Indian Antiquary Vol 59

SR No.: 032551
Original Sutra Author: N/A
Author: Richard Carnac Temple, Charles E A W Oldham, S Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Devadatta Ramkrishna Bhandarka
Publisher: Swati Publications
Publication Year: 1986
Total Pages: 380
Language: English
Classification: Book_English
File Size: 16 MB

Page 218

200
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
[OCTOBER, 1930
commonly in intervocal positions, e.g., ha (pa), flower'; hôgu (pogu), 'go'; huli (puli), 'tiger '; intaha (intapa), in this manner'; ahudu, it becomes,' yes,' etc., etc.
This change has been attributed to the influence of Marathi particularly and to Prakrit generally, where such a change is common.
In view of the fact that initial pin Kannada involves a greater aspirate breath than in the other Dravidian dialects, I doubt the necessity for postulating foreign influence for the change. The course of change here is p >f>h; compare in this connection the change of initial t to h in Tulu (see below).
(c) Kannada ocasionally shows a prothetic aspirate4 before initial vowels of words, e.g., haratu, to prate (cf. Tam. alattu); harigu, margin (from root aru), etc.
This tendency, as we shall see below, is observable, though not in Tamil or Telugu, in Tuļu among the southern dialects, and very commonly in Kai-Kuvi, Kurukh and Braha? among the other dialects.
The general influence of Indo-Aryan, which employs initial l so commonly may be pre. sumed here, and the influence of Austrio dialects like Mundarî, which has a prothetic h. may have been active in Kurukh and Gôndi. The tolerance of the aspirate in the central and northern Dravidian dialects may be said to be due to the general influence of the neighbouring Austrio and Indo-Aryan. Nevertheless, the development of the aspirate in several cases in the Dravidian dialects of Central India will, as we shall see later, be found to be the result of independent secondary changes in these dialects themselves.
(d) Tuļu shows a very large number of words with initial h: some of these are derived from pas in Kannada (through f), while others are prothetic :
(a) h from p: ha (flower); hagalu (day time); lage (enmity); hittale (brass); hidu
(hold); (b) h from t: hudaru (lamp); hude (river); hů (to see); harpu (to pierce); hinpi (to eat);
heli (clear); heļike (clearness); hoju (to appear); hudaru (light); (c) has a rare prothetic sound: hambalu (tipsiness); hadepu (closing); hamaru (to sink);
hêru (to climb), eto. It will be found that his a derivative sound in all these and similar instances, because the common Dravidian roots have p, t, or initial vowels, respectively.
The process of change in (a) and (b), as we have already indicated above, is that the plosive turns into a fricative and then produces an aspirate; instances given in (c) should be compared with similar instances of prothetic h found in Kurukh (see below).
The change of p and t to his common in the Prakritic languages of North and Central India. How far this tendency of Prakrit was responsible for inducing a similar change in Kannada, Tulu, Kai-Kuvi, eto., it is not easy to determine; the aspirate enunciation of the fricatives produced by the plosive surds (p and t) may directly lead to the production of the aspirate. There is nothing in this change which is contrary to the genius of Dravidian, especially as we know that even in Tamil, the fricatives produced from plosives have secondarily given rise to the aspirate. Nevertheless, the influence of Indo-Aryan cannot be com. pletely ruled out.
• The occurrence of the prothetic aspirate h in the various dialects may here be summarized straightwey :-1. Kannada : The instances are so few and rare that in these the influence of analogy of the numerous forms with h (derived from original p) may be presumed. 2. Tuļu: The number of instances is greater. 3. Kai-Kuvi : The prothetic, h-in many Kúi-Kuvi words is produced in the process of the incorporation of the characteristic on-glide before initial vowels (see below). 4. Gondi also occasionally shows a prothetic I dialectally. 6. Kurukh and Bråhui haye & good number of forms with initial hIs the incorporation of the prothetic & native change, though secondary ? In Kui the aspirate could be traced to a characteristic Dravidian process; but in the other dialects, the influence of Mundari and of Austrio generally [cf. Mundári : tr, her (sow), etc.] may have to be postulated.