz and Firishta refer to this work at the northern site, and that Bukks I was the real founder of Vijayanagara south of the Tungabhadra, this being the reason why in so many of his inscriptions Vijayanagara is called Hosapattana, the new city, as distinguished from the old town of Anegondi. Subramanian has endeavoured to furnish us with & connected history of the MarathA activities at Tanjore. The story of the Marathas at Tanjore extends over nearly two centuries. Its founder was Venkaji, 1676 A.D. It had an unbroken succession of rulers-Shahji, Sara bhoji, Pratapsingh, Tuljaji, Amarsingh and Sarabhoji II. The author has utilized the material available, whether published or in manuscript, in depicting the careers of these rulers at Tanjore. He has taken paine to point out the rich memorials of the Maratha Rajas in the shape of temples, forta, choultries and other charitable institutions, now almost in a state of decay, owing to continued neglect. It should be the duty of our patriotio citizens to preserve these ancient monuments, as the relics of rulers who contributed not a little to enriching the culture of South India. Mr. Subramanian has devoribed these and more in the last three chapters of the book, which are indeed interesting reading. Studies like the one under review supply a long felt need, and we hope the author will pursue his subject in a more intensive manner, and give us a completo history of the kingdom of Tanjore from the earliest times. The value of the present survey would have been considerably enhanced by the addition of selected illustrations of the ancient remains. We cannot better conclude than with the words of Mr. Srinivasa Aiyangar : " This book has been written so as to enable the intelligent teacher of history to lay well and truly the foundations of historical studies in the Tanjore district." V. R. R. DIKSHITAR. As regards the origin of the Sangama dynasty, it has generally been thought hitherto that Harihars and Bukka came from the Telugu country. Fr. Heras quotes V. A. Smith as writing that "good authority exists for regarding the brothers as fugitives from the eastern Telinga or Telugu kingdom of Warangal"; but it should be noted that in the very next sentence he aded : "Equally good, or perhaps better, authority views them as chieftains under the Kanarese dynasty of the Hoysala or BallAls kings of the Mysore country." This latter opinion accordo with the view expressed by Fr. Heras, who significantly draws attention to the rebellions in the Telugu country against the early Vijayanagara kings, as being inconsistent with the theory that Sangama's family came from those parte. A close study of the Mysore inscriptions leads our author to the conclusion that Sangama's family, who had settled in Karnataka, were probably descended from the family of Kesiraja, which occupied high offices under several Hoysala kings, to whom, moreover, he gives reasons for thinking they were related by kinship. This would go a long way to explain the appointment of Harihara as mahamandalesvara over the newly fortified city on the northern frontier, the apparently immediate and general acquiescence in Harihara's sasumption of power on the death of BallAla IV and the abundant evidence of loyalty to the memory of the Hoysalas irr the inscriptions, and in the acts of the Vijayanagara kings. BEGINNINGS OF VIJAYANAGARA HISTORY, by the Rev. H. HERAS, 8.J., M.A. 77X51 in.; pp. viii + 144. Bombay, Indian Historical Research Institute, 1929. The author has critically examined the various legendary and traditional stories, as well as the accounts recorded by Nuniz and Firishta, regard. ing the foundation of the city of Vijayanagara. He rejects the legends, and comes to the conclusion that the story of Vidy&ranya's connexion with the foundation of the city and of the empire of Vijayanagars was fabricated with a definito object by the ascetics of the Sringeri monastery. Follow ing the clues furnished by Nuniz and Firishta, and utilizing a number of epigraphical records, of which more mio, he has made an exhaustive study, he comes to the conclusion that the "Deorao" of Nuniz and the "Bial Dew Raja" of Firishta was no other than Vira Bailala (Deva Raya) of the Hoysala dynasty, the "sun in the sky of the Yadava rece" of the inscriptions, who was captured The above are but a few of the important conclusions and suggestions made towards clearing away the obecurities that have long surrounded the initial history of the Vijayanagara kings and their famous capital, and we hope the author will be encouraged to extend his researches into the early history of this no longer "forgotten" empire, the later history of which he has already done so much to elucidate. C.E.A.W.O.

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SEPTEMBER, 1930 ] THE CULTURE OF MEDIEVAL INDIA 169 THE CULTURE OF MEDIEVAL INDIA AS ILLUSTRATED BY THE AJANTA FRESCOES. BY K. DE B. CODRINGTON. (Continued from page 162.) With warp-and-woof dyeing, bandhana or tie-and-dye work, must be classed as a radically Indian art. 14 In this process the material is pinched up between forefinger and thumb according to the desired pattern, and securely tied with thread. The majerial is then dyed and the process repeated according to the number of colours in the pattern, which is realized in small dots or rings. The art in modern India belongs almost entirely to Rajpatana and goes under the name of chunari, Baran in Kotah State being famed for it. The patterns used are called ekdali, chaubandi, sdtbandi, according to the number of knots in the repeat. Here again beldar scroll designs are used, as well as jaldar diagonal work. At Ajanta single dots or simple groups of dots only appear, but in modern examples the ubiquitous imported shikar. gah patterns have intruded into this craft as well as others. Lastly, the list of Ajanta textiles must be completed by the mention of fine muslins. Spotted muslins occur occasionally and are used chiefly for scarfs. A survey of modern Indian textiles leaves the impression that Mughal influence has been paramount. Yet underneath and apart from this influence, with its resulting floral diapers and sprigged patterns, there can be traced a certain run of designs that recur not only in loom work, but in embroidery and in warp-and-woof dyeing. Checks and tartans predominating, the result is always formal and usually strictly geometrical, certain well-defined motives, such as the sacred goose, being exoepted. It is significant that these designs should appear in fabrics of such varying material and technique. From this point of view and from the point of view of the Ajanta cane-shields the fine reed mats of Southern India from places as far separated as Palghat in Malabar, Pattamadai in Tinnevelly, and Ganjam and Vizaga patam are most interesting. 16 In these and in the cotton daris and shatranjis that were recently woven all over India this older school of design is perhaps most clearly visible. C. SHIPS AND BOATS Four types of ships are to be seen at Ajanta. The simplest of these appears in Care XVII. 18 It is canoe-like and has two masts, one topped by a trident emblem. It is, however, olearly not a dug-out. Again, in the same cave the army of the victorious Sinhala is shown in process of transportation against the Raksasas, horses in one boat, elephants in two others. These boats are wide in the beam and ride low in the water; their grotesque makara figureheads are the most notable things about them. The boat in the so-called Mahdjanaka Jataka in Cave I is altogether a larger affair. It is symmetrically built with high-pitched, finely-cut bow and stern, on both of which oculi are painted. Its fore-and-aft planking is plainly shown. The passengers sit at their ease under & square awning, while the motive power seems to be confined to the efforts of a single sailor in the bows and of his mate, who works a long paddle on the starboard side from a most precarious perch on a ladder set vertically in the stern sheets. The merchant ship in distress of the Parna Avadana in Cave II has a full set of sails, aided by two paddles fitted with rowlooks amidship.17 The cargo of jars is stored under an awning aft, the three masts with their rather unconvincing square sails being wellforward. 18 In addition a jib is fitted in a peculiarly complicated manner and flies a small triangular sail without visible means of support. The problems of Indian shipping are manifold. It has been suggested that the lateen sail was imported from the east into the west. The Roman suppara is said to have been a triangular top-sail of some kind, and it is certain that the Arab word for lattine literally means "top-sail." In Indian waters as a whole, the lateen is certainly the sail in spite of these 14 Jour. Ind. Art, vol. II, p. 63, and vol. III, plates 17 and 18. 15 Havell, Jour. Ind. Art, vol. III, No. 27. 16 Plate 72, I. 8., 19, 1892. 11 Plate 34, 1. 8., 42, 1885. 18 These seem to be of matting : the usual Tamil word for sail moans. mat.'

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170 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY SEPTEMBER, 1930 frescoes, which are perhaps the result of a landsman's faulty observation. It is interesting to note that the ship of the Parva Avadana fresco is, according to the story, a Sopara merchantman. At Kanheri the latest of the caves is a little earlier than any of the medieval caves at Ajanta, and there are fragmentary remains of fresco-painting in the Ajanta manner. From the top of the hill at Kanheri the coastal shipping is clearly visible on a fine day, and what is more, the place itself is within sight of the inain road from Sopara to the Nana ghat and so to Junnar, Paithan, Ajanta and the north. During this period Sopara, it is true, was declining before Thana and Kalyan, ports which directly served the whole series of passes from the Thal ghat for Nasik and Manmad, the Malsej and Nana ghats for Paithan, and the Kusur and Bhor ghats for the south. Sopara must have relied mainly on the Thal ghat, a mere tributary of the great NarbadA valley trade-route from Broach. A possible connection may be suggested between the fresco-painters of inland Ajanta and Kenheri. D. HORSE FURNITURE Horse-furniture is well illustrated at Ajanta. According to Sir John Marshall, stirrups are to be seen in the Sanchi bas reliefs, a reference which is quoted by Dr. Coomaraswamy with regard to a railing-pillar medallion in the Boston Museum, in which, he claims, stirrups are also depicted. 19 However that may be contested, for in the Boston sculpture the foot seems simply to be thrust thrcugh a suroingle which is worn over the usual flat blanket-like early saddle. At Ajanta stirrups are not to be found. The saddle, however, complete with girth, crupper and breast-band, is a very modern, comfortable affair. Two variations of bridle appear: both have brow-band and throat-lash, but one, used with a long-armed bit, has a double nose-band, while the other has a single nose-band and is more difficult to understand. No bit is visible and the reins seem to be fastened in some way to the bridle, in which case the little ornamental check-rosettes were probably armed on the inside. The reins were held undivided and vertically up and down after the Spanish-American fashion. Adornment was provided by head-bells, plumes and tassels. E. ARMS Arms at Ajanta do not vary very much. Spears are short with triangular blades and ferrules. The daggers are all of one type, with a triangular blade and shaped grip. The recurved blades of the modern peshqabz and bichwa do not occur, nor is the Rajput kacar, with its transverse grip and side-guards, to be found. In the Sinhala fresco there is a doublebladed vajra-like dagger and chakras are seen flying through the air. Three types of shield occur: (1) a small parrying shield, presumably of metal, (2) a round shield presumably of hide. and (3) a curved oblong shield with tasselled fringes at the side, which seems to have been made of black and white bamboo basket-work. The patterns of these long shields are most interesting and vary greatly. Round hide shields are common in modern India, elephant and rhinoceros hide being chiefly used. The little parrying shield to be seen at Ajanta is iconographical and appears in many Southern Indian sculptures. As a rule, the hill tribes do not use shields or armour, although quilted garments are said to have been worn and suits of armadillo-scale armour from Central India exist, exactly as represented in the early frescoes in Cave IX. From Chittagong and Tippera keystone-shaped shields of leather stretched on oros3 battens, with a central iron boss, are said to come, but there is no trace in modern India of the Ajanta bamboo basket-work shield. Both composite and long bows are found at Ajanta. The modern Bhil longbow is usually fitted with a split bamboo string lashed with sinew or leather, and a quiver is carried with it. The Khonds, however, and many other of the hill tribes do not use a quiver when hunting, and hold their meagre supply of reserve arrows, together with the bow, in the left hand, exactly as does the hunter in the Chhadanta Jataka in Cave XVII.20 19 Marshall, Guide to Sanchi, 1. 138, n. 3. Coomaraswamy. Boston Museum Bulletin, xxiv, 69. The relief referred to is M. F. A., 26, 461, a railing-medallion in rod Mathur sandstone (KushAn). 30 Plato 63, I. S., 20, 1892.

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SEPTEMBER, 1930 1 THE OULTURE OF MEDIEVAL INDIA 171 The swords are limited to three types: Firstly, and most commonly, there is a type directly comparable with the modern kukri, incurved with the cutting edge on the inner side. Secondly, there is the typical Indian long sword (kirich) with straight, pointed blado, and thirdly, the leaf-bladed pattica.31 The curved talwar blade is not found, nor are the Mughal knuckle-guard and shaped quillons. In the case of arms it is easy to divide Mughal types from older kinds of weapons. All the Ajanta types of blade have survived to-day, while kirich and pattica blades have been found in the Tinnevelly urn-burials. With all these types there appears only one type of hilt, with an angular V-shaped guard and disc-like pommel, the blade usually being strengthened by long processes running up it either in the middle or along the reverse. This is necessitated by the peculiar properties of Indian steel, which, although tough and of fine quality, lacks flexibility. The modern flexible blades mounted in Indian style are one and all firingis. Modern Singhalese knives have the same reinforcement. The oldest existing Indian swords, very few of which, however, are as early as the seventeenth century, have hammered iron hilts, or occasionally hilt and blade are forged in one piece, in which case the hilt is usually chiselled. Damascening is not used, nor brass nor Bidari ware on the hilt, although inset jewels and jade sometimes are so found, as at Ajanta. Many of these modern swords are fitted with the spiked pommel which does not occur at Ajanta, but seems to be thoroughly Indian. The kukri small sword, mounted like a knife, is of course particularly connected with Nepal. Egerton in his handbook of Indian arms uses a pseudo-ethnological classification, which includes talwar-shamsher-bichwa-peshqabz types of curved and recurved blades, here treated of ag Mughal or Muhammadan, with obviously more primitive types. He distinguishes four main groups: firstly, the Nepalese ; secondly, the Coorg, Nair and Moplah group, in which kukri-like hatchets and flamboyant swords with Indian V-shaped guards predominate ; thirdly, a Central Indian group comprising the arms of the various hill tribes (which unfortunately he does not analyse] ; and fourthly, the Assamese-Burmese group, in which the dha or dao guardless type of weapon predominates. Actually the latter two groups tend to merge on the east coast, where a suggestion of the dha-shape is found in certain Khond and Koi weapons. In the early Ajanta frescoes some very Coorg-like choppers (adhya-kathi) occur. The modern arms of Southern India are chiefly conspicuous for their chiselled steel decoration, work associated with Tanjore and Sivaganga. Nothing of the kind is indicated at Ajanta. The close parallels between the Southern Indian technique and Japanese technique are noteworthy. At Sanchi the Ajanta types of sword and dagger are also found, and the same composite and one-piece bows, both of them of very moderate length. The infantry shield is long and narrow with a rounded top, while the cavalry shield, which corresponds closely with the Ajanta Cave IX shields, is bell-shaped and somewhat rounded at the bottom. At Amaravati the long basket-work shield is found and the long sword, but not the kukri. There, as at Ajanta, no war' chariots are to be seen. F. POTTERY One of the commonest types of pot at Ajanta is the spouted water-jar, a form which is found repeatedly on the Sanchi and Bharhut bas-reliefs. Besides this there are two main types of pots. The first is round-bottomed with a substantial rolled rim and a neck of varying length. Squat pots of this kind, with wide mouths were made in diminishing sizes to stack one upon the other. They were often also, as nowadays, enclosed in a rope net for hanging up. The second type has a rimmed foot and a long neck flaring outwards at the mouth. The ordinary drinking vessel seems to have been a shapely little oup, with a flat narrowly-necked foot. In the fresco in the verandah of Cave XVII each of the holy men at the feast is provided with two or three of these cups set out on a flat platter-like dish.22 These tray-like dishes often appear at Ajanta. They were of all sizes, and some seem to have had slip-decoration in stripes. 31 This term is used by Egerton in his Handbook to Indian Arms, but strictly it means a pronged instrument. [A kind of spear.-JT. EDITOR.] 22 Plate 69, I, S., 41, 1885,

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172 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ SEPTEMBER, 1930 In a drinking scene on one of the roof panels of Cave I a bearded person in pointed cap, long-sleeved tunio and jewelled belt, seated on a round cushion, is drinking from a shallow saucer, while a kneeling attendant holds a flat dish filled with fruit and flowers. Two female attendants in long-sleeved robes stand by with flagons. These have long necks and sharply pointed bottoms and belong to a fairly well represented class of vessel, some of which are gadrooned and fluted. The form is thoroughly unceramic and strangely un-Indian too from modern standards, suggestive rather of certain Afghan and Yarkand forms. They have obvious Sassanian parallels. The same problem of material attaches to certain cups which differ in nothing from the ordinary drinking cups, except in size and in the fact that the rim is pierced to take a ring, which could be possible only in metal. On the whole the coppersmith has followed the potter closely in the matter of form in India. The little standing cups are not found in modern India, but the form has been preserved in metal and occurs occasionally in brass and Bidari ware. The form is by no means specifically Indian, although its development in Indian ceramics can be traced from an early date, for it appears in early Persian pottery at Rhages and SultanAbad. With regard to the use these little oups were put to, and to certain Bacchanalian scenes at Ajanta, which are paralleled in Kushan sculpture, it will be remembered that the importation of wine into India is recorded in Roman sources. Vines, moreover, are still cultivated in the NAsik district, and the toddy-palm (Palmyra) and the MahuA tree are indigenous. Also the opportunity is acknowledged in the Vessantara Jataka (Cowell, No. 547) where it is written: "Food to the hungry give, strong drink to those who drink require." The frankness of the acknowledgment is mitigated by the scholiast, who writes that the bountiful prince knew "that the gift of spirits brings no fruit with it, but gave it nevertheless that tipplers might have the noble gift and might not be able to say that they could not get what they wanted." G. METAL WORK Very little can be said of the metal work at Ajanta. There are lamps on turned stands like candlesticks, and in the coronation scene in Cave I the gadrooned pots, from which water is being poured over the young prince, are very metal-like and somewhat reminiscent of the modern Tanjore swami work. The only other metal articles recognizable are mirrors. These are ciroular and have a central knob behind, pierced to take a ring or cord. This form is, perhaps, especially associated with China, tanged or handled mirrors being common all over the east, in bronze, brass and steel in Muhammadan times, and notably in bronze in Java at a period closely succeeding that of Ajanta. However, mirrors of any kind are rare as archaeological finds in India. Only three seem to be recorded, under the misleading title of "plaques." These come from Tinnevelly urn-burials; two are tanged to take wooden, or perhaps ivory, handles, and one has the knob at the back. They are of bronze, the face being slightly convex, In spite of the archaeological rareness of mirrors in India, modern Newari-made copper and brass mirrors for Tibetan ritual use are common. The distribution and material of these mirrors raises the important question of the occurrence of various metals in India. After iron, copper is undoubtedly the metal of India. Tin is reported among Indian imports, but tin-bronze is almost entirely wanting in India, except in the related Tinnevelly and Nilgiri urn- and cairn-burials and certain bronze icons, probably of the Chola period. Once across the Brahmaputra, one returns to an area of bronze; the cire perdue castings of Burma, Siam, Java and Cambodia are almost wholly in bronze. Tibet is on the half-way line. The emigrant Newari metal workers from Nepal have taken with them into Tibet the Indian copperworking tradition, while certain bronzecagtinge exist which show strong Chinese influence. Brass as a whole is a late medium in India, and also in Central Asia it appears, for Henderson makes the astonishing statement that in 1870 brass was mistaken for gold in Yarkand, copper being in general use. Just as copper is the casting medium of India, cire-perdue is on the whole the method employed. The amusing Kondh marriage toys and the beer-syphons used by certain Assamese tribes are cast hy this method nowadays in brass.

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SEPTEMBER, 1930) SAMKARA ON THE CONDITIONS OF KNOWLEDGE 173 SAMKARA ON THE CONDITIONS OF KNOWLEDGE. BY SATINDRA KUMAR MUKHERJEE, M.A. THE epistemological conditions of knowledge, according to Samkara, may be said to te two in number, viz., Permanence of the Subject, and Self-consciousness of the Subject. Wo shall treat them separately. A, Permanence of the Subject. The world of our knowledge is a system in which every stray piece of knowledge takes its rightful place. Each piece of knowledge is connected with a number of its kind either by similarity or by contrast, and the fact that assimilation is necessary for the development of knowledge points to the same direction. Memory (smrti) and recognition (pratycvijna) based on it, show us in our practical life how much the elements of our knowledge are connected among themselves. When on seeing the face of a boy similar to that of my dead brother, I remember, with a mingling of pleasure and sorrow, the face of my dear brother who is no more, nay even every childish prattling and naughty trick of his, it shows that the elements of our knowledge are intimately connected. So, again, when we find a child, who has seen & snake for the second time, recognizes it to be snake similar to the one he had previously seen and with a terror-stricken face runs away from it, we can assert that the elements of his knowledge are interrelated. But how is such a complex net of interrelated elements of knowledge possible ?-Our memory, and recognition, which depends upon memory, show that the relation which the different elements have with one another is always through one single focussing point. 'I who saw that before remember that now,' 'I who saw that before recognize one similar to that now '-such are the forms of our remembrance and recognition. The elements of our knowledge are, indeed, in a process of continual change-A follows B, B follows C, and C in its turn is succeeded by D, and so on. But when we remember A or recognize B, our memory is always in the form 'I who saw A before remember A now,' or 'I who saw B beforo recognize B now.' We remember and recognize things of long past, and between our perception and remembrance or recognition a long time has elapsed, every moment of which had its own quota of knowledge. But still how is it that we remember or recognize? We can answer by saying that this is possible because they are the experienoes of a permanent individual, who is present throughout the confound. ingly numerous stray experiences. The experiences are of this permanent individual and through him they get their interconnection. It is easy to say, as Vasubandhu has done in his Abhidharmakona in reply to a question of Vatsiputriya as to how memory is possible without a permanent soul, that "In the current of phenomena which is designated by the name Caitra, a recollection appears. We notice the fact, and express it. It is no more." If asked to account for this appearance of a recolleotion, Vasubandhu will reply, as any modern sensationalist does, by appealing to the law of association. "There is a certain affinity (between ideas)," says he," there are ideas somehow similar to others and having a power of evoking them." Accepting that memory (and recognition also depending on memory) is due to association of ideas, the question remains as to how the permanent element of 'I' as found in memory is to be explained-'I remember this ' means, as already said, 'I saw that previously and I remember now.' Had there been no permanent (sthdy), 'I,' of whom all these are experiences, how can we explain the persistence of the 'IT' Had there been no permanent 'I,' who is different from all the experiences, the form of remembrance and recognition would have been- Another person saw this previously and I remember (or recognize) this now.' Samkara states in his Satra-bhagya, "Remembrance is possible only in the case that the perceiving and remembering agents are the same, for we find that the observations of one man are not remembered by another. How could there be an experience of the form 'I saw that thing and remember it now,' unless the seeing and remembering 1 Abhidhar naloga, Eng. Trans. by Prof. Stcherbataky, ch. VII, SS 13. Ibid., $15.

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174 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ SEPTEMBER, 1930 persons are both the same. If there were two cognitive agents, the form would have been Another person saw this and I remember this now,' but no such form of remembrance is found.' We find the same thing in another place also. "For unless there exists one entity equally connected with the past, present and future, or an unchangeable subject which knows everything, we are unable to explain remembrance, recognition and such other things." If remembrance and recognition cease to refer to one individual, then there will be no remembrance and recognition at all, and hence the whole system of past experience, which depends upon these two, ceases to exist. We have said above that the system of our experience is not possible without a permanent subject. But it may be doubted whether this personal identity, which is said to be the basis of the system of ideas, is itself a fact or a fiction. Are we bound to admit that the 'I' which persigts throughout our life is a really permanent entity ? or is it only a "conventional nene given to a flux of elements," as Vasubandhu says ? "As milk and water," Vasubandhu further states, "are but conventional names for some colour, touch and taste taken together, so also is the designation individual' but a common name for the different elements which it is composed of." He adds that the feeling of identity is due to "wrong personalism." Hume also says, in exactly the same strain, that "the soul or mind is in reality nothing more than the sum of our inner states, a collection of ideas which flow in a continuous and regular stream"; and he adds "that which leads to the assumption of personal identity is only the frequent repetition of similar trains of ideas, and the gradual succession of our ideas, which is easily confused with constancy." We can ask both Vasubandhu and Hume as to who gives them a common name,' or who observes them passing in a continuous and regular stream?' The ideas cannot know that there are similarities among them. To find out similarities among ideas, there must be an entity apart from the ideas. Unless there be an entity who observes the different elements or inner states, why should there be such personal identity as to cover past, present and, even future! We find ourselves as different from the inner states, and at the same time find that we are always present, however much these inner states change. Indeed, because there is a permanent entity apart from the changes, and which we feel so surely every moment, that we can talk of such things as a *flux' or a 'stream.' Bradley criticises this personal identity and concludes, as Dr. Haldar puts it: "Altogether personal identity, based on memory, is a very uncertain thing, and is largely a matter of degree."8 Bradley has committed a mistake analogous to those of Vasubandhu and Hume. Does personal identity depend on memory or does memory depend on personal identity? If there is no entity which endures throughout, and of which we are every moment aware of as 'I,' how can we say that "I who saw that remember it now?" To say that personal identity depends upon memory is really to make the presupposition an effect of those which presuppose them. Samkara, therefore, says in his Satra-bhagya : "In the statement, 'I know the present, I know the proximate and remote past, and I shall know the future,' the objects of knowledge change as they are present, past or future, but the knowing agent does not change."9 Personal identity is a presupposition and not an effect; or, in other words, the permanence of the subjcct must be assumed as a condition if the system of our experience is to be explained. B. Self-Consciousness of the Subject. We have discussed above the permanence of the subject as a condition of empirical knowledge. Let us now take up the self-consciousness (Aharikara) of the subject as a condi. tion. It has been said above and everybody feels it that all our experiences are referred 8 Brahmasutra-bhdaya, 2. 2. 25. * Ibid., 2. 2. 31. 6 Abhidharmakona, $1. 6 Ibid., $1. 7 Falkenberg, History of Modern Philosophy, (Eng. Trans.), p. 226. 8 Dr. Hiralal Haldar, Neo-Hegdianism, p. 223. 9 Brahmas atra-bhagya, 2. 3. 7.

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SEPTEMBER, 1930) SAMKARA ON THE CONDITIONS OF KNOWLEDGE 175 to the 'I,' the self-conscious subject. Whether in perception, as I see a tree'; cr in inference, as I infer fire from smoke'; or in memory, as I remember this '; or in recognition, as I recognize this '; or in willing, as 'I wish to have this '; or in feeling, as 'I feel such and such '-everywhere the 'I' is present. Try however you may, you can never get rid of the 'I.' If we try to do away with the 'I,' or, in other words, if our experience ceases to refer to the 'I'--the form of knowledge would not be 'I see a tree,' or 'I feel pain,' which, in other words, means that I shall have no knowledge.' Samkara, therefore, says in his Gita-bhasya : "Unless one knows himself as 'I,' he cannot make any attempt to know anything."'10 The same thing has been put by Fichte in his Science of Knowledge. "The truth is," says he, "that you cannot think anything at all without adding in your thought the Ego as self-conscious."11 Samkara, in his introduction to the Satra-bhagya, gives us a deeper reason when he says that "the popular use of 'I' and 'Mine' (i.e., self-consciousness) is due to a mixing up of the real (Atman) and the unreal (Andtman=body, mind, eto."),1% and also that "One cannot have the qualities of the subject unless one has the wrong notion that the body, senses, etc., are identical with or belong to the self of the knowing person."18 What Samkara means is that self-consciousness depends upon the union of the Atman and the body, senses, etc.; and also that without self-consciousness no knowledge is possible. Vacaspati comments on the second statement thus : "To be subject means to possess knowledge." This requires that the subject must have independence (svdlantrya). Independence means that the subject uses the means of right knowledge though it cannot be compelled to do so. But pure consciousness, which is free from activity, cannot be said to use the means of right knowledge. So the subject, in order that it can use the means of right knowledge, must be due to a mixing up of the Atman and the body, mind, etc."14 The matter is of much importance and requires explanation. The origin of self-consciousness, as we found above, has been attributed by Sankara to the identification of the Atman with our body, mind, eto. I eat sweets,' and 'I am wounded' -such statements we always use. It cannot be said that the Alman in such cases actually eats or is wounded, for we perceive that our tongue and skin are in direct touch with the dish and the knife. How then can we say that I am wounded' or 'I eat sweets ?' Does the 'I' eat or get wounded? The reply, that sensations are carried to the Atman, as a psychclogist might say, only pushes the question further to the brain centres, but does not solve it, for the brain centres are not identical with Atman. The pineal gland of Descartes may be a clever device, but the fundamental difficulty remains the same. The fact is that the Atman identifies himself with the tongue and the body; and had it been otherwise-had not the Atman identified himself with these two-he would not have said 'I eat sweets' or 'I am wounded. Our statement becomes clear if we see that if by detachment we separate the Atman from these, then neither of the statements is possible. The physical facts of eating or being wounded can belong to us only if we identify ourselves with the body, etc., and, if not, the physical fact remains confined to the physical world. The fact that people commit suicide, shows that they greatly detach themselves from the body, etc., and try to fly away from what they think to be an iron cage.' But these very people, before they can so detach themselves from their body, would have shuddered at anybody's attempt to kill them, and would have said 'I won't be killed. Let us take another example-'I am well,' 'I am ill.' What is the matter here? The illness or well-being belongs to the body, but we say 'I am well' or 'I am ill.' This is due to the identification of our Atman with the gross body, so that the well-being or illness of the body becomes a property of the Atman as well. The 10 Gitd-bhagya, 2. 18. 11 Fichte, Science of Knowledge, Chapter on Fundamental Principles of Knowledge, $1. 12 Introduction to Brahmasdira-bhdaya. 13 Ibid. 14 Bhamati, Commentary to Samkara's Introduction to Brahmastra-bhd pya.

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176 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY SEPTEMBER, 1930 'I' is, thus, due to the identification of the Atman with its body, etc. Samkara, therefore, says: "Before the rise of discriminative knowledge, the nature of the Jiva, which is pure light, is non-discriminated from its limiting adjuncts, as body, senses, etc., and appears as possessing energies of seeing, eto."16 We are now in a position to understand the significance of the statement of Sankara and Vacaspati quoted before, viz., that coupling of the Alman and the body and organs, etc., are necessary for knowledge. The questions whether this mixing up is due to avidyd or not, whether the pure consciousness can possess activity or not, are metaphysical, and we need not spend time over them here, but the fact remains, as Vacaspati says, that "the subject must use the means of knowledge." "I see a tree' means that the subject uses the organ of eye and thereby sees the tree ; for if the subject ceases to have any connection with the eye, the eye, of itself, could not have seen the tree, as is found in the case of a man in a swoon, when self-consciousness goes down to the lowest limit. A man in sound sleep does not hear sounds, because the subject is in a very low degree of self-consciousness, and has no connection with the auditory organ. But the man coming to consciousness after rising from sleep or swoon, hears and sees-'I hear sound,' 'I see a tree. This shows that the subject must use his means of knowledge in order to gain knowledge. Similarly, in the case of inference, we need an effort to arrange the data and to draw a conclusion, Now, how is it possible for the Jiva to use his organs, eto., unless he is self-conscious ? We see that when we wish, e.g., to touch a distant thing we stretch our hand towards it, and when the hand has touched the thing we feel the thing hard or soft. We should mark two important facts here-(1) when we stretch the hand we always think I stretch my hand,' or something like this, in which the 'I' is never absent ; (2) secondly, it is only after we have touched the thing that hardness or softness is perceived, so that our self-consciousness-the I'-must precede the perception of touch, for before we can have the perception of touch, the self-consciousness is already there as we find in 'I stretch my hand.' There will perhaps be no objection to the first, for in all our activities we find that self-consciousness is neces. sarily found. It is not once or twice that we say "I taste,' 'I touch,' and so on. Even in cases of using our eyes and ears, where our activity seems to be least, the 'I' is present. When we use our tongue or hand we are palpably active, for the tongue and the hand have to be stretched; but in the case of eyes, ears and nose, the activity'eeems to vanish, for apparently we do not use them in the sense we use hand or tongue. But even there the activity is present, as is seen when we strain our eyes, ears or noee to see a distant Shing, to hear a low voice or to smell a mild smell, and we say my eye, ear and nose are strained,' meaning that I used them. We do not feel ourselves as active in seeing, hearing or emelling in the ordinary course, only because we have not to stretch them. Even in the case of tongue or hand, if any. body put sugar on our tongue or ice on our hand, we feel sweetness and cold, but not the activity of stretching the tongue or hand. We can, therefore, say that in the use of our organs of sense there is necessarily an activity, which may be felt or not, and the agent of activity is the 'I,' or, in other words, self-consciousness is necessary in the use of our organs. Now let us come to the second point. Knowledge comes to us only when we use the organs, as we have seen a little before, and we have seen now that to use our organs self-consciousness is necessary. Our second statement that self-consciousnees must precede knowledge follows from a combination of these two conclusions. If using the organs of sense precedes knowledge, self-consciousness, which is a condition of using the organs, must precede knowledge. The statements of Sankara and Vacaspati, that knowledge is not possible without a coupling of the Alman and Andiman, thus amount to saying that without such coupling self-consciousness is not possible; without self-consciousnees the use of the instruments of knowledge is not possible, and lastly, without using the instruments of knowledge, 16 Brahmasutra-bhagya, 1. 3. 19.

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BEPTEMBER, 1930) SAMKARA ON THE CONDITIONS OF KNOWLEDGE 177 knowledge is not possible. The coupling of Atman and Andlman is only a far off metaphysical condition of knowledge, while self-consciousness is an epistemological one. We have said above that self-consciousness must precede knowledge, but this is one side of the problem. As we have said at the very beginning, if our knowledge ceases to refer to the 'I,' the form of our knowledge would not have been 'I see' or 'I hear,' or, in other words, we would have no knowledge. Self-consciousness is a condition from two standpoints :-It is the condition of using the instruments of knowledge; and it is also the proprietor' of knowledge. The 'I' uses the instruments of knowledge, and thereby it precedes knowledge; the 'I' also possesses knowledge, and is thereby involved in knowledge. The full significance of the statement 'I see the sun is: 'I be my eyes and I have the knowledge of the sun.' The 'I,' when we look to it as the employer of instruments of know. ledge, precedes knowledge ; but when we look to it as the possessor of knowledge, it is involved in knowledge. If the 'I' simply uses the instruments of knowledge and ceases to possess knowledge, no good comes out of such using the instruments. It is only in abstraction that we can make such distinction as using the instruments and possessing knowledge. But, in fact, if the 'I' uses its organs, it cannot help possessing knowleuce. He who sows must reap. The 'I'can choose to use the instruments or not, but if it uses them, knowledge must belong to it. We thus see that self-consciousness both precedes knowledge, and is also involved in it. It may, however, be doubted whether we have been interpreting Samkara correctly, for from what we have said as to the permanence and self-consciousness of the subject--whom we have always referred to as I'one may suspect that we have been tending towards pluralism of Atmans, as held by the Nyaya. There are millions and millions of individuals, everyone of whom feels himself as 'I,' and now, as we have seen, if the 'I' is permanent and selfconscious, then certainly there are innumerable Atmans belonging to innumerable individuals, for, according to both Nyaya and Vedanta, the Atman is the real subject of knowledge. Samkara identifies the individual Atman with Brahman, who is one and indivisible, and in whom no activity of any sort is possible, and hence no possibility of empirical knowledge. We are, therefore, either to deny all possibility of knowledge, which, however, is absurd, since we actually possess knowledge, or to accept the conclusion of the Nyaya that there are as many souls as there are individuals. The Nyaya argument in favour of the plurality of souls has been summarised by Prof. Radhakrishnan thus: "The soul is unique in each individual. There is an infinite pumber of souls; if not, then everybody would be conscious of the thoughts and feelings of everybody else."16 Since it is absurd to deny knowledge owing to want of activity in the One universal Atman of Samkara, we must admit that there is the possibility of knowledge. But if there is only one universal Alman in everybody, then, of course, there will be utter chaos, for every individual will know and feel the experience of every other individual. But what experience teaches us is that every individual has a monopoly over his own experiences, which none other can ever share with him. It seems, therefore, that to explain this monopoly of experience,' we should accept, with the Nyaya, a plurality of Atmans. But the difficulty will disappear if we carefully note the importance of self-consciousness in Samkara's system, and we have already hinted at this. The problem can be solved by applying our conclusion regarding the origin of self-consciousness. The question is how Samkara can, accepting the existence of an universal Atman in all bodies, explain the difference of experience in different individuals, how he can explain what we have called above the monopoly of knowledge.' If, as Sankara says, there is only one universal Atman, how is it that the experiences of one man is pot experienced by another ! This is the problem. Let us discuss. What are A and B ? A feels himself 98 I'and says I see a tree'; B feels himself equally as I,' and says I see a cow. As found in the above discussion, the 'T' of A=Atman, plus body, mind, eto.; and the 'T'of B= Atman, 10 Prof. 8. Radhakrishnan, Indian Philosophy, vol. II, p. 148.

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178 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY ( SEPTEMBER, 1930 plus body, mind, etc. Though the Atman is common in the l's' of both A and B, yet the body, mind, etc., are different ; so that the one universal Alman, as identified with different bodies, etc., does no longer remain Atman, but turns into Atman, Atman, Atmans, and so on, or, in other words, so many individuals or Jivas. Though the Jiva is at bottom one with the universal Atman, yet, as Sankara says, owing to limiting adjuncts, the Atman is treated as if it were two, just as we make a distinction between the ghatakasa and the mahdkdia."!? The Jivas though they are one at bottom in so far as they are one with the universal Atman, yet so far as they are Jivas, they are different, or, as Sankara says, "the self is indeed found to be many, but (in reality) it is one only."18 The experiences of an individual are controlled by his body, mind, etc., and if the body, mind, etc., are different, the experiences of different Jivas also must be different. So, Samkara by declaring the oneness of the Alman in every individual does not expose his theory to such absurdities as the simultaneous experience by all individuals of the experience of one of them. The principle of individuation is found in the 'I'ness, or self-consciousness or ahamkara. The experiences of each individual are different, because of the self-consciousness, the ahan kara, because they feel themselves as '1.' TAMIL ARISI (RICE) AND GREEK ORUZON. By L. V. RAMASWAMI ATYAR, M.A., B.L. THE remarkable correspondence in form and meaning between the Tamil word arisi (husked rice) and the Greek word oruzon led Caldwell to state that "it cannot be doubted that we have here (in the Greek form) the Tamil word arifi, rice deprived of the husk, this being the condition in which rice was then, as now, brought [sic] up in India for exportation to Europe."1 Doubts were expressed about Caldwell's view by a few subsequent scholars, who, not being students of linguistics, could not pursue the question in all its scientific aspects. A few years ago Prof. Jules Bloch, the celebrated French philologer, took up the problem and discussed it with his characteristic thoroughness and erudition in a paper contributed by him to the volume of Etudes Asiatiques published on the occasion of the twenty-fifth anniversary of the Ecole Francaise d'Extreme-Orient. In this paper which, we may observe, is characterized by a great depth and sweep of linguistic observation and comparison, Prof. Bloch seeks to demolish what appears as the dogmatic asseveration of Caldwell referred to above, and to show that the Greek word had no connection with Dravidian and that it was derived presumably from an Iranian form on which Sanskrit vrihi (rice) is based. In this connection he has also discussed cursorily the various Dravidian forms for rice, paddy, etc., and sought to show on the basis of external and internal evidence that there could be no connection between the Greek and Sanskrit words on the one hand and the Dravidian forms on the other. The game topic had been handled by Mr. Edwin H. Tuttle of the U.S.A., from a different standpoint, in a paper contributed to vol. 47 of the Journal of the American Oriental Society. Mr. Tuttle's view is that the Sanskrit and the Greek forms, as well as a few analogical forms occurring in Iranian and Shina, were derived from what he considers to be the Dravidian proto-form urighia. Mr. Tuttle's view is thus not only directly opposed to Prof. Blooh's opinion, but Mr. Tuttle proceeds right ahead and explains a number of forms occurring in widely different languages as being derived from Dravidian. Mr. Tuttle's arguments, so far as his construction of the Dravidian proto-form is concerned, are weakened fundamentally by his indifference to the bearing of the semantic contents of Dravidian roots on the deve lopment of Dravidian forms and by his strong conviction that the character and speed of linguistic evolution are alike in all languages. The question for determination in this paper of mine is purely whether the main Dravi. dian forms are related to one another, and if so what relationship they in their tum may 17 Brahmanitra-bhasya, 1. 2. 21. 18 Ibid., 1. 4. 23. 1 Caldwell's Comparative Grammar of the Dravidian Languager, 3rd edn., p. 89. ? I published a brief summary of Prof. Bloch's paper in the Educational Review of Madras in 1924.

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SEPTEMBER, 1930 ] TAMIL ARISI (RICE) AND GREEK ORUZON 179 bear to the Greek form. This aspect, as we have mentioned above, has been cursorily adverted to by Prof. Bloch, as the main object of his paper was to establish the derivation of Greek oruzon from an old Iranian form. Prof. Bloch admits that the Dravidian forms are native but observes that neither Greek oruzon nor Sanskrit vrihi could have had any connection with the Dravidian forms. It is my purpose to show in this paper that, viewed from the standpoint of Dravidian, the relationship of the Dravidian forms to the Greek word cannot be dismissed so easily. The known Dravidian forms are the following: Tamil: arifi, cri, vari, paddy.' Telugu: vari, paddy.' Kannada: akki, rice.' Tulu: ari, rice,' akli, baru. Malayalam: ari, 'rice'; vari, paddy.' Kai: urgi. (Another Kui word kudi or kali, rice,' paddy,' is different and probably allied to Tamil kulu.) Toda: ask, 'rice.' Gondi: vanji, 'paddy,' also rice'; pari, rice.' Kurukh does not evidently show allied forms: both khess, paddy,' and tikhil, rice,' are different. Kurukh arkha (culled shoots) contains the Dr. base ar, but the meaning is not restricted. To begin with, we have to consider if we can isolate the forms with initial v- from those with initial vowels. Prof. Bloch seems to suggest that they are different. I venture to suggest that the two sets of forms are olosely connected, and that those with initial vowels should be regarded as primary, inasmuch as they represent the Dravidian radical ar or ar, to 'cut.' (a) ari in Dravidian, as a verb, means to remove,' and is derived from ar or ar, to "cut off.' or separate.' (Cf. the alternative forms arikkirai and a raikkirai, potherb,' for the interchange of r and r); ar or ar has given us a number of forms like aruval, arakku, ara, eto. The most ancient of the forms for rice (husked and not husked) is ari, found in Tamil meaning paddy' or any 'handful of grain. This meaning apparently contains the idea of something cut off. The word was subsequently applied to paddy and rice alike. Malayalam fixed the meaning of rice' for ari, while late old Tamil and Kannada used derivative forms with the suffix k. It is clear, therefore, that the forms with an initial a are primary, and that Tamil ari, paddy,' represents the most ancient form directly derived from the root. (6) -ki is a derivative ending very common to Dravidian, and is employed, with its variants -ke, -Je, -ku, -gu, etc., to form derivative nouns from verb roots; though Kannada mostly employs -ke or -ge, and Tam. - kai or .gai, the central Dravidian dialects show -ki (6.g., Kai gippki, etc.) Kannada akki and Tamil aridi were such derivative nouns, formed with this affix; in Kannada ariki gave alks, just as iriki gave rise to ikki, "house.' Tamil & was the palatalized resultant of the original -k-, as in elci (Page #196
180 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ SEPTEMBER, 1930 (c) One of the characteristic features of Dravidian is that prothetic glides are introduced before initial vowels of words. Though the present usage in Tamil shows, as pointed out by the Tamil grammarians, Caldwell, Vinson and others, that the palatal glide vis favoured before palatal initial vowels and the dorsal glide 7 before dorsal initial vowels, in old Tamil this rule was not strictly followed. Present usage in Tamil shows that the prothetic glide before initial a, as in yar, who,' yanai, etc., is y and not 7, as we should expect. Whether this was due to a slightly palatal pronunciation of a in late old Tamil, or whether the rule about the use of palatal and dorsal glides was not strictly followed, the fact that a dorsal glide could have appeared before initial a is beyond doubt. It will be seen that the prothetic glide, which has now developed into the full consonant v or b, in Gondi, Kannada and Tulu is the dorsal one, and not the palatal one. As this, then, indicates an original state of affairs in Dravidian, it is easy to see how the v- forms for rice could have arisen. The initial v- of Tamil vari, Tulu bar, Telugu vari and Gondi vanji will, therefore, have to be considered to be a labial or labiodental fricative development from the original glide. The glide does not seem to have been incorporated in the shape of fully developed consonants largely in Tamil. Kannada, Tulu and Gondi regularly develop as a glide before all initial dorsal vowels, and in some instances y has developed into the full bilabial and become incorporated, e.g., vanasu (dinner); from unasu, vuratu (to annoy) from alattu or arattu, etc. Nevertheless, Tamil does show, though only more rarely than other dialects, an initial v in a number of ancient forms like vanangu (anangu); vil - (ul); val. (ol); var-ai (to write), orai (to rub, scratch); val (ol), etc. The explanation usually offered for the relationship of the forms with initial v- and the corresponding forms without v-, is that the latter may have been secondary, the initial v-having been dropped off. Though this explanation may apply to a few colloquial forms of to-day (as, for instance, in Kannada or Tamil), it is entirely invalid in the case of a number of ancient forms where, it will be noted, those having vowels initially are certainly original, in view of the fact that they (and not the forms with initial v-) represent the primitive radicals from which they themselves and other independent forms have equally arisen. Tamil: val (to flow) and o! (to slide, flow), valayal and aleyal ('wandering.' sorrow,' eto... -Val); Mal. val (to drip)'and ol (to flow), vir-i (to be separated) and ur-i (to be stripped), vitasu (to scatter) and utaru, etc. Cf. Tamil adu (to cook ') and Tel. vandu; Tam, aga 'sorrow ') and Tel. vaga ; cf. Gondt vareng. (to slumber) with Tam.-Mal. urang- (to sleep), vat (to wave) with southern attu, varrol (alone) with southern or (one), etc., also Gondi bol (to 'touch ') with Tam. offu; vadda with Tam. at; vali (to 'wander ') with Tam. alay; van (to 'speak') with Tam, in; vod (break") with odei, etc., etc. The presence of v- before initial front vowels? may either be due to the dorsal tonality of these vowels, or to the fact that the glidea y and were less rigidly used in old Dravidian than to-day. It is more or less clear, therefore, that the forms with initial v may have arisen from ari. (d) Gondi vanji is a normal development from an older vars (> vandri > vafiji); cf. the j in Tulu onji, 'one,' aji, 'six,' and Kui pandji, 'pig '), etc. The initial vowel of Kui urgi is developed from the glide u; stress-displacement led to the dropping of intermediate -- and -;-, and to the lengthening of the final i. For the deve. lopment of u from , compare Kannada initial va- which, in the colloquial, is given the value of oor u: vanki, onki, unki, etc. 6 See Vinson's Grammar, page 30. 7 A few instances show that the dorsal glide was proininent even before what appear now as palatal initial vowels. There is nothing surprising in this, because as the function of the glide is to induce cose in pronunciation, either y or could freely find place in prothetic positions before vowels of the mized or middle' variety, which are neither extremely dorsal nor extremely palatal.

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SEPTEMBER, 1930.] TAMIL ARISI (RICE) AND GREEK ORUZON 181 If, as we have shown above, the Dravidian forms (with and without the initial labiodental fricative) are native, could we not connect the Greek word oruza directly with an old Dravidian form varisi or varizi which we can reasonably presume to have existed? The change of initial va- into Greek o and the representation of Greek u for Dravidian i are quite normal. Initial va- in Dravidian, we may observe here, even to-day in dialects like Tulu and Kannada, has sometimes nearly the same value as (o). Thus we come baok again to Caldwell's opinion, which, though summarily stated by him, appears to have justification on closer analysis. It is true that Caldwell himself did not work out this relationship and that he contented himself with pointing out the superficial resemblance; but, closer inspection, in the light of what we have stated above, & reveals that his view of the origin of Greek oruza cannot now be dismissed by us as lacking any justification whatsoever. So far as Sanskrit orihi is concerned, the root suggested by Sanskrit grammarians is ori, to choose,' but the semantio derivation of the meaning 'rice' from the meaning of this radical appears difficult. Could it not be that the Sanskrit word was adapted in a slightly modified form from Dravidian with the meaning it had in Dravidian, and then a Sanskritic derivation was attributed to it by Sanskrit grammarians ? This is a view which deserves to be taken up by students of Sanskrit philology. The question of the relationship of Dravidian vari, etc., and Sanakrit uriki is a little complicated by the fact that certain forms cognate with Skt. prthi oocur in Iranian and Central Asian Aryan dialeote ; but there is nothing inherently impossible in the view that seeks to trace the Indo-Aryan forms to Dravidian. For one thing, the nature, chronology and extent of the influence of Dravidian on Indo-Aryan (in pre-Vedio as well as in post-Vedic times), when oarefully investigated, should offer valuable assistance in this direction. Again, if we consider that the Dravidian forms with u- are native,-28 we may have to, in viow of the above discussion,--and if, further, & relationship between the Dravidian and the Indo-Aryan forms is envisaged, then the possibility is all on the side that Dravidian may have been the lender and Indo-Aryan the borrower. Another interesting fact in this connection is that, while the Indian Austric dialects (like Santali, Mundari, etc.) show only a few forms for 'rioe' or 'paddy,' which are allied to Dravi. dian, distant Austrio dialects like Malay and Javanese show vari, pari, broi, beras, padi, etc., with the meaningspaddy' and 'rice.' Is the resemblanoe aocidental ! Or was the close contact between Dravidian and Austrio in pre-historic times (a view which is gaining great popularity among scholars to-day) responsible for the presumable borrowing of the word by Austric from Dravidian ? Beset as these questions are with oonsiderable difficulties, and much as we have still to investigate before definitive conclusions could be laid down in regard to these inter-relationships, we yet have to say that Caldwell's view about the origin of Greek oruza as having been borrowed from Dravidian cannot be dismissed, especially in view of what has emerged from the above discussion, viz., that a hypothetical variji or varizi could be postulated for Dravidian, from which the Greeks oould, with characteristio modifications, have borrowed their word. 8 The conditions under which a full bilabial has become incorporated in prothetic positions require to be sifted and classified in the different dialecta ; but, for the purpose of our discursion, it would be enough if we keep in viow what is a well-recognised phenomenon of Dravidian, vis., that appears before initial dorsal vowels as a glide fully evaluated in pronunciation in Kannada, Tulu and Gandi.

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182 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [SEPTEMBER, 1930 THE PORTUGUESE FORT OF BARCELOR.. BY THE REV. H. HERAS, S.J. WHEN reading old Portuguese books referring to India or when searching for original documents in the archives of the Portuguese Government at Pangim, the student of history often comes across the name of this fort, sometimes spelt as Barcalor, Barselor or Bracalor, but more commonly Barcelor. It is not our purpose to write the history of this fort ; this will be done elsewhere. Our aim is the identification of its situation. Modern authors and editors of old books invariably state that Barcelor is the modern Basrur on the river of Kundapur, in the Kundapur Taluka of the South Kanara District. This seems quite plausible, and agrees with the topographical conditions of the old fort of Barcelor, as one may gather from the study of the old documents. But an old engraving of the seventeenth century, published by Faria y Sousa in the second volume of his Asia Portuguesa, opens a new problem of identification in connection with the fort of Baroelor. This engraving, which we reproduce herewith, shows a fort on a river, which seems to run from west to south-east, whereas the actual river at Kundapur runs from east to west. However, ignoring this impression, the important point is that it shows the fort of Barcelor in the foreground, and some distance back, on the same side of the river, there is a walled enclosure representing a town, and bearing the legend Barcalor de sima, or Upper Barcalor.' This led me at once to search not only for the Barcelor fort, but also for Upper Barcelor. The best maps of South Kanara mark the town of Kundapur on the south bank of the river, close to the mouth, and then about three miles towards the east and on the same bank, the town of Basrur-and after that nothing else.' This information gave me little help, and I decided that only a visit to Basrur and the neighbourhood would serve to clear matters up. Hence during the summer vacation of the year 1928, finding myself in South Kanara, I planned to stay two days at Kundapur in order to visit Basrur, the supposed old fort of Barcelor, and its neighbourhood. But luck awaited me at Kundapur itself. On the day of my arrival I questioned my host, the Rev. Fr. Peter R. D'Souza, the Roman Catholic Priest of Kundapur, about the foundation of the Roman Catholic Church there. He told me whatever he knew, and placed in my hands the register books of the Parish Church, in which baptisms, marriages and deaths of the Catholics of that parish are faithfully recorded. The existing books are not very old, the earlier ones having been destroyed by insects. The oldest entries belonged to the beginning of the nineteenth century. There I found the following entry in Portuguese : "1829. Pe Justo Constdeg. de Misquita Vigario de Vara de Barsalor," which means "Fr. Justo Const. de Misquita, Vicar Forane of Barsalor." This priest is recorded to have blessed the wedding of a couple "do Bairo Cundapur,"ie., of the hamlet Cundapur. Similar entries are found in the same book, down to the year 1842, when the church commenoed to be oalled the Church of Cundapur. It is necessary to mention that the Roman Catholics of South Kanara were under the jurisdiction of the Archbishop of Goa till the year 1842. Therefore the priests of Kundapur down to this date were priests sent by the Portuguese. In 1842 a new jurisdictional division was introduced by the Holy See, and the Christians of South Kanara were allotted to the Bishop of Verapoly in Malabar. These facts were of great importance for my inquiry. They proved The main vicissitudes of this Portuguese fort will be narrated in the second volume of my history o The Aravidu Dynasty of Vijayanagara. 9 Stuart, South Kanara Manual, p. 242, while speaking of Kundapur only says "In the sixteenth century, the Portuguese settled here and built a fort which still existe a little inland from the village." The author does not identify this fort with that of Barcelor. I was accompanied on this interesting excursion by Mr. Aloysius Rebello, B.A., a student of St. Xavier's College, Bombay,

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Indian Antiquary. Plate I. PORTARZIDERARCALOR OVA TH 5 MBOGAM THE FORT OF BARCALOR. From Faria y Sousa's Asia Portuguesa (1674), vol. II.

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SEPTEMBER, 1930 ] TIIE PORTUGUESE FORT OF BARCELOR 183 that down to the above date the Portuguese and Goan priests coming from Goa had faithfully kept the traditional name of the place from the time when the Portuguese had their fort there. On the other hand, the new priests coming from Vera poly, not conversant with the old history of the locality, accepted the common name of Kundapur, which was the name of an old hamlet that finally became the headquarters of the Taluka.4 Consequently the old Portuguese fort of Barcelor was not to be identified with Basrur, but with Kundapur. The town of Basrur was therefore the Upper Barcalor, the Barcalor de sima of the old Portuguese map. These conclusions being arrived at, one naturally had to investigate whether there were in Kundapur remains of the old Portuguese Fort. On making inquiries, I was told that there certainly was a fort, commonly known as Kotte-baghil. Its remains were to be seen very near the river that runs on its north side. It is almost square (130 ft. x 100 ft.). The north and east side of the fort is much more elevated, about 40 ft. high, while the west side will be about 20 ft. and the south side only 10 or, at the most, 15 ft. The property, with a bungalow in the centre, belongs to one Mr. A. P. Luis at present. The site of the old Portuguese Fort of Barcelor was therefore found before visiting Basrur. On reaching that town, I found clear evidence that the Portuguese had never been in effective possession of it; and the evidence lay in the number and condition of its Hindu temples. The main temple seems to be the Mahalingesvara temple. The Muktesvar of this temple has a copper edsana. In the prakara of the temple, when entering to the right, there are eighteen inscriptions in Hale-Kannada, one of them used as a slab to pave the floor. All have the linga on top. Several are worn out. On the road south of the temple, about 150 ff. away, there is another Saiva inscription in Hale-Kannada. About 100 ft. away from this inscription there is a big tank, called Samrakere, and a small tank, in the neighbourhood of which to the south there are two other inscriptions in Hale-Kannada. Both are Saiva. One of them seems to be very long, but is partly buried in the ground. It is nevertheless in a very good state of preservation, excepting the upper left corner. Going southwards about 50 ft. there is another large tank called Devukere. On the south side of it there are three other Saiva inscriptions in Hale-Kannada. Two of them are partly buried. On the north-eastern corner of the same tank, there are two more inscriptions in Hale-Kannada. Both are Saiva, one of them is very long; the other is inscribed on both sides. To the north in a palm grove is another small inscription. A little further west, in the compound of a house, there is another long inscription. The slab was lying on the ground and the inscribed face was turned downwards. About two furlongs away from Basrur, on the top of a hill south-east of the town, there is a ruined temple surrounded by a grove. The temple is called Guppi SaddAnanda, and is a small one. A verandah supported by pillars runs round it. These pillars are of stone beautifully carved. Some wooden pillars have been added in modern times. Inside the temple there is & recess containing a linga. In the premises of this temple there is another Saiva inscription in Hale-Kannada and a very big satikal, half buried. This satikal represents a woman with her right hand pointing as usual to heaven. A popular local story refers to this woman. In old days there was a rishi in this temple, named Saddananda, who demanded zuilk from a woman. This woman, instead of giving him milk, gave him poison. She was then cursed by the rishi and eventually converted into that stone. After this the rishi committed suicide by throwing himself into a well. In front of the steps leading to the temple there are the figures of three women, carved on one of the slabs paving the prakara, in an attitude of worship. It is said Kundapur had never belonged to the Portuguese. The Hindu temples existing there and three inscriptions, one of the thirteenth and two of the fourteenth century, found in its neighbourhood are sufficient proof of this. Cf. Rangacharya, Topographical List, I, p. 851. This story was narrated to us by a boy 16 years old, named Surap Shetty, who had heard it from his teachers. It seems that there are different versions of the story, for the rishi who is living in the temple at present related the 3ame story with some slight differences,

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184 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ BPTEMBER, 1930 that these three women-not only one-gave poison to the rishi of old. Round this temple there are several tombs of the past yishis, in a state of great decay. At the foot of the hill southcastwards there is an inscription in Hale-kannada. On top of the inscription there is a man worshipping the sankha. This seems to be the only Vaishnava inscription at Basrur. There is still another temple in the town, called Venkata Ramana temple. At its entrance there is an inscription on a slab paving the way to the shrine, but it is absolutely worn out. To the right there is a Saiva inscription, half-buried. To the left is another Saiva inscription, also half-buried, inscribed on both sides. On the slabs before the shrine are carved the figures of three men in an attitude of worship. Near the river one may still see two gateways in the old walls of Basrur, about ono hundred yards apart. One is known as Kotle-baghil, and the other as Nandi-baghil, so called on account of a rishi named Nandi, who used to live in its neighbourhood. This detailed survey of the antiquities of Basrur will clearly show that the Portuguese had never been in possession of this town; otherwise all these relics of antiquity and Hinduism would have perished at their hands. Basrur was the real "Baroelor" marked in the above map as "Upper Barcalor" and often spoken of by travellers and even by the same Portuguese Viceroys in their correspondence with their sovereigns. Hence it remains now an obvious fact that the Portuguese Fort of Barcelor is to be located in the centre of the modern town of Kundapur. SCRAPS OF TIBETO-BURMAN FOLKLORE. BY SIR RICHARD C. TEMPLE, Bt. Prefatory Remarks. The general argument of this paper is that if the ethnologist is right in predicating the existence of a Tibeto-Burman race, there must be a corresponding identity in the folklore of the Tibetans and the Burmese. The bases of the paper are Dr. McGovern's To Lhasa in Disguise, which is an account of his remarkable secret expedition in 1922-3 through what he calls "mysterious" Tibet, and my own article "Burma " in the Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics, some other studies of the Burmans, and a few analogies in Indian folklore. I was much struck with the likeness to the mental habits of the Burmese in much of what Dr. McGovern observed during his journey and have thought it sufficient for my present purpose to compare his observations with the papers above-mentioned. Dr. McGovern undertook his journey under appalling difficulties, travelling from Darjeeling to Lhasa in the winter months, disguised as the meanest Tibetan servant of his own Tibetan Secretary. But his knowledge of the people, their language, their manners and customs was complete enough to enable him to pass through that spy-ridden country without discovery, for he was not found out, but disclosed himself at Lhasa itself when it suited him to do so. It was an extraordinary achievement and his qualifications as a linguist make his observations of peculiar value. Previous travellers have had to depend on interpreters, whereas he could talk directly with the people of all classes, and therefore could ascertain their ideas with an accuracy not possible to the others. It was for this reason that I extracted from his book some 80 odd instances, where he describes the ideas, the manners and the customs of the Tibetans he met. In these extracts we ought to get the folklore they contain beyond dispute as to accuracy. Dr. McGovern's book is lightly written, and unfortunately he throughout shows himself to be a human being unable to get away from his upbringing. He is the superior Oxford Ph.D. always, and this attitude to some extent mars his observation of the Tibetan mentality. He cannot get away from himself and his European education and throw himself into the mind of the utterly different people among whom he travelled. This is a common failing, and I have observed it in the accounts of educated Hindu travellers when recording observations on "wild tribes" in India. This failing should not, however, seriously affect McGovern's statements as to the actual facts of the folklore he records,

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SEPTEMBER, 1930) SCRAPS OF TIBETO-BURMAN FOLKLORE 185 One cannot help admiring his wonderful performance, especially when one considers his physical handicap, for the portrait of him in the work discloses features hopelessly unlike those of the ordinary Tibetan. One has only to compare them with thoso of the Tibetans portrayed beside him, to wonder how after all he could have managed so complete a disguise. The whole performance shows an extraordinary amount of determination and endurance, and a certain capacity for riding roughshod over all opposition. This last shows itself in his dealings with the officials along the British f.ontier and in his callous deception of them. He deceived them deliberately, and nowhere shows any feeling for the plight in which his double dealing placed them. He was determined somehow to get to Lhasa, whatever stood in his way or who might suffer. The success of his private project was the one thing that mattered, and not till the last pages of his book do we find any hint that he ever thought of any one but himself and his scheme. "On the 16th April (1923) we arrived in Kalimpong and I was back in British India at last. That same day I went on to Peshok to be the guest of Major Bailey, the Political Offioer in Sikkim. We had a number of things to talk over, as I was sorry to find that my little escapade had quite unintentionally caused the Indian Government a good deal of trouble." It is not every official who would make a guest of a traveller who had treated him so badly as Dr. MoGovern treated Major Bailey. However, all's well that ends well, and we have many valuable folklore items to study as one result of the "escapade." I should like here to raise a protest against the epithet, "mysterious" as applied to Tibet. Dr. McGovern calls his journey "a secret expedition through mysterious Tibet." Surely the time has now arrived when we may consider the "mystery" of Tibet to have been dispelled. The Tibetans are in fact very like their congeners in the world, and there is nothing mysterious in the history of the country. The long story of internal struggle and foreign incursion is much that has been the fate of other Oriental peoples, while the story of the present conditions obtaining in the country is comparatively modern-Buddhism having arrived about the same period as Islam arrived elsewhere, while the story of the first Dalai Lama dates back only to the days of Queen Elizabeth, and the fifth Dalai Lama became monarch of all Tibet only in 1645, in the days of Charles I. However, the Buddhism that entered Tibet was of a debased Mahayana type, filled with the Saktism and Tantrism of the Hindus of Northern India, and the religion of the country has since degenerated back into the Animism which anciently dominated it, for Dr. McGovern, no doubt rightly, talks of the worship of gods and goddesses of the animistic kind. The arrival of the high priest to the throne meant in reality the Government of the country by a priestly caste, which has steadily kept it to themselves with all the determination that distinguishes ecclesiastics endowed with political power. For their purposes they have for some two centuries or more kept strangers out so far as they could, and that is the sole cause of the mystery,' which, in modern times, has surrounded the country. Otherwise the people are no more mysterious than the inhabitants of other lands. Indeed they are filled with the ordinary humanity of us all. The Buddhism of modern Burma is altogether different from that of Tibet. It must have found its way into the country, both North and South, in the days of the Asokan missionaries of the third century B.C., and it suffered in the course of many centuries afterwards all the debasement that occurred in India, until a series of reformations took place from the eleventh to the fifteenth centuries A.D., introducing a puritan form of the Buddhist faith from Ceylon, which finally spread itself over the whole country to the exclusion nowadays of the very memory of Mahayanism among the educated. Among the people and the peasantry the old Mahayanism and the indigenous Chinese form of Animism has naturally largely survived, so that we find in Burma generally a strong animistio faith overcast by a Hinayanist form of the Buddhist religion. The religion of the people therefore is a

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186 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ SEPTEMBER, 1930 duplicate forman educated religion plus an uneducated superstition-a phenomenon quite common in the entire world, whatever the profession of the educated faith. Burmese folklore is necessarily largely filled with uneducated superstition I propose to divide the scraps of folklore I have picked out of MoGovern's book into eight general heads as follows, comparing the Tibetan with Burmese ideas as occasion offers. I. Religious Beliefs.-1. Religiosity. 2. Lucky Days. 3. Oracles. 4. Sacerdotal Blessings. 5. Rebirth. 6. Incarnations. 7. Supernatural Powers. 8. Miracles, 9. Magical Powers: (a) Lamas, (b) The Dalai Lamas. 10. Cures. 11. Callousness. II. Deities.-1. Maitreya. 2. Pedem Llamo (goddess). 3. Temple Guardians 4. Mountain Spirits. 5. Kinchenjanga. 6. Demon Haunte. 7. Images III. Religious Customs.--1. Rosaries. 2. Scapegoat. 3. Circumambulation Sunwise. 4. Pilgrimage. 5. Offerings. 6. Incense. 7. Ceremonial Dancing. 8. Flags. 9. Ragbushes. 10. Cairns 11. Prayer Wheels 12. Prayer Walls. IV. Superstitions.--1. General. 2. Boys in Processions. 3. Head-room. 4. Left hand Whorls. 5. Merit in possessing Books. 6. Books. 7. Learning. 8. Snowmen, V. Medicine.-1. Theory. 2. Medicine. 3. Anatomy. 4. Cures. VI. Social Customs.-1. Position of Women. 2. Female Hospitality. 3. Polyandry. 4. Curfew. 5. Saluting. 6. Winds. 7. Cleanliness and Washing. 8. Natural Hot Baths. 9. Story of an Abbot. 10. Preaching. 11. Removal of Residence. VII. Food and Tabus.--1. Chickens. 2. Milk. 3. Butter. 4. Butter for Lamps. 5. Butter for Decoration. 6. Tea. 7. Buttered Tea. 8. Cooking. VIII. Measurement.-1. Reckoning. 2. Currency. 3. Prices. 4. Distance. 5. Time. 6. The Calendar. A word as to spelling. Both in Tibetan and in Burmese spelling is as much divorced from sound as it is in English or French. It is not possible therefore to reproduce for the ordinary English reader either Tibetan or Burmese words as they are spelt in their respective scripts. In this paper the recognised methods of representation in Roman characters is adopted. I. RELIGIOUS BELIEFS. 1. Religiosity. In describing the "palace chapel" of the Tsarong Shapel at Lhasa, the Commanderin-Chief of the Army and senior Secretary of State, McGovern remarks (p. 276): "In Tibet it is always wise to show one's religiosity to visitors. The whole of one side of the room was Occupied by huge gilded images with burning butter lamps and offering bowls in front of them." There is nothing of this kind in Burma, because there the Government was in secular hands. 2 Lacky Days "The Tibetans (p. 24) are grossly superstitious and arrange all their affairs with reference to luoky and unlucky days. They are calculated both with reference to the days of the month and also the days of the week. Thus, for example, Tuesdays, Thursdays and Saturdays are bad days on which to start a new undertaking, and Monday, Wednesdays and Sundays are considered fortunate. The 9th, 13th and 19th days of the month are considered partioularly good omens, and Toby pleaded that we postpone our departure until the 19th, and also a Sunday, doubly favourable. He seemed very much surprised that I refused to sacrifice two weeks in order to start things properly. At last he consented to come on the 6th, & Wednesday, provided that we started at nine o'clock, which the calendar declared to be an opportune hour." . 1 These are titles, not the names, of an official, see p. 277. MoGlovern's Secretary. His real name was Umdzela : umdae means dean of a temple in Sikkim,

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SEPTEMBER, 1930 ] SCRAPS OF TIBETO-BURMAN FOLKLORE 187 "In case (p. 25) urgent business makes it necessary for a Tibetan to start a journey on an unluoky day, he will on some preceding iucky day have a hat or other article of clothing sent on ahead a mile or two on the road, because it is thought that in this way the gods can be beguiled into believing that the man himself started on the correct oocasion."4 "I was told (p. 25) a good tale of a Tibetan, who took a long journey with his wife. He 80 arranged matters that he arrived at and left each place en route on a lucky day. While still on the journey the poor fellow's wife died, and the delay caused by this event upset the whole schedule, so that the man was held up for several weeks at a little village waiting for the next series of auspicious dates to come round again." In this matter of Lucky Days there is constant analogies in Burmese folklore. Thus in my article " Burma " in the Encylopedia of Religion and Ethics, vol. III (to be quoted hereafter as E.R.E., III), we read: "The Burman is so fettered by his horoscope and the lucky and unlucky days for him recorded therein, which are taught him in rhymes from childhood, that the character has been given him by strangers of alternate idleness and energy. But both are enforced by numerous days on which he may not work without disaster to himself. Unlucky days cause him so much fear that he will resort to all sorts of excuses to avoid business on them. Similarly on lucky days he will work beyond his strength, because he is assured of success. These facts are worthy of careful attention, as it is so easy for European observers to mistake Asiaties, e.g., the character of idleness given to the Nicobarese (ultimately from the Chinese western borderlands) is greatly due to their habit of holding very frequent feasts and necromantic ceremonies all through the night. ... Lucky and unlucky days are fixed according to the Shan sanother race of the Chinese western borderlands) and not the Burman calendar, and as they do not correspond, the Burman cannot calculate them for himself, and is thus forced to go to the astrologer. There is a long list of lucky days for building operations, picked, in eclectic fashion, out of the names of the imported Buddhist and indigenous animals and nats (spirite): the unlucky days depending upon the final syllables of the names. Lastly, a long series of days are individually unlucky for a great variety of enterprises, practically for all the business of native life. The lucky days in the month are in a considerable minority." In Shway Yoe, The Burman, ch. XXXIX, there is a long account of these lucky and unlucky days. 3. Oracle. "We came (p. 43) to the great Chumbi Monastery, where the famous oracle or prophet is housed.... I observed (p. 44) the Chumbi oracle very closely and found that his methods oorresponded in general to those used by mediums in the West. He goes into an ecstatic trance, frequently accompanied by epileptic symptoms, and while thus obsessed delivers semi-coherent words, which foretell what is to happen. Generally, like the Delphic oracle of old, his prophecies are delightfully vague, and can be made to fit the event, however it may turn out. But it is remarkable that half way through the great world war he foretold the exact year and month in whiob hostilities would cease." 4. Sacerdotal Blessing. "On the 6th (Sept. 1922] & special service (p. 25) was held in Toby's monastery at day. break fof the day on which McGovern started on his journey), and at his earnest invitation I attended this ceremony in order to receive the special blessing of the abbot." (To be continued.) 3 McGovern throughout treate the supernatural beings of the Mahayenist Buddhism of the Tibetan as gods and goddesses. 4 The Tibetan geems here to betray his Chinese origin, for cheating the deities is a common trick among the Chinese generally, e.g., throwing scrape of worthless paper money or objects into the sen on a voyage to induce the supernatural rulers of the waters to grant fair weather and winds.

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188 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ SEPTEMBER, 1930 BOOK-NOTICES. TAE PANDYAN KINGDOI by K. A. NILAKANTA Mr. Nilakanta Sastri takes the first empire SASTRI. London, Luzac & Co. to begin with the achievement of Kadungon after the Kalabhra interregnum, and takes it on to the This neat, handy volume attempts to cover the conquest of the Pandyas by the Cholas under history of the Pandyas from their early beginnings Parantaka I in the first quarter of the tenth contury down to the end of the sixteenth concury, and A.D. This happens to coincide with the period Atops where the viceroyalty of Madura under of prosperity of the Pallavas of Kanchi, and is Vijayanagar begins. This is a period of history almost exactly coeval with the period of the Great and the account of a dynasty which had long re- Pellavas, whose rule perhaps began a few decades mained to be worked up, und for which the available carlier, and came to an end similarly a few decades to the public material has just becone accessible to the publici earlior when the decisive battle of Tiruppurambiyam outside the Department of Epigraphy. Mr. wasiought. The treatment of the subject is fairly full Nilakanta Sastri delivered a course of lectures at the and critical throughout. Mr. Sastri's account would University on this subject, and the book is the have boen better had he paid as much attention outcome of this course. to the inscriptions of the Palla vas as he has to those of the Pandyas. The period following is one of This part of the history of the Pandyan kingdom decay and the disappearance of Pandya rule naturally falls into a certain numor of divisions, brought about by the Chola conqusst. During the and the following may be enumeratod as being period of the Chola ascendency in South India, covered in the work under review :-(1) the Begin- which lasted for three or four centuries, the Pandyas nings of History in the Sangam Age ; (2) tho Kala- had not gone out of existence altogether, bhra interregnum ; (3) the first Pandyan empire, but remained to a great extent eclipsed by the as it is called, and the duel with the Pallavas; glorious empire of the Cholas. As the Chola empire (4) the Chola ascendency and the eclipse of the began to decay, we can see the first beginnings of Pandyas ; (5) the duel with the Hoysalas and the & revival of the Pandyas. The decay of the Chola Pandyan revival; (7) the gradual decay and decline empire brought about the intervention of the of the Pandvan kingdom with the rise of Vijayanagar. Hoysalns, who soon proved the arbiters of the This is a long period and a wide subject to destinies of South India in the disputes between be dealt with in a course of locturos and in a book the Pandyas and the Cholas. The Pandyas had of the size that is beforo us; and, having regard to get out of this position by a serious effort, and to the nature of the subject, must neodarily be the tale of this is told in the second section of Mr. incapable of equal treatment all over. The book takanta Sastri's book. Then followed the period of the Pandya empire before the Muham. exhibits this defect, inherent in the subjout, and perhaps also due to the pressure of much other hard madan invasions supervened. The Muhammadan work which the author had to do at the time. The invaders cance and went, and the Pandyag first two of these divisions the author passes over recovered some little of their power : but the more thorough conquest under Muhammad comparatively lightly, though more thorough work bin Tughlaq put an end to the Pandya kingdom and exploitation of the sources, such as they are, at Madura, although the members of the Pandya would, we are sure, have yielded better resulte. dynasty held their position in the farther outekirts His real work, however, begins with the period of their kingdom, chiefly in the Tinnevelly district. following, for which there is a mass of inscrip Then another chapter follows of Pandyan history, tional material available. But then for the remain which extends right down to the eve of Talikota, ing period, there is the other drawback that the by which time Vijayanagar had established a sources available are comparatively large where viceroyalty in Madara, efficient to hold the the period happens to be the period of the pros. Pandyas of Tinnevelly in check. The history of perity of the Pandyas. The information becomes that viceroyalty Mr. Nilakanta Sastri does not most scanty when the kingdom ceases to be take up, as he is concerned only with the history prosperous for one reason or another. That of the Pandya kingdom. naturally produces another element of inequality Throughout this work Mr. Sastri exhibits a full in the treatment of the subject. Notwithstanding knowledge of the material and critical ability and this inherent defect, Mr. Sastri's treatment of this discernment in choosing the right kind of details; and period is fuller and more continuous and interest. he has succeeded in compiling a reasonably correct ing. He has made a pretty thorough study and account of the Pandyan kingdom. The book is, analysis of the inscriptional material, and has however, not free from defects of detail ; & certain brought together all the disjecta membra of the number of then deserve attention, but we do not inscriptions in & form which provides intereeting wish to take up space to point these cut, as we reading. There are defecte, of course, here and have done it elsewhere. We congratulate Mr. there in points of detail, but all that unfortun Bastri on the production of a work that is alike ately cannot be altogether avoided in a work creditable to his ability and industry. of this character. 8. K. AIYANGAR

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SEPTEMBER, 1930) BOOK-NOTICES 189 TAMIL LEXICON. Published under the authority European origin to become officient in their of the University of Madras. Vol. II, Parte III knowledge and expression of the Tamil tongue. and IV; and Vol. III, Parts I, II, III and Therein derivative words are included under IV. Pages 953 to 1752. Madras, printed partly their primitives, while the verbs are given as principals in large type. The definition of the At the Diocnean Prese, Vopery, and partly at word is supplemented by the verbal noun and the Madras Law Journal Press, Mylapore. hy a roference to the Sadur: whilo adjoetives, We have had occasion to review the provious adverbs and somo particles are given as primaries, parts of the Tamil Leriron in this Journal for July A clear distinction is maintained between them 1928.. The general plan adoptel was explained and particularly the two former and the noun: in a small pamphlet wherein it was stated that themselves, while grammatical rulos are occasionall # strictly alphabetical arrangement was being given for tho change, omission or reduplication . followed ; and in the case of each word, the etymo letters. Winslow had to rely largely upon Beschi, logy, the transliteration of the word into English Rottler, and Ellis and the Sadur. Agaradi, besides (giving the equivalent pronunciation of the words Wilson's Sanskrit Dictionary. He distinguished as written), the part of speech, the derivation, between the provincial usage (having a general, but cognato words found in the Dravidian family of not an exclusive reforence to Jaflna usage) and languages and the English meanings of the words local usage (having reference to Madrne) of Tamil are given. The explicit object of this Lexicon words, and between poetic (i.e., classical) and the is stated to be that it should help foreign scholars common and vulgar usages of words. In the in their study of Tamil ; and the meaning in English present Lexicon these old distinctions have not is regarded as the first requisite. At first it was all been kept up; and in their place, we find & rich only in unavoidable cases that Tamil equivalente use of quotations from classical authorities, given were given ; but because of the desire expressed in abbreviated form, and of illustrative proverbe, by many students of Tamil, it was subsequently which support the general use of the word and arranged to supplement the detailed English render in cases the particular meanings of the word. One ings with brief Tamil equivalente, which have come feature that shows either an inability to improve to be as detailed as the former. The apparatus upon Winslow or the latter's perfection, is that of reference as given with Part II of Volume I the usage of words as used in particular parts of and containing a list of authorities cited has the land has been based upon his authority, cited naturally got to be supplemented by addenda as W. Thus we have on p. 1209, FAELSL relating to words which happen to be taken from icakknttai) n. < Sakata. W.); and Winslow himself other sources not cited. The tables of transliteration gives the meaning as Morun L. The Lericon has into English, signs ( @sar) conjugated added another equivalent. A deren verbs and explanatory notes have had, for the to the substantive. So also is the case with the sake of convenience, to be issued along with word cllm in the sense of fury' (muurkk m). The each volume, so that reference may be rendered easy. meaning of Soloissa is not well brought The parts under review take us on from ku out. The meanings of such compound words as to tham. The latter two parts of the second volume, ceecuvrcngkiynnn are not as fall and detailed complete the words beginning with the consonante as one might wish them to be. In most coses, k and it, and the four parts of the third volume however, the explanations of the different meanings deal with the letters c, and + (the last only in of words are full. The word dafadar (Lousri) part). The scheme of work is that the editor and the is said to be derived from Urdu; but both Wilson 8ssistant editor should revise the cards prepared in his Glossary (p. 117) and Whitworth in his Angloand revised by the pasdits, and should correlato Indian Dictionary (p. 74) would give it an ultimate tho Tamil and English portions of the cards. The Persian dorivation. A little more care and work has gone on fairly rapidly under the present detailed derivation would, in such cases, add greatly committee, which has been availing itself of help to the usefulness of the book. The succeeding secured from competent scholars, who have been parts, we hope, will be free from the charges of undue nominated as honorary referees of the Lexicon Com- brovity of definition and explanation, which may mittee. Part III of Volume II was published apply to some words. Such a work as this, about the middle of 1927; and Part IV of Volume comprehensively planned, laboriously executed M appeared in March 1928 ; and the prosent and admirably printou, and admirably printed, should include not only rate of progress can be judged from these dates. The words of foreign origin undergoing the process words explained show, as has been already pointed of absorption into our language, and words out, a great advance, both in point of number and and terms used in the study of Indian Philosophy of detailed etymological and other explanation, and Metaphysics, Logic, Rhetoric and Astrology, upon Winslow's A Comprehensive Tamil and English Botany, Medicine, etc., but also rescue from Dictionary of High and Low Tamil, whose object obecurity and oblivion a large number of words was to enable missionaries, officials and others of not found in any previous dictionary, but used

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190 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ BPTEMBER, 1990 in our literature, whether printed or manuscrip. In lover of art of the chief features of the caves, with reepect of the former desideratum, this l.extion is their romarkable architectural and sculptural & certain improvement upon itu predecessors; details and their wonderful frescoes, written by one with regard to the latter, & perusal of the work, the latter. A perual of the work, who himself revels in their beauties and wishes to when completed, will give an idea of the oxtent inspire others with similar foelings. The hook of the progroas achieved. The dificulty in this would be improved by the addition of a ground matter is chiefly that of obtaining access to the plon, showing the position of the various caves manuscripts now lying hidden in corners and referred to, and if the index to the plates gave the crumbling away. Co-ordination between the Lexiconcave number in each case. At present, where Office and the Government Oriental Manuscripta reference is made to a particular cave in the text, Library and other institutions like the Medura the reader has to look at all the plates if he wishes Sangam would also be very useful and result in the to ascertain whether it has been illustrated. The finding out of, buried and forgotten words. We spelling of names needs revision in several places, await the speedy publication of the remaining parts and one or two mistakes, such as that of calling Maya of the Lexicon, in the belief of Dr. Johnson that "Queen of Suddodhana, Sakya King of Magadha" the chief glory of a nation arises from its authors, call for correction. who are best understood and interpreted through C. E. A. W.O. the medium of a sound and valuable dictionary. C. S. SRINIVASACHARI. MEDIEVAL INDIA, by UPENDRA NATH BALL, M.A. The Classic Press, Calcutta. ANCIENT JAFFNA TO THE PORTUGUESE PERIOD, by This little book, in the words of the writer, is an MUDALIYAR C. RAMANAYAGAM, Ceylon Civil Service, attempt to give a brief and connected account of with foreword by Dr. S. KRISHNASWAMI AIYAN. the life and thoughts of the people of India in the GAB, Madras : Everymans Publishers, Ltd. 1926. middle ages. Owing to his admitted ignorance of It has always been rather difficult to obtain both Arabic and Persian, the writer has relied almost information, experto crede, about Jaffna, and entirely on works published in English, from which though the book cannot be said to be the final he makes frequent quotations. There is thus very word on the subject, we are grateful to the author little that is now in nearly six hundred pages covering for its compilation. He has taken enormous trouble, the period which commenced with the Arab invasion and, what is of more importance to the student, he of Sind and ended with the break-up of the Mughal has produced an immense number of vernacular Empire. The writer would have been well advised quotations, which will be of value. to submit his proof sheets to some one familiar with He commences his story with the practically the English language. It is curious to road of a mystical history of the Nagas and Kalingas, deals Hindu ruler who punishes offences "to cut off his with foreign trade and intercourse from all time, tongue," and of "cow (sic) being very useful in and gives us one invaluable chapter on Sources and domestic service." It is hardly an adequate method Synchronisms, thus making his work of much use. of dealing with the origin of the Rajpata (p. 41) to Ho is not, however, always able to gauge the announce that "the orthodox view is that they are authority of the many books he quotes, and his descended from the sun and moon. Some believe local patriotism sometimes outruns his discretion, loy had their origin in fire."-The whole question BO the reader must be careful of accepting all he of casto at the time of the Musalman invasion is says without further enquiry. dealt with very superficially, and would have been R. C. TEMPLE better omitted, if it could not be treated in the light of modern knowledge. On p. 280, dealing with AT AJANTA, by KANAIYALAL VAKIL, B.A., LL.B. Vijayanagar, the writer states that the cavalry was 73X44in.; pp. xxii+-82, with 38 illustrations. D. inefficient as horses of good breeding could not be B. Taraporovala, Sons & Co., Bombay. 1929. had in the South. But a flourishing trade from This little book has been written, the author tells Arabia in horses required by this kingdom was 124, with a specific aim, namely, to bring the artistic conducted for many years through Portuguese terri. treasures at Ajanta nearer to the popular mind and tory: and the inefficiency of the Hindu troops canimagination, and to afford practical assistance not fairly be traced to this source. to visitors. Part I furnisher very weful general The reader of this book will find little that is not information as to routes, accommodation, charges, presented with greater authority by writers of re. etc., the situation and classification of the caves cognized standing elsewhere. Many sweeping gene. and the principal points of interest to be noticed. Part ralizations are made with the object of proving the II treats of the paintings of outstanding merit in six well-being of the masses under Mughal domination ; of the caves, and the subjects represented; while but the work will not add to our knowledge of India Part III is devoted to a very appreciative survey in pre-British days, and it abounds in misprinta of the sculptures in certain vihdras and caityse. which could have been avoided by a little careful The work does not ciaim to be a complete guide to proof-reading. Ajanta and ito romains : it is a short survey by 4 R. E. E. le

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OOTORER 1930 1 THE SITE OF THE RIGVEDIC BATTLE 19.1 THE SITE OF THE RIGVEDIC BATTLE BETWEEN DIVODASA AND SAMBARA BY DR. S. N. PRADHAN, M.Sc., Ph.D., BRIHASPATE. In my Chronology of Ancient India I have determined 1500 B.C. as the approximate period when the Rgvedic king Divodasa fought and killed the great Dasa leader Sambara. I have also shown that in this great battle the famous Dasaratha Aiksvaka, the father of Rama, together with some of the kings of the Pancala dynasty were the allies of Divodasa. I am now in a position to suggest the exact place where this great Rgvedic battle took place. There are reasons for believing that it was one of the greatest battles which the Rgvedic Aryans fought against the non-Aryans of India, and that kings of several Aryan dynasties co-operated with Divodasa against Sambara, who also had allies, and that the campaign occupied several months. Bharadvaja Vajineya, the Purohita of Divodasa says: 1" Oh Indra! who art the subduer of enemies, thou hast achieved a glorious deed; for, oh hero I thou hast rent asunder hundreds and thousands (of the soldiers of Sambara), hast killed Sambara (when issuing) from the hill, and hast protected Divodasa with marvellous protections." Gstsamada, the son of Sunahotra Bharadvaja says: "He who discovered in the fortieth nutumn Sambara dwelling in the hills; who slew Ahi that put forth his vigour, Danu's son as he lay; he, oh men ! is Indra." Gotsamada says 3 again : "Oh Adharyus ! present the Soma libations to him who de molished the hundred old citadels of Sambara and cast down the hundred thousand followers of Varoin." Vamadeva, the priest of Somaka Sahadevya, says : 4 "Indra has overturned a hundred stone-built cities for Divodega, the donor of oblations." Vamadeva says 6 again : "Oh Indra ! thou hast slain the Dasa Sambara, the son of Kulitara, hurling him from off the huge rock." Prince Parucchepa, the son of Divodasa, says : 6" Terrible Indra hurled Sambara from the hill for Atithigva Divodasa." It is clear from the above statements that Sambara had in his possession several hill purs, or citadels or castles, and that one of his allies was Varcin, and that the pure or citadels were stormed by Divodasa, who was a worshipper of Indra, and that Sambare was hurled down from a huge rock and was killed. The Rsis usually ascribe these heroic deeds to Indra and even to other deities, meaning that they were performed by the deities on behalf of their worshippers (vide my Chronology of Ancient India, p. 12, f.). The battle with Sambara took place in a country which Bharadvaja calls 7 by the name 'Udabraja,' which literally means sea-girt' [uda='water' as in udapana or udadhi, and braja='girdle,' as in Giribraja). Grtsamada Saunahotra who, as we have seen, refers to the destruction of the hill-forts of Sambara, says: 8" Oh (Indra), doer of many (heroic) deeds ! you who carried Sahavasu, the son 1 tvaM tadukthamida barhaNA kA prayacchatA sahastrA zUra drssi| va fortare IT a farer' fra 11 RV., VI, 26, 5. 3 RV., II, 12, 11. 3 adhvaryavo yaH zataM zaMbarasya puro vibhedAzmaneva puurviiH| affa: Taf: EEWT9xrar ahi 11 RV., 11, 14, 6. 4 T otatgeria ETI aterary TTTIIRV., IV, 30, 20. uta dAsaM kaulitara bRhataH parvatAdadhi / vareta u II RV., IV, 30, 14. 6 RV., 1, 130, 7. 7 RV., VI, 47, 21. 8 yo nArmara sahavasuM nihatave pRkSAya ca dAsavezAya pAvahaH / ftar T irai gan areg 4:11 RV., II, 13, 8.

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192 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY * OCTOBER, 1930 of Nrmara, to the unbesieged gate of Urjayanti for Prksa and Dasavesa, are worthy to be praised." Sayana is mistaken about the meaning of the words Ppksa and Dasavesa. These represent the names of two persons who killed Sahavasu, the son of NTmara. Here we must state that we had suspected them to be proper names long before we consulted the Vedische Studien, where we find, to our agreeable surprise, that Dr. Pischel, too, has simi. larly suspected this to be so. Thus our independent findings, strengthening cach other, go towards proving that the Vedic poet mentions here a historical fact. Sayana is, secondly, mistaken about the word Orjayanti. He makes urjayantyah mean of the edge of the thunderbolt struck with force' [valavatyt bajradhardya). He is, thirdly, perplexed about the meaning of the term a pariristam, which he renders by maladibhiravyd plam, meaning thereby free from rust, dirt, etc.' But this is a clear mistake committed on account of the former confusion about the meaning of Orjayanti.' The term aparivistam really means 'uncircumvented,'' unbesieged, not surrounded,' say by enemies; Sayana himself interprets parivistam (in Rgveda, 1, 116, 20) as 'besieged by enemies 'Satrubhih parivslam). His mistake about the word Urjayanti, of which the possessive singular form is Orjayantah, is evidently due to his want of knowledge of the ancient geography of India. We know that Orjayanti is the same as the Prakrit Ujjayanta, where the diminutive suffix is eliminated. Ujjayanta is mentioned in the Mahabharata as a sacred hill, a tirtha, lying in the south in Surastra (=modern Kathiavad), where a certain Narada in ancient times related the Purana or ancient history, probably in the form of anuvameya gathas, as was the custom in those days. The other tirthas or holy places contiguous to Ujjayanta are, according to the Mahabharata, Prabhasa (just by the side of modern Somnath), Dvaravati (=modern Dvaraka), Pindaraka (near Golagar, 16 miles to the east of Dvaraka), etc. The sacred hill Ujjayanta is, according to Merutunga, the same as the hill Raivataka.10 But according to the Bombay Gazelleer (vol. VIII), Revat&cala is the name of the hill immediately over the Revata Kunda or Damodara Kunda. It was so named after the Satvata king Revata, who removed himself from Dvaraka to this place on behalf of Krsna and Valabhadra (vide the table in my Chronology of Ancient India). About two miles from the foot of Revatacala is the celebrated rock with the inscriptions of Asoka, Rudra. daman, and Skandagupta. In Rudradaman's inscription, as also in that of Skandagupta, the Sanskrit base Orjayant (according to the Kalapa and other schools) (=Pkr. Ujjayanta) is used as the name of the hill Girnar. The fort on mount Girnar (=Ujjayanta Orjayanti) is a rich mine of antiquities. It was almost impregnable on account of its inaccessibility (remember Urjayantyah aparivistam asyam] and was on many occasions the refuge of the local Raja of Junagad who used to flee to this fort when the fort below of Junagad was besieged and taken by invading armies. Girnar has six peaks or Tuks (i,e, toks), viz. :-(1) Neminatha Tuk, (2) Gomati Ganga Tuk. (3) KAlika Devi Tuk, a resort of Aghoris, (4) Amba Mata Tuk, (5) Goraksanatha Tuk. 3666 ft., (6) Dattatreya Paduka Tuk. A great rock named Bhairava Jap' forms a most picturesque object, from which ascetics were wont to hurl themselves. (Recollect here the statement of Vamadeva that Sambara was hurled from off a huge rock.) Under the Girnar and the Datar hills is the modern town Junagad (lit. 'ancient fort '). Lassen, in his Indische Alterthumskunde, gives the ancient name of Junagad as Yavanagadh. This is clearly a mistake, for jund is evidently the softened Praktit form from the Rgvedio term jurna (RV., II, 14, 3) which means old,' the stages being junna, jund. Mirza Muhammad Sadiq Isfahani is correct in stating in his Tahqiq al 'arab that Junagadh signifies an ancient Castle.' In medieval writings, it appears as Jirandurg or Jirangadh, but here jiran indicates that in medieval times the Prakpit jund was Sanskritized into jirsa, which, in accordance with a very common change, became jiran. The names Puratanapur, Purvanagar, Junagad. . Gd, MB., III, 88, 21-23; Kumb. MBh., III, 86, 21-23. 10 Prabandhucintamani, Tawney's translation, p. 96.

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OCTOBER, 1930) THE SITE OF THE RIGVEDIC BATTLE 193 Jirandurg, etc., indicate that 'ancient fort' is the real wignitication of the name. The modern town Junagad, as we have said, is under the Girnar and Datar hills and was built by Sultan Muhammad Begada of Gujarat and was named Mustafabad. The Uparkot or fort of Junagad was the ancient Junagad, where the lieutenants of the great Asoka, and still later of the Gupta kings, lived. It has been besieged and taken many times, on which occasions the Rajas used to flee to the inaccessible fort on the hill Girnar (=Ujjayanta). The Uparkot contains most interesting rock-cut apartments and caves, and the whole of the ditch and the neighbourhood is honeycombed with caves and other remains. I suspect these rock-cut apartments date from pre-Aryan times. They were used by the Buddhist monks and ascetics in later times. The town Junagad is mentioned in the Girnar inscription of Rudradaman, as well as in the Prabandhacintamani, where it is called Girinagara. The hill Ujjayanta itself is nowadays called Girnar (=Girinagara), but this name has been transferred to the hill Ujjayanta in later times." The former name of the hill was Ujjayanta, as stated in the Mahabharata, or to be more Sanskritic, Orjayant, as in the inscriptions of Rudradaman and Skandagupta. The hill Ujjayanta or Girnar, however, is only one of the hills known by the name of Junagad, and is at a distance of about four miles to the east of the modern town of Junagad. Yuan Chwang calls it Yu-shan-to (=Ujjayanta). Now turn to the Ramayana, 13 which says that Dasaratha Aiksvaka together with other Rajarsis (mark the appellation rajarsi which the Vayu, Malnya, Harivamsa, Brahima and other puranas have unanimously given to Divoda sa marched to the South [daksinam lisamevidently from Ayodhya, the capital of Dasaratha, as well as from Kasi, the capital of Divodasa, to a pura named Vaijayanta, and that the country where they went lay adjacent to the Dandaka country [Dandakam prati], and that they all fought against Sambara, whose ensign was the whale [timidhuaja) and who was in possession of a hundred mayas (satamaya). It is now at once easy to catch the equation : Orjayanti=Ujjayanta= Vaijayanta. The appellation timidhruja ['one whose onsign is the whale') used in the Ramayana for Sambara, and the description of his country in the same work as having been adjacent to the Dandaka country, receive an extremely interesting support from the Byhatsanhita (XIV, 16) of Varahamihira, which mentions a country named Timingilasana [i.e., 'the country of whale-eaters ') cortiguous to the Dandakavana country on one hand and Kaccha and Bhadra on the other. The appellation satamtya also of the Ramayana is a faint echo of the oft reiterated statement of the Rgvedic Rsis that Sambara had a hundred citadels, mayd meaning a citadel where one could conceal oneself while fighting. It appears from all this that Sambara had Varcin, Sahavasu, etc., as his allies, just as Divodasa had Dasaratha, Prksa, Dasavesa, etc., as his allics, and that this great battle was fought about the hills known as Junagad (=old forts= the hundred old stone-built forts in RV., II. 14, 6), and particularly about the fort on mount Girnar or Ujjayanta. How beautifully this is supported by the ancient name Udabraja used by the Ryvedic Isi Bharadvaja will be realised when one looks at Kathiavad on a nad and perceives that it is really an udabruja country, being surrounded on almost all sides by the gulfs of Cambay and Cutch and the Arabian Sea. From the Rgveda it is clear that quite a number of hill purs (=giri purax=yiri numaras) of Sambara were destroyed by Divodasa, who reserved the hundredth pur for his residence. This pur was very probably the inaccessible fort on mount Girnar. Gytsamada informs us that the pur Orjayanti was impregnable (aparivistarn). Vamadeva very explicitly states that 11 Corpus Inscr. Ind., III, 57-N. L. Dey, Geographical Dictionary, .t. 12 Nirnayasagara Press Edition, II, 9, 11-16. 13 RV., VII, 19, 5; IV, 26, 3.

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194 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [OCTOBER, 1930 Sambara was brought down from the top of a huge rock, 14 and Parucchepa, the son of Diyodasa, agrees with V&madeva in informing us that Sambara was hurled from & rock.15 Remember here that ascetios were wont to hurl themselves from the huge rook Bhairava Jap.] Gstsamads clearly states that Sahavasu, the son of NTmara, was killed by Ppksa and Dasavesa at the unbesieged, or inaccessible, gate of Urjayanti.16 This fort was thus very probably the citadel on the top of the hill Orjayant (=Ujjayanta=Girnar) and was on account of its inaccessibility practically impregnable (aparivizam). This was probably the pur that was reserved by Divodasa for his own residence. To sum up: (1) The country named Timingilasana, i.e., the country of whale-eaters mentioned by Varahamihira as situated in the south, and roughly contiguous to Kaccha on one side and Dandakavana on the other, agrees remarkably with the title Timidh vaja (i.e., one whose ensign is the whale) used in the 'Ramdyana for Sambara and with the description in the Ramayana of the town of Sambara as having been situated in the south and adjacent to the Dandaka country. . (2) The name of the country in which the battle took place is given by Bharadvaja as Udabraja, which is the most interesting and appropriate Rgvedio name for Kathiavac, for it is really an Udabraja country, being surrounded on almost all sides by the gulfs of Cambay and Cutch and the Arabian Sea. (3) The expressions purvin, punah, used by the Rgvedio Rsi Grtsamada agree remarkably with the ancient names Puratanapura, Parvanagara, etc., for Junagad [jund being the Prakrit form from the Rgvedio jurna (RV., II, 14, 3), and gad=gadh, Ta= pura, a fort. (4) The expressions asmanmayinam puram of Vamadeva and 'Giri' of Bharadvaja and Parucchepa, suggest the later name Giripura or Girinagara or Girnar. (5) The identity : Urjayanti of the Rgveda-Ujjayanta of the Mahabharata and Prabandhacintamani =Vaijayanta of the Ramdyana=Orjayant of the inscriptions of Skandagupta and Rudrad&man=Girinagara of the Prabandhacintamari and the Rudradaman inscription= Girnar, establishes it that the great Rgvedic battle was fought near the ancient castle Uparkot of Junagad, which was besieged and stormed, and then again about the ancient fort on the hill Girnar or Ujjayanta where Sambara probably retreatod. It was fought in the medieval Rgvedic period, about 1500 B.C. (vide my Chronology of Ancient India). We hope to show in future that the earliest Rgvedic battles were fought about 2000 B.C., which would approximately be the time of the advent of the various Aryan races into India, and that the pre-Vedic culture, superseded and partially adopted by the Iryans, was very probably the culture that is represented by thc antiquities which are now being uncarthed at Harappa and Mohenjo-daro. 14 RV., IV, 30, 14. 15 RV., I, 130, 7. 10 RV., II, 13, 8.

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OCTOBER, 1920 ] ORIGIN OF THE CASTE SYSTEM IN INDIA 195 ORIGIN OF THE CASTE SYSTEM IN INDIA. BY THE LATE 8. CHARLES HILL. (Continued from page 84.) From the earliest times and under all these systems a different kind of effort had been made to fight the ills of Society. This took the form of secret societies or fraternities, in which carefully selected individuals, entering as neophytes, pledged themselves to absolute secrecy and obedience and, under a strict system of training, passed through successive grades of promotion. Under the despotic orders of their superiors and sheltered by secrecy, without claiming any open share in the control of the State, these Secret Societies undertook to remedy all injustice and tyranny. But no course of training, however wise and severe, could, in the period of a single life, so mould the character of a man as to fit him for absolute and irresponsible power, and these Societies, after a time, instead of being a protection to the people became objects of terror and were abolished as such, except in a few cases where their aims were under a' merely nominal secrecy, limited to purely harmless or philanthropic purposes. From such enquiries it appeared that all previous political systems had been based upon the idea that stability could be obtained by & union of force and wisdom in the ruler. On the part of the ruled nothing was looked for beyond submission. The difficulty was to keep the force and wisdom permanent in the ruling body, and to do this had proved to be impracticable. It had also been proved that even careful selection combined with careful training was insufficient to form the perfect ruler. To ensure stability it was necessary to find something which, socially, would be more permanent and binding than either force or wisdom and even than force and wisdom combined. Where was this to be looked for? Was it in some Superman or in Man recreated ? The supposed Supermen of earlier civilizations had all proved to be only men after all. The only avenue of hope lay in the possibility of recreating Man, or, rather, of recreating Mankind. (XII) Human beings not originally of one but of four types. Recovery of these types. It had, of course, been noticed that, however unstable and perverse men might be, their lives were always, more or less consistently, governed by one of several predominant motives, such As bodily comfort or pleasure, the love of material gain, the love of honour or the benevolent desire to help their fellows; in other words, there were at least four types of human character. Furthermore, whether the occupation which a man followed were the inspiration or the consequence of his predominant motive, it appeared that certain occupations were usually accompanied more especially by one only of the motives just mentioned ; thus in the peasant and artisan the ruling motive was the love of security and comfort combined with the habit of manual labour, in the trader thrift and the amassing of wealth regardless of personal hardship, in the soldier honour and the love of glory, in the priest benevolence and the love of wisdom and contemplation. Each of these was beneficial to the community and each of these allowed a full exercise of human faculties. Men were unhappy either because this exercise was restricted in some way or other or because, through their own fickleness, they were often uncertain as to what they wanted or ignorant how to obtain it. Further, it had been noticed that, though such qualities as it was hoped would distinguish the ruling class from the ruled could not be permanently retained in that class, still, where marriage had been carefully restricted, these qualities were more steady and persistent than where marriage between the classes was allowed to be promiscuous, and also it had been noticed that, whore.com munities or occupations had kept themselves pure from external contact, particular qualities had developed and persisted. All this suggested the former existence of primeval types of men of different qualities, now only imperfectly reprosented by the predominant motives just mentioned. If then the discontent and unhappiness of individuals could be rightly ascribed to their being actuated by discordant and conflicting motives, it was evident that

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196 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [OCTOBER, 1930 they were traccable to the fact that the individuals themselves were the offspring not of singlo but of mixed types. This conclusion scemed to be borne out by the religious beliefs of the people. The early Aryans, as far as we can make out, believed that, whilst the Body and Mind of Man were changeable and perishable though to a certain extent reproducible in his offspring, his Soul or Spirit was something of a divine nature, immortal and unchangeable, inhabiting a material body for a certain time and for a definite duty or task imposed upon it by the Supreme Being. This material body might be anything, even what we call an inanimate object or one of the lower animals or a human being or even something superhuman, but after the allotted time the Spirit passed into a higher or lower material body, as it had succeeded or failed in the task last assigned to it. In each case the task to be carried out by the Soul in any embodied form was conditioned by the qualities of that kind of form. Evidently the possibility of the Soul carrying out its task successfully would largely depend upon the purity of the body which it occupied-its freedom from any admixture with boules of different nature or quality. Believing then that the Soul or Spirit occupied in turn so many material bodies, each with peculiar and characteristic qualities, what reason was there to suppose that that portion of its course which was spent in human bodies, themselves clearly distinguishable into classes, was spent only in bodics suitable to a single stage of their course? Was it not more likely that its earthly human course consisted of a succession of stages, such stages being represented by different types of man? The Hindu belief claimed, at least, four such stages, ciz., the Sudra, the Vaisya, the Kshatriya and the Brahman. Observation and religious belief, thus leading to the same conclusion, pointed out the path of reform, namely an effort to get back to the primitive types and to preserve them in the future by a rigid restriction of marriage and the apportionment of occupations suitable to the different grades and types of men, in other words, to the establishment of the Caste System. It could hardly be expected that even by the utmost care the purity of the original types could be absolutely recovered but it was possible that, if such care were willingly adopted and exercised as a religious duty, in the course of generations such an approximation could be reached that, whilst the predominant desires belonging to each class and with them the Will would be strengthened, the lesser desires, which were due to ages of unguarded intercourse and now caused instability and weakness, would, if they were not totally destroyed, at least be rendered innocuous. If this result could be achieved, human beings, so far as the community was concerned, would be born into surroundings absolutely congenial, both as regards family relationships and the occupations of their lives. They would no longer be disturbed by envy of the lot of others or by vain longing for change from a mode of life which was dull or irksome. Their content would be justified by the belief that, whilst quietly performing the duties of their respective spheres, they were facilitating the mysterious task of the indwelling Spirit which animated them. Accordingly in the Bhagarad Cila we read :- The duties of Brahmans, Kshatriyas, Vaisyas and Suciras have been apportioned to the qualities born of their own [bodily) natures. Tranquillity, self-restraint, austerity, purity, patience, rectitude, spiritual knowledge and faith are the natural duties of a Brahman. Valour, glory, courage, resolution in battle, liberality and lordly bearing are the natural duties of a Kshatriya. Agriculture, tending of cattle and trade, form the natural duties of a Vaisya. The natural duty of a Sudra consisteth in service. A man being contented with his own particular lot and duty obtaineth perfection. Hear how that perfection is to be accomplished. The man who maketh an offering of his own work to that Being from whom all beings proceed and by whom the whole universe is pervaded, by that means obtaineth perfection. Better is one's own work, though faulty, than another's work well performed." 3 "In the .... Vishnu Vayu and Markandeya Puranas .... castes are described as coeval with creation and as having been naturally distinguished by different gunas, involving varieties of moral character." Dr. Muir, as quoted in Beauchamp's udition of Dubois' Hindu Vanners, p. 41 n.

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OCTOBER. 1930 1 THE VELAR ASPIRATE IN DRAVIDIAN 197 - - (XIII) Effect of the establishment of the Caste System. Once this doctrine was established in the minds of the Hindu people that great source of social unrest which is caused by the desire for social elevation was swept entirely away, for, on the one hand, the Hindu was taught to believe that it was as impossible for a Sudra to become a Vaisya, or a Vaisya a Kshatriya, as it would be for, say, a bird to become a mammal; and, in the second place, had social elevation been possible, it was not desirable, for it would mean not an increase but a decrease of satisfaction as far as his particular bodily and mental desires were concerned. He was taught that happiness in this and subsequent lives was dependent upon submission to his lot, not by teachers who contended with him for material rewards and carthly honours and obtained them at his expense, but who proved themselves divine by their contempt for and renunciation of all which he himself valued. It was, in fact, as the Abbe Dubois has pointed out, this supreme renunciation by the Brahmans that, in spite of the physical weaknesses which they shared with all other human beings, differentiated them from other would-be rulers, and as it were, withont the use of force, compelled the peoples of India to accept at once their teachings and their claims and, still at the present moment, in spite of any self-contradiction between their conduct and their teaching, makes even the body of a Brahman holy, as the only possible habitation of the Brahman Spirit. (XIV) The Caste System the only Social System ever proposed upon a basis stronger than Force.-From the above enquiry I think we may conclude that the Hindus are the only people in the world which has successfully put into actual practice a scheme of social life thought out upon purely religious and philosophical grounds, and entirely independent of any form of political government. It is the only social system which, whilst it provides a ruling class, bases the rights of the rulers upon entire material renunciation and the duties of the ruled upon love and respect. It provides every member of the community with a position which, though rigidly fixed, is fixed only by his natural limitations, and so allows him every opportu. nity of using to their full extent whatever abilities he may possess to the general advantage. The system is permanently stable because of the complete absence of any motive on the part of the ruled for seeking any alteration. THE VELAR ASPIRATE IN DRAVIDIAN. By L. V. RAMASWAMI AIYAR, M.A., B.L. General. JESPERSEN distinguishes three types of the velar aspirate : (a) What he calls the extra-strong h, which is brought out with a very strong breath and which produces the impression of an "asthmatic" h. He uses the symbol [h] for this sound. An instance of this sound given by Jespersen is the h. in English Holy Ghost as pronounced during sermon-time in English churches, when extra force is bestowed upon the production of the sound, possibly (says Jespersen) as a strong reaction against the dropping of h's amongst the unlettered classes. The vocal chords stand very far apart in the production of the sound and assume, according to Jespersen's notation, the position <<3. (6) The normal h occurring initially in English and German words, where the vocal chords stand a little apart (2) at first at the position called Hauchstellung by Jespersen, and then come close together before the next vocalic sound is produced. (c) The intervocal h as in English alcohol, etc. The vocal chords here do not quite reach the position 2, but a momentary weakening of the vibratory movement of the chords alone intervenes, accompanied by a production of an expiratory breath, and the sound, therefore, is more or less voiced. It may be observed here that while the extra-strong h can never be voiced, the normal h may be voiced or unvoiced according as the vibration of the vocal chords is greater or less. Extra-strong [h h) is heard in the emphatic production of initial h in Sanskrit words like hasti, harina, hemanta, etc.

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198 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY . [OCTOBER, 1930 Ordinarily, initial and intervocal h of Sanskrit is given the value of a more or less voiced h where the vocal chords assume the positions: el or < 2; but I have observed that in Malabar, Sanskrit h normally is brought out with the pure breathed value, while the pandits of the eastern coast give it more or less a half-voiced value. Sanskrit visarga is a full unvoiced h occurring at the ends of syllables or words. The completely unvoioed character is of course due to its final position. The minute [] occurring in intervocal positions in English words is heard in modern Indian languages occasionally : (a) The rapid enunciation of Sanskrit intervocal h-in provinces where intervocal h has more or less disappeared from native words approximates to this minute 1 (2) 1]; (b) the old Tamil sound known as dydam (subtle) is also given the value of this minute [] when old texts are read. Caldwell, Vinson and other grammariars of Dravidian have pointed out that the velar aspiratel was originally foreign to the Dravidian languages and that it exists in some of the languages to-day only through the influence of Sanskrit. Caldwell approvingly quotes Trumpp's suggestion that "the aversion to aspirates in Dravidian seems to point to a Tartar underground current in the mouth of the common people." Caldwell evidently finds in this fact a support for his favourite view that the Dravidian languages were related to the Finnish-Ugrian dialects of East Europe ; but, as the relationship has not been proved, this suggestion is at present worth nothing. Caldwell confined his observations more or less to the cultivated dialects of the south, and his opinion about the incidence of h in Dravidian was based upon his observation of these dialects alone. An examination of the occurrence of h in all the known dialects of Dravidian would be esgential, before we could confirm or modify Caldwell's opinion in this matter. The object of this paper is to analyse the occurrence of the velar aspirate in all the dialects of Dravidian, to suggest tentative explanations of their origin, and to arrive at an estimate about the incidence of the sound in modern Dravidian. II. Occurrence of the Sound. 1. Tamil: (A) Native words do not commonly show the velar aspirate at all, judged by the spelling handed down to us from of old. (B) In a very small group of words, we find that after a short initial vowel and before a plosive, a slight velar aspirate described as dydam (subtle, minute) is introduced, as in ahgam (grain), aldu (that), ihdu (this), etc. Both Caldwell and Vinson were of opinion that the sound (as well as the sign ) was invented by grammarians for the prosodic lengthening of certain syllables and that this sound could not have been a native development of Tamil. 1 The relationship between the fricatives and the velar aspirate has to be borne in mind, in considering the incidence of h in Mod. Dravidian dialects. Breathed fricatives (c], [ ], [8], [], [f] involve in their production (a) strong breath-force and (b) fairly wide separation of the vocal chords (EUR 3, usually). These latter features inevitably introduce an aspirate element, the strength of which would vary with the intensity of breath-force and the extent of the widening of the vocal chords. It will be found that in certain dialects of Dravidian the fricativos produced from surds in different positions develop into the aspirato: (a) Initial p of old Kannada and 1 of Tulu have thus changed into the aspirate through the corresponding intermediato breathed fricatives; (b) the intervocal back plosive of Tamil has in the colloquial changed into a half-voiced aspirate through the intermediate stage of Yricative; (c) the plosives have in certain contexts in Tamil and Gondi (see below) given rise to the minute h; (d) the palatal fricative (s] involved in the production of prothetic on-glides in Kui has also given riso to h (see below). Satra 38 of Tolled ppiyam describes the sound. Modern Tamil commentators wrongly regard this sound as being neither & vowel nor & consonant. About its moric value, opinions differ, Toikappiyar himself giving it only the value of a half matra, while later grammarians cite instances where a full matra is given to the sound. 3 Vinson suggests that dydam may be a tadbhava from Sanskrit dyudham (instrument), probably with 8 view to supporting thereby his view that the sound was borrowed from the Sanskrit visarga. The significant fact that the syllable immediately preceding the plosive which produces the dydam in Tamil, is usually short, suggests the possible influence of some kind of accent-distribution in the production of the aspirate.

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OCTOBER, 1930 ] THE VELAR ASPIRATE IN DRAVIDIAN 190 The following facts, however, militate against this opinion : (a) If it had been a borrowing from Sanskrit, it is strange that it should have been borrow. ed only in the very limited contexts in which it occurs in Tamil. (6) The use of the visarga immediately before a plosive generally brings about in certain contexts phonetic changes in Sanskrit, which convert the aspirate into a different sound altogether, e.g., nih+kama = niskama; nih+cinta = niscinta, etc. It is not explained why Tamil should have failed to take note of this change. (c) There are a number of contexts in the rude uncultivated dialects of Central India. where the presence of the plosive has given rise to an aspirate immediately before the plosive, As in Gondi plural ending - hk and Gondi causative ending -ht. The phonetic features of the change in Gondi are, as will be seen below, exactly on a par with the features characterising the production of the Tamil dydam. (d) The dydam of Tamil is produced also by Tamil sandhi rules: The groups 1+t and I+t immediately after short vowels in word.combinations change into h and hf in old Tamil, e.g., kal+tidu= kandidu (the stone is a bad thing); mul+tidu=muhdidu (the thorn is & bad thing), etc. The change here is entirely independent of any Sanskrit influence; the initial plosive surd of the second component, in the process of its assimilative change into the alveolar or the cerebral (as the case may be) passes through the fricative stage which has given rise to the slight aspirate. (e) There are a few derivative old Tamil forms which in contexts similar to the above show the slight aspirate, e.g., ahal (mark), eham (wheel), etc. These are, unlike shdu, etc., without any alternative forms, and could certainly not have been "invented for prosodio lengthening." It is quite possible, therefore, that the slight aspirate h known as dydam in Tamil was not a borrowing" from Sanskrit. It would probably be more proper to consider it as more or less a native development in Tamil, which was recognized and fixed in the literary dialect, probably by those who were acquainted with the Sanskrit visarga. As the slight aspirate does not occur in similar contexts in any other dialecta of Dravidian except Gondi, we may presume it to have been a secondary development in Tamil. (C) Intervocal g in common speech changes into the fricative and often into the aspi. rate in Tamil: pahu (to divide); padahu (boat) ; vehu (to burn); pohu (to go), etc. This aspirate, however, is stable only in syllables which carry some amount of emphasis with them ; in unemphasized syllables, the aspirate disappears, sometimes lengthening the adjoining vowel, if it is short, e.g., pagalu (division, etc.) > pahalu > pdlu. 2. Malayalam :(a) The Tamil dydam is not found in Malayalam. (6) The influertce of Sanskrit on Malayalam has been so great that the intervocal aspirato shows, both in Sanskrit borrowings and in native developments (from intervocal plosives), greater stability than in Tamil; but the general tendency of Dravidian to eliminate the aspi. rate is, nevertheless, observable in changes like the following -vahiyd (not bearable, not permissible) > vaiyd > vayya. 3. Telugu (a) Telugu does not show the aspirate in native roots or forms; the Tamil dydam is not met with either. (6) Intervocal aspirates are not developed from the intervocal plosives; in intervooalie positions the plosive never even changes into the fricative, 4. Kannada :(a) The remarks made above in regard to Telugu apply to Kannada also. (6) A very interesting secondary change in Kannada is the development in middle and modern Kannada of a velar aspirate from p, very commonly in initial positions and less

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200 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [OCTOBER, 1930 commonly in intervocal positions, e.g., ha (pa), flower'; hogu (pogu), 'go'; huli (puli), 'tiger '; intaha (intapa), in this manner'; ahudu, it becomes,' yes,' etc., etc. This change has been attributed to the influence of Marathi particularly and to Prakrit generally, where such a change is common. In view of the fact that initial pin Kannada involves a greater aspirate breath than in the other Dravidian dialects, I doubt the necessity for postulating foreign influence for the change. The course of change here is p >f>h; compare in this connection the change of initial t to h in Tulu (see below). (c) Kannada ocasionally shows a prothetic aspirate4 before initial vowels of words, e.g., haratu, to prate (cf. Tam. alattu); harigu, margin (from root aru), etc. This tendency, as we shall see below, is observable, though not in Tamil or Telugu, in Tulu among the southern dialects, and very commonly in Kai-Kuvi, Kurukh and Braha? among the other dialects. The general influence of Indo-Aryan, which employs initial l so commonly may be pre. sumed here, and the influence of Austrio dialects like Mundari, which has a prothetic h. may have been active in Kurukh and Gondi. The tolerance of the aspirate in the central and northern Dravidian dialects may be said to be due to the general influence of the neighbouring Austrio and Indo-Aryan. Nevertheless, the development of the aspirate in several cases in the Dravidian dialects of Central India will, as we shall see later, be found to be the result of independent secondary changes in these dialects themselves. (d) Tulu shows a very large number of words with initial h: some of these are derived from pas in Kannada (through f), while others are prothetic : (a) h from p: ha (flower); hagalu (day time); lage (enmity); hittale (brass); hidu (hold); (b) h from t: hudaru (lamp); hude (river); hu (to see); harpu (to pierce); hinpi (to eat); heli (clear); helike (clearness); hoju (to appear); hudaru (light); (c) has a rare prothetic sound: hambalu (tipsiness); hadepu (closing); hamaru (to sink); heru (to climb), eto. It will be found that his a derivative sound in all these and similar instances, because the common Dravidian roots have p, t, or initial vowels, respectively. The process of change in (a) and (b), as we have already indicated above, is that the plosive turns into a fricative and then produces an aspirate; instances given in (c) should be compared with similar instances of prothetic h found in Kurukh (see below). The change of p and t to his common in the Prakritic languages of North and Central India. How far this tendency of Prakrit was responsible for inducing a similar change in Kannada, Tulu, Kai-Kuvi, eto., it is not easy to determine; the aspirate enunciation of the fricatives produced by the plosive surds (p and t) may directly lead to the production of the aspirate. There is nothing in this change which is contrary to the genius of Dravidian, especially as we know that even in Tamil, the fricatives produced from plosives have secondarily given rise to the aspirate. Nevertheless, the influence of Indo-Aryan cannot be com. pletely ruled out. * The occurrence of the prothetic aspirate h in the various dialects may here be summarized straightwey :-1. Kannada : The instances are so few and rare that in these the influence of analogy of the numerous forms with h (derived from original p) may be presumed. 2. Tulu: The number of instances is greater. 3. Kai-Kuvi : The prothetic, h-in many Kui-Kuvi words is produced in the process of the incorporation of the characteristic on-glide before initial vowels (see below). 4. Gondi also occasionally shows a prothetic I dialectally. 6. Kurukh and Brahui haye & good number of forms with initial hIs the incorporation of the prothetic & native change, though secondary ? In Kui the aspirate could be traced to a characteristic Dravidian process; but in the other dialects, the influence of Mundari and of Austrio generally [cf. Mundari : tr, her (sow), etc.] may have to be postulated.

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OCTOBER, 1930 ] THE VELAR ASPIRATE IN DRAVIDIAN 201 ta ou In connection with the change of t to h above, it has been recently postulated that the aspirate is produced from an original Dravidian 8 and that itself is derived from 8. It is true that Tulu shows the change of initial s to t in certain alternative forms like sanci, tanci, etc. But it would be sheer topsy-turvydom to consider 8 as the original form in the instances given in (b) above, when the corresponding common roots and forms in all the other Dravidian dialects show clearly the initial t. It should also be remembered in this connection that the change of t to is peculiar to Tulu, and that it does not occur in Kannada. Really we have in Tulu, in many instances, three sets of alternative dialectal forms with initial t, & and h, respectively : (to see) hu (to appear) .. toju soju hoju (river) ..tude sude hude (clear) .. teli seli heli (to pierce) .. tarpu sarpu harpu The forms with initial t are undoubtedly primitive, since it is these forms that are com mon to dialects other than Tulu : tu (to see), toju (to appear) are connected with Tamil ti and tondru (to see), etc.; teli is from the common Dravidian ter or te!; while tarpu is from tir or tar (to open) occurring in Tamil, Telugu, etc. The initial of the alternative forms mentioned above has to be explained as being derived from t. When the contact necessary for the production of t became loose, a fricative was produced which probably became s in one dialect and h in another through intermediate 4. It is not clear whether t directly changed into 8 or to a palatal fricative & through the raising of the tongue and the consequent change of the point of articulation. It is possible that in some dialects the dental fricative directly resulted (Telugu, Tulu), while in others (like Tamil). the point of articulation was slightly raised and o was produced. The affricate c (in cudu. etc., in Malayalam) is presumably a parallel development in certain dialects. (6) Kui-Kuvi.-The native development of the velar aspirate falls into four groups : (1) The intervocal h, e.g., veha (boiled rice) veg; neha (great, big), etc. The dorsal fricatives (from plosives k, g) have, as in Tamil, given rise to this aspirate. (2) Checked aspirate at the ends of roots, e.g., meh' (to see); wh' (to beat): doh' (to build); veh' (to talk); rih' (to beg); goh' (to drink); pik' (to leave); oh' (to break); neh' (to fill); reh' (to turn round), eto. (3) Initial h dialectally : (a) in some words developed from k or p, e.g., halmu (to go); ho (to go); hed (to spoil); honome (money); (b) in prothetio positions, e.g., helu (to rise); heru (plough); hi (give); hid (not), etc. (4) Prothetic h in a few words, introduced probably for emphasis, e.g., Wille (not): remoto demonstratives hevasi, hedi, etc. The introduction of an emphatio h in these cases may be compared to similar h-in Kurukh. Santali (an Austrio dialect) also shows a similar use. The aspirate in class (1) above is from the intervocal plosive k or g, as the roots indicate, and as dialectal forms in Kui themselves show. The change here is exactly parallel to what we have notided in Tamil colloquial (see above). The checked aspirate in Kai-Kuvi also goes back to older consonant groups, which have, as in Tamil angam, kahdidu, etc., now been reduced to a slight h: (To see) meh < midk Page #220
202 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ OCTOBER, 1930 (to beg) rih (through aphesis characteristic of Kui) eraku (cf. Tamil era, to beg, etc.); (to drink) goh x alhal (to go). ka! >x al >cyael>yal> salsal. The prothetic h of clans (3) (b) and class (4) may be compared to its counterpart in Tulu (see above), and seems to have been introduced to denote a certain amount of emphasis. (1) Gondi.-The aspirate in this dialect occurs : (1) in connection with the formative ending - k of verbs, e.g., kohl (to pound) (cf. Tamil kolai). (2) plural endings of words terminating in syllables containing usually a long dorsal vowel, e.g., tala (head), talahk; ron (house), rohk; miar (daughter) miahk, ete. (3) in connection with the causative ending -t-, which often produces an aspirate, especially if the verb form has a terminal long vowel, e.g., kari (to learn), karehta, tari (to descend), tarhutta, etc. (4) rarely as a prothetic sound, as in hal (not). The aspirate in classes (1) and (2) and (3) may be compared to the production of the dydam in Tamil in connection with fricatives arising from plosives, and similar instances in Kai-Kuvi; for the principle underlying the changes is in all these cases the same. In Gondi causals, we find in some cases an 8 either in the place of hor forming a consonant group with adjacent sounds, e.g., parra (to gather), parrista or parrihta (to cause to gather); targa (to ascond), targeta, etc. The sound first produced in these cases is (on the principle explained above), but in some instances h changes into the fricative 8. Compare the similar & The close examination of Kdi forms reveals that this dialect could not have merely copied the change of a to h from Indo-Aryan, or the use of the prothetic h- from Austrio. Strong as was the influence of IndoAryan and Austrio, the aspirates in Kui seem to have been produced in the course of certain characteristically Dravidian procese of change; the influence of foreign phonology seems to consist only in having given a particular orientation to the development of sounds. Though in the case of Kurukh and Brahui, foreign influence may have been direct in many instances, it appears to mo that so far as Tulu, Kannada, Kui and Gondi are concerned, the influence from outside may have been only indirect in giving a new orientation to changes that were Dravidian. Initial e and hoocur alternatively in another set of forms which in Common Dravidian have initial Vowels, .g., id (not to be), hid (<); aru, heru (plough)>> y, the glide>$y>$>h

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OCTOBER, 1930) THE VELAR ASPIRATE IN DRAVIDIAN 203 changes of h to s in the tense-forms of Kui-Kuvi verbs with final h, e.g., meh (to see), mespee, eto. Compare also the change of h to 8 in Sanskrit nih+kama (=nixkama); nih cinta (=niscinta), etc., where the sibilant produced is assimilated to the character of the following plosive. In this change of h to 8, the influence of Indo-Aryan was probably direct. The prothetic aspirate of class (4) may be compared to the similar sounds which we have already noted in Tulu, Kannada and Kai-Kuvi above. (9) Kurukh.-The aspirate occurs (1) in aspirated consonants kh, gh; (2) as the emphatic' fricative (hh) which is transcribed in grammars as kl ; (3) as the development of an original k, as habka, to bite' (cf. Tam, kavvu); hakna, to keep watch'; (4) dialectally as a prothetic sound, e.g., halka (waves), hard (plough), horma (all), hu (that), etc. The presence of aspirate consonants and the development of the extra strong fricative point to the existence of strong foreign influence. Among the Dravidian dialects, Kurukh, along with Brahi, seems to display the greatest fondness for the aspirate sound. The extra strong velar fricative occurs in Kurukh in native words initially and intervocally. Initially it is developed in some cases from Dravidian k, e.g., khott (to pound); khoy (to reap), though in other cases the unaspirated k of Dravidian is also preserved, e.g., kirt (to return); ki? (to put to bed). The aspirate plosive kh seems tn be rare initially in native words. The rationale of the development in initial positions of the extra strong fricative from k appears, in a few cases, to be emphasis, e.g., cf. kod (to beat) and khott (to thrash). Intervocal kh [hh) is also from original k and is usually found as the formative ending of certain verbs, e.g., mokh (to eat); arkh (to dig); mutih (to sink), etc. Intervocal position easily favoured the production of the extra strong fricatives. (h) Brdhai.-The aspiration in Brahus, as is only to be expected in a dialect surrounded by languages abounding in aspirate sounds, is very high. The aspirate sound occurs : (1) In the emphatio enunciation of words with initial vowels, e.g., compare the prothetic h of Tulu, Kannada, eto. (see above). The greater frequency of the sound in Brahui is due to foreign influence. (2) As extra strong fricatives transcribed in grammars as kh and gh occurring ini. tially as the development of Dravidian k, and intervocally as the development of the formatives as in tugh (to sleep, of. Tamil tungu); khal (stone); khakhar (fire, kay); khisum (red,< ke); khan (eye), etc. (3) In connection with final leven in native Dravidian words, e.g., telh (scorpion), palh (milk), etc., where, however, foreign influenoe has to be postulated. (4) as a prothetic sound before initial vowels of words, e.g., har (to tear, cf. adar); he (to rise, of. el); hogh (to weep). From the above discussion we can reasonably presume that the velar aspirate was originally absent in primitive Dravidian; but an examination of the dialects shows that, as a secondary development, the aspirate is a common feature in many dialoots. In the production of these secondary aspirate sounds, the influence of Indo-Aryan (and probably of Austric) may have been an accessory factor; in a few instances the foreign features may have been copied, while in many others foreign influence was only so far responsible as to give a new orientation to certain germinal Dravidian tendencies.

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204 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY - OCTOBER, 1930 THE NINE DVIPAS OF BHARATAVARSA. BY SASHIBHUSHAN CHAUDHURI, M.A. REGARDING the nine dvipas of Bharatavarsa there is a story in the Skanda Purana (i, 2. 39, 67 f.) which may be told here. There it is said that one Rsabha had a son named Bharata.1 Bharata had a son named Satasnga,' who had eight sons and one daughter. The name of the sons are Indradvipa, Kaseru, Tamradvipa, Gabhastiman, Naga, Saumya, Gandharva, Varuna; while the daughter was called Kumarika. Then it is said : Idam Bharatakhandam ca navadhaiva bibhajyasah Dadavastau svaputranam Kumaryai navamam tatha (110). Thus the eight sons and the daughter divided BhAratavarga among themselves, and the nine dvipas grew up accordingly. The story is further continued (i, 2, 39, 125 f.), and it is said that each of the eight brothers had nine sons, while the sister remained unmarried. On arriving at a mature age the seventy-two cousing approached their aunt to divide the whole of Bharatavarsa (including her portion too) into seventy-two equal portions. She thus made seventy-two divisions, and the seventy-two districts or eountries that are mentioned may, more or less, be located within the boundaries of India proper (excluding Burma and the outlying islands); but regarding some of the countries we feel sure that we can extend their identification to the islands of the Far East, which suggests that India has been treated in the Skanda Purana in a wider sense. In almost all the Puranas4 we are told that Bharatavarga is cut up into nine parts (khanda or bheda"), or dvipaso as they are called. Rajasekhara also says: tatredam Bharatam vargam asya ca navabhedah.? Then he enumerates the nine dvipas. As for the nine dvipas, all the Puranas speak unanimously of Indradvipa, Kaserumat, Tamravarna, Gabhastimat and Naga. The sixth and the seventh dvipa are called Saumya and Gandharva by all the Purdnas except the Garuda and Vamana, which read KatAha and Simhala in their place.9 The eighth dvipa is unanimously called Varuna. Regarding the ninth dvipa there is much confusion. It is necessary, therefore, to give the full texts bearing on the ninth dvipa. Mark. 57, 7. Ayam tu naramastesam dvipah sdgarasamurlah Yojananam sahasram vai dvipo'yam dakpinotlardt. 8. Parve kirata yasyante paecime yavandstatha Brahmanah ksatriyah vaisyah sudruscantansthita dvija. These slokas, in the same form and in exactly the same setting, are to be found in the Br. (27, 16-17), Kar. (46, 25-26), Vix. (ii, 3, 7-8). The Agni gives (118, 4-6) the first bloka in the same form, but the second one has been slightly distorted. Vam. 13, 11. Ayam tu navamastesam dvipah sdgarasamurlah Kumarakhyah parikhyato dvipo'yam daksinottarah 1 Elsewhere it is said that Bharata named India, whence it is called Bharatavarga (Skanda Purda, 1, 2, 37, 67; vii, 1, 172, 2). But in all other Purdnas it is said that Bharata's son was Sumati. 3 Teadm namdmkeitdnyeva tato dufpdni jajnire (Skanda Purdna, vii, 1, 172, 6). . va. 45, 78 f. Vdm. 13, 8 f. | Vis. ii, 3, 1 f. Bd. 49, 10 f. Gar. 55, 4 f. Mat. 114, 7 f. Kur. 46, 22 f. Mark. 57, 5 f. Var. 85, 1f. Br. 27, 14 f. 6 Bhdratasydoya varaasya napabheddn nibodha me (Mark.). All the Purdnas commence the enumers. tion of the nine parts with this statement. 6 Wtad Bharatam wargam navadofpamp nildcars (Vdm.). Kdoyamimdmdd (Delavibhdga), p. 92. It is variously called Timreparni (Mal.), Tamraparna (Kdr.), TAmravarni (Skanda). * Ndgadelpah kafdhasca simhalo udrunastatha. Vdm. 13, 10-11. Gar, 68, 8.

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OCTOBER, 1930 ] THE NINE DVIPAS OF BHARATAVARSA 205 12. Parve kirata hyasydste pascime yavandh smrlah Andhra daksinato vira turtakastva pi cottare Brahmandh ksatriyah ..................... The Gar. (55, 4 f.) follows the Vam, in the same form, but it does not contain line B of floka No. 11 of the Vamana. va. 45, 80. Ayam tu navamastesam dvipah sagarasanvrtah10 Yojananam sahasram tu dvipo'yam daksinottaram 81. Ayato hya kumarikyada Ganga-prabhavacca vai Tiryaguttaravistirnah sahasrdni navaiva tu B 82. Durpo'hyupanivisto'yam mlecchairantesul nityasah Parve kirata hyasyante pascime yavandh smrtah Brahmandh kaatriya .......... The Bd. repeats (149, 14) the three blokas in the same words. The Mat. (114, 9.11) also repeats the three slokas in the same form and in the same setting, except that in place of Sloka No. 81 of the Va. it reads : Mat. 114, 10. Ayatastu Kumarito Gangayah pravahavadhi Tiryagurdhvamtu vistirnah sahasrani dasaiva tu That the ninth dvipa was called Kumarika has already been made known to us from the story of the Skanda Purdna cited above. 11 Rajasekhara also enlightens us in this respect,19 The text of all the Puranas quoted above pass it over, simply saying that it was surrounded by the ocean (sdgarasamvrtch), whereas the Vamana of all the Puranas call it Kumara. Then what is meant by the Kumara or Kumarika dvipa ? It appears from the texts quoted above that by Kumara India in the proper sense of the term18 was intended. It may be added that in the enumeration of the other eight dvipas no note or comment whatsoever is added by the other Purdnas. They are enumerated most plainly without any explanatory note. But on coming to the navama dvipa, the Purdnas give emphasis to it as ayamto nava. madvipa, surrounded by the ocean; and in this all the Puranas are unanimous. This expres. sion ayamto suggests that particular attention should be paid to it, as if it were somewhat different from the other dvipas, and so evidently implies that India proper is referred to, for no other meaning can be thought of when an expression like ayamto which means this very,' is used by a person writing in India. Rajasekhara also puts ayam after Kumari dvipa. It thus follows that the slokas of A group refer to India proper, which is surrounded on three sides by the ocean. It might be argued that as India is not surrounded on all sides by the. ocean, so the ninth dvipa, which was surrounded on all sides by the ocean (sagarasamurtah). cannot refer to India proper. But dvipa, we know, is defined by Panini as meaning dvai dp. 1.6., having water on two sides, and so India having the ocean on three sides might reasonably be called a dvipa, and might more plausibly suggest the idea that it was adgarasamustah. Then in the slokas of B group, which are a continuation of the description of the navama dvfpa, are described the boundaries of a country, which evidently must refer to the Kumara or the ninth dvipa. This is specially clear in the series of texts of the Vayu, Brahmanda and Matsya Puranas. The sloka No. 81 of the Vayu and so of the Brahmanda, which is forgotten by the other Purdnas, is of extreme importance in the sense that it supplies the missing link between 10 Albir unt is, therefore, wrong when he writes nagarasamurtta (Sachau's edition, vol. 1, p. 296). 11 Skanda Purana, i, 2, 39, 69. 13 Kdvyamimdmal (Dedavibhdga), p. 92. Kumdriduspalodyam navamah. 13 Bounded on the east by the hills of Lakhimpur (Assam), Manipur, Lughai, Chittagong and Arakan. thus formning a long wall of mountains, separating India from Burma and other countries of the Far East. The three other boundaries are recognized and well known and need not be mentioned.

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206 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY OCTOBER, 1930 the Slokas of A group and the Slokas of B group, and so should be placed immediately before the slokas of B group of the Markandeya and Vamana. If it be so placed it will clearly present the boundaries of the Kumara dvipa, showing it to be the country which stretched from Cape Comorin (Kumarika) to the Himalaya (source of the Ganges-Va.) and bounded by the Turks on the north14 (Vam.), by the Andhras on the south16 (Vam.), by the Kiratas on the east16 and by the Yavanas on the west 1T (Mark.; Vam.). But these boundaries roughly correspond to the boundaries of India proper, and as these boundaries constitute a sort of explanatory note to the navama dvipa, it can be safely argued that the ninth dvipa, i.e., the Kumara or Kumarika, was India proper.18 Then again almost all the Purdnas such as the Brahmanda, Vayu. Markandeya. Matsya, Vamana, Garuda, etc., after describing the boundaries of the navama dvipa [the slokas of which have been quoted above (pp. 204-05)), go on to give a description of the characteristics of the people of that region, followed by a list of the seven hills known as the kula parvatah,19 wbich evidently must refer to the mountain ranges of the Kumara or the ninth dvipa. This is made more clear by Rajasekhara in his Kavyamimamsa, 20 where he also mentions the very same hills and quotes the same sloka as the Purdnas, but prefixes the specific wordsatra ca Kumari dvipe. And as all the seven ranges belong to India proper, Kumari dvipa might reasonably be regarded as identical with it.31 The Vamana also in another place explicitly refers to this identity. Thus after the enumeration of all the countries or people 14 The Arab geographer Rashidu'd-din refers to this. Thus, while describing the boundaries of India, he says: "On the north lie Kashmir, the country of the Turks, ....." Elliot, History of India, vol. I, p. 45. 18 Obviously tho Andhras cannot form the southern boundary of India proper, unless a limited sense is understood. That it has not been used in that sense is evident from consideration of the other three boundaries that have been set forth. The statement of the Vamana is, therefore, to be taken as an exception; but at the same time we must keep our mind open to this possible view algo, that the floka (V am. 13, 12) right reflect the political conditions of the time when the Andhra rule was widespread as in the second century A.D., almost throughout the whole of southern India (Ind. Ant., vol. XLVII, 1918, Dekkan of the Satavahana period '), and sw such formed the southern boundary of India proper. Regarded in that light, the sloka night offer an important clue to the date of the Purana in question, 16 They may be identified with the Kirrhadia of Ptolemy (Cuaningham's Geography of Ancient India, ed. S. X. Mazumdar, p. 219) located near the mount Maiandros. 17 The inscriptions of Asoka mention the Yonas in connection with the Kambojas and Gandharas. The Mahavainsa also refers to the country of the Yonas (Geiger's trans., P. 85). Their capital was Alagande (=Alexandria, op. cit., p. 194 n.) near Kabul. 18 It is, of course, a fact that dloka No. 81 of the Vayu refers to the nine thousand yojana aren of a country, which as we have seen was India proper. So the ninth doipa with which India proper has been identified must be of the same area. But it has boen definitely stated in all the flokus that the ninth dvi pa was of one thousand ' area. So it might be argued that the mention of the nine thousand yojana (va. 81) in connexion with India proper, distinguishes India proper from the Kumara or navama dufpa, and lends colour to the opposite view, that perhaps those nine dvipas were so many divisions of India proper included within it. But, as opposed to this, it might be said that the sloka No. 81 of the Vayu with its line dyato hyd inevitably refers to the previous Sloka (No. 80), which describes the navama dufpa. and go the boundary of India proper, which is supplied in dloka No. 81 (combined with the next sloka No. 82) applies to the navama dulpa alone, and as such the two are identical. There is no room for distinguishing one sloka from the other. The three slokas of the Vdyu are to be taken in a connected way. Moreover, the Bd. and the Mat, do not follow Vd. in its statement sahasrdrinavaivatu. Thus the Bd., for instance (49.16), reada sahasrdni traya, instead of navama, and the Mat. reads (114, 10) Sahasrdni dadaiva tu.' So we see that there is no coherency in the statement of the Vayu. 19 In overy Purdna the sloka runs in the same form and in the same language. I may quote the Vayu Purdna (45, 87-88) : Sapta ca aamin suparudno vidrad kuulaparvatah Mahendra-Malayah-Sahya Suktimdn Rkraparpatah Vindhyadca Paripdtrasca saptaite kulaparvatdh. 30 Kavyamimdmod (Desavibhaga), p. 92. 91 But it must be noted that none of the seven ranges carry ug beyond the Vindhyas into northern India. [Some scholars, however, would identify the Paripatra mountains with the Aravalli range. -JT, EDITOR.)

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OCTOBER, 1930 ] THE NINE DVIPAS OF BHARATAVARSA 207 belonging to the respective divisions of India proper, the chapter ends with the plain statement that the description of all the countries of Kumara dvipa is now complete. 23 Besides these, another open' statement is to be found in the Vardha Purana, which leaves no room for doubt that the Kumara dvipa was India proper. Thus it is said (86, 1) Bharatam navabhedan ernatu...... Indrah kaseruh.......... Varuno Bhdrataniceti. Here the ninth dvipa, Kumara, has been replaced by Bharata. We can, therefore, undoubtedly assert that the ninth dvipa, i.e., Kumara, was identical with India. But the important point to be noted is that Bharata is here for the first time treated as a dvipa, and what is more striking, is that it has been declared to be one of the nine parts (bheda), of which Bharatavarga was constituted. The evident implication here is of a Greater India (ie., India proper and the islands of the Far East) or Bharatavarsa as we may call it, of which India proper (Bharata or Kumaradvipa) formed the ninth part. That the navama dvipa, or Kumara, was identical with India proper we have seen. It naturally follows, therefore, that for the identification of the other eight 'islands' (dvipas) we will have to search in the islands of the Far East and in other outlying Islands not far from India proper, all of which, when combined together, formed Bharatavarsa or Greater India. 23 Here we are confronted with the question whether the Purdnas knew such a wide boundary of India. With the exception of the slokas quoted above (pp. 204-05) and which we have seen apply to the navama dvipa (India proper) alone, the Puranas generally record boundaries of Bharatavarsa which may be interpreted in a wider sense. Thus the Vayu Purana says24 that India is surrounded on the south by the ocean and is bounded on the north by the Himalaya. A second set of passages 25 describe India as being surrounded on three sides by the ocean and bounded on the fourth wide by the Himalaya, which stretches along on its north like the string of a bow.' It may be noticed here that the eastern and western boundaries have not been very exactly defined, which allows scope for taking India in a wider sense. We know that the Himalayan range was anciently regarded as stretching from the Caspian sea on the west to the Far East (Tonquin in Annam ?) intersecting the whole continent of Asia. 36 In such a position, 32 Vam. 13, 59. Ime taboked vinaydh swistard Dufpe kumdre rajanicares. Cf. also Eka eva sthitastesam kumdryakhyastu sampratam Bindusarah prabhtyeva sagaraddakrinottaram (Skanda Purana, vii, 1, 172, 9-10). Bindusara is a pool in the Himalaya (N. L. Dey, Geographical Dictionary, p. 38). 33 It may be suggested that as Bharata (ninth) was the most important of the dulpas the name, came to stand as a general designation of all the deipas when combined together (Cf. Dacca=Dacca district). Thus arose Bharatavares in a wider sense. Albiruni (Sachau's edn., vol. I, p. 295) refers to the fact that Bharstavarna was used in a wider sense. Thus he says: 'Bharatavara is not India alone.' Al Masudi also says: "India is & vast country extending over sea, and land, and mountains ; it borders on the country Zabej (Java).".... Elliot, History of India, vol. I, p. 20). Similarly, Abul Falseye (Amn, III, P. 7) "Hindustan is described as enclosed on the east, weet and south by the ocean, but Ceylon, Achin, the Moluccas and considerable number of islands are accounted within ita extent." 24 Uttaram yat samudrasya Himavaddakrinanca yat Varsam tad Bharatam ndma yatreyam Bhdrati prajd (45, 75-6). Most of the Purdnas, such as the Bd. (49, 9-10); Vie. (ii, 3, 1); Agni. (118,1); Kur. (48,22) and Br. (19.1) repeat this statement. Cf. also the Kdoyamimamsa (p. 92): Daksinat samudrddadrindjam Himarantam. 25 Dakpinaparato yasya purse ca mahodadhih Himavdnuttarendaya karmukasya yath gunah. Mark. (57, 59); Br. (27, 65-6) and Skanda (vii, 1, 11, 13). 26 Thus Arrian says: "The northern boundaries of Indis defined are formed by mount Tsurus. ..... Taurus begins from the sea..... and stretches away towards the eastern sem, intersecting the whole continent of Asia. The range bears different names in the different countries...." McCrindle, The Indica of Arrian, p. 4; also McCrindle's Ancient India, p. 45. Cf. aleo Rashidu'd-din : "The Hima mountains lie on the north of Kanauj.... This range has Kashmir in its centre and runs by Tibet, Turk, Khazar ("The country of the Khazars or Khozans, a Turkish race on the north of the Caspian sen, about the mouth of the Itil or Volga. The Caspian ses is called Bahru-l-khazar ") sad SakAlide, to the son of Jucjan and Khwarasm." Elliot, History of India, vol. I, p. 45.

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208 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ Doroban, 130 therefore, this stupendous mountain system lay on the northern boundary of many countries besides India proper, such as Burma and Annam in the east, on whose southern and eastern sides also, generally speaking, the sea lies (cf. The China Sea on the east of Burma, Siam and Cochin China). Regarded in that light, the second set of the Puranio passages (footnote 35) evidently, therefore, refer to the fact that by Bharatavarga at the time represented by the Paranas was meant the whole country which was bounded on the north by the Himalaya and surrounded on the south by the ocean, and which extended in the east as far as the China Seat Bharatavarsa thus bore a wider sense, within which were also included the islands of the Far East. This does not militate against what has been said above that in some of the islands of the Far East, and also in some of those that lie to the west of India. we are to trace the positions of the other eight dufpas. The faot that the Vamana and Garda mentions KatAha and Simhala in place of Saumya and Gandharva also lends much weight to the above view, for Kataha is probably identical with the present seaport .of Kedah in the Malay Peninsula.So Simhala is, of course, Ceylon. We may, refuse to inoorporate Katha and Simhala in the list of the nine defpas by eliminating Saumya and Gandharva, but th, general trend is quite oloar that the eight dut pas refer to the outlying islands of India. Moreover, the almost unanimous statement of all the Puranas that the nine dvipas of Bharatavana were mutually inaccessible, 80 being separated from each other by the ocean also gives strong reason to believe that the dufpas were not so many divisions of India proper, but refer to the islands of Greater India. But as the ninth defpa has been found to be identical with Indis proper, we are now concerned with the remaining eight dvipus. 81 (Po be continued.) 37 Thus Rashidu'd-din, the Arab geographer, saye :" Hind is furrounded on the east by Chin and Machin, on the west by Sind and Kabul, and on the south by the sea" (Elliot, History of India, vol. I, p. 46). Chith is probably Cochin China. Regarding Machin, Rashidu'd-din thus states ite position : "Beyond that is Haitam..... Beyond that is MAHA Chin, then the harbour of Waitan, on the shore of the China 806. ..." (Ibid., p. 71.) Haitam in all probability is the island of Hainan jurt opposite to the gulf of Tanquin. Then we come to Maha Chin. Regarding it, Idrill gives the following notice : "No city is equal to it whether we consider its greatnes, the number of the diffoe, the importance of its commerce, the variety of its merchandise, or the number of merchants which viat it from different parts of India." (Ibid., n. 3.) Ion a Wendt further says: "It is the extreme castern part which is inhabited, and beyond which there is nothing but the ocean." (Ibid.) All thee give very strong con for supporing What the MAA Chin of Rashidu'd-din refers to the great Chinese port of Hong-Kong, beyond which lay the harbour of Zaitun, which hine been identified with a port in the province of Fo-kien (bild., n. 6). It thus apports that the Indian boundary on the East was formed by Hong-kong and its neighbouring sea. 38 We know that Indian culture at one time was propagated and was deep rooted in the islands of the Far East, in Burma, Siam and Annam, etc., places and countries in which still bear traces of Sengkrit names in a plainly recognizable form, names which were carried there at an early date, and which thus brought about the idea of a Further or Greater India. Greater India in this sense may be regarded se second India, and certainly it was looked upon in that light by the Hindu colonists, who carried thither their civilization and culture and made it as much as possible their second fatherland. 29 As the French scholar Coedes supposes (Sir Ashutosh Mulherjee Silver Jubilee Volumes, vol. III, Orientalia, part 1, p. 4. 30 Samudrdntarita jAeydate tvagamydh parasparam (Mark. 67,5). This statement is also to be found in the V4. (45,78); Bd. (49, 12); Br. (27, 14) and Vdm. (13, 9) and in the other Purdnas too. c. Kdoyaenlandmed (Desavibhaga), p. 92, Yavat parasparam agamydsie. The word agamydl, i.e, inaccesible, is of course used here in a conventional senge. 31 Cl. Ayun tu naparte del pal K .... Agou dotpdik samudrana piduitates cathd pare grdmddi-dais sanulla sidhadgromadkyoguk. (Slanda Pwana, vii, 1, 172, 8-8)

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Oorom, 1930 ] BOOK NOTICES 209 BOOK-NOTICES. AHOK XOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA : ANNUAL respecting the conditions in Gedrosia in prehistorie REPORT YOR THE YEAR 1928-26. pp. xv+306, time. In this connexion the detailed results of with 69 plates Calcutta, 1928. Sir Aurel's reconnaissance and explorative survey MEMOIRS OF ME ABCHEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF in Kharan, Makrin and Jhalawan during the cold INDIA, No. 35 : Excavations in Baluchistan, 1925, Henson of 1927-28 are eagerly awaited, as trial ex. Sampur Mound, Mastung and Sohr Damb, NAI,,cavations made near Turbet disclosed numerous by H. Hargreaves, Superintendent, A.S.I. ; pp. painted funerary vessels, differing in type from thoso xil+88, with 24 plates. Caloutta, 1929. found by Mr. Hargreaves at NAI, Associated with This annual report, besides its usual record complete chalcolithic burials. Painted ceramic of steady achievement and continued progress, ware of superior fabric and probably earlier type contains brief summaries of exploration work of and an abundance of terracotta figurines were outstanding importance. Under Conservation also found at several prehistoric sites in Makran. valuable work was carried out during the year, At These and other finds made in the course of this considerable outlay, at Lahore, Gashwa, Mahoba, survey have yet to be carefully compared with the Champaner, Nalanda, Chanda, Ajmer, KhajurAho, remains recovered from Indus valloy sites. Manda and Pagan, as well as at numerous other At Nalanda, the outstanding feature of the season's sites. Under Exploration the most important work perhaps was the uncovering of the south-east details given are those which relate to the work corner tower of the southernmost and earliest (No. done at Mohenjo-daro in Sind, NAI in Balochistan, 3) of the atopas. We may note here that the stucco NalandA in Bihar and Paharpur in Bengal. At figure of the Buddha in the uppermost tier of this Mohenjo-daro the excavations were conducted on a tower, shown on Plate XLIX (b), appears to have vastly increased scale during the year, exposing! been incorrectly described as in bh Amisparia mudra. extensive remains and antiquities that testify to the The work done at PahAppur has been fully set high standard of living and skill in the arts attained forth, with plates, by Mr. R. D. Banerji. by this ancient civilization of the chalcolithic period, Several important inscriptions deciphered during which Sir J. Marshall tells us he has decided to the year are dealt with in the section on Epigraphy: designate as the "Indus" culture, rather than while the Miscellaneous Notes include an interesting "Indo-Sumerian," "since the latter term is likely to paper on the Svet Ambers and Digambara images imply a closer connection with Sumer than now seems of the Jinas by Rai Bahadur R. P. Chanda, who has justified." The special Memoir on Mohenjo-daro, I also recorded a note on the Jaina images at Rajgir said to be in course of preparation, is being im- Rai Bahadur D. R. Sahni gives a short account of a patiently awaited by scholars in all parts of the fragmentary inscription of Bhojadova found in the world. We note that with it will be published a | Indrapat fort, Delhi, which would seem to show map of the site, so greatly missed hitherto. We that the dominions of the Pratih ra monarch of could wish that, in addition to this site map, a Kanauj extended over this area, as indeed we have general map on a smaller scale were furnished, other grounds for believing. showing the position of the site in relation to the ! The plates are, as usual, admirably reproducel. main geographical features of the surrounding C.E.A. W. OLDHAM. country, with the old course or courses of the Indus, 48 well as 100 procent channel, indicated. In these | INDIAN STUDIES IN HONOR OF CHARLES ROCKWELL annual reports of the department we often feel the I LANMAN. Pp. x + 258. Harvard University Press, want of maps such as those with which Cunningham Cambridge, Mass., 1929. nearly always illustrated his reports. In order to oelebrate the seventy-fifth birthday of At the Sohr Damband elsewhere near Nal, Professor Lanman, twenty-seven of his colleagues Mr. Hargreaves, in the course of his important and friends have joined in producing the extremely excavations, recovered a large quantity of unique | nice and imposing complimentary/volume on which pottery and other remains of the copper age. The few words will be said here. Contributors from results of his researches in the locality have since been Europe, America and India have joined in paying published in fuller detail in the departmental Memoir ! homage to the veteran Orientalist, and their contri. No. 35, illustrated by excellent plates. He has been butions have been printed in English, French and Gerled to the interesting, if unexpected, conclusion that man alike. It seems only meet that the distinguish the differences between the Nal antiquities and ed editor of the Harvard Oriental Series should those hitherto found at Harappa and Mohenjo-daro be presented with a volume, the exterior of which in the Indus valley are far more marked than the forms an exact counterpart to the splendid and wellresemblance. The remains, however, indicate the known issues of that series. It is, at the same time, existence of a civilization of an advanced typenot somewhat melancholy to pemember that two of the by any than that of a nomadio people and go to foremost contributors, the late lamented Professors show that thoolimatlo conditions must have been very Geldner and Bloomfield, should not have lived to see different from what they are now, an infarbice that published this well-deserved honorary tributo to corresponds with the conclusion of Sir Aurel Stein one of their most highly esteemed colleagues.

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210 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (OCTOBER, 1930 Among the contributions, that by the late Profes-, contributions are given also by Professors sor Bloomfield and those by Professors Hopkins, Andersen, A. V. Williams Jackson and Meillet. Jacobi, Keith, Thomas and Clark are of quite con- Like all the papers of Professor Meillet, this too is siderable length, none of them covering less than clever and in a way fascinating. Many scholars will about twenty pages. If amongst these papers one perhaps feel convinced that a connection has really only should be singled out because of its highly ad. been established between the Vedic theme panthah mirable qualities, the prize would, no doubt, go to and Latin words of the type sedee. Literature on the that by Professor Jacobi, dealing with Mimamsa| Vedic word is plentiful, but little progress has been and Vaibesika' Professor Jacobi's philosophical achieved towards a real explication; nor, Bocording to articles, especially the one dealing with the dates the opinion of the present writer, does the brilliant of the Stras (JAOS., xxxi, 1 sq.), have sometimes but superficial article of Professor Meillet contribute appeared like the ingenious and extremely subtle essentially to the solution of the problem. argumentation of the accomplished pandit. But Professors Levi, Rapson and Konow have contributwe confess seldom to have read a more pellucid and ed interesting papers on epigraphy. Tome Professor authoritative article on a very difficult topic than Rapson's argument for reading year 42' in the this one. Professor Jacobi here sees his way to Amohini votive tablet seems wholly convincing. The rodating the nutras of Jaimini, believing them to late Professor Geldner has written on Das Vipadam have been composed between 300 and 200 B.C. im Rigveda,' an ingenious but rather intricate paper. This seems a very happy idee, for even in its later It seems clear, however, that the idea of being able ramifications the Mimamsa literature gives an im. to separate, while drinking (vi-pd- ), mixed drinks, praksion of high antiquity. as, e.g., milk and water, is very old in India. The paper of Professor Thomas on Tibetan frag. Three Japanese scholars Professors Takakusu, mente of & Ramdyana is important, as revealing Kimura and Ono-have all dealt from different what seems to be still another version of that poem. points of view with the date of the great Vaubandhu. Nearly all details in this story are to be found in Their conclusions mainly consist in corroborating other versions ; but there probably existe no known the previous suggestion of Professor Takakusu, viz., version in which they are all found together. This that Vasubandhu lived about 420-500 A.D., & sughappy find is apt to complicate still more the already gestion which, though contested by several authori. hopelessly entangled genealogy of the Rama epics. ties, may perhaps be the correct one. The paper by We are far less impressed by the extensive article Sir George Grierson on The Birth of Lorik' is full by Professor Keith. It does not deel very much of interesting and useful information; and the with Bhamaha and Dandin, but chiefly with the article by Professor S. K. Belvalkar is excellent, opinions of Professor Jacobi and Dr. S. K. De on like all that is written by that eminent scholar. that problem ; and polemic is carried on in the We cannot here venture upon an opinion on some negative and barren style which is well-known from smaller papers; and we must abstain from an the author's previous works. appreciation of the paper by Mrs. Rhys Davids, Most interesting is the article by Professor Clark | 38, unfortunately, we have failed fully to greep its on Hindu-Arabic Numerals.' The honour of hav. inmost sense. JARL CHARPENTIER. ing invented the numerals with zero and place value has, since the Middle Ages, been attributed to FALLACIES AND THEIR CLASSIFICATION ACCORDING the Hindus. As is well-known, Mr. Kaye hae TO THE EARLY HINDU LOGICIANS by Stephen Stasink. lately striven hard to deprive them of that honour. Reprint of a paper delivered at the XVIIth Intor. Profon or Clark now proves, beyond the possibility of national Congress of Orientaliste, Oxford, 1928. doubt, that these numerals were known and used in Rocznik Orjentalist-Yezny Tom. VI, str. 191.198. India long before their appearance among the Arabs | Lwow, 1929. and in Europe, and thus vindicates the glory of This is a highly technical and closely rossoned Hindustan. This paper ought to be reprinted in pamphlet of 8 pp. to show that the great logicians of some leading mathematical journal, me it is to be ancient India, like Gotams and Dignaga and feared that mathematicians have attached weight Uddyotakara, were no more able to classify errors in to the shallow arguments of Mr. Kaye. argument than were their contemporaries in Europe The paper by the late Professor Bloomfield deals or indeed than have been modern European authori. with Diminutive Pronouns in Jains Sanskrit and ties on logic. Classification of possible kinds of error gives a fair collection from that idiom of forms seeme impossible, and their enumeration is prac. like ahakam, saka, etc. Profesor Edgerton follows tically endless. This seems to be a futile end to an suit with a nice little article on Jaina Mabarilstri, enquiry involving very great learning and research, which consiste mainly of additions and corrections but it is correct the enquiry has not been in vain. to the Augerahlte Erzahlungen, Grammatical R. C. TEMPLE. 1 Profesor Edgerton (p. 27) identifice kammara- with karman-, while it is, of course, in reality=kdrmato (formation indicated by Papini, V, 4, 36); gona 'morning' (p. 28) is quite correctly explained, but this explanation is found already in Weber, Saptacatakam des Hdla, p. 11 (op. Also Defin., 2, 98); that cojja. could be derived from decarya- will perhaps appeal to other scholars just a little as to the present writer. Op. Wackernagel Altind. Gramm., iii, 306 f.

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NOVEMBER, 1930 ] RACE DRIFT IN SOUTH INDIA 211 RACE DRIFT IN SOUTH INDIA.* BY F. J. RICHARDS, M.A., I.C.S. (Retired.) I. The Value of Geographical Analysis. INDIA is behind-hand in the study of Geography, and it is not surprising that the vast mass of anthropological material gathered has not yet been examined carefully in the light of geographical facts. Even in Europe geographical analysis has only recently been applied to anthropological data, and the value of this method is not yet fully appreciated by anthropologists. Geography is a useful criterion. It is pregnant with suggestions. There are several problems which cannot be solved without its aid. Anthropological science is at present convulsed by a schism between those who hold that identity of custom is proof of identity of origin, and those who ascribe identity of custom to similarity of the conditions (physical, mental, social) under which such customs grew. It is the old feud between evolution and spontaneous generation, between heredity and environment. There is, no doubt, truth on both sides of the controversy, but it is fruitless to discuss the subject so long as geographical factors are ignored. The safest course is to regard two similar oustoms as of independent origin, i.e., as "convergent," unless and until evidence of oommon origin is forthcoming. And the most valuable evidence is, undoubtedly, that of geographical continuity. This problem thus resolves itself into one of distribution. Unfortunately, with the ebb and flow of cultures, continuity is often destroyed. There are types of disoontinuous distribution, however, which, with careful study, can be made to yield evidence of value. It is possible sometimes to discern whether a cultural movement has been centrifugal (as in the Hindu culture of Java, for instance) or whether discontinuous distribution is evidence of the local survival of an early culture that has been submerged by later cultural floods (e.g., the fact that a language akin to Melanesian is spoken by the Mundas of Chota Nagpur). Sometimes it is possible to locate the centre of dispersion, while a discontinuous "peripheral " distribution is usually interpreted as due, like a coral atoll, to submergence, and if submergence is proved, it usually follows that, as when a stone is thrown into a pool, the cultural ripple most distant from the centre is the earliest. A study of distribution will often reveal the direction in which oultural influences have moved. India is peculiarly exposed to the impact of cultural currents, from across the mountains and from across the seas. Most currents carry some sediment; sometimes the sediment is deposited, sometimes it penetrates and alters the underlying strata, and some currents merely erode and destroy. By the study of stratified rooks and the action of air and water geologists have established the sequence of the evolution of animals and plants. A study of cultural strata and cultural drifts should enable the anthropologist to unravel the tangled complex of human culture. Cultural drift is not, however, the sole factor in moulding human society. The influence of environment is equally important. Its importance has, however, I think, been over-rated. Environment undoubtedly modifies human culture, but it cannot create. Important results have been attained by zoologists and botanists by the regional study of the distribution of animals and plants. Their methods deserve the emulation of the student of human culture. Unfortunately it is our habit in India to work and think in terms of provinces, states and districts, the limits of which are determined solely by administrative or political convenience. Writers in Europe, who have no local knowledge, are misled by A paper road at the eleventh Session of the Indian Science Congress at Bangalore, 1994, under the title " Anthropologioal Geography." Reprinted with slight alterations from Man in India, vol. IV, 1024, by kind porningion of the Editor, Rai Babadur Barat Chandra Roy.

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212 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY - [NOVEMBER, 1930 this. They speak vaguely of India south of the Vindhyas as "South India," regardless of the distinction between tho Deocan Plateau and the Eastern and Western Coastal Plains. They speak loosely of "Madras" without discriminating the essentially different cul. tures of the Malayali, Kanarese, Telugu and Tamil nations. They fail to appreciate the fact that "Mysore" is made up of more than one geographical area, and seem unaware that many districts, 6.9., Coimbatore, Salem, N. Arcot, comprise bits of several diverse geographical units. They ignore the distinction between North and South Malabar, North and South Travancore, the Tulu country and West Coast Kannada. Anyone with a first-hand knowledge of the castes and tribes of South India must realise the vital importance of exactitude as to locality in recording the results of investigations. Failure in this vitiates the value of a very high proportion of the anthropological material at our disposal. The term "NAyars," for instance, includes such a multitude of distinct communities that it is meaningless to speak of a "Nayar oustom" without noting not only the class of Nayar but also the nadu and even the villages to which that custom appertains. The term "Vellalar" is even vaguer. There is no such thing as a "VellAlar" custom; so distinct, for instance, are the Kongu Vellalars of Coimbatore from the Tondaimandalam Ve!!!ars of Chingleput, and each of these communities from the Karaikattu Vella!ars of Tinnevelly that it would be diffioult to justify the treatment of these three communities as members of one and the name social group, except only that they share a common name and are alike in economio and social status. Again, Kapus and Kammas spread from the Northern Circars and Hyderabad southward to Cape Comorin. How far those sections of these Telugu communi. ties which have penetrated into the Tamil country have been influenced, if at all, by their Tamil environment can only be ascertained by a careful search for variations in oustom in the different geographical areas in which they reside. The "Discipline of Geography " is, in short, the surest safeguard against confusion. II. Geographical Factors. A. The physical factors which condition human existence may be roughly grouped under the three heads-(a) Configuration, (b) Climate and (c) Economio Products. These factors are closely interdependent one on the other, but no one of them taken singly can be used to demarcate areas of human culture. Land surface elevation, for instance, the "orographical map," is of importance to the anthropologist, but the lowlands include desert and swamp as well as fat delta, and the uplands may be a sanitarium or a death trap. Rain in excess is as injurious to human subsistence as rainlessness, and man can thrive as thickly in the comparatively dry areas of Tanjore and South Travancore as on the wetter coast of Malabar. Iron ores are of little use if fuel and labour cannot be had to melt them. In short, physical factors taken collectively form a variety of complexes, some of which are favourable and some are deleterious to the development of human culture, and the complexes them. selves may be profoundly modified by human art, particularly, in India, by the art of irrigation. B. These complexes find their expression in the distribution of "human phenomena," e.g. (a) Density of Population, (6) Race, (c) Language, (d) Religion, (6) Political and Administrative Divisions. But the boundaries of these phenomena do not coincide. One race may speak several languages, one language may be spoken by several races; religion transcends the limits of race and language, and a state or nation may comprise many races, languages and religions. Can a common multiple be found for all these variable factors, human and physical? I think it can,-in Density of Population. III. Areas and Avenues. A. BASIS FOR CLASSIFICATION. Attention has in recent years been concentrated on routes, -routes of migration and routes of trade. But routes are but a means to an end and the end ultimately is, almost

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NOVEMBER, 1980) RACE DRIFT IN SOUTH INDIA 213 always, food. The continuance of the human race depends on breeding, and breeding is impossible without feeding. Civilisation, in its crudest forms, is the art of adjusting birth rate and food supply, of feeding the maximum number of people in any given area, of mitigating the pressure of population on the soil. This eternal problem is the mainspring of human migrations and human wars. "Nothing succeeds like success." The best test of the suitability of an area for humar habitation is the number of people per square mile that it actually supports. In other words, the relative Density of Population is the key to "human geography." A word of caution is here needed. Density fluctuates from age to age. Areas once crowded become depopulated, empty areas get filled. For this there are definite causes, 6.g., physioal changes, such as desiocation, the silting of rivers or harbours, or the ravages of disease, or economic changes, such as the development of coal and iron industries, a gold boom, or political convulsions, such as the devastations of an Attila or a Tamerlane. Nevertheless two facts remain : (1) the areas of high density in any partioular epoch are the areas best suited to the maintenance of human life in the cultural conditions prevailing in that area at that epoch, and (2) with few exoeptions the present areas of maximum density have been areas of bigh density throughout History. 1 B. REGIONAL TYPES. The first duty then of the student of human geography is to plot out areas of different density. The standards of high and low density must for obvious reasons vary in different regions; the standards of Baluchistan, for instanoe, would be meaningless if applied to Bengal. For South India the following standards will, I think, be suitable : Low Density : 200 persons or less per square mile. Medium Density : 200 to 500 persons per square mile. High Density : 500 persons or more per square mile. Maximum Density : 1,000 persons or more per square mile. In the light of the perspeotive thus gained it should be easy to examine the areas in detail, and classify them further according to (i) movement and (ii) position. (i) Of movement there are four types : (1) movement inwards or centripetal; areas of oonoentration ; (2) movement outwards or centrifugal ; areas of dispersion; (3) movement across or transitional; (4) abgenoe of movement; areas of stagnation or isolation! (1) Areas of high density or concentration are usually centripetal fooi. Humanity moves from one to other of these fooi or impinges on a foous from some area of relatively low density. It is the fooi that determine the routes and not vice versa. Culturally a centripetal area is of course complex. Its blood is blended with the blood of countless races. From the play of cultural currents it is never free. Its social and economio life, viewed as a whole, is rich and varied, and, in spite of tremendous olase inequalities, its oomponent elements are closely knit together; usually it evolves a literature of its own, and literature, as a language medium, is a powerful solvent of cultural barriers. Diversity is pervaded with a subtle unity of character and thought. Such is the type of London, Paris or Rome. (2) The true centrifugal area, or area of dispersion, is a barren land which cannot feed its folk, but whose folk are sufficiently virile, numerous and aggressive to win their way in more favoured tracts. Of this type are North Germany, Central Asia, Arabia, Afghanistan. 1 E.g., Deltaic Egypt, the country round Nineveh and Babylon, Bengal, the Valley of the Yangtae-Kiang. A centripetal area is not necessarily based on agricultural fertility. Rome and London, for instance, owe their being to their maritime position. The Empire of Rome was erected to feed Rome. Destroy the British Empire, and Britain'must starve. This does not convert a centripetal focus into a centrifugal one.

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214 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [NOVEMDEN, 1930 (3) The boundaries of centripetal and centrifugal areas are not always sharply defined. Between one area and another there is usually a tract that partakes of the character of both Areas or of neither. Frontiers are, in short, belts or zones, not lines. Sometimes, as between France and Spain, they are "abrupt" and fairly stable; sometimes, as between Teuton and Slav, they are "indefinite" and perpetually oscillating. These belts or zones I class as transitional. Through them lie the avenues along which race and culture migrate. Such areas are the nurseries of " Border Chieftains," who acknowledge the suzerainty of any power that is strong enough to assert it, and resume their independence at the first symptom of weakness, take toll from all who pass through their zone, fight each other and loot the villagers beyond their borders. (4) Areas of isolation are usually difficult of acoesg, or unhealthy, or infertile, or otherwise unfavourable to human existence; or two or more of these factors may be combined. Some are mere "misery spots," which nobody wants and the wise man avoids. Others prosper in sturdy independence, shielded by nature from the tax-gatherer and money-lender. Others again tolerate an immigrant aristocracy, its satellites and retainers, but the immigrants, if they come to stay, sever, sooner or later, their connections with their former homes. Sometimes they provide a refuge for the outlaw. The population of an isolated area, unlike that of a centrifugal area, is not "aggressive" in character, but "recessive"; savage it may be (more usually it is timid), but it does not impose its oulture on its neighbour, Areas of isolation are usually mountainous, jungly, swampy or arid. To the anthropologist such areas are the most interesting of all, for they preserve relics of cultures that have elsewhere passed into oblivion. "The hills contain the ethnological sweepings of the plains." (ii) Position is an important factor in determining the social and cultural features of an area. No hard and fast classification is here needed, but a few descriptive terms of definite connotation are useful. "Central" needs no explanation. "Marginal" is also self-evident, the most typical example being the narrow coastal plain. "Terminal " connotes the familiar" Land's End" or "Finisterre " position. Three other terms I propose to use. (a) Certain areas lie off the beaten tracks of migration, but are easily accessible and maintain contact with the cultural areas on which they debouch. They are usually fairly fertile valleys ending in a cul-de-sac. Such areas I call "seolud. ed" or "recessed." (6) A river valley sometimes opens out into & plain surrounded on all sides by hills, through which the river finds a comparatively narrow outlet. The Hungarian Plain formed by the Danube is a classic example. Such areas I propose to call "entrenched" or "ensconced." (c) Some areas lie on the crest of a water parting and lap over into two distinct river basins. A typical example is the country round Delhi and Panipat, astride the water parting of the Jumna and the Indus. Such areas I describe as overlap"areas. IV. Geography of South India. A. PHYSICAL. With the foregoing classification in mind, let us study a map of the Madras Presidenoy and the associated States The physical configuration is familiar. (Fig. 1, PI. I.) They comprise I. the Deocan Plateau, II. the Eastern and Western Ghats, III. the Eastern and Western Coastal Plains, Tylor, quoted by Ripley, Races of Europe, p. 148.

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Indian Antiquary. Plate 1, Fig. 1. R. Pem KONET KONGU S.INDIA Orographical Over 3000 ft. black Over 1500 ft hatelet Under 1500ft. white Cd Cuddapat BM-Barama had Mys Mysore RTembre perni

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Plate II. Indian Antiquary. Fig. 2. Fig. 3. CENSUS DIVISIONS TEL DRIFT-CURRENTS MAGEM Cuddatha EAST COAST NORTH Cup ECCAN ENSE AL MYSORED bram Fangalo Medres relle Cuddalore online YE.COASTY CENTRAL madare C4.. Coorg ch. - Cochin Pak Pudukkottai Trav. Travancore Main Objetivo Diretin of Flow - Dotted lines indicate Watershed * E COAST Trivandru le SOUTHS. DENSITY South of Kistna and Tungabhadra Under 200 White 200-500 Metched Over 500 Black Rajahmundry i Po Hiyo n Pal u bolomeo Vimukandy Ponnaiyar Cauvery Budayagiri KISTNA-GODAVARI tenere PLAINS Areas over 1500 Ft hebbe Tambrapari Fig. 4. Fig. 5.

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Plate III. Indian Antiquary. Fig. 6. Fig. 7. MALABA KANARESE S. KERALA Under 200 white 200-500 Ketchut Over 500 black Coondapur. WYSORE KERALA DENSITY Under 200 white * 200 - 500 hatched Over 500 black Nilimpathi Hills H COCHIN Uppinangadi TULU Mangalore Udipi TRANSITION TULV t. MALAYALAM N. KOLATTIRE Chirakkal Tvan N.ES.Neferer -Leshin Wynad TI ZAMORIN Webrena NA 19 . MOPLAR ZONE lal.co. D CQUMBATORE Nand C. TRAVANCORE V PONNANIA N.COCHIN Shencetak 49 COCHIN Nedumenged MALAYALAM- TTIVATE TAMIL OVERLAP - - --- - TAMIL N. CIRCARS DENSITY Under 200 white 200- 500 hatched Over 500 black TAMIL PLAINS DENSITY Under 200 white 200-500 hatched Over 500 Black AGENCY Ponnaiyer HYDERABAD so KONGUE Cocerede GODAVARI DELTA Mesedipotom RISTNA DELTA CHOLA MANDALAM Cauvery Fig. 8. PANDI-MANDALAM Tambraparni Dotted Lines indicate Watersheds Fig. 9.

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NOVEMBER, 1930 ] RACE DRIFT IN SOUTH INDIA 215 Three big rivers, the Kistna, the Godavari and the Kaveri rise in the Western Ghats and flow across the plateau to the East Coast. In the south-eastern portion of the plateau, between the basing of the Kistna and the Kaveri, and taking their rise from Nandidrug, is another "trinity of rivers"-the North Pinakini or Penner, the Palar and the South PinAkini or Ponnaiyar. (Fig. 3, P. II.) For census purposes the Presidency is divided into six natural divisions. (Fig. 2, PI. II.) 1. West Coast. 4. Deccan. 2. Agency 5. East Coast, Central. 3. East Coast, North. 6. East Coast, South. I have examined each of these divisions in detail; also the States of Mysore, Travancore and Coohin. Taking the taluk as a unit (the district is too large a unit for detailed study), I have plotted the results in Fig. 4, Pl. II. 1. The West Coast is a marginal area. The narrow coastal plain, densely populated, is backed by a belt of low density, the area covered by the Western Ghats. The continuity of this mountain belt is broken by two gape-(1) at Palghat and (2) at Shencottah. Only at these two points is the line crossed by railways. The high density of the coastal plain is interrupted in three places by areas of medium density. It is conspicuously constricted at two other points, viz., South Cochin and again south of the Tinnevelly-Quilon Railway. (Figs. 6 and 7, PI. III.) Along this strip north-to-south movement is not easy : rivers are numerous and torren tial. The railway from Tellicherry to Mangalore is a recent extension ; Travancore is provided for by a fairly complete system of canals from Cochin to Trivandrum. This configuration is reflected in the history and geography of the tract. Political frontiers Oscillate, but the oscillations are controlled by geographical factors. I tabulate the areas, numbering the high density sections and lettering those of low density from north to south. A. Coondapoor Taluk (Fig. 6, PI. III), populated by Kanarese speaking Bante, is a "gpill-area" of cultural and racial influence from NW. Mysore State (Shimoga Dt.) through the territory of the Nayakas of Bednar (otherwise known as Keladi or Nagar). The Ghats here are partly broken by the Sharavati river, which plunges down the famous Gergoppa Falls. The Kanarese element is intrusive and has not made much impression. I. Udipi and Mangalore Taluks, the stronghold of the Tulus, a matrilineal folk. B. Kasaragod Taluk : the transitional area between the Tulu country and Malayali Korala, the home of the Nayar and the Nambadiri. The approach to the sea of the sparsely populated taluk of Uppinangadi has no doubt helped to make this a frontier, II. Chirakkal taluk, the seat of the Northern Kolattiris, the principal beneficiary in North Malabar in the partition effected by the Perumals. C. Kottayam tAluk, and III (a) Kurumbranad taluk at one time owed allegiance to the Northern Kolattiri. Kottayam being of lower density than Chirakkal or Kurumbranad, the territory was not homogeneous, the Kolattiri was always troubled by the rebellion of his feudatories (particularly his own relative, the Kottayam Raja) and the aggressions of Zamorin. III. (6) Calicut, the seat of the Zamorin, who got no territory at the Perumal's parti. tion, but only & sword to conquer with. D. Ernad and Walluvanad taluks, the "Moplah Zone." The Moplahs were the Zamorin's men. They are associated with the Zamorin's policy of trade with Arabia, which brought Vasco da Gama to Caliout,

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216 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY - [NOVEMBER, 1930 - IV. Ponnani taluk: an intensely fertile tract with a density of over 1000. Palghat in the hinterland is the gate to the Tamil country and dominated by Tamil Brahmans. Ethno. graphically, Palghat contains strong Tamil elements, e.g., Taragars and Kaikolars. But the immigrants have all, to some extent, assimilated Malayali culture. Ponnani is an area of transition, and owes its importance, in part at least, to the peculiar configuration of the Cochin State. The northern portion of Cochin supports a population of over 500 per square mile, and, with South Walluvanad, forms an avenue of approach to the port of Cochin and its backwater, which might be one of the finest harbours in the world, but for the difficulties created by its bar and the south-west monsoon. Cochin backwater is the strongest "magnetic" centre on the West Coast south of Bombay, a centripetal focus par excellence. It has attracted Romans, Jews and Syrian Christians, Portuguese, Dutch and British. The Shoranur-Ernakulam Railway is but one of many evidences of the deflection of movementcultural, racial and economic-to the objective of Cochin backwater. The railway takes a short cut through broken country; the real route lay through Ponnani taluk, and there is evidence of this deflection in the social ingredients of Ponnani taluk itself. E. To the Nelliampathi Hills (see Fig. 7, P. III) Cochin undoubtedly owes its survival as a sovereign state. For generations Cochin groaned beneath the upper and nether millstones, the Zamorin and Travancore. But thanks to the Nelliampathis, Cochin can only be attacked from the north on a narrow front, and Trivandrum is too far distant to control it effectively. V. In North and Central Travancore, the culture of Kerala has full play. A strip of maximum density (over 1000 per square mile) runs almost without break along the seaboard from end to end. The Ghats form an impenetrable shield except for the loophole of the Shencottah Pass, and even here Tamil influence has not penetrated far, for Travancore holds territory to the eastward of the pass and density is relatively low. F. Nedumangad, with a population of only 300 to the square mile, marks the end of undiluted Malabar. Trivandrum is the southern limit of the "maximum density" seaboard. Nearly one-fifth of its people speak Tamil. VI. Thence southward lies an area of transition, and at Cape Comorin the transition is complete. We know from inscriptions that the southernmost taluks of Travancore were for centuries dominated politically and culturally by Tamil Pandyas. The Census figures (1901) are significant. 2. The Agency is, thanks to malaria, one vast area of isolation. Geographically it is an annexe to the great mountain belt that separates the Indo-Gangetio plains from Peninsular India. In the transmission of cultural influence it is a barrier which cannot be crossed. True, there are racial and cultural movements within it, and parts of it are loosely controlled by an immigrant aristocracy, but these can only be explained by a comprehensive study of the whole Vindhya belt, and such a study has yet to be made. Only in two taluks, Jeypore and the Northern Udayagiri, does density rise beyond 150 per square mile. For my present purpose the Agency may be regarded as a blank wall. 3. The East Coast, Northern Division (the Northern Circars) is a narrow coastal plain, not unlike the West Coast. On the north its extension in the coastal plain of Oriesa gives access to Bengal. The Oriyas have penetrated into Ganjam, but the passage is constricted by the Chilka Lake. In the centre two large magnetic foci are created (Fig. 8, PI. III) by the deltas of the Godavari and Kistna, between which lies the Colair Lake. The Kistna delta is accessible from the Deccan, as the histories of Badami, Warangal and Golkonda and the railway from Warangal to Bezwada and from Guntakkal to Guntur testify. The Colair Lake has, From north to south the percentage of Tamil speakers in the southern tAluks is as follows: Th. yandrum 19, Neyyattinkara 15, Vilavankod 71, Kalkulam 83, Eraniel 92, Agastisvaram 97, Tovala 99.

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NOVEMBER, 1930 ] RACE DRIFT IN SOUTH INDIA 217 to some extent, but very imperfectly, protected the Godavari Delta from aggression from this quarter. On the south these deltas can be got at from two quarters by way of the narrow barren plain of Nellore, viz., (1) from Madras, and (2) from Cuddapah. But transit by these routes is not easy, the passage from Madras is constricted by the Pulicat Lake and spurs of the Chittoor hills, that from Cuddapah by the difficulties of the Badvel Pass. The Tamil Cholas forced their way northward, and the Kakatiyas of Warangal southward, past. Pulicat, but they could not hold their conquests. Krishna Raya of Vijayanagar only succeeded (via Cuddapah) by capturing Udayagiri, where the Badvel Pass debouches, and by protecting his flank from Warangal aggression by the quadrilateral of forts Vinukonda, Kondavidu, Kondapalli and Bellamkonda. (See Fig. 5, PI. II.) On the whole the history of this Eastern Coastal Pluin is not unlike that of the West Coast. Within the area political boundaries oscillate and sections of it tend to break up into petty principalities. 4. The Deccan (Northern and Central) is a vast area of low density, broken here and there with patches of medium density, most of them marking the sites of former capitals, 6.9., Gul. barga, Golkonda, Warangal, Banavasi, Adoni, Kurnool and Cuddapah. On East and West alike its frontier is a belt of deterrent mountains and jungles. To the south, in Mysore State, lies a large compact area carrying a moderately dense population, and this in turn is bounded on the south by a belt of low density, broken only at one point, south-east of Mysore. This belt, the "Poligar Belt," is of great importance in the history and ethnography of South India, for it is the line along which the Plateau breaks away to the Plains, and it marks the frontier between the Tamils and the Telugu-Kanarese nations. It is true that this frontier has frequently been overpassed, but whoever crosses it finds himself in a foreign and hostile country. The fairly populous area within this belt is not homogeneous. The western and larger portion, the Mysore homeland, lies within the basin of the Upper Kaveri. The eastern portion, East Mysore, is an overlap area covering the head streams of the Penner, the Ponnaiyar, and the Palar. The significance of this distinction will be apparent when we come to examine 5 and 6. The East Coast, Central and Southern Divisions. These divisions are best taken together. They comprise the homeland of the Tamils. They have three centripetal foci, areas of maximum density,-(a) Madras, (6) Kumbakonam and (c) Madura. The first two are linked by a densely populated area of irregular shape. This area is made up of the basins of the Middle and Lower Palar in the north and the basin of the Lower Kaveri in the south. Between the two is the fertile basin of the Lower Ponnaiyar, which enters the sea near Cuddalore. The Ponnaiyar area is linked with the Kaveri area by the basin of the Vel. lar, which flows into the sea at Porto Novo. The Palar area is linked with the Ponnaiyar area, not by the coast line, but by a fertile tract comprised in the taluks of Wandiwash and Gingee. At the head of the Kaveri delta stands Trichinopoly, the principal scat of Chola power, and throughout the ages of immense strategic importance. The Palar enters the coastal plain at Aroot, not far from Conjeeveram, the capital of the Palar Plain from time immemorial. The strategic centre of the middle Palar is Vellore. It is obvious that to any army marching between the Palar area and the lower Kaveri the possession of Gingee is vital. Madura stands by itself. It is not linked up with any other area of high density. To this fact it owes its strength and importance. It is sheltered from aggression on the north and west and east by a belt of rough untempting country, the stronghold of the predatory Kallar, and beyond this, to the east and south, stretch the dreary plains of Ramnad, the homeland of the warlike Maravars. Even the railway from Madras makes a big detour through Dindigul to get there.

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218 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ NOVEMBER, 1930 Beyond Madura to the south lies the "terminal" area of Tinnevelly; through the heart of which runs the densely populated valley of the Tambraparni, with Tuticorin still trading overseas, as Kayal did in the Middle Ages, and Korkai in the days of the early Caesars. Tinnevelly is the handmaid, but never the master, of Madura. The two together formed the homeland of the Pandyas, as the Lower Kaveri did that of the Cholas, and the Lower Palar (known to history as Tondamandalam) that of the Pallavas. Two other areas remain. In the hinterland north of Salem is a sparsely populated area, the taluk of Uttangarai. The paucity of population is due to the hill complex which culminates in the Shevaroys. (See Fig. 11, PI. IV.) These hills are more important than a density map would lead us to suppose. They stretch north-eastwards (south of the Palar) right through to Vellore, with outliers beyond. They spread southwards and eastwards into the districts of Trichinopoly and South Arcot. Westwards they trend, at lower elevations, right up to the Kaveri at the point where it quits the Poligar Belt. Only at three points do these hills permit 5 of access to the coastal plain, viz., (1) through the Attur gap east of Salem to the headwaters of the Vellar, (2) through the rough Chengam Pass (near where the Ponnaiyar breaks through) to Tirukkoyilur and Cuddalore, and (3) in the north-west corner, by way of Tiruppattar to Vellore and the Palar valley. The westward limit of this hill complex is the frontier between the basing of the Middle Kaveri and the Middle Ponnaiyar, the former the Kongu country of history, (the present district of Coimbatore and the southern half of Salem), the latter the Baramahal (North Salem). These two areas, Kongu and the Baramahal, the basins of the Middle Kaveri and Middle Ponnaiyar, have an important bearing on migrations in South India. So also has the "en. trenched " basin of the Middle Penner (North Pinakini). It is these that determine the three lines of approach to the Tamil country. (Figs. 10 and 11, PI. IV.) A. Tondamandalam is accessible with difficulty from the Northern Circars, as already described, by way of Nellore. It is easily accessible from the south. It is also accessible by the Middle Palar valley, and on this several routes impinge. The chief of them are, (i) the MAmandar Pass, through which the railway runs from Cuddapah to Madras, (ii) The Damal. cheruvu Pass in the north-west corner of Chittoor district, (*) the Mogili Pass from Kolar to Chittoor, (iv) the Nayakaneri Pass a little further south, which enters the Palar valley north of Ambur. The valley can also, as already pointed out, be entered from the Baramahal, which, in turn, is fairly easily accessible from Bangalore, Mysore and Kolar. B. Cholamandalam (the Kaveri Delta) is accessible easily from the north, as already described ; also from the west from Kongu. Access from the Baramahal (through Chengam) is difficult. C. Pandimandalam (the districts of Madura and Tinnevelly) is accessible only with difficulty from Cholamandalam, but with comparative ease from the north-west corner, i.e., from Kongu. But Madura City is shielded by the hills that lie between it and Dindigul. On the other hand, Cholamandalam bears a teeming population and, owing to the narrowing of the valley above Trichinopoly, it is well adapted for defence against aggression from the West. Hence a movement from Kongu is apt to be cheoked at Trichinopoly, and diverted through Dindigul into the western half of Tinnevelly, missing out Madura. Kongu itself was accessible from Mysore by the three passes of (i) Gajjalhatti, (ii) Hasanur and (iii) Kaveripuram. During the nineteenth century all these three routes, which traverse very rough country, have gone out of use. (To be continued.) Or did till recently. We can safely ignore the achievements of modern road and railway engineering.

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Plate IV. Indian Antiquary. Fig. 10. Fig. 11. Guruko ephsnakhr Shalight Takbola PONDAI Veltas MANDA Bruce Conjaca KONGU Trichinepoljo Ters Tiruvayilur Villepariem. BARAMAHAN Tiyaga ochKONGU malur *Over 1000 ft Hatched reas over 1000 ft Matebe RASHTRAKUTA INSCRIPTIONS The liner indicate Watersheds HOY SALA INSCRIPTIONS The lives indicate Waterra ANTS KISTNA PENNER + PALAR + PONNAIYAR + PALAR PONNAIYAR +CA UVERY CAUVERN Fig. 12. Fig. 13.

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NOVEMBER, 1930) SIDI ALI SHELEBI IN INDIA, 1564-1666 A.D. . - 219 ---- SIDI ALI SHELEBI IN INDIA, 1554-1556 A.D. By C. E. A. W. OLDHAM, C.8.1., I.C.S. (Retired.) TAR Turkish admiral Sidi 'Ali is widely known to students of geography as the author of the Muhit, the encircling' or surrounding' (sea), a compilation from different sources of instructions for navigating the seas between Pergia and China. We now know, thanks to the researches of MM. Ferrand and Gaudefroy-Demombynes, 1 that this work is largely a translation from certain previous records, MS. copies of which are preserved among the Arabic MSS. in the Bibliotheque Nationale in Paris. Whatever his sources may have been, the work is of great value in that it contains much detailed information about the routes followed by the Arab navigators in the later middle ages, before the Portuguese had travorsed these eastern waters and by their descriptions and charts revealed them to the West. The topographical chapters of the Muhit were carefully translated into German by Dr. M. Bittner of the Imperial University of Vienna. This translation was published in 1897, with a learned introduction and a series of valuable maps specially prepared to illustrate the geographical information furnished therein, as compared with that available from the earliest Portnguege maps and charts, by Dr. W. Tomaschek of the same University. Another work by Sidi 'Ali, entitled Mirat al-mamalik, The Mirror of Countries,' is perhaps less widely known. This was odited and translated into German by H. F. von Diez in 1815, and some years later translated into French by M. Morris and published in the Journal Asiatique 1deg serie, t. IX and X, 1826-27. In 1899 the celebrated Central Asian traveller and explorer, Arminius Vambery, published a fresh translation in English from the then latest printed edition published at Constantinople in 1895. This little book, which has been described by the late Dr. V. A. Smith as "badly translated and annotated,"3 is not often met with. A perusal of the portion relating to Sidi 'Ali's adventures in India and the identifications suggested for some of the places visited might indeed lead a casual reader to doubt whether the admiral had actually made the journeys and had the experiences he relates. A close examination, however, shows that the narrative is corroborated in numer. ous respects from a variety of independent sources, that his route can be clearly identified from stage to stage, and, therefore, that his story may be acoepted as a genuine record of travel. As the account of his experiences in Gujarat, Sind and the Panjab is of interest and value from many points of view, I propose to give a short summary thereof, following him from place to place. It will be necessary, first of all, to set forth briefly the circumstances that led to his unpremeditated visit to India and thereafter impelled him to undertake his venturesome land journey. We know little about Sidi 'Ali beyond what he tells us himself in this remarkable work. He was a contemporary of the great Ottoman emperor, Sulaiman I, "the Magnificent " (1494-1566), who reigned from 1520 to 1566; and most of his active service was passed in the employment of that monarch. His father's name was Husain, and he tells us that his father and ancestor (? grandfather) had held charge of the royal arsenal at Galata since the capture of Constantinople (1453), where they had acquired eminence in their profession, and that he had inherited their knowledge of nautical matters. He had himself studied deeply the art of navigation. He had been present at the capture of Rhodes (referring apparently to the sanguinary attack of 1522, when the Turks suffered such heavy losses). He had taken part, he says, in all the fights in the" western seas" (i.e., in the Mediterranean) and had been present at all the victories of Khairu'd-din Pasha.He had written books 1 See Journal Asiatique, 10e aerie, t. xx, 1912, p. 547 f.; and G. Ferrand, Relations de voyages, etc., t. II, 1914, p. 484 f. * Die topographischen Capitel des indischen Seespiegels Mohit, Wien, Verlag der K. K. Geographischen Gesellschaft, 1897. 9 V. A. Smith, Akbar the Great Mogul, 1917, p. 464. 4 Hia original name was Khizr, but he became more famous in the West under the soubriquet Bar. barossa ("Red Beard ').

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220 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [NOVEMBER, 1930 on astronomy and philosophy and on matters relating to navigation, and was popularly known as Katib-i Rumi (i.e., 'the Turkish writer '). In the course of the war between the Mughal emperor Humayun and Bahadur Shah. Sultan of Gujarat, the latter retreated in 1535 to the strong hill fortress of Manda, which was closely invested by Humayun. When one of the outer gates of the fort was thrown open to the Mughals by treachery, acoording to the Mirat-i-Sikandari, Bahadur fled first to the fort at Champaner and thence on to Diu, with the object of enlisting the aid of the Portuguese. At the same time he sent an envoy to Egypt, to solicit the assistance of the Turks. Later on he sent an envoy to the Sultan of Turkey himself. Meanwhile the Portuguese having, in the course of their negociations with Bahadur, obtained the grant of a site on which to build a fort at Diu, pushed on its construction with the utmost rapidity. The Ottoman Sultan, whose ships had previously encountered the Portuguese in eastern waters, appears to have been taken with the idea of seizing the occasion to avenge himself upon them and at the same time to obtain a footing in India. A large fleet was accordingly collected at Suez, troops were despatched and the command of the expedition entrusted to Sulaiman Pasha, the governor of Cairo. The fleet started in June 1638; Aden was sacked in August, and Diu reached in September. Faulty tactics, quarrels with the Gujaratis and the gallantry of the Portuguese defence ultimately led to Sulaiman Pasha's discomfiture and finally to his retreat in November. A few years later the Sultan of the Turks once more conceived #plan for revenging himself upon the Portuguese by completing the annexation of Arabia and capturing Hormuz in the Persian Gulf, which was the key to their ascendancy in that cegion. The command of the expedition fitted out for this purpose was given to the Egyptian admiral Piri Beg. who left Suez in 1553 for Hormux with some 30 vessels. After many vicissitudes, and after taking Maskat and pillaging Hormuz, he was encountered by the Portuguese fleet and defeated. He himself escaped to Egypt with two ships, while all that remained of his fleet sought refuge at Basrah. Murad Beg, who was appointed to take command of these vessels, attempted to take them back to Egypt, but was intercepted by the Portuguese near Hormuz and, after a sanguinary contest, was driven back to Basrah. Our author was then appointed by the Sultan to the post of Admiral of Egypt, and he was directed to proceed to Basrah and take the fleet back. Sidi Ali describes briefly his route from Aleppo, where the Sultan was then holding court, via Nisibin and Mosul to Baghdad, making a trip from there to Karbala, to visit that sacred site. Returning to Baghdad, he proceeded down the Tigris past Ctesiphon to Kut al.Amara, whence he seems to have gone down the Shatt al Hai channel, as he passed Wasit. From Wasit he went on to Zakya, paying a visit to Ezra's tomb, and then by Mezera (near Qurna) down to Basrah. He sailed from Basrah on the 1st Sha'ban 961 A.H. (beginning of July 1564)5 to Rishahr (near Bushire) with the ships bound for Egypt. If the route followed from Wasit past Basrah to the open sea were accurately identified, it might furnish some interesting evidence as to the conditions of the Euphrates Tigris delta some four centuries ago. From Rishahr the fleet crossed the Gulf to Qatif on the Arabian coast of al Hasa, passing on to Bahrain, recrossing the Gulf to Qais Island, and so on to Hormuz. No news being obtainable at any of these stages of the Portuguese fleet, Sidi 'Ali moved on to the Julfar (modern Ras al-Khaima) coast round cape Ras Masandam and past Limah until. in the vicinity of Khur Fakkan, he met the Portuguese fleet comprising 25 vessels, of which 12 were small galleys. After a fierce fight, he tells us, the Portuguese lost one galleon and hove off in the direction of Hormuz. Sidi Ali proceeded to Sohar, where he seems to have stopped, as it was not till the 16th day after the fight near Khur Fakkan that he arrived opposite Maskat and Qalhat, when another and stronger Portuguese fleet, commanded by "the admiral of Goa, the son of the Governor," put out from Maskat and attacked him. The Turkish fleet was no match for their opponents' big and heavily armed ships of war. 6 Vambery writon on the 1st Shauwdl, which is clearly incorrect.

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NOVEMBER, 1930) SIDI ALI SHELEBI IN INDIA, 1664-1658 A.D. 221 However, they seem to have put up a gallant fight till nightfall, when, according to our author, the Portuguese sailed off in the direction of Hormuz. The Portuguese account of this battle is very different, claiming a more or less complete victory, as in fact it must have been, as only nine out of fifteen Turkish ships escaped. A storm coming on, the Turkish fleet, which was close inshore, dragged their anchors and had to set sail and put out to sea. Instead of making Ras al Hadd, as they should have if they were to reach Egypt, they drifted across the Gulf of Oman towards the coast of the Kirman province, near Jask. Sailing on in an undecided manner, perhaps driven by the wind, they next approached the coast of Kij-Makran. Driven out to sea once more, they were buffeted about and next touched at Shahbar (close to Tiz), where they fell in with a Muhammadan pirate ship, the captain of which guided them to Gwadar. Here a pilot was provided by the local ruler, and the fleet, of nine vessels, is said to have headed for Yemen. They had been at sea for several days and were approaching the Arabian coast (according to Diez, near Ras al-Hadd ; according to Vambery, towards Zufar and Shahar) when a violent storm accompanied by torrential rain broke from the west and, raging continuously for ten days, blew the fleet right across the Arabian Sea to the vicinity of the gulf (or bay) of Jaked, by which is meant tbe Gulf of Kacch. Here they could see a Hindu (" idol ") temple on the coast. Continuing, they skirted the coast of Kathiawad, passing Miani,8 Mangrol, Somanatha, 10 and Diu. Sidi Ali naively mentions that while in the neighbourhood of Diu they took care to have no sails hoisted out of fear of the "infidels" (i.6., the Portuguese). The precaution was almost superfluous, as the storm was still so violent that no one could move about on the decks, and the ships were driven headlong towards the coast of Gujarat. Sidi 'Ali tells us that his vessel was caught in a whirlpool, sucked downwards and so nearly swamped that he and his crew stripped off all their clothing and seized hold of casks and other things, in case they were precipitated into the sea. In this crisis Sidi 'Ali freed all his slaves and vowed 100 ducats to the poor of Makka. When the sky cleared a little in the afternoon, they found they were about two miles from Daman. The storm-tossed and damaged ships bad to lie off Daman for five days more, owing to the wind and the continuous rain, the monsoon 11 being in full force. It would appear from our author's narrative that all nine ships that escaped from the fight noar Maskat had kept the same course a remarkable fact, having regard to the weather conditions-and reached the coast near Daman. Three ran ashore and were evidently completely wrecked, as their guns and equipment were made over to Malik Asad," the Governor of Daman." His own ship had sprung a very bad leak. We are not told to what extent the others had been damaged, but all were evidently in a bad way, as it took another five days to struggle on to Surat, whither they were invited by Imadu'l-zn ulk, the Vazir of Sultan Ahmad, so that they might be safe from attack by the Portuguese, Daman being then an "open port." The story told by Sidi Ali of the adventures of this Turkish fleet differs materially from the accounts given by the Portuguese historians, which have been briefly presented in the following extract from The Portuguese in India by Mr. F. C. Danvers - "The Grand Turk, on hearing that Moradobec had fared no better than the unfortunate Pirbec, gave the command of fifteen galleys to Alechelubij, who had boasted a great deal The Tcheked of Diez; the Djugd of Vambery ; the Ras Jaked of the Munit; the Punta de Jaqueto of the Portuguese; the Jigat of Alexander Hamilton. This is a name that appears in a great variety of spellings on old maps for the westernmost point of Kathfawad, near DvAraka. 7 The country of Djamher" according to Diez; the coast of Djamher" according to Vambery, who adds in a note : "Rectius Djamkhor, & subdivision of Ahmed-nagar, in the Residency of Bombay!" The temple seen was that of Dvaraka, a well known landmark, 8 The Fourmian of Dioz; Formyan of Vambery ; Furmian of the Muit; the Miano of the Portuguese. 9 Manghalor of Diez; Menglir of Vambery, who adds & characteristic footnote : "Perhaps meant for Manglaus, Menglaur, in the District of Sahranpur (sic)." 10 Soumenat of Diez ; Somenat of Vambery. 11 Vambery translates the sentenco : "for we were now in the Badzad or rainy season of India," und in a footnote suggests the Persian bddrad, 'hurricane,' 'whirlwind '; but the word is obviously meant for bursat, the usual term (of Sanskritic origin) for the rainy season in India.

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222 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY NOVEMBER, 1930 about what he could do.. Dom Fernando de Noronha, who had returned from the Red Sea after his fruitless endeavour to capture the fort of Dofar, went out to meet Alechelubij, and fell in with him on the 25th August, 1553,1% near Muscat. The enemy, not daring to risk a battle, endeavoured to escape with his whole fleet, but six of his vessels were captured by the Portuguese caravels. Dom Fernando de Noronha then put into Muscat, where he refitted the galleys, purcbased slaves, and appointed captains. Alechelubij was pursued by some Portuguese vessels, and driven with seven out of his nine ships, into Surat, and there hemmed in by Dom Jeronymo de Castello-Branco, Nuno de Castro, and Dom Manoel de Mascarenhas. The remaining two ships were pursued by Dom Fernando de Monroyo and Antonio Valladares, who drove them on to the coasts of Daman and Daru 13 (sic) respeotively, where they went on the rocks and were dashed to pieces." Danvers seems to have relied chiefly on Faria y Sousa. The accounts given by Diogo do Couto and Francisco d'Andrada similarly differ in several respects from the narrative of Sidi 'Ali-naturally enough, in that they set forth the version of his opponents--but in other matters they corroborate him. For instance, Sidi 'Ali writes that he left Basrah with fifteen vessels under his command ; that he encountered the Portuguese fleet near Maskat, whenoe it issued on the 27th Ramazan 761 A.H. at dawn of day; that the Portuguege admiral was the son of the Governor of Goa; that one of his vessels was set on fire; that the Portuguese ships were all beflagged; that he escaped with nine of his vessels; and that they were eventually driven (by incessant storms, however, and not by the Portuguese) on to the coast of Gujarat. On all these points, Sidi 'Ali is borne out by Portuguese accounts. For example, do Couto says Alecheluby had fifteen vessels, of which nine escaped in the direction of Cambay; that Dom Fernando, son of Dom Affonso de Noronha, commanded the Portuguese fleet, which fought with flags dressed out. Sidi 'Ali states that he reached Surat three months after leaving Basrah, which means at the beginning of October; and as he did not enter Surat harbour till at least ten days after he had arrived at the coast near Daman, he must have reached the coast of Gujarat towards the end of September, which is consistent with d'Andrada's account. All the Portuguese accounts (possibly deriving from the same source) seem to agree in saying that seven Turkish ships took refuge at Surat. Sidi 'Ali does not tell us how many reached Surat, but he says three ran ashore on the coast; so, unless one of these was salvaged, he could only bave taken six into Surat. Again, though the Portuguese accounts state that the Turks were pursued. we are not told when the pursuit started, or what happened to the pursuing ships between Maskat and Gujarat, to prevent their reaching Gujarat before the Turks. Sidi Ali's narrative, on the other hand, would explain why his vessels were so delayed in reaching Daman in spite of the strong SW. monsoon blowing. There appears, then, to be no valid reason for disbelieving his account of his adventures by the coasts of Kirman, Makran and Kathiawad, or in fact to doubt the reliability of his narrative as a whole. Unfortunately the period during which Sidi 'Ali arrived in Gujarat was one of the greatest turmoil and confusion in its history. Mahmud JI had recently been murdered, and Almad Khan had been set up as Ahmad Shah II, a Sultan in little more than name, while the ministers and nobles quarrelled and fought among themselves, frequent changes occurring in the personnel of the court and local officials. Sidi 'Ali tells us that he made over the cannon and munitions saved from the stranded ships to Malik Asad, 1then in command at Daman. Some of his crew took service at once under this officer, while some went by land to Surat. He himself with such of his officers and crew as remained faithful, proceeded, at 13 1553 is clearly a mistake on the part of Danvers for 1554, as it is unmistakable from the Portu. hueso historios that the sea fight took place in August 1504. Sidi 'Ali fixes the dato in stating that it was the lailatu'l-qaur (i.e., 27th Ramazan) 761 A.K. 13 Danyer, writus "Daru," but there is no such place. The Danu of do Couto and d'Andrada is obviously Dahanu, on the coast about 35 miles S. of Daman, place ouou held by the Portuguese, where there is still an old fort. (See I.G., 8.0. Danu.) 14 Probably Asad Khan Ismail Salmani,

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NOVEMBER, 1930) SIDI ALI SHELEBI IN INDIA, 1864-1656 A.D. 223 the invitation of Imadu'l-mulk, 15 " the Grand Vazir of Sultan Ahmad," by sea to Surat, where he was safe for the time being from the Portuguese. He gives us a brief account of the local political conditions, referring to the recent murder of Sultan Mahmud, and mentioning Nasiru'l-mulk, KhudAwand Khan and 'Adil Khan, all of whom are known to have played various roles at that time. Having come to the conclusion that it was out of the question attempting to return to Egypt by sea, Sidi 'Ali decided to try and make his way back to Constantinople by land, via Sind, the Panjab and Afghanistan. The deserted ships, with all that was left of their armament, were made over to Khudawand Khan, Governor of Surat, on condition that he would remit to the Porte the amount settled as their value. We are not told whether this account was ever discharged! Towards the end of November 16 or the beginning of December, 17 1554,18 Sidi 'Ali started on his long land journey, accompanied by Mustafa Agha, commandant of the Egyptian janissaries, 'Ali Aghe, captain of the gunners, and about fifty men, travelling via Broach, 19 Baroda, 30 Champaner and Mahmudabad *1 to Ahmadabad, still the capital of Gujarat, though declining with the decay of the kingdom. On his way he notices the growth of the tari palm (Borassus flabellifer), and how the 'toddy was colleoted in pots and left to ferment, and the drinking booths beneath the trees, which were a great attraction to his men. Overindulgence on one occasion led to a disgraceful brawl, in which two of his men were wounded and one killed. He describes the Banyan tree (Ficus indica), with its aerial roots and enormous extent of shade (enough for "thousands " of people), and the huge "bats," 1.8., the common Flying Fox (Pteropus medius), that hung from them in large numbers; and the innumerable paroquets and thousands of monkeys that surrounded the camp at some stages. AhmadAband was reached about 50 days after leaving Surat, probably in the latter half of January 1555. There Sidi 'Ali had an interview with the Vazir (Imadu'l-mulk) and the Sultan Ahmad II), who treated him graciously, presenting him with a horse, a team of camels and money towards the expenses of his journey. The Sultan also, he says, offered him the governorship (?) of Broach, with a large income, but this he declined. At the Vazir's house one day he chanoed to meet a Portuguese envoy, and words ran high between them, the envoy threatening that all the ports would be watched against his escape, while Sidi 'Ali hinted that he could travel by land as well as by sea. While at Ahmadabad. our traveller took the opportunity of paying a visit to the tomb of Shaikh Ahmad Maghribi at Sarkhej,?! some five miles distant. This is an important statement since it provides another chance of checking the reliability of Sidi 'Ali's narrative. From the Revised Lists of Antiquarian Remains in the Bombay Presidency, 23 we find that at Sarkhej there is the tomb of "Shekh Ahmad Khattu Ganj Bakhsh of Anhilvada," begun in 1445 A.D. by Muhammad Shah and completed in 1451. This tomb is also mentioned in the Abmadabad volume of the Gazetteer of the Bombay Presidency, editod by Sir J. M. Campbell, 24 as that of Shaikh Ahmad Khathi 16 This must have buou Imudu'l-mulk Anlau Turki, frequently mentioned by Hajji ad-Dabir, in his Arabic History of Gujarue, as in attendance on Almad II, becoming Prime Minister in 963 A.M. (1055-66). 16 On the lst Muharram 962 A.H., according to Diez (=20 Sovember 1554). 17 Vambery writes : "in the beginning of Muharram." 1% Vambery incorrectly writes 1552. 19 Bouroudj of Diez; Burudj of Vanilery: neither of them have identified the place. 20 Beloudri of Dioz; Bolodra of Vambery, who suggests it is Balotra in Jodhpur State ! 21 The Mehmedabad of our maps and the I.G., but the correct name is Mahmudabad, as the town was founded by the famous Sultan Mahmud Begada. Strange to say, Vambery failed to identify even this town, noting : "there is only place of that name known in Oudh." 23 Tchorkosch of Diez, and Cherkes of Vambery, but unidentified by thom. 28 Originally compiled by Dr. J. Burgos, revised by Mr. H. Cousons in 1897. Soo p. 81. 24 Gazetteer of the Bombay Presidency, vol. IV, Ahmedabad (1879), p. 18.

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224 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [NOVEMBER, 1930 Ganj Bakhsh. That the Sultan of Gujarat should have had the tomb built indicates that the pir "was held in great veneration. It is possible that he originally came from Africa or the West, and was therefore called Maghribi.348 In connexion with his stay at Ahmadabad, it should be mentioned that it was here that he compiled his better known work, the Muhit, to which reference has been made above (p. 219). (To be continued.) THE NINE DVIPAS OF BHARATAVARSA. BY SASHIBHUSHAN CHAUDHURI, M.A. (Continued from page 208.) It is not easy to ascertain how many of them belong to the domain of sober Geography. The division into nine was probably a sober statement of fact, but the names of the dvipas in some cascs may simply be imaginary also. Moreover, the fact that in the list of the dvipas some have been misplaced is evident froin the text of the Garuda and Vamana, which namo other dvipas and do not conform to the usual list; and so, in the absence of other evidence to corroborate their statements, we are compelled to accept the list of the dvipas given in most of the Puranas, some of which admit of identification. Indradvipa was possibly Burma, as the late Mr. S. N. Mazumdar suggested. 32 He also thought that Kagerumat was the Malay Peninsula.33 By Tamravarna was probably intended Ceylon. The ancient Greeks called it Taprobane, and Asoka refers to it as Tambapamni. Gabhastiman is identified with the Laccadive and Maldive islands, and Naga with the islands of Salsette and Elephanta near Bombay.34 Regarding the Saumya dvipa we have no evidence to enable us to fix its locality, but we can very probably trace the name in the modern namo Siam. In fact there is a very close philological similarity between the two names. There is also good reason to think that Siam was one of the nine dvipas, in view of the fact that Burma and Malaya were one. Regarding Gandharva, Mr. Mazumdar gave good reasons for believing that it was the country of Gandhara.36 The next dvipa is Varuna. As for myself, I find the only trace of the name in the present Borneo, the striking similarity in the names making the identification likely. The name Varuna, it seems to me, survives in a plainly recognizable form in the present Borneo. And the ninth dvipa was India proper. So we see that the nine dvipas implied India proper and some of the islands of the Far East and of the Indian ocean, all of which came under the general designation of Bharatavarsa. The scheme of the nine dvipas was, therefore, an attempt to show the geographical connexion of India proper with the Far East, which at that time was sufficiently impregnated with In-lian culture and religion. The result was the geographical conception of the nine doipos of Bhuratavarsa, set forth by tho Purunas, intended to bring into closer union with India proper the islands of the Far East and other islands. The dui pas were not, therefore, divisions of India proper. But we cannot safely accept this conclusion as finally established. There is some other evidence which lends colour to the opposite view, namely, that the nine dvipas represent. but another scheme of the nine divisions of India proper in addition to what we know. It has been noticed in connexion with the slokas quoted on page 205 that the ninth dvipa is unanimously stated to have been of one thousand yojanas in length. That each of the other 2[a Sir R. C. Temple, drawing my attention to the Afn-i-Akbari, trans, Jarrett, III, 371, points out that Shaikh Ahmad Khatht was the disciple of Ba ba Islaq Maghribi, and thut the title probably descended from preceptor to disciple. 32 Cunningham, Ancient Geography of India (Ed. by S. N. Mazumdar), p. 751. 33 Ibid., p. 752. 34 Ibid., p. 763. 33 Ibid. But there is a strong objection to accopting this identification. Gandhara is not a dvipa in the same senge ag are the other dvipas, which were inaccessible from India proper (of course conventionally), boing soparated by an ocean.

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NOVEMBER, 1930) THE NINE DVIPAS OF BHARATAVARSA 225 eight dvipas was also of one thousand yojanas is also often stated.36 Now, as Bharatavarsa was divided into nine dvi pas, each of which has been stated to be of one thousand yojanas, it necessarily follows that Bharatavarsa was of nine thousand yojanas; and in fact all the Puranas ngree as to this.87 What may be the equivalent - British miles of nine thousand yojanas we need not discuss here 36 ; or if ascertainable, whether this estimate can be recon. ciled with the present dimensions of Tndia is quite a different question. What is striking is, that the Paranas generally are unanimous with regard to the nine thousand jojana extent of Bharatavarga, inasmuch as they are all agreed with regard to the one thousand length of each of the dvipar. So if India proper is Kumara dvipa, the other countries, such as Burma, Siam, etc., with which the other islands have been identified, must also be equal to it. But this is not a fact, and so there is good reason to consider the reverse view that these nine dvipas are but another scheme for dividing India proper into nine divisions, in addition to the other schemes we know of. In this view we should not be justified in looking to the countries and islands of the Far East for the identification of the dvipas. But if not, how can we explain the unanimous testimony of all the Puranas that all the dvipas were separated from each other by ocean, and as such were mutually inaccessible. It seems to me, as pointed out before, that such statements were merely conventional,39 inserted only to conform with the symmetrical scheme of the other (primary) dvipas, such as Salmali, Kusa, Jambu, Kraunca, Plaksa, etc., which are described as being surrounded by so many concentric circles of ocean and as such mutually inaccessible. So, having placed a sea round each dvipa of the universe, might not the Puranic copilers place'a sea round each dvipa of Bharatavarsa also, if only to satisfy their fanciful idea of concentric oceans, implying, of course, that the boundary rivers of a particular dvi pa or division will stand for the encircling ocean and convoy the idea of a dvipa. We have already seen that Panini considered dvipa as simply meaning having water on two sides.' So these nine dvipas surrounded by the ocean, and as such mutually inaccessible can also be interpreted as denoting nine divisions of India proper having rivers as their boundaries; and India with its countless rivers will not fail to provide dvipas40 in this sense. What is more striking is that a sloka of the Skanda Purana 41 actually restricts Kumarikh Khandla (navama dvipa) to the territory between the Pariyatra and Mahendra mountains, and Indiradvipa to the eastern coastal portion of India behind the Mahendra range. Unfortunately the Skanda Purana has recorded no other sloka of this kind, but the sloka quoted above is sufficient to indicate that there was another tradition, which regarded the dvipas as so many divisions of India proper. Curiously enough the famous erudite scholar Abul Fazl also (Ain, iii, 9. 31) shows acquaintance with this idea. Thus he places Indradvipa between Lanka and Mahendra, and Kaserumat between Mahendra and Sukti, and in this way attempts to record the corresponding divisions of the dvipas. Abul Fazl, therefore, also 36 Ekaikam yojanasahaarapramdnam (Var. 85, 1 f.) The Skanda Purdna also repeate this statement (1, 2, 39, 114); 80 also Rajasekhara : Pratyekam yojanasahasrdvadhayo (Kavyamimamad, p. 92). 37 Tasyddyan Bhdratam varam taccdpi Navadhaamsiana Navayojana sdhasram Daksinottara mdnatah. (Skanda Purdna, vii, 1, 11, 7.) In the Vip. (iii, 3, 2), Br. (19,2), Agni. (118, 1), Karma (46, 22), and again in the Skanda Purana (iv, 1, 55), such statements are to be found. 38 Megasthenes put the extent at 22,300 stadia and Patrokles put it as 15,000 stadia (1,724 miler, Camb. Hist. of India, p. 400). The actual distance is probably about 1,800 miles. The distance from east to west is about 1,360 miles (ibid.). 39 Even if the dofpas be identifiable with the islands of the Far East as suggested, they were certainly not inaccessible in ancient times, for Hindu maritime and colonizing enterprise was very active, 40 CE. Antardvipa, which meant the Dodb between the Ganges and the Yamuna. 41 Mahendraparatascaiva Indradvipo nigadyate. Pariydtranya caivdrudle khandam kaumdrikam emptam (1, 2, 39, 113).

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226 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY . NOVEMBER, 1930 agrees with the tradition which regarded the nine dvipas as so many divisions of India pro per. Neither was Alberuni unfamiliar with this. Thus he also representa Indradvipa (Sachau's en.. vol. I. p. 296) as identical with Mid-India, places Kaserumat to the east of the Madhyadlesa and Gabhastiman to the south of it, and in this way endeavours to locate the several dripar. But whether or not Abul Fazl and Alberuni agree in their conception of the identification of the depas is, however, a different question. As a matter of fact, they do not wholly agree 4: for the two scholars were separated by a wide interval of time, during which the notions of the dripas might have undergone change. So what we are to note carefully is that, in spite of their conflicting statements, neither of them proposes to identify any of the dvipras with the islands of the Far East, and both agree in regarding the dopos as so many divisions of India proper in accordance with the tradition recorded in the Skanda Purana. Nothing can be decided with assurance in the present state of our knowledge. We can only state the two possible views. But it may be said, as against the tradition of the Skanda Purana, that we have got a clear hint of a greater India connection in the dvipas, from the testimony of the Garuda and Vamana. As the Skanda is a comparatively modern Purana, conjecture may be hazarded that originally the nine dvipas included, not only India proper, but also the islands of the Far East and other western islands. In a subsequent age perhaps there arose an independent tradition, which sought to increase the number of the stereotyped schemes for the division of India proper into nine parts 43 by evolving another distribution of the continent into nine so-called dvipas. Such a thing was quite possible, if not probable. The Skanda Purana, being comparatively moriern, embodies this tradition. That such was the common and prevalent idea with regard to the dyipas in medieval times is evident from the testimony of Alberoni and Abul Fazl. BOOK-NOTICES. BUDDHIST SCULPTURES FROM A STUPA NEAR GOLI suggested by the globular' stupa, from the ruins VILLAGE, GUNTUR DISTRICT, by T. N. RAMA. of which the sculptures described in this Bulletin CHANDRAN, M.A. 11" X 8': pp. 14; with index have been recovered. As noted by Mr. Rama. and 1 plates. Bulletin of the Madras Govern- chandran, Sowell refers to the stupa site, in vol. I ment Museum. Madras Govt. Press, 1929. (not vol. 2) of his Lists of the Antiquarian Remains Of all districts in southern India, Guntur may in the Presidency of Madras (1882), under Mallawell claim pre-eminence in respect of the many sitos varam, which is the name of another village in the within its limits where important Buddhist remains vicinity. In recording the find of two sculptured have been found, Amaravati and Bhattiprolu have slabs similar to those at Amaravati, Sewell added a long been famous, and within the last few years warning that the place should be watched, tho Mr. Longhurst has shown us that Nagarjunakonda remains might prove of great importance. Appa. bida fair to prove of even greater archaeological rently no heed was paid to this advice, as those two interest. Not many miles from the latter site, slabs have since been appropriated by the villagers. lower down the Kistna valley, lies the village of The possibilities of the site seem to have attracted Coli, a name which the late Mr. Robert Sewell the attention of that accomplished scholar, Dr. C. thought to be probably derived from the three Jouveau Dubreuil, who in 1926 had excavations dolmens, or "graves (goli) of the Raksagas "found carried out, and thefurther sculptures recovered were, near by, but which may possibly have been with his assistance, secured for tho Madras Museum, 49 Thus Alberuni identifies Indradvips with Mid-India, and Abul Fazl places it between Lanka and Mahendra. But in some cases they also roughly agree. Thua Alberuns places Kaserumat to the east of Madhyadesa and Abul Fazl places it betwoen Mahendra and Sukti. With regard to Gabhastiman also they agree to great extent. 13 The scheme of dividing India into nine parts has been presented in different forms, some of which have been illustrated by lists of countries and peoples in each division. These nine divisions variously represent (1) The nine lunar stations (Brhat Sanhita, Ind. Ant., vol. XXII, p. 169). (2) The eight petals and the central part of the lotus flower (Visnu Purana ; ed. by Wilson, vol. II, p. 9) (3) The nine different parts of the tortoise's body (Markandeya Purana; ch. 58). (4) The nine dopas (various Purdnas).

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NOVEMBER, 1930 ] BOOK.NOTICES 227 where they are now proserved. These include three | the inherent and inherited capacity of modern Hindu friezes and a number of other slabs of varying size, politicians to repeat the triumphs of Asoka and his on which are finely sculptured scenes illustrative of ministers. The chief defect of such literary excur. some of the well-known Jataka stories and sions lies in the readiness of the writer to assume incidents in the life and teaching of the Buddha. that such documents as the arthaddatra convoyan A detailed and careful description has been given accurate impression of the state of India at the time of each panel and slab, noting divergencies from the they were composed, and that the working of usual representation of the subject. As most of the institutions can be gathered from the intentions of themes have been presented in the sculptures at their authors. No such far reaching Assumption can Amaravati, the author adds a useful tabular state. be found to be justified by the teachings of experience. ment, comparing the treatment of the several Writers such as the author of the present work Bubjects at the two sites. The correspondence in have in mind the reasonable deductions that can be certain cases, as well as the similarity of the charac. drawn from any recorded code of penal legislation, ters engraved on the caitya elab (P1. X) with some i.e., that the offences for which punishments are inscriptions at Amaravati assignable to the third provided occur sufficiently frequently to require the century A.D., lead Mr. Ramachandran to suggest provision of specific penalties. On the other hand, that the Goli stupa probably dates from the same however, it is quite impossible to assume that the period, no definite indication of its date having i punishments laid down are regularly, or even been otherwise discovered. usually, inflicted ; and, a fortiori, a code of principles This appears to be the first of a new series of bul. for civil and criminal administration, however letins under preparation by the museum authorities; admirable ite precepte, affords little indication of the and we think Mr. Ramachandran is to be congra. conduct of officials charged with the duty of enfore. tulated on the work; it has been carefully written ing them; and it is on this latter factor that the and suitably arranged, and the plates have been state of the country and the happiness of its people creditably reproduced. A sketch map would have obviously depends. From this point of view, Mr. been welcome showing the position of the sites Dikshitar is not an infallible guide when, as on p. 48 referred to as Goli and Mallevaram aro not markod et seq., he attempts to contrast the working of weston the maps ordinarily available. We shall look ern institutions with the former social experiences forward to the appearance of the other works on of Hindu organization. The attempt to prove (p. 76 which, we understand, the author is at present et seq.) that in ancient days Hindu monarchs had engaged. only the good of their subjects at heart and woro C. E. A. W. o. entirely free from military ambition is not, in the light of recorded history, entirely convincing. Fur. HINDU ADMINISTRATIVE INSTITUTIONS, by V. R. ther, the inspiring list of popular forms of embezalo. RAMACHANDRA DIKSHITAR, M.A., with an Intro ment (pp. 208, 209) taken from Kausalys, throns an duction by DR. S. KRISHNASWAMI AIYANGAR, interesting light on the work of the public services University of Madras, 1929. in the much vaunted early Hindu administration. As stated by the learned writer of the Introduc. These forty entries appear to embody the results of tion, this work attempts to present a picture of the much painful experience. The sphere of the Puro. udministrative institutions of the Hindus based hita comes in for much favourable notice. As the primarily on the political portions of the dharmaddstra Mahdbhdrata puts it : a king without purohita is like and arthaddatra trestises. The author has devoted an elephant without & mahdvat. Here we are clearly praiseworthy industry to the undertaking. The result dealing with a point of view that draws much om. is & volume of some 400 pages, dealing exhaustively phasis from the fact that it emanates from a Brah. with early Hindu idene governing the general princi man. A comparison of the position of the purohita ples of administration, a description of the machinery among the ministers to the Archbishop of Canter. and ite component parte, including all departments bury does not strike us as particularly apt; but it is from the Central Government down to the village no doubt true that a Kshattriya monarch gained staff. As would be expected, the writer draws liber much from the intelligent direction of his priestly ally on the Arthatastra of Keutalya for his materials. adviser. This is a field that has already attracted many On p. 244 the writer refers to a controversy with workers. The reign of Chandragupta furnishes & the late Mr. S. M. Edwardes regarding the methode convenient starting point for speculation on the of dealing with evil-doers in Mughal and Hindu method of Government prevailing at the headquar. times, and the use of torture in the discovery of tory of the state and in the villages in early Hindu crime. Here again Mr. Dikshitar's standard for times. A special impetus has been given to such Mauryan administration is the written record of studies by the present political status of India. principles. There is little doubt that Mr. Edwardee Writers such as Mr. Dikshitar seem to set before scepticism, which is shared by others, has more themselves two objectives, which aro pursued by foundation thua Mr. Dikshitar's somewhat facilo methods that are not consistently listorical. The deductions from the code of Kautalya. Here we excellonce of early Hindu institutions is insisted on, must bring this brief notice to an end. It must and from this starting point inforences are drawn of not be sumed, from the criticisms above, that this

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228 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY NOVEMBER, 1930 work is not worthy of very careful study. Where the writer adheres to his text he is deserving of close consideration. When he gives us such gtriking information as (p. 373) in England until recently horses were used in the driving of ploughs, or augurs well for the future of Indian politics from the Assumed happiness of the country in the days of 1 Mauryan emperors, we must needs handle his pages with gome caution. R. E. E. 19TORY OF PRE-MUSALMAN INDIA, vol. I. Prehistoric India, by V. RANGACHARYA, M.A. 91' x 51'; pp. vii+247. Madras, 1929. The author has set himself the big and somewhat ambitious task of compiling a history of India from the earliest times down to the Muhammadan con quest, to be completed in 9 volumes, which will deal with the following periods : (1) Pre-historic India ; (2) Vedic Indio ; (3) India from 650 B.c. to 320 B.C.; (4) the Mauryan Empire ; (5) India from the fall of the Mauryas to the rise of the Guptas; (6) the Gupta Empire ; (7) North India from 600 to 1200 A.D.; (8) Dakkan from 600 to 1310 A.D.; and (9) the Tamil States from 600 to 1310 A.D. The volume before us treats of prehistoric India, carrying us down only to the so-called "Vedic period." Chapter I deals chiefly with the geological evolution of the continent. The next four chapters, which are devoted to Early Man and the Eolithic Age, the Paleolithic Age and the transition from this to the Neolithic Age, contain much that from the nature of things must be speculative. When we reach the Neolithio Age (Ch. VI) we stand upon somewhat firmer ground, as, thanks to the lifelong labour of Bruce Foote and the more recent work in the same field, we have now & e now a mass of material, found over a wide area (chiefly to the south of the Vindhyas and Aravallis) more or less definitely assignable to this period. Mr. Rangacharya collates the evidence available from neolithic sites and offer his suggestions as to the life and culture of the people of that age, their habitations, occupations, arts, dress, food, religion, etc. He emphasizes the reason which apparently led to the selection of sites for settlement by the neolithic folk, viz., the presence of supplies of trap rock, the material chiefly used by them in fashioning their implements, just as tho paleolithio men seem have been guided by the occurence of light-coloured curence of light-coloured quartzite. Though not prepared to accept Mr. P.T. Srinivasa Aiyangar's views as to the five geographical divi. siong of the people into coastal', 'agricultural', 'pastoral', 'hilly' and 'desert' being formed in the neolithic period, or as to the Vedic term pracajana referring to those five types, he is inclined to think that the tendency for the neolithic people to become specialized in distinct areas was "instrumental in inspiring and fostering" the system of caste. All that we shall say hore is, that there seem cogent ronyons for seeking an indigenous origin for this system, rather than for regarding it as introduced by the "Aryan invaders." Again, Mr. Rangacharya declines to endorse the suggestion of Mr. P. T. S. Aiyangar and others that the Aryans were mere descendants of the Dravidians and be. came estranged from the latter only by the adoption of the fire cult and the priestly language of Sanskrit. He thinks the fact is that the Aryans and the Dravidians originally belonged to the same raco the Mediterranean), but to different siages of culture, becoming further differentiated by the mixture of Dravidians with pre-Dravidians and by diversity of climatic environment. In Chapter VII (the Advent of Metals) he puts forward arguments for regarding gold as an Indian discovery, and suggests that the art of smelting copper may also prove to have originated in India. Chapter VIII is devoted to tile Indus Valley Civili. zation, and the question whether it was prior to or later than the Sumerian culture is discussed: but here the author, like all other scholars intorested in this subject, is handicapped by the want of full reports of what has actually been found at Mohenjo. daro and Harappa. Until such details are available it is somewhat premature to discuss the conclusions suggested. As regards the vexed question of the original home of the Aryans, he writes (Ch. IX): "The probability of the Kashmir-Bactrian (sic). Panjab hypothesis is, in my opinion, not less strong than that of the European........ We may thug conclude that about 3000 B.C. & section of the Mediterranean dolicocephals who occupied the region of Bactria Kashmir-Himalayan uplands. the lands of the archaic Vedic and Paisachi dialecta. & sacrificial cult and during the next milienium gra. dually spread themselves across the Western Asiatic plateau, influenced the Babylonian and Egyptian civilizations and penetrating the European plain through the Caspian, Black Sea and Balkan regions, laid the foundations of Aryan Europe." We fear this view cannot help materially to solve the difficulties of this problem. As to the date of the Vedic civilization he seems disposed to agree generally with Dr. Wiuwernitz and MM. H. P. Sastri, and he considers that their views receive corroboration from the discoveries since mado at Mohenjodoro and Harappa, The author has presented tho material culled from many sources in a very readablo form, interwoven largely with original observations often meritin consideration. The typographical blemished are rather numerous, due it seems to the hurry with which, we are told, the volume was j'rinted; but we do not understand why the strange forms "PalaOzoic," "Mes-Ozoic," etc., have been allowed to stand. Such defects should be avoided in the ensuing volumes. We should like to add a tribute to the fair-minded spirit in which Mr. Rangacharya states the theories and opinions of others and the impartiality with which he treate them. C. L. A. W.O.

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Plate v. Indian Antiquary. Fig. 14. Fig. 15. TOTTIYAS Each dot indicates 1000 PALAR KAMMAS Each dot indicates. 1000 ba PONNAIYAR PONNAYAR AUVER CAVVERY

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DECEMBER, 1930 ] RACE DRIFT IN SOUTH INDIA 229 RACE DRIFT IN SOUTH INDIA. BY F. J. RICHARDS, M.A., I.C.S. (Retired.) (Continued from page 218.) The practicable route between the Baramahal and Kongu was the Toppur Pass. An alternative route lay through Perumbalai. The Manjavadi Ghat road (east of the Shevaroys) is of recent origin. The Mallapuram Ghat is accessible only by rail. The Mysore homeland, i.e., the basin of the Upper Kaveri, in the south-west of Mysore State, is fertile, extensive and self-contained. Also it is a "recessedarea, off the direct line of route from the Northern Deccan to the Tamil country. It is exposed to attack from the north, across the open and lightly populated area which "overlaps " the basins of the Upper Kaveri and the Tungabhadra with its tributarics. Its natural outlet is southwards, and the rich and populous villages of the Middlo Kaveri invite invasion. There are thus three lines of approach to the Tamil country across the Deocan(1) through Cuddapah, (2) through East Mysore, (3) through the Mysore homeland. (1) The Cuddapah route makes for Ton damandalam through the Middle Paler valley. (2) The East Mysore route makes for Tondamandalam by way of the Baramahal and the Middle Palar valley, or directly into the latter, but it gives access also (but not easy access) to Cholamandalam by way of Cuddalore or Kongu. (3) The Mysore homeland route leads through Kongu to the Kaveri Delta or, in the alternative, to the Pandiyan country. B. HISTORICAL. This diagnosis is borne out in a remarkable way by historical records and campaigns and by the distribution of certain communities. I note a few below: (1) The Rashtrakatas in the tenth century left records (Fig. 12, PI. IV) in Bellary and Cuddapah, in North-West Mysore (Shimoga and Chitaldrug) in Sfra and Gubbi taluks and in Bangalore, along the Middle Palar valley, all over Tondamandalam and as far south as Cuddalore. They do not appear in Kongu or the Baramahal or the Lower Kaveri valley. (2) The Hoysalas in the thirteenth century (Fig. 13, PI. IV) ruled over most of Mysore, the Baramahal, Kongu and the upper Chola country (they do not appear in the coast taluks), but in Tondamandalam they are only mentioned in Vellore, Conjeeveram and Cheyyar. (3) Malik Kafur marched direct on the Hoysala capital, Dwara-samudra (Halebid), and this route took him to Madura and Rameswaram. (4) The Nayaks of Madura in the seventeenth century directed their campaign against Mysore through Kongu, following the precedent of the Cholas at the beginning of the eleventh oentury. The Mysore Odeyars returned the compliment. They were still hovering round Trichinopoly in the days of Clive. Haidar Ali held the Baramahal, Kongu and Dindigul till his death ; but his operations in Ton-lamandalam and the Kaveri Delta and the intervening country were confined to raids. (5) Sivaji in 1677 starting from Hyderabad, marched on Tanjore through Tondamandalam, and returned home through East Mysore. (6) Cornwallis in 1791 advanced from Tondamandalam (the Palar valley) on Bangalore and failed at Seringa patam. Harris in 1799, moving from the Baramahal and avoiding Bangalore, marched directly on Seringapatam and took it. (7) Haidar Ali advanced to the Tungabhadra, much farther northwards than any Odeyars of Mysore. His operations round Chitaldrug, Bellary, Adoni, Kurnool and Cuddapah were defensive (against the Marathas) on the principle adopted by the Rayas of Vijayanagar when, after Talikota, they fixed their strategic capital at Penukonda. C. ETHNOGRAPHICAL. (1) The Telugu and Kanarese Tottiya chieftains (Fig. 14, P1. V) are settled (a) in western Kongu, (b) in Karur, Musiri and Kulittalai taluks of Trichinopoly, (c) in all the western taluks of Madura, Ramnad and Tinnevelly as far south as Koilpatti, but never got east of

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230 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ DECEMBER, 1930 Trichinopoly or into the Kallar country, or the country of the Great and Little Maravars, except its south-western fringe. (2) The Telugu Kammas (Fig. 15, Pl. V) cluster densely in (a) north-west Tondamandalam, (b) western Kongu, (c) the two western taluks of Madura (Palni and Periyakulam), the two western taluks of Ramnad (especially Sattur) and the two northern tAluks of Tinnevelly (especially Koilpatti). Along the coast they are lightly scattered from Madras to Chidambaram and do not appear in the Kavori Delta. Examples could be multiplied indefinitely, but the subject deserves a monograph of its own. The main fact is that, for geographical reasons, the Kallar country, the greater part of Ramnad, and eastern Madura and south Tinnevelly are exceptionally resistent to aggression. V. Application. That Geography has an intimate bearing on questions of History, Race and Language in S. India I hope I have made plain. Examples could be multiplied indefinitely; in fact, there are few, if any, features in the religious, social, artistic or material culture of India which would not repay detailed topographical scrutiny. Research on these lines is no mere academic exercise ; it brings to light factors which no statesman can afford to ignore. Peninsular India is the home of five great nations, Maratha, Kanarese, Telugu, Tamil, Malayali. Nations they are, in every sense of the word, although their present somewhat fortuitous distribution between British Presidencies and Indian States obscures the fact. Each of these nations has a history and culture of its own, a national language and literature, special cults and customs, a distinctive social, economic and religious organization. (Cf. Herodotus, 8, 144.) Of these five nations, four preserve Dravidian speech. With the Telugu and Kanarese peoples this essay is not directly concerned. Between them and the Tamils lies the Poligar Belt. Time and again this barrier has been crossed, by Tamils as well as by Telugus and Kanarese, as soldiers and also as settlers; yet none of these nations has succeeded in imposing its culture, or even its rule for any length of time, on its neighbour beyond this geographical borderland. This ebb and flow is vital. The drift of races may invigorate or it may destroy. Thanks to the Poligar Belt, the Tamils have never been swamped by mags migration ; but they have never been cut off from the main stream of Indian life. Kerala is different. The Western Ghats are a stiffer obstacle than the Poligar Belt. Neither the Kanarese in the north nor the Tamils in the south have advanced very far. Yet Kerala is no stagnant backwater; its people are as alert and vigorous as any in India, perhaps more so. They have elaborated a civilization astonishingly unlike any other in India; a noteworthy testimony to its charm and vitality is the readiness with which settlers of other nations adapt themselves to the Malayali way of life. Yet the Malayalis, like the Tamils, have had an ample share in the cultural life of India; like them, too, they have given as generously as they have received ; and their gifts are of their own mintage, not mere copies of alien types. Few teachers, for instance, have had a deeper or wider influence in India than Sri Sankaracharya of Kerala or Sri Ramanujacharya the Tamil. Most of what is best in North Indian Hinduism to-day owes its inspiration to them. Cultural unity is not dependent on political unity; nor does cultural diversity necessarily involve hostility. Dravidians appreciate the value of toleration and compromise. For nearly three centuries the Kanaresc, Telugu and Tamil nations stood united under the leader ship of Vijayanagar in the fight with the Deccan Sultanates; for half that period the five nations have given of their best for the good government of South India, British and Indian alike. But national sentiment is still a living force, and although their political boundaries may fluctuate, their cultural boundaries are founded on rock. They are willing to co-operate, but not to be submerged. Their local loyalties, the most stable factor in South Indian History, deserve respect; it would be wrong to suggest that they no longer exist,

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DECEMBER, 1930 ] DRAVIDIC MISCELLANY 231 DRAVIDIC MISCELLANY. By L. V. RAMASWAMI AIYAR, M.A., B.L. I. DRAVIDIAN BASE voe (ve, va). ONE of the oldest of Dravidian bases voel (along with its variants) is preserved in the South in a recognizable state: Tamil vengolan (tyrant), venduppu (hot anger), veyyil (sunshine), vayyu (to abuse), vayi (pain), venal (heat, summer), etc. Kannada : bayi (pain), bay (to abuse), bayisu (to desire), bedaku (to desire), bede (heat), bevi (to perspire), bisi (heat), bisu (sun), eto. Kann, d- in bedaku, bede, goes back to original medial glide y:>y> ; dj >d; for which of, tudi (end) and Tam, tuyi.. Kann. sin bisi and bisu is also from original y : y >y> > 8. The semantic developments are obvious. Heat' is associated with strong feeling (pain, joy, desire or anger) by a process of metecsemy, and a number of forms expressive of these ideas have arisen. The base in its primary state is also evident in Kurukh basna (to boil), bi'ina (to cook); Tulu be (to boil), baya (to heat); in Brahui bising (to become hot), bising (to heat), bdsun (hot); in Kui vaja (to cook), eto. ; in Gondi ve (to cook), etc. Medial -8- in the Brahui and the Kurukh forms and -j- of the Kai form go back here probably to a medial glide y.3 The alternance of v and b observable in many of the above instances is quite characteristio of certain Dravidian dialects (Kannada, Kurukh, Brahuf). Formative affixes were added to the base at a very early stage in Dravidian and numerous new bases were produced. Some of the most active, ancient formative affixparticles were -4 (-1), -9, - and -1. The activity of the ancient affixes - (probably connected with it, to remain,' etc.) and in anoient Dravidian was phenomenal; vae+r, or d produoed a crop of forms with varied meanings and connotations. One set has given us forms meaning 'ardent admiration,' detestation,' 'fear,' etc. :Tamil veruppu (detestation, hatred), veru (admiration), verukkai (glory), veru (fear). vedi, 1 Striking similarities exist between this Dravidian base and a large number of forma in Austro-Asiatic, Austronesian and Australian, Prof. Rivet has given a list of these latter in his recent thesis Sumerien et Oceanien. It is remarkable that three different Dravidian bases for 'fire,' 'host, oto., are analogical in form and meaning to three groups of forms adduced by him as occurring in Oceanic and Sumerian. These three Dravidian groups are the following (1) tu, tigroup. (2) ve, 16-group. (3) kody, ki-group. It will be interesting to investigate why forms for 'fire," "heat' should be so remarkably alike basic. ally in these different language-families. This change of y to d through j appears to have cropped up in Tamil itself (cf. the instances I have given on page 149, IHQ, March 1929). The change is quite common in Tulu (vide the same article). Kannada medial -8- represente in many instances Tamil medial -y84. does appear to be the development of y in this and the following Brahi instances > kehioun (red). tusing (to faint)of. southern luy. nusing (to grind corn)cf. sn, noy, nuy (bite, pieces). In the following Brahof instancos, however, a stands for an older represented in other dialects - puskun (newcf. pud, pucc- of the South. assut (was) where the past affix -- has changed into -:-. murit (three)cf. mu(n)dru, modu of the South. huping (to burn)cf. fuld of the South. Cf. Kupal, laat stanza of the chapter dealing with Okkamudaimat (ex S RL.20.-Energy). uramoruvat-kulla verukkai yahdillar maramakkaladali veru. (The real glory of man is firmness of mind; those who are devoid of it are like troes, their human form a sham.)

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232 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [DECEMBER, 1930 pedi (fear), Gondi vari (to fear), Tulu podi, Kann. beragu (haste) should be related to this series. Another set retained the literal meaning, to be dry,' etc., in Tamil varu, varalu, varu, vatru, etc.; Kann. baru, battu, bara (firewood), baradu (barrenness), etc.; Tel. varuvu (dry); Mal. viragu (firewood), varaklou (iry), varali (dried cowdung); Gondi vari (to brand), valt (to be dry); Kui veju (wood); Kurukh batt (to be dry), bir (sun); Brahoi barun (to be dry); piraing (to become dry). Tamil viyar, veyar (perspiration), Mal. visarpu, Tel.-Kann. bedaru (perspiration) are probably comparatively late formations, as the formative suffix appears more or less prominently in them. The formative suffix .gu combined with vsc and produced the following forms with literal meanings : Tamil vegu (to boil). Tel. vegu, vetsu. Kann. baga (blaze). Kui vah (to fry); veh (to be hot). Brahui beghing (to knead). -- in the Kui words and .gh- in the Brahus word are from an original k org through an intermediate fricative; cf. Kui inter-vocal-h-in maha (mango), toh- (to tie), etc. Kann. baga (blaze) is also connected with this series. The following forms (with .gu) have figurative meanings by the prooess of metecsemy: Tamil: vehgu (to desire), vegulu (to be angry), veguli (agitation), pagai* (hatred); Kann. bakkudi (agitation), bekuli (fear), bakuli (excessive desire), biguru (fear), baga (hatred), etc. It is remarkable that forms with .gu possessing figurative meanings are found only in the South (3) The formative suffix! produced ve! with various meanings; vel with the meaning light' appears in Tam. veliccam' (light), vilangu (to shine). Kann. belalu (lamp), belagu (to shine). Mal. veliccam, veluppu (dawn). Kurukh bilt (light), bilch (to shine); bijj- (to become white). Tulu bilagu (to shine). Gondi pial (by day); pio (steam). Brahui piun (white). Gondi verchi (light), merci (dawn). Tel. vele (to shine). Tamil-Mal. venmai, ve!uppu (whiteness), velli (silver), etc. Kann. bili (white), belli (silver), Tulu bolli, etc., are immediate derivatives from the above. The formative suffixes of Dravidian could easily be detached from the most ancient of the extant forma. Base + primary suffix+secondary suffixes' forms the common scheme of Dravidian word-formation. The common suffixes which occur numerously in a recognizable condition in Tamil are d (-nd).-d. -.-..-.-9(- g), -6 (mb), eto. Both primary and secondary affixes could be distinguished as such in the instances given in this essay. -F, - appear to be one of the most ancient primary afixes which formed nouns and verbs from olementary base. (Cr, my article on Brdhat r- verbs in JOR, March 1930). This suffix appears to hayo undergone further changes under certain definite conditions in the dislecta or>tr>(vide IHQ, March 1929); (b)r>tr>t>d>j in Tulu and Kai (vide the same article, p. 148). 6 For the probable ancient change of initial to p., gee below. 1-ccam gore back to ttam (= 4, the formative affix, geminated in Tamil + am, the neuter stfix of Tam.-kann.-Mal. group). Cf. nadattam (walking), maricc-al (turning), ericc-al (burning), etc.

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DECEMBER, 1930 ] DRAVIDIC MISCELLANY 233 A set of variants of vel : 8 pel, pen, came to have the meaning of desire'; pen (woman) in the South and Kurukh pel (woman), pello (female child) should be traced to pe! (desire). By the semantic process of irradiation, pe!, per (-! and -n being related) came to signify the object of 'ardent desire,' viz., woman. Initial v- has probably changed to p- [of. vayi, bayi, pasi (suffering, pain, hunger)] in paidal (suffering); vel produced also the verb vel or vey with the specific meaning 'to desire ardently': Tamil ven (to desire, ask, etc.). Tamil-Mal vel (to desire to marry, to marry). Kann. beku (Page #260
234 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [DECEMBER, 1930 (2) ve (that which is ardently admired, or detested) veruppu (detest) veru (admiration) verukkai (glory) (3) var, der, ver, veyir, etc. veyirve [Tam.] veru (fear)-[Tamil] pedi (fear)--[Tamil] bedar (fear)--[Kann.] bede (hot feeling Kann.) podi (fear)--[Tulu) vari (fear-[Gondi) . varu (to be dry, to dry, etc.) [Tamil] varu, vatru, etc. [Kann.) bara (firewood, etc.) [Tel.] varavu, eto. (Mal.) viragu, vara!, vara, eto. BrAhai) bdr. (dry), etc. [Kurukh] (4) vegu bevi, bemaru besaru (Kann.] visarpu, eto. (Mal.] vehgu (to desire, oovet, hate, eto.) vegu (to be hot, eto.) [Tam.) [Kann.) baga (blase) [Tel.] vegu, telou, et. veguli (agitation), pagai (anger, hatred) baguli (agitation) beguru (fear), begadu, etc. II. DRAVIDIAN od, ba(i) (MOUTH). This base is found in all Dravidian dialects. Its antiquity is undoubted, and it has given rise to various forms in Dravidian. Kurukh ba'a (to say), bar (to be called, to have a title), Kdi ves (to speak), Gondi ves in vesori (tale), veh (to narrate) indicate a very early stage when verbs were formed from od or 64. The first Kurukh word mentioned above is directly from $4,20 whereas the second one contains the formative affix (Middle-Passive) --- which has changed the initially formed verb-sense into the idea of being named,'having a title,' eto. Now are a number of forms with the initial surd p-meaning to say,''to speak,' 'to command 'cognate with the above series. The p-forms are the following Tam. pas-u (to speak), pas-eigu (to speak). Tel. pelu, prelu (to chatter). Kann. pe! (to speak). Tulu pan (to speak). para (to speak). Brahui pan-ing (to speak). (To be continued.) .. For possible word-correspondences in other language-families, cf. Austric ba, pd (mouth), Indo. Chinese (Ahom) bd (to say). 10 The following forms of Dravidian are probably traceable to this base-pan-ai, bine (carthen pot with large mouth); vdnu, banu (to make pota); odru, odru, odlu (to pour out); vdbal, uddal (door, gateway), oto. Mal.

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DECEMBER, 1930 ] CHITOR AND ITS SIEGES 235 CHITOR AND ITS SIEGES. By R. R. HALDER. (Continued from page 166.) "Bhimsi was the uncle of the young prince, and protector during his minority. He had espoused the daughter of Hamir Sank (Chauhan) of Ceylon, the cause of woes unnum bered to the Sesodias. Her name was Padmini, a title bestowed only on the superlatively fair ..... The Hindu bard recognizes the fair, in preference to fame and love of conquest, as the motive for the attack of Alau'd-din, who limited his demand to the possession of Padmini ; though this was after a long and fruitless siege. At length he restricted his desire to a mere sight of this extraordinary beauty, and acceded to the proposal of beholding her through the medium of mirrors. Relying on the faith of the Rajput, he entered Chitor slightly guarded, and having gratified his wish, returned. The Rajput unwilling to be outdone in confidence, accompanied the king to the foot of the fortress; amidst many complimentary excuses from his guest at the trouble he thus occasioned. It was for this that Ala risked his own safety, relying on the superior faith of the Hindu. Here he had an ambush ; Bhimsi was made prisoner, hurried away to the Tatar camp and his liberty made dependent on the surrender of Padmini." The artifice by which Padmini contrived to rescue Bhimsi and save her own honour, by sending to 'Alau'd-din's camp, instead of herself and her handmaids, as pretended, 700 covered litters containing picked warriors, each borne by six armed soldiers disguised as litterporters; how Bhimsi escaped on a fleet horse and was pursued to the fort ; how the Muhammadans were foiled in their assault ; how 'Alau'd-din, having recruited his strength, returned to the attack later on, and ultimately captured the fortress; and how the heroic women sacrificed themselves one and all by the awful rite of jauhar, "to find security from dishonour in the devouring element"; all this is vividly and eloquently told in the glowing pages of Tod in a famous chapter, which need not be quoted at length here."'43 The account given in Briggs' Ferishta is as follows: "Alla-ood-Deen about this time sent an army by the way of Bengal to reduce the fort of Wurungole in Tulingana, while he himself marched towards Chittoor, a place never before attacked by the troops of the Mahomedans. After a siege of six months, Chitor was reduced in the year 703, and the government of it conferred on the king's eldest son, the Prince Khizr Khan, after whom it was called Khizrabad... " 44 Among the events of the next year, Firishta further says : "At this time, however, Ray Ruttun Sein, the Raja of Chittoor, who had been prisoner since the king had taken the fort, made his escape 46 in an extraordinary manner. "Alla-ood-Deen, having received an extravagant account of the beauty and accomplishments of one of the Raja's daughters, told him, that if he would deliver her over to him, he should be released. The Raja, who was very ill-treated during his confinement, consented and sent for his daughter, with a manifest design to prostitute her to the king. "The Raja's family, however, hearing of this dishonourable proposal, concerted measures for poisoning the princess, to save the reputation of the house. But the Raja's daughter contrived a stratagem by which she proposed to procure her father's release, and preserve her own honour. She accordingly wrote to her father to let it be known that she was coming with all her attendants, and would be at Dehly on a certain day, acquainting him with the part she intended to act. Her contrivance was this. Having selected a number of the dependents of the family, who, in complete armour, concealed themselves in litters (such as are used by women), she proceeded with such a retinue of horse and foot, as is customary to guard ladies of rank. Through her father's means, she received the king's passport, and the cavalcade proceeding by slow 43 Tod's Rajasthan, vol. I, pp. 307-11. 4 Briggs' Ferishta, vol. I, pp. 353-54. 45 The escape of Ratansingha is also mentioned in Elphinstone's History of India, P. 386, and Duff's Chronology, p. 211.

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236 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ DECEMBER, 1930 marches to Dehly, was admitted without interruption. It was night when the party arrived, and, by the king's especial permission, the littets were allowed to be carried into the prison, the attendants, having taken their stations without. No sooner were they within the walls, than the armed men leaping out of the litters, put the king's guards to the sword, and carried off the Raja. Horses being already prepared for his flight, he mounted one, and rushing with his attendants through the city, before opposition could be made, fled to his own country among the hills, where his family were concealed. Thus, by the exertions of his ingenious daughter, the Raja effected his escape, and from that day continued to ravage the country then in possession of the Mahomedang. At length, finding it of no use to retain Chittoor, the king ordered the Prince Khirr Khan to evacuate it, and to make it over to the nephew of the Raja. This Hindu prince, in a short time, restored the principality to its former condition, and retained the tract of Chittoor as tributary to Alla-ood-Deen during the rest of this reign. He sent annually large sums of money, besides valuable presents, and always joined the imperial standard in the field with 5,000 horse and 10,000 foot."46 Now. As regards the account given by Col. Tod, it may be stated that Lakhamsi was not the ruler of Mewar when Chitor was attacked by 'Alau'd-din. He was the ruler of an estate called Sisod& in Mewar and was subordinate to Ratnasimha. He was killed fighting along with his seven sons against 'Alau'd-din at the siege of Chitor.47 Bhimai (Bhimasimha) was not the uncle, but the grandfather 48 of Lakhamsi (Laksmanasimha), and must have died many years before the attack on Chitor; for his grandson, Lakhamsi, being a father of eight sons, seems to have reached an advanced age at the time of the siege. Chitor was attacked only once 49 by 'Alau'd-din, and at that time its ruler was Ratansen (Ratnasimha), as is rightly stated by Firishta. But Firishta is certainly wrong in saying that 'Alau'd-din asked Ratnasimha to deliver one of his daughters to him and that the Raja (Ratnasimha) effected his escape from prison at Delhi through the exertions of his daughter. Padmini was the wife of Ratnasimha, though her parentage is yet unknown, and she was not the object for which 'Alau'd-din attacked Chitor: it was his warlike spirit and desire for conquest which led him to besiege Chitor, Ranthambhor, JAlor and other places in Rajputand. Both Col. Tod and Firishta are mistaken in stating that Ratnasimha was taken prisoner to Delhi by 'Alau'd-din, and that Padmini went there to effect the escape of her husband or father by & stratagem, in which she succeeded. Neither Ratnasinha nor Padmini went to Delhi : the former met his death in the fighting at Chitor, and the latter in the flames of jauhar after her husband had been killed, as is correctly stated by Col. Tod. There was no king of Ceylon named Hamir Sank,' who was contemporary with Rawal Ratnasimha of Mewar. 50 The story narrated by Col. Tod and Firishta about the attack of 'Alau'd-din on Chitor may also be found in earlier compilations. For instance, the Hindi poem 51 on Padmavati oompiled by Mahmud Jayass in the first half of the sixteenth century A.D. gives, more or less, the same account. The purport of the story is given below: Ratansen, son of Chitrasen, king of Chitor, having learnt through a parrot of the extraordinary beauty of Padmini, the daughter of Champavati, the queen of the king Gandhravasen of Sirhhaladvipa (Ceylon), went to Ceylon in the guise of a mendicant to obtain a sight of her. They accidentally met in a Siva temple and fell in love with each other. Subsequently, on the growth of an intense love between them, they were married by Padmini's father. After spending some time in Ceylon, Ratansen returned to Chitor with Padmini. At Chitor there was a Brahmana named Raghavachetana, who incurred the displeasure of the Rana and was banished from the kingdom. He went direct to Sultan 'Alau'd-din of Delhi and informed 48 Briggs' Feriahta, vol. I, pp. 362-63. 17 Rajpatand Museum Report, 1925-26, p. 2. 48 MM, Rai Bahadur G. H. Ojha's History of Rdjputand (in Hindi), vol. I, p. 522. Briggs' Perishta, vol. I, p. 353. Elliot : History of India, vol. III, pp. 76-77. 60 Duft's Chronology, p. 321; H. W. Codrington, A Short History of Ceylon, pp. xviii, 78-80. 61 Manuooi, Storia do Mogor, vol. IV, p. 419. Also as in note 48 above, pp. 487-491.

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DECEMDER, 1930) CHITOR AND ITS SIEGES 237 him of the exquisite beauty of Ratansen's wife, Padmini. The Sultan at once asked Ratansen to deliver Padmini to him and, on his refusing to do so, attacked Chitor with a large army. The fighting continued for eight years, and seeing that the fort could not be conquered, the Sultan expressed his desire merely to have an interview with Ratansen and then return to Delhi. Ratansen acceded to this request. On the cocasion of his visit the Sultan accidentally beheld Padmini, through a mirror while he was playing chess with Ratansen, and determined to secure possession of her at any cost. While returning from Chitor, he treacherously made Ratansen prisoner and took him to Delhi in chains. Hearing of this sad news, Padmini, under the direction of her two chiefs, Gord and Badal, went to Delhi with 1,600 covered litters containing brave Rajpats disguised as her handmaids. On reaching Delhi, permission was obtained for her (Padmini) to hand over the keys of Chitor to the king Ratansen and then to present herself to the Sultan. In the course of this visit, the king's chains were cut, and he mounted a horse and rode towards Chitor along with Padmini and Badal. When this news reached 'Alau'd-din, he ordered his army to pursue the Rajputs. The latter, under the leadership of Gora, turned and opposed the Delhi forces. Gora was killed in the fight that ensued, but meanwhile the king, quoen and Badal managed to reach Chitor safely.' Shortly after this, king Ratansen died, leaving Chitor in charge of Badal. Padmini and the other queen, N&gamati, became satis after the death of their husband. Soon after this, Chitor was attacked by 'Alau'd-din and captured. Thus we see that the story of the poem is nearly the same as that narrated by Tod and Firishta. It is probable that this story, being the earlier composition, was used, with variations, by Firishta, and that Tod afterwards drew on Firishta. The part played by the parrot in the love-affair between Ratnasimha of Chitor and Padmini of Ceylon, as well as the story of the marriage between them having taken place in Ceylon, may have been added to give more dramatic effect to a tale that was based, at all events, on one fact, namely, that 'Alau'd-din Khalji attacked Chitor, After the assaults by the Sultans of Delhi, Chitor fell a prey to those of the Sultans of MAlwi and Gujarat. During the reign of Hammira's successor, Maharana Ksetrasimha, an at. tack by Ami Shah of Malwa seems to have been delivered upon Chitor. This may be conclud. ed from the inscription,52 dated S. 1545, of the time of Maharana Rayamal and from the inscription, 63 dated $. 1485, at Spingi Rishi, which tell us that Ksetrasimha defeated Ami Shah and humbled his pride. The Ami Shah of these inscriptions was evidently Sultan Dilawar Khan Ghori of Malwa.54 In Tod's Rajasthan, Kgetrasimha is said to have defeated the emperor Humayun near Bakrol.65 This is impossible, as Humayun reigned between 1530 and 1555 A.D., while Ksetrasimha ruled in 136482 A.D. The next attack on Chitor was made by Sultan Mahmad Khaljf of Malwa in the year 846 A.H. (1443 A.D.), after he had assaulted one of the forts in the Kumbhalmer district defend. ed by Benir4ya, the deputy of Rana Kumbha (Kumbh Akarna) of Chitor. The army of the Sultan carried by storm the lower fort ; but the death of his father, A'zam Humayun, in the meantime, prevented further action. After a short time the Sultan once more led his army against Chitor, determined to begin operations after the rainy season was over. Maharana Kumbha, however, made an attack upon him with a foroe of 12,000 cavalry and 6,000 infantry, but, as the Sultan had occupied an advantageous position, the assault failed. Then the Sultan in his turn attacked the Maharand's force, and, after inflicting some loss on the MaharAnA. returned to Mandu. It was about this time that the Maharana began erecting the famous Kirtistambha, the Tower of Fame. In the year 850 A.H. (1446 A.D.), the Sultan gent T&j Khan with a force of cavalry to attack Chitor, with no definite result. After a few 01 Bhavnagar Inscriptions, p. 119, v. 29. 53 Rajputand Museum Report, 1924-26, p. 3. 64 Memoirs of Jahangir (Rogers and Beveridge), vol. I, p. 407. Elliot : History of India, vol. IV, p. 562. 55 Tod's Rajasthan, vol. I, p. 321.

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2:38 THE INDIAX AXTIQUARY ( DECEMBER, 1930 years in 868 A...=1454 A.D.) he himself again marched towards Chitor, but finding his position difficult, acoeptod a sum of money from the Maharana and returned to Manda, About this time the Maharana attacked the Sultan's army under Taj Khan and forced him to retreat.56 When the Sultan of Malwa found himself unable to overpower the Maharana single-handed, he sought an alliance with the Sultan of Gujarat. For this purpose he sent Taj Khan to Gujarat to propose an offensive alliance with Qutb Shah against the Rajputs of Mewar. Accordingly, a treaty was signed at Champaner by their respective envoys in the year 860 A.H. (1456 A.D.), and in the following year Qutb Shah of Gujarat and Mahmud Khalji of Malwa began their attacks on the Maharand. After some fruitless attempts, Mahmud Khalji returned to Malwa, and Qutb Shah went to Ahmadabad, where he died in 863 A.I. (A.D. 1459).57 A few years after these events, in 1468 A.D., the death 58 of Maharana KumbhAkarna was caused by the hand of his own son, Udayasimha, and Chitor soon became the scene of civil war. The parricide Udayasimha was quickly repudiated by the people of Mewar, who invited his younger brother, Reyamal, to seize the throne. After severe fighting at Jhwar, Darimpur, Panagarh and other places, Rayamal made an attack on Chitor, which he captured. after stout opposition,69 in Samvat 1530 (1473 A.D.). The dethroned Udayasimha ulti. mately formed an alliance with Sultan Ghiyasu'd-din of Malwa for recovering Chitor, but died almost immediately afterwards, being struck by lightning 60 The Sultan, how. ever, with the intention of placing the two sons of Udayasimha on the throne of Chitor, attacked the fortress, and being defeated after a severe contest, retreated to Mandu.61 After Ghiyasu'd-din, his son Nasiru'd-din succeeded as Sultan of Malwa. In the Hijri year 909 (1503 A.D.), he proceeded towards Chitor, whence, having received a large sum of money from Maharana Rayamal and the daughter of Jivanadas, one of the subordinate Chiefs, he returned to Manda.6. After a short time, Nasiru'd-din again sent an army against Chitor, in order to help Surajmal and Sarangadeva, son and uncle, respectively, of the late Maharana Udayasimha. After some engagements, this force was defeated and obliged to retire. After these minor attempts Chitor became the butt of two fieroe attacks made on it by Sultan Bahadur Shab of Gujarat. In the year 938 A... (1532 A.D.), the Sultan decided to attack the fort of Raisin and subdue its ruler Silhadi, as the latter refused to present himself at court. He pitched his camp near the fort of Raisin, the walls of which were levelled to the ground, and orders issued for an attack. Upon this, Silbadi expressed his wish to become a Muhammadan and give up the fort to the Sultan; but his brother Laksmanasen, dissenting from such action, determined to hold the place till succour arrived from Rana Vikramajit of Chitor, to whom Silhadi's son, Bhupat, was despatched for assistance. On hearing that a force of 40,000 horso was being sent by the Rana of Chitor to the aid of the garrison of Raisin, Bahadur Shah sont Muhammad Khan Asiri and 'Imadu'l-mulk with a force against the RapA, and soon joined this force himself after appointing Ikhtiyar Khan to continue the siege of Raisin. Within 24 hours he travelled 70 kos and put fresh life into his army by his presence. The Rand declined an action, and retreated towards Chitor on learning the superiority of the Sultan's force. Bahadur pursued the Rand with the speed of lightning, but the latter reached Chitor first. As the Raisin fort was still untaken, the Sultan decided not to attack Chitor until matters were settled at Raisin, and accordingly he returned to Raigin, capturing the fort on the last day of Ramazan 938 A.H. (1532 A.D.).63 Shortly after this Bahadur Shah collected an enormous supply of arms, artillery and ammunition and 88 Briggs' Ferishta, voi. IV, pp. 208-23. 57 Pbid., pp. 41-43. 68 Tod's Rajasthan, vol. I, p. 338. 89 Bhavnagar Inscriptions, p. 121, and Vira Vinod, vol. I, p. 337. 80 Tod's Rajasthan, vol. I, p. 339. 61 Tbid. p. 345. Tod gives the name of the Sultan of Malwa as Muzaffar, which is a mistake. 61 Briggs' Ferishta, vol. IV, p. 243. 63 Bayley's History of Gujardt, pp. 366-365.

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DECEMBER, 1930 ] SIDI ALI SHELEBI IN INDIA, 1564-1566 A.D. 239 despatched them for the siege of Chitor. He ordered Muhammad Khan Asiri and Khudawand Khan to proceed with his army from Mandu to Chitor. When they reached Mandasor, they were met by the vakils of the Rana, who stated that the Rand was prepared to offer his submission to the Sultan, if the siege of Chitor were abandoned. This proposal was conveyed to Bahadur Shah at Manda by Shaja'at Klan. Bahadur Shah, however, remembering the Rana's bold action in sending aid to Silhadi, and being bent upon investing the fortress of Chitor, rejected the Rana's offer, and sent Tatar Khan with veteran troops for the subjugation of the place. On the 5th Rajab 939 A.H. (1533 A.D.) Tatar Khan took and plundered the Buburbs of Chitor. Next day he attacked the outer gate and carried that also. On the 8th of the month, Muhammad Shah and Khudawand Khan came up with heavy cannon and a siegetrain, and the fortress was completely invested. The Sultan started from Mandu with an escort of five horsemen and reached Chitor in 24 hours. His large army came up behind him. He gave directions for bringing up and placing in position the battering guns. The great gun which had been brought from Diu sent"rooks tumbling down on rocks and build. ings upon buildings." The exertions of the Sultan in pressing on the siege were unprecedented. It is said that he had sufficient men and artillery to have besieged four such places as Chitor. (To be continued.) SIDI ALI SHELEBI IN INDIA, 1554-1556 A.D. BY C. E. A. W. OLDHAM, C.S.L., I.C.S. (Retired.) (Continued from page 224.) Before going on to relate his further travels, Sidi 'Ali remarks that among the Banians of the country, by whom, we know from a subsequent passage, he refers to the Hindus in general, as there is a literate class called Bat (i.e., Bhat), whose duty it was to guide and protect and stand surety for merchants and travellers. These Bata accompanied the caravans, and if robbers attacked them on the way, drew their daggers and, pointing them to their own breasts, threatened to kill themselves on the spot if any harm were done to the travellers.26 Accompanied by two of these men Sidi 'Ali and his companions set out from Ahmadabad about the middle of the month of Safar A.H. 962 (January 1555) on their long overland journey to Turkey. In five days they reached Patan 27 (the ancient Anbilvada), the chief town of western India until superseded, under Muhammadan rule, by Almadabad, from which it lies about 63 miles NNW. Here the Pul&di brothers, Sher Khan and Mash Khan, 38 who were making preparations to attack the ruler of Radhanpur, tried to prevent them from proceeding to the latter place. Sidi 'Ali insisted upon moving on, and in five days more he arrived at Radhanpur, which lies about 40 miles to the west of Patan. Here the Bats were sent back to Ahmadabad and the journey continued to Nagar-Parkar, then in the possession of Rajputs (probably Sodas, still dominant in tbat district). As the distance from Radhanpur 35 The use of this word in this general senso is interesting as indicating the important position bold by merchante in Western India in those days. It is the Marathi uimi and Gujarati viniyo, reproduced by the Portuguese in their intercourse with the west coast as 'Bancano'; and this has given us our word 'Banyan.' 26 Compare the account given in Tod's Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan, edited by W. Crooke, vol. II, p. 814. See also Gazetteer of the Bombay Presidency, edited by Sir J. M. Campbell, vol. IX, p. 200 f. 37 Vambery failed to identify the place. He writes Patna, instead of Patan (ul), as road by Diez. 28 For some account of these brothers, see pajji ud-Dabir's History of Gujarat and the Mirat al. Sikandari.

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240 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ DECEMBER, 1930 would be about 70 miles, the party must have been delayed en route, as ten days were spent on the road. Here they were attacked by a band of hostile Rajputs, but, forming a bareba with the camels and opening fire, they cowed their assailants. After this they wandered across sand and desert for some ten days 39 till they reached Wanga, which lay, Sidi 'Ali tells us, on the frontier of Sind. This is Wanga or Wango Bazar, marked on nearly all maps of Sind, on the bank of the Nara, 80 miles SW. from Hyderabad, on the road that crosses the Rann of Kacch to Bhoj. It is of geographical interest to learn that this was regarded as the eastern boundary of Sind at that period; and we may, I think, assume that this boundary was formed by an important river, probably the main eastern branch of the Indus. From Wanga, where they hired fresh camels, they moved on to Jun and Bagh-i. Fath. Jan is the Joon of James Burnes's map of 1827-28,30 marked as situated about 45 miles E. by N. from Tatta and some 12 miles S. by E. from Tando Muhammad Khan. Though there is now only a dehi of this name in Taluka Guni, Hyderabad district, to mark its site, Jan was once a place of considerable importance, situated near the bank of one of the branches of the Indus, 3: the lands around being well irrigated and fertile. It was here that Humayun settled down for some eight months33 after leaving Umarkot, being influenoed in moving there by the prospect of obtaining supplies of grain for his troops and followers. He pitched his tent in a large garden, while his whole encampment was surrounded by an earthen rampart and ditch as a protection from attack by Shah Mirza Husain. In his Tarkhan-nama, Saiyid Jamal writeg34 of Jun : "This place is celebrated amongst the cities of Sind for the number and beauty of its gardens, abounding in rivulets which present fresh and delightful scenes." Lla'sum in his History of Sind, 35 writes: "There are many gardens there, such as the heart rejoices in, with fruit trees, on which account it raises its head above all the other towns in Sind." Bagh-i-Fath does not appear to be marked on the Survey sheets available, but it lay a few miles further on, to the NNW. of Jun. Both Jun and Bagh-i-Fath are named in the Afn-s-Akbari36 as mahals of sarkar Hajkan, the heavy Assessment on the former indicating its reputation for fertility. The only maps I know of, in which both these places are shown are-(1) Map III, facing p. 30, in Major-General Haig's work, The Indus Delta Country, and (2) the map forming Plate CIII to Mr. H. Cousens' Antiquities of Sind (1929).37 On the latter map they will be seen marked about 11 and 6 miley, respectively, SE. of Tando Muhammad Khan, on the route to Badin. In fact all these three places (all of them old sites) probably lay on the then main route northwards to Nasrpur, Sehwan and Bukkur, which, with Tatta, were the most important towns in Sind at that time. It must be remembered that there was no such place as Hyderabad in those days. The main western branch of the Indus then flowed a long way east of the site on which Hyderabad 39 As there was no direct road, the distance travelled might be anything from 100 to 120 miles. 80 A Narrative of a Visit to the Court of Sinde, 1831, frontispicco. 81 Gazetteer of the Province of Sind, 1907, p. 103. 88 The Rain river, according to Saiyid Jamal, see Elliot and Dowson, Hist. of India, I, 318. 33 From November 1542 to July 1543. 81 Eee extract from the Tarkhan-ndina in Elliot and Dowson, Hist. of India, I, 318. 86 Muhammad Ma'sum, History of Sind, translated by Captain G. G. Malet, Bombay Government Record, 1855, p. 113. Jauhar also describes Humayun's stay at Jun, sde Tazkiratu'l-vdqi'at, translated by C. Stowart, Oriental Trans. Fund aeries, 1832, p. 44 l. 38 Spelt Jaun' and Bagh Fath' in Blochmann & Jarrett's translation, II, 339. Bagh-i-Fath must also have been a place of importanoo at one time, as we are told in Jamal's Tarkhan-ndma that Mirza 'IBA Tarkhan (who was Governor of Tatta in 1666) had been " Governor of Fath Bagh "in 1553. Prof. Vambery supposed that Jono (or Juna, as he writes it) was a mistake for Junagarh (in Kathiawady 7 Archaeological Survey of India, vol. XLVI, Imperial Series, last plate,

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DECEMBER, 1930 ] NOTES ON CHIAMAY 241 now stands, past Nasrpur, on the west of that town, bifurcating, it seems, lower down, the principal channel, probably flowing past Tatta to the sea, the other taking a S. by E. course, passing Bagh-i-Fath, Jun and Badin, to the Rann. (To be continued.) NOTES ON CHIAMAY. (The Mysterious Lake of the Far East.) BY SIR R. C. TEMPLE, Bt. THE derivation of Chiamay, as a name, that at once suggests itself is that it represents Chiengmai, the Zimme of the Burmese, on the western branch of the Menam, which was subjugated by the Burmese-Shan king of Taungu jrt about the time of Mendez Pinto. There is, however, no lake in Chiengmai, but a temporarily inundated area, such as early European writers speak of in connection with lower Siamese valleys and existing during any given traveller's visit, may account for the term "Lake" being attached to Chiengmai. Even a modern writer, Hallet, A Thousand Miles on an Elephant, speaks of the river plains in the Shan States being sometimes flooded artificially for the sake of the fishery, and also as being liable to inundations when irrigation works are neglected. In 1921 Mr. Edward Heawood kindly sent me some rough notes of his own (not then with any view to publication) on this "mystery" of the Far East, and these I now reproduce, with his consent, in an ordered form. To his mind, it was quite possible that the story of the lake has somewhere a foundation in fact, but it was nevertheless mythical in stating that the lake was the common origin of the four great rivers that run to the south in Indo-China. Mendez Pinto is the standard, but by no means the only, authority for the statement and for the name Lake Chiamay, and Mr. Heawood thought that as his version agrees so nearly with the current belief in his time, it argues his dependence thereon in the main rather than on his personal knowledge, though he may have seen a lake, perhaps that of Talifu, which he took to be the Chiamay of then current geography. This presupposes a common origin which he and other early writers oopied. Going upon the evidence he had collected, Mr. Heawood was inclined to place the lake" near Chiengmai in the basin of the Meping in Siam, possibly as a temporarily flooded area of the kind described above. Before Pinto's date, however (wrote Mr. Heawood) in the sixteenth century, Camoens speaks of Lake Chinmay in canto X, stanza 125, of the Lusiads, which, though not published till 1572, were composed before 1560, and gives the Menam as the only effluent, getting nearer the truth than the other early versions of the myth. "Cingapura " is mentioned in the same stanza, and this may be the origin of Pinto's name " Singapamor" (see below), given to the lake, probably due to some confusion. The next stanza mentions the" Gueos " (Gwa Shang, though some say Karens or Kachine), one of the names associated by Pinto with the river' debouching from Lake Chiamay at Martaban. But see my own note on Gueos below. Turning now to Pinto's account : in ch. 128 of the original Portuguese edition of 1614 (p. 41, SS 4 of Cogan's English version of 1653), he describes a supposed journey, by a great river throughout, from North China to Indo-China, passing by Lake Singapamor (que os naturaes da terra nemeno por Cunebetee). It has a circuit of 36 leagues, and harbours a great number of birds. Four great rivers emerge therefrom: (1) Ventrau, traversos Sornau (Siam) and enters the sea at Chianta buu.

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249 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY DECEMBER, 1990 (2) Iangumaa, flows south and south-east and traverses the kingdom of Chiammay, the Laos and Gueos, and part of Dambambuu, entering the sea at the "barra de Martauno " in the kingdom of Pegu. (3) Pumfileu, traverses the whole of Capimper, Sacotay, and Monginoco, part of Meleytay and Souady, entering the sea at the barra de Cosmin [Bassein) near Arracao. [Here the present writer would remark that the term Monginoco is of especial interest as an echo of the Portuguese name Branginooo for Bhurin. gyinaungchau (pronounced now Bayin-gyi-naungzaw), a title of the Burmese-Shan overlord of Pegu and Lower Burma in the early seventeenth century.] (4) Not known by any name, but probably the Ganges of Sategso in the kingdom of Bengala. Pinto and his companions crossed the lake and went on by Caloypute. Elsewhere he speaks of a war of the king of Siam against the king of Chiamay, in the course of which he came to the "Lake Singapamor, usually called Chiamay." Yule, Mission to the Court of Ava (ch. VIII of 1858 ed. and Note E of 1856), speaks of Pinto's account, and says he is probably the only traveller who declares that he has seen the Lake of Chiamay. He identifies elsewhere Jangomaa with Chiengmai, and speaks of the general belief of a common origin for the great rivers of Indo-China, associating it with the fact that the great rivers of Northern India rise so near each other. Next Barros (quoted by Ramusio at the end of vol. I) gives an account of Lake Chiamay and the rivers in Dec. I, liv. ix, cap. i (ed. of 1777, I (2), p. 308]. He says that the great river of Pegu comes from Lake Chiamai, 200 leagues in the interior, from which six rivers issue, three joining to make the great river of Siam and three others entering the "Enseada de Bengala. One of these last traverses the kingdom of Caor (Gaur, or Northern Bengal), whence the river takes its name," and also the kingdoms of Camotai and Cirote, de bouching near Chatigao (Chittagong) into the branch of the Ganges, opposite the island of Sornagao. The river of Pegu (here obviously the Irrawaddy) traverses the kingdom of Ava, and the third makes its exit at Martabao, between Tavay (sic) and Pegu. The " Capo di Cingapura" is repeatedly mentioned in the same chapter. Pinto probably added knowledge of his own, if he had any, to the common stock of his time, as the other enrly accounts agree better among themselves than with him. Gastaldi (map of 1561) gives the name Chiamay to the town near it as well as to the lake, whereas Pinto speaks of a country of that name, not as being near the lake, but as situated on one of its effluents. Pinto also calls his second river issuing from Lake Chiamay, the Jangumaa, 1.6., Chiengmai, which is Gastaldi's name for a kingdom cast of all the four rivers. His third river, the l'amphilou, is Caipumo in Gastaldi, which again seems to be the Capimper of Pinto. This river, Mercutor (1569 and later) calls Cosmin, from the old name for Bassein, which place Pinto places at its bar. Magini, it may be noted, gives an acoount of the lake and the rivers in his supplement to Ptolemy in 1596. Chiamay does not seem to be mentioned by Gaspar da Cruz (ob. 1570). Sven Hedin has a chapter on Lake Chiamay in his Southern Tibet, in which he strangely identifies the lake with Mansarowar, merely because one of its effluents was supposed to be the Ganges. To the above notes by Mr. Heawood I added the following at the same time. The obvious remark to make is that Pinto, Barros, etc., and the cartographers of the day were re. porting only what they heard, and at the best but partially comprehended, with the result the name Chiamay came to stand for a State, a town, a river and a lake in various situations,

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DECEMBER, 1930 VOTES ON CHIAMAY widely separated geographically. In such circumstances it might well have been applied in all four senses. This suggests that Chiamay sprang out of the Shan term Chiengmai= Burmese Zimme. But it is quite possible that something entirely different has been confused with it. There is in the hinterland of Burma and Pegu more than one celebrated lake whose fame might have reached the early Europeans on the coasts in a confused manner :(1) There was a great lake in the Kentung Shan State, which was drained off by nature, not by man, within historical times, and the memory of the consequent flooding lives in legend among the Shans, Kachins and Karens as stories of a Deluge. (2) Yawng-Hwe Lake in the Southern Shan States has a people called the Inthas (Lake-dwellers) celebrated in story. (3) NawngHkeo Lake in the Wild Wa country and head-hunting centre has a wido uncanny reputation. (4) Nawng-tung Lake in the Kentung Shan State has also a wide reputation as the scene of the triennial festival of the Nawng-tung Vestals, when picked maidens are 'married to the Spirit of the Lake. Tales conoerning any one of these lakes may have filtered through to the Portuguese in & garbled form, pointing to a famous inland lake. But the wholo question wants following up before anything definite could be asserted. Then there is the periodio flooding in places-especially in the deltas--of the country about the great rivers. The Irrawaddy, as high up as Mandalay, gave mo personally, when in charge of the town in 1887-1889, much trouble in this respect. No doubt also the Sittang, the Salween, the Menam and the Mekong are equally liable to flood in places. Lastly, there is the great Tonlesap Lake in Cambodia, and no doubt others, of which accounts came through to the Portuguese. However, one can say little of the likelihood or otherwise of such speculations without a careful critical examination of texts and maps, old and now. References to Chiamay occur in Dames Barbost, o.g., II, 168, where Chiengmai is described as a possible location for the "Cucos"; see also II, 242, and II, 214, where Barros, Decadas, is quoted. Dames and others seem puzzled by the name Guco for a large tribe, and there is no doubt that it wants hunting to earth. I think it will on critical examination turn out to be a Shan tribe. The King of Pegu, whom the carly Portuguese met, was by acquired nationality a Talaing, but by descent a "Gwe" Shan, which fact makes one think. Some have thought the Gueos to be Kachins, i.e., of Tibeto-Burman race. Others that they were Karens; others again that they were Was, i.e., a branch of the Mon Race, as are the Talaings themselves, whereas Shans and Siamese make up a race of their own Then there aro the Giaos or Giaochis-again a Chinese' Wild Tribe (Barbarians)-as indeed are all the rest above-mentioned. The whole question wants critical examination and settling

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244 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY DECEMBER, 1930 MISCELLANEA. THE MEANING OF BHAVABHCSANA | palm-leaf records of Jagannatha (vide Sir W. W. SANTATI AND THE IDENTIFICATION OF Hunter's Orissa, vol. II, App. VII, pp. 185-87), of APARA-MANDARA IN THE RAMACARITA the Kesari kings, who are alleged to have ruled in OF SANDHYAKARA NANDI. succession in Orissa, and numbered not less than BEAVABHORANA-SANTATI IN THE RAMACARITASI. forty-four. These records, although cortainly con. The Ramacaritam of SandhyAkara Nandi (twelfth siderably lacking in authenticity, contain, at any rate, century A.D.), after describing at length the success- a nucleus of truth about the rule in Orissa of a dynasful campaign of Ramapala, the last great emperor of ty comprising a number of kings with the surname the Pala dynasty of Bengal, against the insurgent Ketart, before the province had finally become sub. Kaivartas of Varendra (northern Bengal), and re- jugated by the Ganga prince of Kalinganagara, Anan. ferring to the construction of a city by him, called tavarma Chadaganga, in the eleventh century A.D. after his name, Ram@vati, at the confluence of the It is, however, difficult to maintain with precision Ganges and the Karstoy, introduce e verse pur. who it was that usurped possession of Utkala on the porting that be, the Pala monarch, conquered Utkala dethronement of Karnakesari. Obviously, Jaye. (Orissa) and Kaliiga, but restored the former simha himself did not. In that case, along with to the descendants of the BhavabhUsada' Utkala, his original kingdom in Dandabhukti, too, family. The verge as it is, runs thus would have equally felt the brunt of the un. Bhavabharana-santati-bhuvan-anvjagndhajitas. Ut grateful arms of Ramapala. Jayasimha appers kalatrasi yah only to have fought in the van of another aggressive Jagadavatiama samastan Kalirigatastan nidacharan prince against Karnakesari, and the Ramacaritam nigh nan. (III, 45.) never records the actual possession of Utkala by Opmion differs as to the significance of the ex- Jayasimha. As for Anantavarma Chodaganga, the pression Bhavabhupana santati. In his introduction conquest of Orissa by him in the tenth century A.D. to the Ramacaritam, Mahamahopadhyaya Dr. H. P. is not yet established by any reliable evidence. This SAstri, who has discovered and edited the workpoint, therefore, awaite the discovery of further (Mem. A.S.B., vol. III, No. 1, p. 1 ff), regards it as material before a definite conclusion can be drawn. alluding to the Nagavamis. There are others who THE IDENTIFICATION OF APARA-MANDARA. have taken it in the sense of the kings of the so- Amongst the motley of kings that temporarily join. called lunar dynasty. But consistency of facts can od together and mado common cause with Ramapala only be pronor ved if it be supposed to imply what against the revolting Kaivarts of northern Bengal, was called the Kesarf dynasty. Bhavabhasana, or there was one Laksmiedra of 'Apara-Mandars' (II, literally, the ornament of Bhava, an epithet of 3, Com.), the site of which has yet to be identified. MahAdova in his water presiding character, denotes 1 Mandara, the famous hill in the Bhagalpur disthe serpente, which are but the mane (kesara) of trict, and with which is associated the myths about him. Setting it in an historical background, it its being used by the gods and the demons during would be noticed that prior to the expedition of the churning of the ocean, is "situated about 30 Ramapala against the Kaivartas, the lord of Utkala miles south of the town Bhagalpur." (I.G., vol. was one Karpakesari, who was overthrown by VI, p. 289.)" It is on the eastern side of the river Jayagirbha, king of Dandabhukti and an associate Chandan, 27 miles N. of Bausi and 29 S. of Bhagal. of Ramapala in that famous expedition. Because of pur in Lat. 24deg 501 N., Long. 87deg 6' E." (1.4., the cognomen kebara the house of Karnakesari had vol. I, p. 46, footnote). Cunningham puts it : been, so it appears, claiming descent right from the "The famous hill of Mandar stands about 14 miles ketara (mano) of Bhava, just as the ChAlukys did off the present road from Bhagalpur to Seuri, near from the chuluka or water.vessel of Brahma the village of Oureya........" (A.S.I., vol. VIII, While mentioning that Karpakesari was worsted p. 130.) He also supposes that Pliny's Mounte by Jayasimha, SandhyAkara Nandi otherwise desig. Malous or Mallus is probably "intended for the nates the former as aarid vallabha-kumbha-sambhava, celebrated Mount Mandar......" (Ancient Geothat is, having originated from the pitcher of the graphy of India, ed. by 8. Majumdar $Astri, p. lord of water' (cf. II, 8, Com.). This also tends to 882). In the seventh century A.D., two tanks the same conclusion. It is a most befitting concep. were caused to be excavated there by Kopadevi, tion that Mahadeva, whon viewed as a deity in consort of Adityasena of the later Gupta dynasty association with the lordship of water, should also (Fleet's 0.1.1., vol. III, p. 212). The antiquities have a pitcher on his head, instead of the serpente, and their intereste, which are not few, about that, being clotted together, ordinarily constitute the hill have been discussed at greater length by his crest and mane. R. B. Bose (1.A., vol. I, p. 46 ff.) Curiously enough, neither the name of Karna. The expression apara-Manddra, denoting, as it does, kefart, nor that of Udyotakolarl, whose historical on the other (side) of Mandara,' is, in the present existence as a ruler of Orissa is substantiated by epi- instance, applicable to the region on the southern graphioal testimony (Ep. Ind., vol. V, App., p. 90, and south-western sides of the hill, since the northern No. 668), Occurs in the long list furnished by the side of it, which was Anga proper, was swayed over

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DECEMBER, 1930 ] BOOK NOTICE 245 at that eventful time by Mathanadeva, the mater. XVIII, pp. 53-54) invaded north-eastern India, the nal uncle of Ramapala, whilo to the east lay the rulership of the southern Radha country was vested kingdom of Kayangala (Hiuen Tsang's Kajangala), in ono Rapasura (S.I.I., vol. III, p. 27, No. 18). the capital of which has been located near modern It is not improbable that overthrown by the Chola RAjmahal. It is, therefore, highly probable that army, he, Ranasura, fled towards the so-called Laksmisura's territory comprised the site of modern Apare-Mandara, and established a kingdom there Deoghara, Vaidyanatha, etc., and that he was the anew, and that to his dynasty belonged Lakemisurs. chief among the feudatories who ruled over the Gadh-Mandaran in the southern Radha country, whole of that silvan tract of land and its vicinity. which is sometime identified as Apara. MandAra, This is exactly in keeping with the description in appears to be wholly wide of the mark, one, though the Ramacaritam, viz., Apara-Mandara-malhudda- not the only, reason for this being that Laksmibara nah-samastafavildedmanta-chakrachudamar ih (II, 5. would, in that case, best appear be the overlord of Com.). As for the poet SandhyAkara Nandi, the Kota forest, but the R&macaritam would not an inhabitant of Paundra-Vardhane, which wie have it. Again, it would be going too far, on the geographically situated in the north-eastern direction strength of a remark in the Ceylonese chroniolo, from the Mandara hill, he does not seem unjustified Mahduamda, to assume that even in the days of in describing the south-western side of that hill as Ramapala or Sandhyakars-Nandi, the southern its other side. The explanation of the phrase Radha country iteelf was covered with denge foregt. a para-Mandara 18 another MandAra' (Mem. The short description of southern Radha about A.S.B., vol. V, p. 89), although correct in a general the eleventh century A.D. in the Tirumalai inscripway, would yield here no meaning at all. tion of Rajendradevachola I, may well be taken While sometime between 1021 and 1025 A.D., the into consideration here. generals of Rajendradevachola I (Ep. Ind., vol. NALINI NATE DAS GUPTA. BOOK-NOTICE. FOREIGN BIOGRAPHIES OY SHIVAJI : by, help us, although he states that there is corrobora Dr. SURENDRA NATH SEN, B.Lurr. (Oxon.), M.A., tion of the incident to be found in unpublished Ph.D. (Cal.), Lecturer in History, Calcutta papers in the Archivo Ultramarino at Lisbon. University. (Kegan Paul Trench Trubner & Co., Thevenot's short biographical sketch, which 1930.) comes next, is oddly silent on the subject of the of the five biographies of Shivaji which Dr. much-discussed murder of Afzal Khan, and also Sen has collated, the longest (pp. 1-170) and, in his the campaign of Jai Singh which led to Shivaji's judgment, one of the most important, is Cosme da visit to Agra. The third on Dr. Sen's list is the Guarda's Vida & accoens do famoso felicissimo Abbe Barthelemy Carre's account of Shivaji, Sevagy, which he has translated from the copy in translated from his Voyage au Indes Orientales the Biblioteca Nacional at Lisbon. The author, meld de plusieurs histories curieuses, published at who donoribes himself as a native of Murmugko, Paris in two small volumes in 1699. The work near Goa, wrote the book in 1695, but it was not was known to Orme, whose poor opinion of it published until 1730. While admitting that most Dr. Son declines to share. The portions relating of the information which it offers is "incomplete and to Shivaji have been translated by Sir Jadunath unreliable," Dr. Sen claims that it is not without Sarkar (Historical Miscellany of the Bharat ite valuo. Most people, after reading Dr. Seu's Itihas Sanghodak Mandal, September 1928) : translation, will share the view of Sir Jadunath but Dr. Sen is diegatiefied with Sir Jadunath's Barkar, who was aware of the existence of the book version, and supplies his own (pp. 187-217, 221-258). in spite of its rarity, and who digmisses it as "fuli In several footnotee he criticizes Sir Jadunath's of gross inaccuracies." We are asked, inter alia, to translation and it must be admitted that the believe (p. 1) that Shivaji was born in Portuguese rendering (p. 222) of homme de tete de "headman" territory, at Viror near Bassein (a fiction algo is open to question. Carre went to India with propounded by Thevenot) and that "people were Caron-- Dutchman, who had been appointed Direc. not wanting" who declared him to be the son of tor-General of the French Company by ColbertDom Manoel de Menezes, "the lord of this village." arrived at Surat in 1668, returned in 1671, and The stratagem by which Shivaji escaped from Agra found his way back to India in 1672. Like Cosme in a basket is well-known: a wholly different and da Guarda, he is an enthusiastic admirer of Shivaji : utterly fantastie version is provided (p. 130), and the and Dr. Sen claims that his book, at the date of his escape is said to have been made from Delhi, Other publication, was "practically unrivalled in instances might be adduced. There is no attempt accuracy and wealth of details. At the same time, at chronological order; and although it may be he acknowledges that there is much in his narrative true that no other author had anything to say "that is no better than bazar gossip." It is clear, about the naval battle between the Marathas therefore, that it must be used with caution. and the Portuguese near Murmagio, we are left Dr. Ben's fourth excerpt is the socount of the Car. in the dark me to the dato, and Dr. Son does not natio expedition of 1077, which he has taken from

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246 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY DECEMBER, 1930 Francois Martin's unpublished Memoires mir Deta. be cutt off imediatly and than told him begone : blissement des colonies francaises aus Indes Orien. he had noe need of his cloth." This story, at all talea, 1864-1696. The original MS., which M. Alfred events, does not emanate from Smith : but is it Martineau (Camb. Hist. Ind., v. 616) declares worth while to attach so much importance to the to be of the utmost value, is in the Archives matter? As Dr. Sen himself says, Shivaji did not Nationales at Paris : and there is a transcript by go to Surat " on a mission of mercy," and "the the late M. P. Margry in the Bibliotheque Nationale, procese of relieving opulent merchante of so much which all studente of Indian history would be glad money must have involved torture and death, to see in print. Dr. Sen has therefore done good cruelty and oppression." The cult of Shivaji es & service in translating the portion which deals with national hero is perfectly intelligible, and he was the most notable of Shivaji's military achievemente. remarkable both as a general and as an admini. The fifth document in Dr. Sen's volume is the strator ; but he was not an angel incarnate. An "Beschryving van Suratte" in the first volume (pp. interesting passage is cited (pp. 386-387) from the 264-267) of Valentijn's Oud en Nieuw Oost Indien Dutch Records, which disposes of the favourite (Amsterdam, 1724). The description of the first sack tradition, endorsed, among others, by Mr. Kinoaid of Surat, which is well known, is evidently based (History of the Maratha People) and Professor on the day book of the Dutch Factory, which Dr. Takakhav and Mr. Keluskar (Life of Shivaji Maharaj: Sen reproduces later on (pp. 372-382) together Bombay, 1921), that the family of Shivaji was with other extracts from the copies of the Dutch connected with the Sesodia clan of Rajpute, of Records preserved at the India Office. which the Maharana of Udaipur is the Chief. The In his Introduction Dr. Sen discusses at some fact is that the founder of the house-Bhogavant length (pp. xxxi-xxxviii) the charge brought against Bhosle--was in reality a patel or village headman, Shivaji in connexion with the first sack of Surat, and, like the great mass of the Mahratta people, that he cut off the heads and hands of a number of was by casto a Kunbi or cultivator. The Bhogles prisoners. The evidenoe for this is contained in the are neither Kshatriyas nor members of any twice. Rev. John L'Escaliot's letter which is among the born caste: and if we turn to the pages of Ranade Sloane MSS. at the British Museum and was tran- and Sarkar, we shall find that the genealogy of scribed by Sir William Foster in the Indian Antiquary descent from the sun was fabricated by Balaji Avji for December 1921 (vol. L., pp. 812-321), the and other agents of Shivaji, in order to overcome log of the Loyall Merchant (Orme MSS. No. 263) and the Brahman prejudice against the coronation of a a letter from the Prosidont and Council at Surat, Sudra king, and that Gaga Bhat, & padil from dated January 28, 1684. Dr. Sen declines to accept Benares, accepted it as genuine in return for a huge any of these authorities on the ground, firstly, that fee. That these manoeuvres were publicly known at the Dutch records make no reference to the incident, the time, is evidenced by the Dutch letter of Octoand secondly, that the accounts are all based upon ber 13, 1674, to which we have referred. "Sivaay" the testimony of Anthony Smith, en English factor, is distinctly stated to have declared that "he could who was a prisoner for three days in the hands of not be crowned unless he had abandoned his present Shivaji and who was sent to England & year later caste of Bhonsla and taken the caste of Kettery." with an extremely bad report of his character. The series is completed by a number of selections This hardly seems an adequate reason for supposing from the Bombay original correspondence. These that Smith deliberately lied: and in any chee relate principally to the various embassies to Dr. Sen appears to have overlooked the following Shivaji --of Lieut. Stephen Usticke in 1672, Thomas independent evidence which he will find in L'Esca- Niccolls in 1673, Henry Oxinden in 1874, and Samuel liot's letter. We are told that a cloth merchant Austen in 1878. Ueticke's journal appears to have "from about Agra " took refuge in the English been lost; the journale of the others are printed Factory : he had presented himself before Shivaji in full. That of Oxinden is of particular interest, and offered all he had. As this was cloth and as he was progent at the coronation. "noe mony, the villaine made his right hand to EVAN COTTON. NOTES AND QUERIES. CHANGE IN THE COURSE OF THE SON RIVER. THE KHIZRI SCRIPT. In note to his translation of the Indika of Mr. H. A. Rose, Tribes and Castes of the Pandab. Arrian, and again in his later work, Ancient India p. 564, writes: "In Jalalpur Jattan in the Gujrat as described in Classical Literature, the late Dr. Mc. District [of the Panjab) a script called Khizri is Crindle stated that the Son joined the Gangee in the well known. The writers say that Khwaja Khizr immediate vicinity of Patna till the year 1379, when (the ubiquitous supernatural being of the East] it forsook its old channel and shifted westwards. taught their forefathers the art of writing." Can any reader of the Indian Antiquary refer me to the authority (not quoted by MoOrindle) for Can any reader tell me the nature and origin of designing the shifting of the channel of the Son this soript, or where a MS. or sample of it can river to this particular year? be got 0. E. A. W. OLDEAM. R. C. TEMPLE.

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JANUARY, 1930) REMARKS ON TAF ANDAMAN ISLANDERS AND THEIR COUNTRY 49 The object then of the operations which Mr. Vaux, with the assistance of Mr. Rogers and Mr. Bonig, conducted with such conspicuous endurance, courage and skill has been entirely carried out. Precise information has been obtained of the location of the Jarawas, of the real object of their annual raids and of the best mode of reaching them, and they have been taught that they cannot raid and murder with impunity. The return of the captured women will teach the tribe something of ourselves and that we have the power, if we choose, to take their fanilies away from them. Thanks also to the energy and determination of Messrs. Vaux and Rogers, inuch knowledge of the nature of the country and forests in the hitherto untouched interior of the South Andaman has been gained, and it is very satisfactory to note that the parties of Jarawas punished belonged to the actual perpetrators of the latest raids. No operations in relation to the Jerawas have hitherto been anything like so successful. It is therefore all the more to be deplored that the leader should have lost his life in the chances of a struggle. It is a still more regrettable circumstance to record that the life need not have been lont, for at the last moment Mr. Vaux made an error in judgment in not waiting as usual for the Andamanese to rush into the camp first. Had this been done, it is more than probable that no life would have been lost. But it has been ascertained that he feared that if he did so the Andamanese accompanying him would kill all the men they could and that the rest would escape with most of their weapons and stolen property. It was to avoid this that he determined to go before them when the word was given to attack, and thus he lost his life in a laudable, though mistaken, atternpt to save bloodshed. SIII. Extracts from Reports and Diaries of two Reconnaissances of the Country supposed to be occupied by the Jarawas. FIRST RECONNAISSANCE. (a) Extract from the Report, 25th January to 4th February, 1902, dated 8th February 1902, from the late Mr. P. Vaux, Officer in charge, Andamanese, Port Blair. 25th January.-Left Port Blair at 6-30 P.m. in the steam launch Belle with Mr. Bonig, Assistant Harbour Master, a Havildar and 6 Constables of the Port Blair Police and a party of 15 Andamanese. Reached Macpherson's Strait at 9 P.m., and anchored for the night. 26th January.-Weighed anchor at 9 A.M., the delay being due to our giving the Police and Andamanese & run on shore. Proceeded on to Port Mouat to take on an Andamenese canoe. Left as soon as possible and proceeded to Constance Bay. We landed here and found some self-supporter convicts from Templeganj. One of these men told me a story about some of his villagers being attacked by Jarawas two days before, and I thought it worth while to send for the Chaudhri (Headman) and the villagers. On their arrival they all denied having ever seen anything of the Jarawas and denied having spread any such report. There seemed to be no truth whatever in the story ; 80 I sent them all back. Anchored here for the night. 27th January. Started from Constance Bay at 7 A.m., and arrived at Port Campbell at 11 A.M. I sent a party of Andamanese and Police into the jungle to the south, to try and pick up traces of the Jarawag. I and Mr. Bonig searched with others along the shore but found no recent traces. Mr. Bonig picked up an old bow and a basket. It seems probable that the Jarawas have not camped here since the man was shot by the Census party laat year (1901). The Police and Andamanege returned in the evening without having found anything. The Janglfs [Andamanese) had a grand turtle hunt in the evening, shooting some dozen turtles and a small pig, the latter & splendid running shot by quite a young boy. There was so much excitement over the tartle hunt, that those on the launch thought we were being attacked, and the remaining Police and Andamanese came hastening off, includ ing the womon, the latter with piles of arrows.

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80 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY JANUARY, 1930 28th January.--Up to to-day we had done nothing, but from to-day the real business began. Mr. Bonig and I each took a party and we began a systematic beat of the jungle. We arranged for Mr. Bonig to examine the coast to the north and the adjoining jungle, while I boat the jungle in the interior. Mv party consisted of 5 Andamanese and 3 police. men, Mr. Bonig taking the remaining Adaianese and Police, except a guard of two of the latter who were left on board. I rowed off in the dinghy at 8 AM, and landed on the northern shore of Port Campbell opposite the southern extremity of Clyde Island. Here we searched in the dense jungle about the gwainps and hills, and came upon the footsteps of Jarawas, so:ne old and some fairly recent. About 10 o'clock we came on the fresh traces of a Jarawa. There was only one man, and he was evidently hunting, but after following his tracks for a considerable distance we gave it up, as he was obviously after game, and his tracks led nowhere. It was not until midday that we came upon & Jarawa camp. Amid considerable excitement we surrounded it, only to find it empty. Our Andamanese at once seated theinselves in the huts, and lit their pipes. This. I discovered afterwards was their universal procedure. It was a five-hut camp-three large huts in the middle and one at each side, at a little distance; these latter our Janglis explained were for look outs, where only men glent. The Andamanese said it had not been occupied since the rains. It was substantially built, with stout ballis (wooden posts, and was well thatched. A string of pig skulle was hanging from the roof, besides this an old basket and an arrow was all we oonld find. The Andamanose told me the Jarawas would use it again next rains. The huts were on slightly rising ground alongside a fresh water stream. We waded up the strean between 2 and 3 miles, sometimes waist deep, and frequently knee deep. It was here that it first struck ine, that the theory of the Jarawa raids being due to scarcity of water was unfounded, and of this, as will be seen, I had plenty of confirmation before returning to Port Blair. In the course of the day we came on several water holes and springs. When not walking along the course of the stream, we were literally wriggling through the denge jungle up and down hill. We got out on the coast again about 4 P.M. and reached the boat about half an hour later. We had been walking from 8 A.M. to 4 P.M. with perhaps one hour's rest, certainly not more, taken in intervals of about 10 minutes at a time. Yet I doubt whether we covered more than 15 miles. But no walking in the world could be more fatiguing, as we were bent double creeping through the dense jungle, every shrub of which seemed to bear a thorn. We then had a two-hours' pull back to the launch, as by this time it was quite low-tide and there was shoal water all around. We reached the launch at 6-30 P.M., Mr. Bonig and his party returning only a few minutes earlier. He reported having corce on fresh Jarawa footsteps on the seashore, at a Bay called Bilep in Andamanese, north of Ike Bay. He also reported finding three anchors and a quantity of iron kentledge on the seashore close to Bilep, evidently from the wreck of a barque. I do not know whether this has been reported before. The wreck, he informs me, must have been quite an old one. 29th January.--As the traces of the Jarawas all seemed to be to the north of where we were, we left Port Campbell at daylight and anchored at Bilep at 7 A.M. Here we again divided into two parties, mine consisting of 7 Andamanese and the policemen, and Mr. Bonig's of similar numbers. Two policemen were left on board, one of whom, however, had fever. This constable was ill from start to finish and never landed at all. I rowed up doreek in the dinghy a little to the south of Bilep Bay, Mr. Bonig going up another creek in his boat which flows into the Bay. The creek I went up is called Gering-chaparjig by. the Andamanose; it was a fino broad piece of water quite as big as Brigade Creek. We were

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JANUARY, 1930] REMARKS ON THE ANDAMAN ISLANDERS AND THEIR COUNTRY 51 now in the heart of Jarawa country and every precaution was observed. The dinghy was rowed for, I suppose, a little over a mile up the creek. On either bank, signs of Jarawas were visible in the shape of felled saplings and leaves. At every bend in the creek the Andamanese drew their bows and fitted in their arrows, and at the least sound in the jungle they stood up in the boat with full drawn bows, as it was possible to have an arrow into the boat any minute. However, nothing happened, and soon the creek got too shallow for the boat, and we hauled it up high and dry, and tethered it to a tree. We then all proceeded up the river bed in the same order as yesterday, an advance party of Andananese, then myself and the Police, and another party of Andamanege in the rear. We soon came upon the track of Jarawas. First of a man, then of a man and woman, and then also of a child, all proceeding up the gorge. The river, or mountain stream, was of a most difficult nature to climb. It was very deep in parts, and most of the time at the commencement we were knce deep, often waist deep, and once, when I shipped into a pool, I had to swim. Similar accidents befell the Police, and these experiences have altogether dispelled the water theory of Jarawa raids as far as I am concerned. At times we reached almost insurinountable walls of rocks, which we had the greatest difficulty to get over. Sometimes I had to be hauled up the slippery rocks by the Andamanese, at other times we crawled through water-channels underneath them, and at others we were creeping through the leech-infested jungle on either side, slowly working our way up the channel. The higher we got up, the more tracks were visible and we were evidently on a Jarawa highway, as men's, women's and children's footsteps could be seen ascending and descending. At about 1 P.M. we were evidently near an encampment. Trees were arranged as bridges over some of the boulders and pools and a beaten track was found on the side of the jungle where the river bed was impassable. Saplings were seen cut on every side and in one place a cold fire and a few shells were found. At last we got to level ground, where the boulders ceased and the mountain torrent became a stream. We waded through deepish water for a fairly long distance. It was very cold as the sun could not penetrato the dense jungle. As the signs of Jarawas increased so did our excitement. At last about 2 PM., the Andamanese seemed nonplussed, but after searching here and there went up a beaten track without hesitation, which ascended a hill, and there was the Jarawa camp. We approached it with the utmost caution, only to find it empty. It was a six-hut camp, arranged with the usual two-look-out huts at the sides; it had been left about a week, and there were only pig skulls and an old basket in it. After a short rest we turned homewards down a Jarawa path. These paths are quite clear, branches and saplings being felled on either side, and, except that they are made for small people, are quite as good as dacoit paths in Burma. Thinking all was over we proceeded quite carelessly, when suddenly the Andamanese spread themselves out with every sign of excitement and a column of smoke could be discerned and afterwards huts. With the utmost caution again we approached and again found the huts empty. The occupants could only have left six hours before at earliest. The logs were smouldering, boiled prawn heads were strewn about, water vessels made of leaves with water in them were in the huts, and everything betokened recent habitation. But no cooking pots or bows were in the huta. some baskets, arrows, and a child's bow were all that we could find. The Andamanese were doubtfal whether tho Jarawas would return, saying no property of value had been left. Still I determined to wait and we lay in ambush round the camp. This was an eight hat camp, and built just as the others were. Siter about half an hour there was a distinct ory

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY JANUARY, 1930 from the direction of the camp we had previously visited, another cry followed, and afterwards two fainter ones. I believe myself our visit to the first camp had been discovered, and the ories were cries of warning. At about 3-30 P. M. the Andamanose said the Jarawas would not return and that we must get back. This I did not altogether believe, but after much consideration I concluded that there was nothing else to be done. We had many weary miles to travel through cold water, and break-neok boulders, and leech-infested jungle. So with the greatest reluctance, I gave the order to turn homewards by a Jarawa track, which led into a small stream, which in its turn flowed into the big mountain stream of our morning's ascent. We hurried down the river bed, floundering over the rocks, falling up to our necks in the pools, and jumping and tumbling down the semi-precipitous track. In such haste were we that even the Janglis occasionally stumbled and fell. In spite of all our haste, night was soon upon us. It was dark at 6, 80 thick was the jungle on the banks of the stream, and from 6 to 7 we staggered along in what had become piteh darkness. It is difficult to say which was the worst, stumbling and falling over the steep, slippery rocks, or forcing one's way in the black darkness through the pathless, thorny jungle. It is a meroy that no serious accident ocourred. At 7 o'clock I thought it hopeless to go any further, and though no one had eaten anything since leaving the launch I thought it better to camp where we were. But the Andamanese said they would manage it. They had now found a clump of bamboos, and cutting these they splintered them with stones, and set them on fire. Thus each holding a toroh we completed the last few miles to the boat, over the rocks, through deep water and under and through the jungle. It was as rough work as one can well imagine, but infinitely better than the horrible half hour of inky darkness that had preceded it. At last at well past 8 we reached the bout. The tide was out and we had great difficulty in launching it and getting it over the first quarter of a mile. Then we got into deep water, pulled out of the creek, and finally reached the launch at 9.30. We had been absent 13 hours, and must have been wading, climbing and stumbling at least eleven of them. We must have gone well over 20 miles. The Police with me again behaved excellently, though they were nearly done up: 80 was I, and even the Anda manese, though still full of laughter and cheerfulness, admitted they were very tired. Mr. Bonig was waiting on board, but his report was very disappointing. After hours of jungle work, he had come on the track of four or five Jara was who crossed into my river bed, followed them a long way down it, then through the jungle and out on to the sea coast near the launch. There he discovered that they had not only escaped. but that they had looted his boat, taking two of the four rowlocks (thoughtfully leaving him two to pull the boat back with, the only considerate thing I have ever heard of Jarawas doing), an old knife belonging to an Andamanese boy, and the bucket, and then gone off into the jungle. They had sat under a tree looking at the launch for an hour. and-a-half, within full view of those on board. There were two policemen on board. There were also an Andamanese boy Henry, who was lame, through having fallen on the rooks two days previously, three Andama nese women, the whole of the crew, free and convict, and a lame convict mallah [boatman). Out of all these people none had the sense to get the Andamanose canoe alongsido, get it manned and row over and approach the Jarawas. The rest of us had done all we possibly could to come up with Jarawas, and here they were in sight of over a dozen men waiting to be approached, and were allowed

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JANUARY, 1930 1 REMARKS ON THE ANDAMAN ISLANDERS AND THEIR COUNTRY 53 to remain and to leave unmolested. After the hardships we had been through, this piece of news was really too discouraging. I may as well add here what had really happened, though this we did not discover until a careful examination of the tracks the following day. A party of two or three men, & woman, and a child had left the last huts I had visited early in the morning. Proceeding by & Jatawa track, to the river bed, their highway to the sea, they had come on the tracks of my party and followed them down to see who we were, and where we had come from. Having arrived at nearly the bottom of the river they broke off through the jungle in order to avoid the deep water, and came out on the coast, thus missing my boat. Here they found the launch, and after watching it for an hour and-a-half, and finding themselves unmolested, they had strolled off and found their way to Mr. Bonig's boat. Having looted this they returned, either to the huts from which they came, or to some others near by. While they were following my tracks, Mr. Bonig and his party had come on theirs, and were hurrying after them as fast as possible, arriving an hour too late, and it was then too late to hunt them further, so they had had the narrowest escape. I had been an hour or so too early for them, Mr. Bonig & bare hour too late, while the people on the launch had had them in view for & whole hour and more and had done nothing. 30th January-To-day was a day of comparative rest. As our efforts to come across the Jarawas in the jungle had all been fruitless, we tried to tempt them to attack us. For this purpose the Andamanese were ordered to bathe and play about on the beach, the three women we had with us being landed with the rest. Only two policemen, Mr. Bonig and myself landed and strolled about in an unconcerned manner. But all to no purpose. The wily savages, either from fright or some other reason, declined to oblige us. The Andamanese said that tinding so many people about, they had gone to give intelligence to the remainder of the tribe. However that may be, we could see no signs' of them and at halfpast one, after frequent blowing of the whistle, we left, Mr. Bonig took the steam launch mp to Kaichwa Bay, while I marched up the coast. I found an old shelter on the shore close to Port Campbell, and after that the whole way up the coast the only sign I could find of them was an old piece of wreckage with nails in it, out of which the Jarawas had evidently removed several nails. After the last two days' operations the journey was quite an easy. march of eight miles or so along the beach. On arrival I found Mr. Bonig had taken ' party in to search the jungle. He returned at 6 P.M., having found no signs of any one. 31st January.--Left Kaichwa at 6 A. M. for Port Anson, arriving at 9 A.M. Picked up two Andamanese who knew the country well here and proceeded to the southern end of the harbour called by the Andamanese Dum-la-chorag. Set off for the shore at once with four policemen and a large party of Andamanese. We rowed a short way up a creek called by the Adamanese Dum-la-chorag-jig, and then landed in the mangrove swamy, taking the precaution to hide our rowlooks in the jungle. We marched through this for two or three miles. It was fairly opon ground, but the mangrove mud was rather trying walking. At the end of the gwamp we diviaed into two parties and separated to search for tracks. My party soon picked up some footsteps, and after a little hesitation found a Jarawa path and proceeded along it. This was of the same description as those I had previously struck, and I know we were on a Jara wa highway. After going about a quarter of a milo we overtook Mr. Bonig's party, which had struck the track a little sooner. We all proceeded along together, and after going up and down-bill for two or three miles, as we ascended a steep bill, a clearing was visible through the jungle,

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84 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ JANUARY, 1930 With extreme caution the Andainanese advanced, and on the summit sure enough was the big Jaraws camp. The Andamanese call the place Poohang, and it was as far as I can judge five miles from the mouth of Dum-la-chorag-jig Creek. We advanced to the hut and found it empty. After seeing the substantial hunting huts erected by the Jarawas in the jungle, I had been prepared for a big house, but I never expected such a large, well constructed building. It was roughly oval in shape, the length being 60 feet and the breadth 40 feet, while it was 54 yards in circumference. Seven stout posts in a rough circle in the centre of the house were the main supports of the roof. These were about 17 feet in height, and some were 8 inches in diameter, and all were barked and smoothened. Rafters stretch. ed from these to bullies (posts] on the outer circle, where the roof sloped to about 3 feet from the ground. Except that it had no floor it was quite as good as an ordinary Shan or Karen houso in Burma, and was large enough to contain from 80 to 100 people. From the top of the roof, between the 7 centre posts, were suspended, on strips of cane 9 or 10 feat long, over 250 pig skulls, neatly fastened up in basket work. Below the skulls was the big fire-place, around the sides of the hut were the smaller fire-places, evidentls ased by separate families. There were about half-a-dozen of these, but when the house is in full occupation there would be at least a dozen. Each fire-place consists of four stakes driven into the ground. Between these the fire is lighted, and some 3 feet from the ground piece of neat matting like a chick [Indian matting] is fastened to the stakes so as to form a shelf for the meat, etc. A dozen well made vessels, which the Andamanese said were honey pots, were suspended from the rafters, as well as baskets of all sizes, unstrung bows, leaf water vessels, and other things. The thatching was decorated with bunches of leaves like fans used in their dances, and of these there were hundreds. Several children's bows were found, also wooden balls for thein to play with, and a rough circular piece of wood which the Andamanese said was rolled along, and into which they shot their arrows. There was #large degchi (saucepan) made out of a tree trunk fitted into one of the honey pots, and neatly-worked mats used as shelves for the food, and also I think to sit on. Among other things I discovered a glass bottle, and it is worthy of note that they had a stock of firewood chopped and tied up with cane ready for use in one corner of the building. The house was on the summit of a hill, and there were seven paths leading up to it. All were well cleared at their opening on to the hill and each could be commanded by a man with a bow and arrow. Over two of the entrances were raised platforms of logs sloping from the ground to about 3 feet in height. These were the look-outs and each commanded a path, and my own impression is that when the camp is in habitation, over cach path a similar platform is erected, and cach path is thus well commanded. The main approach lead. ing due north was as well cleared as a Forest Department road, and must bave been 15 yards broad at the exit from the camp. Large trees had been felled and saplings cut a foot from the ground, and around the hut the grass had been cleared as carefully as at a jungle pongyi. kuzun Buddhist monastery) in Burma. They had even taken the trouble to cut down several large treas, ons quite 5 feet in diameter, evidently to have a view of the next ridge. In fact so much vare had been taken both in the building of the house, and the clearing of the precincte, and so well were both done, that it is difficult to believe that savages have been able to do this unaided. The Andamanege say there is another, possibly two similar huts to this. They say that the whole Jarawa tribe collects in one of these in the rains. I am rather doubtful thyself whether the whole tribe could occupy the house; I rather think they under-rato

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JANUARY, 1930] REMARKS ON THE ANDAMAN ISLANDERS AND THEIR COUNTRY 66 o DDD their numbers, as the traces of them on overy side in the jungle make me think there are from 80 to 100 men, whereas the Andamanese put down their numbers at 100 all told. They say that they burned a similar hut to this some years ago at Maitlitilek. In the dry weather the Jarawas scatter, hunting and live in their hunting huts. AA. Main approach A. Pathway. B. Look-out posts. c. Jungle clearing in front of look: - out post. Plan of top D. Mairs fireof hill, with place, ahoue which hung hut and about 300 pig approaches. skulls. DD Small fire-places. E. E. Short posts support ing the eaves of the huts. F. F. Long posts support ing the centre of the roof After exploiting the house we considered what was best to be done. At first we deter. inined to oamp in the house for the night, and for that purpose sent back a party to bring up food. Then leaving a gaard of Police and Andamanese, we went down the main path towards the north. It was very easy going, and though it narrowed from its 15 yard entrance to a path only wide enough for a man, there was no difficulty in getting along. We, however, found no fresh traces, indeed the only track we saw was that of a man who, the Andamanese said, was going to look after the house. They explained that every two or three days in the dry weather a man or two goes to see that nothing is wrong with the house. After proceeding about a mile we again considered what it was best to do, and eventually I came to the conclusion to leave the house and to return. I took one specimen of everything to take back to Port Blair, and left everything else in its place, so as not to frighten the Jarawas. We then returned as fast as we could, reaching the launch at 6 P.M. To-day's expedition was not a hard one. We had had a tramp of 5 miles or so to the camp and e milo further on and back, so the whole day's march was not more than 12 or 13 miles. February 1st. Started from Port Anson at 6 A.M. and arrived 10-30 A.M. at Port Blair. Received orders to start the next day, and return with Mr. Rogers. February 2nd.Left Port Blair at 7-45 A.M. and arrived at Daratang at 10-45 A.M. Proceeded on to Jatang at 11-30 A.M. Mot Mr. Rogers and handed him the Superintendent's Sir R. C. Templo's) letter. Returned with him at once getting back to the launch st 4 P.M. February 3rd. Started at daybreak and anchored in Port Anson harbour at Dum. la-ohorag at 9 A.M. Started off for the Jarawa house in boats at 9.30. On this oocasion We pulled considerably further up the creek so as to avoid as much as possible of the man. grove swamp. On landing we almost at once came on the fresh traclas of five Jarawas, so

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ JANUARY, 1930 leaving a guard of one policeman and several Andamanese at the boat, Mr. Bonig and myself followed them for about half a mile, but as we found they were only following our tracks of Friday we returned, and all made for the Jarawa camp at Pechang. We arrived about noon. We found the Jarawag had visited it since our discovery of it on January 31st and had carried off all the more valuable articles, such as the degchi and the honey pots. I had feared this when we came on their fresh footsteps. They had also slightly dismantled the house so as to make rude barricades on the unprotected approaches. I sent our Andaman. ese into the jungle to see that there were none lurking near, and then Mr. Rogers photographed the house, exterior and interior, while Mr. Needham, who was also with us, sketched it, after which we removed all the remaining baskets and other belongings, and cut down the pig skulls in the centre. After this we collected the Andamanese, and they executed a war dance with the Jarawa leaf-fans. Then gathering up the trophies, consist. ing mostly of pig skulls, we returned to the launch, arriving at 4 P.M. Weighed anchor and proceeded to the Andaman Home at Port Anson, where we remained for the night. February 4th.-Loft Port Anson at 11-30 A.M., arriving at Port Blair at 4-30 PM. The four policemen who accompanied Mr. Bonig and myself on our several marches worked very well, and were always close to us. The work of the smarter boys among the Anda. manese was splendid, and their tracking was a revelation to me. Their unerring knowledge of the jungle, too, was marvellous. For instance they had only visited Ceringch&pa-jig once previously, and that years before. Yet without a compags and with hardly a glimpse of the sun to guido them, they never faltered, knew exactly where they were and took the nearest way home. Two or three of them afterwards pointed out our position correctly on the map, and told as where we should have to go to find the Jerawa Headquarters. Without them we should have accomplished nothing. I am rewarding them suitably for their good work. (6) Extracts from the Report of Mr. C. G. Rogers, Deputy Conservator of Forests, Port Blair, from 26th January to 4th February 1902. My party went out into the forest beyond the Jatang camp, but did not find any traces of Jarawas. They were out the whole day long and returned in the evening to camp. As they returned very late to camp on the evening of the 28th, I gave them a day's rest on the 29th and started on the 30th myself for a three days' trip into the interior. The Andamanese sent were all young, and I think I may say inexperienced men, for we came upon comparatively recent tracks of the Jarawas and a fresh camp, which I think they must have occupied the night before they killed the two convicts on the 11th January last, and they absolutely failed to follow up this clue. As soon as I had satisfied myself that the Andamanese were not working properly and that they were only moving in circuits and not going far from camp, I tonk the direction of our course into my own hands and steered due west, We passed over & succession of hills, chiefly running in a generally north and south direction, and crossed a large number of streams, also for the most part flowing south or north. Many of these contained running water which was shallow where it was flowing (6 to 9 inches dee), but contained a large number of deep pools. Two at least of these streams containe. fresh water fish, 8 to 12 inches long, and, I think, may be considered to be perpetual water-supplies which never dry up. The water in them was deliciously cold and pe rectly sweet and goad. The sun only shines on the water in the middle of the day, so they lose very little water by ev: ration. There is infinitely more water in the interior of the island than there is near the coast, and the Jarawas oan never have come to Jatang or other places where they have attacked convicts-in my opinion-in search of water. Pig tracks were also plentiful. An streams mentioned in my diary contained a good supply of drinking water.

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FEBRUARY, 19301 REMARKS ON TIE ANDAMAN ISLANDERS AND TIIEIR COUNTRY 57 We saw no footprints of Jarawas while going west. They, I think, chiefly use the beds of the streams as thoroughfaros and do not as a rule go straight across country; though they would cross some ridges to go from one stream to another. Near the place where we camped on the night of the 30th, we found a prickly cine cut with a dah, which showed that the Jarawas had been up that stream some time. I never saw the sea on the West Coast, nor do I exactly know how far across the island I reached, but think that I must have crossel about half-way, and that with five days' provisions it would be possible to cross and recross the island near Jatang, if you go duo went through and over everything and duo east back again. I noticed some padouk trees near Jatang beyond where the working for London squares had gone. After we had passed the first large stream running south, I saw no padouk. The forest seemed to be very poor, to contain but few large trees, and to be composed chiefly of small poles or trees and a dense matted undergrowth of canes, creepers and creeping bamboos, which made it very difficult to force one's way through it and formed an efficient screen against the sun. The map does not accurately represent the nature of the interior of the island. There must be nearly 20 ridges to be crossed in going from Jatang to Ike Bay. Most of these are not very high, probably not more than 300 to 500 feet, while some of them are as much as 800 to 1,000 feet I think. The consequence of my having taken the Anda. manese straight up and down all the ridges going north and south was that they told me, when I had decided to turn back, so as to reach Jatang while our provisions lasted, that they were absolutely unable to take me back to Jatang. So I had to guide the party across the island myself by means of a compass which I carried with me and was much relieved when the Andamanese recognised (at 3-30 P.M.) what they thought was Jatang Hill and Duratang, as I then knew that we should reach Jatang some time the next day. The party I took with me consisted of 8 Policemen, 1 Orderly, 10 Andamanese and their pahrdwala (Indian guard], 4 convicts as coolies, and an office peon and one of my mallahy [boatmen). We took a blanket each and rations and nothing else and slept out in the open near water. We camped on the second night in an old Jarawa camp and left marks in the recent shooting camp we found that we had been there and took away the two pig skulls found there. So far as ascertaining where the encampments of the Jarawas near Port Meadows and Jatang lay is concerned, the expedition has been a failure, and as I failed to reach the West Coast I have been unable to locate their encampments between Port Campbell and Ike Bay. But the expedition has been useful in giving me an idea of what the interior of the island is like, which will be most useful in helping to determine the alignment of the path from Jatang to Ike Bay. I aocompanied Mr. Vaux back to the Belle on the 1st February, and went with him and Mr. Bonig and returned to Port Blair with them on the 4th instant. I took photographs of the exterior and interior of the Jarawa hut, which have turned out well. (c) Extracts from the Diary of Mr. C. J. Rogers of his exploration into the interior of the South Andaman, west of Jatang, during the 30th and 31st January and 1st February 1902. 30th January 1902.---Left camp at 7 A.M. Went north and north-west/for 30 minutes and north with little west for 20 minutes, first through the forest and then following a stream. First halt for a few minutes at 8-10 A.M. Then followed a winding stream flowing generally north : at 8-25 A.M. came across a pole which had been cut with a dah or axe and fror yhich arrows had been made. At 8-30 A.M. came across some footprints of Jarawak in sinall stream running west. At 8-45 A.M. found a recent Jarawa encampment on a ridge, There were eight fireplaces in it. The charred ends of the wood and the ashes showed it The Jerawas probably slept here on the night of the 10th January, previous to their raid on the 11th at Jat Ang

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58 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (FEBRUARY, 1930 had not long been vacated. The Andamanese say there must have been a lot of people there, both men, women and children. Two fresh pigs' skulls were tied up to bamboos, some pieces of half-burnt leaves used for roasting the meat were found and also some on ps made of leaves and bamboo water vessels. The fires were arranged more or less in a circle, and some bunches of leaf sticks said to be used for dancing were also found. All the wood was collected and placed in a heap in the centre of the camp and two or three bamboog cut and placed over the heap to show that we had been there. There were no shelters put up. At 8.50 A.m., a little further on, we came upon an old camp which showed no signs of having been used recently. Some decayed shelters and two decayed fishing baskets were found, but nothing else. The Andamanese then followed up the trail for a short distance and then lost it. They had absolutely lost all traces of the Jarawas at 9-30 A.M. We then followed a stream running north till 10-10 A.M. and the Andamanese then took us up a hill to the east, where they said they thought the permanent camp of the Jarawas would be found. We reached the top of the ridge at 10-40 A.M. It is probably a spur from Jat Ang Hill, but we found no trace of any Jarawas. From 10-40 to 11 A.M., we went north and west on the flank of the spur and halted from 11 to 11.15 A.M. We then followed up a stream flowing south till we came to the water-parting of it and a stream flowing north. 30th January 1902.-As the Andamanese were wandering about aimlessly I then took them in hand and directed the line of march to the west along a spur running east and west, and at 12-20 we reached a large stream flowing south, where we halted till 2 P.M. We then proceeded due west and crossed another ridge, reaching another stream flow. ing north and south at 2-40 P.M. At 2-55 P.M. we reached a small stream (going weat the whole time) running south-east, which soon fell into a large stream with lots of water in it flowing north and south. We left this strean at 3 P.m., and reached (going west) the top of a steep hill at 3-25 P.m., and saw a high ridge running apparently north-west and southeast to the east of us. We halted here till 3-30 P.m., and then again went west down a steep slope and then along a stream till 4 P.M. We then went south along this stream for a short distance. In the stream we found a dry cane, which was lying in the stream and had been cut with some outting instrument and soon met a large winding stream flowing west, where we pitched our camp at 4-10 P.M. The stream had large fish, 8 to 10 inches long, in it, and the water was perfectly fresh and nice. 31st January 1902.-The camp was undisturbed at night. We left camp at 7-30 A.M., and went up a steep spur going west with a little south in it. At 7-50 A.M. going west with a little south we crossed another stream flowing south with water in it; til 8-5 A.M., we went up steep uphill and then halted for 10 minutes to let the baggage coolies catch us up at 8-30 A.M. we reached the top of the hill. An Andamanese here olinibed a tree and said that he could not see the sea, but that there was another high ridge to be crossed to the west and another high peak to the south-west from which he thought we should get a good view, and he wanted to go to the peak to the south-west and not that to the west. This I consented to and started again at 8-40 A.M., going south-west and reached another hill at 8-15 A.M. From this the peak was said to be visible, so we went on down the flank of the hill. I observed the Andamanese and found that they were not going south. west, but had turned to the west and then again to the north and were going up the hill we had just come down ! Only on a different spur of it. This proved to me conclusively the futility of allowing the Andamanese to guide our movements, so I stopped them about 9.15 A.m., and we had a talk. They then confessed that they knew nothing about finding their way in the forest and had (80 they said) never had to find their way in one. I asked them if they could take me back to Jatang and they said no, they could not do so. So after some consideration I came to the conclusion that it was not wise to go further west and that I had better try and guide the party back to Jatang.

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FERUARY, 1930 REMARKS ON THE ANDAMAN ISLANDERS AND THEIR COUNTRY 59 For if we went further west and I was not right in my directions, we might not get back to JAt Ang before our provisione gave out. At 10-20 A.m., started due east towards Jatang, reached the top of a ridge at 10-40 A.M., and going due east came to a large stream flowing south at 12 noon, stayed there till 1-30 P.M. At 2 P.M., going still due east, we reached the top of the next ridge. Halted 15 minutes, reached the top of the next ridge at 2-50 P.M., having crossed another valley. Halted till 3-10 P.M. An Andamanese climbing a tree said he could see the survey station (a hill cleared of jungle with a post on it) and also Kyd Island which he recognised by a large gurjan tree, we went still duo cast and came to a stream with water in it at 3-25 P.M., and crossed it. An Andamanere went up it and said he had found an old Jarawa camp a little way up it. Went to see it and found the remains of two huts. It had not been used for a long while. As we had had & tiring day, decided to spend the night in the camp and to return to Jatang the next morning. 1st February 1902.-Left camp at 7-20 A.M., going due east, reached a stream flowing north at 7.40 A.m., and still going east another large stream flowing east at 7.45 A.M.; this soon bent to the north, so we left it and continued going east. This stream had lots of water in it and an Andamanese speared a fresh water fish about 10 inches long in it: followed along the stream for 100 yards and left it at 8-10 A.M., reached the top of another ridge, from which an Andainanese from the top of a tree could see Kyd Island, but not the sea. At 8-25 A.M., going a little to the east of south, we reached the top of a ridge, from which the top of Jatang Hill (Survey Station) could be seen. At 9-5 A.M., going a little to the east of south, reached the next ridge and halted there for 5 minutes, and at 9-30 A.M. we reached a stream which the Police had visited the second day that they went out by themselves. Picked up the Forest Department's elephants' tracks at 10-30 A.m., and reached J&tang camp at 11-25 A.M. (d) Diary, dated 5th February 1902, of Mr. M. Bonig, Assistant Harbour Master, Port Blair, from 25th January to 4th February 1902. 25th January.Left Port Blair in the steam launch Belle at 6-30 P.M., with Mr. Vaux, also 1 Naik, 6 Police, 15 Andamanese and 3 convict servants. Arrived at Macpherson Strait at 9 P.M. and anchored there for the night. 26th January.--Left Macpherson Strait at 9 A.M., arrived at Port Monat at 11 A.m.; left Port Mouat at 1-35 P.m., and proceeded to Constance Bay and anchored off a place called by the Andamanese Koyab-l'Ar-tenga, at 2-30 P.M. Took an Andamanese canoe in tow from here. 27th January.Left Constance Bay at 7-30 A.m. for Port Campbell and arrived at the latter place at ll A.M. Went ashore with Mr. Vaux, first at Montgomery Island and then on the mainland to search for new traces of Jarawas. Found an old Jarawa bow, a basket and a bamboo drinking cup in the jungle, but no new tracks of Jarawas were found ; they do not appear to have frequented this place since the Census expedition in February 1901.10 The Andamanese shot 12 turtles in the evening in the shallow water between Montgomery Island and the mainland, which place seems to be a feeding ground for turtles. 28th January.-Left the ship at 7-30 A.M., with 9 Andamanese, 4 Police and I conviot, crossed Chauga Juru between Clyde Island and the mainland and landed on the mainland opposite. Sent the Havildar of Police with 3 Constables and 3 Andamanese along & small creek into the jungle, to search for fresh tracks of Jarawas, with instructions to try and meet us about four miles further north. I went with the remainder of the Andamanese along the shore up to Gering-chap-jig and followed up the left bank, while I sent three Andamanese up the right bank, with instructions to follow us as soon as they had found fresh traoks. We soon discovered that the Jarawas frequented the vicinity, there being footprints of Jerawas in the swamp. The footprints of: Jarawas are easily distinguished from any other, as the 10 See ante p. 21.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ FEBRUARY, 1930 Jarawas appear to walk in a crouching attitude with their toes turned inwards, most probably the result of having to live in the dense jungle of the Andamans, where upright walking would be impossible. We also observed that a large tree had been stripped by them of its bark for the purpose, as the Andamanese informed me, of making waist ornaments. After having searched in the jungle for another four miles to try and find our other party, we returned to the beach. The three other Andamanese had not yet arrived, so we forded the creek and followed them up and observed by the footprints, that they had followed a single Jarawa along the shore. We caught them up again after a little while, and as it was getting late then, I decided to return on board. Going along the shore I saw the remains of a wreck: there were only left of it three anchors, some chains, part of the windlass and about 20 tons of cast iron kentledge ; judging from the size of the anchors it must have been a 200 to 300 ton vessel. When I returned to the boat, I found that my other party had returned before noon without having seen anything, so I decided not to send them alone in future. Arrived on board at 6:30 P.M. 29th January.-Left Port Campbell for Bilep at daybreak, arriving at the latter place at 70-3 A.M. Mr. Vaux and myself divided again into two parties, Mr. Vaux following up Gering-chapa-jig, while I went up Bilep-jig. We rowed about a mile up the creek and went ashore, leaving the boat by itself. We soon found the Jarawa tracks and followed them up through the jungle. We saw by the footprints that there were two men, one woman and a child in the vicinity. We followed these up and came on a temporary encampment, where they had been resting the night previous. It consisted of only a few leaves put on the gronnd to sleep on and a piece of wood as a head-rest, they having selected for this camp a promon. tory on the bank of a small waterfall, where it would have been extremely difficult to have taken them by surprise. After having followed the footprints a few miles further south, we came on the foot. ateps of Mr. Vaux's party, which the Jara was had followed to the beach, so we followed these as fast as we possibly could. When we came near the launch the crew shouted out to us that ten Jarawas were sitting under a certain tree on the beach, so we advanced cautiously, keeping a good distance from the edge of the jungle. I left the Police behind a little so as not to frighten the Jarawas by our large numbers, but we found to our great disappointment that the Jarawas had left the place and gone up the creek again ; coming on our boat, they had taken away from it two rowlocks and a bucket, having left the other two rowlocks with the remainder of the gear undisturbed. They had then followed our tracks into the jungle again. As it was getting dark now, it was of no use following them any further, so we returned in our boat to the ship. I may say that the number of Jarawas who passed the ship had been greatly exaggerated by the crew, as we saw by the footprints, there had only been the three adults and one child that we had followed the whole day. Mr. Vaux returned on board at 9-30 PM. 30th January.--We went on shore in the early morning and remained on the beach, thinking that the Jarawas would either return to the beach or else leave this place altogether. But as the Jarawas did not come out, we returned on board and left Bilep for Kaichwa-log, whilo Mr. Vaux went with his party along the beach. Arrived at Kaichwalog at about 4-30 P. M. and anchored inside the small harbour there at about 4-30 P.M. This is a very good anchorage in any wind, except when it is blowing from the west. Deepest water is found near the north shore of the entrance. Went on shore again with the Andamanese and searched the jungle in the neighbourhood, but no traces of Jarawas were seen. We returned on board at 6-30 P.M., Mr. Vaux having arrived an hour previously. 31st January.-Left Kaichwa-log at 6 A.M. and arrived at Port Anson at 9 A.M. Took two other Andamanese on board here and steamed down to Dum-la-chorag, where we anchored at 10 A.M. Went ashore and passed through about four miles of mangrove swamp.

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FEBRUARY, 1930) REMARKS ON THE ANDAMAN ISLANDERS AND THEIR COUNTRY 61 We then separated in two parties again and after our having crossed & short distance of sungle, we came on a large Jaraws path. Having followed it a little way up, we were caught up by Mr. Vaux's party. This path led us on to a large hut. After having unguccessfully searched the jungle for another mile or so, Mr. Vaux decided that we should take & few of the Jarawa objects of interest out of their hut and return with the launch to Port Blair. lat February.--Left Dum-la-chorag at daybreak and arrived at Port Blair, about 10-30 A.M. 2nd February.Left Port Blair at 7-50 A.M. for Kyd Island and arrived at the latter place at 10-10 A.M., rowed up Jatang creck with Mr. Vaux and party, and landed at the Forest Department depot, where we picked up Mr. Rogers, and then returned to Kyd Island. 3rd February.-Left Kyd Island at 6 A.M. and arrived at Dum-la-chorag at 8-40 A.M. Went ashore with Mr. Vaux and party to the Jarawa camp. We took away from it as many pigs' skulls, baskets, etc., as we could carry. The Jarawas, who had been there the day previous, had taken away all the wooden buckets we had seen there on Friday, of which a specimen had been taken away by us. We returned on board and left Dum-la-chorag at 4-35 P.m. for Leker&-lunta, where we anchored at 5-30 P.M. 4th February.--Left LekerPS-lunt A at 11-40 A.m., and arrived Port Blair at 4-30 P.M. SECOND RECONNAISSANCE, (a) Extract from the Diary of the late Mr. P. Vau, Port Officer, Port Blair, from 17th to 23rd February 1902. 17th February.-Left Port Blair 5 P.M., arriving at Macpherson's Straits at 8 P.X.; anchored for the night. 18th February.Left Macpherson's Straits at daybreak, arriving at Baj A-lunta at 10 A.M. Left at 10-30 with Mr. Rogers. It was a long pull and by the time we had landed and separated it was past 11. Beat about the swamp for some time for footsteps, and while doing so came on Mr. Rogers. Left him at once, going south mysell, while he went north. We goon came on tracks, and these we followed for the remainder of the day. We soon discovered that the party of Jarawas was only just in front of us. So close were we to them, that at one place where they had sat down to take their food, we found a live fish that they had canght in the creek. We were following up a small stream and our direction was nearly due east. We slacked off somewhat as our intention was to come up with them in the evening. At about 2 P.M. we heard them cutting down branches and afterwards came to the boughs of trees that had been cut down for the insects inside them. The Andamanese said the party would be sure to camp in the evening and that then was our time. They were proceeding quite slowly, and we did the same occasionally losing their stops, but never for long. About 4 P.M., we heard them commence to cut down trees for their camp, and we could distinctly hear the voices of men, women and children. It took them about an hour to prepare their huts, and then they settled down and every sound nearly was audible. With the utmost caution we got to within a few hundred yards of them and there waited, deciding, as it was moonlight, in fact full moon, that we would rush their camp at night. It was most weary work waiting, and very cold and miserable, as we were all wet through. About 7-30 all sounds ceased, and at 8 o'clock the three best Andamanese crept away to discover where their camp was. It seemed an eternity before their return, which, as a matter of fact, was just an hour. They reported that they had found the huts and that all the Jara was were gound asleep. We thon all advanced, in nearly absolute silence, at about the pace of a yard a minute. It must have been half-past ten, when in the flickering moonlight, we discerned their huts. I got separated from the Andamanoso, who went to the back of the huts, while I and the

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62 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (FEBRUARY, 1930 Police went to Alank. The camp was in absolute sleep. A baby oried and was hushed to sleep, while we were within 20 yards of the camp. As we stole along through the jungle, dead twigs broke and cracked and their noise at last awakened the sleepers ; there were voices, exclanations, then figures could be seen einerging from the huts. A shot was fired from a rifle, then others, and all was confusion. I rushed into the middle and pulled at the post of one of the houses. I then saw a figure escaping into the jungle and I seized hold of it. This I believe to have been a woman. She escaped owing to the stupidity of a policeman. I called to one of the sepoys to seize her, and ran back again to order the firing to cease. The policeinan let her go and she escaped. I believe her to be a woman, as she was smeared with white and as she did not attack me or bite, but only struggled to get loose. I had dragged her out of the jungle to the edge of the fire and all that the policeman had to do was to hold her, but even this he did not do. Two children, a girl aged about seven, and a baby ten months or so, were seized by my direction close by. When the confusion had subsided, I made the Police and Andamanese make large fires around the camp and we collected the bows and arrows of the Jarawas and sat round the fires. I ordered a shot to be fired every quarter of an hour to scare them away in case they should return. The camp was of three huts, a mere shelter in the middle of the jungle. It was occupied by two families and two lads who did not belong to them, i.e., two full grown men, two boys, two women and four children.What must have happened is that the Andamanese got close up to the huts and then the inmates awoke. They said they shot one of the men, put. ting two arrows into him, a large one under the arin and another fish arrow through his thigh. Then the boys and women ran out and the Police fired, and then all was confusion. I had expected when the sounds of our coming had aroused the Jarawas, that they would have ran out in front and fired at myself and the Police, who were plainly visible, but they were caught so sound asleep that they could do nothing and only thought of escaping. We passed a most miserable night crouched round the tires, with a shot being fired every Afteen minutes or so. None of us had had anything to eat since seven o'clock in the morning, but fish and pigs' flesh and potatoes were found in the huts and the Andamaneso had a little, while I and the Police had a few chupatis (unleavened pancakes). Sleep of course was impossible for me and the Police, and we shivered over the fires from eleven in the night till daybreak. When it was light enough, I and the Andamanese followed up the blood staing. and found the two arrows covered with blood that the Andamanese had shot into one of the Jarawas, and which the man had succeeded in pulling out. We lost the blood stains very soon and then there was nothing to be done but to return. So we set off for the coast. taking the two children with us, and came out about 9. We then had a two-mile walk through the sea and mangrove swamp getting back at 10 o'clock. Mr. Rogers pulled off with the boat when he heard us fire a shot. Mr. Bonig had gone south and returned in the evening, having found no signs of anything. 20th Februry.-Learning from the Andamanese that there was a woman giving milk at Port Anson, we changed all previous arrangements and proceeded to Port Anson, as it was very necessary to give the Jarawa baby some milk. Left at 7-39 and arrived at 1. To my great disappointment the woman was absent in the jungle. We tried feeding the child with milk, but we could hardly force any down its throat. So after waiting until the night for the woman to return and finding she did not, I decided to send the launch back to Port Blair in the morning with both the children and Mr. Bonig, and to camp at Pochang. the site of the chief Jarawa camp, till the morning with Mr. Rogers. 21 February.-Left Port Anson at daybreak and anchored at Dum-la-chorag at 7.30 AM. Mr. Rogers and myself, a dozen Andamanese and 12 policeinen landed, Mr. Bonig with the remaining Andamanese, the 2 Jarawa children and 5 Police returning to Port Blair.

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FEBZUARY, 1930] REMARKS ON THE ANDAMAN ISLANDERS AND THEIR COUNTRY 63 It took two trips of the Andamanege boat to land all, and as every one was taking a week's rations, we were all heavily loaded. The tide was exceptionally high, and we had a very hard time, struggling through the mangrove swamp with our heavy loads deep in water. It took us nearly four hours to do this, and about an hour to finish the march up to Pochang, where all arrived, very glad to lay down their loads. We pitched camp on the ridge of the big Jarawa house. Cleared a spot and all camped. The men rigged up a shelter of saplings and leaves for Mr. Rogers and self, and the others camped round. There was a stream of water at the bottom of the hill, 90 for the remainder of the day we made ourselves as comfortable as we could under the circumstances. 22nd February. Started out at 7-30 A.m. with a party of 6 Andamanese and one policeman. Wandered through creeks and over precipitous hills and through dense jungle all day long : found absolutely nothing but very old tracks; could not get on to any big path, and eventually, after walking many miles, got on to the main khari (creek] from Port Anson and walked up to our camp. Mr. Rogers arrived half an hour later. Mr. Bonig had arrived at 10 A.M. from Port Blair and left & note to say that he had gone off hunting. He did not return that night. Mr. Rogers reported having discovered the main track south and a big encampment. 23rd February.--Waited until about 9-30 A.M. for Mr. Bonig, when, as it seenied doubtful whether he wonld turn up until evening, Mr. Rogers and self decided to move camp to the big hunting camp discovered by him. We accordingly packed up, and each shouldering a load as before, we set off and tramped about 6 miles along a Jarawa path to the hunting camp. The road lay due south and we only climbed a couple of hills, the rest of the way being along the slopes, and along a broad stream, some 20 yards broad, flowing due south; although only 6 miles or so off, we went so slowly, carrying our loads, that it was 2-30 or so before we arrived. The hunting camp was similar in construction to several I found, consisting of six huts facing a'well cleared open space. It was on a hill top and had several paths running up to it. Water was close by GorlAk abang. [Note.-Mr. Vaux was killed on the 24th.) (6) Extract from the Diary of Mr. C. G. Rogers, Deputy Conservator of Forests, from the 17th to 26th February 1902. 17th February.-Left Port Blair in the Belle about 5 P.M. and reached Macpherson's Straits soon after sunset and anchored there for the night. 18th February.--Left Macpherson's Straits at day break and steamed up the West Coast of the island and through the Labyrinth Islands to the place called Talaplungta on the Andamans Topographical Survey Map (2 miles-l inch). Mr. Bonig found a passage through the coral reefs and anchored about a quarter mile from the shore and the estuary of the stream which enters the sea here. The Andamanese called it Bajalunta. We landed with Anda. manese to look for Jarawa tracks, camps and houses. Mr. Bonig went to the bay to the north. Mr. Vaux and self went up the estuary and landed at 11-15 A.M. He went to the south and I continued up the khart fcreek], and at 11-40 tho Andamanese with me came across some fresh Jarawa tracks. We followed these up, and at 11-50 Mr. Vaux and his party caught us up, as the tracks they had found led them to the kharf up which I had gone. Each of us (Mr. Vaux, Mr. Bonig and self) had four or more Andamanese and three policemon, leaving three policemen on the launch. Sharks were plentiful where we landed and the Andamanese shot two, ore of which was killed, the other going off with two arrows in it. The one killed was about three feet long. Where Mr. Vaux had canght me up, the kharf branched. Mr. Vaux followed up the more southerly of the two streams, and I went vp the northerly one. The khart I followed went generally north. My party crossed a ridge running north and south and came into another branch of the khart and followed it up. On another ridge,

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (FEBRUARY, 1930 which we reached at 12-10 (noon), was the site of an old hunting camp, which had not been recently used. At half past twelve we left the kharf and went through the forest on the eastern and southern flanks of the intersected point marked 677 (height in feet) on the map above referred to. We did not find any new tracks of Jerawas until about 1 P.M., when we found some new tracks, including those of two young children, and following up these tracks came upon a fresh hunting camp, which had quite recently been left, as the fires were still burning. Flies were thick on the pieces of fish which had been thrown away and some cooked fish (whole) were found in the shelters in which the Jarawas had slept, and this was eaten by our Anda. manese. The pig's skulls were found and taken away. We followed up the fresh tracks from this camp and they took us back to the khari, at the point where Mr. Vaux and myself had separated in the morning. As it was late and I was very tired, not being very well, we returned to the boat, which we reached at 5.30 P.M. and waited till midnight for Mr. Vaux, who did not turn up. About 7 P.M. we heard the report of a gun, and thinking that perhaps Mr. Vaux had been benighted and was trying to find his way back to the boat, fired a shot in return and waited. About 9 P.M. we heard another shot, which we thought was nearer, so replied to it. The next shot we heard, about an hour afterwards, seemed to be further off, so after waiting till midnight, I decided to go off to the launch and return to the landing place at daylight. Reached launch at 1 A.M. At that time I never dreamt of Mr. Vaux's having found any Jarawas. I only thought he had been following up fresh tracks and had gone too far to return to the ship that night. About 8 P.M., while waiting for Mr. Vaux, we heard shouts to the north of us. The Anda. manese suggested that the sounds were those of Jarawas. I said I thought it was Mr. Bonig 's party returning home, and on my return to the launch, I found Mr. Bonig there, and he told me that they had had to wade a good deal of the way home and had to shout to keep off Agarks. He was up to his neck in the water and more than once was attacked by large sharks. The Andamanese would not come into the water and Mr. Bonig had to send for them after he had reached the launch. The tide was out when we landed. It was full when we returned, and so Mr. Bonig's boat was some way from the shore on his return. The Andamanese called the place we anchored a BAjalunta. Some poles at the camp we found had been cut with some cutting instrument, while a tree in the camp was hacked with what looked like (judging from the incisions made) an adze. The camp consisted of three huts arranged thus : 2 men. Children. 2 women. Arrows show entrance into huts. The Andamanese said the camp had been occupied by two grown up men, two women and some children. The huts or shelters were about 5 feet long and 4 broad, and 4 feet high. They are made of a framework of sticks, some poles being bent down also and tied ; leaves of a large palm out with long stalks stuck into the ground, formed the back and roof of the hute. There were remains of fires inside the huts and in front of them and a considere ble amount of white wood ash.

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MARCH, 1930) REMARKS ON THE ANDAMAN ISLANDERS AND THEIR COUNTRY 65 194 February. Started at 6 A.M. and returned to the place where we had landed. to wait for Mr. Vaux, Mr. Bonig was asleep when I left. I left a message for him to say that I would he back at 9 A.M. He came to me about 7-30 A.M. and I asked him to go down the coast and see if Mr. Vaux had got out on to the coast, and if so to bring him back and asked him to be back on the launch by nightfall. I told him that if Mr. Vaux did not return by 9 A.M., I sheuld go back to the launch, have some food and start off to follow Mr. Vaux's tracks and gee what had happened to him. Mr. Vaux did not return to our landing place, so I went back to the launch and had some breakfast, while the Andamanese had their food and made preparations to follow Mr. Vaur's tracks and to stay out a night in the forest, if ne. cessary; as I had told Mr. Bonig I would do this and that he was not to be anxious about me, as I should return without fail the day after. Got ready food for Andamanese ani! Mr. Vaux. While at breakfast I heard the report of a gun and saw Mr. Vaux and party on the shore at the mouth of tho estuary of the creek we had gone up. Put off at once to fetch him and found that he had come across the Jarawa party, whose camp we had found. He had attackcd the camp at night and taken two children prisoners. One child was a girl four or five years old, and the other a baby boy of about nine months. Mr. Vaux had cainped on the site of the Jarawa cainp and had shots fired at intervals to keep off the Jarawas, but was not attacked. The two men in it were said to have been wounded by the Andamanese who were with Mr. Vaux. The Andamanese shot at the men in the camp, while Mr. Vaux rushed into it. The Andamanese say there were two men, two women and to large boys and some small children. We waited for Mr. Bonig, who returned about 6-30 P.M. He had geen a party on the shore on his way down the coast and thought it was mine; so went on and then landed and struck into the interior, but found no new traces of Jarawas, and so returned to the shore and came back to the launch soon after sunset. 20th February. The capture of the girl and baby boy upsct all our plans, as it was necessary to take the baby somewhere, where it could be fed. The Andamanese said there was a woman with a bahy at Lekeralunte (Port Anson), so we decided to take the baby there and return to Port Campbell or Bilap and continue our search for Jarawa houses. Left Bajalunta at 7-30 A.M., and arrived at Lekeralunta at 1 P.M. The Andamanese woman was ont on a hunting trip, and as she was expected back in the evening we waited for her. 21. February. As the Andamanese woman with a child did not come back. Mr. Vaux decided that Mr. Bonig should take the two Jarawa children to Port Blair, whilo myself and Mr. Vanx went to the largo Jarawa hut at Poching and looked for the rain track south, and that Mr. Bonig was to join us the next morning at Pochang. Weighed anchor at 6-30 AM. Reached Duin-la-chorag at 7-30.1.M., oisembarked' and sent the boat back to the launch. Mr. Vaux, self, servants, 8 policemen and 13 Andamanese lapded, while + policemen and 4 Andamanese went with Mr. Bonig to Port Blair. The tide was up, so we had considerable difficulty in getting up the estuary to Pochang, the sito of the large Jarawa hut, which wo had discovered on the first oxpedition. We reached PachAng about 1 P.M. and pitched camp a little beyond and above the site of the large Jarawa hut. 22nd February.-Mr. Vaux and self, each accompanied by one policeman and four Andamanes, started off in different directions to look for the main traok of the Jarawas from their largo hut. We left camp at 7-30 AM. I followed the stream, from which we got our drinking water, (it flowed a little east of south for half an hour), and then climbed up the ridge,

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66 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ MARCH, 1930 which wo could sco south from the camp, running in a generally north and south direction. At 10 minutes past 9 we picked up some old Jarawa tracks in the bed of the streani, and at 9-40 reached a very old disused hunting camp on a ridge to the south of the stream, which there bent to tho west. We then crossed the ridge and went south-east, and at 10 o'clock reached another stream flowing south, which we followed, anl at 10-10 A. M. reached a salt water stream, which flows to the east of south and probably flows into the Middle Straits. Where we met it, it was about 40 feet wide. This is probably Papluntajig. We turned back from this and went west and turned south at 10-35 A.M., following down a stream which flowed into the same salt water khari, which was here 50 feet wide. We reached the chart the second time at 10-45 A.M. and swam across it. My watch got under water and stopped and my revolver also got wet. We crossed a ridge to the west of the Ihari, and came into a fresh water stream flowing south which we followed, and soon picker! up a well defined track going along the flank of a low ridge with gentle slope going south. We followed along this for about it miles and came on to a large hunting camp with six huts, which had been recently occupierl. The huts were arrange! as shown below. The arrows show the entrance into the huts. Path going Path we came up South Open space. North 2 Ridge runs North and South Path leading to water The Andamanese were satisfied that this was a hunting camp on the Jarawa path going south and that we should find another large hut, if we continued to march south along the track. Decided to return to Pochang as it was about 3 o'clock and consult with Mr. Vaux and find out what he had found. Followed the track, which was most distinct the whole way right back to the Jarawa camp at Pochang. Found Mr. Vaux in camp. Mr. Bonig had come and had gone out to look for tracks. Mr. Vaux had not come upon any tracks and we decided to move camp the next day to the camp I had found. Mr. Bonig did not come back this night. 23rd February.--Waited some time for Mr. Bonig, and as he did not return, left a measage for him to say where we had gone, and moved our camp to the Jarawa hunting camp that my party had found the day before. Followed along tho Jarawa track and reacher! the camp about 2 P.M. Blazed trees along the track to show Mr. Bonig where we had gone. When we were about one mile from the camp an Andamancse (Daniel) canght us up. He had been sent by Mr. Bonig to tell us that he was going back to Pochang, as he thought we were looking for him. Daniel told us that Mr. Bonig had fever and was going back to the launch. About half an hour before nightfall, however, Mr. Bonig arrived. He had felt better when he reached Poch Ang, so came on and joined us, instead of returning to the launch as he had first intended to do.

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MARCH, 19301 REMARKS ON THE ANDAMAN ISLANDERS AND THEIR COUNTRY 67 We came part of the way another route to the Jarawa camp and passed through another camp, which Mr. Bonig had seen yesterday and also found his footprints, so knew that he had come the way we had yesterday. He must have followed the track which led to the camp I found for a long way, and eventually gone off to some other track, where they had found fresh Jarawa tracks; which shows how extremely difficult it is to follow a Jarawa track, even when you have found it. The Andamanese called this camp GorlAkabang. 24th February.-Left camp about 7-30 A.M. Our party consisted of :-- Mr. Vaux. Mr. Rogers. Mr. Bonig. 16 Andamanese. (1) Henry. (9) Jack, (2) Golot. (10) Thomas (3) Magri. (11) Are. (4) Daniel (12) Dora. (5) Bobby (13) Barat. (6) Beala. (14) David. (7) Matthew (15) Beabui. (8) Wuloga. (16) Iragud. One policeman. My mallar boatman) Sher Khan, Mr. Bonig's servant. Mr. Vaux's servant. We first went south with little east in it along a stream, which we then followed up to its source and along a ridge and up a slope to the top of a rounded hill with gentle slopes, the highest hill about. The top of the hill was a bamboo forest. Found a rains hunting camp perched on the summit of the hill, consisting of two huts, one of which was much larger than in the cold weather hunting camps. The huts were arranged as shown below and were under the shade of bamboos. Shelves for food supplies on sticks 21 feet high North Large hut with 3 entrances Smaller kul : one side open We reached this camp about 9 A.. The thatching leaves were quite dry, but the roofs were in good order and waterproof. There is no water anywhere near it in the cold weather. David (Andamanege) and two others had come on as far as this camp yesterday while reconnoitring for the path, so took us at a smart walk to it. We then went down the flanks of this hill (shown as an intersected point on the survey map) and followed down & stream some way, and leaving it crossed a ridge and followed down another stream and came upon another hunting camp, which had been recently vacated: the Andamanese said probably about four days before.

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68 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ MARCH, 1930 On our way to this camp we found some branches bent down in hoops and tied across the path. The Andamaneae said this was done to stop the birds from telling us where the Jarawas had gone. In the camp two large stones were tied up with a piece of bark and loft in the oamp; we were told that this had been done for a similar reason 11 There were six huts in this camp arranged as shown below. The thatching leaves were still green Arrows show entrances to huts Soutt Stream We reached this camp about 10-30 A.M. and went on along the flank of the hill and then down a stream, both going generally south. About 11-30 A., we heard the sounds of an axo and also voices, which were Jerawas'. So we at once retired up the stream, while the Andamanese went down a little way to see where the canip was, or if it was a camp. They came back soon after to say there was a camp with six huts and probably eight men belonging to it. So we decided to wait till evening till the men had come home with their bows, arrows, and tools, and to rush the camp when the moon rose, and try and capture a woman to suckle the Jarawa baby Mr. Vaux had taken. It was of no use taking the camp till the men had #turned, as they would have their bows, arrows, and tools with them. We waited till the moon was almost visible and then started down the streain towards the camp. It was too dark, so we soon had to halt until we could see a little bettor. After two halts we came to a more open place, from which we thought we could see the red glow of the smouldering logs of the Jarawa fires and after a short halt crept on once more. Three Andamanese went first, then came Mr. Vaux holding the hand of an Andamanese. I held Mr. Vaux's hand, Mr. Bonig held mine, the Policeman held his, and so on. We crept down into a depression and then seeing dimly huts in front of us, Mr. Vaux sprang up and rushed forwards to the nearest hut. I followed, passed him and rushed into a hut to the left. The Andamanese behind us fired arrows into the huts, while we were rushing on them. One shot was fired. My mallah, Sher Khan, followed me. I caught sight of a figure trying to escape and found that I had secured a woman with a baby. My mallah secured another woman with a baby. Soon after this Mr. Bonig came to me and said that Mr. Van was badly wounded and he thought was done for. As soon as I could see some one to whom I could make over the woman I had caught, I went to Mr: Vaux's help. as Mr. Bonig had 'oome to me a second time. 11. They the Janwa. account for the heavy stones which are found on the bodies of persons mttrdered by

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MARCH. 19301 REMARKS ON THE ANDAMAN ISLANDERS AND THEIR COUNTRY 69 Meanwhile the sepoy and Mr. Vaux's Burman (a free man) were firing carbines. I did not uge my revolver. When I came to Mr. Vaux I found him in a semi-unconscious state, and he died two minutes afterwards. When Mr. Vaux had passed away, I stopped the indiscriminate firing of carbines which was going on, secured the prisoners, two women and six children, including two babies, and posted the sepoy on one flank of the camp, some Andamanese to look out all around the camp, and went to the other flank myself, while Mr. Bonig stayed inidway between myself and the policeinan. The moon was not very bright, so it was impossible to make a thorough search of the huts, nor to make our way back : so I decided to stay where I was till daylight appeared and then to search the camp thoroughly for tools and pots, etc., and if possible to get back to the steani-launch with Mr. Vaux's body. The police sentry stuck to his watch well all through the night. Me. Bonig, self, and sentry fired shots occasionally to show the Jarawas we were on the alert and to prevent a night attack. The Andamanese gradually all fell asleep and it was very hard to keep any of them awake, but Mr. Bonig, self, policeman, and my mallah kept watch the whole night through. We were not attacked and I was very thankful when the first rays of dawn became apparent. 25th and 26th Februzry.--As soon as it was light enough I sent off two Andamanese to fetoh six policemen to help to carry Mr. Vaur's body. We then nade a thorough search of the camp and found one axe of European manufacture, several Andamanese adzes, and two rude kaives, probably made of dahs, and a number of honeypots, etc., of which we took away as many as we could, as well as all the bows and arrows that we could find. Daylight showed that the huts were arranged, as shown below, on a flat piece of land in the bend of the stream. Steep Hill Bedof Stream Our Path Bed Women Men' and Kohidico onR North Stream Place where Mr. Vaux died. Bn= Position of Burman (free) at time of Mr. Vaux's death. P=Position of policeman al time of Mr. Vaux's death. J=Position of Jaraua who shot Mr. Vaux. A=Andamanese before rush. ---> V=Vaux's after rusht. ---> R=Rogers' do. -> B-Bonig's do. The stream had well defined steep banks from 3 to 6 feet high around the camp ; where we entered it, the bank was about 4 feet high. No dead bodies of Jarawas were found in the camp, and we did not go down the stream to look for them. As it was a very long way from the launch I had to push on as quickly as possible, so as to reach the launch before nightfall. The place where Mr. Vaux was killed is onlled Wibtang, and it had taken us three days to get from the launch to this spot. The (Bea] Andamanese know the names A 1AA

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70 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (MABOH, 1930 of these places, as they once occupied this country and were driven out of it by the Jarawas, when these last were pushed north by the expansion of the settlement, Mr. Vaux's body was slung to a strong bamboo and hung down from it and the bamboo was carried by:-(1) the policeman, (2) my mallah Sher Khan, (3) Mr. Vaux's Burman, (4) Mr. Bonig's Burman, until the Police met us and after that it was carried by the Police to the coast. The policemen behaved admirably. They met us about half mile to the south of the Rains Camp on the high hill (intersection point on survey map). We left the camp which we had rushed at daybreak, and must have reached the camp where the policemen were left behind about 11 o'clock. The women and children came with us quite cheerfully and willingly, and gave us no trouble. We halted about quarter of an hour at Gorlakabang Camp, where we all had some food, while the things were packed up, and then pushed on to Pochang Camp, leaving behind us what rations we had not consumed, so as to lighten the loads to be carried as much as possible. About four miles from the Pochang Camp MBonig, who was in the front part of the line, told me that Andamanese Matthew had been shot in the arm by a Jerawa. Shortly before this some of the Andamanese with me told me that they thought they had heard some Jarawas going on ahead. Mr. Bonig then led the line, while I stayed in the rear with two policemen and three Andamanese, and I put some more policemen in the middle, and after a temporary halt pushed on as fast as we could, keeping all close together and firing at intervals to keep off the Jarawas. I was not told how many Jarawas had been seen and what they had done, BO was anxious until we had got right out to the estuary. We reached the estuary of Dum. la-chorag about 5-30 P.M.: so if we consider that we walked if miles an hour, which I think we did, we must have covered about 17 miles of country. The tide was out when we reached the sea coast, and as it was full tide when we had landed, we had considerable diffioulty in pulling the boat to the water and getting off through about three-quarters of a mile of soft mud to get the boat afloat. I reached the launch at 7-30 P.M. Mr. Bonig at once started. Crossed the bar at the entrance of the Middle Straits and ran straight down to Port Blair. (c) Extract from the Diary of Mr. M. Bonig, Assistant Harbour Master, from the 17th to 26th February 1902. 17th February.-Left Port Blair 5 P.M. arriving at Macpherson's Strait at 8 P.M.; anchored for the night. 18th February.--Left Macpherson's Strait at daybreak for Bajalunta. Baja-lunta-log is the Andamanese name of the Bay, about 8 miles south of Port Campbell. It is named on the chart Talap-longta, which the Andamanese informed us to be incorrect. Anchored in this Bay at 10 A.m., and went ashore in the dinghy with six Andamanese, three Polioe and two Burmans. Landed on the north shore of the Bay, Messrs. Rogers and Vaux and party landing at the mouth of the creek at the head of the Bay. We found new tracks of Jarawas almost as soon as we landed, and followed them up; the Andamanege also shot a pig which had been previously wounded by Jarawas. When it was getting late in the afternoon we lost the Jarawa tracks, so we cut through the jungle towards the seashore, and followed it. We then came upon a temporary Jarawa encampment, and from it we took away two bamboo water vessels which had been left behind. This is the only Jarawa encampment we found near the seashore, the others all being in the interior. As it was getting dark and the tide rising, we had a very diffioult journey back to the ship; often going up to our necks through the sea. The place was infested with sharks, but we kept them off by shouting constantly. One of them, about 6 feet long, came straight for us and I only just managed to scare it away by jumping on it, touching it with my hands.

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MARCH, 1930) REMARKS ON THE ANDAMAN ISLANDERS AND THEIR COUNTRY The Andamanese refused to come any furthet with us and they camped, while I with the Police and Burmans went to the boat, which we reached at 10 P.M. Two Andamanese had found their way through the jungle to the boat, so with these went on board and sent the boat back for the remainder. We heard the report of a gun shortly after we came on board. Mr. Rogers arrived with his party at about 12 P.M., Mr. Vaux remaining in the jungle for the night. 1917 February.--Mr. Vaux not having arrived this morning, Mr. Rogers went ashore at daybreak, while I followed him about an hour later. After consulting with Mr. Rogers, who was waiting on the shore for Mr. Vaux, it was decided that I shonld go south a few miles along the shore and then go in the jungle. I accordingly went about four miles down the coast and searched the jungle the whole day. I did not find any new tracks of Jara was, but & number of old encampments showed that they had frequented this part of the jungle six months ago. On my return to the launch about 7 P.m., I found both Messrs. Rogers and Vaux on board and I was informed that Mr. Vaux had captured two ohildren (one girl and one baby) the night previous, which he had brought on board. Mr. Vaux therefore decided that we should start for Port Anson early the next morning to find an Andamanese woman to nurse the Jarawa baby, which could take no nourishment from us. 20th Februarij.--Left Baja-lunt& for Port Anson at 7-30 A.M., arriving at the latter place about noon. To our great disappointment we found that the Andamanese woman, who was to have nursed the baby was absent in the jungle. We waited for her the whole day. As she did not return, Mr. Vaux decided that I should take the Jarawa children to Port Blair early next morning, while he and Mr. Rogers would encamp at Pochang, the site of the Jhrawa camp we had found on our previous trip. 21st February.---Left Leker Alunt& at 5.30 A.M. for Dum-la-chorag where Messrs. Vaux, Rogers and party disembarked. I proceeded to Port Blair, arriving at the latter place about noon. Delivered Mr. Vaux's letter to the Chief Commissioner (Sir R. C. Temple), who ordered that the Jarawa baby was to be taken to the Haddo Home and the little girl was to remain at Government House with the Andamanese woman Topay. As it was too late to return to Port Anson that afternoon, I decided to leave early next morning, so as to arrive outside Middle Straits at daybreak. 22nd February.Left Port Blair at 3 A.M., arrived at Port Angon at 7.30 A.M. Anchored the Belle at Dum-la-chorag. Proceeded at once with one Police constable and four Andamanese ashore to Pochang. We had great difficulty in getting to the camp, as the inangrove swamp, which we had to cross, was completely under water. Arrived at the camp at about noon. I found that Messrs. Vavx and Rogers had both left in different directions to search for Jarawas. I therefore left the Chief Commissioner's letter for Mr. Vaux with the Police Havildar and went with my party of Police and Andamanese in another direction to search for Jarawas. We soon came across a Jarawa encampment consisting of four huts. We followed the path which led from it further south. Having followed this about four miles, we found fresh tracks of eight Jerawas. We followed those till the evening, and as it was too late to go back to the camp, we remained for the night in the jungle. 23rd February. ---Returned to the camp at Pochang. On our way the Andamanese informed me that they could see by the foot-marks that both Messrs. Vaux and Rogers had gone further south, most likely to search for our party ; 80 I sent two Andamanene to follow them and to inform them of my return to Pochang. On our arrival there at 2 P.x. I found a note from Mr. Vaux tied to a tree, saying that they had proceeded to another camp, six miles further south, and that I was to follow them there, or else to return on board. I followed them and reached the camp at about 5-30 P.M.

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72 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY MARCH, 1930 24th February.-Left camp at 7-30 A.M. with Messrs. Vaux and Rogors, one policeman, three convict servants and sixteen Andamanese. We followed up the Jarawa track and came on an encampment about 9 o'clock. We proceeded on our way and came on another encampment an hour later. As the Jarawas had apparently only recently left this, we did not disturb it, for fear of disclosing our whereabouts to the Jarawas, should they be in the neighbourhood. After having rested a little while, we proceeded till at about 11 A.M., we heard the Jarawas shouting a short distance ahead. Mr. Vaux then decided to wait till the evening until the Jarawas had gone to sleep and to attack their encampment as soon as the moon rose. So we waited there the whole day, and when the moon rose we proceeded very slowly to the attack, a few Andamaneso going ahead; and Mr. Vaux, Mr. Rogers and myself holding each other's hands so as not to lose ourselves in the dark, slowly crept up to the Jarawa camp. As soon as we got near the camp we waited for a second and when Mr. Vaux pass. ed the word, the Andamanese shouted and shot a number of arrows in the Jarawa huts. Mr. Vaux then at once with his dah in his hand rushed to the nearest hut on the left, while Mr. Rogers went to the right and I went straight ahead. When I had advanced a few yards the Andamanese Golat shouted out to me in Hindustani "Sahib baitho; Jarawa tir maria hai; band ale maro (Sir, sit down; a Jarawa is shooting arrows; fire your revolver) : " so I lay down flat on the ground, and not seeing auy Jarawa about I fired my revolver in the air. I had not done this before, as Mr. Vaux had previously ordered us not to fire till he passed the word. I then saw several children come out of the hut behind which Mr. Rogers had disappeared. I crept up and secured these with the help of an Andainanese. I then heard Mr. Vaux shonting out "I am hurt," and turning round I saw him stag. gering and fall down. I at once went to him and asked him where he was hurt, Mr. Vaux only replied "I am donc," and the Andamanese showed me that he was wounded by an arrow in the left side. Mr. Vavx then said " For God's sake take this arrow out." As I saw that the whole of the arrow head had disappeared into his body, I went for Mr. Rogers' assistance. I found Mr. Rogers struggling with a Jarawa woman, and he said that he would come in a second, as ho did not wish to let the woman go. I then returned to Mr. Vaux. The Andamanese were just extracting the arrow, and Mr. Vaux asked for Mr. Rogers and myself, and if we could do nothing for him. As Mr. Rogers had not turned up then, I be. came anxious about him, thinking that the Jarawas might have wounded him also. I went to him again and told him that I thought Mr. Vaux was dying. We both went back to Mr. Vaux, who was only a couple of yards away. We bandaged hipi ur. Mr. Vaux asked for light and water, which we gave him. After this Mr. Vaux fell back and died, We then waited in the Jarawa camp till the inorning, firing a gun every half an hour to keep the Jara was away. 25th and 26th February.-As soon as the day broke we gathered together the bows and arrows the Jarawas bad left behind, and made arrangements for carrying Mr. Vaux's body. Having done this, we started back for the launch with it and the six Jarawa children and two women we had captured. Mr. Rogers sent two Andamanese ahead to go to the camp and tell the Havildar of Police to send six policemen to carry Mr. Vaux's body. We reached the camp about noon and after having packed all our things we proceedod, I going ahead and Mr. Rogers bringing up the rear. As I thought the launch would have po steam I sent some Andamanese and a free Burman with a gun ahead to inform the syrang (Indian mate) to have the launch ready to proceed to Port Blair that evening. We had not advanced more than a few hundred yards when we heard the report of a gun; and direotly afterwards caught up the party we had sent in advance. We then saw that the Andamaneso Matthew had been wounded by a Jarawa, who had bidden behind a

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MARCH, 1930) REMARKS ON THE ANDAMAN ISLANDERS AND THEIR COUNTRY 73 tree in front of him. The Burman had at once fired the gun and two Jarawas had escaped in the jungle, one of them leaving a bundle of fish arrows behind. The arrow which wounded Matthew was an iron-pointed one, which had wounded a Jarawa during the attack on the camp and had been extracted froin the wounded man and fired at Matthew. This shows that they had not any iron-pointed arrows left with them. We must have secured all the iron arrows they had. Without further accident we reached the boats. To our further disappointment we found that the dinghy had sunk in the creek, most likely having been caught under the mangrove roots, and all the oars had floated away. We floated the dinghy again and reached the ship at 5-30 P.M. Mr. Rogers came about an hour later, his boat having been left by the tide high and dry in the mangrove swamp. After everybody had come on board we started for Port Blair, arriving at the lattor place about midnight. III. Visit to the Middle Straits to set at Liberty Captive Jarawa Women and Children. Diary of Mr. C. Gilbert Rogers, Deputy Conservator of Forests, Andanans Division, from the 11th to 14th March 1902. Ilth March.Left Port Blair in the steam launch Belle, accompanied by Mr. Bonig, some Andamanese and six Military Policemen and the two Jarawa women, cuch with a child, and three girls at 8 A.M. The names of the Jarawa captives whom we were taking back to release are, so far as we can gather, as follows -Women----Watangemai, Tije Buluwa; Infants (boys) Atu-to-ane, Wotama-tamane; Girls-Tije-tang, Etele Orlai. The last-named girl came from the Bajalanta Hunting Camp, the others from the Wibtang Camp. The two boys from the Wibtang Camp, sons of Watange-mai, and the infant from the Bajalunt& Camp, whom the women would not take away, we left hehind in Port Blair. We reached Duratang at 10 A.M. and landed the Jarawas to see the Andainanese Home and also to get somo yams for them and then proceeded up the Middle Strait. The whole of the country on either side of the Middle Strait secined familiar to them and they made signs that they would like to be landed near the Papalunta Jig, but this we did not do. We proceeded straight to Dumlachoray, anchored, and putting the Jarawas into a boat and taking an escort of Anlamanese and four policemen, rowed up the creek and landed the Jarawas as near to the Pochang Jarawa Camp as the creek would allow of our doiag. We took them a short distance across a mangrove swamp on to a low ridge, where we made a fire for them. We also macie shelters with the blankets we had given them, deposited what we would carry of the.vams, bearis, red cloth, cocoanuts, carthenware, cooking pots and a bucket of drinking water and left them. . Near the boat we found some plantains and cocoanuts which had nocidentally been left hchind. I returned with these to the camp accompaniel by some policemen and Andamanose. The women did not run away when they saw its coming back, but smiled when they saw what had brought us. While we were a way the baby had psct the drinking water. They maile signs to us that they could get some ncar by and asked us to break some Cocoanuts for them. This we did and left them. We then returned to the steam launch Belle and proceeded to Port Anson, where we anchored for the night. 12th March.---Left Port Angon at 7-20 A.M. for Dumlachorag; anchored there, and proceeded in a boat with Police and Andamanesc escort to the ridge, where we had left the liberated Jarawas yesterday. Reached the camp about 9 A.M. Found the camp empty. The fires were still burning. The women and children had gone away with as much of the

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74 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY * MAKCH, 1930 presents and food as they could carry. They had taken with them all the beads, most of the red cloth, one set of earthenware cooking pots, all the cocoanuts, and as much food as they could carry, and would doubtless return with their men for the remainder of the things. We then returned to Dumlachorag and proceeded to Port Anson and went outside and salved a teak log and a numbered padouk square, which were stranded on the West Coast of the Middle Andamanas. Stayed the night at Port Anson. 13th March.-Left Port Anson at G A.M.. and steamed down to Shoal Bay. Anchored 1 little way up Shoal Bay Creek at 10 A.m., and proceeded in a boat to Jatang. Returned to Shoal Bay on the ebbing tide and dropped down to Duratang, where we anchored for the night. Inspected the Andamanese Home. 14th March.--Steamed down to the mouth of the Pirij Creek in the early morning. Found Daniel and three Andamanese and three sepoys of the Military Police. They had boen hunting for the threo Burmese runaways, who had attacked the self-supporters near Kalatang not long before, but they had failod to catch them. They had come across two places where they had camped, 'but state that they skilfully mix their trail with those of the self-supporters and convicts working in the forest, and that in consequence they had elnded pursuit. Returned to the launch and started for Port Blair. Reached Ross at 12 noon and reported my arrival to the Chief Commissioner. IV. List of Jarawu Articles taken by Mr. P. Vaux from the Hunting Camp at Bajalunta on 10th February 1902. 1 Honey pot, empty. 1 Do. with resin and cyrena shells. 1 Do. with honey edibles and prepared bees'-wax. 2 Pottery vessels. 5. Net bags, empty. 1 Do, with 2 packets red ochre in palm leaves and fibres for binding arrows. I Packet honeycomb. 2 Baskets, cane. 2 Andaman adzes, made out of dahs. 1 Basdla, new, of Forest Department marked with34 (broad arrow). Stolen on 22nd November 1901. 1 Bowstring. 2 Bows. 02 Bamboo-shaft and wooden-pointed fish-arrows. 92 Do. iron-pointed fish-arrows. 3 Barbed iron pig-arrows. 16 Barnboo arrow-shafts. List of Jaralon Articles taken by Mr. C. G. Rogers, from the Hunting Camp at Wibang on 24th February 1902. 6 Honey pots, empty. 1 Do. with fibre. 1 Do. with fibre in honey and child's wooden feeling brush. Ai 5 Andaman adzes, of sizes. 1 Axe, European head, 2 Knife blades made of dahs.

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MAROR, 1930) REMARKS ON THE ANDAMAN ISLANDERS AND THEIR COUNTRY 76 1 Adze head-European make. 1 Honey pot with king-crow chaplet, 2 bowstrings, 2 string cards, 2 pieces of resin, and 5 shells. 1 Palm leaf containing netting materials in net. 7 Empty nets. 1 Net containing 2 pots of pigment for pig arrows. 1 Do. 2 pieces of iron and 4 shells for pigment. 1 Packet red ochre. 1 Net containing 2 pieces of iron and 2 small nets. 1 Piece of bollowed wood, containing red ochre prepared for arrow heads 7 Iron-headed arrows. 2 Pots. 96 Bamboo wooden-headed fish-arrows. 8 Bows. 5 Arrow-shafts. 5 Pig-arrows, iron. 1 Iron arrow head. VI. Report by Mr. C. G. Rogers, dated the 19th May 1902, on Jarawa captives while at Port Blair. An infant boy and a little girl, called orlai, captured by the late Mr. Vaux near Bajalanta (T.laplongta of the maps) were brought to Port Blair by Mr. Bonig, Assistant Har. bour Master, on the 21st February 1902. The little girl, Orlai, had a very pronounced squint in her left eye. She was kept at Government House until the 26th February, when she was allowed to join the other Jarawa captives, who were taken at Wibtang on the night of the 24th February and reached Port Blair on the 26th in the Belle in the charge of Mesers. Rogers and Bonig. Tho oaptives taken at Wibtang comprised two womon and six children including two babies. They were kept at first in the hospital at Haddo and after that in the Haddo Andamanoso Home, as they got out of the hospital one morning early and were found at the ghdt [landing place) evidently trying to escape. After this they were placed definitely in the charge of Luke (Andamanese) and the watohman at the Home and did not again try to escape. The Jarawas would not touch rice, or any of the rations supplied to the Andamanese, nor would they smoke. They were fed on yams, fish, pig's flesh, when it could be obtained for them, and crabs. They cooked their food very thoroughly before eating it. They were very fond of cocoanuts, when they were given them, and had evidently eaten them before. They drank water, but did not care for either inilk or tea. They did not like sugar or anything sweet. They would not touch honey from the Andamanese store, which had fermented slightly, but liked fresh honey in the honey.comb. The friendly Andamanese could not understand a word of the Jarawa language nor could the Jarawas understand the Andamanese; they made themselves understood to a certain extent by signs. While the captives were at Port Blair we only learnt what we believe to be their names and a few words for the food they eat. The Jarawas were quite friendly and evidently felt that they would be well treated. Mr. Bonig and myself went to see them almost every evening while they were in Port Blair and took them out for walks, and they looked forward to our visits and the women usually took our arms, while the children clung to us. While they were in Port Blair we took them Over Ross, Phoenix Bay Workshops and Chatham Sawmills. They evinood no astonishment at what they saw, but some fright. They do not seem capable of evincing pronounced emotions of any kind, either of grief or astonishment or pleasure. On the 10th March

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76 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY MABCE, 1930 I took the Jarawas to see the two companies of the West Riding Regiment fire at the Ranges. Wo first went to the firing points and saw volleys fired from 1,700, 1,600 and 1,100 yards, and then went into the butts, while the men fired at and broke a ghara (earthenpot) filled with water, and put bullets through a kerosine oil tin and through a hat. I showed them all this carefully and they thoroughly understand what a rifle can do and that it causes death. When we landed the Jarawas at Dum-la-Chorag I killed a flying-fox, which flew over the boat as we were rowing up the creek, and showed them the shot holes in it and they examined these carefully and must now associate death with the discharge of a gun. The Jarawas also visited Lamba Line Village and were hospitably entertained by the Native Indian) villagers, who clothed them and entertained them with music. The Jarawas and villagers passed their babies from one to another, and evidently enjoyed themselves, as they laughed and talked and seemed quite pleased. On the evening of the 10th March I took some photographs of the Jarawas. On the 11th March Mr. Bonig and self took the two women, two babies and four girls back to Pechang, keeping the two boys, as ordered, here. The boys were very sorry to leave their parent. They were brothers. We took the Jarawas to the Duratang Andamanese Homeon Kyd Island on the way. Before leaving the women at Poch Ang we made signs to them that We would bring the two boys back to the place where we left them.

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Indian Antiguar * Plaue 7. MAP OF RAIN GAUGE STATIONS IN THE PENAL SETTLEMENT N. Ross E . ROSSO Scale 2 Miles = linch

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APRIL, 1930 ] THE SCATTERGOODS AND THE EAST INDIA COMPANY 33 THE SCATTERGOODS AND THE EAST INDIA COMPANY. (Continued from vol. LII.) V. JOHN SCATTERGOOD JUNIOR, FREE MERCHANT, HIS MERCANTILE CAREER IN THE EAST, 1698-1723. John Scattergood Junior, only son of John Scattergood and Elizabeth Radcliffe, 163 was born in 1682, shortly after his father's death. While very young he was sent to England, most likely about the time of his mother's second mac iage with Richard Trenchfield, 104 a factor in the Company's service at Fort St. George, Madras. There is no record of the baptism of the child nor of his mother's remarriage, nor has any information been unearthed regarding his early years. He was probably placed under the care of some member of the Scattergood or Radcliffe family, who was responsible for him. He is first mentioned in the India Office Records in October 1697,166 as a youth" born in India and sent hither for his better education," to whom permission was granted to sail in one of the Company's ships to India, "he paying only the charges of his transportation." The usual permission fee was possibly remitted on account of his father's service under the Company. The three ships sent out to Madras and Bengal in 1697-8 were the Martha, the Fame and the Anna. In the Martha went Thomas Pitt, the newly-appointed Governor of Fort St. George, previously a hated "interloper" and subsequently remembered in connection with the "Pitt Diamond." The young John Scattergood either sailed in the Martha or the Fame, for the Anna went direct to Bengal without touching at Fort St. George. The log of the Fame is the only one of the three ships extant,166 and from it we learn that the vessels left the Downs on 10 February 1697-8, and having made a brief stay at St. Jago (Santiago), one of the Cape Verde Islands, sailed straight for Madras without putting in at the Cape. On 8 July 1698 the Fame, whioh arrived two days after the Martha, saluted the Fort with 15 guns, says the log, and "they returned us 13 in answer and wee gave them 1 for thanks." At Fort St. George John Scattergood found his mother and his stepfather in residence, with their younger ohildren, the two elder, Elihu and Elizabeth, having been sent to England in the Sidney in the previous January, Richard Trenchfield had been dismissed the Company's service in 1688 on account of his violent antagonism to Job Charnock, the founder of Calcutta, but had been permitted to remain in India as a freeman and was thus able to trade within certain prescribed limits. Less than a month after his arrival in Madras, John Scattergood was placed under Captain William How, master of a country trading vessel, bound to Bengal. How had been in India for at least twenty years and had made many such voyages on behalf of free merchants and the Company's servants. He engaged the lad at Rs. 24 (PS2 128.) per month. John Seattergood's remarkable commercial aptitude showed itself at once. No sooner did he enter Captain How's empioy than he began to keep an account of his receipts and disbursements, and it is owing to the preservation of the memoranda given below that his movements for the first eighteen months after his arrival in India can be ascertained. Captain How's Elizabeth, a vessel of 300 tons, sailed from Madras on 4 August 1698, and on 1 September Scattergood's entries are dated in Bengal. 1. [NOTES OF RECEIPTS AND PAYMENTS BY JOHN SCATTERGOOD, 1898, 1699.! Madras 1698. Rups. A. P. July 30th .. In Money I have for Traffick occasions . . . . . 672. - - Augt. 1 .. Received of Capt. How the Summe of seventy Rupees and half being for three months wages . . . . 70. 8. - Bought a half a hogshead of Goa Arrack to send to England to Mrs. Mounk .. .. .. .. .. .. 17. 8. - 168 See Vol. LII, Supplement, p. 27. 164 Ibid, p. 32. 1e5 Court Book, XXXVII, 414. 186 Marine Records, Logs, Vol. CXI. i oo

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY APRIL, 1930 Sept. 1 20 Oct. 11 Nov. 1st Bengall 1698-1698/9. Rups. A. P. .. Bought my boy some cloth and mak[ing] .. .. 3. - - .. Bought a sett of boles of Dr. Warrain .. .. Sold to Coja Surhaud a pair of Pistolls .. 70.Bought two pair of Madrass Stockings .. Bought Severall things at Mr. Mungar's Outery Paid the Washerman for two months washing my Cloth.. Bought Six pair of Shooes Munseur Tarverneers Travills of Mr. Radshaw .. .. A Pair of stookings A Ream of Paper of Mr. Bugden .. Two months pockett expences Paid my servants two months wages .. Given to Mr. Winders boy for looking after me when sick .. Paid Mr. Willis for a Case Paid the Washerman two months wages .. Paid the Doctor for looking after my boy when sick .. .. . Received of Captain Mabb a corge of Romalls as an adventer Valued at Received of Captain How the Summe of an hundred and twenty Rupees being for 5 months wages at 24 Rs. Per month ..120. .. Paid Mr. Winder for sundry goods sent to England as Presents.. 47. :::::::::::::::: So gisini 20 1 Deo. 7 10 : 28 1698/9 Jan. 1 - 3 .. Paid the Doctor .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Two months pockeet expences .. .. 16. . Bought Sundry goods of Mr. Beards Bannian for Persia vizt. Rs. Romalls 3 Corge @ 75 Rs. Per Corge Shaulbafts 700[veds). 10 long & 2 br. 37.8 .. 262. 8. Elachees 6.14 & 1 br. @ 22.7 Rs. .. .. 135. - Sooses 10 p[ieces. @ 6 Rs. Per Ps... .. 225. 60. 682. 8. 8. 2. Charges Marchandize 690. 10. 10. 10. 680. Gained by Dustore .. .. .. .. .. - - Received of Mr. Winder as an adventer 7 ps. of Sooses and 6 of Chucklaes. Received of Mr. Wind[er] Sundry good[s] on Account of my father Mr. Richard Trenchfield as Per Invoice valued at with all Charges .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 200. 6. - .. Bought some cloths and severall odd things for my voyage to Persia .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 51. 8. - [NOTES ON DOCUMENT No. 1.) Entry 1 August. Arrack, rice-spirit (araq). That obtained from Goa was noted at this period,

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APEL, 1930 ] THE SCATTERGOODS AND THE EAST INDIA COMPANY 35 Entry 5 September. Dr. Warrain. William Warren, surgeon to the Factory at Calcutta from February 1704, notorious for his marriage with Elizabeth Binns, a widow, while his wife was still alive in England (See Wilson, Early Annals, I. 201). Entry 20th September. Coja Surhaud. Khwaja Israil Sarhad, an influential Armenian merchant, who was employed in 1714-1717 to accompany the Embassy of John Surman to the Court of Farrukhsiyar. Entries 11 October. Mr. Munger's outcry. The auction of the effects of John Monger, a writer in the Company's service, who died on 7 October. Monser Taverneers Travells. The Travels of Jean-Baptiste Tavernier, an English translation of which had been published in 1684. Mr. Radshaw. George Redshaw, a merchant in the Company's service, later Charges. General-Keeper at Calcutta. Entry 1 November. Mr. Bugden. William Bugden, Company's servant, who later on filled the offices of Secretary and Collector at Calcutta. He died in 1700 (Early Annals, I. 363-4). Entry 20 November. Mr. Winder. Jonathan Winder, Company's servant and Member of Council. Entry 10 December. Corge of Romalls. Score of rumal, kerchiefs (See Yule, HobsonJobson, 8.v. Corge). Entries 3 January. Mr. Boards Bannian. John Beard's baniya, Hindu trader. John Beard, then Second of Council, bocame President of Bengal in 1701. Shaulbafts. Shalbaft, woven cloth for shawls; bafta, cotton cloth, made especially at Broach. Elachees. Alacha, ilacha, silk sloth, with a wavy pattern. Sooses. Susi, silk cloth. Dustore. Dastur, commission. Chucklaos. Chakla, silk and cotton cloth. On the day when the last entry was made in the abovo account, 10 January 1698/9, the Elizabeth sailed for Gombroon (Bandar 'Abbas), where John Scattergood probably disposed of the piccc.coods on which he had expended the money entrusted to him for "traffick." There is no record of this, nor of his first voyage to Persia, among the Scattergood Papers, but from the Records of Fort St. George we learn that the Elizabeth returned to Madras in August 1699, two months after the death of Richard Trenchfield. Thenceforward John Scattergood's namo appears in the "List of Seafaring mon, not constant inhabitants" of Fort St. George, showing that he was continuing to make trading voyages from that place. In 1704 ho was at Tuticorin, on the south-east coast of Madras, with Captain Henry Harnett, who, like Captain William How, was commander of a "country "ship, that is, one making voyages from port to Port in India, independently of, but countenanced by, the Company. Harnett had already commanded the George, the Anne, the Sidgwick and the Goodwill in voyages to Bencoolen, Bengal and Malacca and it is not unlikely that John Soattergood had accompanied bim to the latter place in 1703. He was now master of the Goodhope and apparently sailed from Tuticorin to Anjengo on the Malabar coast, taking letters to the Chief of that factory, and thence to Persia, whence he returned to Madras, as the Fort St. George Diary records, in June 1705. There is no direct mention of John Scattergood as a companion of Harnett on this voyage, but the following account showing his interest in the cargo of the vessel and the details of goods consigned to him and the master of the Goodhope is evidenoe that he acted as supercargo. 2. [ACCOUNTS, &c., PERSIA VOYAGE, 1705.] Gombroone the 9th May 1705. Invoice of cost and charges of one hundred bales of Ruinass and fivety chests Shirash wine Freighted on ship Goodhope, Captain Henry Harnott Commander, being on the proper

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36 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY APRIL, 1930 Account and resque of William Lee Merchant in Gombroone and goes consigned to Captain Henry Harnott and Mr. John Scattergood att Madrass, being markt and number'd as por Margent, and particulars as followeth vizt. Shas. Cos. Ruinass 100 bales each qt. 20 mds. tabrs, at Sha. 437.5 coz. pr bale is. 43750. Charges vizt. Skinning each bale 10 Sha... . 1000.Freight Sh. 44 pr bale .. .. .. .. 4400.boathire and hamg: 100. - 5500. 49250. Shirash Wine for 50 chests each qt. 10 flasks vizt. 40 chests Ashee at Sha. 140 per chest is.. .. 5600.10 chests Shirash or Amboree at Sha. 120 ea. 1200. 6800. Charges vizt. matting each chest Sha. 2 is . . . . . 100. - . Freight Sha. 42 each .. .. .. .. 2100.Boathire and hamg: 50. 2250. 9050. Shas. 58300.Errors Excepted By WILLIAM LEE. Laden on board Ship Goodhope Captain Henry Harnott Commander by William Lee merobant in Gombroone, one hundred bales of ruinass and fivety chests 100 bales ruins.ss of wine being markt and numbered as per margent, and are to be Doli. 40 shte. Ashee vered (the Danger of the Sea's excepted) to Captain Henry Harnott and 10 do. Shiraz Mr. John Scattergood att Madrass ; for true performance thereof I have 150 Parcells signed to two bills of this tenour and Date, one being socomplisht the other to be void and of none Effect, dated in Gombroon the 9th May 1705. Insides and contents unknown. HENRY HARNETT. NOTES ON DOCUMENT No. 2.) The goods mentioned are: "ruinass," runas, madder, and wine of "Shirash" (Shiraz), "Ashee " ( Ashu) and Amboree (? Ambar). The terms for the coinage weights and measures, &c., are those of Persia, viz. Shas., i.e., shahee, shahi, c. 4d. Coz., i.e., cosbeague, ghazbegi, 10 of which went to a shahi. Qt. is the seventeenth and early eighteenth century abbreviation for "containing" or "content." Mds. tabrs., i.e., maunds Tabreez, man of Tabriz, c. 54 lb. (See Yule, Hobson-Jobson and Fryer, ed. Crooke, II. 139, for the above.) Hamg., i.e., hamallage, porterage, Ar. hamil, porter. William Lee appears to have been a free merchant residing at Gombroon. Besides the foregoing there is a statement of account of goods freighted in the Goodhope by Ralph Sheldon, member of Council in Bengal. It is dated Caloutta 29 November 1705. and endorsed " An Account Current between Mr. Sheldon and myself" (John Soattergood), but it contains nothing of special interest. In 1706-7 Scattergood continued his commercial relations with Persia, for accounts exigt among the Papers showing that he was trading with money entrusted to him and Thomas Lovell, a merchant at Isfahan, by Governor Thomas Pitt and Padre Lewis, chaplain at Fort St. George, and that he was also interested in the cargoes of the ships Monsoon and Ralph and

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APRIL, 1930: THE SCATTERGOODS AND THE EAST INDIA COMPANY . 37 Betty trading from Calcutta to Surat. The investments were made in " Bulgar hides" (leather from Bolghar on the Volga), Persian carpets and "Agula wood " (eagle-wood, aloes-wood). On 16 August 1706 John Scattergood married, at St. Mary's, Fort St. George, Arabella, widow of Francis Forbes, Company's servant in Surat (who died in 1704), and daughter of John Burniston, late Deputy-Governor of Bombay. On the death of the latter, in 1705, his widow, Carolina, removed to Madras with her family, and thus her son-in-law eventually became possessor of many interesting documents relating to the Forbes and Burniston families. A few months after his marriage John Scattergood made another voyage to Persia and remained there for about a year, so that he was not present at the baptism of his eldest daughter, Elizabeth, in June 1707. During his absence also, his mother, Elizabeth Trenchfield sailed for England, taking the rest of her family with her. By this date John Scattergood had become a merchant of considerable standing, carrying out sales of goods on behalf of various traders, Hindu and English. He had dealings with the Seths, the great commercial house at Calcutta, with members of Council in Madras and Bengal, with free merchants and their wives. The commodities disposed of at this period were chiefly cotton piece-goods of Bengal and the Coromandel Coast, which found a ready market in Persia. Wherever he happened to be, John Scattergood at once mastered the intricacies of thecoinage of the place. Thus, on his arrival at Fort St. George, he made his entries in pagodas and fadams; at Calcutta he changed to rupees and annas, and in Persia his accounts were kept in mahmudis and shahis. There is a fine collection of the "Persia Accounts "in 1707-8, and from them we learn that Scattergood was at Gombroon in April 1707 and that in May he went to Isfahan with Peter Curgenven, a connection by marriage of Governor Thomas Pitt. Here he appears to have remained for several months, journeying back to Gombroon in February to May 1708. On this occasion he kept a diary, the only one found among the Papers. The journal, although it covers no new ground, is nevertheless valuable for the following reasons. It is, so far as I have been able to ascertain, the only early eighteenth century account extant of such a journey. It contains full details of the prices of provisions and the rates of hire and wages of that period. Of the seventeenth century travellers who have left their record of the road from Isfahan to Gombroon, only two, John Struys (in 1672) and Dr. John Fryer (in 1678), followed the same route as Scattergood, who travelled from Yezdikhast to Shiraz, via Abadeh and Sivand, while Herbert in 1627, Jean de Thevenot in 1665, Tavernier in 1666, as well as Fryer in an earlier journey in 1677, all followed the more frequented route by Deh-i-Kurd and Kushk-i-Zard. Fryer's journeys have been ably edited by Dr. Wm. Crooke for the Hakluyt Society and his notes have been of great assistance in the identification of Scattergood's place names. It is worthy of remark that all six travellers started either from Isfahan or Gombroon in January or February, Fryer alone undertaking similar journeys at different seasons, viz., in June-August 1677 and April-July of 1678. The journal itself is that of an unromantio business man. There are no vivid descriptions of scenery, no pen-paintings of the persons encountered or of the dangers escaped. There is only a sober record of the events of each day, with comments on the excellence, or otherwise, of the inns at the various halting places, and minute entries of the expenses incurred. It has been thought best to give the Diary before tbe Gombroon to Isfahan Aocounts so that the complete expense of the journey can be appreciated at once. But before printing the journal a short historical note on the Persia of Scattergood's day is needful. Persia was then under the Safavi ("Great Sophie") Dynasty, which was drawing to its close. Founded by the great Shah Isma'il (1499-1524), who made Tabriz his capital, it was oarried on with much magnificence and some skill by his immediate successor, Shah Tahmasp (1524-1578), on whose death succeeded twenty years of anarchy, until another great Shah arose in the person of Shah 'Abbas I (1586-1628), reigning at Kazvin and Isfahan, to keep the country in order. But Persia was unfortunate in bis three successors, Shah Soff, Shah Abbas

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38 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ APRIL, 1930 II and Shah Sulaiman (1628-1694), who, while keeping up the old magnificenoe of the Court at Isfahan, and through their subordinate officials also the internal peace established by Shah *Abbas II, were really incapable rulers who lost much of their kingdom to intruders. The ruler in Scattergood's time was Shah Husain (1694-1729), deliberately selected by his Court to succeed Shah Sulaiman for his pacific temperament. For twenty years after his accession Persia was still kept in profound peace, but the Dynasty was nevertheless distinctly on its decline, and about 1714 there commenced the Afghan aggressions which overwhelmed the whole country between 1722 and 1725. Between the latter date and 1729 the Afghans misruled an unhappy land till the celebrated Nadir Shah set up the old Dynasty again, but it did not last long, and in 1736 Nadir Shah was himself proclaimed ruler and saviour of his adopted country, whereon the once mighty Safavi Dynasty came to an inglorious end. However, at the date of Scattergood's Diary Persia was still enjoying the internal peace procured for her by the Safavis, who were all well affected towards Christians and Europeans, then allowed an access to an Oriental Muhammadan country which was extraordinarily free. PERSIA DIARY 1707/8.167 John Scattergood's Journal of his Journey from Isfahan to Gombroon (Bandar Abbas), 1707/8.] 5 February 1707/8. Departed from Spahaune (Isfahan] the 5th February at 3 afternoon. Came to Mayer about 9 at night, being 8 Farsangs; good way except the Yerchan hills and that but small; an extroardiny caravensaroy, very [every) thing plenty, but no good water being a little brackis. Messrs. Wildon, Mr. Foulks and Peter Lillye in Company. 6 [February]. Stayed at Mayer being snowey weather. 7 [February]. In the morning, about 7 a'clock sett out for Comashaw. In the way Mr. Weldon rideing after an antolope fell down, horse and man, and hurt himself, but not dangerous. Came to our mansell about 12 at noon. Here is a good towne where may have all manner of eatables. From Mayer to Comashaw is a fine garden, & Coffee house, fine tanke full of fish, some with gold rings in their noses. The place is called Shaw Rasay after a Persian saints name. About 5 in the Evening tooke leave of Messrs. Weldon and Foulkes, the former being abed by reason of his fall. Peter Lillye came with me to Muchsawbeggu, where arived about 10 at night, being 4 farsangs, good way; a bad caravensaroy, may have all things for a Traveller. My expences here: Shas. 4 mds. Tabs. barley at 1 shas. per md. .. .. .. .. 4. 0. 4 mds. do. Straw at 4 gose per md. .. .. .. 1. 6. to the Caravensaddar for Coffee &c. .. . 4. 0. 6 mds. Tabs. wood .. .. .. 3. 0. Oyle for lamp .. .. 13. - 13. - 8 [February]. At 6 in the morning sett out for Yudacoss; very cold, a great dele of snow and ice in the way; good way, a little stoney. Arrived here at 12 at noon with a Coffala. This is a large town in a bottom. Here is good caravensaroy: may have all things, but especially good bread, for which this place is famious. Expences : 5 mds. barley 5 shas, stray (straw] 9 mds. 3.6 ... .. . .. 8. 6. meat 1.5, Wood 8 mds. 3.2, Gerah for 4 servants for 3 days past at 1 shas. per dien 20. 6. 20. 6. 207. Remarks on the places and persons mentioned, necessary identifications and notes on coinage, do, will be found at the end of the Journal.

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39 APRIL, 1930 ] THE SCATTERGOODS AND THE EAST INDIA COMPANY 9 [February). About 7 in the morning sett out for Sagrestone, 6 farsange; good way; a fine large plain, hills on each side full of snow, extreme cold; the Cafala goeing this way, being something hotter than the way by Cuscazar, being told at Yezdacess that three men died goeing Cuscazar way by the extreamity of cold. Arrived at our Stage about 2 afternoon: a good Caravensaroy &c. 4] mds. barley 41 shas. 8 md. straw 3.2 .. .. 7.7. 10 mds. wood at 4 goz per md. 4 shas. Oyle 8 goss.. .. .. .. 4. 8. Gerah .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 4. 0. 16. 5. 16. 5. 10 [February). About 8 set out for Obadah, 6 farsangs; plain way. Came to our mansell about 1 afternoon; very bad Caravensaroy, but a large village where may have all things. 41 mds. barley, 4} shas. 8 mds. Straw, 3.2 .. .. .. 7. 7. 4 mds. wood, 1 shas. Eggs, 8 goz. 1. 8. Oyle, 4 goz. rader, 2 shas. Gerah, 4 shas. .. .. .. .. 6. 4. 15. 9. 15. 9. 11th (February]. Set out about 7 in the morning for Surma, 5 farsangs; fine plain way, came thro a great many villages ; at noon arrived at our mansell; large village but bad caravensaroy. 4 mds. barley at 8 goz. per md. .. 3. 6. 8! mds.straw at 2 goz. per md. .. .. 1. 7. 8 mds. wood at 4 goz. per md. . 3. 2. 3 fowles, 4 shas. Gerah, 4 shas. .. 8.0. 16. 5. 16. 5. 12th February). At midnight set out for Conacorra, 8 farsangs, good plain way: arrived at our stage about 7 in the morning, an old ruinated caravensaroy built castlewise with six bastions; no village near it, nor can have nothing except provender for our beasts. A small spring of water just by the door. 41 mds. barley at 8 goz. . . .. . . . 3. 6. 81 mds.straw at 2 goz., 1. 7. wood 6 ms. 4 goz. 2. 4. 4. 1. Gerah .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 4. 0. 11. 7. 11. 7. 13th February). About midnight set out for Conakergone, 10 farsangs; about it farsang from the last place is a small hill to pass, all the rest of the way plain ; about 7 farsangs is a pretty good Caravensaroy, from whence must take bread, wood &c., for at Conakergone nothing to be had ; the barley and straw was fetchd a farsang off, & sad ruinated place; arrived at our stage about 10 in the morning. My expence[8]: Wood, 1 shas. 41 mds.; barley, 41 shas. .. .. .. .. .. 5. 5. 5 md. straw 2.5 ; Gerah, 5 shas. .. .. .. .. .. .. 7. 5. 13. 0. 13. O. * 14th February). From Conakergone to Mother of Solaman or Muskatt, 5 farsangs, very bad way mountanious, was forced to gett of[f] our horses and walk a foot some part of the way; arrived here at noon: a fine large village where may have all things. Here is no Caravensaroy but had a good house to lye at, a fine large plain, good arrable ground with severall springs of water here. In the middle of the plain is severall ruinated antient, buildings, most of marble, a small house said to be Solamans mother by the Countrey people. Tis built heigh, about 8 or 10 heigh marble steps round about it and rounded with about 30 or 40 Pillers, some standing and some fallen; at the entrance Ancient Carecters. [At] a little Distance is a ruinated building, looks like a Collage, with severall roomes, built most

Page #310
40 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [APRIL, 1930 Il of white marble with large Antient Corecters at the portall. [At] a little Distance is a large heigh marble piller standing and severall others that time has ruinedit lookes as if it had been a large pallace or temple, for severall peices of building are round about it. My expences are : 41 mds. barley at-8 goz. per md. .. .. 3. 6. 8 mds.straw at 3 goz. per md. ... 2. 4. 6 mds. wood at 4 goz. per md. Oile, 4 goz.; Gerah, 5 shas. .. ... 5. 4. ci i 13. 8. was presented with a goat, fowles and fruit enough to last to Shirass [Shiraz] for which gave the Calenter .. .. 60. O. 73. 8. 73. 8. 15th Februaryl. At noon Arrived at Sevan, 5 farsangs. The first farsang good way, the next two bad cragie way, amongst rocks and mountains, but the last 2 good way again; most of our way had a fine large brooke runing by the road, good store of game. Sevan is a large village lyeing under a hill; in the middle of the hill a Large Cave big enough to hold 3 or 400 hundred Sheep. Lay at a house, where may have fowles &o.: good water, but must fetch it a mile off. My expences are : 41 md. brasley [sic] at 8.goz. per md.' 8 mds, straw at 3 goz. 8 mds. wood at 4 goz. .. .. .. .. .. 3. 2. to the man that showed us the Cave .. Oile, 4 goz.; Gerah, 5 shas... 15. 6. 15. 6. 16th (February]. At noon came to Meercossagone, 8-farsangs from our last stage, good way. About 11 farsang from this place saw a large hill, in four places cut out like windows and abundance of carve work cut out of the rock, of men dancing round, and above them 2 or 3 men offering sacrafice. The window had a large hole where a man might creep in at. I beleive severall roomes were within, but none of the countrey people could informe me. Below the vinders in one place is a large man upon a large horse with two men more see[m]ing to fall down at the man on horse back feet, who the countrey people calls Rustam, one of their former Kings. There is abundanoe of antient Carecters cut out behind the horse, but no one in the whole countrey can read. In another place is Rustam and another man on horse back, their horses head[8] meeting, with several people behind them. Cut out in very large proportion before these images is a small house of stone. This carved mountain lyes at the intrance of the plains of Presopolis, as you come from Spahaune (Isfahan) the lower or hott way, as the Cafala (caravan) people calls it. Tis about 14 mile from Presopolis to the Northward. After you come a mile from it, may see Presopolis and this place both together. This village of Meercossagone lyes in the middle of the plain. About a League from Presopolis in a fine large plain, good arrable ground and a great dele of water runing in it. From Presopolis may count above 30 villages. Presopolis is described very well in severall books. [Expenses] 4 mds. barley at 8 goz. ** . 3. 6. 8 mds.straw at 3 goz... .. .. .. .. 2. 4. 6 mds, wood at 2 goz. " .. .. .. 1. 2. Geral .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 5.0. 12. 2. 12. 2.

Page #311
MAY, 1930 ] THE SCATTERGOODS AND THE EABT INDIA COMPANY 41 17th February). At 11 arrived at Zergone, being 5 farsangs, good way; come over a large bridge, a small river runing under it ; 3 farsangs more came over a great quantity of water and mud, had three or four mules stuck in it. In this place saw a vast quantity of wild fowls ; being weary, would not goe after them. Zergone is a large village under a great hill; here may buy good butter, fowles &c. My expences hors: Shas. 1 md. Gee 16 shas. barley &o. 20 shas. .. .. .. .. .. 36. 0. 36. O. Dined here and went away for Shirass, being 5 farsangs, bad way up hills and down ; about the middle of the way in a fine plain is a good caravensaroy. Arrived at Shirass at 8 at night. 21st [February], being Sunday. Went away for Bobbahodge, 9 farsangs good way. My Expencos at Shirass vizt. : 6 mds. Pomegranetts at 1 md. 8 gos. per md. .. .. .. .. 18. 2. mds. Candles, 12 shas; Coffee, 3 Shas. .. .. .. .. .. 15. 0. Shooes for the horse 10 shas; mending saddle 3= To the servants of the House .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 40. 0. Spioe 1 shas ; Rice 4 shas. . . . : . : .. .. ** .. .. 5.0.. Gerah for 5 days for 5 servants at 1 shas... :. 25. 0. . .. 4. 0. 116. 2. 116. 2. My Expenses at Bobahodge, vizt. : At Shirass forgott to the washerman .. to the Armenian, to make up to a Toman .. at Boba Hodge, 4 mds. barley .. 6 mds.straw at 3 gox... .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 1. 8. Oile 4 goz ; wood 4 goz. .. .. 0. 8. 31. 1. 31. 1. 22nd (February). In the morning sett out for Musaferree, 7 farsangs, good way croept for a farsang at the begining w[h Jere you goe over a small hill, and little stoney way in sight of Bobahodge. Arrived about 2 afternoon. . . My expences, vizt. : 41 mds. barley, 9 gos. per md. .. .. 8 mds. straw at 3 goz. per md. .. 1. 8. A small lamb 3 shas. ; a foule 15 goz. 6 mds. wood at 4 goz. per md. Oile 4 goz. 13. 1. 13. 1. About 12 at night sett out for Gossaw, 7 farsangs, bad stoney way, but no mountain to pass. Past by Piraw, 5 farsangs to this place; here is a good Caravensaroy. Arrived here the 23rd about 11 forenoon. [Expenses) : 41 mds. barley 9 goz., per md. 6 mds.straw at 3 goz. per md. 1. 8. To Caravensaradder Gerah for 3 days 15. O. o con 4.0. - . 8. 8. &,

Page #312
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ 3LAY, 1930 About 6 in the Evening sett out for Mochook Suokta, 7 forsange, pretty good way. Past by Agmungerd, a good caravensaroy, about 2 farsangs from Gossaw. Arrived here about 2 in the morning, an extroardin[ar]y Caravensaroy; a large hill just before the interry. My erpences : 41 mds, barley at 1 shas. per md. .. .. 6 mds.straw at 4 goz. per md. .. .. .. .. .. .. 2. 4. wood 6 goz; Oile 4 goz.; bread 2 goz. .. to Butter 8 shas. ; Gerah 5 shas. .. iai - 20 ao 21. 1. 21. 1. Att 4 In the Evening the 24th Sett out for Jaroone, 5 farsangs: the first two farsangs bad stoney way till you come to a small caravensaroy with a tanck of water before it ; the other 3 farsangs good smooth way. Jaroone is a large pleasant town full of Date trees; good caravensaroy, may have all things needfull for travellers, My Expences here : 4 mds. brarley (sic) at 11 goz. per md. 7 mds. straw at 5 goa. per md. .. .. .. 3. 5. 6 mds. wood at 5 goz. per md. 3 lambs 2 shas. 4 gox. ; Oranges 2 shas. Oile 4 goz.; Gerah 5 shas. .. .. * .. .. 5. O. md .. . . .. 3. 6. 21. 9. 21. 9. 25th (February). Att 4 Evening sett out for Chisalk, 6 farsangs; very bad way, all hills, called the hills of Jaroone. In abundance of places was forced to gett of[f] our horses and walk on foot, and in some places the way not above a foot wide upon the eidge of a heigh mountain. About the middle of the way is [a] bridge joyneing one mountain to another Arrived at our stage about 10 at night. Chitalk a good Caravensaroy but near no village. [Expenses] 41 mds. barley at 1 shas. 1 goz. per md. .. .. .. .. .. 5.0. 6 mds.straw at 4 goz. per md. .. . .. .. .. 2. 4. Oile 4 goz. ; bread 4 goz.; Gerah 5 shas.; Wood 4 g[oz] 6. 2. 13. 6. 13. 6. Att 4 sett out the 26th for Bonaroo, 10 farsangs; the first 2 farsangs bad way. Went over a small mountain ; at the bottom a fine small spring of good water where supped and went 2 farsangs more to Murall, pretty good way. Arrived 8 at night ; lay there in small but good caravensaroy till about I in the morning, then sett out for Bonaroo, 6 farsangs more; good way. Bonaroo, indeferent caravensaroy, but large village, lyes at the foot of severall mountains meeting togather. [Expenses] 41 mds. barley at 11 goz. per md... 9 mds, straw at 4 goz. per md. .. grain 8 goz. ; wood 1 shas. ; Oile 4 goz. ; bread 4 g Gerah .. .. .. .. .. . oooo ai 14 9. 14 9.

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MAY, 1930 ] THE SCATTERGOODS AND THE EAST INDIA COMPANY 43 27th February). About 5 sett out for Diacoo, 9 farsangs; the 1[st] farsang bad way, the other 2 good till you come to a Radeler house ; 3 farsangs more very bad way. Went over a great many mountains, goeing up hill and clown till come to Beris about 1 in the morning. Beris is a very good caravensaroy and a good village ; lay there till morning and went to Diacoo, 3 farsange more; good way, very good cara vensaroy and good village. .. .. .. 5. 4. [Expenses]: 44 mds. barley at 12 goz. per md. .. .. .. 6 mds. straw at 5 goz. per md. .. 3 do. at 4 goz. wood 6 goz.; Oile 4 goz. ; bread 4 goz.; Gerah 5 shas. ... .. 1. 2. .. .. 16. 0. 16. 0. 28th [February]. About 4 afternoon sett out for Larr, 5 farsangs, the first two very good way till come to Picataw, a good caravensaroy lyeing at the foot of a great mountain which must clime over to goe the other three fareange to Laar. Stoney way. [Expenses] : . Meat 3 mds. 8 shas. ; wood 4 shas. 41 mds. barley at 1 shas. per md. 10 mds, straw at 5 goz. per md. Radder 12 shas.; Gerah 5 shas. bread 4 goz. .. .. .. . .. . . .. .. .. 12. 0. .. 4. 5. .. 5.0. .. 17. 0. .. 0. 4. .. 38. 9. 38. 9. March the 1st. At 4 afternoon sett out for Warsalle, 5 farsangs; the first two good way, the other 3 bad stoney way. Warsale is a small caravensaroy kept by an old woman. My Expences here: 41 mds. barley at 15 goz. per md. .. .. 6. 8. 10 mds. Straw at 5 goz. per md. .. .. .. .. 5. 0. wood 2 gom. ; bread 4 goz., Gerah .. .. .. .. 4. 0. Gerah for a shotter sent to Bunder .. . .. 4. 0. 19. 8. 19. 8. March the 2d. At 4 afternoon sett out for Cormoot, 7 farsangs; the 1st farsang a little stoney, 4 more good way till come to a Radeler house at the foot of a mountain which we must pass, being one farsang bad way; the last farsang good way. Cormoot is a large village with abundance of Date trees; may have your horse shod and anything else fitt for Travellers. My expences : 41 mds. barley at 15 goz. per md. .. .. 10 mds.straw at 5 gos. per md. .. wood 4 goa.; bread 5 gox.; Gerah 4 shas. 16. 7. 16. 7.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY May, 1930 3 [March). Sett out for Jehun, 7 farsangs, very bad stoney way. About 8 at night arrived at Tankadalone, 5 farsangs, a good caravensaroy with a Tank in the middle built in form of a cross within side. Here lay till 4 in the morning; then sett out for Jehun, the other 2 farsange. Arrived about 6 in the morning the 4th March. This is a good caraven. saroy tho small; a great distance from any village. My Expences here, vizt. : 41 mds. barley at 15 goz. per md. .. 11 mds.straw at 5 goz. per md. .. .. .. .. .. .. 5. 5. wood 8 goz.; bread 12 goz.; Gerah 4 shas. .. .. .. .. .. 6, 0. co 18. 3. 18. 3. 4th March. About 3 afternoon sett out for Coverstone, 7 farsangy, stoney way; about 3 farsangs came to a Caravensaroy called Goos Basargoon. Coverstone is a small good Caravensaroy, & very good village just by it, where may have all things eatable. [Expenses]. 41 [mds.) barley at 1 mams. per md. .. .. .. .. .. 9. 0. 10 mds.straw at 8 goz. per md. .. .. .. .. .. 8. 0. 2 fowles .. .. .. .. .. .. . .. 4. 0. wood 2 shas. ; bread 12 goz. .. . .. . 3. 2. Gerah 4 shas. .. 4. 0. 28. 2. 28. 2. March 5th. About 3 afternoon gett out for Getchee, 6 farsange. Half way is a bridge and some water that you must pass over. About 7 at night arrived at our Mansell. [Expenses). 3 mds. barley at 2 shas. per md. .. .. .. .. .. . 6. 0. 10 mds. straw at 8 goz. per md. .. .. .. 8. 0. wood 18 goz.; fowle 2 shas... Butter 4 shas.; Gerah 4 shas. .. .. .. 8. 0. * 25. 6. 25. 6. Bth March. Sett out for Bendaly, 4 farsangs, a little hilly way. 7th March. In the morning, about 9 in the morning, arrived at Gombroon with the Cheife, Mr. John Eaton Dodsworth, Mr. Dennis, Mr. Beavis and Batson who all came out a little way to meet me. NOTES. Diary of 5 February 1707/8. Spahaun, i.e., Isfahan, was the capital of Persia at that period. Mayer. Mayar, 25 miles S.S.E. of Isfahan. See Fryer, ed. Crooke, II, 238 and f.n. Farsangs. Pers. farsang ; Ar. farsakh ; Gr. parasang; a measure of distance variously computed at from about 31 to 4 miles. Scattergood seems to have reckoned it at about 31 miles. Yerohan hills. The Urohini Pass, lit, the "Pass of the Stairway," in the range of hills to the south of Isfahan. See Fryer, op. cit., II, 237 : Curzon's Persia, II, 61. Caravanseroy. Kdrwdnsarat, a wayside inn. Tavernier, Persian Travels, p. 245, also found, as early as 1868, a "very good Inn" at "Mahiar," and Le Bruyn, who was there in October 1704 and December 1706, says; Travels, II, 2-3, 140-41, that the fine stone building was erected by Shah Sulaiman and that the place, of which he has two illustrations was more like a palace than'a house of entertainment for travellers.

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MAY, 1930 THE SCATTERGOODS AND THE EAST INDIA COMPANY 45 Mr. Weldon. Robert Weldon, elected factor for Persia on 15 November 1704 (Court Book, 41. 347), was a servant of the E. I. Co. His securities (ib. 355) were his brother, Walker Weldon of Swanscomb and Captain Anthony Weltden, who was subsequently President of Bengal. At the date of Scattergood's visit, Robert Weldon was Third (and later, Second) of Council at Isfahan. He died there 1 December 1708 (Factory Records, Persia, Vol. I). Mr. Foulkes. ? Robert Foulkes, like John Scattergood, appears to have been a Free Merchant trading in India. He is mentioned once in the Company's Records in 1704 (Factory Records, Surat, Vol. 101) and several times in the Scattergood Papers. From these we learn that the two men had business relations and that Foulkes died in Bengal, c. 1711, in Scattergood's debt. Peter Lilly. This man is probably identical with the individual of that name who had been employed in the garrison of Fort St. George prior to 6 March 1705, when he was "discharged from further service at his own request" (Madras Public Consultations, Vol. 83). He seems to have subsequently entered the service of Henry Bradshaw, supercargo of the Nathaniel, who died in Gombroon in 1707. Diary of 7 February 1707/8. Comasha. Qumisheh. See Fryer (op. cit., II, 237) and Tavernier (Persian Travels, p. 245), who calls the place "Comaha." Mansell. Manzil, a stage, haltingplace. Tank. An Anglo Indian term for an artificial reservoir or pond. Shaw Ragay. Imamzada Shah Riza, probably a son of the great Imam Musa al Kazim. The mausoleum is described by Le Bruyn (II, 2): "On one side of this town (Komminija), we observed the tomb of a saint named Zja-resa. It is enclosed with a wall whose inward space is ornamented with several trees, and two fountains filled with fish, which the Persian superstition will not permit any one to touch. We saw carps in the smallest and large fish in the other. This tomb has a lofty situation on the slope of a mountain." See also Thevenot, Travels, Part II, 120. Muckshawbeggu. Maqsud Begi. This much abused name represents a village velled after Maqsud Beg, a noble of the days of Shah Sulaiman (1668-1694). It is the De-Moxalbeg of Herbert (p. 148), the Maksoud Begi of Thevenot (p. 120), the Makson [?Maksou] begui of Tavernier (p. 246), the Moxutebeggy of Fryer (II, 234), the Macksoud Beigh of Hedges (Yule, Hedges' Diary, I, 209) and the Magsoe-begie of Le Bruyn (II, 3). In Thevenot's time (1665) the inn was new, "that of the village being demolished." Hedges, however, 20 years later, found "a very old ruinous Caravan Serai, and bad water." Mds. Tabs. Man of Tabriz. See p. 36. Shas. Shahi. See p. 36. Goss. Goz., ghazbegi, a tenth of a shahf, reckoned as a halfpenny by Europeans of that period. The prices quoted make the modern traveller's mouth water. A quarter of barley was purchasable at about 18. 6d., the same amount of straw for 6d. and half as much again of firewood for 18. Caravensadder. Karwan sardar, innkeeper. Scattergood paid him 18. 4d. for coffee, which shows that this commodity was comparatively dear. Diary of 8 February 1707/8. Yudacoss. Yazd-i-Khast. The Izdekhast of Della Valle (Hak. Soc. ed. III, 296). For a long note on this place see Fryer, op. cit., II, 233. When Thevenot first visited " Yes-de-Kast" in 1665 (pp. 120-121), he found it "very little, having but only one

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [May, 1930 street," the place " built upon a narrow rock" and "in manifest danger" of "falling down topsie turvy all at once." In 1667 he found the old village forsaken and another town, the one visited by Scattergood, in process of erection "to the northward." Struys says (p. 339) that the village was formerly called "Jurgestan, now Jesegas," and Hedges remarks of "Yes-de-gas" (I, 209) that it had "a good Caravan Serai, built in a vast great ditch. Lo Bruyn (II, 3) has an illustration of the village of "Jesdagaes" as it appeared from the Karwansardi in October 1704. Coffala. Qafila, caravan, company of people. Good bread. Thevenot remarks (Part II, 121): "The Land about Yez-de-Kast bears the best Corn in Persia, and indeed they make most excellent Bread there : the Inhabitants (as they say) mingling dry Pease with the Corn, which makes the Bread so good." Le Bruyn also praises the bread at "Jesdagaes" (II, 3-4): "We were presented, at the Caravanserai where we lodged, with little hot loaves of white bread, made in the manner of our country, for the Europeans who travel in these parts, and altogether as good as the small loaves of Amsterdam. This part of the country produces the best corn in all Persia, which the governor of Zjie-raas preserves for the King and court. This proceeding occasioned the Persian proverb, Zjie-raas for wine, Jesdagaes for bread, and Jes for women,' all which are in perfection in those places. Ovens are very numerous through the whole kingdom; and they are made in the form of wells, in each of which the paste is rolled into thin cakes, which are baked in a moment; and when they are taken out, others are immediately placed in the room. Large bread is likewise baked in these ovens, as among us; and they make biscuits at Ispahan, which are altogether as good as those in France." Gerah. Pers. kira, hire,' rent,' here used apparently for wages for servants.. Diary of 9, 10, 11 and 12 February 1707/8. Sagrestone. Shulgistan. See Fryer, op. cit., II, 317, n. 1. Cuscazer. Kashk-i-Zard. See Fryer, op. cit., II, 232, n. 1. Obadah. Abadeh. See Fryer, op. cit., II, 317, n. 3. Rader. Pers, rahdar, lit. master of the road, toll-collector, customs officer. Surma. Surme or Surmek, about 16 mi. SE. of Ab&deb. See Fryer, op. cit., II, 317, n. 4. Conacorra. Khan-i-Kharre, or Khan-i-Khurreh. See Fryer, op. cit., II, 317, n. 5. Diary of 13 and 14 February 1707/8. Conakergone. Khan-i-Kirgani. See Fryer, II, 318, n. 3. Mother of Solaman or Muskatt. The Madre Solyman and Mader Soliman of Rennell and D'Anville (Maps of Persia, 1831 and 1799). For "Muskatt " we should probably read Mushatt, i.e., the "Mushad " of Fryer (II, 318), identified by Crooke as Mashad-i-Murghab, 12 miles S. of Khan-i Kirgani. Fryer also found no inn in the village and lodged in a "Farmer's House." La Bruyn, who made a detour from Shiraz in 1706 to see "Mazyt-Madre-Sulimoen or the mosque of Solomon's mother"( ? the mother of Shah Sulaiman, 1666-1694), gives an illustration, and thus describes it (II, 138) : " This structure is of stone and higher than all the rest. There is still to be seen a large apartment, which has no tomb in it, and there are some other buildings raised about it. At the distanoe of two musket shots from thence toward the north, upon the plain, there are also some ruins, and a large portal without any figure, and two leagues and a half from thence a wall, built with large stones round a mountain, on whose top there appears to have been some structure in antient times, but it is impossible to form any judgment of it by the little which is now left. These ruins are about a league from the village of Sefaboenia." See also Struys, p. 331. Calenter. Pers. kalantar, the chief man in a town, mayor; tax-collector, clerk of the market. See Fryer, II, 204, n. 1, and III, 24. Sevan. Siwand. See Fryer, II, 319, n. 1.

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MAY, 1930) THE SCATTERGOODS AND THE EAST INDIA COMPANY Diary of 16 February 1707/8. Meercossagone. This place is called Mehrcoasoon, Meergosooon, Emer-Cascoon, and Mier-chag-koen by Dalla Valle (II, 316), Fryer (II, 221), Hodges (I, 208) and Le Bruyn (II. 8) respectively. See Sir Wm. Crooke's remarks on its probable identity (Fryer II. 221, n. 1). No such place is marked on the modern maps: it evidently lay on the plain between Naqsh-i-Rustam and Takht-i-Jamshid. Carve work ... Rustam ... Presopolis. Here Scattergood is describing the sculotures and tombs of Naqsh-i-Rustam. See Della Valle (III, 316), Struys (p. 335), Fryer (II, 225 and n. 2) and Le Bruyn, II, 9-44). The last named has numerous illustrations of the objects described. Soattergood's concluding remark is characteristic. He would have considered it waste of time to enlarge on a subject already treated by previous travellers. Diary of 17 February 1707/8. Zorgone. Zarghun. See Della Valle (III, 321), Struys, p. 336, Fryer (II, 218 and n. 3), Hedgas (I, 208) Le Bruyn (II, 8) says that " Zargoen " is "pleasantly situated among mountains, and is full of gardens, which abound with melons, grapes and all sorts of fruits." of the "large bridge" mentioned by Scattergood, Le Bruyn remarks (loc. cit.) that it was "a very lofty stone bridge with five arches, three of which are very large, and the other two but small; and the river I have lately mentioned runs with much rapidity under them. This river is resorted to by various species of ducks, and it must be crossed before one can arrive at Persepolis, which lies at no greater distance from it than two leagues." Gee. Chi, boiled butter. Shirass. Shiraz. It is astonishing that although Scattergood spent three clear days at Shiraz, he has no remarks on the place. He may bave thought that, as in the case of "Presopolis" it had already been "described very well " by others. See Fryer, II, 211. 217, and Le Bruyn, II, 45-52, who has a long account and several illustrations of the city. Diary of 21 February 1707/8. Bobbahodge. Baba Haji. See Tavernier (Persian Travels, p. 251), who calls the place Badaadge; Fryer (II, 208 and n. 3). Le Bruyn stayed at the "Caravanserai of Babbahad-jie, five leagues from Zjie-ras" in August 1704 (II, 64), and again in November 1706 (II, 137), when he calls the place " Babasjie." Toman. Taman, a money of account, reckoned at PS3 68. 8d. in Fryer's time (II, 139). Diary of 22 February 1707/8. Musaferree. Muzaffari. See Fryer, II, 208, n. 2. At "Mosse-ferrie," Le Bruyn, who arrived there at nine at night in August 1705," went a fishing with flambeaux and caught some carp and cray fish " (II, 64). On his second visit in November 1706, he found" 80 much company" at "Moesa-farie" that "there was not room to lodge above half of them tho' the Caravanserai is very large and commodious" (II, 137). Gogsaw. This place, called Cossir by Hedges (I, 207) and Chaser by Thevenot (Pt. II. 128), seems to be identical with the Caifer of Fryer, the Khafri of Wilson's map (Fryer, II, 206, n. 4), and the Kafer of Rennoll's Map of Western Asia (1831). Khafr lies about 9 miles WNW. from Asmangird. Piraw. Pain-Rah, about 161 miles WNW. from Asmangird. Fryer calls the place << Firaw, the Foot of the Way," but Thevenot (Pt. II, 127) has Paira, and Le Bruyn Paeyra and Payra (II, 64, 137). Fryer correctly interpreta the name: Pers. pd'in, "bottom,' and rah, 'road.'

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY MAY, 1930 Mochock Suckta. Mukhak. Suokta probably=sokhta, 'burnt': the Mukhek of Wilson's map. See Fryer, II, 215, n. 1. Thevenot (p. 128) calls it Mouchek, and Hedges (I, 206) found a "large convenient Caravan-Serai at "Moocack Sookta", with "good water and no want of provisions." Le Bruyn also halted at the "Caravanserai of Michgeck Sogte" in 1705 (II, 65). Asmungerd. Asmangird. This place is not mentioned by Fryer, but Le Bruyn slept at Asmongeer, between Paeyra and Michgeck Sogte in 1705 and again in 1706 (IT, 65. 137). Diary of 24 February 1707/8. Jaroone. Jahrum. The Dgiarum of Thevenot (pp. 128-9), the Jarron of Tavernier (p. 252), the Gerom of Fryer (II, 202), the Soharim of Struys (p. 342) and the Jarroon of Hedges (p. 206). Thevenot remarks on the "large Karvanseray" and the town "on all hands encompassed with gardens full of palm-trees, which there are so numerous and grow so near one another, that they make a great forrest." Struys says of "Soharim " that it stood in the middle of a grove " altogether of date-trees, and was "a town of considerable traffic in cotton goods, "there being very many weavers." Hedges also found that "Jarroon affords plenty of all things for the use of a traveller in these parts." Le Bruyn who stayed at Jahrum two days in 1705 (II, 66), has an illustration of the city," which is very mean and looks more like a village, the houses being all built of earth, and separate from one another. I saw two or three poor little mosques, in which they were performing service. As this city is full of palm-trees, it looks at a distance like a wood. This, of all the trees in that country, is what is esteemed most, both for its beauty and the goodness of the fruit, which is the best in all Persia." Diary of 25 February 1707/8. Chisalk. Chah Talkh ; Pers. chah-i-talkh, 'bitter well.' See Fryer, II, 200, n. 2 and 201. It is the Tchai-telkh of Thevenot (Pt. II, 129), " that is to say bitter well, becanse of a well not far from that Karvanseray where the water is bitter." Le Bruyn calls the place Ziatalle (II, 67) and says that the inn was a "Beautiful stone building and very commodious for travellers." Hills of Jaroone. Lo Bruyn also (II, 67) found "the way very difficult to our horses," for "we were always mounting aloft or descending between rooks." A bridge joyneing one mountain to another. Fryer (II, 202) remarks of these mountains that their "Clifts could never be gained, had they not been joined together by vast Arches from Rock to Rock, their dismal Pits otherwise being rendred impassable." Diary of 26 February 1707/8. Bonaroo. Binaru. See Fryer II, 198 and n. 3. Both Herbert and Thevenot stopped at "Bannarow," "Banarou," but La Bruyn has no mention of the place. Murall seems to be an error for Musall, the Momzer of Thevenot (Pt. II, 129), which had "a fair Karvanseray, standing alone by itself." It is the Monsar of Fryer (II, 200) which Crooke thinks perhaps may represent Mansurabad (ibid, n. 1). Le Bruyn, who was at the place in 1706 (II, 135), calls iv Mousel. Rennell's map has Momzir. The name is not found on the modern maps: it lay somewhere close to Juwun. Diary of 27 February 1707/8. Discoo. Dibaku. The Deschow (or Techoo) of Herbert (p. 129), the Deh-hi-Kourd of Thevenot (Pt. II, 129), the De-hakoe and Dekoe of Le Bruyn (II, 68, 134), and the DehiKoh of D'Anville's map. . Radeler house. Customs station, where was a rahdar, customs officer. Beris, Biriz. The Bury of Fryer (II, 198 and n. 1), and the Bibri of Thevenot (Pt. II, 130), who had a similar experience of " very stormy way... up hill and down hill," but found the inn"a fair new built " structure, "one of the loveliest Karavanserays in all Persia." Le Bruyn also (II, 68) praises the inn at" Bieries," and the one in the " large handsome village" of "De-hakoe."

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Mix, 1930 ] THE SCATTERGOODS AND THE EAST INDIA COMPANY Diary of 28 February 1707/8. Picataw. Pers. pai-i-kulal (or kulal) foot of the pass.' Tho Pa Chotali of Thevenot (Pt. II, 197) and the Pokutal of Fryer (II, 197 and f.n.). Laar. Lar. Here again where one would expect a description of the city, Soattergood passes it over without remark. See Fryer (IT, 190) and Le Bruyn (II, 69), who has an illustration of "Laer." Radder. See p. 48. Diary of 1 March 1707/8. Warsalle: (? Waris 'Ali.) This place, not mentioned by Fryer, is the Basiele of Le Brun (IT, 70) who remarks on the little Caravansorai half demolished, where we found an aged woman with some provisions." The place is not marked on the maps: it must have been somewhere near the modern 'Aliabad. Shotter. Ar. shafir, used in Persia in the sense of a courier or messenger. "Gerah for a shottor" is thus "payment for a messenger." Bunder. Bandar 'Abbas, Gombroon. Diary of 2 March 1707/8. Cormoot. Hormuz. Le Bruyn (IT, 70 and 134) calls it Gormoet and Germoet, and he has an illustration of the inp. Diary of 3 March 1707/8. Jehun. Jaihun. Sco Fryer, II, 189 and n. 1. Tankadalone. Tang-i-Dalan, a narrow gorge : Pers. tang, 'narrow,' and dalan, corridor,' here meaning a gorge. See Fryer, II, 189 and n. 2. Le Bruyn (II, 70-1) calls it Tang-boodalou and says that "A small canal passes through the Caravanserai, which is not very large, but extremely agreeable, and well-built: It is all of stone, and the water of the canal, which runs through it, flows from a little rivulet at a small distance from it. It has likewise the advantage of being sheltered from the hot winds." He does not mention the inn in the plain of Jehun, "a great distance from any village," where Soattergood halted. Diary of 4 March 1707/8. Coverstone. Kuristan. Le Bruyn (II, 71) describes it as "the great town of Koreston seated in a plain." Coos Basargoon. Gor-i-Bazargan tomb of the merchant '). See Fryer, II, 188 and n. l. It is the Goer-Baser-goen of Lo Bruyn (IT, 71, 134) where, in 1706, he found "no company." The name is not found on modern maps. It is the Kurybazirgon of Rennell. 1 mams. I mahmudi, worth 3 shahi, or about 1 shilling English. Diary of 5 March 1707/8. Getchee. Gachin. See Fryer, II, 184 and n. 1. La Bruyn also halted at Gesje in 1705 (II, 70), where he found women "who sold fresh butter, with eggs and good fowls," but the water was a very indifferent." When he returned in the following year (II, 134) he calls the place Getjie. Bridge. This seems to be the bridge described by Fryer (II, 186 and n. 1) and Le Bruyn, who saw it in 1705 (II, 71): "We ... passed over a large plain full of wild trees, and crossed the river of Koreston [Shor), which was then very low; but it frequently overflows in the winter. There is a bridge & quarter of a league in length ; but entirely useless, by reason of its being ruinous in the middle. I found this to be seven paces wide; it had likewise several arches, and a parapet on each side." Diary of 6 March 1707/8. Bendaly. Band-i-'Ali. "See Fryer, II, 177 and n. 1. Le Bruyn praises the "Caravanserai of Band-Alie" (II, 71): "That building is open on all sides, for the commodious

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50 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ MAY, 1930 admission of the breezes, which blow from the sea, and are very refreshing; that place being not above 3000 paces distant from the gulf of Persia, which much resembles the main sea." Gombroon, the old name of Bandar 'Abbas. Ses Yule, Hobson-Jobson, 8.0. Gombroon. For a description and illustration of the city in 1705 see Le Bruyn, II, 73-75. Mr. John Eaton Dodsworth. John Eaton Dodsworth was elected writer for Persia on 19 June 1696, his securities being Barrington Eaton and John Dodsworth of London, merchants (Court Book, 37, 143, 149). On arrival at Bombay he had a " long fitt of sickness." When he recovered in December, 1697, he was sent to Gombroon with his brother Christopher, who died on the way (Factory Records, Bombay, Vol. 13, and Miscellaneous, Vol. 5). In 1699 John Eaton Dodsworth was at Isfahan (Original Correspondence 6672). In 1702 he became a factor and gave additional security (Court Book, 39, 23). In 1705 he was sent to Carmania in order to supervise the proceedings of Walter Evans, suspected of fraud (Factory Records, Surat, Vol. 101), and he remained there till April 1706, when he was relieved in order that be might return to Isfahan to attend the Company's "affaires in a particular manner" (Original Correspondence, No. 8449) and act as Third of Council there (Original Correspondence 8469). In 1707 he was sent to Gombroon as Second (Original Correspondence 8522 and 8525), and in 1709 he ranked Third in Persia (Court Book. 43. 794). In 1710, owing to illness, he sailed to Bombay in the George (Bombay Abs., p. 157), and thence to England, arriving in April 1712 (Court Book, 45, 11). Mr. Dennis. Edward Dennis was elected factor for Bombay on 15 April 1700, his securities being Benjamin Dennis of Limehouse, merchant, and Robert Dennis of Ratoliff, tobacoonist (Court Book, 39, 126). He served the Company at Mahim and Swally Marine until April 1702. when he was sent to Gombroon (Factory Records, Surat, Vol. 100), where he was "Second for Affaires of the Hon. United East India Company" at the date of his will, 6 May 1708 (P. C. o., 7, Tenison). He died before September 1710 when John Harrison, one of the executors, made an affidavit regarding the receipt from John Batson of an attested copy of the will, which, however, was not proved until January 1717/18 in London. Mr. Beavis. Arthur (also called Anthony) Beavis was elected factor for Persia 1 December 1704 (Court Book, 41, 371). His securities were John Leigh, merchant, and Richard Beavis "Notary Publick" (Ibid., 384, 397). On arrival he was made secretary at Gombroon where he succeeded John Eaton Dodsworth as Chief, and in 1714 ranked Second in Persia (Court Book, 45, 660). In December 1717 he was appointed Agent in Persia and was ordered to reside at Gombroon and "retrench all superfluous expenoes" (Bombay Abstracts, p. 282). However, the next despatoh from England revoked his ap. pointment and he was superseded by James Peachey, whereupon he complained of the treatment accorded to him after 14 years' service and returned to England in the Dartmouth in 1719 (Factory Records, Persia, Vol. 2, and Bombay Abstracts p. 329). He seems to be identical with Arthur Beavis of Charterhouse Yard, Middlesex, whose will, dated 5 August 1724, was proved in London 8 October 1725 (P. C. C., 205, Romney). Mr. Batson. John Batson was elected writer for Persia on 22 November 1704, his securities being Thomas Chapman of St. Olaves, Silver St., "Wyre drawer," and Edward Howard, of Clerkenwell, tanner (Court Book, 41, 355). In 1708 he was steward at Gombroon (Factory Records, Persia, Vol. 1). In September 1709 he was transferred from Gombroon to Isfahan, where he rose to be Second in Council in 1718 (Factory Records, Persia, Vols. 1 and 2). The route followed by Scattergood is shown on the accompanying sketch map, on which the place names have been entered in their modern spelling. (To be continued.)

Page #321
Plate Indian Antiquery. Jul ISFAHAN Julf Zinsh Red Urchin Pass Mayar SKETCH MAP SHOWING SCATTERGOOD'S ROUTE PROM ISFAHAN TO BANDAR 'ABBAS Scale in English Miles YAZD (Route shown by broken line.) Qulahan & Maqsud Beg Yazd-i-khast Shulgistan e. A w.. Kishk -I- Zard "Surmeh Khani Khurreh Deh Bia theni kirgani Behrambaid. KIRMAN siwand Naqshburl Jamshed Zarghe (Normalished lake leshk VAM Saidabad SHIRAZ Baba waji Muzaffari Lake Nil Bart BUSHIRE Khaft Firuza bado Mukhak Jokerima Shah Talkh wun Binaru Birit-o . Dihaku Lar i ali Mormat. Ohin Bala IM. Mura Jeihin Abbas PERs AN kuris Shaikh Shuait A gish Peis

Page #322

Page #323
OCTOBER, 1930 ] THE SCATTERGOODS AND THE EAST INDIA COMPANY 61 300 - 380. PERSIA ACCOUNTS. 1707-1708. Immediately on his arrival in Persia in 1707, John Scattergood appears to have occupied himself in settling up the affairs of Henry Bradshaw, with which task he had been entrusted by Governor Thomas Pitt, from whose Letter Books (B.M. Add. MSS. 22850, No. 86) we learn that Henry Bradshaw was the son of Samuel Bradshaw of Holbrooke, Derbyshire, that he was chief supercargo of the Nathanid, East Indiaman, and that he was preparing to go to Isfahan when he died. He left a will appointing his father executor, and Thomas Pitt and Gulston Addison, trustees, which last "put the care of his estate, which is all there [in Persia), under Mr. Lock the Agent, and Mr. Scattergood, with orders to remit the produce to us." [3 (a) HENRY BRADSHAW's ACCOUNTS. Gombroon Aprill the 20th 1707. Account Sundry Goods belonging to Mr. Henry Bradshaw Packet and Delivered the Cophala who is to deliver the same at Spahaune vizt. Bales. Pieces. Peioes. N. 1 4 Soosies 48 lo. and 1f broad 2 6 Do. .. .. .. .. 458 .. 758. 3 12 Chucklaes 48 lo. and 1 broad .. 578. 4 6 Sanoes Bulgarie 24 lo. and 2 broad 380. 5 6 Laycowries 21 long and yard broad 6 3 Corodaries 20 long and 27 do. 128. 75 Sanoes Mahoonpore 24 long and 2 broad 260. 8 3 Do. Burroon 28 long and 2 broad .. 128. 9 3 Shaulbafts 18 long and 2 broad 388. 20 3 Hummums 24 long and 3 broad 128. 11 1 Cossos Maulda 36 long 2 wide .. 12 1 Romalls Bursoot 224 long and 11 broad Part of N. 13. .. .. .. 128. 13 2 Do. Radnagur 221 long and 11 broad 14 1 Cuttanees 13 long 17 broad .. .. No. 13 part of said bale qt. Santa. Mullmulls 40 long and 2 broad 20 2 Mullmulls Santapore .. .. .. .. 214. In said bale Seerbunds with gold heads 183. 15 1 Elatchees Culcapore 14 long 14 broad .. 128. 16 2 Sanoes Cuttipore 24 long and 2 broad .. 128. 17 1 Doreas 40 long 2} broad fine ordinary 100. 18 8 Chests Sanoes Ballasore .. 19 2 Tepoyes Tussery 14 long and 14 broad 216. 65. 198 418. CARDIMUMS. Account Charges on said Goods at Bundar (1707) vizt. Shas. Coz. Shas. Cos. Trankey hire unloading his goods .. 80. - To homallage Packing 72 Bales 28.4. To Packers Do. 57. 6. To victualls for the Packers 10.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [ OCTOBER, 1930 131. - 2160. :: ::: :::::::: : 506. : Shas. Coz. Shas. Coz. To Twine 15. - To Ropes 20. - To the Camellmen 60 shas. pr load .. To Calatee 6 shas. pr Do. 216. 2376. - To Homallage Packers &c. for 14 Bales Cardimums 13. To the Camells 7 load 60 shas. pr load ... .. 420.To Callatte 6 shas. pr load .. .. 42. 475. - Errors Excepted Per Shas. 3062.P. C. 13 (6) HENRY BRADSHAW'S ACCOUNTS-contd.] The Amount of apparell &ca. Necessarys belonging to Mr. Henry Bradshaw deceased sold att Outcry in Gombroone the 12th May 1707. 1 Chest . .. 4 pr Old Stockings .. 10. 3 pr Tepoy Breeches 3 white Gingham Coats .. 21. 1 Camblet Suite 100. 1 old Red Coate .. 1 Black Coat 1 Fine do. Lac'd 6 Chellah Shirts 4 Wastooats 3 Baman Coats 20. 1 Long Wigge 3 Wastooats .. 1 red Cloak .. 1 ps Chucklaes 9 pr Breeches old 1 Hatt .. .. .. 1 ps. Taffety .. 16 Shirts 8 Charconna Handkerchiefs 4 new Neckloths .. .. 7 pr Stockings and 2 Caps .. 12. 18 Towells and 1 Table Cloth 10. 5 Reeds for a Hautboy 1 Gown &ca. 4 pr English Shoees .. 32. 3 pr Bengall do. 1 Silver Hilted Sword 1 Gold Head Cane .. 1 pr Silver Buckles .. 1 Desk 1 Cott .. .. 21. 2 Wiggs 1 Snuffbox & Penknife .. .. 16. 1427. 10. Commission 5 pr cent. 71. 7. Mahmod. 1356. 3. :::::::::::::::::::::: :::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::: ::::::::::::::::::::::::::::: 31. ::::::::::::::::::: 2. 100.

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OCTOBER, 1930) THE SCATTERGOODS AND THE EAST INDIA COMPANY 53 (3 (c) HENRY BRADSHAW'S ACCOUNTS-contd.] Mr. Henry Bradshaw deceased [1707]. Dr. Pr Contra. Cr. To freight paid Sir George Mat By amount of Mr. Bradshaw de. thews for goods brought from ceas'd wearing apparrell &c. 2712. 6. Bengall as pr Sir George Mat thews' receipt.. .. .. 1091. 5. To Dr. Stewart for looking after By the Produce of his Goods sold him when sick 400.- the Agent Mr. John Lock. .172663. 1. To Capt. Dennis for the Taylor.. 86. - By the Nett Produce of his Cardimums &c. .. .. 20348. - To Peter Lilly for 3 mo, 8 days By Peter Curgenven for wages .. .. .. .. 444. - his note 163 rupe at 8 shas. Pr. Rupee .. 1308. - To the Barber.. ... ... 20. - Advance in Proportion to what made on his To Hamalls to carry him to his goods .. .. 200. 2. grave .. .. .. .. - 1508. To Carpenters for making his coffin .. .. To Grave digger .. .. .. To Asses hire .. . To Mr. Beavis's bill for sundry things .. .. .. .. To Mr. Curgenven's bill for Pis caroy for goods sent to Spahaune . .. 3062. 5637. 9. To 8 Per cent on 2925.3 being the ballance of his Account at Bundar .. .. 234. * 5871. 9. [NOTES ON DOCUMENT No. 3.) (a) Caphila. Qafila, caravan. See p. 46. Soosies. See p. 35. Chuoklaes. See p. 35. Sanoes Bulgarie. Sand, cotton cloth from (1). Layoowries (laokowries), cotton cloth from Lakhawar, now in Gaya District. Corodaries (carridaries). Kardari, stout (lit. ' stiff ') ootton cloth. Sanoes Mahoonpore and Burroon. Sand from Mohanpur and Barun. Shaulbafts. See p. 35. Hummums. Hammam, stout cotton cloth ; bath sheets. Cossos Maulda. Khaosa, fine muslin from Malda, Bengal.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (OCTOBER, 1930 www. Romalls Bursoof and Radnagar. Rumdl, kerchiefs of silk or cotton, from Barsut and Radhanagar, Bengal. Cuttanees. Katani, spun (woven) cloth. Qt. Containing. See p. 36. Mullmulls Santapore. Malmal, muslin, from Santipur, on the Hogli. Seerbunds. Sirband, turban. Elatches Culoapore. Alacha (see ante, p. 35) from Kalikapur. Sanoes Cuttipore. Sand from Katipur. Doreas. Doriya, striped cloth. Topoys Tussery. Tepoy is apparently a form of "tapie " which, Sir Wm. Foster remarks (Letters Received, VI. 45, f. n.)" is found in several combinations as the name of various piece-goods." Sir William derives the term either from Javanese tapi, a skirt or border, or from Ar. 'attabi, variegated silk or cotton fabrios, from a quarter of Baghdad called al-'attabiya, a olase of goods widely imitated elsewhere. The latter derivetion, whence comes our English term "tabby" for striped or wavy silk, seems the more probable. "Tussari " is tasar (tussore ') silk. Bundar. Bandar Abbas, Gombroon. Trankey hire. Boat-hire : terranquim, & vessel commonly used in the Persian Gulf. See Yule, Hobson-Jobson, 8. v. Tranky. Calatoe. Mr. C. E. A. W. Oldham suggests that this word probably represents kalak, formed from Pers. kaldt, & market-town, thus signifying market-dues. Outory. Auction. See p. 35. Gingham. Indian cotton-goods. Camblet. Goats' hair cloth. Chellah shirts. Probably shirts of sald, soft twilled cotton (Turkey red). See Yule, Hobson Jobson, 8.0. Shalee. Baman coats. Possibly Banian coats. For 'banyan costume' and banyon coat,' see Yule, Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Banyan. Chucklaeg. See p. 35. Taffety. Glossy Chinese silk. See vol. L, p. 11, for a history of the term. Cheroonna Handkerchiefs. Char-khana, chequered cloth. Cott. Khat, bedstead. Mahmod. Mahmudi=2 or 3 shahi. See Fryer, ed. Crooke, II, 139. Sir George Matthews. A free-trader and commander of the London, of which Scattergood was supercargo. Dr. Stewart. I have found no other mention of this individual. Capt. Dennis. Capt. H. Dennis commanded the E. I. Co.'s ship Nathaniel, of which Henry Bradshaw was supercargo, in her voyage to Mocha and Bengal 1705-1708. Peter Lilly. See p. 45, where it is inferred that he was in Bradshaw's service. Sub. sequent mentions, however, show that he was a free-trader. Hamalls. Ar. hamil, a carrier, porter. Mr. Beavis. See p. 60. Mr. Curgenven. Peter Curgenven. Soe below.

Page #327
OCTOBER, 19301 THE SCATTERGOODS AND THE EAST INDIA COMPANY 55 Piscaroy. Mr. Oldham thinks that this may perhaps stand for pesh-kari, payment for writing accounts, to the pesh-kar, subordinate official, writer, or, more probably, for peshkvindya, 'advance hire,' i.e., charge for hire paid in advance. Besides the three accounts relating to Henry Bradshaw's affairs, given above, there are three others not printed. The first contains a list of goods, similar to those enumerated in No. 3 (a)" sold to the Worshipfull John Lock, Agent, the 1st September 1707," the second, dated December 1707, shows "the exchange to Spahaun " that summer to have been 8 per cent; and the last, dated 14 May 1708, after Scattergood's return from Isfahan, notes the cost of "a Tomb built at Gombroon, (over Henry Bradshaw's remains), 1260.8" (shihi), or about PS15. In addition to the Bradshaw accounts, there is a receipt, dated Gombroon, 16 May 1707, signed by John Eaton Dodsworth and his assistants, for Bengal goods consigned to Persia by Captain John Wright, whose directions were to be awaited, or should they not arrive, "the ballance" to be delivered "to Mr. John Seattergood on his return from Spahaun." The journey to Isfahan was made in May 1707 in company with Peter Curgenven, his fellow supercargo, with whom Scattergood shared his personal expenses, the cost of transmitting the goods with which he was entrusted being charged to the freighters of the cargo. Peter Curgenven, mentioned above, was, like Scattergood, a free merchant and the two were intimately connected in business relations for some years. Peter had two brothers in India at this time, John and Thomas, both in Bengal, the former a free merchant and the latter a factor in the Company's service. An account of the family with details of the capture of Peter Curgenven by Angria, his ultimate release after serving as a galley-slave and his death on his arrival in England is told by Mr. A. J. Curgenven in Thomas Curgenven and Three Nephews, recently published. [ 4 (a) ACCOUNT EXPENCES BETWEEN MR. CURG ANVEN AND MYSELY FOR OUR JOURNEY TO SPAHAUNE MAY THE 20TH 1707.) 363. - 280. 938. 280. 140. Paid Edwards for sundry things bought for us .. 2 Gunny bags for the rice ... .. .. for cocks Paid Roy 4 months wages at 70 shas. pr. month Paid for sundry things to the Company .. 2 shotters for 2 months wages at 70 shas I cook 2 mo. 1 Horsekeeper 2 mo. 1 man to lead the Kedgway 2 Yockdans 1 pr. Kedgway .. 5 Wappenges to cover it .. 2 ropes for mending the Yockdans .. paid & Talor for sowing the Kedgway oloth Saddles for the Yockdans .. A water pott for the Horses ::::::::::::::::: 140. 140.

Page #328
56 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (OCTOBER, 1930 for beasts for our lumber vizt. 2 for 2 Yockdans 2 for 2 pr. chests I for cockroomware 1 for Kedgway 2 for 2 pr Muffrages 1 for Horse furniture 1 for Wine 2 for Rack 2 for 2 Englishmen 1 for lumber qt. in 2 wine chests 15 mules at 190 Shas. Pr. mule .. Callatte for 15 loads at 6 Shas. pr load 2850. 90. load at 8 pr. oent excha. .. 5737. - 459. - .. 6186.-. 356. 2. 225. 9. 495. 1330. 42. - [4 (6) ACCOUNT CHARGES TRAVELLING TO SPAHAUNE (MAY 1707) vizt.] To horse keeping and Gerah . .. .. To Provision on the road .. .. . To servants wages .. .. To 7 Mules for our lumber and servants to ride on at 190 Shas. pr. load .. To Calatte for 7 mules at 6 shas. pr. mule To Sundry, necessaries between Mr. Curganven and self the whol being 2177 shas. my half is To a Palenken .. To 2 black chests .. To a small carpet .. To a horse . To an Ass for a servant to ride on 1038. 5. 500. 70. 130. 1000. 220. 5407. 6. 432. To eight pr oent 5407 is .. .. Owners Cr. by the horse sold here .. .. 200. by the sale of an Ass .. 200. To John's wages at 140 shas. pr mon. 7 months. 980. To Roy wages at 70 shas. 9 months .. .. 630. 1610. Charges on the Coffala to Spahaune 7017. 6. 400. 6617.6. To Twine 104 Maunds at 7-5 pr maund To Ropes 1007 at 10s. pr 100 .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 78. 7. 100.

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OCTOBER, 1930) THE SCATTERGOODS AND THE EAST INDIA COMPANY To Packing 479 bales at 8 com. pr bale .. To Cooley hire on Do. at 2 coz. pr bale .. To Do. for removeing bales too and thro.. To Victualls for cooleys and Packermen .. To Piscaroy on 2394 loads at 60s. pr load To Calattee on Do. at 6 pr load .. .. 383. 95. 8. 40. 84. 14370. . 1437. - 16588. 7. 600. To 8 pr cent .. To boat hire to bring the goods ashoare 10 boats at 60 shas. pr boat [NOTES ON DOCUMENT No. 4.] (a) Gunny. Goni, sacking. Shotters. See p. 49. Kedgway, Pers. kajawa, a camel-litter. Yockdans, Pers. yakhdan, a travelling trunk (lit. an ice chest, yakh, ice). Wappenges. Wrappings: from an obsolete English word "wap" to wrap. Muffrages. Pers. mafarish (plural), carpets. Rack. Arrack, Ar. 'araq, spirituous liquor. Callatte. See p. 54. (6) Gerah. See p. 46. Coffala. Qafila, caravan. Maund. The Persian man shahi was equal at that time to about 121 lb. av., and the man. -Tabriz to about 61 lb. Piscaroy. See. p. 55. On his return to Gombroon in March 1708, Scattergood made up his accounts with private individuals and also with the freighters of the London. From these it is obvious that it was in the London, a Separate Stock ship, commanded by Sir George Matthews, that this voyage to Persia was undertaken, and it is further shown that Scattergood was chief supercargo, with Thomas Lovell as his assistant. The latter was supercargo of the Loyall Merchant in 1709 and was again at Gombroon in February of that year (Factory Records, Persia, Vol. 1). It is only possible to print a small portion of these accounts, but a few items of interest irom those omitted may be noted. In the account of Captain John Wright, who was dead before the produce of his goods reached Madras, there is a charge for "Consolage," or customs dues, of 4 shas. per cent. and for " Sroffage," i.e., money-dealers' commission (sarraf, money-changer, banker) 3.4. Captain John Haslewood's goods included "brown gurrahs" (garha, lit. unbleached), unbleached cotton-cloth, and the commission on his " gruff" sales, or sales of course goods, amounting to shas. 8271 at 5 per cent, was shas. 436. From the accounts of Gulston Addison and others, we find that "chequins," sequins, were worth 29.5" coz. per'checquin," i.e. about 10s. There is also an account with John Lock, the Company's Agent in Persia, showing that from April to September 1707 bills were drawn by Lovell and Soattergood on Agent Look and Scattergood, payable to various native merchants, amounting to shas. 17,91,644. 1. Besides investments by English merchants, Scattergood had been entrusted with a consignment of Bengal goods by Jonadun Seat (Janardana Seth), a member of an important

Page #330
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [OCTOBER, 1930 Indian merebant-banker community in Bengal. The goods realized shas. 52,217. 6, ard consisted entirely of cotton cloth. William Lee, previously mentioned (p. 36) seems to have been a companion of Scattergood in one of his journeys either to or from Isfahan, for there is an entry of his part of the provission on the road " and "his half the charge at Bunder and his own charges to Spahanne." In this account there is also an entry :" To sowing flowers on the Tupes" (? the tepoys mentioned on p. 51) at " 5 coz." a piece. [5 (a) Mrs. ELIZABETH SHELDON'S ACCOUNT.) Account Sale of a Bale Mullmulls Santepore belonging to Madam Elizabeth Sheldon sold at Spabaune to the Agent [1707] vizt. Mullmulls Santepore e. 107 at 56 shas.. .. .. .. .. 3992. - Wrappers of a Bale .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 32. - 6024 Caroy of a Bale pz. md. Tabs. 27 at 200 shas. per 100 md... Hamallage here and at Bunder &ca. .. 12 nd : : 3 - 60. - 5964. - Companys Duty and Brokerage 51 per cent .. Vardar or Rebate 6 months at 6 per cent .. 332. 2. 361. 4. .. .. .. 693. 6. Shas. 5270. 4. Mrs. Elizabeth Sheldon. Dr. Cr. To Cheoqueens 185 at shas. 29.5 coz. per Cheoqueen is Shas... 5468. By the nett Account Sales of her goods sold at Spahaune the 1st Septr. 1707 to the Rt. Worshipfull John Lock Agent .. .. .. 5270. 4. By Interest from Primo Septr. to primo February 5 months at 9 per cent per Annum .. .. .. 197. 6 5468. - [5 (5) SALE OF THE CARGO OF THE London, 1707.) Account Sales of goods and Merchandize belon[g]ing to the freighters of ship London Sir George Mathews Commander Sold in Spahaune to the Merchants and the Right Worshipfull John Look Agent by John Scattergood for account of the above said Freighters vizt. [Here follows a list of piece-goods of the descriptions noted in document No. 3 (a) totalling shas. 11,40,469. 9.] Memorandum to deduct vizt. Chuoklaes unsold 60 ps. at 49 2940.Browne Gurrahs 874 ps. at 14 .. . 12236. - 15176. - 15176, 1125293. 9.

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NOVEMBER, 1980) THE SCATTERGOODS AND THE FAST INDIA COMPANY 59 [5 (c). SALE OF THE CARGO OF THE London-continued.] Account Goods Sold to the Agent belonging to Mr. William Lee &o. (1707) vizt. Sannoes Ballasore 983) at 57 56541. 6. Chuckles 4203 at 49 20612. 6. Do. 118 at 70 8260. 28872. 6. Shaulbafts 12 at 70 840.Tepoies 1463 at 38 5573. 3. Elatchees Maulda 1125 at 181 20812.5. Cost 36 Tanjebs 72 at 48 .. 3504. - Gouldar 158 at 17 .. 2686. Cost 2 Corrodaries 866 at 25 .. 21650.Omerties 250 at 31 .. Mull: Bahr, 289 ps. vizt. 208 at 31 .. 81 at 28 .. 2268. 7750. 6448. 8716. 35133. 9858. - Cossos Maulda 717 ps. at 49 Do. Cogmarie 159 ps. at 62 Soosies 100 at 50 .. 355 at 70 . 5000. 24850. 29850.45900. Conconees 16 guz. 2550 at 18.. Tupes 246 at 30.. Do. 275 at 38 7380. 10450. - - 17830.15856. 5. Chela 1023 at 154 Layoowries 1893 at 21.. 250 at 18 .. 39763. - 4500. - Corgos Gosporee 347 at 18.. Sannoes Mahoopr. 146 at 37.5 Do. Borroon 417 at 24 .. 44253. - 6246. - 5475. - 10008. - 377355. 6. 13200. Conses Burroon 300 at 44 .. .. .. 390555. 5. To Comp. Consolage &c. at 5) pr cent To vardr. 6 mo : on shas. 336025 at 6 pr cent 21480. 5. 20161. 5. 41642. - 348913, 5. [5 (d). ACCOUNT OF GOODS SENT TO MADRASS (IN THE London).] Expences, dca. at Bunder on my (J.S.) own Account. Shas. To a chest of Rosewater and matting .. .. .. 122.5. To a chest of Fruit of sundry sorts and charges .. 213. 6. To 3 Chests of Hachee at 140 shas. pr chest and mat 426. - To 8 Do. Shiross at 120 Shas. pr chest and mat .. .. 740. - 1502. 1.

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60 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ NOVEMBER, 1980 To Mr. Upton for sundry goods bought as pr his Account 19501. - 21003. 1. 600. 540. To Chitterah for cash borrowed of him .. To freight of 4 chests Wine and 1 chest fruit To China cups &o. To a Gold head cane .. To Deal boards bought of Mr. Beavis for chests for goods To half a horse gave Sir George (Matthews] .. .. [Notis ON DOCUMENT NO. 5.) 12. 180. 452. 1080. .. Elizabeth Sheldon. She was the wife of Ralph Sheldon, then chairman of the United Trade Council at Calcutta. He died in April 1709 and in April 1711 his widow married Josial Chitty, 5th of Council and Export Warehousekeeper at Caloutta. (C. R. Wilson, Early Annale of Bengal, Vols. I and II, Pt. 1.) Mulmulls Santepore. Malmal from Santipur, See p. 54. Caroy. See piscaroy (p. 56). Hamallage. Porterage. See p. 38. Vardar. This word is a puzzle. It apparently means discount, or charges. (6) Chucklaes. See p. 35. Brown Gurrahs. Here there is the same redundancy as on p. 57, showing that Europoans failed to oatoh the significance of the term gdrha. (c) Most of these goods have already been noted. Those mentioned for the first time are : Tanjebs. Tanzfb, fine muslin. Gouldar. Gul-dar, flowered cloth. Omerties. The "amberty callicoes" of Messrs. Hughes and Parker (English Factories, 1618-1621, p. 213). See also Travels of Peter Mundy, vol. II, 8.0. Ambati in Index. Mull: Bahr. Malmal from Bihar (9) Tupes. Tapi. See p. 64. Cossos Glosporee. Khassa (see p. 53) from Chauspar (?) (d) Hachee. Hashish, Ar. hashish, dried and powdered hemp leaves for smoking. Shiross. Sbirds wine. Milburn, Oriental Commerce, I, 141, says that there were two sorte, white and red, the white being "most esteemed." Mr. Upton. Four individuals of this name are mentioned in the Scattergood PapersCaptain Upton. Ar. (: Alexander) Upton, Richard Upton and William Upton. It is probably the last named who is mentioned here. Chitterah. Possibly Khatri (a man of the mercantile caste so called): but the word is doubtful. Mr. Beavis. See p. 50. Half a horse. Scattergood apparently means that he paid half the cost of a horse presented to Sir George Matthews. [ADDITIONAL NOTE ON DOCUMENT No. 1 (808 p. 33).) Entry i August 1698. The "Mrs. Mounk" to whom soattergood sent arrack was Frances Monk who had farmed the wine lioense at Fort St. George, Madras, with Simon Kil. patrick for 200 pagodas in 1698. In 1899 it was let to William Proby for three years at

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NOVEMBER, 1930) THE SCATTERGOODS AND THE EAST INDIA COMPANY 61 250 pagodas yearly (Factory Records, Fort St. George, Vol. 10), and Mrs. Monk was evidently about to return to England when Scattergood loft Madras for Bengal, The London, under Sir George Matthews, with Scattergood on board, arrived at Madras from Persis on 15 June 1708 (Fort St. George Diary) and almost immediately Scattergood found himself involved in a dispute with the Council. The Company's ship Kent had come from China to Madras in March 1708, and as she was in danger of losing her passage round the Cape, if despatched to England as late as April or May, it was decided to let her out to private freighters for a voyage baok to China, in the expectation that she would return in time to sail for Europe in February of 1709. The ship was accordingly hired to Edward Fleetwood and Gulston Addison on the understanding that she should leave China not later than 20 December 1708. With Addison and Fleetwood were associated four others sharing in the investment, and among them John Soattergood's name appears. The arrangement on his behalf was probably made by his friends and co-freighters, the Rev. George Lewis and William Warre, merchant. There was some delay in oonoluding the terms for hire and it was not till 21 May that the Kent under Captain Edward Harrison sailed for China with Edward Fleetwood as chief supercargo. She was absent for nearly a year, not reaching Madras until 15 May 1709, when she had again lost her passage to England. On 4 July the Council" demanded a double freight for her, by reason they did not return irf season so as to be dispatohed for England," and on 14 July the freighters" put in their answere," to which Soattergood was a signatory (Fort St. George Diary and Consultations 1708, 1709), and a compromise was effected between the two parties. For three years (1708-1711) Scattergood appears to have remained at Madras trading as a merchant and improving his position socially and financially. In June 1710, on a "gene. ral summons to all the inhabitants " for the raising of "trained bands," he attended and was " nominated Ensign " (Consultation 15 June 1710), his commission being drawn out on the following day. The importance of Scattergood's position as a merchant at this period can be gauged from the following entry in a Consultation at Fort St. George of 17 January 1711 "Mr. Soattergood this day appeared before us and offered to take up the Susanna for China and likewise offers 164 for all the Company's Silver as may suit with our conveniency to spare, which is deferr'd to further consideration." The Susannah, a Company's ship, had arrived at Madras from England in July 1710. Scattergood's offer to take her on freight to China does not seem to have been entertained, but his proposal regarding the Company's silver was debated and on 19 February the Consul. tation records "We being low in Cash and being under a necessity of paying our Fort St. David merchants what due to them on their last contract of 50000 Pagodasi and we having kept the Companys silver being 32 cheats till now i and it seeming probable that silver may beoome rather cheaper than dearer i and Mr. Scattergood * now appearing before us for our answer to what he proposed last Consultation day relating to the Company's silver, in which intervall of time wee could not gett more than what be offered, it is therefore unanimously agreed that we sell Mr. Soattergood the said 32 chests of silver at the rate of 164 per 10 Pagodas, he paying ready mony for the same." (Fort St. George Diary and Consultations, 1711). Among the Scattergood Papers we find a receipt signed by William Martin, Warehousekeeper dated 26 March 1711, for 5000 pagodas paid by Soattergood on "account the Right Honble. United Company['e] silver sold him."

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62 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ NOVEMBER, 1930 Trade with Persia was still going on, for a receipt is also preserved, dated 5 February 1711, for 119 pagodas 29 fanams paid to Captain Thomas Saunders, Commander of the Sylva which sailed to Gombroon and returned in July 1711. Scattergood was now a man of substance and was conducting mercantile transactions on a large scale. In 1711 he became associated with Edward Jones as supercargo of the Bussorah Merchant in a voyage to China, and it was doubtless in connection with this venture that he colleoted the list of goods and prioes which follows: [6. PRICES CURRENT IN SURATT March 1711.) Sear R Rups. Quicksilver per maund 40 - 60 to 70 Vermilion 40 - 52 to 60 Copper Japan 40 - 15 @ 16 Copper China 40 - 14 @ 15 Tutaneg 40 - 10 @ 12 Allom China 42 - 2 @ 24 Ditto Mallacca 42 - - - - China camphire .. 42 - 22 @ 26 Annis seeds China - [6] @ 711 China cash 40 - [13] - Ditto sugar 41 - 31 @ 41 Ditto sugar candy 43 - 5 @ 6 China root 42 - 5 @ 10 Java sugar Ditto sugar candy .. .. 43 - 5 @ 6 Gambodia - 7 @ 8 Hartall 44 - 10 @ 15 Tortoise shell black and thick 40 - according to goodness. [80 @100] Peppar Sumatra .. 42 - 7 @ 8 Green tea .. .. .. 42 - 20 @ 25 Bohee tea .. ... 42 -[20 @ 45] Tin .. 40 - 10 @ 12 120 to 150 cloves new ... 42 -125 @ 135 80 to 120 nutmegs.. .. 42 - 85 @ 95 ... 42 -200 @ 210 Mace 50 to 70 Cinamon Zeilon (Ceylon) . 42 - 80 @ 90 Lead English 40 - 4 @ 5! pucca mds. Ditto white .. 44 - 8 @ 10 Ditto red .. 40 - 4 @ 5 Tinkull 44 - 7 @ 14 Elephants teeth 16 to the cwt. .. 70 - 65 @ 75 St. lack Pegu .. .. .. 44 - 4 @ 5 Seed lack in lumps .. 44 - 5 @ 7 Sandal Mallabar.. 40 - 5 @ 7 :::::::::::::::::: aus oor

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NOVEMBER, 1930) THE SCATTERGOODS AND THE EAST INDIA COMPANY 63 Rattans Shark finns ided in pencil] .. Cow beazor Wax-the maund Rhubarb .. Cardamons Mallabar good Ditto Pegu Dammar: Acheen Bengall iron English ditto Almonds .. Rosewater 21 tasks Cochincal, sear pucka of near 30 ounces Sapan wood the maund of 42 sear Betle nutt white .. ... .. Sear R. Rups. [1:5 @ 1:8] [ 12 @ 171 [10 @ 8] 42 - 10 to 12 44 -[35 good). 42 - 40 @ 55 42 -[25) - - 44 - 1 @ 1 40 - 2@ 3 .. 42 - 3 - 20 @ @ 4 30 25 @ 33 - 2 @ 31 new. 40 - 27 Ditto red. Betle Old .. Copra new .. .. Ditto old Gallingal china . Round peppar Mallabar Long peppar Bengall Sapan wood Mallabar Gallingal Mallabar.. .. 44 - 2 414 - 6 44 - 6 42 - 2 a @ @ 3 74 10 3 but it must be red. 42 42 - - % 2 90 Peppar roott Ginger new Mallabar Turmerick .. Opium .. .. Silk Bengall, 5 sort 4 to 6 Rups per sear pucka: Raw silk China white, the sear pucka 6 rupees. Putchock the maund Mirh fine .. .. :. @ @ @ 4 3 44 - 8 44 - 10 a 10 @ 12 or 14 Ditto Coarse Aloes Zocotra (Socotra) .. Olibanuin not clean Coffee Indigo Agra .. 44 - 5 @ 6 44 - 7 @ 8 as in the bales. 44 - 3 @ 4 42} - 12 @ 16 41 - 45 @ 60 and upwards. 41 - 10 @ 16 Ditto Suratt Ruinas 3 ma. 37} sears gross per bundle-75 Rups. Ditto false .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Ditto mixt .. .. .. .. .. .. . Midjeat .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 25 @ 30 .. .. 50 - - ..104 scars Surat 110 Rups.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY YOVEMBER, 1930 R. Rups Cotton broack, 21 maund to the candy.. 53 iu 65 Rhubarb . . . . . Cubebs .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. . .. 44 and upwards. Redwood 2 @ 3) [added in pencil) Rosumalloes (50 @ 55) [Endorsed] Price Current Suratt March 31st 1711. [Note.--The figures within square brackets are added in pencil in the margin.) [Notes on DOCUMENT No. 6.] The greater number of the articles named in this list were imports from China. Maund of 40 seer. The modern Indian standard maund (man) is of the same content, 40 seer (ser) of 80 tola of 180 grains. See Yule, Hobson-Jobson, 8. v. Maund: Secr: Tola. Tutaneg. Port. tutenaga, spelter. China Cash, 40 Seer, 13 R. There is something wrong here. Scattergood probably intended to give the correct rate of exchange for cash in Surat, the usual nominal value of which was 1000 to the dollar. See Vols. XXVI and XXVII, Currency and Coinage among The Burmese. China Root. Smilax pseudo-China. See Travels of Peter Mundy, ed. Temple, III. 212. Gambodia. Gamboge from Cambodia and China. Hartall. Hartal, arsenic. Bohee Tea. Black tea.. The term Bohea s derived from the Wu-i hills in the Fuhkien province of China. Milburn, Oriental Commerce, II. 521, 8.v. Black Teas, remarks: -"Bohea or Voo-yee, the name of the country, is in the province of Fokien, and is very hilly, not only the hills are planted with tea trees, but the vallies also : the former are reokoned to grow the best tea." Tinkull. Tinkal, borax. St. Lack Pegu : Seed Lack. Pegu stick-lac, i.e., the wax of the luchardiu lacca, formed on trees, in its natural state. Seed-lac is the term applied to the substance when separated from the twigs and broken into small pieces. Ser Milburn, op. cit., II. 216. Sandal Mallabar. Sandal wood from the Malabar Coast. Cow beazor. For bezoar, a medicinal stone found in the bodies of certain animals, see Yule, Hobson-Jobson, 8.v. Bezoar, and for "Gowloochon" (gau-lochan) or cow-bezoar, see John Marshall in India, p. 344. Dammar: Acheen. Damar, resin used for pitch, from Achin, Sumatra. Cochineal, seer pucka of near 30 ounces. Cochineal weighed by the pakka ser, the larger of the two kinds in use at Surat. Sapan wood the maund of 42 seer. Sappan-wood, also called Redwood and Brazil-wood, the wood of the Casalpinia Sappan. Here the content of the man varies from that given for quicksilver. Betle nut. Betel, the name given to the fruit of the Areca Catechu, which is chewed with the leaf of the Piper Betle. Copra. Khoprd, dried coco-nut. Gallingal China. Galangal, Alpinia Galanga, the aromatic root of which was formerly used in medicine.

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NOVEMBER, 1980) THE SCATTERGOODS AND THE EAST INDIA COMPANY Long pepper, Bengall. The fruit spike of the Piper longum, indigenous in E. Bengal. Putohook. Pachak, Costus rout, used for medicine and incense. Olibanum not clean. A gummy resin from certain species of trees of the genus B08wellia growing in Persia and Arabia, generally known as frankincense. By "not clean" Seattergood means mixed with earth and twigs. Indigo. See Mundy's account of the best and richer sort" of indigo, commonly called by the name of Agra Indien " (Travels, ed. Temple, II. 221-3). Ruinas false. Pers, roncs, madder. By "ruinas falsc" Seattergood probably means the chay-root of Coromandel, the root bark of Oldenlandia umbellata, a plant of the same family as madder. Midjeat. Munjoet, manjit (Rubia cordifolia), a species of madder-root from Bengal. Cotton broack. ? Cotton Broach, i.p.. cotton from Broach which was noted for its excellent quality. Cubebs. Cubeb pepper, kabibchini, Chinese pepper. Redwood. Sappan-wood. See above. Rosumalloes. Rose malloes, Malay ranamala. Java storax, a fragrant resin. [7. ARTICLES OF AGREMENT FOR THE Bussorah Merchant.) Articles of Agreement between Messrs. Thomas Frederick and Charles Boone in behult of the Freighters of Ship Bussera Merchant for Canton in China on the One part and John Cookroft Philip Gamon and James Penning in behalf of themselves and Owners of the said Ship of the other part. Imprimis .. Tis mutually agreed between both partys that Messrs. John Scattergood and Edward Jones doe embark with their Stock as Supra Cargoes and Mr. Guyn Purser by the 20th inst. with their Servants Necessarys &ca. satisfying the Commander for their provisions but that heo shall bee obliged to allow them a Lodging in the Great Cabin. 2dly That for the Stock which shall bee laden by Messrs. Thomas Frederick Charles Boone &ca. Freighters the said Supra Cargoes shall pay on the produce of their Silver in China four Pr cent. 3dly That all Port charges Anchorage Pilotage and all other charges whatsoever in China or elsewhere bee on Account of said Ship Bossoera Merchant except ing house Expenoes which the said John Scattergood and Edward Jones shall bear their part of. That in case any Accident should prevent the said John Scattergood and Edward Jones investing their Stock before the Departure of said Ship then they shall pay no more then half freight for the Amount they shall leave behind. 5thly The said John Cockcroft &ca, doe oblidge themselves to assist the said John Scattergood and Edward Jones with their Boat and People to run their Silver and Gold but that all their risques goeing and comeing be on the Account of the said Thomas Frederick Charles Boone &ca. freighters. It is agreed that the said John Cockroft &ca. doe keep Ship Bussora Merchant in Canton till the 15th November 1711 unless the Supra Cargoes John Scattergood and Edward Jones shall have finished their Business before that time. 7thly That the said John Scattergood and Edward Jones and John Cockroft doe appear in China as Supra Cargoes of the whole concerne as well to the Mer. chants as to the Government. 4thly Behly

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66 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY NOVEMBER, 1930 Sthly .. The aforemencioned John Cockroft &ca. do oblige themselves to put ashoar the said John Scattergood and Edward Jones with the Treasures be. longing to the Freighters and their own Effects either at Nagapatum or Trincombarr in his way to Surat. 9thly .. The said John Cockroft &ca. do agree to allow the two Supra Cargoes John Scattergood and Edward Jones four thousand Pagodas freight free and what more they carry they are to pay the same freight as agreed above. Lastly .. For due performance of all the aforemencioned Articles the said Thomas Frederick Charles Boone &ca. Freighters do bind themselves Heirs Executors and Administrators on the one part and the said John Cockroft Phillip Gamon and James Penning in behalf of themselves &ca. Owners of the Bussera Merchant on the other part do bind themselves their Heirs Executors and Administrators in a penalty of five thousand Pagodas on any breach of one or more of the aforemencioned Articles In witnesse whereof they have inter. changeably sett their hands and Seals this ninth day of May one thousand seaven hundred and Eleaven In Fort St. George JOHN COCKROFT PHILIP GAMON JAMES PENNING Signed Sealed and Delivered where no stamp paper is to be had in the presence of Us FRANCIS SEATON FRANCIS DELTON This is a true Copy of the Originall Articles Examined and Attested by US RAW(SON] HAKT SAMLL. JONES (Endorsed] Copy of Articles of Agreement between Thos. Frederick and Charles Boone &c. Freighters and Capt. John Cockroft &c. on Ship Bussora Merchant Anno 1711. Whereas it is omitted in the Articles of Agreement between Messrs. Thomas Frederick and Charles Boone in behalf of the Freighters of Ship Bussara Merchant for Canton in China on the one part and John Cockroft Philip Gamon and James Penning in behalf of themselves and Owners of the said Ship on the other part to mention what stook shall be laden on Board upon Freight it is hereby agreed that the said Freighters shall put on Board the Summe of fifty five thousand Pagodas and to strengthen the fourth Article in the Agreement that they shall be obliged to pay full freight for the Summe of fourty thousand Pagodas whether in. vested in China or not and for the remaining fifteen thousand Pagodas if not invested no more then half freight In Witnesse whereunto wee have interchangeably set our hands and Seals this 12 day of May 1711. Signed Sealed and Delivered where no stamp JOHN COCKROFT paper is to be had in the presence of Us PHILIP GAMON JAMES PENNING JOHN JONES ABEL LANGELIER This is a true copy of the Originall Examined and Attested by Us RAW(SON) HART SAMLL. JONAS

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DECEMBER, 1930] THE SCATTERGOODS AND THE EAST INDIA COMPANY [NOTES ON DOCUMENT No. 7.] As will be seen from the Articles of Agreement, the commander of the Bu 980rah Merchant was apparently Captain John Cockroft, but, strangely enough, his name does not appear as such, nor is the vessel mentioned in the Fort St. George Diary which, however, records the arrival, on 5 May 1711 at Madras, of the Elizabeth, with Cockroft as commander, and her departure for China, also under Cockroft, on 23 May of that year, the day following the signing of the Articles of Agreement for the Bussorah Merchant. The most probable explanation of the puzzle seems to be that the freighters, who had made their plans before Captain Cockroft's arrival at Madras, intended to induce him to change the name of his ship or to take command of another in their behalf, both which proposals he refused, but as all the accounts for lading, etc., had been made out in the name of the Bussorah Merchant, there was no time to alter them, and consequently all entries in China were continued under that designation. For actual proof that Cockroft was commander and Scattergood and Jones superoargoes of the Elizabeth in her voyage to China in May 1711, there is among the Papers a receipt dated in Macao on 28 December (to be given later on) in which they are so designated, and it is further stated that the ship was then bound for Madras. Therefore it is plain that the Elizabeth, alias the Bussorah Merchant, sailed for China on 23 May and reached Macao on her homeward voyage on 28 December 1711. Persons mentioned in the title. (1) Thomas Frederick. He had been in the Company's service since 1703. In 1711 he was Paymaster and Seventh in Council at Fort St. George. Later he became Deputy Governor of the Company's faotory at Fort St. David, Cuddalore (Kadalar). In January 1704/5 he married Mary, daughter of Thomas Mackrith, an associate of Job Charnock in Bengal (Mrs. Penny, Marriages at Fort St. George). (2) Charles Boone, then a free merchant, was Governor of Bombay, 1716-1720. In June 1709 ho married at Fort St. George, Jane, widow of Joseph Lister, daughter of Daniel Chardin and niece of Sir John Chardin (Mrs. Penny, op. cit.). (3) John Cookroft. Like Scattergood, Captain John Cockroft was a "seafaring man, not constant inhabitant" of Fort St. George. He had been in India for some years and had already made voyages to Surat and China. In August 1708 he married Ann Crump, who seems to have been his third wife (Mrs. Penny, op. cit.). He disappears from the Madras Records and the Scattergood Papers after 1711. If he complied with the 8th Article of the Agreement, he would have gone on to Surat, where he may have remained. (4) Captain Philip Gamon (or Gammon), of whom no mention has been found in the Madras Records, appears to have been a free trader. The Papers show that he died before Ootober 1713. (5) James Penning. No other mention has been found of this individual. He was probably connected with Thomas Penning, a factor at Calicut and a friend of Francis Forbes, the first husband of Scattergood's wife, Arabella. Imprimis. Edward Jones, also "& seafaring man, not constant inhabitant" of Fort St. George, had been supercargo of the Sweepstakes, owned by Catherine, widow of John Nicks, and commanded by Captain Thomas Gaywood. The ship was lost at Tranquebar in April 1710, and Gaywood and Jones were ordered "to make satisfaction for the damage sustained " to the trustees of Mrs. Nicks, who had died in the interval. They appealed against the award, but without result (Fort St. George Diary and Consultations, 1711). Mr. Guyn. John Gwynn, later a shareholder in the Amity and Britannia, in both of which Scattergood was largely interested. Sthly. Nagapatum. Negapatam in Tanjore District, 160 miles south of Madras, where the Dutch had a factory from 1660 to 1781. Trincombarr. Tranquebar, also in Tanjore District, 12 miles north of Negapatam. It was given to the Dance by the Nayak of Tanjore in 1618 and they established a factory there.

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68 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ DECEMBER, 1930 There is no evidence, either in the Papers or in the Madras Records to show if the 8th Article were complied with, but as Cockroft is not mentioned again in the Madras Diary and as Scattergood reappears at Fort St. George in 1712, it seems probable that the condition was observed. Witnesses. Francis Seaton. Captain Francis Seaton, who in February 1692/3 married Hannah Mackrith (Mrs. Penny, op. cit.) was at this time under sentence of deportation from India, being suspected of having "given information about the great diamond." On 4 September (para. 135) and 14 October 1711 (para. 107) the Council at Fort St. George wrote to the Company that, on giving adequate security, they had allowed him to go to Bengal to settle his affairs before sailing for England. Francis Delton. No other mention of this individual has been found. Rawson Hart. The Papers show that Scattergood had business relations with this man up to 1723. Samuel Jones. This man's name appears only twice in the Papers, each time as a witness, He died at Fort St. George on 5 February 1712/13 (Madras Ecclesiastical Records, I, 35). John Jones is perhaps identical with the Captain John Jones, who commanded the Ann (in which Scattergood was interested) in her voyages to China in 1714 and 1717, or with the John Jones, who married Margery, daughter of George Croke at Fort St. George in October 1710 (Mrs. Penny, op. cit.). Abel Langelier, who arrived in India in 1707, was at this date a Junior Merchant "under the Paymaster" (Madras Diary and Consultations, 1711). He married Elizabeth Berners on 27 February 1713/14 (Mrs. Penny, op. cit.) and died at Fort St. George 26 June 1714 (Madras Eccles. Records, I, 41). Among the Papers are various invoices of goods shipped aboard the Bussorah Merchant for China. Thus we find one dated 17 May 1711 for "three pair of fine large pearl " consigned to Scattergood and Jones by John Meverell, "Land Customer" at Fort St. David. They had been bought "by the judgment of Mr. Edward Fleetwood," and "being very grate rareties," were not vo be sold "under 25 or 30 per cent profitt." The pearls were valued at 700 pagodas and were "on the proper account and risque of John Meverell and Mary Fleetwood," widow of Edward Fleetwood, who died at Fort St. George 16 February 1711 (Madras Eccles. Records, I, 31). Next there is an invoice, dated 21 May 1711, of 26 chests of "treasure" containing "pillar dollars," Spanish silver coins bearing a figure of the Pillars of Hercules, weighing 87,865 oz. 17 dwt. 13 gr., for "account and risq of the freighters" and a receipt for the same by Captain John Cockroft, dated the following day, the eve of the departure of the ship. This is followed by a receipt signed by Edward Jones to Scattergood for 750 pagodas " which sume he is ooncerned in my subscription of 5750 pagodas to the freight on ship Bussora Mer. chant, Captain John Cockroft Commander, bound to Canton in China." Lastly, there is a memorandum, also dated 22 May, of 12 pagodas "After charges " on account the freightere of the Bussorah Merchant. These included payment for " Boathire for treasure, gunroom crew and conicopelys," i.e., fees to native clerks, kanakka pillai. Apart from the business connected with the Bussorah Merchant in 1711, Scattergood had family matters which occupied his attention. He acted for his wife's young sister, Sarah Burniston, whose trustees were the minister and church wardens of St. Mary's, Fort St. George. In May 1711 Scattergood paid over to them 267 pagodas, Sarah's dividend of a palanquin and a house at Bombay, sold by her brother-in-law, William Aislabie. Of his own domestic affairs after his return to Persia, there is the baptism in June 1709, and the burial in October following, of his elder son and the birth in 1710 of his second daughter, Carolina. His second son, who also died in infanoy, was born in September 1711. Now occurs a further puzzle. It appears certain that the Bussorah Merchant (or Elizabeth) under Cockroft, with Edward Jones on board, sailed for Canton on 23 May 1711 and it

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DECEMBER, 1930 ] THE SCATTERGOODS AND THE EAST INDIA COMPANY seems natural that Scattergood, the second supercargo, should have also sailed in her. But among the Papers there are two documents, dated in Madras 4 July and 4 September, which imply that he was still at Fort St. George. The first is the copy of a letter in his own hand to John Russell (President of Bengal 1711-1713) and Charles Boone, with regard to money received of Mr. Foulkes with whom Scattergood had been associated in Persia (see p. 38 and note on p. 67). As Scattergood remarks that he has referred the matter to John Legg "Notray Publick," he must have been at Madras at the time he wrote the letter. The second document is a respondentia bond for 103 pagodas invested by Scattergood in the Good Fortune, signed by Abraham Bennett, master of the vessel. The Good Fortune was then bound on a trading voyage to Pegu and it is possible that the investment may have been conducted for Scattergood by his agents. But no record of any ship sailing from Madras for China in 1711 later than the Elizabeth (alias the Bussorah Merchant) in May of that year has been found, and as the Papers show Soattergood to have been in Canton in November, it seems pretty certain that he did accompany Jones. An explanation of the difficulty of reconciling tho dates may perhaps be that we should read 4 Jany, instead of 4 July. The following accounts give some idea of Scattergood's activities in Canton. [8. JOHN SCATTERGOOD'S RECEIPT FOR GOLD, 30 NOVEMBER 1711.) Received of Edward Jones eight barrs of gold said to poiz tales seventy seven six mace six oandrines marked as per mergent and five peioes of black gelongs which I promies to deliver to Mr. Robert Jones in Madrass, the danger of the Seas &ca. excepted haveing signed to two receipts of this tennor and date, one being accomplished the other void. Witness my band in Canton November the 30th 1711. J. SCATTERGOOD. [Endorsed] My receipt of 8 bars of Pardri: Jones gold. [NOTES ON DOCUMENT No. 8.] Poix. Weighing, an abbreviation of avoirdupois, used in the seventeenth century for weight generally. Tales, mace, candrines. The tale (tael, tahil, tail), used for currency and weight in China, about 1oz. avoirdupois. In 1637 Mundy found " 16 Tayes" to contain "204 ounces nearest hand" (Travels of Peter Mundy, ed. Temple, III, 310). Mace (mas, masha) a tenth of a tale. Candarine (Malay konduri, Dutch condorin), & tenth of a mace. See Mundy, op. cit., p. 309 f.n.; ante, vol. XXVI, 314, eto., XXVII, 33, etc. Black gelongs. The 0. E. D. gives this term as obsolete, rare, and has only one example of its use, from the Merchant's Warehouse of 1696, where it is described as an Indian silk having "a few flowers up and down in it." Lockyer, however, Trade in India, 1771, p. 122, includes gelongs among goods procurable at Tonquin and Canton and says the material was a kind of silk crape, used by European Offioers for neckoloths and by the natives of India for turbans. Robert Jones. One of the Company's chaplains at Fort St. George. He did not receive the goods consigned to him, as he died of dysentery on 12 November 1711 (Diary and Consul. tations at Fort St. George, 1711). 19. EDWARD JONES'S ACKNOWLEDGMENT REGARDING SCATTERGOOD'S COMMISSION ON THE CHINA STOCK 6 DECEMBER 1711.] This acknowledges that Mr. John Soattergood has received no commission one the sixty thousand Pagodas worth of silver laden by Messrs. Thomas Frederick and Charles Boone on the Bussora Merchant, Capt. John Cookroft, bound to Canton, and was consigned to the said John Soattergood and Edward Jones. I do hereby promies to use the same maines to

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19 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY . DECEMBER, 1930 recover it, as I shall the owners stock which remains in Anquas and Leanquas hands, and in cane I do recover it to lade it on board the Horland, Capt. Cooke, with theres. Witness my hand in Canton December the Fighth 1711. EDWARD JONES. [Endorsed] Mr. Edwd. Jones. Acknowledgment that I Recd. noe commission for our stock to China. [NOTES ON DOCUMENT No. 9.] Sixty thousand pagodas worth of silver. That is, the value of the 26 chests of silver mentioned above (see p. 68). Anqua and Leanqua. A firm of Chinese brokers and merchants in Canton with whom Scattergood did much business in his later voyages. Lockyer, op. cit., p. 101, says of them : "I look upon Leanqua as a very honest man, and so are Anqua and Pinqua for Chinese." The Howland, a company's ship, commanded by Captain George Cooke, was at Achin in April 1712 and at Malacca in October. There Captain Cooke died (Diary and Cons. at Fort St. George, 1712). Jones's intention to make use of the Howland seems to imply that he did not sail from China in the Bussorah Merchant (or Elizabeth). [10. ACCOUNT OF GOODS BOUGHT IN CANTON, 1711.] 5 Chests qt. [oontaining) tea Bohee 4 Tubs qt. Do. green 2 Chests qt. silks 1 Do. qt. China clock work 15 Tubs qt. quicksilver and virmillion 2 Baskets of hams 5 Do. of Bohee tea 2 large Tubs of 2 large jarrs 1 basket qt. hams marked E.T. 1 Tub sugar candy 6 Do. of soy 2 Chests of cloths 1 Esoretore large with draws Account of goods bought of Quiqua alias Codgee in Canton, vizt. China clookwork 17 pie068 .. .. Taffaties 2 pieces white .. . Do. workt in black .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Do. 1 piece yellow embroider'd White satten 1 piece Gold 10 pieces 987 touch pz. 97T. 6M. Ca. 5 Cash at 96 for 93 sisee silver .. .. 13. - - 14. - - 5. 2. - 1053. 9. 8. .. .. Paid 1 bag pz. 720T.2M. 9 Pillar 1 per cent .. .. .. .. 7:2:1.. 1139. 1. 8. 727. 5. - 411. 6. 8. 63. 5. - Paid Mr. Gibbons for his Account .. .. 348. 1. 8. [NOTES ON DOCUMENT No. 10.) China olook work. Of this import Lookyer, op. cit., p. 128, says: "Clock-work is in Beveral forms as junks, mon, women, horses, deer, and the like ; which I know not the value of in England."

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DECEMBER, 1930] THE SCATTERGOODS AND THE EAST INDIA COMPANY 7 1 E.T. These initials stand for Elihu Trenchfield, Scattergood's step-brother, also a free merchant trading in India. Soy. A Chinese sauce. For its composition see below. Lockyer, op. cit., p. 128, says that it "comes in tubs from Jappon", but is also "made and sold very cheap in China." Quiqua alias Codgee. Also spelt Quinqua alias Cudgeon, Cudden, a Canton merchant with whom Scattergood had business dealings up to 1720. Taffaties. See p. 54, note on Document No. 3 (6). Gold ... 987 touch ... at 96 for 93 sisee. 98) touch, i.e., 981 parts pure metal and 11 parts alloy, making in the whole 100. See Kelly, Universal Cambist, I, 67. Pz. is a further abbreviation of poiz, weighing (see p. 69). For tale, mace, canderine, see p. 69. Cash, kasu, karsha, the lowest denomination in Chinese currency, a tenth of a canderine or 1000 to the tale. See vol. XXVIII, 32. Sisee silver, sycee (Cantonese sai-82 ngan), fine silk silver, of a high fixed value on account of its purity. See Mundy, op. cit., p. 309 n. 6; Lockyer, op. cit., p. 155. Piller, i.e., Pillar dollars. Mr. Gibbons. Two individuals of this name are mentioned in the Papers, Capt. H. E. Gibbons who was a trustee for the affairs of John Burniston, Scattergood's father-in-law, and Mr. - Gibbons, mate of the Bonita in 1721. It is probably the former who is intended here. There are among the Papers about a score of small accounts of goods bought and sold by Soattergood and Jones while in Canton in November and December 1711. The purchases included gold, quicksilver, vermilion, ivory and bamboo fans, cow bezoar, Chinese jars, teapots, a "Hogshaw pot," i.e., a pot from Fuh-chau, the capital of Fuh-kien (written as pronounood), soy, sugar candy, silks and satins (plain and embroidered), ribbons and sewing silk. The goods were obtained from the Chinese merchants mentioned above and from Pinkee Winkee alias Chonqua, Laulee, Comshaw, Tuckseen and a goldsmith called Buqua. The cargo sold consisted of pearls, silver in bullion and dollars and amber beads, and the accounts show that, besides acting for the freighters and making purchases for themselves, the supercargoes carried out sales and obtained returns in Chinese products for private individuals, European and Indian. The extracts which follow give some idea of their activities. [11a) LAUS DEO IN CANTON NOVEMBER 1711. MR. EDWARD JONES. Dr. Cr. To cash lent oz. 424 : 2 is tale .. 350. 2. 1. By cash lent me 20 Ryalls 8 . 14. To Do. .. 69.6. - By rupees 33 .. 11. To ballance Madrass acoount ... 48. 2. 1. By 8 ryalls is 0%. 421.13 is tales .. 348. 1. To a present made Monsr. Hebert junior, By dollers made vizt. over to Mr. Ster. green tea 2 peculls ling 17 .. 10 ps. damasks @ 5.5 By 5 pe. birds eyesi 2 ps. taffitys .. 8. 6. - By cash paid .. 69. 12 pairs stookings By 9 gallons of 24 fanns at 2 n. .. white wine Custome paid on do... 11. - - By 4 mos. wages pd. his half of ea. is ... 117.8. 0. 58. 9. - the washerman .. 4. 6. 24. - irai ir

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72 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ DECEMBER, 1980 i To ballanoe house expences .. .. .. 90. 3. 4. By of wine sold 70 dollars his half is 35 makes tales .. 25.2. -. - By 6 pairs stockings 6. 6. - 617. 2. 6. By the alloy and working the gold cup and plate .. 4. - 4. To ballanoe paid .. .. .. .. 52. 9. 7. By cash received of the owners ... 151. 5. - 670. 2. 3. 670. 2. 3. [116] LAUS DEO CANTON OCTOBER 1711. Mr. Edward Jones Dr. Per contra Cr. Pa. fa. ca. To 2 pieces gold neokcloths ea. 5 ps. @ 25 By charges provi. fa. pr. neck .. .. .. . 6. 34. - sions and liquors. 45. 4. 40. To money lost at cards .. .. .. 7. By ballance in pago. das _41. 22. 40. 86. 27. Ditto Cr. To charges of provisions and liquors for dollrs. our voyage .. 71. 29. - By lost at cards 20 To a piece longcloth for table linnen his By Mr. Sterling half .. .. .. .. .. .1. - - transferring 17 -37 26. 6. 4. 86. 27. - By 1 shoo of Gold pz T.m. o. T. Ditto Dr. 9. 7. 5. 93 To ballanoe last Account 41.22.40 at 161 oz. cwt. By a gold Dollers per 10 pa. is oz. .. 59. 2. 0. cup & plate 8. 5.5.5 18.3.0.5 By Do. working &o 4. . By Rs. 33 is Tale .. 11. - By 5 pieces silk .. 15. By 3 doz. white wine omitted charging. 7. 8. By washerroan wages [11c] CANTON 1711. Inqua Dr. Per contra Ta. m. o. To Cash paid him Tales .. 203. 6. 3. By Stookings 4 pair at per pair 1. 8. By Do. 4 pair at 1. 4. .. 5. 6. To Oash paid him 87. 7. 8. 71. 3. 2. By Do. 12 pair at 8.5 .. 10. 2. - 2 pieces Taffaties yellow .. 8. 6. - 274. 9. 6. 10 picoes Lutestring at 5. 3. per pair [! ps.) 3 pieces Taffata T. m.

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Domana, 1980] THE SCATTERGOODS AND THE EAST INDIA COMPANY .. 15. 9 12 pieces Damask at 5. 5. per piece.. 66. Ribon 26 pieces each a 100 oovitts at I Can. 8 Ca. per Covitt ... .. Do. 24 pieces at 1.8. . .. 36. Do. 4 pieces at 1. 2. . .. . 4. 8. Laceing 6 Catty 5 Tales at 3T. catty Sowing silk 2 catty .. Thread 3 catty 274. 6. 4. [11d] LAUS DEO CANTON 1711. Baqua Goldsmith Per contra Cr. Ta. m. ca. To Cash paid him in Silver. - By a small chest 2 large To Do. boxes and four small To Do. ones of silver ps. 05. To delivered a shoo of 89.16 dwt. is Tales 74. 1. 2. gold pa. Looking glass .. 14. 9. 6. To Gold remains in his band .. 1. - - 89. 0. 8. at 40 p ot. working is 86. 6. 3. oz.dwt.gr. 124. 7. No. 2-To Dollers 74.16.19. a Cane with a silver head .. .. is Tale 61. 8. 1. & small bell ... .. .. .. 3 Tortellshell canes .. 152. 8. 1. 194 Catty of white copper Covers 2 Gold boxes and 3 hoads for oanes working .. .. .. .. 2. 8. - 162. 8. 1. [116] Mrs. Cooke Dr. T. M. C. Per contra Or. T. M. C. To a piece of yellow Taffity... 4. 4. - By 50 oz. silver is Tales .. . 41. 2. 8. To working Do. .. 14. - - To 1 piece painted Pelong .. To 1 piece Do. To 1 piece white broad Ribon To 1 piece black Do. .. To 1 piece black Narrow , l. To 12 catty potts of Tea at 4 m. Per potte .. 4. 8. To 12 fanns at 8 .. 6. - 88. 7. - To Custome paid in China 2. 5. 8. do. charges . .. 41. - 2. 8. (NOTES ON DOCUMENT No. lla.) Monar, Hebert junior. Probably the son of M. Hebert of Pondicherry, with whom Sonttergood had business relations in 1712-13, nici iiiii ilio india in il oiiiiiii illi

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY DECEMBER, 1980 Mr. Sterling. William Sterling, later supercargo of the Cambridge and Prosperous. Scattergood's correspondence with him lasted until 1722. 5 ps, birds eyes. Silk marked with birds' eyes, i.e., spotted. Gold cup and plate. There is no indication for whom this was intended. It may have been ordered by the freighters, but the next account shows that its cost was divided between Soattergood and Jones. (NOTES ON DOCUMENT No. 116.] Gold neckcloths. Neckcloths embroidered with gold thread. Money lost at cards. There are other similar entries. On one occasion Scattergood lost 65 dollars. Shoo of gold. Gold ingots of a determined weight were known as shoos (shoes) of gold. Lockyer, op. cit., p. 132, has an interesting note on these ingots: "Gold-makers (as they are commonly call'd) cast all the gold that comes thro' their hands into Shoos of about 10 Tale weight, or 12 oz. 3 dwt. 4 gr. of an equal fineness, as one makes them 93 Touch, another is famous for 94, &c. A private mark is stampt in the sides, and a piece of printed paper pasted to the middle of them, by which every one's make is known, as our cutlers and other mecha. nicks do in their trades. Both ends of the Shoos are alike, and bigger than in the middle, with thin brims rising above the rest, whence the upper side somewhat resembles a boat; from the middle which in cooling sinks into a small pit, arise circles one within another, like the rings in the balls of a man's fingers, but bigger; the smaller and closer these are the finer the gold is." (NOTES ON DOCUMENT llc.) Inqua. Anqua. See note on p. 70. Taffaties. See note on p. 71. Lutestring. A glossy silk fabrio. The O.E.D. gives this form as "apparently from lustring." Damask. To be saleable, Lockyer (op. cit., p. 122) says damasks should be " of brisk, lively colours, without speck, decay or other damage, and of flowers in no wise resembling European figures." Covitta. Port. covado, coved, a oubit. Laoeing. Ornamental braid for men's clothes. Catty. Kati, 16 tales, or about 1 lb. 5 oz. av. (NOTES ON DOCUMENT 1ld.) "Working." It is interesting to find that 40 per cent. on the cost of the silver boxes eto was charged for labour. White copper. Tutenague (Portuguese tutenaga), spelter. [NOTES ON DOCUMENT lle.] Mrs. Cooke. Probably the wife of Captain George Cooke of the Howland (see p. 70). Painted pelong. Pelongs, like gelongs, were a variety of silk. Lockyer, op. cit., p. 122, says that Tonquin pelongs were the finest, "but those made at Canton are longer and broader. guilt paper flower'd silks make a fine show till they are worn in the wet or damp'd with sweat." The entry "12 catty potts of Tea " seems fully to confirm Crawfurd's suggestion as to the origin of our word 'caddy.' See Hobson-Jobson (ed. 1903), p. 130, 8.0. Caddy. There are, among the recipes included in the Papers, four which seem to belong to this period and were probably acquired by Seattergood during his visit to Canton in 1711. The first is "To hatoh Eggs with fire " (No. 12), a method new to him, but known to the Chinese from time immemorial. The particulars were most likely furnished by the "duokmen " with whom he dealt. The next two recipes are for the manufacture of the sauce known as Soy and also for "Missoy," obviously Mock-soy (No. 13a and b). These are followed by notes of the cost of hatching ducks and of the ingredients for the sauce (No. 13c). The fourth recipe describes the method of curing sea-slugs which Scattergood designates "Hyeom " (No. 14).

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THE MYSTERY AND MENTAL ATMOSPHERE.1 BY SIR RICHARD TEMPLE, Br., C.B., C.L.E., F.S.A. When I agreed, after much searching of heart, to accept the office of President of this Congress, I was not aware that, in a Presidential Address delivered before the Society by Mr. A. R. Wright in February 1927, he had submitted "that the coming Jubilee might be suitably accompanied by a careful stock taking of the position and scope of our science." Even if I had known of such a hope expressed in so high a quarter, I am not competent to comply with it. I therefore trust that both he and you will excuse me if I go my own way in this Address, commencing it as if the suggestion above mentioned had never been made, in the hope that some one else will be able to supply the information required. In 1921 the Folklore Society, in the forty-third year of its existence, published a brief history of its origin and scope. It was founded in 1878 for the purpose of collecting, recording and studying the fast perishing relics of folklore, a term which was defined as meaning the Learning of the People. We are told that it was invented in 1846--only 82 years ago by Mr. W. J. Thoms, who afterwards followed the initiative of a lady, still known to folklorist readers of Notes and Queries, as "St. Swithin," and became a founder of the Society. The term "Folklore " was to replace the clumsy expression "Popular Antiquities," and soon established itself as a generic term, under which the traditional beliefs, stories, songs and sayings current among backward peoples, or retained by the uncultured classes of more advanced peoples, are comprehended and included." The term covers everything which forms part of the mental equipment of the folk, as distinguished from their technical skill. It is moreover," in fact, the expression of the psychology of early man." The founding of the Folklore Society of England in 1878 was followed by similar foundations, in Spain in 1884, in France in 1885 and 1886, in the United States in 1888, in Germany in 1890, in Belgium in 1891, in Switzerland in 1896, in Poland in 1904, in Greece in 1909, and also in Finland, Hungary, Esthonia and other countries, delegates from some of which are with us to-day. Everywhere the object has been mainly the collection of items of the learning of the people, a point, as will be seen presently, it is important to insist on. It was quickly clear, however, to certain folklorists that the work could not be allowed to remain altogether there, and that without forgetting that the collection must for many a year form the chief object, it would be necessary before long to go over the facts collected and see what their import was. Such a process in its infanoy was discernible in articles contributed to the first Journal of the Society, The Folklore Record, in its earliest years, even before any of the other Societies on the Continent of Europe and in America were formed. In fact, it was soon seen that if folklorists confined themselves to the collecting and literary sides of their work, the subject would rapidly wear itself out for want of continued interest therein; and certain of them began to look forward to overhauling the collections made. In quite early years it became evident indeed that the study of folklore must become scientific if it was to live on indefinitely. Thus in the introduction to volume II of the Folklore Record Andrew Lang talked of the Science of Folklore in 1879. By making a scientific study of folklore is meant looking at it according to the principles of science based on knowledge and tested by logic. But perhaps the best way of explaining the difference between the work of such a body as the Folklore Society and that of the Royal Society is that adopted by Lord Balfour the other day, when he said that the British Academy was founded because there were branches of learning not included in the work of the Royal Society, which concentrated on what we now call natural sciences. But it left whole branches of human interest, scholarship and research wholly untouched." In our humble way, then, we folklorists also are endeavouring to fill up part of the gap, to what we may consider 1 Presidential Address to the Folkloro Jubilee Congress in London, delivered on 20th September 1928.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY August, 1930 without undue conceit to be not an unimportant extent. A notable effort in that direction has been made recently by Miss Eleanor Hull in her book on The Folklore of the British Isles. As long ago as 1886 your President ventured to put the situation plainly before the Folklore Society in a lecture entitled The Science of Folklore, published in volume IV of the Folklore Record. Oddly enough it was found, on going over it again after forty-two years, that much the same arguments are used as those to be now put forward, sometimes in almost the same words ; justifying once again old legal advice given long ago that no man should hear his own judgment in appeal, as though he may have forgotten all the circumstances, his mind will lead him to the same conclusions on similar arguments and evidence. Assuming then that it is right to look upon ourselves as a scientific conference, assembled to do honour to the Jubilee of our particular line of research, it seems fair to assume also that you look for some guidance from the chair, as to methods that might be adopted for continuing that research, on scientific lines, during the years that must elapse before a centenary ceremony can be held. Your President does not propose however to stand before you as an infallible guide, or even as a teacher ; rather does he propose to take you into his confidence and show you how he has himself arrived at the theories he will describe, as that seems to be the true way for any one mind to recommend its ideas to another engaged in the same line of research. But in the first place we must bear in mind that we are holding not only a scientific but also a folklore conference, and should confine ourselves therefore to the study of folklore, i.e., of the learning of the people, lettered and unlettered, and the results of that learning. Our research is in fact limited to that extent, and the philosophy of the highly educated thinker comes into our purview only in so far as it may have affected the public unlettered and uneducated in the sense that on the other hand the philosopher is lettered and educated. Returning then to the thought of taking you into my confidence, let me tell you that the research, which has been the occupation of such leisure as a very busy official life has permitted during nearly forty years, began thus. In the early part of 1890 I was travelling by sea from Calcutta to Rangoon, being then a Government official in Burma, and when the steamer was passing along the Arakan coast, I noticed that all the sailors on board, of whatever nationality, were performing some sort of religious ceremony in honour of something ashore. They were, as is usual in that region, a very mixed body-Eurasians (chiefly Roman Catholic), Muslims, Hindus, Chinamen-but whatever they were, the ceremonies were most simple and clearly unorthodox, and were performed in the same manner by all. Respect was being paid to something on shore, while fruit, small coins and the like were thrown into the sea. The performances set me enquiring, and it was found that the object in view was to secure the goodwill of a holy personage, a patron of mariners who had a shrine on shore-in fact at Akyab-which they called a Buddhamakan. But Buddhamakan is so hybrid an expression, half Muslim and half Buddhist-Arakan in Burma being a Buddhist land-that it at once appeared to be an obvious corruption. It was soon discovered that the right name of the shrine was Badarmakam, the shrine of Badar, the locally celebrated mediaeval Muslim saint of Chittagong in Eastern Bengal, and one of the patrons of mariners in the Bay of Bengal; for there are others who need not engage our attention just now, except to point out that it is not necessary for a hero to have been personally connected with the sea in order to become a sea-saint. There is a strong instance of this in 'Abdu'l-Qadir al-Jilani, the great medieval Persian preacher and founder of much orthodox sectarian Islam. More than probably he never saw the sea, and yet he is now a highly revered mariners' saint in the Indian Ocean. But observe how true folklore was in action in the above-mentioned

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August, 1930 ] THE MYSTERY AND MENTAL ATMOSPHERE ceremonies. The sailors were turning a Muslim saint, who was presumably an Indian, into an emanation of the Buddha, because they were within the influence of a Buddhist country; and it may be added that along the Arakan-Burma-Tenasserim seaboard there are other Buddhamakans, or more properly Badarmakams. The Muslim saint Badar of Chittagong, whose memory was thus travestied, was Badru'd. din Aulia, a typical fifteenth century saintly hero, who, like other similar personages, came from nowhere,' settled in Chittagong for many years as a holy man, and finally died further west into Bihar, leaving shrines in both places in his memory. Further enquiry showed that he was mixed up with the sea and sailors, because he had become identified with perhaps the most ubiquitous and mysterious of all holy personages in the East, whose ordinary Indian title is Khizar Khan, but he is also widely known there and in Persia as Khwaja Khizr, and in all the lands further west as al-Khidr. This al-Khidr, as we know from the researches of Friedlander, Hasluck and many more, bears among numerous other qualities that of patron saint and even godling of the sea and seafarers. For reasons that will become plain later on, it is necessary to lay stress on the numerous other qualities,' for it will be seen that al-Khidr is a general holy personage in Eastern folklore. He has usually no form and no genealogy. He is just something mysterious, something powerful and wholly unorthodox in any formal religion, but universally acknowledged nevertheless. It will be perceived then that the enquiry as to why the sailors in the steamer performed particular ceremonies off the shrine of Badru'd-din Aulia on the Arakan coast soon took on a universal form and became as wide as it could be. It is however important to notice here that the enquiry was nevertheless limited, and this address will not therefore take the shape of a general philosophical discussion. It will not touch on the field of the philosophy of formal religion as such. There will be no attempt to ascertain the abstract reason why religious beliefs as such should have arisen--no attempt to answer such a question as that lately propounded: If God made the world, what made God?' Such speculations are beside the present point, which is actually to investigate certain beliefs which have been in the past and are still held by the peoples of a certain class of nations in the world. An effort will be made to enquire into the nature of the beliefs that led to the creation of al-Khidr in the minds of peoples coming generally under the influence of the religion promulgated by Muhammad, from Morocco to the Malay Peninsula and Archipelago -a sufficiently large portion of the world in all conscience to essay to cover in an address. It is now proposed to show where the result of such an inyestigation is likely to lead us and how that result may be achieved scientifically. The theories that your lecturer has arrived at have come about as follows, and it is for you to judge them at leisure and ascertain how far you think his efforts may constitute a guide for future study. Al-Khidr in his proper form is a Muhammadan personage, and though he is not mentioned by name in the Koran, there is a well-known story therein which has been referred to him by the earliest of the Arabic commentatore thereon. But though Arabia and the Near East constitute a far cry from the Bay of Bengal, there is nothing to be surprised at in his early transfer thither with the all-absorbing spread of Islam in that region, and the spread can be easily traoed overland from its beginning in the seventh century in Sind in the extreme west of India. The Koran itself was brought into being in the seventh century, and by the eighth and ninth the followers of Muhammad were not only all over the Persian Empire, but had obtained a firm hold on western India both along the coast and in Sind. With them came legends of al-Khidr up and down the Indus, with specific local applications and a mingling with Hindu deities and holy personages of animistic origin and names quite

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ August, 1930 foreign to Islam. Along the lower Indus the chief distributor of the legend of Khizr-for his name naturally assumed the Persian form-was a local animistic sprite usually called Udero Lal, and further north in the Panjab the great spreader was the equally animistic Goga, who is as nebulous as Khizr himself. Once no doubt a Rajput, and therefore a Hindu, opponent of the early Musalman invaders of India, Guga succeeded-perhaps by confusion with some North Indian aboriginal godling-to the story connected with Vasuki, the king of the Nagas or mythical serpents of the very ancient days of Vedic India, and as a Hindu godling he is now the Snake-god par excellence, whose cult is universal. But in mediaeval times Guga put on a fresh development as patron saint of the converts to Islam, acquired a suitable legend to account for his conversion and became identified with Khier in several aspects became indeed the chief cause of the spread of the cult of Khiar in North India, at any rate as far as the western confines of Bengal proper. With the cult of Khizr came, somewhere about the ninth or tenth century, the festival of the Beres or Lighted Toyboats, nowadays so prominent on the Indian rivers and reservoirs of water from the Indus to the Hugli. This festival held in the early autumn, is not connected in origin with the winter festival of the Diwali or Lamps, but it--or a festival like it, held at the other equinox in spring--is to be found down the whole length of the Irrawaddy in Burma. Wherever it is held it is a beautiful sight and is naturally popular, and the point for the present purpose is that it, too, has been a great distributor of the cult of Khizr. Next we find that the mediaeval Indian Muslim saints, of whom the more popularand indeed many others have been identified with Khizr, have served to spread and popularize his fame. Of these may be mentioned Sakhi Sarwar in the Panjab, Ghazi Miyan in Oudh and Shah Madar about Cawnpore. They are all thoroughly of the class known as be-shara, outside the canonical law, and all have, as it were, a family history. By popularly accepted legend Sakhi Sarwar was a holy man from Baghdad in Irak or Mesopotamia ; Ghazi Miyen was a nephew of the great Islamic raider from Afghanistan, Mahmud of Ghazni, and by repute the first Muslim saint to live in India, and Shah Madar was a converted Jew from Aleppo in Syria a form indeed of the Wandering Jew. And here let me digress a moment to say that the tale of the Wandering Jew is not by any means a mere mediaeval legend, as has been said in one authoritative work. The story spread no doubt into Western Europe not earlier than the thirteenth century onwards, but it can-like that of al-Khidr, who by the way is also among the mysterious wanderers--be traced in something of the same form in Western Asia to the days of Muhammad. Speaking generally, the idea of the mysterious wanderer is also common in the oldest known literatures. Have not the Jews, Christians and Muslims the legend of Cain, the son of Adam? "And I shall be a fugitive and a vagabond in the earth," ories Cain, in " the First Book of Moses, called Genesis." But getting the Wandering Jew aside here, enticing as he always is, and returning to the medieval Muslim saints of India, it may be said that the legends about the majority of them are usually wide of the facts, which seem to be much the same in reality in each case. A holy' man came into India wandering from somewhere--no one really knew whenceestablished himself in some convenient place, acquired a wide renown for holiness and died in the odour of sanctity. It was greatly-and indeed obviously-to the interest of his descendants and entourage to set up a shrine in his honour, so as to attract pilgrims, and create a legend; and it can be shown that this was actually done in the above cases. It can be shown also that the same thing has been done for many another saint of local celebrity in India, and such practices and such legends (mahatmya) are very common among Hindus. The importance of the saints specially considered above for the present purpose is that they have all been identified with Khizr and have thus familiarised the people with his fame, till every

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AUGUST, 1930 ] THE MYSTERY AND MENTAL ATMOSPHERE little child in North India-Muhammadan, Hindu and Outcaste-is thoroughly conversant with the idea of the great mysterious Khwaja Khirr-Khwaja, pronounced Khaja, which connotes a man of consideration, being a common Persian addition to the titles and names of holy men. His position in the peasant mind is fixed by his title-again through the Persian-of Khizar Khan, rightly rendered in places in the Hindi form of Raja Kidar. To the Indian child, and indeed to the peasant, the illiterate and to a certain extent the literato also, Khizr is the ubiquitous bogey, who is also a true friend and helper in trouble of every kind. By the European scholar he has been identified chiefly with the sea, the great rivers and the broad still waters which abound in the East; but he is really ubiquitous and is found in fact everywhere, on the hill-tops and in the hill cave, in the village well and in the scholar's chamber, in the cultivated field and in the wildest desert. He is in fact to the villager the chief representative of that Mystery, of which we shall hear much more presently, and this peculiar character, given to him in excelsis, is extended to all popular saints. They all tend to have the same characteristics in the eyes of their devotees especially and vaguely to the public as well ; so that they, too, are representatives of the Mystery. This quality of mysterious ubiquity we shall find, as we proceed, is not by any means confined to the popular saints and holy personages of India, but is to be observed all over the world, both ancient and modern. And as to the forms that this characteristic takes, we shall find that they are on certain definite lines, till an observation of Dr. Gaster-'I do not believe in the fecundity of the human imagination '--forces itself as an axiom on the mind of the investigator of the lore of the folk, as it is to be observed everywhere. It has been said above that the idea of al-Khidr, as it came into India, is Muslim, and that it is traceable to the days of Muhammad. Here we have another world-wide phenomenon to observe. Like Elijah in the Bible, al-Khidr springs into observation all at once. There is no apparent ancestry, no genealogy in a land where genealogy is rated highly, no history. Suddenly we have a long story in the Koran, in which a holy personage, without name, is associated with Moses, who to the Muslim is as much a hagiological character as he is to Jew or Christian. This holy personage appears as the Servant of God, and then we find that the Arab commentators at once and without hesitation identify him with al-Khidr, as if every one must know who al-Khidr is without explanation. This shows that both the name and the personage must have been then, the seventh century, a household possessiona point that has to be borne in mind. Al-Khidr has a meaning in Arabic and connotes The Green Thing' or 'The Green Being,' and on the well-known principle that one word or epithet is enough to start a whole library of conjecture among the folk, this title has created a world of folk-story and literature. In obedience to the dictates of sympathetic magio, being green he makes everything he touches green, and also being green he is the spirit of the sea and the waters, and from these ideas, combined with his mysteriousness and his assumed connection with the Koranio story, he has taken on in the Near East almost exactly the character which we have found him possessing in India. There is this difference however. In India he is mixed up with a hagiology, which, though ostensibly Muslim, is in reality more largely Hindu ; that is to say it is Indian. But in the West the hagiology with whioh he is identified is of another complexion. It is Arabic and Muslim; s.e., it is fundamentally Jewish, with, as will be seen, a large admixture of the Greek, and to a lesser degree of the Assyrian, Babylonian, Phoenician, Egyptian and other local cults, such as are found all jumbled up together in the Near East, when one dives into the beliefs of the people. So it is fair to assume that though al-Khidr under that name springs up all of a sudden fully grown, he has really a long history behind him somewhere. This history your lecturer has sought for many years. It is naturally obscure, as

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ August, 1930 it involves a research into the beliefs of the inarticulate quite as much as into the statements of set enquirers and writers, and it covers all historical time. The key to the true story lies in the folk-tales about the popular holy personages with whom al-Khidr has become identified, and fortunately for the modern enquirer they are very numerous. But in making a search here it is well to bear always in mind the date of al-Khidr's fully-fledged appearance--the seventh century. Obviously only a small section of the tales of the holy personages connected with him can be examined to-day. The first of them, and one of the most important is Elijah or Elias-Ilyas as the Muslims and most Orientals call him. Exactly as does al-Khidr, Elijah springs suddenly into view fully-fledged. He has no home, no genealogy, no tribe ; for his surname the Tishbite refers him to no known locality or tribe. He simply exists, performs prominent acts and disappears mysteriously. Like many another holy personage of his sort he never dies. He is thus immortal, and so is al. Khidr, who drank the Water of Immortality, and here we find fastened on to this last as the ubiquitous Mystery, a folk-idea, the investigation of which would carry us over the world far indeed and right down into the ages of the long past-into the deepest depths of Babylonian and Indian antiquity. Moreover, this view of al-Khidr is as alive to-day as ever it was, and it makes him a Zinda Pir, an ever-living and therefore an undying saint. This is a Persian expression as familiar to every Indian child as is the idea it conveys to other children as far afield from India as Morocco. Practically every prominent Muslim saint is a Zinda Pir, and many of them have aoquired their exemption from death from the Water of Immortality, the fountain of which is attached as well to tales of purely secular heroes who have caught the popular imagination, such as Alexander the Great and many another. Now, Ilyas and al-Khidr have become so thoroughly mixed up in Oriental legend often in connection with Alexander-as to be looked on as the same personage, with of course the same order of tales told about both. Whatever the one has been held to be the other has become also, and this is an important point in the general investigation. Here may I remind my hearers with a purely Western Christian education that this Address is concerned with the beliefs of Oriental peasantry mostly illiterate many of them Christians also-as much as it is concerned with those of the educated. So far we have been considering Jewish and Muslim heroes of legend, for although Elijah is also a Christian hero, he is only such in the sense that Christianity has absorbed early Judaism. It must also be said here that he is as well known in India as he is further West, since both Nestorian Christianity and Judaism are very old religions in India--the St. Thomas Christians, as they are called, dating back in the South in large numbers for a period as long as the existence of Christians in most parts of Europe. But let us now turn to early Christianity in Syria and Palestine. There we come across a great Christian hero of the late third century in St. George of Cappadocia, the hero of the well-known Dragon story, on to whom have been fastened two quite distinct legends of the bighest antiquity-the one relating to his martyrdom and the other to his saving Princess Cleodolinda from the Dragon, to which she was exposed as a human sacrifice. This legend is a memory of a custom once common, by which important personages, generally maidens of high birth, were sacrificed annually to the wild beasts that surrounded ancient cities in very early days. The forms of death attributed to St. George have often been described and can be studied in scenes depicted on A remarkable medieval Spanish altar-piece in the Victoria and Albert Museum in South Kensington-exhibiting a clear rechauffe of the various forms of death attributed to Tammuz in the early Babylonian literature, while the story fastened on to St. George about the Maid and the Dragon is as clearly & rechauffe of the ancient Greek tale of Perseus and Andromeda.

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Avgust, 1930) THE MYSTERY AND MENTAL ATMOSPHERE This last was no doubt attached to St. George from the nearness of the legendary sites of the two stories on the Syrio-Palestine coast, but the former requires some research to secure recognition. It can, however, be recognised, and the research for the purpose in fact forms an integral part of the present enquiry. Tammuz appears in legends ascribed to the fifth millennium, B.C., as a rebel against the powers of his day and habitat, and as a consequence he was, by relation, put to death in seven different ways of varying cruelty, retaining his life however after each cocasion except the last. The high antiquity of the legend served to create many phases in the personality of Tammuz, but the main features of the legend remained alive and it became a custom to mourn for Tammuz at stated times in the year. The mourning is mentioned in Ezekiel some three thousand years later on in a wonderfully dramatic story: "There sat women weeping for Tammuz"--and it is otherwise heard of through the cult of Adonis of the Greeks and Romans, of Melkarth of the Phoenicians in Tyre, of Horus the ancient Egyptian god and so on, right up to the days of St. George, till the story of the death of Tammuz became, in some shape or other, that of the sufferings of the Christian Martyr, and what Dr. Gaster has called "a world saga." It was thus a general Eastern folk-tale deriving from early Babylonia. The other tale of St. George is equally interesting and important to folklorists, for tile Perseus legend, though Greek as we have it, is not necessarily of Greek origin. Like Elijah, al-Khidr and many other Oriental heroes, he too was a man from nowhere, for he was credited with a miraculous semi-divine birth, and had no domicile in any Greek land by clear birth. right. It is quite arguable that he was a foreigner-Eastern for choice--who made a stir among the Greek population, for it may be mentioned here that it is a commonplace of Indian folk-story to give a useful foreign hero a miraculous birth--usually he is river-borne or waterborne-either to connect him honourably with the tribe he benefited or to raise the social status of the tribe he ruled. On this line of argument we find a strong connection between St. George and ancient Oriental heroes of the highest renown and strongest popular memory. But the great point for the present purpose is that St. George of the late third and early fourth century and al-Khidr of the seventh century become in later, though still medieval, times inextricably mixed up. So much so that the whole al-Khidr legend has been in places fastened on to St. George and vice versa ; and more than that, Elijah or Ilyas has become as inextricably mixed up with both al-Khidr and St. George. So much so, indeed, that all three have been looked on as one mysterious personage. From Morocco to Syria and perhaps further East boys born on 23rd April, i.e., on St. George's day, have been named Khid. relles and Khidrilyas for several centuries past. Such confused nomenclature is not unique, for boys born on 26th October, the saint's day of St. Demetrius, as a Greek and therefore Christian saint, are given the distinctive Muslim name of Kasim, for some reason not yet apparently fathomed. The spread of Assyrian and Babylonian folklore and folk-religion westwards is beyond all doubt. The constant warfare of Assyria and ancient Persia with Greek and Egypt kept armies, both Greek and Oriental, constantly on the move, and always forming connections with local women, in all the lands between Mesopotamia and Europe, including of course Syria and Palestine, till that astonishing cataclysm occurred in the late fourth century B.C., when Alexander overran Southern Asia as far as India. Putting aside the other mighty subversions caused by Alexander's enterprise, we find that it had one result all important to this enquiry. The Hellenism in the East, which followed it, made Oriental writers look into their own legends, to pit them against the assumption of superiority affected by the Greek civilisation, and thus these legends became not only preserved, but widely popular all through the Oriental lands West of India by the time that Christianity began to make itself felt. In this way alone the legend of St. George's martyrdom can fairly be accounted

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [ August, 1930 for, and there is still another view in regard to the spread of Babylonian and Assyrian legends westwards, which has apparently not been generally considered-viz., the action of the Kurdish race. The Kurds are a collection of ancient tribes more or less combined politically and having an origin in the very land of ancient Assyria. They still exist in pockets every. where between Persia and the AEgean Sea, have always been a fighting race and have occupied all kinds of political positions from rulers of kingdoms to wild primitive peasants of the mountains, adhering to their ancient beliefs behind a profession of Islam. In such circumstances it is hardly believable that they have not been carriers of the old Babylonian cults, and this allusion to them is now made in the hope that they will be studied with the object of showing how far this is the case. After Alexander, came the Romans to disturb the East, and there was a like interchange between Eastern and Western religious ideas. But reverting to Alexander's date, we find that the first Ptolemy, nearly connected with him. took possession of Egypt with his largely Asiatic army, and it may be fairly assumed that Oriental religious ideas though by no means for the first time-were introduced into Egypt, and what is more important for the present purpose into the AEgean Sea of the Greeks-into the sea that washes the coasts of Greece itself, the Greek Archipelago, Asia Minor, Syria, Palestine and Egypt, largely, in fact the whole coast line where prevails the modern cult of al-Khidr, the Green Man. In this region we find also the cult--as ancient as any other like belief-of Glaukos, the Greek god of the shallow seas and the seashore, whose yery name shows him to have been conceived as a Green Man-even if we had no statuary and no description to show that he was so conceived. Assuming then that al. Khidr, although he only appears in the seventh century, is really a memory of an Oriental god, whose name is lost, his cult would be readily transferred to the peoples of the AEgean Sea, who already had their Green Hero in Glaukos, with a varying legendary history, one form of which makes him a deified fisherman. At any rate in Glaukos of the AEgean we find an early legendary form of al-Khidr as & sea-god, and the point of real interest here is that along the Syrian and Palestine coasts the performances of Mediterranean sailors, when passing shrines of al-Khidr, Ilyas and other saints, are exactly those of the sailors in the Bay of Bengal, when passing shrines of saints identified with al-Khidr. These considerations tend to induce us to see one possible origin for al-Khidr in Glaukos. and this is confirmed by Dr. Lionel Barnett, who in a recent paper has shown a remarkable connection of Vedic and Avestio-i.e., of the most ancient Indian and very early Persian legends-with those of Glaukos. If then such a connection of Glaukos and al-Khidr is correct, the conception of the Green Man as a deified hero of the people is thrown back far indeed. The method by which al-Khidr achieved his immortality, i.e., his godhead, by drinking the Water of Immortality, takes us into a subject as old and as wide as that we have been discussing, and far beyond the limits of the time at our disposal now. It must therefore be left untouched, and we must pass at onoe to what may be called the most important, though not the longest, portion of this discourse--the scientific nature of folklore enquiry. The general scientific questions that arise out of the above discussion are: How came the idea of al-Khidr to arise? How for that matter came all the ideas above described as to Elijah, St. George and the rest to be accepted? The theory on these important questions to be put forward for your consideration commences with an investigation into the idea of al-Khidr as the object of a general cult. Why is it that he has no form, no history, no locality, no tribe? Why can he assume any form ? And be the patron of any kind of worshipper! Of men of the desert and town alike; of the clerk, the field labourer and the mariner ? Why is he ubiquitous ? Why is he identified with such totally different personages as Elijah, St. George and Glaukos, and indeed with practically every popular saint-Christian, Muslim, or even Hindu ? And shall we say Zoroastrian as well? Why is he immortal ? These are all fair questions for us to ask ourselves.

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SEPTEMBER, 1930 ] THE MYSTERY AND MENTAL ATMOSPHERE The answer appears to be that al-Khidr especially, and besides him Ilyas, St. George, and any other hero worshipped as a mysterious patron, represents the Mystery to the popular mind, whether illiterate or being literate is illogical. The Mystery is a term that you will, at once, quite properly say requires definition, and in this connection explanation. An attempt will now be made to give both. From all time and all the world over, mankind in every phase of culture from the savage to the most highly civilised--and we must remember that the savage without culture has not yet been found-has observed the phenomena about him and has been puzzled by them. He observes occurrences and thinks over them to find an explanation of them. It matters nothing who he is or what his mental equipment may be : sooner or later he has always found himself out of his depth. He reaches a point where the most elaborate empirical argument ceases to explain and he is forced to conjecture-he is obliged to assume a condition he cannot prove to himself or to others. Philosophy starts by arguing on facts within human experience and runs on till it reaches a point which is beyond experience and becomes transcendental, 1.6., it passes beyond understanding. Once the point between the experienced and the transcendental is assumed to have been crossed over, by an accepted explanation of some nature or other, the argument can be continued on a new assumed basis. But the point for the present purpose is that there is left here a gap, which is bridged over, not by argument, but by a form of assumption familiar to us all as revelation--the magic of the unlettered and the illogical : light has been thrown on the subject by supernatural means. This assumption, however--revelation, magic, or whatever it may be called-if accepted, solves the difficulty, and to the popular human mind it is revealed truth, though beyond intelligence. It has solved the mystery through a superhuman agency which is the Mystery itself-a personification which thinkers of all time have endeavoured to understand and explain. The mind of the ordinary human being of the kind that creates folklore accepts that form of the Mystery, which the leaders he follows tell him is right, and we must realise that the people we are considering are not philosophers, not highly trained dialecticians, but the everyday peasant or city worker--the man in the street-the human being apt to follow leaders and teachers. Once the Mystery is sensed as a personage it becomes the master. It is believed to be and do everything, and is the general bogey, or object of terror, and at the same time the general helper of mankind in any manner or direction required. This accounts for the incompatible views we find to exist as to al-Khidr's nature and capacities, and for that incom. patibility of beliefs relating to any popular saint or holy personage that can be mentioned, whether Eastern or Western, and also for the family likeness of the tales told about the whole general saintly body all the world over. They are all embodied representatives of the Mys. tory. This family likeness in beliefs and tales is due to that limitation of the human mind, which is well expressed in Dr. Gaster's dictum already quoted : "I do not believe in the fecundity of the human imagination." As mankind in the lump is willing to follow leaders and teachers, such have never any. where been wanting, and they have not by any means been always charlatans : rather have they been firm believers in themselves and in the special theory of the Mystery, which each has more than assiduously taught. In this way have arisen all the infinite varieties of religions and sects or schools of belief, which indeed seem to have come to life in consequence of what may be called an instinctive, though inarticulate, obedience to an apparently natural law of the human mind--the desire to lean on some one else as the authority, to follow blindly a leader who does the thinking for the public. But be this as it may, the real question for us just now is the investigation of the process by which the results of the teaching of the various leaders have been achieved, and it may

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ SEPTEMBER, 1930 be remarked here that there seems to have been a double process following on the expression of the teachers' thoughts. Firstly, in order that they might be spread distributed as one form of popular science puts it-there must have been contact of one set of people with another, and the result of that contact must have been such absorption of the ideas imbibed in consequence, as to create a mental atmosphere an impression pervading the minds of those that absorbed the teaching. The preliminary necessity of proving contact is so obvious that it is not proposed now to point it out further to the investigator, and the coming remarks will concentrate rather on the necessity for ascertaining the mental atmosphere of a people, who have absorbed any particular form of belief, at the time of the absorption. An endeavour will be made to show that this is the all important matter to achieve, if we would really explain the reasons for the existence of any definite form of folk-belief. It has been remarked above that even among savages thinkers have believed that they have perceived the existence of the Mystery personified, have perceived the power that produces results by processes beyond the thinkers' understanding. Let our investigation, therefore, begin at what appears to us to be the beginning, and must therefore now be as. sumed to be such for the purposes of argument. It can only be an assumption, however, for even the least cultured savages that we are able to observe, ancient or modern, have a long unknown history of culture behind them. Here again resort will be had to an illuminating statement. Andrew Lang has somewhere remarked: "What the human mind once absorbs it never lets go "--and this is an observation sufficiently true to enable us to base an argument thercon, for it involves the suggestion that the human mind is made up of layers of atinos. phere, caused by the various ideas with which it has come in contact and absorbed at various times. Each absorption stays for good and fresh cognate ideas merely serve to modify it. They do not serve to destroy it. In other words, all minds-our own included be it observed--retain all the atmospheres that have been created in them, however strongly the latest ideas with which they have been in contact may seem to the observer to be uppermost. Let me here a moment illustrate my meaning by a brief allusion to an idea analogous to, but not identical with, that of Khidr. Fate is the common English name for a power that is everywhere felt to control the incidents of life, the power that has predetermined events from all eternity. This and the corresponding term Destiny, the power that preordains, we have from the Latin, while the names for the results of its action, variously Lot and Luck are respectively English and Teutonic terms, and again the ordinary Oriental equivalent, Kismet, is an expression traced to Turki, a Central Asian language. These terms are thus quoted to show that the idea of Fate, like that of al-Khidr, is world wide, but the difference between Kismet and al-Khidr is that the former is the principal, the Mystery itself, while al-Khidr is a inere agent, the tepresentative of the Mystery. The public mind does not grasp Fate. It merely accepts it as a mysterious entity: it exists and it acts. But like al-Khidr and some other saintly personages, Kismet to the public is just a name, a power that is felt, without genealogy and without a tribe or a home. Here we have an idea ab. Borbed very long ago and subjected to every sort of contact conceivable, till it has in some minds been greatly modified, but it has never been let go. It is still alive everywhere. what. ever the general religious cast of the mind of the individual. It follows from what has been above said that the gradations of the atmosphere mayand indeed, anywhere that we can observe them must-be numerous; but for the present argument it is only proposed to divide them into three main portions--the inmost, the inner and the outer. Of the inmost we can only be conscious by careful thought and investigation, and of the inner we can easily become conscious, wbile the outer is that which is obvious to ul. But they are nevertheless all three always there, and their existence accounts for what we call religion-though we generally denote by that term some sectarian or specialised form

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SEPTEMBER, 1930 ] THE MYSTERY AND MENTAL ATMOSPHERE of religion. It accounts also for superstition, meaning by religion' a system of belief, and by 'superstition' something beyond religion or outside it and yet believed in. In terms of mental atmospheres, religion is the Outer Atmosphere, but generally in a sectarian variety ; superstition is the Inner, and the earliest form of belief the Inmost. And yet, in any given form of religion, as a faith or belief to be found in a people however lofty, all the atmospheres can be observed. Let us begin with the lowliest observable. Savage and semi-savage theories of the Mystery personified are found to commence with fear of the deceased members of the tribe or community--the Fathers-and the first means observ. able for overcoming this fear is Magic, or occult, i.e., hidden, mysterious control of the actions attributed to the deceased. These remarks are not put forward as relating the actual beginnings, but merely as exhibiting the first form we can now observe; it being borne in mind that the most entirely savage people, ancient or modern, that we can observe are not by any means in their primitive condition. This is the Inmost Atmosphere, and it need not be elaborated ; nor need it be proved to this audience that it has really been absorbed and still strongly exists everywhere. Whatever our several religions may be, it may be presumeil that all of us present here look upon ourselves as among the most highly civilised of the world's inhabitants, and yet which of us was not taught in our infancy about the evil that the deceased of our respective races are supposed to be able to do? Do we not all know about ghosts and goblins and such mysterious supernatural creatures? Have we not still in our minds a shy undercurrent of belief in processes of magic, which we find it difficult to eradicate? In other words, we are conscious of the Inmost Atmosphere. We have all absorbed it and never really let it go from us. We have absorbed it and hold on to it from our remotest savage ancestors. The lowliest atmosphere then is a belief in ghosts and spirits of deceased tribesmen, and there are people living who have not got beyond this point. For instance, your lecturer once knew one of them for ten years--the inhabitants of the Nicobar Islands in the Bay of Bengal. These people are neither primitive nor savage-in many respects they are more advanced even than semi-savages--but their religion is quite primitive, for it has not got so far as a belief in spirits that were not, when living, human or other beings within their experience. They have no indigenous spirits that are gods or godlings, and no indigenous idea of a controlling spirit over the ghosts, or guiding human affairs. They have had many Christian missionaries among them, but until quite lately they successfully resisted, and to a certain extent still resist, absorbing the ideas that these preached or are preaching. In the same neighbourhood dwelt the Andamanese, whom your lecturer knew even better, and here comes one of the difficulties that of uneven development--which constantly faces us in research such as that we are engaged in. These tribes are really savages and they have always been isolated until recent years. Yet they have developed a religion which goes beyond the Inmost Atmosphere and belongs to that of the Inner; for though they are very fearful of ghosts of deceased mankind, they have developed, from some contact unknown, ideas not only a to spirits that were not once beings within their ken, but also of a controlling Spirit or God, who has a family and messengers to convey his wishes to mankind, 1.6., angels. Such peeping over the border can be observed in another savage people, long isolated-the Rosscl Islanders in the Papuan Archipelago. These fear ghosts chiefly, but some of them are not human and seem to be real gods or godlings, though without a controlling spirit over them. We must not, however, pursue this point further now, and let us turn to the creation of the Inner Atmosphere which comes about by the contact of savages, or peoples of a very low culture, with tribes or nations of a culture high enough to create a philosophy, meaning by that term in this connection, a system of theories on the nature of things. Such contact

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY SEPTEMBER, 1930 modifies the aboriginal fear of ghosts in varying degrees and it always seems to produce a result, which may be called the characteristic of the Inner Atmosphere. It induces a feeling that anything the intellectual superiors surrounding the tribe regard as holy must be so. Thus has been brought about an undiscriminating hagiolatry. This statement is put for. ward from personal observation, which it has been the good fortune of your lecturer to have been able to make over a lengthened period of years. There exists all over India a necessarily large class of outcastes who are domestic and also public scavengers, known to Europeans as sweepers and to Indians generally by various honorific names-in obedience to a natural law of society of great interest in itself to folklorists. The Indian scavengers are largely Hindus by professed religion, but as a matter of fact they are so much thrust upon their own religious resources by being regarded by the rest of the population as untouchable, that they have kept up as it were a religion of their own, and have their own leaders, ceremonies and so on. They have even a kind of epic of their own and special holy books.' But it should be remembered that despite their isolation they have for ages been completely surrounded by all sorts of religious faith of highly civilised kinds-Hindu, Christian and Islamic. The result is that under the common description of Lalbeges or followers of a mysterious prophet Lal Beg--a hybrid title meaning, if anything, Our Beauteous Lord-they revere everything that they see is held to be holy by the Hindus, Christians or Muslims around them, in addition to some vague holy personages of their own, perhaps aboriginal. Their religion is thus hagiolatry in excelsis and yet undefined. In Southern India there is also on the Malabar Coast a class of Dravidian aboriginals known as the Tuluvas which your lecturer has also deeply investigated. These, too, are chiefly Hindus, as are the people surrounding them, but they are much better known as Devil-worshippers. It may be explained that in discussing the religion of such people devil' and 'devil worshipper' are complete misnomers. The carliest Christian missionaries that followed the Portuguese into India in the sixteenth century called all deities that were not Jewish, Christian or Muslim by the deliberately opprobrious name of the Devil and all those who believed in them, Devil-worshippers ; and these names have stuck in certain instances, where & tribe bas followed a religion which is heterodox to all about them. Among the Tuluvas, however, there has not been that indiscriminate hagiolatry which the Lalbegis have evolved ; rather has Hindu theory and practice largely modified the belief in their indigenous godlings. That is to say, the Inner Atmosphere has superseded but by no means destroyed the Inmost. Taking again a third people of a totally different kind that has come under your lecturer's close scrutiny, the Yexidis, a tribe of Kurds in the mountains near Mosul in Irak about the ruins of Nineveh. This people had the misfortune to call themselves followers of the early Caliph or Khalifa, Yezid, whose name is anathema to the Shi'a Muslims that surround them. They have accordingly been shunned and persecuted for centuries, and so have become isolated and thrown on their own religious resources. Long continuous persecution has also made them stick to what remains in their memory of their ancient religion, till they, too. have become Devil-worshippers, but on lines altogether different from those adopted by the Tuluvas: and there is some foundation for the title. They believe in God, as do the Muslims, and also in a number of minor gods of various origin-- just as do Jews, Christians and Muslims in saints, patriarchs and prophets, and Hindus in heroes--and the Yezidis also believe in Shaitan, or Satan, the Muslim Devil. The Devil is to them in their hazy belief the supernatural power most dreaded : so much so, indeed, that his name is tabu and another supernatural being, Malik Ta'as, My Lord Peacock, has been substituted for him. The principle of his cult is common to them and many other peoples-God is remote and the Devil always present, therefore it is oommonsense to stand well with the Devil. In the

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SEPTEMBER, 1930 THE MYSTERY AND MENTAL ATMOSPHERE details of their belief the Yezidis are found to be truly in the Inner Atmosphere, for they consist of scraps of every faith that has come their way through the ages, Zoroastrian, Christian, Jewish, Muslim. Their religion is largely a pure hagiolatry. The same characteristics of the Inner Atmosphere as those above indicated are observ. able in Burma, where your lecturer once resided for several years. The modern Burmese is a professed Buddhist of an ancient and pure type. The professed religion of his leading classes is of a highly refined morality, but deep down in this lofty Outer Atmosphere is a very strong current of both the Inner and Inmost Atmosphere, beyond which the peasantry have not progressed, for the whole nation are firm believers in spirits, or nats, as they call them. Everywhere there is an open cult of these spirits, some derived from the ghosts of human beings, who are acknowledged to have lived historically and many of them not long ago, and some from beings, who are really deifications of almost all known natural and even imaginary objects. The religion of the Burmese folk then is in reality hagiolatry tempered by a definite philosophy acquired from teachers of Indian-not Burmese--nationality. There is besides a deep current of an ancient Inmost Atmosphere, derived from the earliest days when the Burman was still connected mentally only with the mentality of his forbears of a Chinese race. One more brief notice, and this important aspect of the subject must be left. In volume IV of the Folklore Record, 1886, pp. 213 ff., J. S. Stuart-Glennie, writing on Folklore as the Complement of Culture in the Study of History, commences his discussion by quoting from my own book, The Legends of the Panjab, 1883, as follows: "The average villager one meets in the Panjab and Northern India is, at heart, neither a Muhammadan, nor a Hindu, nor a Sikh, nor of any other religion as understood by its orthodox-or to speak more correctly, its authorised-exponents; but his religion is a confused unthinking worship of things held to be holy, whether men or places ; in fact, hagiolatry." On this Stuart-Glennie remarks: "A similar conclusion was the chief result of my study of Greek Folksongs. These Folksongs show that, notwithstanding the reign of Christianity for nearly two thousand years, Christian ideas and sentiments have not only not substituted themselves for, but have had hardly any effect even in modifying, Pagan ideas and sentiments among the Greek folk. Similar conclusions have been forced on Folklore students even in Scotland, the people which, of all others perhaps, may be imagined to have been most profoundly affected by Christianity. Referring to a conversation we had last autumn (1885), Mr. MacBain, the Rector of Raining's School, Inverness, and a first-rate Gaelic scholar, thus writes: "Proofs are accumulating in my hands to the effect that up to about 1780 the Highlands were Pagan, with a Pagan Christianity, or rather superstition,' and I [Stuart-Glennie might give many eurious illustrations of the Paganism that still (1886] exists, or till very recently existed, in Scotland." The view of Burmese religion given above serves to introduce us to the last, the Outer Atmosphere, charged to the full with highly civilised philosophy, of which a clear instance from Europe is to be found in Charles Singer's From Magic to Science, recently published, where he gives an illuminating account of the belief of Hildegard of Bingen in the mid-twelfth century. It is not propoeed to enlarge on this Atmosphere, since we can observe it without difficulty. It is in fact that in which we all of us here have our being, and we cannot but be aware that within our minds we have, besides the outer philosophy-however greatly it may overwhelm everything--an Inmost Atmosphere of ghosts and goblins, with their attendant customs and ceremonies of magic, and an Inner Atmosphere of superstition also attended by customs and ceremonies which are still magical in their tendenoy. Now, in these remarks only the fringe of the subject has been touched upon, but if they have fired any of those who have heard them to take up and examine the main thesis, it will be found that there is more than plenty of work to be done. I have shrunk from appearing

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [ SEPTEMBER, 1930 before you as a leader or teacher, let alone as a prophet, and have avoided, as far as possible, the personal note; but with your permission I will now for a very brief space assume perso. nality and venture to disclose some thoughts that have been with me for many years, for I feel that I have a message. It is not the province, as you know, of the enquirer into folklore to criticise the religious merit or morality of the beliefs, customs and ceremonies of any given folk. All that he has to do is to make himself as sure as he can that he has observed aright. and if possible to ascertain how the beliefs and customs have arisen. If, therefore, we folklorists can assume that the object of all belief, and so of all custom and ceremony based on belief, is to find the Mystery that the whole woeld feels to be an existing entity, and that each belief anil custom hos arisen out of efforts to utilise the Mystery for the benefit of the finder and his community, then we can all work usefully in a definite direction. The sugges. tion put forward in this Address, then, is that beliefs and customs have arisen out of the imagination (or shall we say the philosophy ?) of a few forgotten leaders, and have been conveyed with innumerable modifications from tribe to tribe by contacts spread over an infinity of time from the most ancient to the most modern ; and what is of equal importance, have been absorbed by each community until they have become part of its mcntal atmosphere. It follows that in observing a belief or custom, and in attempting to account for it, the main point is to ascertain as far as possible the mental atmosphere of the people who are entertaining or have entertained either the belief or the custom at the time it has been observed to exist. If then we folklorists do this, we cannot but raise our study to the rank of a science; for we shall thereby cease to conjecture, since we shall know. We shall moreover become more than mere purveyors of a science, the effects of which are far-reaching indeed; for if it be true that familiarity breeds contempt, it is equally true that understanding breeds respect. This last expression is also far beyond being just a catch phrase, as it involves the proposition that a real understanding of each other's beliefs, customs and ceremonies will tend to make the nations of the earth grasp each other's thoughts and feelings and so arrive at mutual respect. Obviously then the humblest folklorist can thus by his science help to create a peace which will pass all present understanding. Surely this is an ultimate object well worth placing before us in the years that follow this our Jubilee.

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INDEX. A.I. stands for the supplement, Romarks on the Andaman Lalanders and Their Country, pp. 49-76. Sc. stands for the Supplement, The Scattergoods and the East India Country (continued from vol. LII), pp. 33-74. M.M.A. stands for the Supplement, The Mystery and Montal Amosphere, pp. 1-14. on the .. .* 27 Abadeh .. .. .. Sc. 39, 46 Ami Shah of Malwa and Ohitor .. .. 237 'Abdu'l-Qadir al-Jilani, Persian preacher and Amy Amity .. .. .. .. .. 8o. 67 mariners' saint .. .. .. M.M.A. 2 Anangapal, k, of Delhi .. . . . . 6. 7 Abge-bonga, Santal god .. . .. 99, 100 Anantavarma Chodagnaga and Orises .. .. 244 Abhira, a Prakrit .. .. Andaman and Amdn .. .. .. 175-177 Abhfras, the, and the origin of Apabhratha 1, 3 Ancient Jaffna to the Portuguese Period, by Mu. 'abrog-pa, Tibetan name for Darda .. 67, 71 daliyar C. Ramanayagam (book-notice) .. 190 Abul Fapl and the nine dufpas of Bharatavarga Andaman Islanders, religion of the ..M.M.A. 11 226, 226 Andaman Islanders and their country, remarks AcArya Bodhisattva. Soo $Antarakepita. .. A.I. 49-76 Acintya-bheddbheda, the doctrine of .. .. 23 Andhrag . .. .. .. 33, 34; 206 Addison, Gulston .. .. .. sc. 51, 67, 61 Anegondi .. .. .. . . . 168 Adit Raina. See Latifu'd-din. Anglade, the Rev. A., 8.J., and the Rev. L. V. Advayavajra, Buddhist author.. . Newton, S.J., The Dolmens of the Pulney Hille 68 "After chargee " .. .. .. . 8o. 68 Animiam in Tibet, and in Burma .. .. 185 Agrarian System of Moslem India, by W. H. . Anjuvannam, in Cranganore, Jewish settlement Moreland, C.8.L., C.I.E. (book-notice) .. 119 134, 135 Ahada, Aghata, attacked by Musjaraja 163, 165n. Ann . . . . . Sc. 68 Ahankedra, the .. .. .. .. 174, 178 Anna .. .. So. 33 Ahmad Shah II of Gujarat and sidt 'Alt 222, 223 Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan, tales from, Aislabio, Wm. .. .. .. .. Sc. 68 ' 6, 8 Aiyangar, S. K. Anne .. . 8c. 36 Mahabhdrata .. .. .. .. Annual Bibliography of Indian Archology for The Pandyan Kingdom.. .. .. the year 1927 (book-notice) .. .. .. 76 Ajanta caves, date of .. .. 11, 12 Anwal Report of the Archanological Department Ajanta frescoes, the culture of Medieval India, of H. E. H. the Nigam's Dominion for the M illustrated by .. 159-162, 169-172 year 1926-27 (book-notice) .. .. .. Ajayapala of PAI .. .. Annual Report of the Mysore Archaeological DeAkbar and Chitor .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 164 partment for the year 1928 (book-notice) .. 93 Alhatan, k., and Khaq Anf .. Anque and Loanque, a Chinese firm at Canton aldcha, ildcha, silk cloth Sc. 34, 35, 81, 84, 59 Sc. 70, 72, 74 'Alau'd-din Khalji and Deogiri 12, 13; 154 ; and Antarduspa, position of .. .. .. 228n. Chitor .. .. .. 164, 166, 235-237 An-tee, (Kucha) .. .. .. . .. 41 Alberuni 19; and the nine dufpas of Bh Arata anumdna, 142, definitions of .. .. .. 143 varme. .. .. .. .. .. .. 226 Andr.narayan Simoni Anupa-nereyana Siromani, SamaAljasdurtti of.. 24 Alechelubij (8tdi 'Ali Shelebf) .. .. 221, 222 Apabhrarsa, Dr. Keith on 1-5; Sir George Alexander the Great, and N. W. India 33, 34; Grierson on Grierson on .. .. in legend .. .. . .. M.M.A. 6--8 Apabhramba, Ardham&gadhi, and Eastern Ali, A. Yusuf, C.B.E. Hindi .. .. .. .. ..1-3 A History of Arabian Music to the Thirteenth Apabhramsa, Magadhf .. .. Century .. 78 Apara-MandAra, the identification of .. .. 244 The Personality of Muhammad The Prophet. 93 aparivirtam, meaning of .. .. al-Khidr, meaning "The Greon Being." M.M.A.8. Arabic writing in Tibet .. .. .. 6, 9, 10 Archological Survey of India, Annual Report Allahabad pillar inscription .. .. 156--168 or the year 1925-28 (book-notice) Alla-ood-Deen. .. .. 209 See 'Alau'd-din Khalji. Al-M&mim (the Khalifa), and Chitor .. .. 165 architecture, Indian Alpinia Galanga .. .. .. .. Sc. 63, 64 Early Cave Period .. .. .. .. 83 Abdort, Ludwig, Der Kundraplaprasibodha .. 147 Medieval Period .. .. .. 03, 04 : 171 Ardhamagndhi Apabhrathon. Soe Apabhrathea, " " amberty (callicoce). See omerti Ardhamagadhl. .. 38

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248 INDEX :::::::: ari, meaning of .. .. Badarmakam, shrine of Badar, in Akyab arifi, rice (Tamil) .. .. 178-181 M.M.A. 2; other shrines of .. M.M.A. 3 Arjuna (in the Bhagavadgita) 101-105, 122, 124-128 Badin . . . . . . . . . . 240, 241 Arjuna's punance .. .. .. .. . 75 Badoejs, the, of 8. Bantam .. .. 68, 120 arms, in the Ajanta frescoes .. 160, 170, 171 Badru'd-din Aulia, and Badar M.M.A. 3 arms and utensils of the Jarawas found in hunt. Badulla pillar inscription ing camp .. . A.I. 74, 75 bafta . . . . . . Sc. 38 arrack, araq, early reference to Sc. 33, 34, 66, BAgh-i-Fath .. .. .. .. 240, 241 57, 80 Bahd festival .. .. 97 art, Indian. See architecture, Indian ; Sculp. Bahadur Shah of Gujarat, and Chitor 164, 238, 239 ture, Indian. Baldrian--Ghaibi, the .. .. .. ... 118 Aryans, was the caste system devised by them! Bairam, Sultan (Bahram Chu (Jo)) k. of Kha63, 82 ; 83 ; Rgvedie, and the non-Aryans of pulu, inacription of .. .. India, 191, 194 ; beliefs of the 196, 228 BAjAlunta, A.I. 61, 63, 64, Jarawa hunting Asad Khan Isma'il Salmani (Malik Asad), and camp at .. .. .. A.I. 65, 70, 71, 73-75 Sidi 'Ali .. .. .. .. 222n. Baladeva Vidy Abhagana, his commentary on Abad Khan, Nawab, and Sir Wm. Noryis 136--139 the Vedanta-orditra and other works .. Ashee (? Ashu) .. .. . Sc. 36 Baladitya, Chata inscription of.. . 21, 22 Asmingird .. .. .. .. .. Sc. 42, 48 Balaha (the horse) legend of . . afoka (tree).. .. .. .. .. .. 133 Ball, Upendra Nath, Medieval India.. Aboka 33, 34; rock inscriptions of 192 ; others 206n. Balti inscription . .. Ahoka's inscriptions, Rock Proclamations, Baltistan .. .. notes on .. .. 18 Balochistan, embroidery of .. aspirate, the velar, in Dravidian .. 197--203 Balu-mkhar inscription .. .. Aframas, the .. .. .. .. .. 124 beman coats .. . .. Abvaghoma, Soundarananda of .. .. .. 39 Bamu'd-din, disciple of Nand Righi . At Ajanta, by Kanaiyalal Vakil (book-notice).. 190 Bandar 'Abble, Bundar Sc. 35, 49, 61, 63, 64, Atapur inscription .. . .. . 165 bandhana work Atska (Dipankara Srijfana), works of 26, 27; 42, 48 Band-i-'All .. .. .. .. 8c. 44, 49 Atman and Andaman .. .. 175-178 Banidns. See Hindus. atmosphere mental. See The Mystery and Banyan,' derivation of the word .. .2392. Mental Atmosphere. B&pa, Guhila, k. of Chitor .. . 163, 166 anction, outcry . Sc. 34, 35, 52, 54 Beppadeva, Pallava k. .. .. Aurangabad, cavee near .. .. . 10-12 Barbarossa .. . " 219n. Aurangzeb 10; erabassy of Sir Wm. Norris to Barcelor, Portuguese fort.. .. . .. 182-184 136-141 ; 184 ; and Chitor .. .. .. 164 Baroda, Beloudri .. .. .. .223 Australian and Dravidian, eimilarities between 231n. Baroda grant of Kriopardja Austro-Asiatic and Dravidian, similarities be Bearur, and the ancient Barcelor 182; "Upper tween .. .. .. . .. 231n. Barcalor " .. Austronesian and Dravidian, similarities be Barein .. .. .. tween .. .. .. 231n. Bat. See Bhat. Autar. See Narru'd-din. Batson, John .. svoirdupois, poiz .. .. .. .. So. 6971 . ..Sc. 44, Bauka, k., inscription of .. .. .. dydam, meaning of .. .. .. 198, 199 .. B&w& Nanak 'A-zha (Se'a-zha) tribe .. .. .. 67, 71 .. .. .. .. .. 29 Bayon, the .. .. .. .. 38, 39 Beard, John (E. I. Co.) .. .. .. 8o. 34, 35 Beavis, Arthur (Anthony), Sc. 44, 50, 63, 64, 60 Beginninge of Vijayanagara History by the Rev. H. Herma, S.J. (book-notice) .. . 169 Belle .. .. A.I. 49, 67, 69, 63, 73, 75 "Benares cloth" in the Jatakas .. .. 161 Bengal, 27; Northern .. .. .. .. 242 Bengal's contribution to philosophical litera ture in Sanskrit (contd. from vol. LVIII, BALA HAj .. .. .. p. 233) .. .. .. . .. 23--27 Bacot, Jacques, Une Grammaire Tibetaine du Bennett, Abraham .. . .. Sc. 69 Tibetain Classique. Les Slokas Gram beds, feetival of .. .. .. .M.A. 4 mations de Thonmi Sambhota .. .. 118 Besnagar inscription .. .. 126 Badami, frescoes at .. .. .. .. 159 betel .. Sc. 63, Badar, Muslim saint of Chittagong M.M.A. 2, 3 bettle-nut. See botel, BAdarayana, and the Bhagavadgita .. 121, 122 | Betty .. .. Bc. 37 .. 157

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INDEX 249 .. 23 6,7 " .. 134 bezoar .. .. .. . Sc. 64 Brahman, g. .. .. .. .. .. 177 Bhagavadgled, the, Translated from the Sanskrit Brahman, the, characteristics of, etc. 61-64, with an Introduction, an Argument and 72-74, 81-83, 196, 197; in the Lalld. Vakydns Commentary by W. Douglas P. Hill (book. 127, 128 notice) .. .. . .. .. 19 Brahmanism, revival of .. .. Bhagavadgled, and caste .. Brahmasutras, and the Bhagavadgita.. 121, 122 Bhagavadgima, some remarks on the 46--50, 77 Bremner, Miss M. J., Djawa .. . .. .. 56 80, 101--108, 121-126 Brhadaranyaka Upanigad .. .. .. 124 Bhagavata.pundna, and the Bengal School of Britannia .. . . . . . . . . Sc. 67 Vaignaviam .. .. Broach, Bouroudj .. .. .. .. 223 Bhaja-Bedsa, monastery .. Broy-(pa). See 'abrogpo. BhAmahs and Dion Aga .. .. .. 142-147 brown gurrahs .. .. .. Sc. 87, 58, 60 Bhan, Yadava, k. of Deogiri .. Buddha, date of 126n.; teaching of 181-103 ; Bh Aradvaja gotra, and the Pallavas .. 168, 168 in the Ajanta frescos .. .. .. 159, 162 Bharata, India .. . .. .. 207 Buddhamakan. See Badarmakam. Bharatavarna, the nine dufpas of 204-208, 224226 ! Buddha-vanti, Buddravanti, nr. Raus .. 10 Bharhut sculptures .. .. .. 160, 171 Buddhism, in Tibet 25, 26, 41, 42, 43, 62, 65, 66, Bhartrivaddha II, Chauhan k., Hannot copper 185; in N. India 33 ; 41-44; of Burma. . 185 plato grant of .. .. .. .. Buddhist culture, traode of, in Bengal .. .. 24 Bhaskara Ravi Varman, Jewish copper plato Buddhist Sculptures from a Stapo near Goli vil grant of .. .. .. .. .. lage, Guntur district, by T. N. RamachanBhdf . . . . . . . . 239 dran (book-notice). .. .. .. .. 226 Bhattacharya, Sudhindra Nath, A History of Bugden, Wm. (E. I. Co.) .. .. So. 34, 35 Mughal North-East Frontier Policy ... .. Bukka I, and Hosapattana .. .. .. 168 Bhavabhana-Rantati, in the R.Amacaritarh, the Bukkur .. .. .. .. .. .. 240 meaning of .. .. .. .. Bulletin de l'Ecole Francaise d'Extreme Orient BhAvnagar inscription .. . .. (book-notice) .. Bhillams, founder of Deogiri . .. Bunder. Soo Bandar Abbas Bhimal, Bhimasimha of Chitor.. .. 236, 236 Burina, three main ethnic factors in the history Bhojadeva, inscription (fragmentary) of .. 209 of 85; Buddhism and animisrn in 186, 186; Bhongala Bhangala, Bengal .. and Indradvipa 224, 226; N., and MohaBham Sadhu. See Bamu'd-din. chan-p'o .. .. .. .. .. .. 75 Bhurin-gyfnaungchau, Branginoco, Burmese Burmese, religion of the .. .. ..M.M.A. 13 Shan title .. .. .. .. .. .. 242 Burniston (or Forbes) Arabella, w. of J. Sout. Bibliotheque de Geographes Arabes, par Gabriel tergood .. .. .. .. .. 8o. 37, 67 Ferrand (book-notice). 53 Burniston, J., f.-in-law of J. Scattergood Sc. 37, 71 Bijapur inscription .. .. 1631 Burniston, Sarah, s.-in-law of J. Scattergood Sc. 68 Bilal Dew Raya. Soo Deva Raya. Busaorah Merchant .. .. Sc. 62, 67-70 Bindra .. .. .. .. Bc. 42, 48 Bya-Khri (Spu-de-gui-rgyal), k. of Tibet . 65 biographies, foreign, of Shivaji (Sivajl) . 248 Byan-chub-'od, Gluge k... .. birds' oyes, pre... .. .. 8o. 71, 74 Bya..chub-sema-dpa (meaning Bodhisattva). .. So. 42, 48 k. of Leh Black Jews. Soe Jews, Black, blessing, sacerdotal, Tibetan .. .. .. 187 Bloch, Prof. Jules, on the derivation of oruson 178, 179 boats. See shipe and. Bodhimdr and Tibetan Buddhism Bodhisattva (Byan chub-seme-dpa) name of king of Ladakh .. .. .. .. .. 42 caddy, tea caddy .. .. .. .. .. Bodhisattvas of Ajanta 169, 162 .. .. Sc. 73, 74 Caitanya, system of .. 23. 24 Bohen tes . .. .. Sc. 62, 64, 70 Caldwell, on arif and oruzon 178, 180; on Drs. Bohtlingk, Prof., and the Bhagavadgita.. 20, 79n .. .. 198 Bonig, Mr. his report, etc., on the Jarawa co. callatee, probably kaldt . Sc. 52, 54, 56, 57 A. I. 49, 50, 52, 53, 56, 59--76 camblet .. .. .. .. .. Sc. 52, 54 Bonita . .. Sc. 70, 71 Cambodia, dynasties of .. .. .. .. 86 Boone, Fred. Thos. Ch... .. Sc. 66-67, 69 Cambridge .. .. .. .. .. Sc. 74 Bor ghat .. .. .. 10, 11 Camoons and Lake Chiamay .. .. .. 241 Borneo and Varuns (dotpa) .. .. .. 224camps, hunting campe, Jarawa A.I. 50,51,64, 66-71 Bradshaw, Henry .. .. .. Sc. 51-55 candarine. See konduri. Brahma and the four castee .. .. 53, 54 Candragarbba. Soo Dipakara Srijana. 42 wag Bodhin vidian

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250 INDEX .. 10 Candragomin, worlos of .. .. .. .. 26 26 Caor. See Bengal, N. carak pajd .. .. .. .. .. .. 97 caroy. See piscaroy. carridario, corodarica. Soo karldart. cash . .. .. .. .. . 8o. 70, 71 Caste system, a maggestion regarding the origin of the .. .. .. .. .. .. 228 Casto system in India, origin of the 61-64, 72-76, 81-84, 196-197 catty. See kdet. catty pota of tea. Seo caddy. caves, Ellora 10-12; Ajanta .. 12 Census expedition, Fob. 1901, reference to the A.I. 69 ceremonies of the Sant Als Ceylon, four chief periods in the history of 84; or Bimhala 208 ; Taprobane, Tambapomni, Tamra varpa .. .. .. .. .. 224 Ceylon Journal of Science, Section G., edited by A. M. Hocart (book-notico) .. .. .. 147 Ch Achigadova, Chauh An k., inscription of .. 9 Chag-Chang moequo, in Khapulu ChAh Tallch chakla (soloth) .. .. Sc. 34, 35, 61-54, 68, 69 ChAlukyas and Pallaves .. .. .. .. 169 Champa (Indo-China) dynasties of ... .. 88 Chanda, Rai Bahadur Ramprad, Memoirs of the Archological Survey of India, No. 41 .. 148 Chandai (Muhammadan converte) .. .. 112 Chandogya Upaniyad .. .. .. 123, 124 Chandragupta and Solenous Nicator .. .. 34 Chandravalli, nr. Chitaldrug, coin finds at .. 93 character, the place of, in the caste system .. 04 char-khdna, charconna .. .. .. Sc. 62, 64 Charpentier, Prof. Jarl, on the Bhagavadgled .. 19 Charpentier, Prof. Jarl The Saundarananda of Advaghora .. .. 39 Gesetzbuch und Pundna.. ... 40 Les Chants Mystiques de Kanha et de Saraha. Die Rama-Sage bei der Malaion, ihre Herkunft und Gestaltung .. .. . .. 56 The Mindred Nydya Prakada or A padevf .. 119 Der Kundrapdlapratibodha Indian Studies in Honor of Charles Rockwell Lanman .. .. .. .. .. 209 Chatiglo. See Chittagong. Chatau inscription of BalAditya .. .. 21, 22 chay-root .. .. .. .. So. 65 cheoqueens (sequins) .. chela, chella shirts .. Sc. 62, 54, 59 Chennamangalan, Cochin State, Hebrew inscrip tion from .. " .. . 134, 135 Cheras, the, and Aboka.. .. .. 34 Chiamay, the mysterious lage of the Far East, notes on .. .. .. . 241-243 Chiangmai (Bur. Zimme) and Chinmay 241_218 241-243 Chin, identified with Cochin China ... 208n. China and India .. .. .. .. 34, 35 China onth . . .. .. 80. 62, 64 China Root. See Smilax pseudo-China. Chinese, cheating of ddition by the .. .. 187 Chirwa inscription.. .. .. .. 184, 166 Chitor and its siegen . ..163-166, 236--239 Chitraigada, reputed founder of Chitor .. 163 Chittagong .. ... .. .. 242 Chitterah. See Khatri. Chitty, Josiah .. .. .. .. 8o. 60 Chola Naga origin of the Pallavas. .. 166, 166 Cholas, the, and Aboka 34 ; and Pandyas, in. soriptions relating to .. .. .. 39, 40; 167 Christianity and Buddhism in Turkoetan 12; and Hinduism .. .. .. .. 76, 81 Chronicles of the East India Oompany trading to China, 1636-1834 (book-notice) chucklace. See chakla. chunart work .. .. .. .. .. 169 Cingapura. Soe Singapamor.135 clay tablets from Ladakh .. .. .. 43 clock-work, China Clunes, Captn. J., denoription of Western ghat Toutes by . .. .. Oochin China, and Chin .. .. .. 208n. Cookcroft, Captn. J. ... .. .. .. 80. 8889 Codrington, H. W. and 8. Paranavitana, Epigraphia Zeylanica.. .. . . 147 coinage, Indian Greek .. .. .. Gupta .. .. . Muhammadan .. "punch-marked " coins, and Indian history 33 ; Chineno, found in Turkestan 42; Muhammadan 42; ancient, fomd at Chandravalli 93. See also coinage. Coja Surbaud. See Khwaja Isran Sarhad. conoon . . . . . . . .. Bo. 89 conioopeye. See kanakha pillai. . Consolage, customs due .. .. .. 80.67 8o. 37 Oonstantinople .. .. .. Cooks, Capt. .. .. .. .. 8o. 70, 74 Cooke, Mrs. . .. ... Sc. 73, 74 copper age, remains of the, in Baluchistan .. 209 copper-plate granta. See inecriptions copra. See khoprd. corge .. .. .. .. .. Bo. 35 Cosmin. See Barpein. coesos. See kehaosa. costume and embroidery in the Ajanta free coee .. . .. . .. .. 160, 161 oott. See that. Cotton, Sir Evan, C.I.E., Foreign Biographies of Shivaji ... . cotton, use of, in India . .. .. 161 cotton, Broach .. .. .. .. Sc. 64, 65 covada, Port. a cubit .. .. .. Bc. 73, 74 cow-bessor. See gou-lochan. Oranganor, Jewish settlement at .. 134, 135 cubeb pepper .. .. . .. Sc. 64, 65 Oultural periode in Indian history .. 36, 37 oulture, the, of medieval India, as illustrated by the Ajanta Frescone . 159-162, 169-172 Ourgenven, John .. ., .. .. 8o. 66 Ourgenvon, Petor .. .. .. 8o. 37, 63-66 147 . So. 58 . . 246

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INDEX 251 Curgen ven, Thos. Ser 56 divorce, among the Sant Als .. .. 95, 96 cuttanee. See katang. Djawa, vol. IX, No. 2 and 3, May 1929 (book. notice) .. .. .. . " Dkor-mdzod, monastery . . .. 44 Dodsworth, John Eaton (E. I. Co.) So. 44, 60, 65 Dolmene of the Pulney Hills, by the Rev. A. Anglade, 8.J., and the Rev. L. V. Newton, 8.J. (Memotre of the Archaeological Survey of India) (book-notice) .. .. .. .. 06 doriyd, doreas .. .. .. Sc. 51-54 Dravidian, the velar aspirate in .. 197-203 Dravidian, spoken by four nations of the Poligar Belt .. . Dabok inscription of Dhavalappadeva .. .. 21 Dravidio miscellany . .. 231-234 DAh&nu, 8. of Dam An .. .. 222n. Dubois, the Abbe, on caste 62, 63n., 72-74, 81, 197 Dalai Lamas, I, V, dates of .. .. .. 185 "duckmen " .. .. .. . Sc. 74 damar . . Du Kumdrapdiapratibodha, by Ludwig Als . .. * .. Sc. 63, 64 damask .. . .. .. 8o. 73, 74 dorf (book-notice) .. .. .. .. 147 dammar, Acheen. See damar. dotpas, the nine, of Bharatavara 204-208, 224-226 Damodar, riv. .. 96, 99 Dynastio periods in Indian history .. 32-36 Dandin, and Apabhramba .. 1,4 Daru. See DAh&nu. Daulatabad, history of .. .. 10, 12 de Barros, and Chiamay .. . . 242, 243 Deccan Sultanates and Vijayanagara . . 230 Delhi, invasions of 6, capture of, by Chauhans. 7 Delhi Sultanate, period of .. .. 38, 36 Delton, Francis .. .. . . . . Sc. 66, 68 Delwara temple inscription .. .. .. 163 Early period in Indian history, limits and tabdomona, Santal belief in .. .. .. .. 100 periods suggested for .. .. .. 3334 Dennis, Edward .. .. .. So. 44, 50 East India Company Trading to China, 1635 Dennis, Capt. H... .. Sc. 63, 64 1834, Chronicles of the (book-notice).. .. 76 Doogiri. See Daulat Abad. East India Company and Rustamji Manak Deorao, of Nunig. Soo Dova Raya. 106-108, 186--141 destiny .. .. . East India Company, connection of the Scat. Deussen, Prof., and the Bhagavadgitd.. 47, 49 tergoods with .. .. .. .. Sc. 33-74 Deva Raya.. ... " .. .. 168 Edgerton, Prof. F., and the Bhagavadgita 49, 50 Devil, the .. .. .. .. ..M.M.A. 12 Edgerton, Prof. F., The Mimansa Nydya Devil worshippers .. .. ..M.M.A. 12 Prabadd or Apadeuf .. .. 119 Dewhurst, R. P., Falakt-:-Shirudnt, mis Times, Edwards, Mr. .. . .. Sc. 56 Life and Works .. .. .. .. 38 eggs, hatching with fire .. .. .. Sc. 74 Dhamma-lipi, note on the term .. .. .. 18 ekachd (ekachd samdja) note on the term .. 18 Dhanika, Guhila chief of Dhavagart . 21, 22 elatchees. See aldcha. . Dhavagarta. See Dhor. Elephanta. See Salsetto and Dhavalappadeva, Dabok inscription of .. 21 Elias. See Elijah. Dhor, in Jahazpur district, Udaipur State 21, 22 Elijah and al-Khidr .. .. M.M.A. 6 8 Dic Roma-Sage bei der Malaien, ihre Herkunft Elisabeth So. 33, 35; alias Bussorah Merchant und Gestaltung, by A. Zieseniss (book. Sc. 67, 69, 70 notice) .. .. .. .. .. .. 56 Ellora, Deccan, ancient sites near .. 10-13 Digambara. See Svetambara and Ellors, frescoes at .. .. .. 159, 160 Dihaku .. .. .. .. Sc. 43, 48 embroidery. See costume and Dikshitar, V. R. R. Enthoven, R. E., C.I.E. The Mandfhd Rajas of Tanjore.. .. .. 167 Medieval India .. .. .. .. .. 190 Hindu Administrative Institutions .. .. 227 Hindu Administrative Institutions . .. 227 Dil&war Khan Chori, Sultan of Malwa. See environment, as a moulder of human society .. 211 Ami Shah. epios, the period of the .. . Dinnaga. See Bhamaha and. 'Epigraphia Zeylanica, vol. III, pt. 2, edited by Diperkara Srijana, Atisa, works of .. 26, 27 H. W. Codrington and 8. Paranavitana (bookDiu, attacked by the Turks .. .. .. 220 notice) .. .. .. . Divdags and Sambara, site of the Rgvedic era of contracts .. battle between .. .. .. .. 191-194 | Bro-sim, Santal festival .. ..

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252 INDEX .. 12 .. .. .. 76 ** .. .. .. 215 5.286 Europeans, and the caste system 72-74; and | gana, suggested meaning of .. .. the failure of Christianity in India .. .. 81 Gandhara, Buddhists from Turkestan in 41; and Gandharva dvspa .. .. .. .. 224 "GandhArs make" of yellow robes .. Gandharva dvipa 204, 208, and Gandhara .. 224 Gandharva form of marriage .. .. .. .. .. 241, 242 Geotal gh& .. .. .. Garbe, Prof., and the Bhagavadgita 19; transla tion by .. .. .. Falaki-:-Shirwdns, his Times, Life and Works, .. Garuda Purdna, and the nine dufpas .. 224, 226 by Hadi Hasan (book-notice) .. .. 38 Gastaldi and Chiamay .. .. 242 Fallacies and their Classification according to the Gaudiya Vaignava philosophy 23 Early Hindu Logicians, by Stephen Stasink gau-lochan, cow bezoar .. .. .. Sc. 64 (book-notice) .. .. .. .. .. 210 Gayer, Sir John .. .. .. 107, 139, 140 Fame .. .. .. .. .. Sc. 33 Gaywood, Capt. Thos. .. .. .. Sc. 67 Far East, the, connection with India Proper gelongs, & silk crape .. .. .. Sc. 69, 74 * 224-226 geography, anthropological, the value of 211, Farmer, Mr. H. G., A History of Arabian Music 212, 230 to the Thirteenth Century geography, physical, of 8. India farsang, length of .. .. .. Sc. 44 West Coast fate .. .. M.M.A. 10 The Agency .. .. .. .. .. 216 Ferrand, Gabriel, Bibliotheque des Geographes East Coast . . . . . . . . 216-218 Arabes . .. .. .. .. .. 56 n Deccan .. .. .. .. 217; 229, 230 festivals, Santal .. 96, 97 George .. .. .. .. .. Sc. 35 Firishta, and the history of Chitor .. Gesar, suggested connection with Ladakh .. 68 Firuz Shah, inscription on pillar of .. 7 Gesetzbuch und Purana, by J. J. Meyer (book. Fleetwood, Edward . .. ... Sc. . . Sc. 61, 68 notioe) . .. .. .. 40 Fleetwood, Mary .. .. .. .. Sc. 88 Ghatotkacha cave inscription .. .. .. 11 folklore, defined .. .. .. ..M.M.A. 1 ghazbegt (coin) .. .. .. Sc. 36, 38, 45 Folklore Societies, list of ..M.M.A. 1 thazi Miyan, Muslim saint .. ..M.M.A. 4 Folklore, Tibeto-Burmese, scraps of .. 184-187 GhAzlu'd-din Khan Bahadur Firuz Jang and Folktales of the Land of Ind, by MN. Venkata Sir Wm. Norris . . .. . 136 swami (book-notice) .. .. .. .. 40 ChiyAgu'd-din of Malwa, and Chitor .. .. 238 Forbes (or Burniston) Arabella, w. of J. Scat. Ghora Angirasa, Adhvaryu of the Adityas 123, 124 tergood .. .. .. .. .. Sc. 37, 67 "Ghori " ware .. .. .. .. .. 13 Foreign Biographies of Shivaji, by Dr. Suren Giaoe, Giaochis, a tribe .. .. . .. 243 dra Nath Sen (book-notice) .. .. .. 245 Gibbons, Mr., two of the name . .. So .70, 71 foreigners, writings of, on Indian history .. 33 Gilgit, Buddhist pilgrims at .. .. .. 41 Fort St. George, and J. Scattergood Sc. 33, 35, 37 gingham .. .. .. .. .. Sc. 52, 54 Foulks, Foulkes, Robt. .. .. Sc. 38, 46, 69 Girnar inscription of Rudradaman .. 192, 193 Frederick, Thos. .. .. .. ..Sc. 67, 69 Girnar, mt. .. .. .. .. .. 192-194 fricatives and the velar Aspirato in Dravidian Glan.dar-ma, k. of Tibet.. .. ..41, 42, 45 198n. 199 Glaukoe, g. of the shallow sea and al-Khidr M.M.A. 8 funerary vessels, painted, found near Turbat Gle (Leh), cep. of Ladakh .. .. 66, 67 in Makran .. .. .. .. .. 209 Gnya-Khri-btsan-po, Buddhist Tibetan k. 65, 66 Goa, famed for 'arak .. .. ..Sc. 33, 34 gold, 984 touch .. .. .. So. 70, "gold-makers" .. gold neckcloths .. ..Sc. Goloubew, M., and Arjuna's penance .. Gombroon. See Bandar 'Abbas. gont, sacking .. .. So. Goodhope .. .. .. ..Sc. 35. Gabhastiman, dvipa, 204 ; identified with the Good Fortune .. Laccadive and the Maldive islands 224, 226 Goodwill .. . .. Sc. 35 Gabhastimat .. .. .. .. .. 204 Gopala Bhatta, his (TM) Sdrasangraha .. .. 23 Gachin .. .. .. .. .. 8c. 44, 49 GosAin-era, Santal goddens .. .. .. 97 gallingal China. See Alpinia Galanga. Gobringa, prophecies of .. .. gambodia, gambogo from Cambodia .. So. 62, 64 Goee Bagergoon (1 Gor.i. Bas Argan) .. Sc. 44, 49 Gamon (Gammon), Capt. Philip ..So. 65-67 gouldar. See gul-dar. Gachin Se Alpinia Galanga.

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INDEX 253 94 * . Sc. 71, 73 Govindaraja, 8. of Prithviraja .. .. 8 Hariar-sim, Santal feetival gow.loochan. See gau-lochan. Hariraja .. .. Grage-pa-'abum, Ladakhi k. .. .. .. 44 Harnett, Capt. H. .. .. .. So. 35, 36 grdma, meaning of.. .. .. .. Harrison, Capt. Ed. .. .. .. So. 61 grdmya, a form of Apabhramba .. .. Hart, Raw(son) .. .. .. .. Sc. 66, 68 Great Mountain, of the Sant Als .. .. 57, 68, 99 hartal, arsenic .. .. .. .. Sc. 62, 64 See Mdrang Buru. hashish, dried and powdered hemp leaves 8o. 59, 60 Greek folk, pagan idoms among .. .M.M.A. 13H aslewood, Capt. J. . . . . Sc. 57 Grierson, Sir George, on Apabhrathas.. .. 1 Hastings, the Marquess of, and the Pindaris.. 149 Gtsang-poi-'abrog-pa (Tibetan) Darda .. .. 67 Hathigumph& inscription of Khara vela 153, 154 "Gueos" & tribe .. Hebrew inscription from Chennamangalam Guga, and al-Khidr, legend of .. ..M.M.A. 4 134, 135 Guge kings . .._ . . 42 Hemacandra and Apabhramba .. 1-3,5; 160 Guhile kings of Mow&r and Chitor .. 163, 164 Heracles (the Indian). See Krena. Guhilots of Chitor .. .. 163, 164 Heras, the Rev. H., S.J., Beginnings of Gujarat, embroidery of 161 ; and Chitor 237, 238 Vijayanagara History .. .. .. .. 168 Gujarati, old, and Apabhramsa .. Herbert, M., jun. .. .. gul-dar, flowered cloth .. .. Sc.-59, 60 Hertel, Dr., and the Mahaviracarita. 13-17 gunny. See gons. Highlands of Scotland, pagan superstitions in Gupta, Nalini Nath Das, The meaning of Bha. the .. .. .. .. M.M.A. 13 vabhsana-santati and the identification of Hill, W. D. P., The Bhagavadglea 19, 77n., 78n. Apara Mandara, in the Ramacarita of San. Hillebrandt, Vedische Mythologie . . 55 dhyakars Nandi .. .. .. .. 344 Hindi, Eastern, suggested derivation of ..1-3 Gupta period in Indian history .. .. 34, 36 Hindu Administrative Institutions, by V. R. ReGurjaras, the, and Apabhramsa .. machandra Dikshitar (book-notice) .. .. 227 gurrahs, brown (gdrhd), unbleached cotton cloth Hindu States, Brahman .. .. .. .. 72 So. 57, 58 Hindu-Arabic numerals .. .. .. .. 210 Guyn. See Gwynn. Hinduism, as a form of civilization 81, and ChrisGwo Shans and the "Gueos" .. .. 241, 243 tianity 76, 82; of N. India, its debt to the Gwynn (Guyn), Mr. .. .. ..Sc. 66, 67 southern Acharyas .. .. .. .. 230 Gymnosophists, Indian, the Digambaras .. 161 Hindus, original four castes of, 52-54 ; de scription of, 72, 73, 81 ; effect of the establishment of the caste system on 197; or Banidne 239 Hirahadagalli plate inscriptions .. .. .. 156 History Indian, periods in 33-37, 61-64, 84-87 History of Arabian Music to the Thirteenth Cen tury by H. G. Farmer (book-notice) .. .. 76 History of Mughal North-East Frontier Policy by Sudhindra Nath Bhattacharya, M.A. (book-notice) .. .. .. .. .. 118 hachee. See hashish. History of Pre-Musalman India, vol. I, PreHadi Hasan, Falakh-i-Shindni, his Times, Life historic India, by V. Rangacharya (book. and Work .. .. .. .. .. 38 hafting, double ring. information .. required .. .. 228 .. Hiung-nu, the .. .. .. .. .. 34 on the subject .. .. .. .. .. Hocart, A. M., Supt., Archological Departhagiolatry, an illustration of .. ..M.M.A. 12 Hainan and Haitam ment, Ceylon .. 208n. .. .. .. .. .. . halipriya (tree) .. .. .. 182 "Hogshaw pot" .. .. .. .. Sc. 71 hamallage, porterage, Sc. 36, 58, 60. See hamil. Ho-lao-lo-ohia. See Roruka. Hamid Khan .. .. .. .. .. 138 Holtzman, Prof., and the Bhagavadgled.. .. 47 hamil, a carrior .. .. .. .. Sc. 36 Holwell, John Z., on true Hindus .. .. 73 hammdm, stout cotton cloth .. .. sc. 81, 53 Hong-kong and Maha Chin .. .. 208n. Hammira, Rand of Sisoda and Chitor .. 161, 237 Hopkins, Prof., and the Bhagavadgid .. .. 47 Hammira-mahdkduya, and Prithviraja .. 7, 8 Hormuz .. .. .. .. .. Sc. 43, 49 Hansot, copper-plate grant of Bhartrivaddha II Horo, Santal feetival .. .. .. .. 97 from .. .. .. .. .. .. 7 horse-furniture in the Ajanta Fresooo .. 160, 170 Harappa, remains found at, 148, and pre-Vedio Hosapattana, new Vijayanagara .. .. 168 culture .. .. .. . .. .. 194 How, Capt. Wm... .. .. .. Sc. 33--35 Hargreaves, Mr., Memoirs of the Archaological Howland .. .. .. Sc. 70, 73, 74 Survey of India, No. 35 .. .. .. 209 Hoysalas .. .. .. .. .. .. 229

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254 INDEX Hsuang-tsang on Ladakh 43, 67, 71 ; and Sam. panago 76 ; note on terms of measurement used by 94 ; (Yuan Chwang) and Ujjayanta.. 193 human beings, four types of .. .. .. 195 Humboldt, Wilhelm von, on the Bhagavadgita 46, 47, 102, 103 hummums. See hammdn. Hunas, invade N. India .. .. .. .. Hundar. See Saun-dar. hysom, method of curing sea-alugs .. :::::::::: of Bauka Basnagar.. of Bhaskara Ravi Varman of Bhavnagar .. Bhinmal .. .. of Bhojadeva . . Bijapur .. .. .. of Chachigadeva Chateu .. .. .. Chirw .. .. Cholas and Pandyas, relating to Dabok, of Dhavalappa-deve .. Delw&pa temple .. 163 Firuz Shah, on pillar of Ghatotkacha cave .. .. Girnar, of Rudraddman 192, 193 Hansot copper-plate .. H&thigumpha of Kharavela 163, 164 Hebrew, from Chennamangalam Hirahadegalli plates .. in the Indus valley .. of Jayacandra .. Karle .. Khalatse bridge of Khri-lde-glaug-bteen (stone) at Khyun-rdzonmkdar at Kiradu .. of the time of Kumbb A-karna Lhasa (stone)... 65, 66 Maidavolu .. . " .. 156, 167 Mandor .. Mannar Kacceri pillar .. of Munja .. .. 163 Nagai .. of the time of Naravahana .. 165 Nana ghat .. .. .. .. .. 11 Nasun .. . .. .. .. 21, 22 Nubra .. .. .. Oruvala .. .. .. 147 Pallava .. .. .. 135 Potala pillar .. Prakrit (Guntur dist.) .. Raptrakuta of Skandagupta of Sivaskanda varman .. from Saun-dar .. Somanath temple Sron-btsan-agam-po .. of S. India .. Tabo .. .. Tibetan .. .. Tirumalai .. .. 245 Velarpalayam plate .. of Vijayacandra Wardh& .. .. .. .. Institutes of Manu and the caste system .. Inthas, lake-dwellers of Yawang-Hwe .. .. Isanabhata, Ndaun inscription of .. 21, 22 Isfahan, J. Scattergood at Sc.-36, 38, 40, 46, 61, 53, 58, 68 Tangumaa, Jangumas, riv. in Burma .. .. 242 Ibn Batata and Daulat Abad 12; and the Jews of Kanjirakkara.. .. .. .. .. 135 IlyAs (and Elijah) .. .. .. M.M.A. 5-9 Imadu'l-mulk Aslan Turki, vazir of Gujarat 223, 238 images, Jain .. .. .. .. 151, 153 Imperial Gazetteer, The, caste classification in 51, 52 implements, neolithic, finds at Ellora .. .. 12 Inayatulla Khan and Sir Wm. Norris .. .. 137 India, origin of the caste system in 61-64, 72 75, 81-84, 196-197 India, in the Skanda Purana 204 ; or Kumfra 205; boundaries of 206--208. Ancient, 600nomic conditions of 93 ; North, downfall of the last Hindu kingdom in 6; religion of the villagers of M.M.A. 13: "Proper"-the ninth dvipu 224, and the nine dvipas 225, 226; Pen. insular, the five great Nations of 230 ; South, race drift in. See Rece drift. India, Medieval, the culture of, as illustrated by the Ajanta Frescoes . 159-162, 169-172 Indian History, periods in 33-37, 61-64, 84-87 Indian Studies in Honor of Charles Rockwell Lanman (book-notice) .. .. .. .. 209 indigo. .. .. .. .. .. Sc. 63, 65 Indo-China, periods in history of .. 85, 86 Indonesia, periods in history of .. .. .. 87 Indra, his fall from former pre-eminence .. 55 Indradvipa 204 (? Burma) 224; in the Skanda-Purana .. .. .. .. 225, 226 Indus, course of, in the 16th century.. Indus Valley, the, survival of the prehistoric civilization of 148 ; (between Saspo-la and Snyuola) inscription of .. .. .. 89 Inscriptions Allahabad pillar.. .. 156-158 Aboka .. 18, 192, 206n. Atapur .. Badulla pillar .. of Bair&m Sultan Balti .. Balu-mkhar Baroda grant of Kryparkja Basrur ., " .. 147 .. 69 Lata ..

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INDEX 255 Junnar CAVES Jawin .. .. . .. . .. .. .. 11, 12 Sc. 48 Islam and Turkestan, enmity with Buddhism 41, 42; and Baltistan .. .. 44 islands, outlying, of India, and the eight dot pas . . . . . . . * Ikvarens .. .. .. .. .. 146, 147 . . .. 244 Jahr Com . . * . . . . 226 Jacobi, Prof., and the Bhagavadgita 48-50, 77, 80, 121, 122n. Jagaddala, mahdvihdra of .. .. .. 24 Jahangir and Chitor .. .. .. .. 164 Jahir-ere, primeval mother of the Sant Als . 97 " " . .. ..Sc. 42, 48 Jaihon .. .. Sc. 43, 49 Jainism, in N. India, rise of .. .. .. 33 Jains .. 121, 181-154 Jaked, (and other forms of the name) weatermost point of Kathfawad .. .. .. .. 221 Jalalu'd-din and Chitor .. .. .. .. 166 Jambu dulpa .. janapada, suggested moaning of .. 94 Jaraw , the, reports on the country supposed to be occupied by A.I. 49-53, description and plan of house built by A.I. 54-56 ; campof A.I. 57, 58; walk characteristic of A.I. 59, 60; Mr. Vaux's attack on A.I. 61-76; arms and utenstts used by .. ..A.I. 74, 75 Jdird, Sant Al festival .. . .. 97 jauhar, at Chitor .. .. . 163, 238, 236 Java, W., living antiquities of .. .. .. 56 Jayacandra, king, and Rao Stha, falso stato ments about .. .. .. Jayanta .. .. .. .. .. .. 145 Jayaswal, K. P, Notes on Aboka's inscriptions 18 Jesperson on the velar Aspirate .. .. .. 197 Jetari, Buddhist scholar .. .. .. .. 26 Jowa, Blook, and Jows, wbito, feuds between 134, 135 Jirandurg, Jirangadh, modern Junagad 192, 193 Floa, the .. .. .. .. .. 176, 178 Jiva Gosvamin, on the philosophy of the Blaga. vata Pundna .. Johnston, E. H., The Saundarananda of Afvaghord .. . Johondi. Boe Sohrdi. Jones, Ed. .. .. Sc. 62, 6571, 74 Jones, John (two of the namo).. ..Sc. 86, 88 Jones, Robt. .. .. .. .. Sc. 69 Jonee, Sam. .. .. .. .. Sc. 66, 68 Joon. See Jun. un... .. .. .. .. .. 240, 241 Junagad .. .. Jung follower of Nand Rishi .. " .. .. 28 labdbohint, Chinese popper . .. Sc. 65 kadamba (treo) .. Kaills temple, Ellora .. .. .. 11, kajdua, camel-litter .. .. .. Sc. 55, 57 Kalabhoja. See B&pa. halantar, chief man in a town .. .. So. 40, 46 kalde, market due Sc. 52, 54, 56, 57 Kalidas, nature study in the poems by 114, 115, 131-133 Kaliaga and RamapAla.. .. balpand, definition of .. . Kamallvatt, w. of Somebvaro of Ajmer.. Kamdhaj Rai, invasion of Delhi by .. kambdbe, note on .. .. .. Kammas, Teluga, settlements of .. Kamrup, and the Mughala banakka pillai, foes to native clerka Kanarono, & nation .. Kanauj, frat Parihar conqueror of KAssci, religion and culture of .. .. 166, 167 KAnheri caves, 11, 12 : frescoes.. .. .. 170 Kanjirakkara, Jewish settlement Karghalik, Buddhist ruins near .. Karldart, stout cotton cloth .. .. Karlo, inscriptions.. .. .. .. Karparadevi, m. of Prithviraja Kaseru .. .. Kaserumat dolpa 204, (+ the Malay Peninsula) 224, 226 Kashgar, Shu-lig .. .. .. 41, 42 karmala, meaning of .. . .. 78n., 8C Kataha, dupa 204 ; (? Kedah) .. .. .. 208 latant, spun (woven) cloth .. ..Sc. 51, 54 Kathiavad and Udabraja.. .. .. 193, 194 leati, weight .. .. .. Se. 73, 74 Katib-i-Ramt, Sidi 'Alt Shelebi .. .. .. 220 Kdoydlankdra, date of, and the Nyaya dstras 142, 145 Kedah and Kataha .. .. .. . Keith, Dr., on Apabhraunsa .. .. .. Sc. 61 Kerala, the civilization of .. .. 230 kesara (tree) .. .. .. .. 133 Kobart, dynasty, suggested origin of the name 244 Khafr (Gonsaw) .. .. .. Sc. 41, 47 Khairu'd din Pasha, Barbaroma .. .. .. 219 Khalatoe bridge, Kharonth inscription from .. 66 Khandagiri-Udayagiri (Orissa), Jain images found at .. .. .. .. 153 Khan-i-Khurreh .. .. .. ..Se. 39, 46 KhanKirgani .. .. .. .. Sc. 30, 46 .. .. 23 Kent : .. .. .. Khan. " 192-194 Jung, follower of Nond

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256 INDEX 38 Kumarapala, Solanki k., stone inscription of .. 9 Kumarika dufpa 204, 205 and India proper 206, 207 Kumarild Khanda (navama dolpa) .. .. 225 KumbhAkarpa Rana of Mew &r .. 166, 237, 238 kunda (plant) .. . ... .. .. 131 Kundapur, site of the Portuguese fort Barcelor . . . . . . . . . . . . 182--184 . kurapaka (plant) .. . kura (plant) .. . . .. 131, 132 Kurds, the, spread of legends by ..M.M.A. 8 Kuristan .. .. * * . 49 .. Be. 44, Kusa dulpa .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 225 Kush&n period in Indian history .. 34, 36 Kushk-i-Zard .. . . Sc. 37. 39, 46 kutila lipi characters in the N Asun inscription of sanabhata .. .. .. .. 21, 22 Kuvalayamdid, and Apabhramba .. K'wei-chi .. .. .. .. .. 146, 146 .. 10 Khapulu .. .. .. .. .. 44, 45 Khaqani, poet, date of .. Khara vela, Hathigumpha inscription of 163, 154 Kharopthi inscription .. .. .. .. Kharopthi soript, date when used in India 37, in Ladakh .. .. .. .. .. 72 khdasa, c06808 .. .. So. 51, 53, 59, 60 khat, bedstead .. .. .. 8c. 52, 54 khatri, a man of the mercantile caste, so called (1 and Chitterah) .. Sc. 59, 60 Khordhar, Kher, acquired by Rao Siha .. 8, 9 Khidr .. M.M.A. 10 Khizar Khan, Khwaja Khim . M.M.A. 3, 5 Fhirr. See Barbarossa. Khisrabad, Chitor .. .. 166, 235 Khizr, al-Khidr .. .. M.M.A. 3-5, 7, 8 This Khan and Chitor .. .. , 166, 235, 236 khoprd, dried coconut .. .. .. Sc. 64 Khotan and Ladakh, notes on (contd. from vol. LVIII, p. 152) .. ..41-45, 65--72 Khri-de-glsug-btsan, stone inscriptions of .. 69 Khri-rtse (Khri-brtaegs) monastery near Leh.. 66 Khrom.ge-sar.gdan, an ancient name of Ladakh. 68 Khuldabad. See Rauza. Khuld makant, title applied, after his death, to Aurangzeb .. .. khurit, sub-sept (among Sant Als) .. .. 89 KhwAja IsrAll Sarh Ad .. &c. 34, 35 KhwAja Khirr . M.M.A.3, 5 Khyun.rdzo mkdar, inscription at .. .. K'ien-lung, Manchu emperor .. .. . 76 ktlamudri, writing tablet Kilpatrick, Simon .. Kim-di-mun, the, of Tonkin .. "Kingdom of the Eastern Women," popsibly in Ladakh .. .. .. .. 67, 68 Kiradu, inscription at .. .. Kirchadia of Ptolery, and the Kiratae.. 206n. Kirtipala, Chauhana, and Chitor . 164, 165 Kirtistambha, Tower of Victory .. .. 237 Kismet (qismat) .. .. .. M.M.A. 10 knowledge, Samara on the conditions of 173--178 konduri, a measure .. .. .. Sc. 89 Koran, the story referred to al-Khidr in M.M.A. 3,5 Kotte-baghil, tho Portuguese fort, Barcelor 183, 184 Krausca dulpa .. .. .. .. .. 225 Krishnamacharlu, Mr. R.C., Nagai Inscriptions. 93 Krona (in the Bhagavadgltd) 101, 102, 104, 105, 122-126, the Indian Heraclee .. .. 126 Krona Angirasa .. .. .. Kronac&rya, Buddhist author .. Krraraja, Ragtrakata k., Wardha platos of .. 11 Kpatriyas, the, origin of 62, 64, 68; 73-78; characteristics of .. . . 196, 197 kpetro (used in philosophical sense) .. .. 103 K potrasimha, MaharAnd of Chitor 237 K pullakas, the . .. .. .. 162 Kucha, An-tee, and the Turks .. .. Kufic script, period when mod in India Kulaparvardh .. .. .. .. .. 206 Kumara dutpa 206-207; and India ... .. 225 38 LA Bbg .. . Laccadive (and Maldive iols.) and Gabhastim&n) 224 laceing, ornamental braid .. .Sc. 73, 74 lackowries, laycowriee cotton cloth .. 80, 61, 63 Ladakh. See Khotan and lakes, celebrated, in Burma .. .. 241-243 Lakmapasitha, Lakhamat of Sinoda .. .. 236 Lakami, in the Gaudiya system.. .. .. 23 .. .. .. .. M.M.A. 12 LAlbegis .. .. .. .. .. M.M.A. 12 Lalla fevart (Lal Dod) .. .. .. 108, 127 Lana Vakyani (The Wise Sayings of LAIIA) some addition to the 108--113, 127-130 Lamotte, M. Etienne, and the Bhagavadglid .. 50 Lamphun, centre of Mons of Upper Menam basin .. .. .. . .. 86 Langelier, Abel .. .. .. .. Bc. 68. 68 Lar.. .. .. .. .. .. So. 13, 49 Lassen, Prof., and the Bhagavadgled . 79n. Latifu'd-din, disciple of Nand Riphi .. .. 31 Law, Jean, on casto .. .. 72-74, 81 Ldum-ra. See Nubra. Lee, Wm... .. . .. 8o. 36, 68, 69 Legg, John .. .. .. .. So. 69 Leh 66. (Gle) noto on .. .. .. 67, 68 Les Chand Mystiques de Kanha e de Saraha, by 1 M. Shahidullah (book-notice) . Lewis, the Rev. Geo., padro' of Fort St. George .. .. .. .. .. 8o. 36, 61 Lhasa, 42; inscription stonca in 68, 66, 69; Dr. MoGovern's visit to .. .. .. 184 'Li. See Khotan. Li-byin, meaning of namo .. 68, 69 lighted toyboate. See derde.

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INDEX 257 " . .. 230 Mar-pa, Tibetan philosopher Lilley, Peter .. .. So. 38, 48, 53, 54) Malik Ambar 10, and Aurangabad .. . 12 Linguistic periode in Indian history . 36, 37 Malik Asad. See Asad Khan Isma'ul Samani. literature, its relation to history in India Malik Kafor and Deogiri 12; and Deva Raya 168 Sanskrit .. .. .. .. .. . 61 Malik TA's, Shaitan .. .. .. M.M.A. 12 Tamil .. .. .. .. .. . 61 malmal, muslin .. . Sc. 61, 84, 58-60 Kanerese .. .. .. .. . 61 Malwd and Chitor . .. .. .. 237, 238 Telugu .. . .. 61 man (weight), of Tabriz &c. 36, 38, 45, 62-64 literature, philosophical, in Sanskrit, Bengal's : Mana, the Maurya .. .. .. .. 163 contribution to (contd. from vol. LVIII, M&nak, Framji, s. of Rustamji MAnak 136, 138, 139 p. 233) .. .. .. .. .. 23-27 Manak, Nauroji, 8. of Rustamji Manak.. .. 140 Living Antiquities in West Java, by B. van Manak Rustamji, s notable PArsi broker Tricht (book-notice) .. .. .. .. 56 106-108, 136-141 Li-yul, prophecies of .. .. .. 41, 42 Mandara, hill, Bhagalpur district .. 244, 245 Lock, Mr. .. .. .. Sc. 61, 63, 55, 57, 58 mandara, tree .. .. 132 Lodhra (troe) . .. .. .. .. 131 Mangrol (other forms of the name) .. .. 221 London .. .. .. Sc. 54, 57-59, 61 manjlt, a species of madder, root .. 8o. 65 Longhurst, Mr. A. H., and "Arjuna's penanco" 78, 76 Mannar Kacceri pillar inscription .. .. 147 long pepper. Soe Piper longum. Maqsud Begi .. .. Bc. 38, 45 Lovell, Thoe. .. .. .. .. Sc. 38, 39 Marang Buru, Great Mountain,' Santal god Loyall Merchant .. .. .. .. Sc. 57 57, 58, 97, 99 lucky days in Tibet and in Burma .. .. 186 Mardfhd Rajas of Tanjore by K. R. Subramanian LuipAda, Buddhist scholar, and his works .. 27 (book-notice) .. .. .. .. .. 167 lutestrings, silk fabric .. .. .. Sc. 72, 74 Markthas, & nation .. Mar.pa, Tibetan philosopher .. . .. 69 marriage, gAndharva form of 40 ; among the .. .. 90-92 Martha .. .. .. .. .. Sc. 33 Martin, Wm. .. .. .. .. Sc. 61 mds, mdsha, weight .. .. .. Sc. 69, 71 Mabb, Capt. .. .. .. .. So. 34 Mathura, antiquities of .. .. 151, 163, 164 mace. See mds. Matthews, Sir George Sc. 61, 62, 64, 68, 60, 61 MAchin. See MALA Chin. maund. See man. madhavi (plant) Maurya period in Indian history . .. . 33, 34, 36 Madhusudana, and the Bhagavadgled .. Mayar .. .. .. . .. Sc. 38, 44 Madhve system of philosophy .. Mazar Tagh, document from .. .. .. 23 70, 71 .. mafdrish (Pers.), carpete .. .. 184-187 So. 67 .. McGovern, Dr., and Tibetan folklore Magadhn, Saifun aga kingdom of .. Medieval India, by Upendra Nath Ball (book .. 33 notice) Magadh Apabhramba. Seo Apabhrama, . " .. .. 190 MAgadhi. Medieval period in Indian history, limits and .. sub-periods suggested for magio .. .. .. ..M.M.A. 11 .. .. 33-36 Mahabharata (book-notice) .. .. Meerconagone (+) .. .. .. Sc. 40, 47 .. 167 Mahabharata and Bhagavadgiid .. .. .. 60 Megasthenes, and the date of Buddha 126n., 126 Mahabhdaya, in which Apabhramis first ap Meghadata, Sanskrit poem, nature study in pears . 114-117, 131-133 .. Mehwa, acquired by R&o Siha .. Maha Chin, identified with Hong-kong 208n. .. .. 9 Memoirs of the Archeological Survey of India, Mahakatyayana .. .. . .. 43 Mahavira, Tirthavkara, and the practice of No. 35, by H. Hargreaves (book-notice) . 209 nudity .. .. .. .. .. Memoirs of the Archaeological Survey of India, 151-154 Mahdviracarita, various texte, editions, and No. 41, by Rai Bahadur Ramprasad Chanda commentaries discussed (book-notice) .. .. 13-18 .. .. .. .. .. 148 .. .. Mahesvara, Maurya k. of Chitor.. .. 174 memory and personal identity .. .. 166 Mahmud II of Gujarat, murder of Mers, the, invasion of PAli by .. .. .. 9 .. 222, 223 Mahmud Abad, Mehmadabad .. .. metal work in the Ajanta frescoes .. 223 .. 160, 172 metampsychosis, and Hinduism mahmadi, mahmod .. Sc. 44, 49, 52, 54 .. Meverell, John . Mahmad Khalji, Sultan of Malw A, and Chitor . . Sc. 68 . 237, 238 Meyer, J.J., Gesetzbuch und Purdna .. .. 40 Maidavelu plate inscription .. .. 156, 157 Mgon-po-ram-rgyal, k. of Nubra .. Malay Peninsula ; the, and Kaserumat.. .. 224 Mgur-lui-btson, Tibetan general Malayalis, a nation .. .. .. 230 Miani (and other forms of the name) .. Maldive islands. See Laccadive islands and. midjeat. See manjit. Maloue, Mallus (Mount) and Mandara .. .. 244 | Mille, Mr., Sec. to Sir Wm. Norris .. 136, 138 .. 133 77n. 81n. .. 66 .. 221

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258 INDEX / Mimanga and Vaiderika .. .. 210 Mimdmad Nydya Prakada or Apadevi, by Frank. lin Edgerton (book-notice) .. .. .. 119 Minas, invasion of Palf by . . 9 Minde-al-mamdlik, of Sidi 'All .. .. .. 219 missoy. See mock-soy. mKhar-gear, near Nubra, antiquities in .. 45 Modris (ancient name of Ladakhi kingdom) .. 68 mock-Boy .. .. .. .. .. Bo. 74 Modern period in Indian history, lower limita suggested for . .. .. .. 33, 36 Modern vernaculars, period of in Indian his tory .. .. .. .. .. . 37 Mo-na-chan-po, and Sampanago .. .. 76 Mohenjo-daro, remains found at 148; and pre Vedic culture .. .. .. .. 184, 209 Mon-dur, lake .. .. . .. 44 Monger, J. (writer) E. I. Co. .. .. 8o. 34, 35 Monginooo. See Bhuringyinaungchau. Monk (Mounk), Mrs. Frances .. So. 33, 60, 61 Monsoon .. .. .. .. .. Sc. 36 moon, the place of the, in religion of Vedio timee .. .. .. 65 Moreland, W. H., The Agrarian System of Moslem India Morae, H. B., The Chronicles of the East India Company Trading to China, 1638-1834 . 76 Mother of Solaman, Muskatt .. .. So. 89, 46 Mountague .. .. .. .. .. .. 108 muffrages. See mafdrish. Mughals and Chitor .. .. .. 164-166 Muhammad the Prophet, personality of .. 93 Muhammad Begada of Gujarat, Bulgan, and Jun Agad .. .. .. .. .. .. 193 Muhammad Tughlaq and Daulat Abad 12; and Chitor .. .. . .. .. 166 Muhit, of Sidi AB .. .. 219, 2214., 224 Mukhak .. .. .. .. .. So. 40, 48 mullmulle. See maimal. Mung, disciple of Nand Rishi .. .. .. 28 Mufija, 'attack on Ahada by, inscription of 163-165 murder, Jarawa method of preventing the dis. covery of .. .. A.I. 68n. Muskatt (? Maahad) .. .. .. Sc. 39, 46 Mustafabad, Junagad .. .. .. .. 193 Mu'tabar Khan and Sir Wm. Norris .. .. 137 Muzaffari ... ... Sc. 41, 47 My Lord Peacock. See Malik Ta'us. Mystery, The, and Mental Atmosphere M.M.A. 1-14 . .. 119 Morse, H. B., The Chron Naga origin, suggested, of the Pallavae .. 166 Nagabhata, Nahad, prime ancestor of the Parihars.. . .. .. 7 Nagabhata, NAhad II, first Parihar conqueror of Kanauj .. .. .. .. .. 7 Nagai, inscriptions of .. .. .. .. Nagapatam. See Negepatam. Nagari script, period when used in India Nagarjunikonda, Buddhist remains at .. 75, 226 Nagavapi, Nagai .. .. .. .. .. NAhad. See Nagabhata. NAhad II. See Nagabhata. NAhad Rao, k. of Mandor Nahapana, dynasty of, and Junnar Neinsukhaddaji, conversion of .. .. nakedness. See nudity. Nak Pan, Cambodia, remains at NAlandA 24 and Santaraksita .. .. Namisadhu on Apabhransa .. .. .. 4 Nana Ghat 10, 11 Nand Righi, A Life of (oontd. from vol. LVIII, p. 224) .. .. .. .. .. 28-32 Nan.gor (old Baltist&n) .. .. .. .. 86 Naravahana, inscription of the time of .. 165 Nasik cavee .. .. .. .. 10-12 Nasiru'd-din Mahmad, Sultan, and Chitor 166, 238 Naskh script, period when used in India .. 37 Naprpur .. .. .. .. .. 240, 241 Napru'd-din, disciple of Nand Righi .. 31, 32 nasta'Uq soript, period when used in India .. 37 NAsun inscription of 18Anabhata, of Vikrama Sarvat 887 .. .. .. .. 21-22 Nathaniel .. .. .. .. Sc. 48, 81, 54 nala, Burmese .. .. M.M.A. 13 Nature Study in The Sanskrit Poem Megha data .. .. .. 114-117, 131-133 nature-worship in India .. .. .. . 62 Nawng-Hkoo, lake in Wild Wa co. .. .. 243 Nawng-tung, lake in Kentung Shan Stato .. 243 Needham, Mr. .. .. .. .. A.I. 68 Negapatam.. .. .. . . 8o. 67 neolithio implemente. See implementa, neo lithic. Neo-Vaignaviam, of Bengal 23 ; in N. India .. 63 Nepal, Buddhist literature in .. .. .. 25 Nicobar Islanders, religion of the .. M.M.A. 11 Niganthas. See Nirgranthes. Nilalohita, a title of Siva .. .. .. 21 Nirgranthas (Jaina) and the practice of nudity 162 nirudna 104 ; Jain doctrine of .. .. .. 181 Nobili, Roberto de Norris, Sir Wm., embassy of, to Aurangzeb 106, 107, 136 Nabra-Khapulu : note on .. .. 43-48 | nudity, antiquity of the practico by the Jains 161-164 .. 81 ndeke, ndikki, Santal priest .. .. 97, 98 Naga dulpa 204, identified with Balnette and Elephanta isla. .. .. .. .. .. 224

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INDEX 259 .. .. 177 Outonstce. See LAlbegis. Nydya. Adstras . 142, 148, 148 outory, avotion . .. .. 8c. 34, 35, 62, 64 . . 75 .. 24 .. 93 . . .. 125 Oldenborg. Prof., and the Bhagavadgitd, 48, 49, 77, 79n., 80 Oldham, C. E. A. W. Bulletin de l'oole Francaise d'Extreme Orient 38 Vedische Mythologie .. .. .. .. 06 Bibliotheque des Geographes Arabes .. .. 85 Mo-ha-chan-po.. .. Annual Bibliography of Indian Archanology for the year 1927 .. .. .. 75 The Chronicles of the East India Company Trading to China, 1635--1834 .. .. 76 The Personality of Muhammad the Prophet 93 The Inscriptions of Negos Annual Report of the Archaological Depart. Departe ment of H. E. H. the Nizam's Dominions for the year 1926-27 .. .. . 93 Annual Report of the Mysore Archanological Department for the year 1928 A Study in the Economical condition of Ar cient India .. .. .. . The Origin of Saiviom and Iu History in the Tamil Land .. .. A History of Mughal North-East Prontier .. 118 The Agrarian System of Moslem India . 110 Epigraphia Zeylanica .. ..147 Memoirs of the Archaological Survey of India, No. 41 .. .. .. .. 147 go of Vijayanagara History .. .. 168 At Ajanis .. .. 190 Archeological Survey of India, Annual Report for the year 1928-26 .. .. .. .. 209 Memoirs of the Archaological Survey of India, No. 36 .. .. .. .. .. 209 Buddhist Soulptures from a Stdpa near Goli Village, Ghentur District . . . . . . 226 A History of Pre-Musalman India .. .. 228 Change of the Course of the River Son .. 246 olibanum .. .. .. .. .. Sc. 63, 65 Oltramare, Prof., and the Bhagavadgltd .. 60 omerties, amberty callicoes .. .. Sc. 69, 80 Om-mani-padme-hum, Lamaistic formula .. 45 oracle, the, of Chumbi monastery .. .. 187 Ordk-bongd, Santal god .. .. .. 99, 100 Origin, the, of saivism and Its History in the Tamil Land, by K. R. Subramanian, M.A. (book-notice) .. .. .. .. .. 94 Orissa and Ramapala .. .. .. .. 244 Oruvals c.p. inscription .. .. .. .. 147 orazon, rice (Greek) . .. .. 178-181 pachak . . .. . . . . . . . . . Sc. 63, 65 padma (plant) . . .. .. 131 Padmini, w. of Bhimai of Chitor .. 235237 Pahlavas and Pallavas .. .. .. 155--158 PAI-RAh .. .. .. .. .. Sc. 41, 47 painted pelongs. See polongo. painting, Indian : Ajanta period .. .. 'Rajput-Mughal period .. .. Paithan and Palum&gi .. .. .. 11, 12 PAloe (dyn.) and Buddhism .. Pali (in Marw&p) and R&o Bih& .. .. 6,9 PAlival BrAhmape (of Pali), murder of .. .. 8, 9 Pallavas, the, origin of .. .. .. 155-158 Pallava 39, and Chalukyss .. . 109 Palni hills. See Pulney hills. palicajans (meaning of).. .. .. .. 226 Pandyan Kingdom, The, by K. A. Nilakanta Sastri (book-notice) .. .. .. .. 168 Pandyas and Aboka 34 ; and Cholas, inscriptions relating to.. .. 39, 40 Panini, date of .. Papis, the .. .. .. .. 65 PanjAb, religion of the villagers of the M.M.A. 13 Panjdb University Oriental Publications. The Soundarananda of Alvaghopa, critically edited with notes, by E. H. Johnston (book-notice).. 39 pari, sept (among Santals) .. .. .. Pariahe, the .. .. .. Partho-Sythian Empiro in N. W. India . 34 PAfan, Anhilvada .. .. .. .. pelong, a variety of silk .. .. .. sc. 73, 74 pend hand, penddri. See pindarl. Penning, James .. .. .. .... Sc. 65-67 Periods in Indian History. See Indian History. Persepolis .. .. .. .. .. Sc. 40, 47 Peraia, in the 18th century, note on, 8c. 37; and J. Scattergood.. Sc. 3438 ; 51, 55, 57, 62. 69 Persian Samanides. See Saganidoe, Persian. personal identity and memory .. .. .. 174 Personality of Muhammad the Prophet, by A. Yusuf Ali (book-notice) peshkindya, 1 pesh-dri .. .. .. So. 65 philosophical literature in Sanskrit. See litera ture, philosophical. philosophy, particular application of the term, M.M.A. 11, 13, 14 ; pantheistic, in India, the period of .. .. .. .. .. 62 Phimo, and Roruko .. .. .. .. 43 phulbdrla, various kinds of .. . .. 161 chvider meanin phyi-dar, meaning of the term .. .. .. 45 Pileu Burhi, first ancestress of the Santals .. 67

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260 INDEX Pilau Haram, first ancestor of the Bant Als .. 67 Qumieheh.. .. .. .. .. Sc. 38, 45 "pillar dollars," Spanish silver coins 8c. 68, 70, 71 Qutb ShAh of Gujarat and Chitor ".. .. 238 pinddra, buffalo-herd and pindart .. 180, 181 Qutbu'd-din and Ajmer 8 ; and Deogiri .. 12 Pinddri, derivation of the name .. 149181 Qyxil, near Kuch A, treasure caverat .. .. 43 Pindaris, the .. .. .. .. 149-181 Pinto, Mendez, and Lake Chiamay . 241, 242 Pipal gh&t, the .. .. .. .. .. 10 Piper longum .. .. .. &c. 58, 88, 80 piscaroy. See peshkirdya. Pitalkhor caves .. Pitt, Thoe. .. .. .. .. Sc. 33, 36, 37, 81 Plakpa dulpa .. . .. .. 225 Pochang, site of a large Jarawa camp A.I. 54, 56, 63, 65, 66, 70, 71, 73, 76 poiz, pz. See avoirdupois. Rabban, Joseph .. .. .. .. .. 134 polyandry, fraternal, among the sant Alu 9 5, 96 Race Drift in 8. India .. 311---218, 229, 230 population, standards of density ..' .. 213 Redoliffe, Elis., w. of J. Scattergood, sen. Se. 33, 37 Port Blair A.I. 49, 50, 57, 59, 61-63. 66, 70-74 Rainsi, reputed son of Prithviraja ... ..6, 8 Portuguese, the, persecution of Jewa by 134 ; Raisin, siege of .. .. .. .. .. 238 and Barcelor 182--184 ; and the Turks, war Raivataks, hill .. .. .. .. .. 192 between .. .. .. .. .. .. 20 Raja Kidar, Hinda form of Khin than .. M.M.A. 6 Potala pillar inscription of Khri-Ide-gloug BAja fokhara, and Apabhramon 8; and the nine btsan .. .. .. .. .. .. delpos of Bh Aratavara .. .. 204, 206 pottery, in the Ajanta frescoee .. .. 160, 171 Ratadua-vajna ceremony and Jayaoandra .. 6,8 Prai Ayarman, Buddhist author .. .. 27 | Baipat or Hindu period in Indian history 36, 36 Prakrit and Apabhramba Rajpate, the Chitor .. .. .. 163, 164 Prakrit inacriptions from Guntur district .. 76 Ral paoan, L of Tibet, murder of .. 41, 65 PrAkrits, periods of the, in Indian history . 37 Ralph .. .. .. .. .. So. 36 pramdnas, the .. .. .. .. 142, 143 Ramacandra Kavibharatt, his works .. .. 27 Pran Nath, Dr., A Study in the Economic Con Ramachandran, T. N., Buddhist Sculptures from ditions of Ancient India .. .. .. 93 a Stapa Near Goli Village, Guntur District .. 226 pratyaksa 142, definitions of .. .. .. 143 Rama legenda in Java, Bali and Indonesia .. 56 pro-Maurya or Saisun aga period in Indian his Ramanayagam, Mudaliyas O., Ancient Jaffna tory .. .. .. .. .. 33, 36 to the Portuguese Period .. .. .. 190 prices of commodities, current in Surat, March Ramanuja, and the Bhagavadgita . .. 122 1711 .. .. .. .. sc. 63-64 RAmapals, conquests of .. .. .. 244, 245 Prithviraja .. Rambldman jari-ndfika, by Nayacandra-sori, on Prithosrdjavijaya-mahdkdoya .. .. Jayacandra .. Prithviraj Rdeo, story of .. .. .. 8,7 RAPA Mahrst of Chitor. See MAhekvare. Proby, Wm. .. .. .. .. So. 00 Rangacharya, V., History of Pre-Musalman Prosperus .. .. .. .. .. Sc. 74 India .. .. .. .. .. 228 Pulasthandils (tham-gyi-gzhi) sanctuary .. 43 RAO Bth A and King Jayacapdra, false statements Pulney Hills, Dolmens of the .. .. 56 about .. Pulum yi, overthrow of the dynasty of Naha Rashidu'd-din, on the boundaries of India 206--208 pana by .. .. .. .. Reprekasas, the, rise of 169, records of, in S. Pumfilou, Pamphilea, riv. (in Burma ?). " .. 242 India .. .. .. .. .. .. 229 punch-marked coins .. . .. 84 Ratanaithiha (Ratansen) of Ohitor .. 236-237 Purdnas, the, on the nine dvipas of Bh Arata- Ratn Akara Anti, Buddhist works of .. .. 26 verga .. .. .. .. 204-207, 224, 225 Raum, Khuldabad .. putchock. See pachak. Raval Samarsi of Mewar and PrithvirAja .. 6,8 Ps., avoirdupois .. .. .. .. So. 69, 71 Rayamal of Mew Ar .. 237, 238 Rayapala, Chauh An, overthrow of the Parih Ar dynasty by .. .. .. .. .. 7 Ray Ruttan Sein. See Ratanaimba. Rodshaw, Geo, merchant . .. Sc. 34, 35 redwood, esppen-wood .. .. Sc. 63-65 religion of India, five periode in the history of 62 ; definitions of the word 63, 98 ; of the San. tAls .. .. .. 97-100 ; M.M.A. 10, 11 Qt. meaning "containing " .. Sc. 36, 51, 54 religious beliefe---religiosity, in Tibet .. .. 186 Quang-binh, in Annam, excavations at .. 38 Rovat hoala, hill .. .. .. .. .. 192 .. 7 .. 10 War and Prithu

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INDEX 261 .. 6,8 .. 23 34 Rgvedio battle between Divods and Samban. Sam-yo, monastery in Tibet . .. 26 the site of the .. .. .. .. 191-194 Samyogita, d. of Jeyacandra . Richards, F.J. Sanatana, his commentary on the Bhdgarata South Indian Inscriptions, vol. III, part IV.. 39 Purdna .. .. .. .. The Dolmens of the Pulnay Hills .. 55 Sanchi, amely soulpturen in .. 160, 170, 171 Rinchen-bean-po, Tibetan translator .. .. BO sandalwood . .. .. .. So. Rnam-rgyal dynasty of Ladakh 44 Sankars, and the Bhagavadgled .. .. .. 122 Rogers, Mr. C. G. (1 J.). extracts from reporte sannoes. See adna. and diary of .. .. A.I. 49, 55-59, 61-76 San-po-ho, Sam-pa-ha, Ladakh .. Roman Empire, the Christian, and the Persian Sanskrit, and Apabhrama 1, 3-0 ;167; the Saasanida .. .. .. .. aspirate in ... .. 197--199 Rome .. .. 34 Sanskrit, period of, in Indian history .. .. 37 ronda (Pers.) madder .. .. .. sc. 65 Santals, early settlements of .. .. .. 58 Roruka, identification of .. . Sant Als, septa and sub-septs of ... 59, 60 rose mallos, a fragrant resin .. .. Santals, social and ceremonial life of the, culled Roseel Islanders, Papuan Archipelago, religion from various sources 57-60, 88-92, 96-100 of the .. .. .. .. .. M.M.A. 11 santara kita, and Buddhism in Tibet, 28; worlos rosumalloer. See rose malloes. of .. .. .. .. .. .. 26 Rtsans, ripari-po, name of Ladakh and of the Santi, song writer (ponsibly Ratn Akara Anti). 26 Indus .. .. .. .. ..67, 70, 71 Santideve, Bodhicorydvatara of 24; other works Bu admidra . .. .. .. .. 115 by .. .. .. . . 25 Rudradaman, Girnar inscription of .. 192, 198 odna, cotton cloth .. Sc. 51, 53, 54, 59 Rudrata, on Apabhrama 3,41 appen wood (redwood) .. .. .. 80. 63-85 Rudriyana, k. of Roruka .. .. .. 43 marrdy, money changer .. .. .. Sc. 57 ruinas false. See chayroot. Sasanide, Persian, and the Roman (Christian) rymdi (kerohief) .. .. So. 34, 35, 51, 04 ompiro . .. Ropa, his Laghubhagawatdmpta . .. 23, 24 Saatri, Rao Bahadur H. Krishna, South Indian Rapati (Indian geral), k, of Tibet ... .. 66 Inscriptions, vol. III, pt. IV .. .. .. 39 Rupawan, vil. (Kashmir), death of Nand Riphi at 32 Sastri, K. A. Nilakanta, The Pandyan Kingdom. 188 Russell, John .. .. .. . So. 69 Saumya, dolpa 204, 208 ; and modern Biam .. 224 Ru-thog, and "tho kingdom of the Rastern Wo. Saundarananda of Abvaghoc .. .. .. 39 men" .. .. .. .. .. .. 88 Saunders, Capt. Thos. .. .. .. Sc. 62 Soattergood, Carolino, d. of J. Soattergood, jun. .. . . . .. .. . Soattergood, Elis., d. of J. Scattergood, jun. So. 37 Seattergood, John .. .. .. 8o. 33 Scattergood, John, jun., Free Merchant, his mer. cantile career in the East, 1698-1723 Se. 33-74 Seattergoods, the, and the East India Company (contd. from vol. LII) .. .. .. 8. 93-74 Schlegel, Prof., and the Bhagavadgled 90, 48, SAbhar. Soe Zahore. 77n., 79n. edgarasamupiah, meaning of .. .. .. 205 Schrader, Prof. F. O., and the BhagaSahajapala, inscription of, at Mandor vadgitt 19, 20, 46, 49n., 50, 77, 78n., 80 St. George of Cappadocia .. M.M.A. 8-9 Serafton, Luke, on the true Brahmans.. 79-74 Saivism, in the Tamil Land .. .. script, ancient Indian, from Ladakh 43 ; TibetSakne, and the Maurya Empire .. .. an, suggested origin of .. . 68, 69 Sakht Sarwar, holy man of Baghdad .. M.M.A. 4 scripts, wed in different periods of Indian his Sakrat, festival .. .. .. .. .. 97 tory sAlmali doipa .. .. .. .. .. 225 Salsetto and Elephants inle., and Naga dolpa.. 224 seulpture, Indian, periods of Mau yan samdjas, two kinds of .. " .. .. 18 Bhachut-Sanchi SAmantasitha of Mowap, and Chitor .. 163, 165 .. .. .. . 63 Sambara. See Divodase and. Gandhira Amaravat .. .. . Samkara, and the Bhagavadgitd 46; on the con Seston, Capt. Francis .. . .. Sc. ditions of knowledge .. .. . 173-178 Secret Societies for the remedy of injustice .. admkhya, definition of the word .. 49n. Boed-look (Pega stick-lae) .. .... 80. 62, 64 Samkhya-Yoga philosophy, and the Bhagavad. seer bunde. See virband. Boawka .. .. .. .. .. .. 240 Sampanago... .. Belouous I, Nicator, and Candragupta .. .. 34 Bampoho, a portion of Ladakh .. .. .. 07 | Belouoidan ert. So ers of contracte. 196 . dakh

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262 INDEX .. 10 Ben, Dr. Surendra Nath, Foreign Biographies of Solankis, decline of their power .. .. .. 9 Sipaji .. .. .. .. .. 245 Bomanatha, other forms of the name .. .. 221 Senas, dynasty, and Bruhmapism in Bengal .. 24 SomanAtha temple in Pali, atone inscription of Sen-ge-ram-rgyal, k. of Nubra .. .. .. 45 Kumarapala in .. .. .. Sen-ge-egra (Sixhbanada) teacher of Thonmi .. 68 aomavand (or candravamA) and the odryavam septe and sub-septs, Santal .. .. 69, 88-92 races .. .. .. .. .. .. 56 sequins (choquins) .. .. .. Sc. 67 Somesvars Chauhan, k. of Ajmer .. .. 6,7 Seth, Janardana .. .. . . Sc. 57 Son, river, information wanted as to the date Sethe, the, merchante of Caloutta . 8o. 37 of the change of its course .. .. .. shdhi, coin .. .. .. So. 86, 38, 48 Songara Chauh Ana MAladeva, and Chitor .. 166 Shahidullah, M., Les Chants Myotigues de Kanha 800808, Boosies. See odor. et de Saraha .. .. .. .. .. 40 Sornau. See Siam. Shah Madar, converted Jew from Aleppo M.M.A. 4 soul, the 54; Sant Al conception of 100 ; permaShaikh Ahmad Maghribi, or Shekh Ahmad Khat. nent 173, 174 ; or spirit, early Aryan beliefs tu Ganj Bakhah of Anhilvada, tomb of, at concerning .. .. .. .. .. 196 Sarkhej .. .. .. .. .. .. 223 | South Andaman Lalands, details of forests, etc., Shaitan, Satan .. .. .. M.M.A. 12 in .. .. .. A.1. 49 shdihaft (shawl cloth) . Sc. 34, 36, 61, 63, 69 South Indian Inscriptions, vol. III, part IV, by Shamsu'd-din Altamsh of Delhi, and Chitor .. 166 Rao Bahadur H. Krishna Sastri (book-notice) 40 shdtir, courier .. .. .. Sc. 40, 60, 07 soy, a Chinese S&UCO .. .. 8o. 70, 71, 74 Sheldon, Mrs. Eliz.. .. .. Sc. 58, Spahame. See Isfahan, Sheldon, Ralph .. .. So. 36, spirit. See soul. Shihabu'd-din, invasion of Delhi by .. 6,8 Spu-(de-gui) rgyal (Bya-khri), k. of Tibet 66, 66 shipe and boats, in the Ajanta frescoes .. 160, 160 Spurgyal. See Rapati. Shirdz (Shirose, eto.) wine of Bc. 35, 36, 37, Sri Kundakunda 40-44, 59, 60 Srinivasachari, C. S., Tamil lexicon .. .. 180 shoes of gold (shoo), gold ingots .. 80. 72, 74 Brottage. See sarrdf. shotters. See shdtir. Bron-btsan-agam-po, k. of Tibet 41, 45, 65, 66, shrines, at and near Rausa inscription of .. .. .. .. 68, 71 Shulgist An .. .. .. 38, 39, 46 Stasink, Stephen, Fallacies and their ClassiShu-lig, Kashgar .. .. .. .. 41, 42 fication acoording to the Early Hindu Siam and Saumya dufpa .. .. 224, 225, 241 Logicians . . . . . . . . . 210 Sidgwick i .. .. Sc. 35 Stewart, Dr. .. .. .. Sc. 63, 64 Sidi 'All Shelebt in India 1654-1556 A.D. Stick lack, Pegu. See seed lack. 219-224, 239--241 Stirling, Mr. Wm. .. .. .. Sc. 71, 72, 74 Sidney . .. .. .. Sc. 33 Stobe-yab-ego-pa, k. of Khapulu .. . 44 siegee of Chitor .. .. 163--166, 236-239 stone inscriptions of Khri-Ido-gloug.btsan .. 89 Sihaji, Rathor (R&o Siha) .. .. .. 0,8 Study, A, in the Economic Condition of Ancient Silabhadra, Buddhist scholar .. .. .. 25 India, by Dr. Pran Nath (book-notice) .. 93 silk, use of, in India .. .. .. .. 161 stapas, early, in W. Tibet, 66; one, near Nasilver, E. I. Co.'s, bought by J. Scattergood, land& .. .. .. .. .. .. 209 jum. .. .. .. .. Sc. 61, 62, 69, 70 Subramanian, K. R. Simhala dutpa, Ceylon .. .. .. 204, 208 The Origin of Saivion and its History in the Sindh, embroidery of .. .. .. .. 162 Tamil Land .. .. .. .. .. 94 Singapamor, I., and Chiamay .. . 241, 242 The Mardfhd Rajde of Tanjore .. .. 167 sirbund, turban .. .. .. .. Sc. 51, 54 Sudras, the, origin of 52, 54 ; characteristics firica (tree).. .. .. .. .. of .. .. . 196, 197 BiBee silver. See eycoe. suffixes, formative, Dravidian .. .. .. 232 Situ, Tibetan grammarian .. .. .. 119 Sufia, music of the .. . . . 76 Sivaji, foreign biographies of .. .. buicide by fire . .. .. .. 124 Sivaskanda varman, inscriptions of .. 156, 157 superstition M.M.A. 11; pagan, in the HighSlwand .. .. .. .. .. Sc. 40, 46 lands .. .. .. .. M.M.A. 13 192, 193 Skandagupta, inscriptions of .. .. Surat, March 1711, prices current in Sc. 62, 63 Skanda Purdna and the nine dopas of Bh Arate Surman, J., ambassador to Farrukhsiyar Sc. 34, 35 var . . . . . . . . 204, 225, 226 Smilax poeudo-China .. .. .. Sc. 62, 64 Surmeh. .. .. .. .. Sc. 39, 46 Smith, Vincent (Oxford History) 51, 52, 74, 81, 82 suryavanist and somavarit races .. .. 56 Siun dar (II undar) inscription from 44, mean. Susannah .. .. .. .. .. Sc. 61 ing of .. .. .. .. .. .. 45 stol, silk cloth .. .. Sc. 34, 35, 51, 53, 69 social customs, Tibeto-Burman .. .. .. 186 wadharma .. .. Sohndi (Johordi) Smatal festival .. .. 96, 97, 100 mayaniwara, ceremony, and Jayacandra .. 6,8 .. 132

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INDEX 263 41 :: ::::::: ::::: 152 Svet Ambara and Digambara Secte, further Tibetans, religious strife among the .. .. note on the .. .. 161-164 Tibeto-Burman Folklore, some scrape of Swepatakes .. .. 8c. 67 prefatory remarks 184, 185 syon silver, fino silver .. .. .. sc. 70, 71 religious beliefs Sylva ... .. Sc. 62 deities religious customs superstitions .. 186 medicine social customs food and tabus measurements timidhuaja, meaning of the word . 193, 194 tableta, Buddhist in graves at mKbar-gaar .. 45 Timingillana, co. .. . 193, 194 tinkal, borax .. .. Sc. 62, 64 Tabo inscription .. .. .. .. .. 42 Tip Thalcave, Ellora, Raptrakuta inscription in 11 tael, Chinese ounce .. .. So. 69 taffety, glossy Chinese silk so. 62, 64, 71, 72, 74 Tirayan, suggested derivation of the word .. 158 Tirayar, various tribes of.. Taj Khan, attack on Chitor .. .. . . . . 158 237, 238 .. .. . . Tirumalai inscription of Rajendradeva Chola I 245 talou. See teel. Tirumalisai Talifu, lake. . . . .. .. .. ... 241 165 Titthiyas Tamil influence-Saiva and Vaishnava-on the religious history of India Tod, Col., on the history of Chitor .. 236-237 .. .. .. 62 toleration, religious, in S. India .. .. .. 156 Tamil language and literature under the Palla tombe, famous, at Rauza.. V8.8 .. . .. .. .. .. 156, 187 Tamil Lexicon, book-cotice Topdaiman, and Pallava, identical terms .. 167 189 Tamils, the, & nation 230; and Pallavae .. 155 Topdaiman Ilam Tirayan, suggested progenitor of the Pallavas 155-157, first Pallava TiraTammuz, legend .. .. .. ..M.M.A. 6,7 Tamravarna dolpa 204 (1 Ceylon) yan . . . . . . . 168 .. 224 Tonlesap, I., in cambodia. .. .. .. 243 Tang-i-Dalan .. .. .. .. Sc. Tottiya Chieftains, Telugu and Kanarese, tanjebe. Soe tanzi. settlements of Tanjore, Maratha rajls of .. Tantra in the history of Indian religion trankey (kind of boat) .. .. .. Sc. Tranquebar tanufb, fine muslin .. .. .. 8o. 69,60 udpl, skirt or border .. transmigration and Hinduism Sc. 61, 64, 6860 Taprobane (Tambapamni). See Ceylon. Trenchfield, Elihu .. .. .. .. Sc. 33 Trenchfield, Eliz., ben. Taqiu'udin Kashi .. .. ... .. .. . . . . Trenchfield Eliz., jun. .. .. tasar (tussore) silk .. .. . .. Sc. 54 Sc. 33 Trenchfield, R., Tatta .. .. .. .. .. Sc. 33-35 240, 241 Tattvasiddhi of Santarakeita Tricht, B. van, Djawa-Living Antiquities of West Java Tavistock .. .. .. Tsa Khmu, mountaineer tribe .. Taxila, carvings at .. .. .. Tar&r, burial-place of Nand Righi .. .. Telugue, the, & nation .. .. .. .. 230 Terol (pl. Terala). See Chandol. Temple, Sir Richard Folktales of the Land of Ind .. .. .. tumdn (money of account) .. .. Sc. 41, 47 tupes. See tdpt. Ancient Jaffna to the Portuguese Period .. Classification Turkestan, and China Pallacica and their according 34 ; and Buddhism to the Early Hindu Logicians .. .. 210 41-43; and Islam 41; and w. Ladakh 66. See also Khotan and Ladakh, notes on. temples, at Pillalmari and at Nagulpad 93; Hoysala, near Nad-Kalsi 93, near Baarur 183, 184 Turks and Portuguese, at war .. .. .. 220 tussari, tussery. See tasar. topoies. See tdpf. tutenaga, spelter textiles, in the Ajanta frescoes .. 160, 162, 169 .. ..Sc. 62, 64, 73, 74 .. types, four, of human beings ... 10, 11 .. .. Thal Ghat .. .. 195 Thon-mi, minister of Sron-btean-sgam.po, sug. gested inventor of the Tibetan soript 68, 69, or Thon-mi Sambhota, grammarian .. .. 118 Thbar-ma monastery .. .. .. .. 41 Thee-dbao-brtan-pa, k. of Nubra Nubra .. .. . 44 Thao-mo-ri-ri (Teomorori). See Mon-dur. Tibet, and Santarak gita 25; and Dipankara 26; three main epochs in the history of .. .. 87 See also Khotan and Ladakh, notee OD Udabraja and Junagad .. .. 191, 193, 194 Tibetan inscriptions . . . 70, 72 | Udayasimba, four inscriptions of . .. 9 : : .

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264 INDEX Udayasinha of Mewar.. . .. .. 238 Udero LAI, sprito .. .. .. ..M.M.A. 4 Uigura, in C. Asia Ujjayanta, sacred hill .. .. .. 192-194 Une Grammaire Tibetaine du Tibetain Classique. Les Slokas Grammaticaut de Thonmi Sam bhoga par Jacques Bacot (book-notioe) .. 118 upanagara, a form of Apabbramga .. .. 4 Uparkot of Jun&gad .. .. .. 193, 194 Upper Rarcalor 182; or Basrur .. .. .. 184 Upton, Mr., four of the name .. .. Sc. 60 Urchini Pass .. Sc. 38, 44 Urjayanti and Ujjayanta 192; and Vaijayanta 193, 194 utensils. See arms and. Utkala. See Orissa Veral (Yeral) and Ellora .. .. . . Vibhramia (Vibhraga) term used by Bharata.. 3 Vibhaticandrs, Buddhist author Vidyaranya and Vijayanagara .. .. .. 168 Vigraharaja, ancestor of Somefvars .. .. 7 Vihars caves near Aurangabad, date of .. 11 Vijayacandra, f. of Jayacandra, copper-plate granta of .. .. .. .. .. 7 Vijayanagara, beginnings of the history of 168 ; and the Deccan Sultanatee .. .. .. 230 Vijayapala Rathor of Kansuj .. .. .. 8,7 Vikram &jit, Rap of Chitor Vikramadila 24 ; and Dipankara.. Vinson, on Dravidian grammar .. Vira BallAls (Deva Raya) .. Viracandra of Kansuj .. .. Visaladeva, Rpa of Dholka; and Chitor Visaladeva IV (Vigraharja) .. .. Vigpu, position of, in philosophical systems .. 23 Vigpugopa (Pallava) Territory of .. 166-168 Vittull Parrack (broker to the E. I. Co.). .. 107 v (ve, va), Dravidian base orths (akt.), rice .. .. .. 178, 179, 181 Vacaspati 148; on the conditions of knowledge 176, 176 WC (heat, light), table of Dravidian derivative . forms based on .. " .. 233, 234 Vaijayanta. See Uri Vai paviem.. .. .. 41 57 Vai paviem.. .. .. .. .. .. 23 Vaigravana, legend of .. Vaisyas, the, origin of 62, 64; characteristics of 196, 197 Vikatakas, the, and Ajanta .. .. .. 159 Vakil, Kanaiyalal, At Ajanta .. .. .. 190 Vallora (of the Ghatotkacha oavo insoription) and Veral, Yerul (Elora) .. .. .. 11 Valuraka, suggested identifications of .. 11 Vamana Purana and the nine dufpas .. 224, 226 vardar (1 discount) .. .. .. So. 58, 60 Varupa dolpa 204 (? Borneo) .. .. .. 224 Vasubandhu, on memory 173, 174 ; suggested date of .. .. .. .. .. 210 Vasudeva, t. of Krupa .. * 122 V Audeva SArvabhauma, Tattadtpibd of .. 24 Vasuki, Naga k. .. .. ..M.M.A. 4 Vaux, Mr., extract from the report of A.I. 49 56, 66-68; death of 69, 70--72, 75. Vedanta philosophy and the Gaudiya Vaidavas 23, 24; and the Bhagavadgltd 47-49, 121, 177 Vodiacho Mythologie, von Alfred Hillebrandt (book-notice) .. .. .. .. .. Velgang, riv., at Ellora .. .. .. 11, 12 Vellora (of Brihatearhitd) identification of .. 11 Valorpatayam plates .. .. .. .. 166 Venkatawami, M.N., Folktales of the Land of Ind Vontraq, riv., in Burma .. .. .. 241 Verwallidae, broker, of the Old E. L. Co. 14 Waite, Sit Nicholas, and Rustamjf Manak . 106-108, 136-141, and Sir John Gayer 139, 140 Walsh, E. H. C., Une Grammaire Tibetaine du Tibetain Classique. Les Slokas Grammaticow de Thonmi Sambhopa .. Wandering Jew, the .. ..M.M.A. 4 Wanga, Wango BazAr .. .. wap (to wrap) . .. Wardha plates of Krpparkja .. Warre, Wm. .. .. 8o. 61 Warren, Wm., Surgeon .. .. ..Sc. 34, 35 Warsalle, place (! Waris 'Alf) . .. 80. 43, 49 Water of Immortality . .. M.M.A. 6,8 Weber, Prof., and the Bhagavadgitd .. .. 47 Weldon (Wildon) Robt. .. .. .. Bc. 38, 48 Wellesley, Sir A., and the Bor ghat . .. 11 Western Ghata, importance of the .. .. 230 white oopper. See tutenaga. White Jews. See Jewe, White. Wibtang, Mr. Vaux killed at .. A.I. 69, 73, 74 Wilkins, Sir Charles, translator of the Bhaga adgitd .. .. .. Winder, Jonathan (E. I. Co.) .. .. 8o. 34, 36 Winternits, Prof., and the Bhagawadglid 47, 48, 60n. women, the position of, among the Jains 161, 163 "working" (labour .. .. .. 8o. 73, 74 wrappings, wappianged. Soo-wap.

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INDEX 265 Wright, Capt. John Wyndham .. .. .. .. .. .. Sc. 55, 57, Yazidis, the, religion of .. .. M.M.A. 12, 13 .. .. 140 Yeral (Veral) .. .. .. .. .. 11 yookdang. See yak hddn. yoga, definition of the word .. .. Yuan Chwang. See Hsuan-taang. Yuh-chi, the, invade the Oxus valley .. .. 34 Yule, Sir H., and 1. Chiamay .. .. .. 242 Yuan (Yunag-Yunan) 'Alau'd-din .. .. 13 * .. 130 Yagu, Sultan. See Stobe-yab-ego-pa. Yajur Vedas yakldan (a travelling trunk) . . 8c. Yar Alt Beg, and Sir Wm. Norris Yarkand, conquered by the Turks Yavans, name connected with the Buddhist cave temples .. .. .. .. 10, 11 Zahore (Sabhar) .. .. .. .. .. 25 Yavana Raja, the, and Buddha-vanti .. .. 10 Zainu'd-din, disciple of Nand Righi .. .. Yawng-Hwe, 1., in 8. Shan States . .. 243 Zainu'l-Abidin, k. of Kashmir .. .. .. Yazdani, G., Annual Report of the Archaeological Zarghan .. .. .. .. .. Sc. 41, 47 Department of H. E. H. the Nizam's Dominions Ziesenims, A., Die Rama-Sage bei der Malaien, for the year 1926-27 .. .. .. .. 93 ihre Herkunft und Gestattung . .. . 56 Yazd-i-Khast .. .. Sc. 37-39, 45 Zimme. See Chiengmai. Yazid, early Caliph.. .. M.M.A. 12 | Zinda Pir, name applied to al-Khidr ..M.M.A. 6 .. . MM

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