Indian Antiquary Vol 59

SR No.: 032551
Original Sutra Author: N/A
Author: Richard Carnac Temple, Charles E A W Oldham, S Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Devadatta Ramkrishna Bhandarka
Publisher: Swati Publications
Publication Year: 1986
Total Pages: 380
Language: English
Classification: Book_English
File Size: 16 MB

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232
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
[DECEMBER, 1930
pédi (fear), Gôndi vari (to fear), Tuļu pôdi, Kann. beragu (haste) should be related to this series.
Another set retained the literal meaning, to be dry,' etc., in Tamil varu, varalu, varu, vatru, etc.; Kann. baru, battu, bara (firewood), baradu (barrenness), etc.; Tel. varuvu (dry); Mal. viragu (firewood), varaklou (iry), varali (dried cowdung); Gôndi vari (to brand), valt (to be dry); Kui veju (wood); Kurukh batt (to be dry), bir (sun); Brahởi barun (to be dry); piraing (to become dry).
Tamil viyar, veyar (perspiration), Mal. višarpu, Tel.-Kann. bedaru (perspiration) are probably comparatively late formations, as the formative suffix appears more or less prominently in them.
The formative suffix .gu combined with všč and produced the following forms with literal meanings :
Tamil vegu (to boil). Tel. vêgu, vetsu. Kann. baga (blaze). Kui vah (to fry); veh (to be hot).
Bråhui beghing (to knead). -- in the Kui words and .gh- in the Brahûs word are from an original k org through an intermediate fricative; cf. Kui inter-vocal-h-in maha (mango), toh- (to tie), etc.
Kann. baga (blaze) is also connected with this series. The following forms (with .gu) have figurative meanings by the prooess of metecsemy:
Tamil: vehgu (to desire), veguļu (to be angry), veguli (agitation), pagai* (hatred); Kann. bakkudi (agitation), bekuli (fear), bakuli (excessive desire), biguru (fear), baga (hatred), etc.
It is remarkable that forms with .gu possessing figurative meanings are found only in the South
(3) The formative suffix! produced ve! with various meanings; vel with the meaning light' appears in
Tam. veļiccam' (light), vilangu (to shine). Kann. belalu (lamp), belagu (to shine). Mal. veliccam, veluppu (dawn). Kurukh bilt (light), bilch (to shine); bijj- (to become white). Tuļu bilagu (to shine). Gôndi pial (by day); pió (steam). Bråhûi piun (white). Gôndi vêrchi (light), mêrci (dawn).
Tel. vele (to shine). Tamil-Mal. venmai, ve!uppu (whiteness), velli (silver), etc. Kann. biļi (white), belli (silver), Tuļu bolli, etc., are immediate derivatives from the above.
The formative suffixes of Dravidian could easily be detached from the most ancient of the extant forma. Base + primary suffix+secondary suffixes' forms the common scheme of Dravidian word-formation. The common suffixes which occur numerously in a recognizable condition in Tamil are d (-nd).-d. -.-..-.-9(- g), -6 (mb), eto. Both primary and secondary affixes could be distinguished as such in the instances given in this essay.
-F, - appear to be one of the most ancient primary afixes which formed nouns and verbs from olementary base. (Cr, my article on Brdhat r- verbs in JOR, March 1930).
This suffix appears to hayo undergone further changes under certain definite conditions in the dislecta or>tr>(vide IHQ, March 1929); (b)r>tr>t>d>j in Tulu and Kai (vide the same article, p. 148).
6 For the probable ancient change of initial to p., gee below.
1-ccam gore back to ttam (= 4, the formative affix, geminated in Tamil + am, the neuter stfix of Tam.-kann.-Mal. group). Cf. nadattam (walking), maricc-al (turning), ericc-al (burning), etc.