Book Title: Indian Antiquary Vol 41
Author(s): Richard Carnac Temple, Devadatta Ramkrishna Bhandarkar
Publisher: Swati Publications
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/032533/1

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Page #1 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY A JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH IN AR PILÆOLOGY, EPIGRAPHY, ETHNOLOGY, GEOGRAPHY, HISTORY, FOLKLORE, LANGUAGES, LITERATURE, NUMISMATICS, PHILOSOPHY, RELIGION, &c., &c. EDITED BY SIR RICHARD CARNAC TEMPLE, BART., C.I.E., HON. FELLOW, TRIN. HALL, CAMBRIDGE FORMERLY LIEUT-COLONEL, INDIAN ARMY, AND DEVADATTA RAMKRISHNA BHANDARKAR, M.A, VOL. XLI. — 1912. Swati Publications Delhi 1985 Page #2 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ Published by Swati Publications, 34, Central Market, Ashok Vihar, Delhi-110052 Ph. 7113395 and Printed by S.K. Mehra at Mehra Offset Press, Delhi. Page #3 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ CONTENTS. The Names of Contributores are arranged alphabetically. ... 282 PAGE PAGE D. R. BHANDARKAR, M.A.: G. A. GRIERSON, C.I.E., Ph.D., D.LITT., 1.0.8. WHO WAS THE PATRON OT VAUBANDIUP ... 1 (Retd.): The Origin of the Bhakti Sobool . ... ... 13 Progress Report of the Linguistic Survey of India SOME UNPUBLISHED INSCRIPTIONS ... 17, 201 up to the end of the year 1911 ... * * 179 The Antiquity of the Canarese Practice of taking Y. R. GUPTE, B.A. - simply the Names of Places as Surnames ... 72 FOUR VILLAGES MENTIONED IN THE NABIX CATE EPIGRAPHIC NOTES AND QUHTIONS ... ... 170 INSCRIPTIONS... ... - 165 AJMIR i Historical and Descriptive HARAPRASAD SBASTRI, MAKAMAHOPADHYA. Can we fix the Date of Sankaracharya more accu. YA, M.A., C.I.E.: rately P ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 200 DAKBUINI PANDITS AT BANARES ...... Solecisms of Sarkaracharya and Kalidasa ... 214 Correspondenoe on the "Dates of Subandhu and • Namaling Ånussana (Amarakosha) of Amarasimha. 215 Dinnkge" ... .. ... . AJIVIKAS ... ... ... ... ... ... 286 O. KAYAVADANA RAO, B.A., B.L., F.R.A.I. PRABHAKAR R. BHANDARKAR, BAO SAHIB, (LOND.):-- B.A., L.M. & S.: Rajputs and Marathas... ... . .. ... 72 CONTRIBUTION TO THE STUDY OF ANCIENT HAR BILAS SARDA, B.A., F.R.S.L., M.R.A.S.: HINDU MUSIC ... ... ... ... 157, 185, 254 KUMABAPALA AND ARNORAJA .. ... . 13 SHRIDHAR R. BHANDARKAR: Rev. A. HEGGLIN, S. J. :Kavyapraklea with Pradipa and Uddyota 18 THE CABT28 IN INDIA, BY E. SANAHT OF THE BHATTANATHA SVAMIN : INSTITUT DE FRANCE (Translated) ... 101, 129 A. F. RUDOLF HOERNLE, C.L.E., Pu.D. :MAYORAJA ... ... .. .. ... .. 139 THE CHOLAS AND TACKALUKTAS IN TAN ELE Kalidasa and Kamandaki ... ... ... ... 156 VENTH CENTURY ... ... * " ".. The Vanaashadhidarpana or the Ayurvedio Ma toria Medioa ... COL. J. BIDDULPH: ... * *** *** G. A. Jacob :SIE ABRAHAM SHIPMAN, THE FIRST GOVERNOR or BOMBAY ** . * . * On some matters oonnooted with the Lankikanylyêñjali ... ... ... ... ... *** J. BURGESS JIVANJI JAMSHEDJI MODI, B.A.: The Planetary Iconography of the Sipasiane, TH) Town OP HANJAKANA, RETIRRED TO IN & coording to the Dabistan ... .. *** THBRO SILACRARA GRANTS 07 THE 10TH AND Mapa and Atlases of India ... . ... ... 297 11TH CENTURIBS . ... .. .. . CHANDRADHAR GULERI: P. V. KANE, M.A., LL.B : Ou. Siva-Bhagavata'in Patanjali's Mahabhbhya. 272 OUTLIN BB OP TEE HISTORY OF ALAMKABA Peop. DHARMANANDA KOSAMBI: LITALATURE ... . ... . . 124, ASOKA'S BDABRA EDICT AND ITS RETHE NOR R. NARASIMHACHAR, M.A., M.R.A.S.:TO TIPITAKA PABBAGES .. ... 37 BHAMAHA AND DANDI .. ... ... * R. E. ENTHOVEN, O.I.E., 1.0.8.: G.K. NARIMAN:SUE PLANENT: The Folklore of Gujarat (with Melanges D'Indianisme ... . " abcoduction) ... . .. .. ... 37. 49. 61 PROF. NILINIKANTA BHATTASALI ... 37, 49, 61 WILLIAM TOSTER: KING LAKSAMANA SENA OY BENGAL AND FIB ERA .. .. .. .. .. 167 MORE ABOUT GABRIHL BOUGHTON . ... 114 F. E. PARGITER, M.A., 1.C.S.. (Red.): GAURISHANKAR HIBACHAND OZA, PAN History of Bengali Language and Literature, DIT : printed by the Caloutta University, 1911 ... 298 COINS 'OT AJATADHYA AND SOMALADEVA 209 PROF. K. B. PATHAK, B.A.:Prof. V. S GHATE, M.A. - TE AJIVIKAB, ASECT OF BUDDHIST BHIKHUS. 88 PERBIAN GRATIAS IN SANSKRIT ... A Gupta-Vakataka Copper-plate Grant ... ... 214 A. GOVINDACHARYA SVAMIN, O.E.,M.R.A.S. DANDIN, TI NYABAKARA AND BHAMAXA ... 23 2 M.M.S. On Buddhamitra, the Teacher of Vasubandhu ... 244 BRAHMIN IMMIGRATIOX INTO SOUTHERN INDIA. 227 KALIDASA AND TIH HUNAS OF THE OXUR A Note on Ajiviks .. .. 296 VALLET . * . . ... ... 205 99 Page #4 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ CONTENTS: PAGE RAMA KARNA, PANDIT:MANGLANA STONE INSCRIPTION OY JAYATRA BIMHA ... . . . . . 85 S. P. V. RANGANATHASVAMI : ON THE SEBEAS OF BENARES .. .. ... 245 H. A. ROSE, I.C.S.:CONTRIBUTIONS TO PUNJABI LEXICOGRAPHY, SERIES III ... 41, 92, 150,176, 197, 212, 212, 237 E. SHAMASASTRY, B.A.M.D.A.S., M.R.S.A. :THE VEDIC CALENDAR... * 26, 45, 77, 117 THE ADITYAS .. ... .... ... .. ... 290 VINCENT A. SMITH, I.C.S. (Red.): Moor's Hindu Pantheon • * .. Indian and Ceylonese Bronzes . .. K. V. SUBRAHMANYA AIYER, B.A. - TRAVENCORE ARCHEOLOGICAL SERIES ... ... 21 KABIKALA AND HIS TIMES ... ... ... ... 144 PAGE SIR R. C, TEMPLE, BABT., C.I.E.: Shah Jahan translated as King John .. .. 44 Posthumous Titles .. ... ... ... ... 72 Ta-T'ang-Hsi-Yu-Chi ... ... *** .. 129 The Religion of the Iranian Peoples ... ... 215 L. P. TESSITORI; UDINE (ITALY): The RAMACHARITAMANABA AND THE RAMAYANA. 273 PROF. VANAMALI CHAKRAVARTTI, M.A. - LAUKIKANYAYANJALI ... ... ... . . 33 A SHORT NOTE ON THE HINDUIZATION OF THE ABORIGINES - THE SWELLING OF THE CHAN DALA CASTE ... ... .. ... ... ... 75 Kadambari ... ... ... .. ... ... 244 W. R. VARDE-VALAVLIKAR :AN ACCOUNT OF THE EXPEDITION TO THE TEMPLES OF SOUTHERN INDIA UNDERTAKEN BY MARTIN ALFONSO DE SOUZA, THE 12TH GOVERNOR OF PORTUGUESE INDIA ... ... 238 MISCELLANEA. The Origin of the Bhakti School, by D. R. Bhan On some matters connected with the Laukikanya darkar .. ... ... ... . ... .. 13 y Anjali, by G. A. Jacob... ... . Moor's Hindu Pantheon, by Vincent A. Smith ... 44 Solocisms of Sankaracharya and Kálidasa, by D. The Antiquity of the Canarese Practice of taking R. Bhandarkar ... .. . .. . . simply the Names of Places as Surnames, by D. R. A Gupta-Vakataka Copper-plate Grant, by K. B. Bhandarkar ... " . .. ... 72 Pathak . . .. . . Rajputs and Marathas, by C. Hayavadena Rao ... 72 On Buddhamitra, the Teacher of Vasubandha, by The Planetary Iconography of the Sipasians, aocording to the Dabistan, by J. Burgess ... .. . 99 K. B. Pathak ... ... ... ... ... ... Indian and Ceylonese Bronzes, by Vincent A. Smith. 128 On Siva-Bhagavata' in Patanjali's Mahabhashya, Melangos D'Indianisme, by G, K. Nariman ... 155 by Chandradhar Gulori .. ... ... 272 Can we fix the Date of Sankaracharya moro acou. A Note on Ajivikas, by A. Govindacharya Syamin. 296 rately? by D. E. Bhandarkar .... .. ... 200 I Mape and Atlases of India, by J. Burgess ... ... 297 CORRESPONDENCE. On the "Dates of Subandhu and Dinnaga," by Hara 18 prasad Shastri .. .. .. . .. 15 Kalidasa and Kamandaki, by A. F. Rudolf Hoornle 156 ! NOTES AND QUERIES. Shah Jahan translated as King John, by R. C. Progress Report of the Linguistio Survoy of India Temple ... .. *** . .. .. .. . " .. 44 up to the end of the year 1911, by George A. Posthumous Titles, by R. C. Temple... ... 72 Grierson ** ** * * 179 BOOK NOTICES. Kavyaprakia with Pradipa and Vadyota, by The Religion of the Iranian Peoples, by R. C. Shridhar R. Bhandarkar ... .. ... .. 16 Temple ... ... ... ... ... ... .. 215 T-T'ang-Hai-Yu-Chi, by R. C. Temple ... ... 123 Namalingknullsana (Amarakosha) of Amarasitha, by D. R. Bhandarkar - ... ... ... ... 215 Ajmer: Historical and Descriptive, by D. R. .. Bhandarkar Kadambart, by Vanamali Chakravartti . 244 *** ** ** .. ... ... 182 History of Bengali Language and Literature, The Vanaushadhidarpana, or the Ayurvedio Mate printed by the Caloutta University, 1911, by F.E. ria Medioa, by A. F. Rudolf Hoornlo e .. 1861 Pargiter ... .. * * * * * * SUPPLEMENT. The Folklore of Gujarat, with Introduction, by R. E. Enthoven, C.I.E., I.C.S. . . . . 37, 49, 01 ILLUSTRATION. Nasik Cave Inscription relating to Four Villages . . .. . . 165 Page #5 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY, A JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH. VOLUME XLI - 1912. WHO WAS THE PATRON OF VASUBANDHU ? BY D. L. BHANDARKAR, M.A., POONA. M. M. HARAPRASAD SHASTRI was the first to draw attention to the hemistich occurring in Våmana's Kávydlasikára-sútra-vritti, which speaks of a son of Chandragupta. In the last June number of this Journal, Prof. K. B. Pathak has brought the same passage to the notice of scholars, apparently not knowing that it had already been done, but his paper is interesting because the view he therein sets forth is different from that of M. M. Haraprasad Shastri. The interest of this subject was increased by the letter of Dr. Hoernle, which has appeared in the last September number. In this number has been published another letter on the same subject, viz., from M. M. Haraprasad Shastri, in which he defends the view originally propounded by him. As the whole discussion has become very interesting, I feel tempted to state here my own view of the matter. In fact, the more I think of the hemistich, the more it appears historically important to me. In the first place, it is of paramount importance to settle the correct reading of the explanatory note which Vamana adds to the hemistich quoted by him. According to some MSS. it is 2: CUTEZ arqz996TErel According to others it is exactly the same, bat, instead of Vasubandhu,' they have cha Subandhu.' And so the question arises : which is the correct reading? In my opinion Vasubandhuo is the correct reading. For if we suppose for the moment that cha Subandhu is the correct reading, the word cha becomes devoid of any significance. The passage cited above is followed by Vamana's further note that farrer ' a ITE FEZTE a tareas Here also the word cha occurs, but here this word is perfectly appropriate and intelligible, as it obviously joins this sentence to the preceding. But it becomes meaningless in the first passage, if We suppose that cha Subandhu is the correct reading. I have, therefore, no doubt that Vasubandhuo represents the correct reading. And as Sabandhu, being a Brahmanic poet, was better known to the scribes than the Buddhist monk Vasubandhu and as the form of the letter v is even to this day found extremely similar to that of ch in old MSS., it is perfectly intelligible how Vasubandhuo came to be written cha Subandhu'. There is another consideration also which supports the reading Vasubandhuo and not cha Subandhuo. In the tenth of the prefatory verses of the Vasavadattd, Subandhu wails that on the death of Vikramaditya, love or poetry was gone. But he speaks of Vikramaditya in such a way as to clearly show that the former was never a contemporary of the latter but that the latter was so much prior to the former that he had come to be looked upon as the traditional patron of poets. The wail is exactly like that which was given expression to by much later poets. This, on the contrary, is strong evidence, in my opinion, for putting Sabandhu not earlier than A. D. 500, i.e., at least a hundred years later than Chandragupta II, if we suppose with Dr. Bhandarkar and others that he was the traditional Page #6 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JANUARY, 1912. Vikramaditya. I therefore firmly believe that Vasubandhuo and not cha Subandhu must be the correct reading. And the objection that " a Buddhist monk would not accept office" can very well be answered by saying with Dr. Hoernle that the term sdchitya does not necessarily refer to the ministerial office but may simply mean" companionship" or " friendship." In this connection it is important to read the following, which has been gleaned by Dr. Takakusu from Paramartha's Life of Vasubandhu._"King Vikramaditya of Ayodhya, North India, was first a patron of the Sinkhya School, but afterwards a patron of the Buddhisin on account of Vasubandhu's success in religious activity. He sent his Crown Prince (Baladitya) to Vasu bandhu to learn Buddhistn, and the queen too became one of his disciples. When he came to the throne, king Baladitya, in conjunction with his Queen-mother, invited Vasubandhu to Ayodhyâ and favoured him with special patronage." Now, who were this Vikramaditya and bis Crown Prince Bâlâditya ? Dr. Takakusu takes Vikramaditya to refer to Skandagupta, and says simply that Baliditya was his successor, whosoever he may be. Mr. V. A. Smith identifies them with Skandagupta and his nephew Baládity, known as Narasimhagupta from the Bhitari seal, thus setting aside the distinct statement of Paramartba that Baladitya was the son and not nephew of Vikramaditya.2 Prof. Pathak agrees with both Dr. Takakust and Mr. Smith in taking this Vikramaditya to be Skandagupta bat regards Baláditya whom he, like the latter, identifies with Narasitnhagupta, as the immediate successor of Skandagapta, setting aside Paragupta, father of Narasimhagupta mentioned in the Bhitari seal. I think it is not justifiable to accept Paramartha's testimony only partially, or to frame any theory contrary to the evidence of the Bhitari seal. In my opinion, the Vikramaditya alluded to by Paramartlia can be no other than Chandragupta II. Srandagupta was not the only Gupta prince who bore the title of Vikramaditya. Chandragapta II als was styled Vikramaditya. And that he is the Vikramaditya referred to by Paramartha is re.dered certain by the hemistich quoted by Vimana and the note appended to it by him. For Vamana distinctly gives us to understand that the patron of Vasubandhu was a son of Chandragupta. Thas we require a king, who, according to Vamana, was Chandragupta, and, according to Paramartha, Vikramaditya. Chandragupta II only can answer to this doscription, as he is Chandragupta and hail, we know, the title Vikramaditya. Any other conclusion would lead us to confusion as Prof. P.thak's, I am afraid, does. Por, following Dr. Takakusa in taking Vikramaditya to be Skandagupta, be accepts Vasu bandhu's date, vie., A. D. 420-509, proposed by the former and yet says with Vâmana that the son of Chandragupca, who is represented to have just ascended the throne and who according to him is Kamâragupta, was also the patron of Vasubandhu. Kumaragupta, we know from the Bilsad inscription, must bave come to the throne not later than G, E. 96=A. D. 414, the date of this inscription, i.e.. Vasubandhu had distinguished himself as a literate six years earlier than A. D. 420, the date of his birth, according to Dr. Takakuba, which Prof. Pathak accepts. The conclusion, in my opinion, is therefore irresistible that the Vikramaditya mentioned by Paramartha is Chandragupta II, and not Skandagupta. Aud the question now arises : who was the son of this Chandragupta-Vikramaditya, who has been referred to as Bâlûditya by Paramartha? Can it be Chandraprakasa? . After having seen that he is of the Gupta family it will not be difficult to reject such a supposition. Knowing as we do what the names of the imperial Guptas were like, it is inconceivable that Chandraprakasa could have been the proper name of any Gapta sovereign. Can it then be Kumâragupta ? This question, I am afraid, cannot satisfactorily and with certainty be answered. But I think he was probably not Kumaragupta. For he is already known to us as Mahendraditya and cannot in all likelihood be Baladitya. Who can this Baladitya then be ? In this connection it is worth while to turn our attention to certain inscribed clay seale, which the late Jour, B. As. Society, for 1905, p. 44. Early History of India, pp. 292-3. . Corpus Inscriptionum Indiarum, Vol. lii, p. 42 ff. Page #7 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ JANUARY, 1912.) WHO IS THE PATRON OF VASUBANDHU ? Dr. Bloch discovered during his excavations at Basarh, the ancient Vaisali, nearly eleven years ago. The most important of these seals bears the following inscription - (1) Maharajadhirdja Sri-Chandragupta(2) patni Mahárája-sri-Govindagupta(3) mata Mahddedi éri-Dhru (4) vasvamini. Here the great queen Dhruvasvamint is mentioned as the wife of the Mahardjádhiraja Chandragupta and mother of the Mahardja Govindagupta. The names Chandragupta and Dhruvasvâmini cre an unmistakable indication of their being Chandragupta II and his wife Dhruvadevi, whose names we find mentioned in the Gupta inscriptions. As the names of both Chandragupta and his son Govindagupta are mentioned in the seal, both must be supposed to be living at that time if the seal is to be supposed to have any significance. Every queen belonging to a dynasty in power is the wife of one king and mother of another, and there is nothing special in the fact if both did not live and were not kings at one and the same time. I am therefore inclined to believe that Chandragupta and Govindagupta were both living when the seal of Dhruvasvamini was impressed on the clay piece. Chandragupta, as he is called Maharajadhirója, was, of course, the paramount sovereign, and Govindagapta was holding some province nuder him, probably the district about Basarh, as the title Maharaja shows. But let us pecceed a step further and ask why, if Kumâragupta was also a son of Chandragupta and Dhruvadevi, his name is omitted and that of Govindagupta alone mentioned. The name of the latter only is specified because I think he was Yurar dja. For in the seal of a queen it is natural to tapeet the names of her husband the king and her son who is heir-apparent to the chrone. Now, it is worthy of note that none of the seals found at Basarh speak of any place or district except Vaisali and Tirabhakhti, the district of which Vaisali was the headquarters. It is therefore difficult to avoid the conclusion that the seals were not attached to letters come from outside Basarb, whatever Dr. Bloch has said to the contrary. Again, if they had really come from other districts, they would not have been all found together in one room, as was actually the case, but would have come to light in the different parts excavated. I suspect that the place where the seals were found was that of a potter who was, perhaps, the only person entrusted in Vaisali for preparing seals. When these seals were prepared, he must have naturally caught hold of some stray pieces of clay and impressed them with the seals to test them. This explains, I think, why some clay pieces have more than one seal impressed on them, which are apparently unconnected with one another. That this place belonged to some potter, receives confirmation from the fact that the seals were found mixed up with fragments of pottery.” I have, therefore, no doubt that the seals bere found all belonged to officials and private individuals connected with and residing in Vaisali. Sonic of the seals of the former class have the following on them : Sri-Yuvarája-bhattdrukapadiya-loumdrámaty-dihikaranasya—" of the office of the Kumârâmâtys of His Highness the Crown Prince" and (2) Yurarája-bhattaraka-padiya-bal-adhikaraṇasya--"Of the Military office of His Highness the Crown Prince." This shows that the district of Tirabhukti with Vaisali as its capital, was held by the Crown Prince during the reign of Chandragupta II, to whose time all the seals belong, as Dr. Bloch rightly eap ones. This also is quite in keeping with the supposition made above that Govindagupta's name is mentioned in his mother's seal also, because he was the ruler of the province round about Basarh. All things considered, Govindagupta appears to be the Chandragupta-tanaya alluded to in the verse quoted by Vámana and also the Bâlâditya, son of Vikramaditya (Chandragupta II), mentioned by Paramartha. The latest date for Chandragupta II is G.E. 93=A.D. 411, supplied by a Sânchi inscription, and the earliest date for Kumâragupta is, as stated above, A.D. 414. Govindsgupta-Bâlâditya bas, therefore, to be placed between A.D. 411-14. It is difficult to say why be had such a short reign, He may have been ousted by his brother Kumâragupta or he may have died a natural death and without any heir. • Archæol. Survey of India, Annual Report for 1903-4, p. 101 1. Page #8 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JANUARY, 1912. PERSIAN GRAMMAR IN SANSKRIT. BY PROF. V. S. GHATE, M.A., POONA. Two treatises bearing the name of Parasi-prakdía have been already noticed. One is the Parasi-praksa of Vedangaraya dealing with astrological topics, such as the methods for converting Hindu into Mahumedan dates and vice versa. The book is apparently intended for astrologers knowing Sanskrit but not Persian. It is dated 1565 Saka = A.D. 1643, and was written to please the then Moghul Emperor Shah Jahan. Another book of the same name but by a different auther deals with Parasi words explained in Sanskrit. The author is Vihari-Sri-Kpishņa-dâsa-Miéra, who wrote the work for the Moghul Emperor Akbar. The same author wrote another treatise bearing the same name, but dealing with the grammar of the Persian language. The colophon at the end of the MS. runs thus: Iti Sri-mahi-mahendra-srimad- Akabara-Saha-kúrite Viharf-sri-Krishna-ddsa-krite parasikabhash dyah Prakúse krit-prakarana samaptam. The same colophon with the different names of the prakaranas or chapters is found at the end of the corresponding chapters in the work, except at the end of the chapters on Indeclinables, where we have ......vihd-i-krite Dama ddsa-virachite ..... which must be very probably the scribe's mistake. Krito dama is very probably Krishna. That this Akbar, for whom the work was written, cannot be any other than the great emperor, follows from the fact that he was reputed to have encouraged Sanskrit learning and Sanskrit Pandits, and in his reign many translations of Sanskrit works into Persian were made ; while nothing like this is known regarding the second Akbar, one of the nominal emperors succeeding to the throne after the death of Aurangzeb. The point is, however, quite settled by the date of the MS. I have before me. which is Samvat 1852 or A.D. 1717; whereas Akbar II ruled from A.D. 1806 to A.D. 1837. The same is confirmed by the following internal evidence. On page 7 of the MS. in the chapter on Syntax, the author gives two illustrations--E' Hazarate Sahe Jalaluddin dasta-gira Sava merd dar dinadunid (Oh, Akbarshah, the glory of religion, be the supporter of my hand, here and in the next world). A few lines below, we have Sdha Jalaluddin azadálatikhud Kaliyugard Satyayuga Karda (King Akbar, the glory of religion, turned the Kali-yuga into the Satya-yoga, by the force of his justice). Now, here, the author must be referring to the emperor by whom he was asked to write the work, and the title Jalaluddin or the glory of religion has been applied to none but the great Akbar, who was conspicuous by his toleration of all religions and sects. This work is evidently written for the use of Sanskrit Pandits not knowing Persian. It aims at enabling the Pandit of the day to have some elementary knowledge of the language inst sufficient for the purpose of ordinary conversation and other practical purposes. This is quite clear from the cursory and slipshod manner of dealing with the different topics and the choice of instances from words of everyday use. The author being himself a Sanskrit Pandit and writing for men of the same class, makes use of the technical terms of Sanskrit grammar, not employing even a single Persian term. He remarks to the same effect just at the beginning of the work na atra sasijnd-grahah kvachid-apekshayá samskrita-8a m ayd eva kedry a-siddhervakshyam anato dt.' (No technical terms 1 See Dr. Bhandarkar's Report on the search of Sanskrit MRS., for 1882-83 The MS. is, at present, in the Decoan College Collection of MSS. Soo Dr. Peterson's Report for 1884-86. The MS. is preserved in the temple of Santinátha, Cambay. MS. of this I have rooontly soured from Mr. Gopal Moroshwar Sathe of Poona, on which my observations are based. • See p. 829 of The Mahommedan Dynasties, by S. Lanepoolo. Seo Elphinstone's History of India, p. 538 ; algo Bloohmann's Aini Akbart, Vol. 1, p. 185. This roference I owe to Prol Sheikh of the Dekkan College, to whom I am also indebted for the meanings of several Persian words. • The first loaf of the MS. has on its blank sido title in Persian characters-Sarphvancho phdraal. prakda.' (A light of Persian accidence and syntax.) Page #9 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ JANUARY, 1912.) PERSIAN GRAMMAR IN SANSKRIT are required to be understood here, as our purpose is served, where necessary, by the Sanskrit technical terms.) The author is not content with showing his Sanskritism in this respect only. In the main arrangement of the subject, also, he follows the order of Sanskrit grammar (as we have it, for instance, in Bhattoji Dikshit's Siddhanta-kaumudi). Thus the first topic is the Saindhi, which he has disposed of, with one remark, Na sandhi karyan Parasika-bhashaydincha, which is followed by arthat prakrityd tishthati iti prakriti-Bandhireva atra balaván, all this meaning that there is no sandhi, as such, in the Persian language, or in other words, the hiatus prevails. As for visarga-saindhi, the author remarks that there is nothing like visarga in the language. Two points are noteworthy as regards the method of treatment. First, the author imitates Sanskrit writers in first giving very short statements corresponding to sútras or aphorisms and next their full explanations followed by illustrations. Thus, in the chapter on declension, while explaining the form of the nominative plural, the anthor proceeds thus : Iphtdb jas iti sthite "jaso ha" Párasika-sabdát parasya jaso ha-ddeso bhacrti dphtabhd. (We have the noun áphtdb.the sun' + the termination jas; then the rule isha takes the place of jas'; i.e., after a noun in the Persian language, há is substituted for jas. Thas the form of the nominative plural of dphtáb is aphidbha.) The second point to be noted is that the author, all through the work, takes tho Sanskrit language as the basis, as it were, and attempts to derive everything Persian therefrom. Thus, as the illustration above shows, the author would not give all the terminations of declension in the Persian language and say that a noun is thus declined, hat he takes his stand on the Sanskrit termination jas, and says in Sanskrit technical terms that he is substituted for jas. This procedure he follows everywhere, and though in some cases ridiculous, it becomes very interesting and instructive in certain cases, where a striking analogy between the two languages is easily marked. Thus, for instance, in the chapter on numerals, the author says: "ekasya yaka," eka-sabdasya yakı iti adego bhavati Parasika-bhashayam (in Persian, yaka is substituted for elca). So also, for dvi (two), we have dú; for tri (three), se perhaps analogous to tisri); for chatur (four), chdhar or char (which is exactly the Marât i word for four); for pañchan (five) paij; for shash (six) sas; for saptan (seven) haphta ; for ashtan (eight) hasta ; for navan (nine) nuh; and so on. After having disposed of the sandhi, as said above, the author deals with the following topics in order: numerals (sankhya-prakarana), declension of nouns (subda-prakarana), indeclinables (avyaya-prakarana). After this, he retparks, Parasika-bhasháydın stri-pratyayá na drisyante (in Persian, there are no terminations to forn feminines). Then he proceeds to syntax (kárakıprakarana), in which he illustrates the various meanings of the cases. In connection with the Instrumental Case, he remarks: Parasika-bhashdydı kartari tritiya na drisy ale i unuktakarturabhdoát lukte kartari prathamd vibhaktireva bhavali in Persian, we never have the Instrumental used to denote the agent, as the agent or doer of the action is never indirectly expressed ; and as for the directly expressed agent, the nominative is always used). And to the same effect we find the remark made towards the end of the same chapter, Pdrasilea karmani dkhydta-pratyayo na driyate' (no verbal termination of the Passive is met with in Persian). Next comes the chapter on compounds, which he mentions to be six, i.e, Avyayibh dva, Tatpurusha, Dvandva, Bahuvrihi, Karmadharaya, and Drigu. In Persian, as in Sanskrit compound words, case-terminations are omitted. Thns, Akbarichard hukum-hukumeakbar dh' (Akbar's order). Here also the dissolutions of the compounds are given in Sanskrit Thus, bad feal yasya sa bad-feal duh-karmd iti arthah (one whose actions are bad). So also nele-amal means 'one whoBe actions are good.' No Dvandva (copulative) compound as such is met with in Persian. An instance of the Avyayi bhdoa compound is jdyebemagas = (Sanskrit) nir makshikaril, which means a place without even a fly.' Page #10 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JANUARY, 1912. Then comes the chapter on Tad-dhita or secondary suffixes, wherein we come across many interesting words. The author begins thus:- 'Apatyezddah nannah apatyarthe zidah pratyayı th wvati Párasilea-bhdshdyam ádhasya apatyain Saha-zddah (the termination addah is added to nouns, to denote & son. Thus Sthrida = a son of the emperor). The termination i is added in the sense of born therein'; thus we have, Kábulí, Gandhari, Rúmi, Arabi, Pherangi, Chini, Hindustani, and so on. The same termination is also added in the sense of following the religion laid down by '; thus we have Mahammadi (= Mahammadena prayukto dharmo asya iti), Daudi (following the religion of Daud or David), Tsdyr (from fell = Jesus), Músdyi (from Mûsa = Moses), and so on. The termination rán is added in the sense of the protector of'; thus, Jilarán (elephant-keeper), gavarán (a cow-herd), bdgaran (a garden-keeper). Many more suffixes are mentioned with illustrations and their Sanskrit equivalents, but, for want of space, I nyust be content with mentioning only a few more interesting words. Thus, ddnis-mand learned), hunar-mand (accomplished), gil-i (earthen), Ichak-i (dusty), bad-(windy, cf. Sk. Váta), dhan-1 (of iron), chob-i (wooden), jamdd-át (minerals), nabád-dt (regetables), haivan-dt (animals), zar-gar (gold-smith), dhan-gar (iron-smith), sabzi-faroi (vegetable-seller), kohdn-saros (one who sells saddles), sanga-tards (one who works in stone), lut-tardó (one who makes idols), sandúl-chah ( small box), deg-chah (A small cooking pot), zana-k (a contemptible woman)," rind-k (a contemptible fellow), ilera-lar (later), cúdl-tar (sooner), khub-lar (more beautiful), muldyam-tar (softer), subuk-tar (lighter). The chapter is closed with the remark yathd-darsanai Tad thita-pratyayah vidheydh (the secondary suffixes are to be made use of, as they are met with). Then comes the chapter on verbs. There is no dual number in Persian, says the author, as already remarked by him in connection with nouns. There is no Atwanepada also. Here, also, he gives the Sanskrit terminations, tip, anti, etc.; and then says that these are changed to the corresponding terminations in Persian. So also with regard to the roots. He first mentions the Sanskrit root and then remarks that it is changed to the corresponding root in Persian. Thus, bhu-dháton Sava i iti dilešo bhavati vartamdnddau vibhaktau paratah (bhi is changed to savad, when followed by the terminations of the present tense, etc.). In giving the Persian equivalents for Sanskrit roots, the author bas sometimes not been very careful. Thus he gives Persian dáámad for Sanskrit på; but I think it more corresponds to Sanskrit -cham in form as well as in meaning. So also nisinurl more corresponds to ni-shid than to upa-visa, whose equivalent it is stated to be by the author. In one place, the author has committed a grammatical blunder which would not have us entertain a high opinion of his knowledge of Sanskrit. Persian gupht is the equivalent for Sanskrit brl. Then explaining the future form, he says, khdhad-gupht bravishyati ili arthah, forgetting that trarishyati is not allowed by Sanskrit grammar. In some cases the resemblance between Sanskrit and Persian roots bearing the same sense, is interesting. Thas : Sk. lih = Per, lesid Sk. khal = Per. Ihorail Sk. grah = Per. qirad Sk. d-yd = Per, ayad Sk. vas = Per. básad Sk.mri = Per, mirad Sk, chi = Per. chinad Sk. krisha = Per, kusha Sk. bandh = Per. bandad Sk, tap = Per. Idbad, and some more. In this chapter on verbs, the author has given a long list of roots with their forms in the different tenses, and here, too, the principle which has guided him in the choice of roots is practical utility. One point to be noted in this connection is that the prefix of the present tense is always given by the author to be me instead of mi; thus we have mebarail, megiristand, etc.; mi is the older and more Persian way; while me is more Indian; and this is as we should expect in the cage of the writer of this book. 1 Cf, the Sanskrit saftis, kain a similar sense. Cf. the Sanekrit tara' forming the comparative degree. Cf. Sanskrit 'rubhaga-tana.' Page #11 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ JANUARY, 1912.) DAKSHINI PANDITS AT BENARES The next and the last chapter deals with ksit or primary suffixes. Thus, the termination ah (ahan stated in the sútra by the author) is added to roots to form nouns denoting agent. Thus :-Per. kunandah = Sk. karta (doer), Per. Sinvandah = Sk, śrota (one who hears), and so on. So also we have, adam-khor (adamrá mekhorad = one who eats men, i.e., a demon), halal-khor (lit. one who eats what is lawfully obtained), hardm-khor (lit. one who earns his livelihood by unlawful means), and so on. The chapter and the treatise are closed with the remark, yathadarśanam pratyay-dgama-ddesa-parna-vildra-ndsa-viparyaya-vibhashavidhayah sani? sunkhyd) sabd dvyaya-karaka-samdsa-taddhit-akhydta-kritsu yuthdkdmann kalpaniyah, which means that suffixes, augments, substitutes, and other changes are to be understood everywhere, as they are met with in the language. DAKSHINI PANDITS AT BENARES. BY MAHAMAHOPADHYAYA HARAPRASAD SHASTRI, M. A., C.I.E., CALCUTTA. BENARES is in Northern India, yet the Pandits of the South have the greatest influence there, and this influence they are not only exerting at the present moment but have exerted for centuries past. Benares is the home of Kanaujiya and Sarbariya Brahmaņs but their influence in the city and its environs does not count for much in matters relating to religion and culture. This appears to be rather strange and the riddle quite worth solution. If anyone examines the manuscripts available at Benares, -and these count by thousands and tens of thousands -he will be struck not only by the enormous quantity of modern Sanskrit literature but also by the fact that most of this was written at Benares, and by Pandits from the South, specially by a few distinguished families of Maharashtra Brahmans. To trace the origin of this influence of the South at Benares would really be the history of Sanskrit literature for the last four centuries in all provinces of India with the exception of Bengal and Eastern India, which have a history of their own. The great Pandit, who infused southern ideals at Benares in all matters relating to Hindu life and Hindu religion in preference to northern ideals current in Kanauj, Kasi, Mithila and Bengal, was Narayan Bhatta, an intellectual giant who not only wrote a vast number of Sanskrit works but organised the colony of Southern Brâlmaņs at Benares, travelled far and wide and founded a family of Pandits who hold their pre-eminence even up to the present moment. An authentic history of Bhatta Narayana's family is likely to clear much of the obscurity in which the history of Sanskrit literature during the Mubammadan period is now involved. Rao Sabib Visvanath Narayan Mandalik has done a great service by publishing in his edition of the Vyavahdra-mayakha a genealogy of this family. But genealogy is not history, and it is well known that historical works are very rare in India. Though histories are rare, biographies of historical persons rarer, and biographies of scholars rarer still. In the present case we have got a history of this family written by a distinguished member of the family themselves. The work is entitled Gadhiramádnucharitam and the author is Samkara Bhatta, the second son of Nûrâyaņa Bhatta and a man as distinguished in learning as his father. By the courtesy and good offices of my late lameated colleague Mahamahopadhyâya Govinda Sastri of Benares, I have a copy of that work made for me. The first leaf is missing and the work comes abruptly to an end. It is full of inaccuracies and omissions. The abrapt closing does not detract much from its historical value, for in the last chapters, Sam kara was indulging in grief over the loss of a promising nephew, but the loss of the first leaf is a serious one as it prevents our seeing the real founder of the family. Bat this loss has to a certain extent been made up by Mandalik, who says in his Upôdghdta : श्रीमदक्षिणदेशेऽगस्त्यश्वासीत् स भगोविन्द : तत्सूनुः श्रीरामेश्वरभट्टोऽभूत् स सर्वदिक ख्यातः . तत्पुत्रः श्रीनारायणभहो जबति सूर्यवत् भूमी तत्सूनू रामकृष्णमहो रामक धारणता यातः Page #12 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JANUARY, 1912. Mandalik got this from salladihafa by Ramakțishņa. So Govinda-Bhatta, belonging to the Gadhi or Visvamitra Gotra and a Rigvedi Brahman studying Abvalâyana Sakhi, was a Pandit well known in Southern India, but his fame did not spread in the North. We also note from Narayana's commentary on Vsittaratnakara written in A.D. 1545 that Govinda's father was Angadeva-Bhatta and his father Nâgapaśa, Govinda flourished about the middle of the 15th century when the Bahmanis were fighting hard with the Hindu empire of Vidyanagara (Vijayanagar). But his son Râmesvara flourished in troubled times. The Bahmani empire came to an end and was parcelled into five different sultanates during the eighties of the century. Rameávåra was a young man then, just finishing his education. The second leaf of the Gadhivamiánucharita opens with a panegyric on Ramešvara Bhaita. He was handsome in appearance, bold in speech, patient, pious, charitable, affable, and very learned. He was strong in Mimamsa, in Grammar, in Logic, and in Philosophy. He wrote a poem entitled R&makutúhala in order to eclipse the fame of Sriharsha's Naishadha. The book has not yet been found. Aufrecht does not speak of any other work by Ramešvara. Bat Rîmesvara had a number of very distinguished pupils of whom I will speak later on. He seems to have written other works as hinted in an obalare passage in Gádhiramátnúcharita after speaking of Rámakuthala. The passage is given in exactly this form in my manuscript : तात्पर्यस्य च दर्शनं निशिखिलवियाना यहालोकने मौले: तु कसः क्रियास्कील मुराचार्योऽपि चांदोलनं ॥१४॥ A great opportunity presented itself to Rameśvara in early life, of teaching the various Sástras. There was in bis ncighbourhood a learned Sasnyási who taught many papils. His name was Sri-Krishnasrama. But he was raised to the dignity of the mahant or the head of the inonastic establishment to which he belonged. His multifarious duties now interfered with the study of his pupils, and they flockel to Râmeśvara for their education, at Pratishthana or Paithan on the Godavari. Ritaeśvara's College on the sacred river, the poet says, looked like a camp of Råma; for the poet tbroughout speaks of Rames vara as an incarnation of Rama. Ramešvara was very strict in his observances of caste rales. He introduced the Ramamantra in Brahmanic worship. His influence increased in the country and the Sultan of the newly formed Nizam Shahi Dominions was anxious to secure him to his side by granting him rights, privileges, and other favours. Learned Panlits always claimed the power of working miracles, and the claim was accepted net only by Hindus but often also by Muhammadans. Záfar Malik was at this time an influential officer in the Almednagar State, and his influence was the greatest in the district of Pratishthina. One of his youthful sons was suddenly smitten with leprosy. Medical aid of all sorts was invoked, but was of no avail. The young man was serioasly thinking of committing suicide by a fall from a height when some one advised him to take the broken victuals of Ramešvara. Râmesvara was at first very unwilling to offer him such things without a command from the High ; but that command soon came in the form of a dream. Ramesvara made the young Muhammadan observe Hindu regulations and gave bim what was considered a medicine. The young man recovered and the fame of Rimesvara was at its height. Nizam Shah wrote under his golden seal a letter to Ramnesvara, inviting him to court. The messenger arrived at Pratishthana and Ramešvars though unwilling, at last consented to go. But the result of the interview is not given. But the fact that he did go appears from a description of his journey to Kolhapur in order to worship the great goddess Mahâ-Lakshmi. On his way he had a great adventure with the ghost of a learned Brahman, whom he subdued and who escorted him to Kolhapur, the condition being that Râmeśvara would burn a blanket belonging to the ghost and the ghost would become his son. The pilgrimage to Kolbâpar being over, Râmesvara journeyed to Vidyanagar, then under the role of the famous Krisbnarâga. Rimeśvara lived at the house of Krishna-Bhatta om tat sat, a class friend of his and a spiritual guide of the Raja. The Rajá hearing from all sides of the learning of Ramesvara was anxious to make Page #13 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ JANUARY, 1912) DAKSHINI PANDITS AT BENARES a gift of elephants, horses, etc., to him, but Rameśvara knew that a gift of elephants and horses is not allowed in Sastras. Unwilling to accept it, he left the place one fine morning for a pilgrimage to Dvaraka. On the way a son was born to him in the month of Chaitra in the Saka year 1435, i. e., March 1514. This boy later on became famous as Narayana-Bhatta. Râmesvara fived for four years at Dvaraka, teaching Mahdbhdshya and Sureśvara cártika. Then he came back to Pratishthana where he was given a great ovation. He lived there for four years and then left it for good for Kasi. A second son Sridhara was born on the way and a third at Benares All the three were married at Benares. Rameśvara was advanced in yuars when Narayana was born; so when he came to Benares, he was a pretty old man, His principal students were :(i) Ananta Bhatta, Chittala of Konkan. (ii) Damodara Sarasvati. (iii) Madhava Sarasvati. The last two were great travellers and great teachers. Madbara was the teacher of Madhusůdana Sarasvati. (iv) Mahesa Thakkur, an inhabitant of Tirhoot or Mithila, wrote a commentary on Pakshadharamišra's works entitled Tattra-chintámany-dlóka-dar-pana He is the founder of the present Darbhanga Raj family. It is said that he got the Raj as a gift from the last king of Mithila belonging to the Brahman dynasty of which the first king was Kameia. The grant is said to have been confirmed by Sher Shah and Akbar. A letter written by Mahesa Thakkur to Tarkika Chudamani, which is another name of Raghunatha Siromaņi, is to be found in a copy of Vaivastata siddhanta, composed at Nadia in A.D. 1529 now deposited in the library of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. His mother was Dhira, his father was Chandrapati, and his elder brothers were Mahadeva Bhagiratha, and Damodara. He was the leading spirit of Mithila in the 16th century. (v) Govinda Dvivedi of Gajarât. He studied the Mahabhúshya along with Sridhara, second son of the teacher. (vi), (vii) Acharya Bhatta Talasi and Visvanatha Talasi. Both became teachers of Vedanta, in Southern India. (viii) Sankara Misra Sarma of Kanauj. Commented upon the Gila-Govinila at the request of Salinatha, perhaps another commentator. Tae commentary was entitled Rasamajjari. (See Aufrecht's Cat, Cat.) Besides these, Râmesvara had students from Dravida, Gurjara; Kanyakubja, Western India, Mälava, Braja, Mithila, Himalayan regions, Karnata, Utkala, Kaumkaņa, Gauda, Andhra, Mathura, Kanarúpa, and other parts of India. Rimesvarn died in good old age and his wife became a Sati. Narayana-Bhatta had now become a great teacher. He learned all the Sastras : -Sruti, Smriti, and the six Darsanas from his father. He wrote the Tristhali-Setu for the conduct of worship in the three places of pilgrimage: Gaya, Kisi, and Prayfiga. Ho held constant disputations with the Pandits of Eastern India on points of religious interest, and be was always successful in supporting the ideas of Southern India. An instance is given in the manuscript : योत्तरेश्वरसमीरितपत्रपूर्य विज्ञापनादग्रहणवीक्षगानर्णयार्थ ।। प्राच्यविवादमानशं प्रविधाय मासं श्रीदाक्षिणात्यमतमूर्जिततां निनाय ॥ १३ ॥ At a Sraddha ceremony at Dehli in the house of Todar Mal, he worsted in disputation all the Pandits of Gauda and Mithila with Vidyinivasa at their head. Todar Mal was a patron of Sanskrit literature, having caused excellent compilations in Smriti, Jyotisha, Vaidyaka, and ther Sástras. He was long the Sabahdar of Bengal. It is not uonatural, therefore, that he should invite Bengal Pandits at a Sraddha. Vidyânivasa was then the leading Pandit at Navadvipa. Page #14 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY JANUARY, 1912. He was a Banerji. His father Vilya-vachaspati is described as one whose feet were constantly rubbed by the crown jewels of Rajas. Vidyânivasa's sons were all well-known Pandits. His second son was the author of Bháshú-parichchheda, a standard work of Nyâya all over India. His third son was in high favour with Bhava Simba, the son of Mân Simba of Amber. Even Vidyanivasa bad to yield his palm to Bbatta Narayana and the point at dispute was one of vital importance to modern Brahmanism. The ancient Rishis declare that at the performance of a Sraddha, live Brahmans are to be fed with the cooked food offered to the manes. Bengal holds that this is impossible in the Kaliyaga as there are no Brâhmans worthy to feed. And so they feed symbolical Brahmans (Brâhmans made of kuśd-grass). The southern people hold that the injunctions of the Sástras should be respected, and live Brahmaņs are to be fed. Among his principal students were : Brahmendra Sarasvati and Narayana Sarasvati. The first presented an address to Vidyanidhi Kavindra (of whom later on), about 1640. The latier wrote niany Veldnta works about the end of the 16th century (See Cat Cat.). Narayaṇa wrote two great works on Smrits. One is Dharma-Pratritti, current in Southern India, and the other, Prayogaratna, carrent in Northern India. He wrote a commentary on Vrittaraindkara in 1545 (see Ind. Of. Cat., pages 303-4) and not in 1680, as Aufrecht says. He wrote an independent work on prosody entitled Vrittaraindrali and also a Prakrita Vioriti of Abhijñána Sakuntala. Besides these already mentioned, Cat. Cat. registers 28 other works, some of which are undoubtedly parts of Tristhali-setu and Prayogaratna. Among these are Mimánsd works a commentary on Sastra-Dipikd and Karikas on Madhavacharya's K dlanirnaya. He wrote on a variety of topics in Smriti, such as consecration of gardens, tanks, wells, etc., phallic emblems of Siva, images of gods, and so forth. As a Grihastha he seems to have been peculiarly averse to the renunciation of the world. Though a teacher of Velanta, he often had disputations with celebrated monks. He is said to have defeated in arguments, Nșsimbásrama, tbe writer of so many Vedanta works, Upendrasrama who was universally regarded as the first man of his time, and even Madhusûdan Sarasvati, whose fame rests on his successful assailment of the Naiyayikas. Pandits all over India looked cpon him as their patron, and he spared neither money nor pains to help them. This position was held for a long time by his son Sankara and after Sankara, by Vid yanidhi Kavindra, Tradition says that he often worked miracles. Once upon a time, there was a severe drought in India, and at the request of the Great Moghul he brought down rain in twenty-four hours. The Great Moghul pleased with his wonderfal powers granted bim permission to re-erect the temple of Visvesara at Benares destroyed about 100 years before. The spacious and beautifully ornamented temple destroyed by Aurangzib's Sabahdar about 1670 and converted into a mosque is pointed out as the temple erected by Bhatta-Narayana. Mândalik supports this tradition, but the Gadhi-vamsa Anucharita is silent on the point. Not only was be a voluminous writer, but he was a great collector of manuscripts. Manuscripts copied by him and copied under bis directions are often found in different libraries. He died at a ripe old age, leaving three sons well established in the world, and a number of grandsons, many of whom became famous writers in the 17th century. Narayana's eldest son was Râmaksishņa, who wrote Jivat-pitrika-nirnaya, Kati-hômádipaddhati, Asvi-stuti-vyakhyana (Gádhivuniédnucharita), Jyotishļoma-paddhati (Mandalik), Ananta, vrat-ody&pana prayoga, Yasika-śráddha-nirnaya, Sivalinga-pratishthd-vidhi, Vastu-sánti-prayoga and Rudra-endna-paddhau (Aufrecht). His principal student was Trimalla Bhatta. He died at the age of 52, leaving three sons, Dinakara, Kamalakara, and Lakshmaņa. His wife Uma died a sati. Page #15 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ DAKSHINI PANDITS AT BENARES 11 JANUARY, 1912.] The third son of Narayana was Govinda who died at the age of 48. He was very fond of his mother, whom he served all through life, following her shortly after her death. He left four sons-Lakshmi Bhatta, Indra Bhatta, Rama Bhatta and Brahma Bhatta. The second son of Narayana Bhatta was Sankara Bhatta. His disciples were : (i) Mallâri Bhatta (ii) Bhattoji Dikshita, the author of the Siddhanta-Kaumudi. He taught through his son Damodara: (i) Kshirâbdhirâma (ii) Abhayankara (iii) Viśvanatha Dânte He wrote Dharmadvaita-nirnayachandrika, Mimamsá-bálaprakása, Vidhi-rasayana-dushana Vratamayukha, Sástra-dipika-prakása, Sarva-dharma-prakása and Braddha-kalpa-sára. Of these Dvaitanirnaya is very well known. Sankara does not speak much of himself in his work. He simply says that in his old age he was very much distressed by the loss of a dear nephew of his. The book as a matter of course does not record his death. That he was a very prominent figure at Benares is evidenced by Kavindra-chandrôdayd. It calls him the head of the Pandit community of India and a great patron of learning. We do not know when he died, we know from Prayaschitta-mayúkha of his son Nilakantha that he had four sons, Damodara, Nrisimha, Nilakantha (all of whom he mentions in his Gadhi) and Ranganatha. Perhaps Ranganatha was dead when the book was written. Leaving the Gadhi family now to pursue their career of authorship with the greatest vigour in the seventeenth century, I now proceed to give an account of the man who wielded the greatest influence in India during the middle of the seventeenth century. This is Vidyanidhi Kavindra. He was a Sannyasi, but he was a very rich man. He had a Bhandari or treasurer named KrishnaBhatta. Both the master and servant were good poets and men of the highest Hindu culture. They migrated from the banks of the Godavari, perhaps owing to the annexation of the remnant of Nizam Shahi dominions by the Great Moghul Shah Jehan. Kavindra is mentioned as wielding the highest influence after Bhatta Narayana and Sankara for the good not only of Pandits and Brahmans but of Hindus in general. Shah Jehan gave him the title of Sarvavidyanidhana. So he is known as Sarvavidyanidhana-Kavindra-Sarasvati. He was a great collector of manuscripts. It is not known how many thousands of manuscrips he collected, but all the manuscripts of his library bear in large, bold, and beautiful Devanagari character his signature SarvavidyanidhanaKavindra-Sarasvati. That signature is a guarantee for the correctness and accuracy of the manuscript. It is not known when and how the library was broken up, but the manuscripts of his library can now be procured in Benares, and they are preferred by all Pandits to other manuscripts. At that time Hindus suffered great hardship owing to the exaction of a pilgrim tax from all votaries that came to Benares and Prayaga. Kavindra, as the acknowledged head of the Pandits of Benares, was greatly moved by the hardship of his co-religionists. He journeyed to Agra with a large following and proceeded to the Diwânâm, and there he pleaded the cause of the Hindu pilgrims with so much force of eloquence that all the noblemen of the court from Irak, Iran. Badakshan, Balkh, Kabul, Kandahar, Kashmere, Panjab, and Sindh were struck with wonder. Shah Jehan and Dara Shikoh relented and abolished the tax. That was a day of great rejoicing throughout Hindu India. It was on this occasion that the title of Sarvavidyanidhana was conferred upon him. When he came back to Benares with his new title and with the prestige of success, addresses poured upon him from all parts of India. About a hundred of these in Sanskrit were collected together by his Bhandari, who also presented one with 35 verses; and two copies of Page #16 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 12 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JANUARY, 1912. the collected addresses are to be found in the Asiatic Society's Library. The addresses are both in prose and poetry. Some are long and some are very short. One of the most notable persons in presenting an address was Visvanatha Tarkapanchanan. Another address was by Ganesa of the Dharmadhikari family of Benares. Brahmendra Sarasvati was another. Bhaiya Bhatta was a fourth. Pandit Vireśvara of Kurmâchala also presented an address. These addresses set forth the excellences of Vidyanidhi. Some praise his liberality, some his eloquence, some his boldness, others again his deep knowledge of the Bdstras. One sets forth the various Sastras he had studied, and another the various acts of charity to which he contributed. The most touching of the addresses is that which was presented by the students at Benares who looked upon him as their Earthly Providence. After Bhatta Narayana, Sankara and Vidyanidhi, the man who exerted his influence all over India was Gaga Bhatta or Visvešvara Bhatta. He came at a time when the Marathas were a fighting and rising nation. The political importance of the Marathas had its reflex influence on the colony of Pandits of the Maharashtra country at Benares. The Marathî peoples looked upon them as their law-givers and they also felt a pride in their being of the Maharashtra extraction. Gaga-Bhatta was the son of Dinakara Bhatts and grandson of Ramaksishņa Bhata and great grandson of Nârâyaņa Bhatta. His father and his uncles wrote many books specially in Smriti. His cousins, too, were writers of note, but he outdid them all. He completed a series of Smriti works, left unfinished by his father Dinakara Bhatta. He wrote a commentary on the Jaimini Satras. Kumarila wrote his commentary on Sabara-Bhdshya, in vergo, for one quarter of the first chapter only. GagaBhatta continued the work, and wrote a commentary in verse for the whole work. This commen. tary is entitled Sivarkodaya. But Gâgå Bhatta is not 90 much known for his erudite works as for the influence he exerted on Society. He it was who restored Sivaji the founder of Maratha greatness, to the Kshatriya caste and performed his Abhisheka ceremony as an independent sovereign, Sivaji greatly revered him for his learning and piety. He it was who first raised the question of caste elevation, which at the present moment is exercising the minds of all Hindus. He had a loud voice and his eloquence was greatly admired. He was a Mímamsaka of the first class and a great writer on Smțiti. He wrote on Alarikara and even on Vedanta. His great successor was Nagoj Bhatta, who lived to a great age and whose influence over the people of Benares was very great. There is no branch of Sanskrit literature in which he did not distinguish himself as a commentator. His commentaries on works of the Panini School of grammar are of the highest authority. He wrote on Alankara. He wrote on the Tirthas He wrote on tithi. He wrote on yoga. He wrote on Mimamsd. He wrote on Ramayana. He wrote on Samkhya. He wrote on Vedanta. He always encouraged students, and stories of Någoji's encouragement of students may yet he heard in Beneres. Even at his old age he enjoyed life heartily and mixed with all classes of men. He died about the time when Benares came under British Protection by a vote of majority in the Governor-General's Council about 1775. The Raja of Pratapgarh in Oadh gave him his livelihood and he gratefully acknowledges his obligation to the Râjâ in the opening verse of every one of his works, His papil and successox was Vaidyanatha Payagunde, otherwise called Annam Bhatta, also a volaminous writer on Vydkarana and Smriti. His commentary on the Vyavahára-Khanda of Mitakshard is still the standard work of the Benares School of Smriti, and as such very much Xospected in the civil courts of British India, In 1791 the Benares Sanskrit College was established and the Dakshiņi Brâhmaņas were its principal professors. Even at the present moment the Dakshiņi element preponderates in the staff of that College. Page #17 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ JANUARY, 1912.) MISCELLANEA 13 The seven Dakshiņi families that swayed the Hindu Society at Benares during the last four hundred years are : (i) The Sesha family-though they came from the Tailanga country they are to all intents and purposes now Mahârâşbțra Brahmaņas. (ii) The Dharmadhikari family which appears from the genealogy given by Mandalik to have come to Benares about the same time as the Gadbis. (iii) The Gadhi or Bhatta family, of which Rameśvara came to Benares in 1522 and about whom and whose family something has been said in the first part of the paper. (iv) The Bharadvaja family.--The founder of this family was Mahadeva, the son-in-law of Nilakantha Bhatte, son of Sankara Bhatta. He was the author of Dinalari, the commentary on Siddhanta-Muktavali. It is not known when they came to Benares, but since Mahadeva's time they always held a high position among the Pandits of Benares, the last representatives being Mahamahopadhyâya Damodara Sastri of the Benares and Mahamahopadhyâya Govinda Sastri of the Calcutta Sanskrit College. (v) The Payagunde family, of which Vaidyanatha was the most prominent figure. (vi) Chaturdhara or Chowdhuri family, which did much in advancing the cause of Hinduim at Benares. Nilakantha Chaturdhara wrote a commentary on the whole of the Mahdbhdrata. (vii) The Puntamkar family.-Mahadeva of this family wrote a large commentary on Bhavaanda Siddhanta-vågišas, commentary on the Didhiti. It would be interesting to collect all the Sanskrit works written by different members of these six families for the last four hundred years. They will be an extensive library-they will show the direction in which Hindu Society moved, And they will also incidentally give us much information about the political history of India from Hindu sources, which is not much available at the present day. D. R. B.] MISCELLANEA. THE ORIGIN OF THE BHAKTI SCHOOL. such other atheistic systems setting forth mere The following is a very brief summary of the moral elevation or righteousness as the goal to lecture delivered by Dr. R. G. Bhandarkar in be attained. The second part was taken up by the July last at the Literary and Philosophical Club, Bhakti or Bhagavata School. We have epiPoona. The views herein expressed have been graphical evidence of the existence of the school set forth at full length and with all the necessary during tbe three or four centuries before Christ. vidence in the introductory part of the Vaishnava The age of inscriptions is determined by the form section of his work on the Bhaktimdirga, which he has recently contributed to the Grundriss der of the characters in which they are engraved. Indo-Arischen Philologie und Altertumekunde.- The earliest inscriptions known to us are those of Asoka, who ascended the tbrode about 258 B.C., The ancient Vedic hymns containing prayers to as is determined by the occurrence of the names the different gods were in later times succeeded of five contemporaneous Greek princes. The first by others in which the poets endeavoured to i of the inscriptions indicative of the existence of Grapple with the problems about man, the world, the Bhakti Sohool must have been engraved about und god. Speculation of this kind was continued the beginning of the second century before in the times of the Upanishads and the main Christ. It speaks of a puja stone wall (biladoctrines arrived at concerned the freedom of the prdkara) for the worship of Bhagavat Sariakarhuman heart from passion and the existence of shana and Vasudeva. Another, a few years the supreme Lord of all possessing personality later, mentions the erection of a flagstaff with and of Brahma which was the impersonal essence an image of Garada at the top in honour of of all things. The first part in later times Vasudeva, the god of gods, by Heliodora (Heliodeveloped itself into Buddhism, Jainism, and doros) a resident of Takshasila, an ambassador of The stone is now in the Victoria Hall, Udaipur. But it was found at Ghosandt, to which place it was Tomoved from Nagarl, where it is believed to have been originally lying (Jour.. Beng. As. Soc., Vollvi, Part I, p. 17 f.). Page #18 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 14 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JANUARY, 1912. Amtalikita (Antalkidas) who was a Bhagavata, he was a devotee, Nârîyaņa showed himself to i.e., worshipper of Bhagavat or belonging to the him and explained the Bhagavata religion, which Bhagavata Scbool. A third inscription of about prevailed among the Såtvatas. The Supreme the beginning of the first century before Christ God according to this faith is Vasudeva; from existing at Nánaghat contains an adoration of him sprang Samkarshana or the individual soul; Sankarshana and Vasudeva. Patañjali, the from him Pradyumna or the mind; and from him author of the Mahabhashya on Panini, who wrote Aniruddba or egoisin. By certain devotional about 150 before Christ speaks of Vasudeva as the practices, men attain Vasudeva through the interworshipful one. A Buddhistic work of the thirdmediate stages of Aniruddha, etc. This Ekantika century before Christ mentions Vasudeva and religion was, it is further stated, revealed in the Baladeva as the deities worshipped by specific Hari-ylla or the Bhagavad-gitá, at the time when sects. The Mahabharata is a work containing & the armies of the Pandavas and Kurus stood face collection of pieces of varied antiquity, some to face and Ariuna's heart failed him. The pre-Christian and others post-Christian, and it is Elantika-dharma of the Såtvatas was, therefore, difficult to determine the age of any particular the system taught in the Bhagavad-gita ; and the piece: but, with the help of the dates supplied us theistic reform we have spoken of as opposed to by the inscriptions and the two books mentioned the moral reform of Buddha is that effected by above, we are in a position to determine when a that work. certain specific religion that it speaks of in a The main problem of this work was how section of the 12th book arose. That religion is to achieve freedom from passion. A man is the Ekántika-dharma or the religion of single- born to act. He acts with certain desires; these minded devotion or monotheism. It prevailed desires become strengthened in him by frequent among a tribe of the Y&lavas known by the name actions and he becomes a slave to them. Thereof S&tvatas. The origin of this religion is traced fore Gitú teaches that actions should be done, to certain Rishis, and from them it was trans. not from the desire of attaining any fruit from mitted to others until 10 reacnea Brihaspati, who them, but because the Brahman or the uni. had for his pupil a prince of the name of versal order requires him to do them, i, e., the Vasu-Uparichara. This last instituted a horse action should be performed as a duty or it should sacrifice in which Bribaspati was the priest. No be dedicated to God and performed to propitiate animals were killed on the occasion, and the Him. oblations were prepared in accordance with the Now to perform an act because it is a duty or precepts of the Aranyakas, which works contain to please God is a matter of the greatest diffithe Upanishads. Hari was the god worshipped. culty to an ordinary man who is full of desires He took away the oblation offered to him without and passions, but he is able to conquer these by showing himself to Bțihaspati. He was, however, the grace of God when he adores Him incessantly seen by Vasu.Uparichara. Brihaspati was angry, by bhukti or devotion. Bhakti or devotion to when three persons explained to him that Hari God is, therefore, the way to attain God and was to be seen only by those who adored him serenity or freedom from passions. and were devoted to him. They themselves had The Vasudeva religion or the Páñcharátra once gone to the White Island (Svetu-dvipa) to system, as it was afterwards called, was based on see Hari or Narayana, performed austerities for a the Bhagavad-gita. Mogasthenes mentions Heracles hundred years, but were told that Hari was not as the god worshipped by the Sourasonoi, in whose to be seen by them, as they were not his devotees country was situated Methora or Mathura and and performed only austerities. This story shows the River Jobares or Jamna flowed. The Southat a new reformed religion had sprung up, rasenoi correspond to Saurasenas, i.e. here the which, like Buddhism, condemned animal sacri. Såtvatas, and thus Vasudeva to Heracles; and tices and the practice of austerities, but, unlike thus the religion of Vasudeva flourished on the it, set forth the adoration of God as the way to evidence of Magesthenes, in the fourth century emancipation. Then Narada is mentioned as before the Christian era. having gone to the same White Island ; and, as * Jour. R. A. Soc. for 1900, p. 1087 ff; for 1910 p. 141 f;Jour. Bomb. As. Soc., Vol. xxlii, P. 104 t. Arch. Sury., West India, Vol. v, p. 60. Page #19 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ JANUARY, 1912.] CORRESPONDENCE. Soon after, Vasudeva was identified with to be identified with Visu leva.. In the course Kțishna whose name had been handed down as of their wanderings eastward from Syria or Asia that of u holy seer and who was the founder of a Minor, they brought with them probably tradiGotra or family. In later times, he was identi- tions of the birth of Christ in the stable, the fied with Narayana who had become an object of massacre of innocents, etc., and the name Christ worship as the source of all Naras or men and as itself. This name became recognised as Krishna, lying on the primeval waters; and in still later as this word is often pronounced by some Indians times, with Vishnu, who was originally a solar as Krishto or Kushto. And thus the traditional deity but had afterwards acquired the attributes legends brought by the Abbiras became engraftof supreme godhead. About the first century of ed on the story of Vasudeva-Kșishna of India. the Christian era, the boy god of a wandering These are the five elements that constitute the tribe of cow-herds of the naine of Abhiras came | Vaishnavisin of modern India. CORRESPONDENCE. MY DEAR MR. BHANDARKAR, india and Europe. Mr. R. Narasimhachar of Many thanks for your drawing attention to Bangalore says, in his letter to me dated the my notes on the dates of Subandhu and Dinnaga | 28th October 1911, that with regard to Dr. and sending me an advance proof of Dr. Hoernle's Hoernle's letter in the Indian Antiquary for letter dated 13th June 1911. Dr. Hoernle says, September, he had referred Dr. Hoernle to some "I have no prints or manuscripts of Vamana's manuscripts in which the reading Subandhu is work at hand, but it would seem that M. M. clearly given. Haraprasad's reading of Subandhu is a mere Reading carefully the verses which prefaco conjecture not supported by any manuscript evi- Subandhu's story of Våsa vadatta, it appears dence." When I wrote the note, I had the patent to everyone who is acquainted with SubanKavyamalá edition of the Kavyalamkára sttravritti dhu's punning style that he himself mentions before me. That edition is based on two manu- Chandraprakåsa in its élishta form Himakaroscripte, one from Jaipur and the other from Bena- dyota in the 5th verse. For in that verse he res. The Jaipur manuscript had Vastubandhu, says that the good man, who makes other people's while the Benares manuscript had Subandhu. So merita appreciated, becomes more fortunate and in my note I said, "there may be an objection to popular. The moonshine, which makes the this that in sume manuscripts the word is not kumuda flower blossom, Lears enhanced beauty. Subandhu' but. Vastubandhu." Thus I had some Now moonshine Himakarodyota is Chandra manuscript evidence to support me when I wrote praktár. So it is a proper Dame, and I am glad that paper. Since the appearance of Mr. P&tbak's that Dr. Hoernle agrees with me. piper on Kumaragupta, the patron of Vasuban- Dr. Hoernle has done a service in pointing out dlıu,'I have consulted the only manuscript avail. that the bemistich in Vamana's work must have able in Calcutta, namely, the Sanskrit College been written shortly after the death of Chandmanuscript Alamkara No. 24. It has Sabandhu ragupta, that is, about A. D. 413, though I think with a little waving at the lower end of the right shortly before, as a reigning prince would not be Find vertical line which I take to be the sub- described as Chandraguptaktanaya. In that case, ript U; though in the same page there is an by the showing of Dr. Takakusu, the hemistich istance of a more pronounced subscript U. In cannot refer to Vasubandhu who lived for 80 .Inandarama Baru's edition it is Vastubandhu. years between A. D. 420 and 500, and Mr. Tie Vidy&viláss Press edition of Vamana's Pathak depends on that eminent Japanese wirk, published at Benares under the supervision Scholar for referring the verse to Vasubandhu. of Dr. Thibaut, it is Subandhu. The edition is 1 Dr. Hoernle doubts that there was a civil war based on three manuscripts, though differences of after the death of Chandragupta. reading are not given. The three manuscripts all ! But the prefatory verses of Vascvadatta give evine from Southern India. Two belong to the A support to my contentions. In the sixth verso twe learned editors and the third to Våtsya Subandhu is very bitter against khalas-the Sundaracb&ryga of Vitthalapura. So I have five wicked-who are more mischievous than snakes, manuscripts to support the reading Subandhu. In his usual punning way he says that serpents I have not seen the Vanivilles Press edition are nakula-doeshi-enemy to weasles, at the same used by Mr. Pathak. It would be interesting in time na kula-dveshi-not envious to the family; this connection to consult other manuscripts of while the wicked are Sa-kula-dueshi--hard even the work which are to be found in other parts of to the family of their victims. In the seventh he Page #20 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 16 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JANUARY, 1912. compares the wicked with owls, who have an eye even in the darkest of darkness. Then again in the eighth, he says that the wicked though they des. troy tbe merits of others become the more sinful; just as clouds which cover the rays of the moon become darker thereby. What do all these signify? The word Saśiruk in the eighth verse again means Chandraprakita, though the unhistorical commentators do not say so. The tenth verse is well known throughout India and is in the mouth of every Pandit. It says that on the death of Vikramaditya, love of Art and Poetry is gone. Upstarts are flourishing; everybody's hand is on his neighbour's throat. What does this mean, unless it means a re. volution in which the antinor did not fare well on the death of Chandragupta-Vikramadity? I agree with Dr. Hoernle that history does not speak of such * revolution. But does history record all the revolutions in India ? His the history of India advanced so far? If not, may may not these wailings of a sensitive poet signify a cbange for the worse? Read the hemistich with the prefutory verses of Visaradard, and the inference is irresistible that the changes of the times were rninons to Subandhu and his party. The word Sachida may have a derivative meaning of companionship or friendship, for the word comes from Sachá, meaning saha, a word common in the Vedas. So the word A matyt also comes from Amrisha. But the radical meaning was long lost sight of. Kalidasa, who flourished within a century after Subandhu, uses the word Suchina always in the sense of ministers. Tena dhuir-jagato gurvi sachiveshu nichik hipe. Grihini suchivah sakhi mithah, etc. Mr. Pathak translates dishtyd kritirthasrama as deserving congratulation on the success of his efforts. If it were the phrase dishtya varhase, it would have meant congratulation; but siraply disht yd means "fortunately." He was successful in his endeavour, not in obtaining sover. eiguty, because, that is not the subject treated of here; but he was successful in giving encouragernent to literary men, that is, in being deruyu" to kritadhiyah or men of talent. Caleutta. HARAPRASAD SHASTRI. BOOK-NOTICE. KAVYAPRAKA WITH PRADITA AND UDDYOTA: edited Pradipa with the Prabha, but unfortumately by VASUDEVA SHASTRI ABRYAN KAB. AnandAsramns without the Vritti or the explanatory prose Sanskrit Series, Poon, No. 66. portion of the text. Of Nagojibhatta's commenSLOWLY and steadily has the Anandásrama tary only the portions dealing with t'llisus I, II, Press been putting forth its work, at so much VIT, and X were available in the editions of those a day, and already our shelves are proaning with Ulias published by the lato Prof. Chandorkar the weight of the volumes it has published. We for the sake of the B.A. students of Bombay have used the word grorning intentionally. The University. The present edition, therefore, of varieties of types in which the volumes are print the Rileyaprakies with tho Pradipa and the ed are often rather too big and make the volumes complete tadyota is quite welcome. It would more bulky and heavy than they oug bave been still more welcome had Mr. H.N. Ápte. therefore, less handy. The Shastri and the who has got the management of the Series in bis Paudit might perbapa be thereby enabled to hands, Sven his way to include explanation spare the use of spectacles for some time longer of the instances cited in the text from the tban they would otherwise be, at least in reading Udiharanashandrika of Vaidyanatha. Någojithese volumes. But their case is different. They bhatta does give explanations, but not so fully. have got only a few books to possess. Other In the publications issuing from the Anandasscholars already feel the want of shelf-room for ratna learned critical introductions by the the numerone books they are obliged to have in editors, dealing with such matters as the date these days of multiplication of books, and position of a book and its author in th The present volume is the latest in the Anan literature to which they relate. are not to dasrama Series. Kivyaprakása is a classic of classic of looked for. But it is better to have no suel: llawkira literature anil there has been no end introduction than to have an unscholarly or to the writing of commentaries on it. Yet only uncritical one. The present editor does no: a few years ago there were no good editions of seem to be aware even of the fact that the either the text or of good commentaries on it Kiryaprakika was left incomplete towards the available in print. Mahesachandra's first edition, end by Mammata and was completed by satisfactory as it was, was then out of print. Rajánaka Allata But a correct text, correctly Kamalakari, n not very satisfactory commentary, printed, of a work not already printed it all o" was available only in a lithographed edition. printed incorrectly, is what we have a right to The only edition which students of the work expect from the Press; and we have certainly go! could avail themselves of was the one with that in the volume before us, and that in itself in Maheśvara's commentary. But the commentary But the commentary a great deal. For the sake of correctness of was far froin satisfactory. Then followed spelling, however, we would have wished that the Vimanacharya's edition, in which the text was, as word "Uddyota'' had not been printed as in a variorum edition, smothered in the excerpts Udyota," as it has been in so many places. from various commentaries. (Cf oth Rechtschreibang in Vedt, pp. 101-2. Perhaps the best commentary on the Kurya- 2.DMG. XLVIII.) The list of Errata (nuchant prakása is the Pradipt with its two commen- too is not as complete as it should have been. taries, the Prabhi of Vaidyanatha and the Udyota of Nayojibhatta. The Nirnayasågar SHRIDHAR R. BHANDARKAR. Prens gave us some time ago an edition of the Bombay. Page #21 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ FEBRUARY, 1912.) SOME UNPUBLISHED INSCRIPTIONS SOME UNPUBLISHED INSCRIPTIONS. BY D. R. BHANDARKAR, M.A., POONA. (Continued from Vol. XL, p. 176.) 3.--Hansi Stone Inscription of Prithviraja (Vikrama)-Samvat 1224. A translation, without a transcript, of this inscription by Captain E. Fell has been published in A Asiatic Researches, Vol. XV, pp. 443-6, and a summary of it with full and elaborate remarks thereon by Lieutenant-Colonel Tod in the Transactions, Royal As. Soo., Vol. I, p. 154. Bat none of these attempts has proved successful, and a correct and accurate account together with a transcript of it is still a desideratum. No excuse is, therefore, needed to publish this record. The inscription was originally found at Hansi in the Panjab, but regarding its exact original find-sopt there, Tod says as follows: "The inscription, which I obtained through the kindness of my friend Colonel Skinner, had been saved from the general wreck of these halls, by the materials being taken to erect a small Musleman place of worship; and this slab was built into the wall in a reversed position. It was afterwards presented to Marquis Hastings; but as it reached this nobleman at a very busy period of his career in 1818, I know not what became of it." The inscription stone, strange to say, is now lying in the Royal Scottish Museum at Edinburgh. Two excellent photographs of it had been sent four years ago by a person connected with this Museum to a Parsi gentleman in Poona, called Mr. French man, who made them over to me. And it is from these photographs that I edit the inscription. The inscription contains 22 lines of writing. The characters are Nagari. Attention may be drawn to the sign for ri occurring in riksha-yutha-patichih, line 12. The language is Sanskrit; and the inscription is partly in prose and partly in verse. The verses are numbered, but very great carelessness is shown in this respect. It is full of solecisms. We thus have rangání instead of rangán in line 2, vijaya vara-kareh instead of vijaya-vara-karinah in line 8, and so on. In respect of orthography, the only points that call for notice are: (1) the use of for band (2) the doubling of a consonant in conjunction with a preceding r. With regard to lexicography we have only to note the desi word gudha employed in line 11. The record opens with an obeisance to some goddess whose name is unspecified. This shows that the inscription slab was originally in the temple of a goddess. Then follows & verse which invokes the blessings of the god Murari. Verse 2 informs us that there was a King of the Chûhamâna lineage called Prithviraja and his maternal uncle was one Kilhana, who, according to the next verse, belonged to the Gühilauta dynasty. The verse following tells us that thinking of Hammira who had become the cause of anxiety to the world, the king pat Kilhaņa in charge of the fort of Asika, doubtless Hansi. From verse 5 we learn that Kilbasa *rected a pratolí, i.e., a pol, or gateway which with its flags set Hammira as it were at defiance. And near the gateway were constructed two koshthakas or granaries (verse C). Then we have a prose line (lines 9-10) speaking of a letter sent to him by Vibhishana. Verse 7 with which the letter begins, ways: "the lord of demons (Vibhishana) who has obtained a boon from Rama, the crest-jewel of the lineage of Raghu, respectfully speaks thus to Kilhana staying in the fort (gadha) of Åsi." The next verse says: "In the work of building the bridge we both assisted the leaders of the monkeys and bears. And you yourself (Kilhaņa) have written saying that to you the lord of Pamchapura, a string of pearls and this city bad been given by the Omni. present (Rama)." In the verse following Prithvirája is compared to Rama and Kilhaņa to Hanůmån. In verse 10 Vibhishana bestows nothing but contentional praise on Kilhaņa Verse 1 Transactions, Roy. ds. Soc., Vol. I, p. 135. Page #22 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 18 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [FEBRUARY, 1912. 11 refers to his having barnt Pamchapura, and captured but not killed its lord. Verse 12 again is simply eulogistic, but, in the verse following with which the letter ends, Vibhishana requests Kilhana to accept the string of pearls or even Lankâ but promise safety to him. Then again follows a prose line (lines 19-20) which by the way informs us that this string of pearls was presented by the ocean to Râmabhadra when he was intent upon constructing the bridge. Verses 14-15 state that there was one Valha who belonged to the Doda race and who was a subordinate of Kilhana and that his son was Lakshmana under whose auspices the prasasti was composed. This is followed by the date which is Thursday the 7th of the bright half of Magha of the (Vikrama) year 1224. It will be seen from the above account that this inscription is a prasasti or panegyric. and its object is to describe Kilhana's conquest of Pamchapura and its chief. Kilhana was a maternal uncle and feudatory of the Châhamâna sovereign Prithviraja. This Prithviraja is not the celebrated Prithviraja who fought with and was captured by Shihabu-d-Din Ghûr in A.D. 1192, as Tod supposes. Because, for this Prithviraja we have dates ranging only from A.D. 1182-92, whereas the date of our inscription is v.E. 1224 A D. 1167. Prithviraja of this record must therefore be the same as the Prithviraja who preceded Someśvara. Kilhana, we are expressly told, was put in charge of the fort of Asi or Asikâ, i.e., Hâusi, to check the progress of Haminira, i.e., of course the Muhammadan emperors. There can be no doubt that the Muhammadans were at this time attempting to pour into India. This is also clear from the Delhi-Siwâlik pillar inscription of v.E. 1220A.D. 1164 wherein the Châhamâna Visaladeva is represented to have exterminated the Mlechchhas and made Aryavarta what its name signifies, i.e., an abode of the Aryans. It was, therefore, urgently necessary to put a stop to this by appointing a brave and clever personage to the charge of the Hansi fort, especially as it was on the route to India. Tod says: "Asigarh or Asi lurg is celebrated as the scene of contest between the Hindus and early Muhammedans. It was by this route, that most of Shahâbuddin's attempts were made to wrest the throne of Hind from Prithviraja; and often did the warriors of the mountains of Cabul find their graves before Asi. Even now it presents the appearance of a great sepulchre all around but especially to the west. The route was by Pachapattan, the town of purity, on the Sutlej, to Bhatner and Fateh-abal, to Asi and Delhi."3 From these words of Tod's the importance of fortifying and maintaining the fort of Hûnsi towards the close of the Châhamâna supremacy is quite clear; and what is equally clear is the necessity of keeping a strong hold on Pachapattana on the Sutlej mentioned by Tod, which can be no other than Pamchapura of our inscription. Probably the chief of Pamchapura about this time did not owe fealty to the Chihamâna dynasty, and it was, therefore, absolutely indispensable to put him down and take possession of his city. This explains why the capture of Pamchapura and its chief is considered so important in the inscription. The praiasti was composed by one Lakshamana, who was, we are told, a Doda by race. The Dodas have beer. given a place by Tod in his list of thirty-six royal races of Rajasthân,* but he tells nothing about them. I believe they are the same as the Dods or Dodias, a clan of the Paramâras. The province in Rajputânâ now called Hâdotî was originally held by them and was wrested from them by the Khichis of Gagronâ, who in their turn had to give it up to the Ilâdâs after whom the province was so called. In the time of Mahmud Ghazni, Merat, Balaude hr, etc., were held by the Dogs, of whom Haradatta was the most pre-eminent. Dods are now found as Jagirdars near Lârâ in Tonk. Above, Vol. XIX, p. 218. 3 Transactions, Roy. As. Soc., Vol. I, p. 135. Innals and Antiquities of Rajasthan, Vol. I, p. 106 (S. K. Lahiri & Co's edition.). Page #23 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ FEBRUARY, 192.) SOME UNPUBLISHED INSCRIPTIONS Text.5 1 ओं ॥ देव्यै नमः ॥ वक्वं साक्षाद्वितीयो हिमगुरिति भुजं पारिजातस्य वाली काप्यन्यस्यति सुंगं स्त2 मतदमपरेभस्य कुंभस्थलीति | मंथसुधाण्णवाणः प्रकटितपिहित श्रीणि पर्यायवृत्या लक्ष्म्या रंगानि तरनुप3 धि वि[मशन्पातु युष्मान्मुरारिः॥१॥चाहमानान्वये जातः पृथ्वीराजो महीपतिः । तन्मातुश्चाभवद्भाता कि[म्हणः कीर्तिवर्जु (D+ नः ॥२॥ गुहिलौतान्वयव्योममंडनैकशरच्छशी । गांभीर्योदार्यसौन्दर्यगुणरत्न[महो अधिः ॥३॥ मत्वा हम्मी रवीरं निखिलव (1)5 सुमतीशल्यभूतं प्रभूतं योग्योसौ वीरगोष्ठीनिपुणत रमतिः शत्रुलक्ष्मीभुजंगः । प्रादाद्राजन्यचूडामाणिकिरण गणासंजनि तपादो G भूपस्तस्मै प्रहधों विशदगुणनिधेरासिका दुर्गमुग्रं ॥ ४ ॥ तस्मितुन स्ववुद्धचा निखिलरिपुचमूमूणि विन्यस्व पार[म्यप्रोत्तुंगशंगव्य तिकर7 बशतो भनमाग्गोष्णरइमः । [रेरे] हम्मीर वीर क स तव महिमा निर्विशंतीध्वजार्दिव्याकारप्रतोली हदयमि भुवी निर्मिता किल्हणेन ।। ५॥ (1) 8 आस्तां तावत्प्रतोली तनुपविरचितं कोष्ठकद्वंद्वमेतत्प्रौच्चैरालानयुग्मं विजय[वर करेः। शत्रुलक्ष्म्याश्च सन । मन्येस्यैवार्थिसार्थप्रकटसुरतरोः किल्हणस्य प्रकाशं मूर्नबुघल्कथंको जगति [विजयते] विक्र[मै]को न योग्यः" ॥६॥ ॥ किंच किमुच्यते तस्य प्रताप10 माहात्म्यं यत्कृते निशाचरचक्रवर्तिना विभीषणेनाप्येष प्रहितो लेखः ।। तद्यथा ॥ लंकाया रघुवंशमी. क्तिकमणे (11) 11 रामस्य पादांबुज[ध्यानालव्धवरो निशाचरपतिः स्मश्रयः सादरं । दिव्यासीगढ[व]तिनं दृढभुजं चंडप्रता पोद्वतन्सत्कीा (1) 12 धवलीकृतत्रिभुवनं श्रीकिल्हणं भाषते ॥ ७॥ कार्य सेतुनिबंधने' [प]ते रात्रिविवं संयतैः सार्द्ध वानर ऋक्ष यूथ पतिभिः 13 साहाथ्यमावां स्थितौ । तस्मात्पंचपुरा घि[पा]य विभुना दत्ता कि[ लै] कावलिमा सापि पुरी त्वया तु लिखित [प]वं स्वहस्तांकितम् ।। [*] 14 पृथ्वीराजो महाराजो रामोसौ संशयं विना। हनूमानिश्चितं वीर भवानडुतविक्रमः ॥ [९] || गुहिलोतान्वये जातस्तेन लूनं तवेदृशं । (I) 1 कलिः कालो न कोप्यस्ति सत्यं धर्मपरायणः ।। (२.)। कथमन्यथा ।। दग्धं पंचपुरं हताः "प्रति[भ]ढा बद्धस्तदीशस्त्वया कंठे वीर निवेश्य वा - 16 युग]लं सन्नद्धवाजिस्थितः । एतत्सर्वमसांप्रतं तव पुनः सच्छौर्यविद्यानिधे संवद्धोपविषद्मोपि महतो छेनुं न संयुज्यते || १०(११) 17 उत्खातप्रतिरोपणं [कृतव ]ता मालिन्यमुन्माग्जितं सत्यं क्षत्रियपुंगवेन भवता कुंदावतातं यशः । प्रान यावदवं नभस्तलमलं प्रचो-(1) 18 तो भास्करो यावद्दावभिदस्तययमवनिवारा निधिर्वर्त्तते ।। ११ (१२)। पुनः पुनः किमु [स्वे] स्वे वचस्तथ्य शणुष्व मे | स्वीकर्तव्याथवा लंका 19 देयं पत्रमथाभयम् ।। [ १३* ] इयं चैकावली रत्नाकरेण सेनुबंधोचताय रामभद्राय स्वगांभीर्यगुण परिरक्षता उपायनीकृत्य ढौ (1) 20 कितासीत् ॥ ॥ अपि च डोडान्वये समभवत्किल वल्हनामा 20सत्वैकभूनिखिलशत्रुचमनिहता । श्री किल्ह णस्य पदपंकजचंचरीक-(II) 21 स्सस्थानभूरनुपमी भुवि लक्ष्मणाययः ||१(१४)। सोत्र प्रशस्तिनिर्माण भक्त्याध्यक्षपदे स्थितः [1] सर्वदा स्वामिचित्तज्ञो लक्ष्मणः सव्व लक्ष्मणः ॥ [१५* ]E 22 संमन् (0) १२२४ माघ शुक्ल सप्तम्यां गुरौ (I) निःपन्नेयम् ।। s From a photograph.. Expressed by a symbol. ' Read भुन्धा . . This ought to be विशवगुणनिधये, but will not suit the metre. . Read स्वबुद्धचा. 10 Read रइमो. ॥ This ought to be विजयवरकरिण:, but will not suit the metre. 13 The meaning of this line is not clear to me. 13 Read qraigor and a - Read प्रतापोजतं सत्की .. 16 Read °निबंधने. 10 Read प्रतिभटा. " Read पद्ध. 19 Read बा. 19 Read °बंधो. 20 Read °सवैक'. A Read सर्वलक्ष्मा but this will not suit the metre. Page #24 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 20 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [FEBRUARY, 1912. 4.-Anavada stone inscription of Sarangadeva [Vikrama]-Samvat 1348. This inscription was found early in 1904 when some excavations were being carried on by the Irrigation Department of the Baroda State at Auâvâdâ, the old Anahila pâtaka, nearly three miles from Pâtan in the Kadi division. It is now deposited, I am told, in the kacheri of the Vahivâțdâr. The record consists of twenty-four lines covering a space of 1' 43" broad by 1' 5" high. The initial letters of the first seven lines have peeled off, but in all other respects the stone is very well preserved. The characters are Nagari. The language is Sanskrit, and excepting the verse at the commencement the whole of the record is in prose. As regards-orthography it is sufficient to note (1) that a consonant following r is doubled and (2) that the sign for is employed for b only once in mulvibhrate in line 1. In respect of lexicography may be noticed the words: (1) prekshant(na)ka and (2) sthitaka both occurring in line 7, and (3) vyakti in lines 9 and 21. The first means "theatricals," the second "a grant in perpetuity," and the third "specification of details." In lines 7, 9, and 10 occurs the word palamána, the meaning of which is uncertain. It occurs in other inscriptions also, e. g, in a Chaulukya copper-plate grant of v. s. 1280 (above, Vol. VI, p. 197, Plate II, line 3), where it appears to be equivalent to parva-pradatta of the other grants of the same dynasty. Is palamana, therefore, a mistake for pályamana? The inscription opens with the well-known stanza with which Jayadeva's Gita-Govinda commences. Then follows the date, which is Sunday the 13th of the bright half of Ashadha in the [Vikrama] year 1848. At that time Mahárájádhiraja Sâramgadeva was reigning at Anahilvaṭaka; his Mahdsamdhivigrahika Mahamatya Madhusudana was doing all the business of the seal, relating to the drawing of documents, etc., and the Panch (Pañchakula) consisted of Mahanta Pethada, and others, Pethada being appointed by the king as keeper of the seal at Pâlhaṇapura (Palanpur). The inscription then proceeds to record the gifts that were made on the aforesaid date as well as previously, for the worship, offering, and theatricals before the god Krishna. The previous grants are first specified. They are: (1) drammas 180 in perpetuity by Karana, (2) drammas 72 from the customs-house in perpetuity, (3) drammas 72, (4) drammas 36, and (5) drammas 48, four being for each amávásyd day by Seth Devala, accruing from his Sikiri (?). The new gifts were made by the five-fold people of the town (panchamukha-nagara) consisting of (1) the Panch, (2) the Brahmanas who are called Purohitas here, (3) the Mahajanas, of whom some were Sadhu (Sahukâr), some Sreshthi (Seth),. Thakkura, Son! (goldsmiths), Kamsaras (braziers), and so forth, (4) Vanijyarakas (Vanjârâs), and (5) Nau-vittakas (ship-owners). The new grants were: (1) half a dramma paid by the seller on one dhadf of madder (manjishtha), (2) one dramma paid both by the seller and buyer on one dhadd of solonum Melongena (Hingudi), (3) some portion from each cart filled with grain, the nature of which is not clear, and (4) one pali from a ghadd or jar of ghi by the seller. It has been stated above that our inscription commences with the initial benedictory stanza of the well-known Gita Govinda. The Gita-Govinda, we know, was composed by Jayadeva, who is supposed to have flourished in the last quarter of the 12th century and lived during the reign of Lakshman sena. 33 And the fact that the stanza is quoted as the invocatory verse in our inscription shows that "the work had already within a century become quasi-sacred." Again, it appears from our inscription that there was a temple of Krishna existing in Anâvâdâ long before the time of king Sârangadeva to whose reign it refers itself and who no doubt belonged to the Vaghelâ dynasty. This is worthy of note, as we have not yet found any ancient temple dedicated to Krishna and hardly any reference given to such a one in old inscriptions. The only reference I know of is furnished by a Harsaudâ stone inscription of Devapâla of Dhârâ dated v. s. 1275, which speaks of an image of Krishna being put up by one Kesava near a temple of Sambha.3 12 Journal and Proceedings of the As, Soc. Bong, Vol. II, No. 5 (May, 1903), pp. 187-9. 23 Above, Vol XX, p. 312, 1. 14. Page #25 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ FX BY VARY, 1912.) TRAVENOORE ARCHÆOLOGICAL SERTES Text.24 1 || वेदानुज़रते जगंति वहते भूगोलमुद्विभ्रते. दैत्यान् दाम्यते बलि छलयते क्षक्षयं कुछ(से)[1][से ]मुंबंधयते हलिं' कलयते कारुण्यमातन्वते म्लेछान् मूच्र्छयते दशाकृतिकृते कृष्णाव (तस्मै नमः ॥ [१] संवत् १३४८ वर्षे आषाढ शुदि १३ रवावयेह श्रीमवणहिलवाटकाधिष्ठितमहारा4(जाधिराज श्रीसारंगदेव कल्याणविजविराज्ये तपादपोपजीविनि महासांधि० महामा (स्य)[श्री मधुसूदने श्री श्री करणादि समस्त मुद्राव्यापारान् परिपंथयतीत्येवंकाले प्रवर्त्तमानेऽमु 6 (ने[व] स्वामिना पा[ह पुरमुद्रायां नियुक्त महं श्रीपेथडपतिपंचकुलपतिपत्ती देव.. 7 (श्री) [क]पपादानां [पूजाविध प्रेक्षणीकनिमित्तं- अ पलमानस्थितकस्य तथा संप्रति महं 8 [श्री] पेधडप्रभृति[पंचकुलेन तथा पंचमुखसमस्तनगरेणच कृतन प्रदेववायम्यच शा-(14) 9 सनपाहिका यथा ॥ अमीकपलमानदेवदायस्य व्यक्तिः ।। वृ. करण स्थितकेद्र १८० तथा १(०) 10 मंडपिकायां स्थितकेद्र ७२ तथा श्रे. देवलेन आत्मनः श्रेयोऽयं पलमानभास्मीय सीकिरि 11 सरक श्रीकृष्णपा[वानां] दत्त ७२ तथा सस्थद्र ३६ तथा अमावास्यां २ स्थितके द्र४ वर्षे प्रति जाते 1256 एवमेतत् पूर्वस्थितकं ।। सांप्रतं उपविष्टमहं श्रीपेथडप्रभृतिपंचकुलेन तथा पुरोध13 रणीधर | पुरो०.सि[रधर । पुरो० मोषादित्य | पुरो हरिसर्म | सा. आभा । साहेमा । सा०महण14 सीह । उ० तेजा । सामयधर । श्रे० साढल | श्रे०देवल । सा० समरा । साधगपति | ० भासधर 15 सा० गुणधर । साभासीहा नागड] | श्र० सामत | सा० झांझा | सा वयजलदेव | सार16 पाल । सा० पदमसीह । श्रे० मानसीह | श्रे. देवसीह भण शा०ता । भण. गांधी | सा. जा[1]27 ल्हण | • गुणराज । सा. केसव | सा झंझा | श्रे. रतन| सान्त्रीकम । सोनी. अर्जुन | सा०चांग18 देव । सादामर | कंसा. जयता | पूगी तेजा | साकेसव । सामूरा । सा• कुंदा । सानागपाल19 प्रभुति समस्तमहाजन । तथा समस्त वणिज्यारका तथा समस्तनौवित्तकप्रभूति पंचमुखन. . 20 गरण निजपूर्वजानां श्रेयसे देवश्रीकृष्णपादानां पूनानैवेद्यप्रेक्षणीकनिमित्तं" कृतनव्या 21 देवदायस्य व्यक्तिः ।। मांजिष्टा धडी १२.७०|| विक्रेतु कामो ददाति तथा हींगुदा बडा १०१ 22 दायकपारकी पदवः ।। कणश[क]ट १ पायली छाडा १ पायली पा०13०पृततलपडा १५(1)23 ली १ एतत् विक्रेता दधाति । एष समस्तदेवदायो भाचंद्रार्कतारकं यावत् समस्तपंचमुखनग24 रेण दातव्यः पालनीयश्च ।। TRAVENOORE ARCHÆOLOGICAL SERIES. BY K. V. SUBRAHMANYA AIYER, B.A., OOTACAMUND. In the native state of Trayencore in the Malras Presidency, the Archaeological Department has been in existence since the days of the late Professor Sundaram Pillai, who published gomo of te inscriptions of the Vêņa 1 kings first in the Matras Mail and eventually in the pages of this journal. After his death, the Archaological Survey does not appear to have came to an end. From Mr. Nagarnisk's Manual of Travencore, pp. 176-7, it is clear that all the inscriptions of the Beste, which are 450 in number, have been already examined in a rough way. When Mr. Gopinatha Rao was appointed Superintendent of Archæology in the State a few years ago, it was thought he would direct his energies to the publication of accurate transcripts and translations of the inscriptions of the State which had all been tentatively examined before his appointment was contemplated. We shall now see how he has discharged the dati's entrusted to him. Eleven numbers of the Travencore Archeological Series have already been issued and more are promised. So that, judging from the quantity of work turned out, his achievement is cer:ainly commendable. From the original stone. Read "मुद्विधते. Rsad is. am Read म्लेच्छांन्. >> There is some space left between the letters and w. 20 Raad प्रेक्षणक'. ___30 Read अग्रे. an Read पाल्बमान'. 3 Real अपीवपाल्पमान'. 'Kalपाल्बमान. सीकिरि is probablya mistake for सीरक. Is Read सरस्थ. 30 Read अमावास्यायां. 37 Ra1 जनर' 33 777 is probably a inistake for YETI Vit. " Red पृ. Page #26 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 22 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (FEBRUART, 1912. Let us now examine the quality. In the first place as regards transliteration, an epigraphis is free to choose any system he likes, provided he uses it throughout. In this publication, props care does not appear to have been taken to correct the diacritical and printer's mistakes. I have been able to notice a number of instances where distinetion has not been made between and ! . and rii, , , and . It may be thought that these are minor points which one need nur trouble oneself about. The importance of a correct system of transliteration has been recognisre by sch: lars, and it cannot be over-estimated. Epigraphical publications, to be of any real value, should, as far as possible, be free from errors of this kind. Else they mislead the readers instead of helpivg them. A perusal of these publications will convince any one that their editor has criticised the views of others, very often without proper grounds. I propose to consider some of the argument with which he assails the opinions of others. On page 180, Mr. Gopinatha Rao writes, "Mr. Venkayya bas separated the compound tiruvayiru váykkavudaiya pirátliyúr, found in several inscriptions which describe the mother of Uttamašoladeva into tiruvayiruvdylcka and Udaiyapiráttiyar. By itself the first part means practically nothing and the second has introduced a fietitions queen in South Indian history. The mistake is perpetuated in his Annual Report, year after year, by his suceessor, Mr. Krishnabastri who also believes that the name of the mother of Uttamaģēls was Udaiyapirâțtiyar. Such an expression payiruváykkavudaiya occurs in many places in Tamil literature, as for example, Rama is ealled Kousa!airan mani vayiru vdyttaruré by Kulasekhara-Perumal in his Perumal Tirumoli." The charge here made against Mr. Venkayya is certainly clear enough, and no one can mistake it. It is, that he has by an unwarranted separation of the words tirurayirurdykkavudar ya pirátti, ir introducel into the history of the Cholas a fictitious queen. In so doing he did it even perueive that the first part had no sense whatsoever. I admit that the charge would be a grave one if it were trae and Mr. Venkayya deserves to be taken to task for it. Oa the other hand, if it could be satisfactorily proved that the charge is a false ove, I think it is the doty of Mr. Gopinatha Rao to acknowledge bis blunder. The passage referred to by Mr. Gopinatha Rao occurs in the inscriptions of the 11th century AD., and it is impossible even for a beginner in South Indian Epigraphy to confound ka and ta in these records. . The passage which actually occurs in the inseriptions examined by Mr. Venkayya is Uttamasiladevarai-ttiruvayiru-raytta Udaiyapirättiyar Sembiyan mádéviyar. Unfortunately for Mr. Gopinatha Rao, the records that mention the mother of Uttamaśladêya ard not few. All these numerous records, without even a single exception, read as stated by the just now; and its meaning has been taken by Mr. Venkayya to be " Udaiyapirättigâr Sembiyan madêviyar, the mother of Uttamasdladêva." To be more literal, it only means “Udaiyapiraţtiyar Sembiyanmadêviyar who had obtained in her blessed womb Uttamaśladêva." It is this reading and this translation that are being "perpetuated" by Mr. Krishnasastri in bis Annual Repor/s. I doubt if any one would say that meaning other than what Mr. Venkayya has given to the passage is possible. If we separate the phrase as suggested by Mr. Gopinatha Rao intc tiruvayiruvúylekarudarya and piráttiyâr, the first part must necessarily go with Uttamajóļadevarai which precedes it and the second with what follows. The meaning would then be " Piráttiyâr Sembiyanmadêviyâr wbo would have to obtain in her blessed womb Uttamasôladêra," a statement of what is to happen and not what has already occurred. A fow of the mistakes in diaoritical marks and types are pointed out here. The ooouring in PavittirandTikka (p. 162), Ranakirtli (r. 159), Tannir pandal (p. 168), ought to be and then in Paraplu (p. 155), « d siangalao (pp. 169-170) onght to be , Thet of Jatila (p. 155) pirottiyar (p. 162) should be t. The length of Howels in Anaimalai (p. 153), Vijayabhishda (p. 157), and in several other words in pp. 162, 164 and 167 are not properly indicated; Ingaląsu in p. 167 must be tingal kafu. The words in italics are transliterations of passages giren by Mr. Gopinatha Rao in Tamil. Page #27 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ FEVRUARY, 1912) TRAVENCORE ARCHAEOLOGICAL SERIES. 23 In pp. 168-69 of bis Travencore Archeological Series, Mr. Gopinatha Rao publishes, with a short introduction, a fragmentary inscription from Kanyakumari, with text and translation. Here the king's name has been read as Rajakesarivarman Rajarajadêva, and this king has beer identified with Rajaraja II: The date assigned for the record is A.D. 1167. The preserved portion of the inscription commences with the words perumbuga!= Kaviraja. kósarivarma, eto., which is invariably how the historical introduction of Rajadhiraja I beginning with Tingalártara ends. The geographical tering occurring in the record also furnish some internal evidence as to its date. The high regnal year must also have been utilised in arriving at the date of the king. The fact that the watershed erected during the king's reign was called after Jayangoyda-Chồa is another point which an epigraphist would not omit to consider. It may be said here that the surname Jayangona-Cbôļa was first borne by Rajaraja I and after him by Rajadhirija I. Besides, there is a considerablo difference between the characters of the time of Rajadhiraja I and those of Rajaraja Il. All these must have been taken into account in fixing the approximate dato of the king. But we have direct evidence to show that the record does not belong to Rajaraja II but only to Rajadhirajn I. The very same inscription was copied in 1896 by Dr. Hultzsch, the Madras Government Epigraphist and in the list for that year the king's name is correctly given A9 Rajakesarivarman Rajadhiraja with delhi in brackets which goes to show that the syllables adhi are mutilated. Having suspected that the king's nam: lud been misread, I solicited the permission of the Assistant Archaeological Superintendent, Southern Circle, to have a look at the impression of this inscription. On comparing the published transcript witl: Dr. Haltzsch's impression, I found that they are both identical, as the text of Mr. Gopinatha Rao from the west wall of the temple is identical with Dr. Holtzsch's No. 96 of 1896 which is also on the same wall. The only difference is that the woris ninra elluinklal[la] klurkkilukkup are omittel in Mr. Gopinatha Rao's text out of carelessness or oversight It must be said that the passage is incomplete without these words and that the words prannirukol ninnum have no connection whatsoever with the western boundary with which they are forced to go in the translation. When Mr. Gopinatha Rao identified the king with Rajaraja II, it must have struck him that the latter was a Parak@grrivarman and not Rajakesarivarman as given in the record under notice. The difference surely called for some remærk which we do not find in his introduction. Lastly, assuming that the resort is o.e of Rijarâja II, he assigned A.D. 1167 for it. Now this yields A.D. 1136 for the accession of Rajaraja II. It may be pointed out that this date is again ten years earlier than the actual date of his coronation, No. VII of the Travencore Archæological Series is, according to the editor, one intended to supply the want of Vatteluttu inscriptions with plates. Here, he has, by the mere identity of the name Marañjadaiyan occurring in the four records, tiz., the Anaimalai inscription of A. D. 760-70 the Madras Museum plates of Jaț la varman and the Tirupparaigum am and Trevandrum Museum epigraphs, arrived at the conclusion that all these must be referrel to one and the same king. On page 155, he says that if the table given above, i e., that furnished by the Sinnamanûr plates is examined closely, it becomes apparent that the Pandyas alternately bore the names Maravarman and Jațilavarman (Sadaiyan), just in the same way the Chôļa kings called themselves Rajakesari and Parakosari. In my opinion, the available facts do not warrant such a surnise. It is a wellknown custom in Hindu families, observable even at the present day, that the eldest son takes the name of the grandiather. But if a king had two or more sons who ruled one after the other, it seems unlikely that the names Sadniyan and Maran could have been borne alternately. In the very list referred to by the editor, we find that No. 6, Mâravarman Srivallabha bad two sons: No. 7 Varaguna and No. 8 Parantaka II. These reigned one after another. According to Mr. Gopina. tha Rao, No. 7, the immediate successor of No. 6, should heve been a Sadaiyan and his younger brother No. 8 Parantaka II, a Mazavarman and the latter's son No. 9 Rajasimba, a Sndaiyan. But the plates report that No. 8 was a Sadaiyan and No. 9 a Maravarman and this completely upsets the 3 Other mipor differences are that while all the r's in R&jak darivarmar and Rojarajaddia oocuring in line ! and the train livaramudaiyar (linew land 6) are in Grantba in Dr. Hultraoh's impression, there are represented in Tamil in Mr. Gopinatha Rao's transcript.A kis also omitted at the beginning of lino 5. Page #28 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (FERRUART, 1912. theory advanced by the editor. The only way now to get out of the difficulty is to suppose that all the sons of a Máravaymes called themselves Sadaiyap. But this, it must be observed, is contrary to Indian custom. At any rate, the instance pointed ont clearly shows that we are not warranted to postulate that every alternate Pandys sovereign had the same title. These could be no difference of opinion on one point, and this is that there wede more kings than one of the Bee Marañjadaiyap and Sadaiyamaran in the Påndya genealogy. I may also say that this is admitted by Mr. Gopinatha Rao when be attempts to account for the fact is his theory. The identity of Marajadaiyan of any particular record with any king in the Pandya pedigree should therefore be based on either internal evidence or by the mention of known events in the records. I take it that this is exactly what prevented Mr. Venkayya frem identifying the Maranjadaiyan of the Tirupparai gunram record with Jatilavarman of the Madras Museum plates. I perceive no ambiguity in his language when he states that the identification of Mayanjaqaiyan must be based upon better evidence than the mere identity of the second portion of the two Dames, though Mr. Gopinatha Rao confesses that he does not quite grarp the reason set forth in this. Now, with reference to the Tirupparaigunram inscription, even adinitting that the name Maradjacaiyan (which is only a title or surname if it is similar to Rajakesari or Parakesari) was the proper name of the king, yet because it was the proper manis shared ly several kings of the Pandya genealogy, the name alone does not in the least help us to identify him with a particular Miraijadaiyan in the list, unless there be some other evidence to support the identification. It may be that Mr. Gopinatha Rao has " no difficulty wbatsoever in accept the identity of the king mentioned in all the three inscriptions, the Madras Museum plates, the Tirupparaugunram and the Trevandrum Museam stone inseriptions with the king of the same ase found in the Animalai record, for the reason that "the latter half of the name Marajadaiyan is the proper name of the king in all these." When the inscription itself is not dated in any known era and does not give sofficient elue to the identification of the king mentioned in it with any in the list of Pandya sovereigns belonging to the same period ad having the same name, the identification must be made by excluding all the other possibilities; else the identification is not worth the panie. I do not find how Mr. Gopinatha Rao has excluded other kings bearing the same name from being identical with the Marañjadaiyan of the Tirupparang oram record, It is worth while to go into the grounds which, as he says, enabled bim to satisfactorily refer a); these inscriptions to one sovereign. They are (1) palæography and (2) the name Marañjadaiyan The second having been disposed of, it only remains to see the validity of th: first. If number of inscriptions in Vateluttu characters of unquestionable date referring to this period had been obtained and their palæography stodied, we would be at liberty to adduce that as a ground for placing a record in a certain period Palæography by itself can only indicate the approximate period and not the exact time. So far as I am aware, except the four recorda under reference, none belonging to any king earlier than the time of the Chola Rajaraja I have been printed excluding the Ambasamudram inscription of VaragnnaMalaraja. Sneh being the case. there is not much force in the argument that paleographical indications show that a Va telatto inscription belongs to A. 1.770 or thereabout If at least we are assured that Vatteluttu paleography was different 25 years before and 25 years after A. D. 770, the reason may carry some weight. As we have already seen that Mr. Gopinatha Rao's knowledge of the palæography of Tamil inscription has not prevented him from mistak ng an inteription of Rajadhiraja I for one of Rajaraja 11 in spite of other conclusive evidence to the contrary, we naturally lose faith in his palæographical comparison of the fewer and more complicated Vatelatta inscriptions. Besides, the Jetters of the Anaimalai record assumes Blanting position, while those of the Trevandrom inscription are straight. The latter present points of resemblance to the Varagua-Maharaja record of Ambasamudram. These three are available for comparison, as they are printed with plates. Page #29 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ FEBRUARY, 1912.) TRAVENCORE ARCHAEOLOGICAL SERIES 25 The way in which Mr. Gopinatha Rao creates a queen for his Marañjadaiyan seems to be very queer. I use the word "creates" because the record itself does not warrant his conclusion. His whole argument hangs on what he believes to be the use of the honorific plural form of the third personal pronoun avaukknu in the Tirapparaigunram inscription. His argument may be stated thus: Sattan Ganapati, the minister of the king, is referred to in this inscription in the third person singular. A certain Nakkan Korri is mentioned as the wife of a person whom the record introduces with the honorific plural" avarku. She cannot, therefore, be the wife of Sattan Ganapati, who is always referred to in the record by the third person singular. The only other possibility is that she must be the queen of Marañjadaiyan, and for him the bonorific plural" is appropriate. It is easy to prove that Nakkan Korri is the wife of Sattan Ganapati and not the queen of Maranjadaiyap. Her elevation to the rank of a Pandya queen is due to Mr. Gopinatha Rao's misconception that avarku is the honorific plural of the third personal pronoun. I have only to show him that the word ararku is the mere third personal pronoun singular. It is made up of avan. Third personal pronoun singular + Dative sign ku. Rules of grammar require that when these two combine without the intervention of what are called śdriyai, the compound assumes the form ararku, the consonaut changing into r. Similar instances are : en + ku = erku (Girst person singular). nix + ku = nicku (second persons ). The dative case of nouns is also formed similarly, e.g: vadugar + ku = radugarku. pånan + ku = pánarku. nakkan + ku = nakkarku. If the sáriyai intervenes, the form becomes quite ordinary, as - aran + ku = apar + # + ku = avanukku. valugan + k# = vadugan + 4 + ku = vaduganulku. The honorific plaral is formed as followa : avar + ku = ararkku (without the intervention of adriya!). arar + ku = araruleku (with sdriyai). vadlugar + ku = vadugarkku (without śdriyal) = vadugarukku (with sdriyai); similarly, for pdnan or panar, odtlan or sáttar, nakkan or nokkar or naklanar. It must only be pointed out that the spelling of the dative of the honorific plural of the third personal pronoun is avarkku with single r and double k and that the spelling of the third personal pronoun, singular, da ive is avarleu with r and single k. The inscription has the form ararku with r and single & and as such it is only the dative of the third personal propoun, singular aran. There is absolutely no differnce between the two singular dative forms ararku and avanukku. And as Mr. Gopinatna Rao scems to concede that if the third person singular is used, Nakkan Korri would be the wife of Sattan Ganapati, I think I have satisfactorily shown that she is not the queen of Marunjacaiyan. That this mistake should have been committed after the inscription has been correctly read and translated previously, perhaps shows that ihe editor takes a peculiar pleasure in differing from others. One other point that could have been considered that if Nakkan Korri were the Pandya queen, she would have been termed Pândi nadeviyar, Nambirâtçiyâr or Deviyar Makkan Korrigar as is quite common in inscriptions. Page #30 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [FEBRUARY, 1912. THE VEDIC CALENDAR. BY R. SHAMASASTRY, B.A., M.R.A.S., M.R.S.A., MYSORE. The Intercalary Month. The term " Vedic Calendar" may appear at the outset to be an anachronism, for the reason that there are no clear references to any kind of calendar in the Vedas proper. Even in the Brahmaņas, references to a calendar are so vague that it is hardly possible to form a clear conception of the precise nature of the calendar that was in ase. But coming to the Sûtras, especially those of the Samayeda, we find precise data to determine the various systems of calendar in observance during the Sutra period. One might, therefore, be lod to think that the term “ Satraic Calendar" would be preferable to that of " Vedic Calendar." But it should be borne in mind that the various systems of calendar described in the Sutras are not the result of an observation of the heavens in a day, but are the outcome of the experience gained and adjustments made by many successive calculators of time. Nor are allusions to a calendar altogether wanting even in the Vedas. The description of the New Year's Day as occurring on the Ekashtaka day, i. e., the eighth day of the dark half of the month of Magha (corresponding to December-January) in the times with which we are dealing, as well as the distinct references to a thirteenth month which must necessarily have been an additional month intercalated for the purpose of keeping the beginning of the yoаr more or less close to its natural time, go a long way to prove that the Vedie poets kept a systematised calendar based upon scientific principles. The beginning of the year on the Ekáshtaka day is thus described in the Atharvavéda, III 10: “(1) She first shone out; she became a milch-cow at Yama's ; let her, rich in milk, yield (duh) to us each further summer! “(2) The night which the gods rejoice to meet as a milch cow coming unite them, which is tbe spouse (patni) of the year, let her be very auspicious to us! (3) Thou, O night, whom we worship as nodel (pratim d) of the year, do thou unto our long-lived progeny with abundance of wealth. " (4) This same is she that first shone out ; among these other ones she goes about, having ontered; great greatnesses are within her; the bride (vadha), the new generatrix hath conquered. (8 Hither hath come the year, thy spouse, O sole Ashtaka; do thou unite our long-lived progeny with abundance of wealth! (13) Thou whose son is Indra, whose son is Soma, daughter art thou of Prajâ pati ; fully thou our desires ; accept our oblation !" A similar hymn with important variations is also found in the Yajurveda, Taittiriga-Samhita, IV. 3.11 : इयमेव सा या प्रथमा न्यौच्छदंतरस्यां चरति प्रविष्टा । वधूर्जजान नवगज्जनित्री त्रय एनां महिमानस्सचंते ॥१॥ छंदस्वती उषसा पेपिशाने समानं योनिमनु संचरंती। सूर्यपस्नी विचरतः प्रजानती केतुं कृण्वाने अजरे भूरिरेतसा ॥२॥ कतस्य पंथामनु तिस्र आगु स्त्रयो धर्मामो अनु ज्योतिषागुः । प्रजामेका रक्षत्यूर्जमेका व्रतमेका रक्षति देववूनाम् ।।३।। वनुष्टोमा अभवद्या तुरीया यज्ञस्य पक्षावृषयो भवती । गायीं त्रिष्टुभं जगतीमनुष्टुभ बृहद युंजानाः सुवराभरनिदम् ॥४॥ पंचभिर्धाता विधाविदं यत्तासां स्वसूरजनयन् पंच पंच । तासामु यंति प्रयवेण पंच नानारूपाणि क्रतवो वसानाः ॥५॥ विचस्वसार उपयंति निष्कृतं समानं केतुं प्रतिमुंचमानाः । Page #31 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ FERRUARY, 1912] THE VEDIC CALENDAR स्तन्वते कवयः प्रजानतीमध्ये छपसः परियति भास्वताः ॥॥ ज्योतिष्मती प्रतिमुंचते नभो रात्री देवी सूर्यस्य व्रतानि । वि पक्ष्यांत पशवो जायमाना नानारूपा मानुरस्या उपस्थे ।। ७ ।। एकाष्टका तपसा सप्यमाना जजान गर्भ महिमानभिंद्रम् । तेन दस्यून व्यसहंत देवा इंतामुराणामभवच्छ चीभिः ||८|| अनानुजामनुजां मामकतं सत्यं वदत्यन्विच्छ एतदयासम् | अस्य सुमतौ यथा यूयमन्या वो अन्यामति मा प्रयुक्त ॥९॥ अभून्मम सुमतौ विश्ववेदा आष्ट पतिष्ठामविदद्धि गाधम् । भूयासमस्य सुमती यथा यूयमन्या वो अन्यामति मा प्रयुक्त ॥१०॥ पंच प्युष्टीरनु पंच दोहा गां पंचनाम्नीमृतवोऽनु पंच । पंचविशः पंचदशन कप्ताः समानमूरिभिलोकमेकम् ।। १२ ।। ऋतस्य गर्भः प्रथमा व्यषुष्यपामेका महिमानं बिभर्ति । मूर्यस्बैंका चरति निष्कृतेषु धर्मस्यैका सवितैकां नियच्छति ।। १२ ।। या प्रथमा व्यौच्छस्सा धेनुरभवद्यमे । सा नः पयस्वती धुक्ष्वोत्तरामुत्तरां समाम् ।। १३ ॥ छाकर्षभा नभसा ज्योतिषागात् विश्वरूपा शबलीरनिकेतुः। समानमः स्वपस्यमाना बिभ्रती जरामजर उप आगाः ॥१४॥ कतूनां पत्नी प्रथमेयमागादह्वां नेत्री जनित्री प्रजानाम् । एका सती बहुधोषो व्युच्छस्यजीर्णा स्वं जरयसि सर्वमन्यत् ।। १५ ।। " (1) It is she that first shone out%3 having entered into this (earth), she goes about; (like) a bride, newly married (to the NEW YEAR), she has become the generatrix (of the days that follow): three are the great lights that associate with her. "(9) Extolled in metres, these two shining dawns, coming out of the same womb, and being the wives of the sun, go about all-knowing, making a flag, free from old age, and impregnated with abundant seed. ."(3) Three dawns have reached the path of the sacrifice ; three lights (the fire, the sun, and the moon] have also approached it; of them, one protects the offspring, one the vigoar, and one the rite of those who like to please the gods. ___“(4) She who is the fourth has passed into the four sets of Sima-chants [nine-Teried. fifteen-versed, seventeen-versed, and twenty-one-versed chants], maintaining the two wings [halves] of the sacrifice [i. e., the year] as known to the sages, and giving rise to the Great Litany composed of Gayatri, Trishtubh, Jagati, and Anushtubh metres; and she has preserved this heaven [the solstice]. "(5) With five (days) the Creator has made this ; he has also created five and five sisters of them; taking various forms and being clothed in sacrificial splendour, five of them run with great speed. "(6) Thirty sisters [days) partake of the rite, spreading ont the same flag; they make the seasons ; being wise and all-knowing and residing in the metres, they go about with great splendoor. "(7) Clothed in splendour, this shining night takes to herself the rites addressed to the sun above: even the various kinds of beasts, on awakening, see her on the lap of this mother [the earth]. "(8) This eighth day, bearing the troubles of pregnancy, has brought forth this great Indra : with his help the gods repelled the enemies ; in virtue of his own might, he has become the destroyer of the Asuras. Page #32 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 28 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [FEBRUARY, 1912. "(9) O sole Ashtakas, ye gave a sister to me hitherto without a sister ; ye speak the truth; listen to this prayer : jnst as ye are pleased with the behaviour of this (Indra), so may ye be pleased with mine; do not send me away to any one else! (10) This all-knowing dawn stepped into my mind and has taken a firm hold of it; just as ye are pleased with this (Indra), so may ye be pleased with me; do not send me away to any one else ; "(11) The five mornings, the five milkings, and the five seasons follow the cow with five names; the five quarters regulated by the fifteen-versed chant and possessed of the same characteristics as the five mornings follow this single light (the dawn). “(12) (Оf the five mornings) the first is the womb of the dawn: one bears the magnificence of the waters; one presides at the rites addressed to the sun ; one presides over the heat ; and one the sun controls. " (13) She that first shone out has become a cow at Yama's; let her, rich in milk, yield to us each further summer i (14) Foremost among the lights, clothed in brilliant sple: dour, has arrived this illuminating dawn with various colours, like a flag of the sacrificial fire ; 0 ever-youthful dawn, conducive to the performance of unchanging rites, and grey with old age, thou hast arrived ! "(15) The wife of the seasons, the first (down) has arrived, leading the days and being the mother of creatures; though one, thou hast become many; free from old age, thou causest the rest to grow old." Likewise the Tandyamahâbrahmana describes the Ekâshtaka as the wife of the year 1.9 2. एषा संवत्सरस्य पत्नी यदेकाष्टका. एतस्यां वा गतां रार्षि वसति. साक्षादेव तत्संवत्सरमारभ्य दीक्षते. “What is called the Ekishtaka (dry) is the wife of the year ; when the night of this day arrires, (prajapati) lies with her. Hence, commencing with the true) beginning of the year, (sacrificers) observe the rite of initiation." Tb9 important points to be particularly noticed in the above passages are (1) the beginning of the year, probably solar, on the eighth day of the dark half of the month Magha; (2) the designgtion of this day by such names as 'a cow,' dawn,' Prajapati's daughter, and Suryâ '; (3) the association or a kind of secret marriage of the dawn with three lights, the fire, the moon, and the sun, 48 pointed out by Sayaņa in his commentary on verse 1; (4) the birth of the days of the following year or cycle of years, as well as of Indra and Sôma from tha marriage of the dawn with the sun ; (5) the celebration of the dawn by the four well-known Sâma-chants; namely, the nine-versed chant, the fifteen-versel chant, the seventeen-versed chant, and the twenty-one-versed chant, each of which is, as we shall see, intended to signify as many intercalary days as the number of verses containel in it; (6) the destruction of enemies and Asuras brought about by Indra, the son of the dawn. As regards the first point, it is true that we are told nowhere in the Vedas themselves that the word Ekashtaka means the eighth day of the dark half of the month of Magha; still, on the authority of Åpnstamba and other Satra-writers, who have defined it as such, we may take it to mean that particular day. From the next three points we have to understand that, at the commencement of every year or cycle of years, it was the usual custom with the Vedic poets to celebrate a symbolical marriage of the New Year's Day with the sun in order to enable the new year to beget its 720 children, i.e., its days and nights, or, in other words, to perpetuate an auspicious flow of time for themselves. This seems to be the sum and substance of the celebrated marriage hymns, in which the marriage procession of Surya or the dawn to be wedded to the sun is B. V. 1, 164 10, 11. * R. V. 2, 85; and A. V. xiv, 1, 2. Page #33 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ FEBRUARY, 1912.) THE VEDIC CALENDAR 29 the subject of a long and mystic description, and which are even now recited on the occasions of marriages performed as a rule after the winter solstice and before the summer solstice. The recognition of the dawn first by Sôma, the moon, next by Gandharva, one of the 27 nakshatras, then by Agni, and lastly by men, seems to signify the association of the dawn first with the synodic lunar year of 354 days, next with the sidereal lunar year of 351 days containing 13 months each of 27 days corresponding to the 27 nakshatras or Gandharvas, then with the Savana year of 860 days, dedicated to the sacrificial fire-god from whom the dawn or the twenty-first day, based upon the difference between the Savana year and the Julian solar year of 3654 days, is believed to have come under the protection or observance of men. The fact of making the dawn the object of praise in the Chatushtômas or four sets of Sâma-chants seems to render probable the above explanation of the two obscure verses of the marringo-hymn. The five mornings which are said to precede the brilliant dawn in Verso 11 seem to be five days added after the end of the Savana year. As regards the destruction of enemies and Asuras by Indra, we shall presently see that they are not real enemies or Asuras, but intercalary days regarded as such. Thus, while the Yajurvéda connects the mornings and the mystic cows with the Chatushtômas, thereby implying the final number of intercalary days to be twenty-one, their number is distinctly stated as three times seven in the Sama-vêda. तेऽमन्वत प्रथमं नाम गोनाम् बिस्सप्त परमं नाम जानन । ताजानतीरभ्यनूषत क्षाः आविर्भुवन्नरुणीर्यशसा गावः ॥ "First they (the sages) came to know the sacred name of the cows ; they came to know the sacred names to be three times seven; knowing them, they extolled the morning (kshah): then the red cows became famous.” There are two moro verses which express the same idea: भयं पुनान उषसो अरोचयत् अयं सिंधुभ्यो भभवतु लोककृत् । भयं बिस्सप्त दुहान आशिरम् TATE TO THT | Sâma, ii, 1, 17, 3. बिरस्मै सप्त धेनवो दुहिरे सत्यामाशिरं परमे व्योमन् । चत्वार्यन्या भुवनानि निर्णिजे 176.10 TATII Sâma, vi, 2, 2, 7. "He, being parified, bath made the morning shine ; and it is he who gave the rivers room to flow; making the three times seven pour out the milky stream, Sóma, the cheerer, yields whatever the heart finds sweet." "The three times seven milch.kine in the loftiest heaven have for this Soma poured the genuine milky draught; four other beauteous worlds hath he made for his adornment when he waxed in strength through holy rites." Vajasanevasathhita 18, 40; and also Taittiriya I, 7. 7. R.V.2, 85, 40-41; A. V. xiv. 2, 3, 4. Page #34 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 30 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [FEBRUARY, 1912. For reasons to be pointed out further on, I presume that the four worlds referred to in the above verse are four solar years, and that the twenty-one cows or mornings are the intercalazy days made up of the four times five days and a quarter which is the difference between a Savana and a solar year. I do not, however, contend that it is clear from the above passages themselves that the twenty-one cows or mornings are intended to signify so many intercalary days and intercalary days alone. Still, I believe that scholars will agree with me in holding that, so far as the beginning of the year on the Ekashtaka day is concerned, these passages leave no doubt whatever. The Ekashtaka day is clearly a lunar day; and the year that was practically observed by the Vedic poets was the Savana year of 360 days. The number of days from one Ekashtaka or the eighth day of the dark half of the month of Magha to the next Ekáshtaka is 354. Accordingly, if the Savana year of 360 days, having once begun (on the Ekashtaka day, is to begin again, on that same day, there must necessarily be an adjustment of the difference of six days between the lunar and the Savana years by the addition of one month to the lunar year in every five years. It instead of the Savana year, they adopted a solar or a sidereal year, even then they must necessarily bave adjusted the respective differences between the lunar and the solar or between the lunar and the sidereal years by intercalation in the form of days or months. Accordingly, we find clear references to a thirteenth intercalary month not only in the Yajurvéda and the Atharvavéda, but also in the Rigveda. The Rigveda i, 25, 8, thus alludes to the intercalary month : वेद मासो धृतवतो द्वादश प्रजावतः । वेदा य उपजायते ।। "He, who, accepting the rites (dedicated to him), knows the twelve months and their productions, and that which is supplementarily engendered." In his translation of the Rigvela, Professor H. L. Wilson remarked as follows: "TT Tora, who knows what is upa, additionally or subordinately produced. The expression is obscure, but in connection with the preceding, AETTET, who knows the twelve months, we cannot doubt the correctness of the scholiast's conclusion, that the thirteenth, the supplementary or intercalary month of the Hindu luni-solar year, is alluded to; that the thirteenth or additional month which is produced of itself, in connection with the year," T TISATESTAT UTCA FÀTga'." The passage is important, as indicating the concurrent use of lunar and solar years at this period and the method of adjusting the one to the other." Notwithstanding Sayana's interpretation of the word urajáyate in the sense of a supplementary month,' it is doubtful whether the word indicates a complete intercalary month or an intercalated period less than a month: for we shall presently see that before the custom of adjusting the lunar and the solar reckoning by the addition of a complete month came into vogue, the usual practice was to adjust them by adding as many days as formed the difference between any two kinds of years or sets of years. Still, it is certain that some sort of intercalation, either in the form of a month or in the form of a period less than a month, is what is implied in the above verse of the Rigveda. But coming to the Atharvavéla, we see therein a clear description of a thirteenth intercalary month : भहोरात्रैर्विमितं त्रिंशदंगं त्रयोदशं मासं यो निमिमीते। तस्य देवस्य कुस्यैतदागो य एवं विद्वांसं ब्राह्मणं जिनाति.॥ "He who measures the thirteenth month, fabricated of days and nights, baving thirty members-against that god, angered, is this offence." A. V., XIII, 3. 8. सनिस्रसो नामासि त्रयोदशो मास इंद्रस्य गृहः । Page #35 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ FEBRUARY, 1912.] THE VEDIO CALENDAR 31 - Weakling by name art thou, the thirteenth month, Indra's house." A. V., v. 6. 4. In the Kộishqa-Yajurveda, i. 4. 14, the twelve months together with a thirteenth intercalated month are thus enumerated : मधुश्च माधवश्व शुक्रश्च शुचिश्च नभश्च नभस्यश्च इषश्चोर्जश्व सहश्च सहस्यक तपश्च तपस्यश्चोपबामगृहीतोऽसि संसपोऽसि अंहस्पत्याय स्वा. " Thou art the month of Madhu, the month of Mâlbava, the month of Sukra, the month of Suchi, the month of Nabhas, the month of Nabhasya, the month of Isha, the month of Orja, the month of Sahas, the month of Sahasya, the month of Tapas, and the month of Tapasya; and thou art caught hold of in a wooden vessel; thou art the month Samsarpa [a creeping month]; and thou art the receptacle of sins." The Brahmaņa portion contained in the Křishņa-Yajurveda, vi. 5, 3, 12, comments on this passage as follows:-- प्रसिद्धमेवाध्वर्युदक्षिणेन प्रपद्यते प्रसिद्ध प्रतिप्रस्थातोत्तरेण. तस्मादादित्यष्षण्मासो दक्षिणेनैति षडुसरेण उपया मगृहीतोऽसि संसोऽस्यहस्पत्याय वेत्याहास्ति त्रयोदशो मास इत्याहुस्तमेव तत्पीणाति. "Clearly does the Adhvarya first go to the south; clearly the Pratiprasthatři priest to the north. Hence does the sun go to the south for six months; and to the north for six months. He says: Thou art caught in a wooden vessel'; thou art Samsarpa (x creeping month) and a receptacle for sins.' They say that there is also a thirteenth month; it is that thirteenth month which he pleases thereby." The syrubolical practice connected with this passage is this :-The Adhvaryu priest fills thirtzen wooden vessels with Sôma-jaica; and with the help of another priest, called Pratiprasthấti, he makes offerings therefrom to the seasons. While performing the rite, the Adhvaryu goes to the south and the Pratiprasthậtsi to the north, imitating the southern and northern movements of the kun respectively. As will be seen, it was in the middle of the year, during the summer or the winter solstice, according as the year began with the winter or the summer Bolstice, that the intercalary period was inserted, delaying the sun's turning movement so long and occupying that period in performing the initiatory rites. Hence the reference in this passage to the sun's northern and southern movements, and to the thirteenth month during which the commencement of those turning movements is delayed. The fact of representing the wonths by Sôma-vessels is clearly stated in the Maitrâganiya-Sambitâ, iii, 10. 4, 5, द्वादश पात्राण्युपांशुसवनत्रयोदशं यत्तन्मीमांसते पात्राइनपात्राइमिति मीमांसंते हि त्रयोदशं मासं मासानिमासा३ इति. "Twelve are the vessels; the pressing stone, called Upd ngus avana is the thirteenth ; tbe discassion they hold, by asking whether there onght to be a vessel or no vessel (to refruent a thirteenth onth), is a discussion as to whether there is a thirteenth month or no thirteenth month." Ragarding the sacrificial function observed during a thirteenth month, the Tâņdy amabê Brahmaņa, x, 8.2, says: पिता नोरासीदिति मासा उपासीदन् । ते दीक्षवाराध्नुवन् । उपसत्सु पोदशमहीलवन् । सोऽब्बमभवत्, सस्माबुपसत्सु दिदीक्षाणोऽनुव्यं भवत्येव च हि त्रयोदशं मासं चक्षते नेव च. “The months observed the row of Upasads (sessions] with the intention that their father (the yaar] might prosper. They, however, prospered merely by observing the initiatory rites, and initiated the thirteenth month daring the period of the vow of Upasado [sessions). Therefore the thirteenth month became their follower. Hence whoever undergoes the rite of initiation during the period of the vow of l'pasada [sessions] becomes the follower of the rest of the priests). Accordingly they declare a thirteenth month as existent and also as non-existent." Madhu corresponds to Chaitra ; Madhara to Vaib Akba; and so DA. Page #36 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [FEBRUARY, 1912. Again, the Maitrayaniya-Samhita i. 5. 5. 6, says: भग्नीषोमीयया त्रयोदशी उपस्थयोऽस्ति. मासस्त्रयोदशः तमेवैतयाप्त्वावरुधे. “The thirteenth lunar day is to be propitiated by the immolation of a beast sacred to Agni and Sôma. There is the thirteenth month; it is that thirteenth month which he catches hold of by this offering." These and other references to the New Year's Day and the thirteenth month intercalated solely for the purpose of keeping the seasons or the months in their proper places in the year, are enough to show that the Vedic poets kept a calendar with far more scientific precision than we are pleased to credit them with. Whether we will or no, the fact cannot be denied that the idea of a thirteenth month, i.e, an intercalated month, could not have dawned upon the mind of the Vedic poets unless they had been quite familiar with the true lengths of several kinds of years. There is also reason to believe that, before the system of adjusting the difference between any two kinds of years by the insertion of an intercalary month was begun, the practice was to adjust them by adding sets of intercalary days, such as 9, 11, 12, 21, and so on. That such was the custom, is clear from the following passage of the Kathasakhâ-Brahmana, quoted in the Smrititattra. भर्धमासा वै अधस्तात्संतः भकामयत मासास्स्थामतिः ते द्वादशाहं क्रतुमुपायन् त्रयोदशं प्राह्मणं कृत्वा तस्मिन् सुष्वा उदतिष्ठन् तस्मात्सोऽनायतनः इतरानुपजीवतीति. तस्मादशाहस्य त्रयोदशेन प्राह्मणेन भवितव्यमिति कठशा. CIWIETR. अस्यायों जयस्वामिना व्याख्यात:ते चार्धमासा स्त्रयोदशं मलमासं ब्राह्मणं कृत्वा द्वादशाहं ऋतुमुपायन् उपाहृतवंतः तस्मिन्मलमासे मृष्टवा संमार्य किमित्याकांक्षायां भरातीरिव्यध्याहियते. अरातीः पापानि संमाय उदतिष्ठन्. पापभारशून्या उत्थिता भभवनित्यर्थःसत्र पापनिर्मार्जनार्थवादात् संभवत्कालानंतरं कर्म तत्र न कर्तव्यम् न तु निरवकाशमिति. अर्थवाधात् विधिकल्पनायाः प्रतीतिबाधेनवोचिस्यात्. अतो नित्यनैमित्तिकशांतिकारः मलमासेन पर्युदासः सोऽनायतन इति नाप्यस्य चैत्रादिवत प्रतिनियतस्थानमित्यर्थः इतरानुपजीवतीति मासांतरेषु चंद्रक्षयवृद्धिभ्य. तस्योपजननात्, "Being at a lower level [i.e., being less than a month], the half-months desired that they might grow into months. They approached the twelve days' sacrifice. Having appointed a Brahmaņa as a thirteenth priest [in addition to the twelve priests) and having washed off (the sins) on him, they got up. Hence it is that he (the thirteenth month or the priest who represents it] is homeless and dependent for his existence upon others. Hence there ought to be a thirteenth Brahmaņa priest in every twelve days' sacrifice. This is a passage from the Brdhmaņa of the Katha School. " This passage is thus commented upon by Jayasvâmin :-Having represented the thirteenth, . dirty,' month by a Brahman priest, those half-months collected the twelve-days' sacrifice, [ie.. converted it into a month's sacrifice). Having washed off in that dirty' month,-if it is asked what was that which they washed off on the dirty' month, we have to understand the word ardti, enemies';-having washed off the enemies, i.e., the sins, they got up, i.e., they rose up free from the burden of sin. From the descriptive statement of washing off the sins, it follows that the sacrificial performance which can possibly be observed in the subsequent month should neither be undertaken during the dirty' month nor be given up. The inference of a rule from a descriptive statement is reasonable inasmuch as the sense of the descriptive'statement can otherwise have no application whatever.7 Hence the performance of obligatory, casual, expiatory, and other religious rites is prohibited in a dirty' month. It is homeless': i.e., like Chaitra and other months, it has not a fixed place of its own in the year. Dependent for its existence upon others, i.e., the thirteenth month comes into existence owing to the waxing and waning of the moon in the intervals of months." (To be continued.) • Smrititatea. Calcutta ed., 1096, p. 782. Here the rule is that the sacrifice should neither be performed in the dirty' month nor be given up, but should be performed in the subsequent month. The statement is that of washing off the sins in the dirty month: Page #37 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ HEBRUART, 1912.] LAUKIKANYAYANJALI 33 " LAUKIKANYAYANJALI " TWO HANDFULS OF POPULAR MAXIMS CURRENT IN SANSKRIT LITERATURE, COLLECTED BY COLONEL G. A. JACOB. BY PROF. VANAMALI CHAKRAVARTTI, M.A., VEDANTATIRTHA; GAUHATI. COLONEL JACOB is a good worker in the cause of Sanskrit studies. His Concordance to the principal Upanishads and the Bhagaradgita' will ever remain a monument of patient industry. His editions of the Vedantasdra and the Eleven Upanishads are equally well-known. He is never satisfied with an untraced quotation, and he is doing yeoman service by publishing the results of his studies, now and then, in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society. When such a man compiles a book on the popular maxims current in Sanskrit literature, it deserves to be studied with all attention. Indeed, the author has begun a most useful work as a pioneer of the subject of maxim-hunting, and it is with the hope of rousing the attention of the Indian Sanskritists to this subject, that I write this review. The first. Handful' seems to have been excessively well received by the learned world in England. For the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society says in its July number, 1901_"The modestly styled Handful' is only one more example of the laborious care and love of accuracy for which the author is distinguished." The author begins by criticising the work of his predecessors in the same field. These predecessore were the illustrious Târânâtha, who is said to have given a list of 151 Nydyas in his Vachaspatya Encyclopædia and Satyavrata Sâmaśrami, the celebrated Vedic scholar of Bengal [cf. pp. ii (preface), iv, 2, 14.). These scholars did not give detailed references to the books in which the maxims occur, and undoubtedly Colonel Jacob deserves our sincere thanks for giving them. He has also pointed out some real mistakes in Târâ pâtha. We are grateful for this too. But we are really sorry that he should have thought it fit sometimes to use too strong language of abuse, for such language about one scholar from another serves no useful purpose; it looks too much like prejudice. Prof. A. Venis renders a maxim wrongly (p. 31, Vol. I); the author simply points out the mistake. Târânâtha commits a mistake and he says bis explanation is rubbish and nonsensical. We shall now point out a few inaccuracies and mistakes into which Colonel Jacob has himself fallen with the hope that these will be corrected in subsequent editions. P. v., Vol. I In explaining the T T **72 /12, the author quotes Bhamati (pp. 380-1, Bibliotheca Indica edition ) : tu au fa uretarafe Ta : E ITT miya TUTTO ra' and adds in a foot-note" The printed text wrongly reads ' !." We submit that the suggested correction is uncalled for and that the true reading must be either (1) Tega #: (Bibliotheca Indica) or (2) T4H:( Sanskrit College MSS.) or (3) Tag :(Asiatic Society's MSS.). We would prefer the reading of the Sanskrit College MSS., which keeps the observed in 377997: and 97:. We wonder that Colonel Jacob should have omitted to nentioa the MSS. that anthorised him to make the emendation; for, garely, the critical Western Havant cannot be supposed to have corrected Fost into sogit in the fashion of the uncritical Indian scribe. Vol. I, pp. li and 12 In explaining the matterary, the author says, “ A crow alighted on & Palmyra tree, and at the same moment some of the fruit (sic.) fell on its head and killed it." We have seen plenty of ar trees in Bengal, but we could scarcely understand how a tdla fruit may fall upon the head of a bird, that has alighted on the tree. Of course, the trae explanation of the Sanskrit text Luoted seems to be that the crow came and alighted on the ground, at the foot of the tree, and hen the fruit fell and killed it. Page #38 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 34 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [FEBRUARY, 1912. Again p. 12 “The Marathi pandits in adopting the Nyaya bave changed its meaning.". The explanation given by Molesworth (i. e. the Maratha pandit's explanation ), is the explanation prevalent in all parts of Bengal. It is identical with the 2nd explanation given by at Nilakantha). Principal V. S. Apte explains it as follows: " It takes its origin from the unexpected and sudden fall of a palm-fruit upon the head of a crow (so as to kill it) at the very moment of its sitting on a branch of that tree..." (Sanskrit-English Dictionary, p. 651.) Prof. Bidhubhusan Goswami has copied this incorrect explanation in his notes on the Kirdta, Cantos 1 and 2. Vol. I, p. 15 and Vol. II, p. 29 . क्षीरं विहायारोचकमस्तस्य सौवीररुचिमनुहरति । The maxim ought to have ended with gre in the first case-ending (cf. pp. 32, 33 where the compiler rightly rejects the word " stra"). Here is Colonel Jacob's translation of the maxim : " Leaving the milk suitable to the dyspeptic, he enjoys the sour gruel." This is wrong. The real translation would run as follows: "Just as a man suffering from loss of appetite may prefer sour grgel to milk." It means that when a man prefers the lower pleasure to the higher, he must be supposed to be in an abnormal state of mind, like the patient who prefers sour gruel the sweet milk, This maxim occurs also in the Atmatattvaviveka; as, " ti faeta z elatt" (p. 41, Madanmohan's edition Samvat 1906, Calcutta). Vol. I, p. 32 _ विपुलकदलीफललिप्सया जिह्वाच्छेदनम् । The Colonel's explanation is merely a reproduction of Gough's rendering of the maxim in the Sarvadarśanasangraha, and it must be said that Gough seems not to have understood the thing clearly. Here is the explans tion: “ Cutting off the tongue while trying to get a fine plantain." This gives no meaning, at least the 'wording does not. The correct explanation would be: Cutting off the tongue with the desire of eating a large plantain (which on account of its. great size, could not be contained in the mouth if the tongue were to remain intact]. Vol. I, p. 46 997: Frauet “The strength of a community is greater than that of a member of it." The real meaning may be thus expressed :-The meaning (lit, force) of the whole word is stronger than the meaning (lit. force) of the component parts thereof. This is not a st a r in the sense in which Colonel Jacob takes the word. It applies to interpretation of texts. It directs that in finding out the meaning of a text, we are to prefer the ordinary meaning of the word to its derivative meaning, of course if there be nothing in the context repugnant thereto. cf. FEUITATE (Vol. II, p. 89). (In Vol. III of the Handfuls,' this mistake has been corrected ). Vol. I, p. 47– "If I am right in supposing Anandagiri to have been a disciple of the great Sankara who died about A.D. 820, then the early part of the eighth century would be the latest date that could be assigned to Amara." Anandagiri, or Anandajñana, as he more frequently styles himself, was a disciple of SuddhAnanda. Anandajñana says in his introduction to his commentary on the Sariraka-bhashya (from which Colonel Jacob is quoting): शुद्धानन्दमुनीश्वराय गुरवे तस्मै परस्मै नमः। Page #39 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ FEBRUARY, 1912.) LAUKIKANYAYANJALI 35 In the colophons of the same work we read : "fa ETT a no पूज्यपादशिष्यभगवदानन्दज्ञानकृते श्रीमच्छारीरकमीमांसाभाष्यविभागे-" Aforeover, Anandajmana says that the 19337162 of Sankara had many commentaries in his time ; le actually quotes three or four interpretations of Sloka 2 of the introduction. Thus, this Ananda can never be identified with Ânanda the disciple of Sankara. It is strange that exactly twenty years before Colonel Jacob's publication, Mr. Karlosachandra Sinha bad committed the saine mistake with relerence to the identity and time of Anandajnâna (vide his Gitá Introduction). Vol. I, p. 48 fecretirat me qerst durata In 1900, Colonel Jacob was "not quite clear as to the drift of the saying." In 1902, he became wiser, and wrote, “It means that 'the Palasa tree is not cleft when the axe is applied to the Khadira tree,' and is used to indicate that two objects are essentially distinct, and stand on separate bases” (p. v. Introduction, Vol. II). Colonel Jacob's translation is all right, but his explanatory note is rather vague. The maxim is meant as an illustration of the well-known doctrine of the EMT 4 of cause and effect. Vol. I, p. 48 af to Colonel Jacob "sbould like more light on this saying." We give below what little light we can. The star is the jajube fruit and lunda here means a vessel contaiuing the jujube fruit. The kunda (*3 ) is an H R i.e., a place where some hing is kept) and the jujube is the sta i.e., a thing which is kept in something). The principle means that you cannot put the Mr and the M y in the same onse. There could be no T4 in such cases. Vol. I, p. 49 4°34212 This also is a maxim of which the meaning is unknown to Col. Jacob. We give the meaning below: A lady borrows some ornaments from another and therewith uecoratta her person. A third party.on seeing her, will say that she has (ie, is the owner of) "hese ornamuute. Similar is the case with the expression गोविषयकानयनक्रियागीचरकायंता ज्ञानवान्, for an action er riyd has no विषय; it is only ज्ञान, इच्छा , कृति ( including प्रवृत्ति), वेष that have a विषय. 80 गोविषयकआनयनी क्रया is wrong. But it is justified on the याषितमण्डनन्याय, The action has borroued, so to say, a faz from that are which produced the action, and as a lady in borrowed ornaments is supposed to be in possession of them similarly the action of ZT also may be supposed to hav: the cow' for its 1994; though the cow was really the ind of the that produced the rzafira Vol. II, p. 10 एकदेशविकृतमनन्यवत् । This maxiin is very well known to those who have read any Sanskrit grammar written in Sanskrit. Colonel Jacob seems to have misunderstood it. Kielhorn thus translates it rightly :That which has undergone a change in regard to one of its parts is by no means in consequence of this change) something else than what it was before the change had taken place)-(Parithachen lusekhara p. 179.) Vol. II, p. 13 कारण गुणप्रक्रमन्याय। - The maxim of the reproduction in the effect of certain qunlities, in the proportion in which they exist in the pro.lacing cause." That portion of the above translation which we have printed in italics seems to be redundant. I do not know whether the word way in Nộisimlis Sarasvati's explanation or the word " in the original suggested this import of foreign matter into the explanation of the maxim. Page #40 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 36 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [FEBRUARY, 1912. Vol. II, p. 15– ___ गले पादुकान्याय। Culonel Jae b rejects the explanation given by the native scholar Raghunathavarman in his Lukiki-nyája-Sangrahz as "extremely far-fetched and unsatisfactory." We, however, think that Raghunatha is nearer the truth. The Bengalis bave a similar idiom. It means that you put your foet (covered with shocs), on the neck of your opponent and thus compellim by sbeer force to come to your side. The real point in the comparison is the utter impossibility of escape, Turatti in the words of Udayana. The opponent has no alternative to all upon. Vol. II, p. 19 तपनीयमपनीय वासास पन्धिकारमुपहससि स्वयं च कनकमुपादाय गगनांचले पन्थि करोपि । This maxim has been taken from the Atmataltraviveka of Udayana, a book which is written in the most difficult pbilosophical language and which even the erudite native pandits find it difficult to understanl. We cannot withhold our genuine admiration from a European scholar who can hunt ud maxim in a book like this, of which the contents, from the nature of the case, must present almost insurmountable difficulties to him. This is patient research and surely here we have to learn from onr western contemporaries. Colonel Jacob's translation is given below : Thou ridiculust the man who taking his gold ties it up in a corner of his garment and then thyseli taking the gold tieet it up in the skirt of the sky !" This, of course, is wrong. For taking read throwing away (satu) and omit it and in. The reference is to a foolish man who laughs at another fool because the latter ties up a knot in the garment after he has thrown off his gold (for the safety of which the knot is made) though he himself ties up the gold in the sky, i.e., fancies that the sky is a safe place for the deposit of the gold, provided only he makes the movements of making a knot in the air. Vol. II, p. 24 न यत् गिरिराजमारुध गृह्यते तदप्रत्यत्तम् । "A thing does not become imperceptible, because perceived by one who has ascended, mountain peak." The language used by the compiler is not very clear. We should rather say A thing is not to be regarded as imperceptible, because it could be perceived only after ascending A zountain peak, i.e., because certain conditions must be fulfilled before it is perceived. Vol. II, p. 25 नरसिंहन्याय। Colonel Jacob says: . The maxim of the union of an and lion." He apparently does not semember the reference to the atá art of Vishnu. The body of fag is partly human, partly leonine. Vol. II, p. 27 Tatér TIC na "The lamp will not throw light on an object before it is (ligbted and] brought in. Perhap equivalent to catch your hare before cooking it." We give the correct translation below : A lamp cannot illuminate an objest, before it is brought in connection contact or relation) with that objet. This is a philosophical maxim. Vol. II, p. 34 faat siri r uari " This seems to belong to the same category as the काकदन्तपरीक्षा." The काकान्तपरीक्षाम्बाय points out the want of adequate motive or F H ; but the present Nyâya points out the utter impossibility of a thing. Vol. 11, p. 31 TITUTI • Ho who causes a thing to be done by another is himself the real doer of it." Por hun welfth real read surely a. Page #41 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ FEBRUAY, 1912.] ASOKA'S BHABRA EDICT 87 Vol I, pp. 36-37 - यादृशो वक्षस्ताहको बलिः । 39 is derived from a root, meaning to worship. T is thus literally an object of worship--a god. "As is the gol, so is the offering." Compare the Bengali proverb Trar a fag. Thus it is not the same as tit-for-tat' or Roland for an Oliver.' This review has been written mainly with the intention of drawing the attention of the Indian Sanskritists to the useful subject of mixim-hanting. It in a field for patient and honest research. Let our country men, who are now engaged in teaching Sanskrit in our Colleges, apply themselves to this task, and their labours will be amply rewarded. ASOKA'S BHA BRA EDICT AND ITS REFERENCES TO TIPITAKA PASSAGER. BY PROF. DHARMANANDA KOSAMBI, HARVARD UNIVERSITY. In the Bhabra edict king Asoka enggests certain sacred texts (dhamma-puliydydni ) as good o be studied not only by monks and nuns, but also by lay-brothers (upásuka ) and lay-sisters (updsiká). These texts are, according to the readings of Emile Senart (Les inscriptions de • Piyadasi, 2. 199, Paris, 1886), as follows: 1. Vinaya-samukase ; . 2. Aliya-Dasdi ; 3. dnagala-bhaya ni; 4. Muni-dind; 5. Moneya sûle ; 6. Upatisa-pasine; 7. Laghulordde. Considering the great antiquity of the edicts of Asoka, it is evidently a matter of much interest and moment that the above mentioned texts should be surely and correctly identified with the specific passages of the canonical books. Number 1 has not been identified, and I am arable to offer any useful suggestion regarding it. Numbers 8-5. With the help of the previous studies of Senart and Oldenberg, Professor Rhys Davids gives the desired identification of numbers 2-5 in bis Buddhist India (London, 1903). at page 169. Using the Pali text Society's editions of the Nikdya Texts as the basis of reference, the intended identifications are as follows: 2. Aryia-vasani = Bangfti-sutta of the (then unpublished) Digha-nikdya, Vol. 3; 3 Anagata-bhayani= Angutiara-nikaya, Vol. 3, pp. 105-108, sutta 79; 4. Muni-gáthd= Sulta-nipáta, stanzas 207-221, p. 36; 5. Moneyya-sulta= Aiguttara-nikdya, Vol. 1, p. 273 ; Itivuttaka, p. 56. Number 6, the questions of Upatissa (= Säriputta): he does not attempt to determine precise. ly, since many passages might jnstly bear that title. Number 7. There are two Rabulovâda-suttas, both in the Majjhima-nikaya, namely, the one at Vol. 1, pages 414-420, and the other at Vol. 1, pages 420-426. The words of the edict expressly state that the admonition uttered by the Exalted Enlightened One to Rábula concerned itself with the subject of falsehood (Laghulovdde mus dvd dan adhigichya Bhagavatd Dudhena bhdaite). Now it is precisely a falsehood or musdváda, of which the opening paragraphs of sutta 61 trest (see p. 414, 1, 10, p. 415, 1. 19), and it is accordingly clear that sulla 61 is the one intended by Aśoks. It was thus identified by Oldenberg and Senart. With regard to numbers 4 and 7, I see no reason to differ from the views above stated. There remain therefore numbers 2, 3, 5 and 6 to be discussed. Number , Aliya-vasáni. The first question to settle is this : Sball Aboka's aliya-rasani bo equated with ariya-vásd, the holy ways of living', or with ariya-rainoá, the lineages or traditional ways of the holy "? Page #42 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 88 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [FEBRUARY, 1912. Now we find described in the Sangiti-sutta, not only the dasa ariya-vásd (Digha, Vol. 3, p. 269), but also the cattaro ariya-ramsá (Digha, Vol. 3, p. 224). And since this mutta is in fact (like adhyaya 33 of Udyaga-parvan of Mahd-bharata, Vidûra-niti) a true One-more' or 'Anguttara' sulta, we may properly expect to find both descriptions in the Angutiara nikuya; and so indeed we do find them-the dasa ariyardsd in the Dasaka-nipáta, Vol 5, p. 29, and the chattáro ariyaramed in the Chatukka-nipdia, Vol. 2, p. 27. The Sangiti-sutta is put into the mouth of Sariputta (see Digha, Vol. 8, p. 209), while both Anguttara-suttas are put into the mouth of Buddha. Whichever way we decide our first question, the identification should be-not with one of the Digha passages, but-with one of the Anguttara passages, since the edict implies that the aliya-rasani are the words of Buddha. Prof. Rhys Davids in 1898 (J. R. A. S. 1898, p. 640) says: "No. 2 is no doubt the passage on the ten Ariyavásd;" but in 1899 (Sacred Books of the Buddists, Vol. 2, p. xiii) he equates it with "Ariya-vásáni" probably not having in mind our present difficulty; and in his Buddhist India (1908) he prints the title" Ariya-vasdni. Vincent A. Smith in his Asoka (2nd ed., Oxford, 1999, p. 154), renders the title by The Supernatural Powers of the Aryas,' following Senart's suggestion given at Vol. 2, p. 208 (cf. p. 205). Senart gives it with all due indication of his own doubts, thus: les pouvoirs surnaturels (?) des Aryas." Perhaps he had vaguely in mind the rasis or masteries. But to read an exhortation to the study of acquiring powers like magical powers or the like into an edict of Asoka would be entirely out of keeping with the spirit of the edicts as a whole, for these are in general the simplest expositions of matters touching the very fundamentals of the moral law. 4 But even if we take aliyarasani as meaning the dasa ariyavásd or ten holy ways of living' (of Aiguttara, Vol. 5, p. 29), it would seem that these "ways" are too numerous and artificially elaborate to be suitable for Asoka's purpose. They involve matters quite beyond the laity, and the tenth (suvimutta-pañño) implies nothing less than Arhatship. The Digha text later on (Vol. 3, p. 291) recurs to the ten ariyavásé, and calls them hard to master' duppaticiijhá; although this, I admit, may be said of the simplest essentials of morality. The four ariyaramsa (of Anguttara, Vol. 2, p. 27), on the other hand, are in the hightest degree worthy to be reconmended by the Emperor as fit subjects of study for all, both monks and laity. The text applies to ariyavamsa, the adjectives noble,' ancient (aggaññd, porána), and others. And the Anguttara commentary (Colombo ed., 1898-1909, p. 530, 1. 31) glosses the word tans by tantiyo, lines'; by pareniyo, successions' or also old customs'; by añjasd, straight roads or ways (to the goal of the religion)'; and by vatumani, courses: according to which vanso might mean either ancient and noble family' or also time-honoured course of conduct.' If ramso means family then it seems to carry nearly the same meaning as household' in the English version of St. Paul's phrase, them who are of the household of faith' (Galatians vi, 10). The practical use of vasd in this sutta is to designate four households or else four courses of conduct, a typical illustrations of which the sutta givs four descriptions of monk; to wit, (1) a monk who is content with simple clothing, (2) one who is content with the simplest food got in a proper way, (3) one who is satisfied with the humblest habitation, and (4) one who delights in meditation. 1 The Pali vaso, like the Sanskrit vançaḥ, is masculine. But of heterogeneous nouns there are not a few in Pali. Thus in this very ediot we have dhamma-paliyayani as equivalent to the usual masculine plural paryaya at Diammapada, stanza 188, ooours pabbatani vandni cha; and in the Patisambhida (the numerous archaisms of which deserve a careful study) we actually find, at 1.81 chattari ariyavamsâni the precise equivalent of the form which appears in the Bhabra edict. As for the lack of the anusvira in aliya-vasdni, it may be a dialectic peculi. arity; or it may be set down as a stone-cutter's blunder (see Senart, 2, 349, 931, and the end of Roak-edict, No. 14). Page #43 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ FEBRUARY, 1912.] ASOKA'S BHABRA EDICT 39 The foregoing considerations justify us in equating Aliyarasani with the chattaro ariyarannsd (or better, with the chattari ariyaramsdni, as the Palisambhidd calls them) rather than with the « 18a ari yavdsá. But this justification is reinforced by a weighty consideration, and that is the i aportance and distinction, which attached to the ariyaramsá text, or to the substance of that text, at so early & time as the reduction of the Patisambhidd, and which the text continued to enjoy Jown to the time of Buddhaghosha (say A. D. 410) and his successors. In the Patisambhida (1.84), these four ariyavainsdni are set down with the four satipatthand and other famous fours. Baddhaghosha, in his Anguttara commentary, devotes almost ten full pages (521 to 581) to this sita, and begins (p. 521, 1. 34) by calling it the Great Ariyavansa-suttanta and saying that it 8 preached by Buddha himself to an assembly of forty thousand monks at Jetavana. Buddbaghosha had previously made several allusions to the Ariyaramsd in his Visuddhimagga. * The Sayâ u Pye" bas published the text of this work, and also Dhammapala's commentary thereon, a the P. G. Mundyne Press (Rangoon, 1909-1910), and to his editions the following citations yler. Thus at the very beginning of the chapter on the Pure Practices or dhutaigas, ho gives 11 advantages of following them, and among them this, that a man gets a firm footing in the yaransit (text, p. 50, 1. 7). The commentary (p. 82, 1. 23) reflects distinctly the phraseology the Anguttara text. At p. 54, 1. 5, the text says that simplicity of clothing puts a man in the Airt ariyaransa, according thus with the text of the Anguttara passage. At p. 56, 1. 11, the text s'a little story beginning, “In a certain village there was preaching on the Ariyavarisd" (80 tho. comm., p. 88, 1, 1). And at the end of the exquisite story translated in H. C. Warren's 1ddhism (p. 434) under the Biblical title, and hate not his father and mother, p. 79, 1. 15 of the to it, the admiring mother is represented as saying that the Buddha must have had in mind just Stha moak as her son when he preacbed the Aryavannía course of conduct. Without implying that Buddhaghosha wrote the Játuka commentary, we may add that this same famous course of conduct is mentioned as something which Upananda preached but did not practice in Jataka, Vol. 2, p. 141, and Vol. 3, p. 332. In short, the evidence is ample to show that the text about the four a avasd was one of great distinction and very wide notoriety. Number 3, Anágata-thayani. Four suttas with this name appear in the Anguttara-nikáya, Darnely, sultas 77-80 of Vol. 3, pages 100-110. The first of these (No. 77) is a series of admonitime to lead a heedful and strenuous life in view of five possible kinds of danger, and is meant for the monk who is a forest hermit. The second (No. 78) is a series of admonitions to the game effect, in view of the coming on of age, disease, famine, war, or schism. The third (No. 79 ) is & prophecy of the dangers to arise in the future, with suitable admonitions to the monks to be on their guard and strive earnestly to avoid them. One of these dangers is that incompetent monks might atternpt to teach the higher doctrine (abhidhammakathd),-& strange sutta for Asoka to urge upon the attention of lay sisters. The fourth sutta (No. 80 ) is like the third, except that the dangers to the religion concern luxury in clothing, food, and dwellings and the promiscuous living together of monks and nuns, and so forth. This last danger makes it unsuitable as a discourse to tie laity Professor Davids picks out third sutta No. 79 ) for identification with Asoka's Andgatabhavani. For the reason indicated in the previous paragraph, this seems to me wrong. And the like holds for the fourth. The first sutta (No. 77) is meant for a forest hermit and so I think that it is not intended by the author of the edict. There remains, therefore, only the second. Vumber 5, Moneya-súte. This, Professor Davids, identifies with the Moneyya-sutta which is found in the Anguttara-nikdya, Vol. 1, p. 273, and (with much less satisfactory detail ) also at Itituitaka number (not page 5 67. The kấya-moneyya and vachi-moneyya are quite in accord with what we expect to find in the edict; but it is not so with the mano-moneyya, which implies attainmente quite beyond the laity. I would indentify Aboka's Moneya-súte with the Nalaka-sutta (iii. 11 ) of the Sutta-nipdta, pp. 128-134 of Fausboll's edition. Stanzas 1-20 are a mere getting or narrative introduction, Page #44 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 40 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY At stanza 22, Nâlaka says to Buddha : [FEBRUARY, 1912. "O wise one (muni), to me declare thou, being asked, The state of wisdom (moneyya), the highest state." Upon which Buddha proceeds to set forth to Nâlaka the factors of the simple life, simplicity in food and dwelling, chastity, harmlessness-the very things, in short, which constitute the fundamentals of the morality, which Aśoka enjoins. In this same sutta, the word moneyya recurs in stanzas 20, 23, and 38; and muni, at 20, 25, 30, 33, and 45; and mona is found at 40 and 45. The discourse is preached to Nâlaka and at his request, and is therefore called Nalaka-sutta in the text; but it was doubtless called also by the name of its subject, that is to say moneyya. Examples of such double names for a single text are by no means rare, and a systematic search would probably reveal many. Several may be given. At Visuddhi-magga, p. 279, 1. 26, Buddhaghosha cites some clauses from a sutta of the Samyutta, Vol. 5, p. 115-121, which, in the colophon, at p. 128, is called Metta-sutta; but Buddhaghosha calls it Haliddarasana-sutta, because it was preached at Haliddavasana, a town of the Koliyans. Again, at page 193, lines 7 and 13, he cites two passages from suttas in the Anguttara; at Vol. 3, pages 312 and 314, which, in the colophon, at page 329, are called, the first, from its subject, Anussati, and the second, from the preacher, kachchana. Buddhaghosha calls them respectively Gedha-sutta and Sambadhokása-sutta. These names are taken from words that figure prominently in the suttas, and were quite likely older and more widely known than those of the artificial and bungling colophons. Other examples have been noted by Professor Lanman, in the proceedings of the American Academy for 1909, Vol. 44, p. 670, under the heading Pali Book-titles. Thus the story which is called Andabhúta-jataka in Fansböll's text (Vol. 1, p. 295), and the scene of which is sculptured on a medallion of the Bharhut tope, is named " Yam bramano avayesi jatakam" upon the medallion, the name being taken from the first line of a stanza of the Jataka (p. 298, 1. 28). Finally, in Buddhaghosha's beautiful story (at Visuddhimugga, p. 79, 1. 15) to which we have already referred, this Nalaka-sutta is coupled with other sutta, the Rathavinita, the Tuvaṭṭaka, and the Mahd-Ariyavamsa. The first is presumably the text at Majihima-nikaya, Vol. 1, p. 145; and the second is the text at Sutta-nipdta, .p. 170. The Ariyavamsa is, as we saw above, a sutta of great distinction; and the putting of the others with it clearly implies that they too were wellknown texts. This consideration is therefore one of weight in favour of our identification. Number 6, Upatisa-pasine. The Questions of Upatissa. Since Upatissa is a name for the great disciple Sâriputta, this title would be a fit one for any text which answers questions put by Sâriputta. Now sutta IV. 16 of sutta-nipata (p. 176) consists of eight stanzas addressed by way of question to Buddha by Sâriputta, and of thirteen addressed by Buddha to his chief disciple in reply. Questions and answers alike concern the simple and righteous life, are free from abstract matters, and are wholly appropriate for the purpose of the edict. In the text the sutta is called Sariputta-sutta, that is, it is called, like Nalaka-sutta, after the name of the man to whom it is addressed. As we saw above, this fact does not in the least militate against our identifying the text with that which the edict calls Questions of Upatissa. The Sutta-nipáta, mostly in verse, is a very old and illustrious text, and it thus meets well the conditions of the problem. put forward this solution as a final one. But I do not The identifications, as revised to date, accordingly, are: 1. Vinaya-Samukase; 2. Aliya-vasúni Ariya-ramsá, Anguttara, Vol. 2, p. 27; 3. Anagata-bhayani Anágata bhayani, Anguttara, Vol. 3, p. 103; sutta 78; 4. Muni-gatha-Muni-sutta, Sutta-nipata, i. 12, p. 36; 5. Moneya-site= Nalaka-sutta, Sutta-nipáta, iii. 11, p. 181-134'; 6. Upatisa-pasine Saiputta-sutta, Sutta-nipata, iv. 16 p. 176-179; 7. Laghulovdde-Rahulordda-sutta, Majjhima-nikdya, ii. 2. 1, Vol. 1, p. 4141. 1 My best thanks are due to Prof. C. R. Lanman of Harvard University who has revised the English of my paper and the order of the arguments and has made some additions. Page #45 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ FEBRUARY, 1912.) OONTRIBUTIONS TO PANJABI LEXICOGRAPHY 41 CONTRIBUTIONS TO PANJABI LEXICOGRAPHY, SERIES III. BY H, A. ROSE, I.C.S. (Continued from Vol. II, p. 310.) Lathayit: & synonym for thuladar q. v. (used by the Jâts in the south of the District.) Karnal S. R., p. 92. Cf. halhwd. Lathi: a pipe of a hulka. Sirmûr trans-Giri. Lathwa: a special village officer elected by the peasants themselves. Sirsa S. R., 1879-83 p. 321. Cf. halháyit. Laukra: fox. Sirsa S. R., 1879-83, p. 124. Leh: a crevasse in a glacier. Lehu or Liu: P Pyrus baccata. Simla S. R., 1883, p. xliii. Lekha chokkha: accounts, e.g., lekhd jokha. Lenga: a petticoat. Karnal S. R., 1872-80, p. 124. Leva: A cotton cover for night. Sirmûr trans-Giri. Lha: (1) a scar or slip on a hillside: (2) in Tibetan, a demon or local divinity=gár. Lipti : wild thyme. Simla S. R., 1883, p. 44. Lishak: adj. bright. Lishakna : to lighten (of clouds). Lobia: a vegetable (Dolichos sinensis). Karnal S. R., 1872-80, p. 123. Logro : clothes. Bauria argot. Loha : the valley beyond; us riri ki, lohe men, beyond that ridge, in the dip behind it. Kangra Gloss. Lohalu: a plough share. Lohka: small. Lohri: & festival held on 1st Magh, at which lighted torches are carried about. Chamba, Lohri: thief; cf. nauria rāla. Bauria argot. Lohfi Lokro : & jackal. Bauria argot. Loia: a woollen coat. Sirmûr trans-Giri. Lojh: Symplocos crataegoides, a tree, leaves fed to sheep and goats. Simla S. R., 1883, p. xliv. Lokro : a jackal, see loss and cf. lonkri, fox : Bauria argot. Ex. Lokro mar duiye. Let 113 kill a jackal'. Loli: a curl or ringlet of hair. Lonai, lundi : reaping. Lona va, lonada: a reaper. Lonchi: a fish (Wallago attu). Karnal S. R., p. 8. Londia : dog. Bauria argot. Lonkri: fox. Cf. Lokro. Lonth : branches of trees cut with the leaves on for making a dam in a stream or canal. Kangra Glose. L09: adj. hidden, disappeared. Lotri: a small brass water pot. Sirmûr trans-Giri. Lowata : shoes with leather soles and woollen tops, also called chinjár, Simla S. R., 1883, p. xlv. Ludi: big kite. Lugris : a shawl = chádar. Bauria argot. Lukan chhippan: hide-and-soek. Sirsa S. R., 1879-83, p. 206. Page #46 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [FEBRUARY, 1912. Lunga: a mode of culture, which consists in steeping the seed and forcing it under warm grasd to germinate. The seed, with the tender shoots is then thrown into the soil, which has previously been flooded to receive it. Cf, much. Kangra S. R., p. 26. Lunat: reaping = lonái. Lut: birpes, ringworm: Jullandur, see P. Dy., p. 690. Latia lotri q. v. Sirmûr cis-Giri. Lwela : afternoon. MA: not-in imperatives: Bauria argot : as bol md. Do not speak.' Machhial: a variety of cobra. Jallundur S. R., p. 12. Machho: a bed. Beuria argot. Madhari: = dhutgalú q. v. Mag: the barred-headed goose and the grey goose. Ludhiana S. R., 1878-83, p. 14. Magda : a sandy loam soil. Gurgaon S. R., 1872-83, p. 6. Maght: see Uttarain. Festival in honour of ancestors in Pângi: held on 1st Magh. They give roti to the Halis in the name of a deceased son. MAL: meat. Bauria argot. Mah&jal: a seine used in still water. Karnal S. R., p. 7. Mahasir : a fish (Barbus mosal). Karnal S. R., p. 8. Mahchapul: A mixture of mah and kult, two kinds of pulse. Kangra S. R., p. 28. Mahen : & male buffalo. Mahi: a heavy horizontal block of wood, drawn by oxen to smooth the surface of a field. Kângra S. R., p. 29. Mahlandhi: see málundi. Mahora : A cattle-shed. Gurgaon. Mahr: a collector of revenue, for a village. Bilaspur. Mailani: the money paid by land-owners for the sheep's droppings when folded on their laud. Kangra S. R. (Lyall), p. 39. Ma'in or Jhol: * clod-crusher--the maira of the Panjab plains. Simla S. R., 1883, p. xlv. Maira kalari: the maira (sandy loam) land with an admixture of saltpetre. Hoshiarpur 8. R., p. 69. Maira retar: very sandy maira (sandy loam). Hoshiarpur S. R., P. 69. Majori : the top of the culm (tilu) of manj together with the sheathing petiole (múnj) of the manj. Karnal 8. R., p. 14. M&jra: a small outlying hamlet in the village area in which are settled cultivators who till the surrounding land. Cl. garhi. Karnal S. R., p. 76. Makal; an altar built by the sugar pregs where 5 ganderis and a little of the first juice expressed and 17 seers of the first gur made are offered up, and then given to a Brahman. Karnal S.R., 1872-80, p. 182. Makiya : constable. Bauria argot. Makkar sankrant: the 1st day of Magh, Chamba. Makol : white clay – see golend. Makrab: #grass - with a blossom like a wood-louso. Rohtak. Makri: a flat piece of wood with a sooket in its highest end to which mdnak is tied. Karnal S, R. 1872-80, p. 161. MAlrab: the material from which drained sugar ia made, Hoshiarpur S. R., p. 82. MAls : withios. Karnal 8. R, 1872-80, p. 163. Page #47 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ FEBRUABY, 1912.) CONTRIBUTIONS TO PANJABI LEXICOGRAPHY Malain : a whole dried up plant of rice. Karnal S. R., 1872-80, p. 186. Mal&ran: the dam of a kúl (CADal) in Kallu. Cf. dang. Kangra S. R., p. 92. Maleksh: a devil = daint, a devil regarded as impure. Chamba. Malerna: to manure. Kangra Gloss. Malik kandah: 'master of the flock', = mahlûndbi; see mdlundi. Malmala mawkish: Rohtak. Malandi: the captain or leader of a flock, a term used by Gaddi shopherds. MA shti: a box. Simla S. R., 1883, p. xlv. Mauru : Quercus dilatata, its leaves are cut in winter as fodder : hard wood, and ased for charcoal. Simla S. R., 1883, p. xliii. Mend (): Simla S. R., 1883, p. xlv. Methun: Fenugreek, Simla S. R., 1883, p. xxxix. Mån: (i) chastity: if a betrothal is broken off by the boy he must pay the girl Rs. 6 for her mán: (2) reconciliation, so a due or fee of Rs. 6 paid (s) by a man to his first wife on taking a second and (b) to a wife who is divorced. Pångi. Manak: the connecting rod fastened to the beam to which the oxen are fastened in a sugar press. Cf. thamba. Karnal S. R., 1872-80, p. 161. Manakh: man. Sirsa S. R., 1879-83, p. 124. Mand: ground floor : also used trans-Giri. Mand chhal: chhal in an island in a river. Hoshiarpur 9. R., p. 70. Mand ghased : ghassi in an island in a river. Hoshiarpur S. R., p. 70. Mandal: a handle. Karnal S. R., 1872-80, p. 160. Mandhauna: the cloth on which mdp full of grain is emptied. Cf. risana. Karnal S, R., 1872-80, p. 174, Mång : demand. Ci. Ichich, Sirsa S. R., 1879-83, p. 189. Mangala mukhf : a ceremony corresponding to the baptism of the Sikhs and Bishnois. Sirsa S. R., 1879-83, p. 164. Mangari: a fish (clarias magur). Oi, mungri. Karnal S. R., p. 8. Mangi : & milk pot with a round brim. Cl. jhab. Karnal S. R., 1872-80, p. 121, Manjhi : first floor roof. Sirmûr trans-Giri. Manni: a high stony ridge near the end of the Siwâlik range in the Dasůya tahsil, Hoshiarpar S. R., P. 4. Mengni: a millet (Panicum italicum). Kangra S. R., p. 25. Meni: the big flat stone in front of a bauli where people stand to draw water, bathe, etc. Mapj: in the middle. Kângra Gloss. Manj: a ladder , Be0 sáng. Manjah: shoe for weeding. Kangra S. R., p. 29. Mantori: (Kulla) a burning ghat-see tirath. Manu: a man as distinguished from an animal, a form of manukh. Manukh, & man; Kangra, Cl, manakh and mânu. Manakh: a man. Bauria argot, Mør: s clod-crasher. Jabbal. Mara: a village headman. Bauria argot. Marabia: a large and sweet mango fruit, with a small stone. Used principally for making preserves (maraba). Hoshiarpur S. R., p. 15. Page #48 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [FEBRUARY, 1912. Maraili : adj. Savage. Marayan : straw. Sirsa S. R., 1879-83, p. 230. Margoza: see ak-ka-mama. Mari: the shrine of Gaga Pir (the greatest of the snake-kinga). Karnal S. R., 1672-80, p. 151. Mari nakhna: to beat. Bauria argot. Marila: a little of the crop left for the poor. Karnal 8. R., 1872-80, p. 172. Martali: seg tirath Cf. marthiúl. Marthial: a place where corpses are burnt: mantoru torn in Kulla. Maru: an unirrigated land. Ludhiana S. R., 1878-88, p. 94. Mase kiwen: with some difficulty. Maser sass : mother-in-law's sister: wife's maternal aunt. Match : (sie) (? much) a kind of harrow withont teeth, ased to make soil into soft mod before sowing rice. Kangra Globs. Matha: s, m, forehead; mathe kajji, modest (of a woman) : math ekoná, to bow. Mathik: the bank over wbich water is to be lifted. Karnal S, R, 1872-80, p. 171. Matkana: a small cup made of pottery. Karnal S. R., 1872-80, p. 121. Matri : 'motherly,' a title of Devi Adshakti at Kacheri. Matri Deora is another temple on the ridge above Kacheri village called Tikkar in Chamba. Matti kádpa: a form of worship which consists in scooping out a little hollow in the earth by the shrine and flinging the soil on to a heap. Karol S. R., 1872-80, p. 145. Matwala : sweet-of water, which causes a crop to fill profusely, but with A weak stalk. Rohtak. Matwala : hard, a sort of water, the crops irrigated by it are generally good. Gurgaon S. R., 1872-83, p. 8. Mawa: (Bassia latifolia:) a tree. Hoshiarpur S. R., p. 13. (To be continued.) MISCELLANEA. MOOR'S HINDU PANTHEON. That painting was exhibited as No. 1163 , THE author of the Hindu Pantheon (1810) | the Indian Court of the Festival of Empire, rightly deemed his Plato XVII, representation 1911, by Major E. O. Moor of the Rosary, Great of Mabadeo and Parvati, to be the gem of his Bealings, Ipswich, the author's grandson, who book. The painting or drawing from which also showed a number of objects, the originale Plate 17 is engraved is, I think,' he wrote, 'the from which the plates of images, etc., in the most beautiful and highly finished thing I ever Hindu Pantheon were engraved. anw. I purchased it at Poopa for forty rupees The mythological collection is for sale and (five pounde), but for some time the seller might be purchased for a museum. demanded a hundred (twelve guineas) for it.' 7. A. S. NOTES AND QUERIES. SHAH JAHAN TRANSLATED AS KING JOHN. in some sort, to appease the people's hatred." A GOOD HOBSON-JOBSON.' 1634. "And that we might leave nothing Herbert, Description of the Persian Monarchy. undone, which might advantage his resolutions, now being the Orientall Indyes, p. 31, in the according to the order of the late Mogull, he course of a very inaccurate account of the Em changed his name from Currone [Kurram] tol peror Shah Jahan. Shaw Johan, or King John, thinking by that, R. C. TEMPLE, Page #49 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ MARCH, 1912.] THE VEDIC CALENDAR THE VEDIC CALENDAR. BY R. SHAMASHASTRY, B.A., M.R.A.S., M.R.S.A., MYSORE. (Continued from page 32.) The meaning of the above passage is this :-Giving up a practice of adding twelve days to the synodic lunar year of 854 days in order to adjust it to the sidereal solar year of 866 days, the Vedic poets allowed the twelve days to accumulate to the extent of a month in the course of two and a half years, and then performed their sacrifice at the close of the thirteenth month with thirteen priests, of whom the thirteenth priest represented the thirteenth month, the dirty' month, and took up the sins of the sacrificer for the gold that was presented to him. In the Aitarya-Brdhmana, i, 12, the thirteenth priest' is called Soma-vikrayin, seller of Sôma.' This passage, with a brief commentary upon it by Raghunandana Bhattacharya, the author of the Smrititattra, rans as follows® : पाच्यां दिशि देवाः सोमं राजाममक्रीस्तस्माधाच्यां विधि क्रीनते प्रयोदशान्मासावक्रीस्तस्माअयोधी मासी नानुविचते पापो हिसोमविक्रमीति. भस्थाबमर्थः । - बतोऽधिमासस्सोमविकवी भतोऽसावितरमासवनानुविचते. विद्यमानोऽपि कर्मानस्वारसभिवेत्यर्थः सोमविक्रयपि कत्विगंतरवत्. “The gods bought the king Sôma in the eastern direction. Thence he is (generally) bought in the eastern direction. They bought him from the thirteenth month. Thence the thirteenth month is found unfit for any religious work to be done in it); a seller of Sêma is (likewise) found unfit (for intercourse), for such a man is a defaultor." The meaning of the passage is this:-" Because the intercalated month is the seller of Soms, therefore it has no proper existence like other months. Although it has its own existence, it is yet regarded as having no proper existence inasmuch as no rites are performed in it. The seller of Soms is like other priests employed for the performance of sacrifice." As regards the sinful nature of intercalated months, the author of the Smrititattra, quotes the following paasage : वत्सरांतर्गतः पापः बज्ञानां फलनाशकृत् । नेतातुधानाचैस्समाक्रांतो विनामकः ॥ fearle suitfade. विरुद्धनामको विनामकः कुतः मलिम्लुचादिनामकस्वात्. " (The intercalated month) contained in the body of the year, is sinful, is destructive of the good results of sacrifices, is infested by Nairpita, Yâ tudhâna, and other evil spirits, and is of disagreeablo namo. This and other passages are found in astrological works. The word vindmaka means that which has a disagreeable name'; for it has Malimlucha and other (disgusting) names." The three passages quoted above throw a flood of light on the nature of the conception which the Vedio poets entertained regarding the intercalary days and months. We have to understand the three important points specified in these passages : (1) At first the Vedic poets used to adjust their lunar year with the sidereal solar year by adding twelve days to the former, bat in the course of time they gave up that custom and began to intercalate one month to every third lunar year. • Smrititativa, p. 788. Ibid, p. 778. Page #50 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 46 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MARCE, 1912. (2) Instead of performing any sacrifice during the intercalated period, they spent that period in performing such accessory rites as are called Upasad or sessions and Dikshd or rites of initiation, (8) They regarded the intercalated days as being infested by evil spirits and enemies. It is therefore probable that the apparent acts of sorcery undertaken in connection with every kind of Bacrifice in order to drive out or to destroy those who hated the poets and whom the poets hated', are acts intended to symbolise the fact of getting rid of an intercalated period. Since an intercalated period is regarded, not only as being burdened with dirt or sin, but also as being infested by Varuņa, Nirșiti, and other good or evil spirits with nooses in their hands to bin i their victims, it is probable that, during an intercalated period, the Vedic poets regarded themselves, not only as being burdened with sin, but also as being bound with the noose (pása) of Varuņn or Nirșiti. It also follows that the removal of sin or of Varuņa's fetters at the close of a period of twelve or twenty-one days, is a technical expression of the Vedic poets implying the intercalary nature of those days. The removal of guilt at the close of the twelve intercalated days is thus referred to in the Aitaréya-Brahmana, IV. 4, 24: पवध वा एते वहा भादशममहराहावतिरात्री यहादशाहो द्वादशाहानि दीक्षितो भवति. यज्ञिय एव तैर्भवति बार राषीरुपसर उपेति. शरीरमेव तामिधुनुते. बादशाहं प्रमूते भूत्वा शरीरं धूत्वा शुद्धः पूती देवता भण्यति. य एवं बेद पत्रिंशयही वा एष यहादशाहः । The Dvadasaha consists of thrice three days together with the tenth day and two Atirâtra daye After baring undergone the ceremony of initiation during twelve days one becomes fit for performing the sacrifice. During the twelve days he undergoes the Upasad or the vow of fasting. By means of then be shakes off all guilt from his body. He who has such a knowledge becomes purified and clean, and enters the deities after having, during (these) twelve days, been born anew and shaken 019 (all guilt) from his body. The Dvadasaba consists on the whole) of thirty-six days." The thirty-six days referred to in this passage are three sets of twelve days each, constituting the difference between three lunar and three sidereal solar years. The Atharraveda = (Rig. v. vii. 103. 1) IV. 15. 13, also speaks of the twelve days' vow as follows: संवत्सरं शशयाना ब्रह्मणो व्रतचारिणः। वाचं-पर्जन्यजिन्वितां प्रमंडूका अवादिषुः। "Having lain for a year, (like) Brahmans performing a row, the frogs have spoken forth a 'voice quickened by parjanya [the raining clouds]." So also the same says IV. 11. 11 : सावध वा एता रात्रीत्या भातुः प्रजापतेः॥ तत्रोप ब्रह्म यो वेद तद्वा अनडुहो ब्रसम् ।। “ Twelve, indeed, they declare those nights of the vow of Prajapati ; whoso knows the Brahman within them--that verily is the vow of the dranght-ox." The release from Varuņa's fetters at the close of twenty-one days is thus referred to in the Athartaveda, iv. 16.6 : येते पाशा वरुण सप्त सप्त धा तिष्ठति विषिता शंतः। सिनंतु सबै अनृतं वदंतं यः सत्यवति तं सृजंतु ॥ “What fetters of thine, O Varuņa, seven by seven, stand triply relaxed, shining-let them all bind him that speaks untruth; whoso is truth-speaking, let them let him go." I presume that the expression of three times seven milch kine pouring their milky draught, as referred to in the two verses of the samaréda quoted above, implies the same idea as that of an intercalated period of twenty-one days. From the consideration of these and other similar passages too numerous to be quoted here, we may conclude that expressions such as the milking of the kine,' the destruction of evil spirits or of enemies,' and 'the release from the fetters of Vargas or of Nirriti,' are Vodic expressions implying the passing off of an intercalated period. Page #51 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ MARCE, 1912. THE VEDIC CALENDAR I think that the symbolical acts of cutting off the branch of a Palasa tree, and of separating the calves from the cows for the purpose of milking them during the night, and of destroying the evil Bpirits and enemies, as described in the very beginning of the Black Yajurveda, are also meant to signify the passing off of an intercalated period. Among the Chinese the twelve months of the year are called the twelve branches; and it is probable that the Vedic poets, too, called the months, whether ordinary or intercalary, by the name of śdkhás or branches. As already pointed out in the above pages and also in my essay entitled Gavám-Ayana : the Vedic Era, published in 1908, the test cow' is a name given to the New Year's Day as well as to the intercalated day; an bercalves' must iherefore mean the days of the subsequent year or cycle of years. We bave akseen how the symbolical act of burning the evil spirits and enemies signifies the passing off of an intercalated period. Accordingly the first two Anuvdks or paragraphs of the first kdnda of the B!: Yajurvéda may possibly refer to the cutting off of an intercalated branch or month, and to the separation of some New Years' Days or bissextile intercalated days, termed cows,' from their calve or the consecutive days of the subsequent year or cycle of years. In order to see whether the pasage givos this meaning or not, it is necessary that we should examine the interpretation given to. by Bhatta Bhaskara and other commentators. The passage runs as follows, i. 1.1:. इषे लोर्जे त्वा वायवस्थोपायवस्स्थ देवी वस्सविता प्रार्पयतु श्रेष्ठपतमाय कर्मणे भाप्यायध्वमानिया देवभागमुस्ततीः पयस्वतीरनमीवा अयक्ष्मा मावस्स्तेन इशत माघशंसः रुद्रस्य हेतिः परि यो वृण ध्रुवा भस्मिन्गोपती स्थान बहीर्यजमानस्य पशून्पाहि (1). य झस्य घोषिदसि प्रत्युष्टं रक्षः प्रत्युंटा अरातयः, In accordance with the commentary of Bhatta Bhaskara and others on these passages, they cou le translated thus - O Branch, thou art for isha [food), and for úrja (strength]; O calves, ye are swift runners like the wind, and ye come back again ; O cows, may the bright sua lead you for the purpose of our liest sacrificial rites; O inriolable cows, yield the share of the gods, ye who are possessed of strength, milk, and calves, and who are free from consumption and other diseases. May the thief have no power over you; may the slaughterer not touch you; may the thunderbolt of Rudra quit you on all sides ; be ye firm in the possession of this cowherd; preserve ye the numerous cows of the sacrificer; O sword, thou art the announcer of the sacrifice; burnt is the devil and burnt are the enemies." Here the sacrificer is required to repeat the first four words of the original, and to cut off a branch of the Palisa tree for use in the sacrifice. The next four words are addressed to calves which are to be separated from their mothers, the cows. The following sentences up to burnt is the revil' are addressed to cows. Then comes the symbolical act of burning the evil spirits and enemies. These symbolical acts, which are usually performed by sacrificers in connection with all full-moon and new-moon sacrifices,' appear to render the explanation of the commentators plausible and perhaps representative of the only meaning intended by the poet. But when we try to make the detached thoughts and acts into a connected whole, we feel the difficulty. So long as we accept the interpretation of the commentators, we fail to understand the aim of the poet who gave expressions to these thoughts and devised the symbolic acts: the thoughts and acts are BO disconnected that they appear to have originated in some disordered mind. But if we take the branch' in the sense of an intercalated month which is to be placed between the months of Isha and Crja (Ásvina and Kârttika) and is to be symbolically burnt as an evil spirit and an enemy, and if we take the calves as the days of an ordinary year whose wife is elsewhere said to be the eight: day of the dark half of the month of Magha and is called a cow bringing forth the days or calves of the next year, the disjointed thoughts arrange themselves into a connected whole. It is probal le that it was the lack of proper astronomical terms to designate the various parts of the year that led the Vedic poets to talk of them in terms of the branches of a tree and cows and calves. Page #52 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 48 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MARCH, 1912. Whether or not the meaning of the first two paragraphs of the Krishna-Yajurvéda is, as I have presumed it to be, this much is certain, that the Vedic poets were quite familiar with various kinds of years and knew how to adjust them with each other, and that the detailed description of calendars given in the Sûtras is but a copy of Vedic calendars and not a later invention. II. The Calendar. Having thus proved the existence of a calendar during the Vedic times, I may now proceed to frame that calendar and its various forms out of the materials scattered here and there in the Sutras and Brahmanas. The general name by which the various forms of the Vedic calendar were known seems to have been Gavâm-Ayana. It is only one of many forms of the Vedic calendar that I attempted to explain in my essay entitled Garam-Ayana,' the Vedic Era, published in 1908. Therein I have pointed out: (1) that the word go, cow,' means the intercalary day, ie, that day which is the product of the four quarter-days at the end of four successive solar years, each of 365 days; (2) that the term Gavâm-Ayana or "Cows' Walk" means a series of such intercalary days, on each of which the Vedic poets regularly performed cyclic sacrifices; and (3) that in the Mahad-Uktha or Great Litany of Rigvêdic hymns they kept a record of 460 or 465 intercalated days as having clapsed. As the evidence I adduced in support of this theory is of an indirect and hypothetical nature, scholars have hesitated to accept it, and have opined that the passages which I explained in the light of this theory could bear other and perhaps more rational interpretations, and that my theory was rather an ingenious contrivance than a discovery of the real design of the Vedic poets. Probably no theory that is not based upon direct evidence is ever accepted; mfne can be no exception, and would share the fate of other theories if, like them, it had no direct evidence to support it. But the Nidana-Sutra of the Sama-réda seems to supply the want. From this Sûtra we learn. that Gavam-Ayana is a name given to the year which contained some intercalated days inserted either in its middle or at its close. It appears that the number of days intercalated differed with different schools of Vedic astronomers, and depended upon the difference between any two kinds of years selected for adjustment with each other. The school which had adopted the synodic lunar year of 354 days and the sidereal solar year of 366 days seems to have added to every lunar year a Dvâdaśâha or period of twelve days, during which they performed a sacrifice with recitation of a Sâma-chant of twelve verses on the last day. With the school which had adopted the sidereal lunar year of 351 days, i.e., the year of thirteen months of 27 days each, and adjusted it with the Savana year of 360 days, the number of days added was nine. Those who had adopted the Savana year of 360 days and adjusted it with the solar year of 365 days, seem to have been adding 21 days to every fourth Sâvana year. In this way there seems to have been during the Vedic period a variety of different astronomical schools, whose chief religions function was the performance of a grand sacrifice during each period of their respective intercalary days. A regular account of the 'cows' or intercalary days which each school counted and observed is found preserved under the general title of Gavam-Ayana, "the walk of cows or intercalary days." The term Gavâm-Ayana seems to have been originally intended to be a name of only to intercalary days; but in the course of time it appears to have also been used to signify that year which contained intercalary days added to it, no matter whether the number of days so added, or counted as having been added, amounted to a year or more than a year. These and other important points connected with the Vedic calendar are clearly explained both in the Nidana-Sútra and in the Srauta-Sutra of Lâtyâyana; and it is a matter for regret that, important as these works are for elucidating the much-vexed question of Vedic chronology, they have so long escaped the notice of oriental scholars. It is true that the Sutras in general abound in elliptical and technical obscurities which sometimes render their meaning uncertain and vague; still, so far as their main idea or purport is concerned, they leave us in no doubt whatever. Page #53 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ MARCH, 1912.1 THE VEDIC CALENDAR 49 ___The passage of the Nidana-Satra in which a few forms of Garam-Ayana are defined, runs as follows, v. 11, 12:___10भथातस्संवस्तरा वगाणां पंचसवस्सरा वर्गाः। तेषु धारो मनीषया कर्ण उपसबो विचार संस्था वा एष प्रतानिच. पद्मिशीनो नवोनश षडहोमोऽथ सावनोऽटारशभियायानहाभिः सावनास्परो नाक्षत्रमिति मासच तस्य चैव त्रयोदश. चांद्रमसस्सायनश्चोभावथाटारबुनमोऽष्टा समशिते पौर्णमास्यां प्रसाधयेत् । गवामयनस्थोपायांवचतुरः प्रतिपादयेत्. तेषां नाक्षत्रः प्रथमस्तस्य सप्त विशिनो पासाः सप्तविंशतिनक्षत्राणीति. सस्य कल्पः प्रथमस्य प्रथमस्थाभिप्लवस्थ स्थाने चिकलुकम्यहं कुर्यात्वाग्विषुवत उत्तमस्योत्नमस्थोई. विषुवतः से खस्वभिप्रयतंग एव कृमाः स्थुरिरयके. एते चाधिकृता न चापि निवर्तयत्ययापि दृश्यते त्र्यहन्यासं कृमो यथा स्वरसामानस्त्रिकक्रपंचाहइचाभिप्लवसं. सप्तदशरात्रे । स्वरतंत्रा इत्यपरम्. एवं च संचाविलोपः अपि च सेवषु त्रिकटुकञ्चहः स्वसंबो भवति. भय नवोनस्तस्यैवं त्रयोदश मासा. संभार्ययोर्मासयोर्नवाई लुंपेञ्चतुरहमेव माग्विषुवतः पंचाहमूर्य तस्य कल्पः प्रथमस्याभिप्लवस्य स्थाने ज्योतिषं च गां च कुर्यात्प्राग्विषुवत क विषुवत उत्समस्याभिप्लवस्य स्थाने क्योतिषं. नाप विषुवामभिभवत्युत्तरेऽत्र पक्षासे विषुवामुपसंख्यायत इति. अथ पडनाइचांद्रमसाः परपूर्णोपक्रमाः नावसानाः पूर्व पक्षसि मासास्स्युः जनोपक्रमाः पूर्णावसाना उत्तरे. तस्थ कल्पः प्रथमस्य प्रथमास्याभिलवस्थ स्थानेऽभिप्लवपंचाहं कुर्यास्याग्विषुवत अमेषु मासेषु उत्तमस्थोसमस्या विषुवतः। याण्यासस्सावनः। स एष भादिस्यसंवत्सरो नाक्षत्र आदित्यः खलु पाश्वतावहिरहोभिर्नक्षत्राणि समवेतिआगोवा अयोगशालमे केक नक्षत्रमुपतिष्ठत्वहस्सीयं च नवधा कृतयोरहोराचयो कलेचेति. सांवत्सरास्तारचनपंचायतं कला से षण्नववगोः स पद षष्ठिविशतः षष्ठिविशसे । इलोको भवतः-- सप्तविंशती राष्ट्रस्य राज्ञो वसतयो मिताः। त्रयोदशाहं पयोदशाहमेकैकं नक्षत्रमुपतिष्ठति ॥ . त्रयोदशाहानि तृतीय महाश्चतसस्त्रेधा शतयो विकुर्वन् । त्रिणव पंथामं विसतं पुराणं चस्वारिंशसा नवरात्रैस्समनुते ॥ इति. अथाष्टादशभिर्यायानादित्यसंवत्सर एक तेर्यगवनिको भवति. भादित्यः खलु शश्वदेकरा पण्मासानुदरनेति नव चाहानि तथा दक्षिणा. तरप्येते इलोका भवंतिः यस्मिन् परिवत्सरे सौम्यो मासोऽथ चांद्रमसो। माक्षत्रोन विलुण्बते कस्स्वित्तं वेदक स्वित् ॥ अष्टासप्तत्रिशते तस्मिन् संवत्सरे मिते। सौर्यों मासोऽय चांद्रपसो नाक्षत्रो न विलुप्यते ।। सप्तविंशतिमेवैष समा हानेति दक्षिणा। सथोरड् सप्तविंशतिमिति ॥ तस्य कल्पः संभार्ययोर्मासयोरष्टादशाहान्बुपाहरेत्रवाहमेव प्राग्विषुवसः नवाहमूर्ष विकाकांइचाभिप्तवं च प्राग्विषुवतोऽभिवं च विकदुकांदचावृत्तानूर्व विधुवसः। Then the years of the classes : 11 the classes (are) of five years. In them the bage by his wisdom will know the sessions of the ritual, and tho basic forms (of the sacrificial rites),13 and the vows or ceremonies (to be obserrel) in them. MFromपंच to सावनात्परोctor "B)-and perhapa farther-seems to bea metrical quotation from some other work; with one or two words separated, and one omitted.-J. F. Fleet. 11 Varga is not faitly to be rendered by cycle.' Cycle is yuga or chakra: varga is a group, olasa.'-J. F. Fleet. 13 Upasal: lit. the sitting down, waiting for the arrival of the Anal sacrificial day.' 13 Sanstha; lit. 'a staying or abiding together.' Page #54 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 50 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MARCH, 1912, " (The year) which is less' (than the Sarana year) by 86 (day); that which is less by 9 (days); that which is less by 6 (days); then the Savana year (of 360 days); then the year which is greater than the Savana year by 18 days. The sidereal year (of 351 days) bas a thirteenth month (of 27 days). Then the two kinds of years: the lanar and the Savana. Then the year which is greater than the Savana year by 18 days: one has to observe (it) on every 88th or 37th full-moon. "He has to know the four forms of Gavâm-Ayana. Of them, the sidereal year (of 894 days) is the first; its months are of 27 days each, because there are 27 nakshatras. The mode of observing it (is this): in the place of each first [period of six days called] Abhiplara (of every month of 30 days) before the central day of the year), one should observe [a period of only three days known as] Trikzdruka :14 (likewise in the place) of each last (Abhiplava) after the central day. Some say that they (the Trikadruka days) are so devised as to be of the same form as the Abhiplava days; they have their place here ; nor is their observance opposed to that of the Abhiplara days. It is also known that, like the Svarasdman days, 16 the unit of three days [the Trikadruka days) is devised as a special period of three days. The three Trikadruka days, as well as the five days of the six Abhiplava days are observed together in the sacrificial session of seventeen nights 16 Others say that the Triladruka days are the same as the Svaras aman days. And thus the usual form of the calendar days and their rites is not lost; for the Trikadruka days have their own independent place in all sacrificial sessions. “Then the year of 851 days) which is less than the Savana year) by nine days :1' thus it has thirteen months each of 27 days). He has to omit nine days in the two intercalary months [savóharya ;18 .c., the sixth and the seventh month, each of 30 days]; four days are to be omitted) before the central day of the year, and five days after it. This is how it is done in the place of the first Abhi plava (of the sixth month of 30 days before the central day, only two days known as jyólis and go, are to be ouserved; and in the place of the last Abhiplara of the serenth month) after the central day, only one day, known as jyótis, is to be observed. No central day occurs in the year (of 351 dayo); for it is counted in its latter half. " Then the lunar years (of 354 days) which are less than the Savana year) by six days :10 in. the first half of this year) there are six months, beginning with one which is full [i. e., consists of 30 days) and ending with one which is deficient (s.e., contains only 29 days] ; in the latter (half there are sis months), beginning with one which is deficient and ending with one which is full, This is how it is observed in the deficient months before the central day, in the place of each first Abhiplava one should observe (only five days of Abhi placa ; (likewise in the place of each last (Abhiplava) in the deficient months after the central day. 14 Trikadruka is the name given to a unit of three days, of which the first day is called jyotis, 'light', the sepond go, cow', and the third ayva, life'. Abhiplara is the name given to a unit of six days, of whioh the first three days are named like the Trikadruka days and the last three days are onlled go, ayu, and jyotis. 15 Svarseman is a name given to the three days before and after the central day of a sacrificial session, Special Sama-chants are sung on those six days. If the Trikadruka days were considered as identioal with the Svarasaman days, which are strictly observed immediately bofore and after the central day of a sacrificial session, the other days of the session would be counted in periods of six days each. This appears to be the meaning of 'an independent place for the Trikadruka daya.' 16 The 17 nights soom to me to be the pights of 8 Spara aman daya plus 6 7vikudruka days plus 5 Abhiplata daya.-J. F. Fleet. 17 Soe Calendar, Form II. below. * (I do not see how raibharya can be fairly rendered by 'intercalary'. It means that which may be brought together, and seems to mean, rather, the two months which are susceptible of contraction by shorten. ing'.-J. F. Fleet. 19 Bpe Calendar, Form IIT, below. Page #55 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ MARCH, 1912.] THE VEDIC CALENDAR 51 “The Savana year (of 360 days)20 has been explained. It is this same sidereal year of the sun.21 The sun is known to pass through each of the nakshatras in a fixed number of days: he remains in each nakshatra for thirteen and thirteen days, together with a third part of a day and two out of aine kalás or parts of a day-and-night [i. e., of a whole day]: these kalds or parts amount in a year to 54, and are equal to six times nine kalds [i. e., 6 days] : thus it consists of 366 (days) as contrasted with the (Savana year) consisting of 360 (days). There are two verses about this : **Twenty-seven are the mansions in the king's [1. o., the Sun's) dominion; thirteen and thirteen days he resides in each nakshatra : thirteen days and one-third of a day; thus dividing four tiines ten days into three (equal) parts, he traverses the broad and ancient path of thrice nine stations in the course of forty periods, each of nine nights, 4 Then the year of the sun (of 378 days) which is greater than the Savana year) by eighteen days; this indeed is made by his transverse motion ;23 it is well known that the sun always goes to the North for six months and nine days, and likewise to the South. Accordingly there are the following verses: Who knows that year in which the solar, the lutuar, and the sidereal months are not lost, who knows that? In the year weasured by 87 or 38 (full-moons), the solar, the lanar, and the sidereal months are not lost. The sun goes to the South for twenty-seven times seven days, and likewise to the North for twenty-seven times seven days. "This is how this year is observed :-In the two intercalary months, 2 one should intercalate eighteen days; nine days before the contral day of the year and nine days after it ; three Trikadruka days and six Abhiplava days before the central day, and six Abhiplava days and three Trikadruka days after the central day." Similar forms of calendar, together with some more varieties, are also described in the Srauta-Sätra of Latyâyana, iv. 8, 1-7. This is what he says: ज्योतिषामयन विकल्पाः । तत्र थवादितोऽन्सतस्तनूर्व विषुवतः | मासि मास्थाचस्याभिप्लवस्य स्थाने त्रिकनुकाः । स पदशिनूनी नाक्षत्रस्सविशिनो हि मासाः। पष्ठायस्याभिप्तवस्य स्थाने ज्योतिर्गौच ज्योविरेवावृत्ते स नवोनो नाक्षत्र एव त्रयोदशी । युग्ममासेष्वाद्यस्यानिप्लवस्य स्थाने तत्पंचाहः स पडूनश्वांद्रमसः । षष्ठादी विकद्रकानभित चोपध्यात सोडादशाधिकापौर्णमासीप्रसवस्तैर्यगयनिक आदित्यस्य । “ Varieties of the movements of the heavenly luminaries. In the calendar pertaining to these movements, that which is observed at the beginning of each month) before the central day, is observed at the close of each month) after the central day. In the place of the first six Abhiplava days in each month, only three Trikadruka days are observed. Thus this sidereal lunar year is less than the Savana year) by 86 days, since its months consist of 27 days each. "In the place of the first six Abhiplava days of the sixth month of the Savana year), there are observed only two days, known as jyotis and gô; and in the second part of the year, which is 2. Sea Calendar, Form I., and for the year of 866 days, see Form IV. below. 91 [The text, treats here in somewhat obnoure manner of both the SAVADA year of 850 days and the sidereal solar year of 356 days. The latter is not mentioned as one of the fire olasses of years in the boginning of the pagsago. The text seems to suggest that the Savans year, before being regarded as 30 days X 12, was sidereal year of 27 x 131 days, and that the year of 365 days, - 27 x 131, was a refinement of it, MA result of experionos showing that the sun required of day more time to pass through each rakshatra.-J. F. Fleet. 13 Bes Calendar, Form IV. below. 1 The motion from South to North and back again, which the sun sem, to have in passing from solstice to latice, is transverse, at right angles, to his notual motion from West to East through the nakshatras.-J. P. Floot 24 SAA Note 18, above. Page #56 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 52 THE INDIAN ANTIQUABY MARCH, 1912. merely a repetition of the first part, only one day, known as jyotis, is observed in the place of the last six Abhiplara days of the seventh month); thus it is less than the S&vana year) by nine days, and is a sideroal year having a thirteenth month.35 "In the place of the first six Abhiplava days in all the oven months, only five Abhiplava days are observed ; this is less than the Savana year) by six days, and is lanar.” "In the beginning of the sixth month, one should intercalate three Trikadruka days and six Abhiplava days ; 27 thus it is greater than the Sávana year) by 18 days, and is productive of full-moon; and it is caused by the transverse motion of the sun."? Besides the three forms of calendar mentioned above, which are similar to those described in the Niddna-sutra, a fow more varieties also are noticed in the Latyayana Srauta otra. As some of these varieties are referred to, though only briefly, in the Kțishna-Yajurvéda, it nood not be said that they existed during the Vedio period, and that they are not the later contrivances of Sutra writers. It is therefore Deoessary that we should understand them as clearly as possible. The Latyayana-Satra continges in iv. 8, 8-20 : उत्सर्जनानि मासि मासि । बथाऽन्त एपमावृत्तानामादिः। पूर्वप्वनिप्रवेषु पाहमहरुक्थ्यं कृत्वाsग्निष्टोममुत्तमे। तौकषिकस्तोमम् । सवनाविध पधुकुर्वनुत्तममनिवपंचाहं कृत्वा पष्ठस्थाने सवनविधः। पाः । प्रथम चामिन पंचाहत्या मासांते सवनविधः पशुः । सामूनामेक प्रथमममिशवपंचाई कुर्नुभहनी वा समस्येबुनिष्पक्पृहपयो सनिपातके । अनिष्पक्बोरुत्तमे । तथा सत्वेकादश्यां पूर्वपक्षस्व सीक्षित्वा बोदवादीक्षा :कुरिन् । समरधा। बत्यावं या पूर्णानानूनपूर्णानावृत्तान् चाल « Omissions of days) month after month. Just as the last day (in each month in the first half of the year) is omitted, so the first day (in each month) in the repeated part of the year [i.e., the second part] is omitted. Having treated as Ukthya days the sixth day in each of the three Abhiplava periods of six days, they observe the sixth day of the last Abhiplava, [i.e., the fourth Abhiplava) as an Agnishtuma day.30 "On the sixth day of the fourth Abhiplana period of each month, they have to recite set of Sims-Tersed called Ekatrika.81 Iu viow of immolating sacrificial animal, they make the last (i.6., the fourth) Abhiplava consist of only five days, and immolate sacrificial animal on the sixth day. Having made the first Abhiplava consist of only five days, they immolate a sacrificial animal at the close of the month. Some teachers make all the months deficient by one day : they make the first Abhiplava of each month consist of only five days. At the junction of Abhiplara and Prishtya days, 33 thoy reokon the last day of the fourth) Abhi plava period and the first day of tho Prishthya as one day [6.6., they treat the two as a single day]. In the last month (c., the twelfth month), they make the last day of the last but one Abhiplava the first day of the last * See Calendar, Forms I and II. ча, Form . That is, nine days bofore the control day and nine days after it. See Calendar, Form IV. # This is what is onlled utsargindim ayanart, which is devoribed in the Krishna Yajurudda , VII. 5, 6. # It should be noted here that woording to the school month is made to oonalat of four Abhiplavas of six days onoh and Prishthya of six days olosing the month. According to the commentary of Agnisimin on this satra, it is the Ukthya days that are omitted. Accordingly, three days are omitted in each month, thus making it vonalat of 37 days. See Calendar, Vorm V. below. * Agnisykmin quotes p age on the authority of which the day with the Ekatrikust ma is omitted. Honde, sooording to this school, the month seems to consist of only 29 dayı. Seo Calendar, Form VI. below. n See Oalendar, Form VII. below. # Like Abhiplava, Prohthya to slao satne given to a period of six days which are onllod: (2) Rathnten (3) Brihat, (8) Vairdpa, (4) Vairkja. () Bikrar, and (6) Baivata, after the names of the BAMA-Ternos reosted on those days. In some sohoobs, the last six days of each month are observed u Priathya. Page #57 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ ARCH, 1912.) THE VEDIO CALENDAR 53 diplava. If so i.e., if they omit one day in each month of the year], they should undergo the Voof initiation for their sacrifice on the eleventh day of the bright half of the month, and spend thirteen days in Yow (before they perform their sacrifice on the fourteenth, c.e., the Ekáshtaká day of the dark half of the month). Or they have to spend seventeen days in vow.85 Calendar-Form I. [Abbreviations : J = jyotis; G = 90; A = dyus.] savana Year of 360 Days. Ist Month. . J. G Ab iplava I 11 ..... ... 000 IV V - . - - .... 19 25 20 26 21 27 22 28 2nd Month. Abhij lava I -..., 1 2 3 4 III | 24 IV v ... ... ..... ... ... 19 25 26 27 30 l'he twelfth month, when recast in the form of Gavam-Ayana, consists of three Abhiplavas of six days each and a period of Dvadasaha or twelve days. In order to make this month also consist of 29 days, they make the last day of the second Abhiplava the first day of the third Abhiplava. See Calendar, Form VIII. 85 As each month of the year is made to consist of 29 days (total 348), the deficiency in the year amounts to twelve or seventeen days acoording as we take the S&yana year of 360 days or solar year of 365 days for comparison. It is clear, therefore, that the twelve or seventeen days regarded M Dikahd-days are no other than interonlary days required to make up the year in observance. Comparo Aitariya-Brahmana iv, 4, 34; an Atharvada, iv, 11, 11; iv 15, 13; and iv, 16, 6, quoted abovo. Page #58 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MARCH, 1912. 3rd Month J. Abbiplava I Abhiplava I . .. 1 " I 13 ... IV ..... 19 22 .... 25 25 26 4th Month. G. i G. J. 1 Abbiplava 1 ... ... ... 18 ... 19 20 21 22 27 28 Bth Month. J. G. i. Abhiplava I II 111 IV .. .. . .. ... . ... ... ... ........ 7 13 19 8 14 20 9 15 21 10 16 22 11 17 23 1 18 24 Page #59 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ ARCH, 1912.) THE VEDIC CALENDAR 6th Month. J. Abhiplava 1 A * 10 11 12 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 7th Month. 27 28 A. 1. 29 30 À la J. 1 G. Altiplava I II ... 8th Month | 1 1 a . | . | .. Aliplava I ... ... ... 13 19 25 14 20 26 15 21 27 16 22 28 17 23 29 18 24 30 7 V In order to convert this year into the sideroal lunar year of 351 daya, the days marked with an asterisk in the band 7th months are omitted ; 890 aluo Calendar, Form II. This is the Vishuvat or central day of the year. M.B.-Instead of being oalled Abhiplava, tho last week in each month wema to have been called by others, as P'shthya, the days being named Rathantara, Brihatt, Vairapa, Vairkja, SAkvars, and Baivata respectively. Page #60 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (MARCH, 1912 9th Month. js. . . . . . , s A bhiplava I II 15 25 26 28 10th Month. Abhiplava 1 ... ... 1 2 3 II 10 » IV v . .. ... ... . ... 19 25 20 26 21 27 22 28 23 29 30 11th Month | J. | G | Å G Å . J. 101 Abhiplava I 10 , 11 , .. ... ... IV V ... .. ... ... 13 19 25 14 20 26 15 21 27 16 22 28 17 23 29 18 24 30 28 Page #61 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ SIARCH, 1912.) THE VEDIC CALENDAR 12th Month, G. . C Alliplava I , II III III ... .. ... 18 „ IV .. .. 19 19 20 21 22 25 26 27 28 - Calendar--Form II. Sidoreal Lunar Year of 351 days. 1st Month 1 A. G. G. Å. A tiplava ! ... ... ... 1 ...... ... ... .. 10 16 11 17 , IV ... 18 19 22 2nd Month Alplava I 11 · · . II IV . ... ... ........ .... 10 11 12 16 17 18 22 | 23 | 24 | 13 14 19 20 25 | 26 | 15 21 27 Page #62 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MARCH, 1912. 3rd Month. A bhiplava I ........ 1 14 15 .. . 16 17 18 19 20 21 23 26 4th Month Abhiplava I 11 και III 12 15 24 26 5th Month. 4 . Abhiplava I „ » II 12 II III IV V .... . ... ... I ...... ... ... ... 22 23 24 • 25 27 Page #63 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ MAROH, 1912.] THE VEDIC CALENDAR 69 6th Month, Abhiplava I » II • III 7th Mouth. Abhiplava I ... ... 1 2 II ... ... ... ... ». III... ... ... 10 | 11 12 | 13 | 14 15 → IV ... ... . V ... ... 22 24 25 8th Month. J. 1 G. 2 G. ... A bliplava I .. .. .. .. 3 » II ... ... 1 » III... ... 10 11 12 13 , IV... ... ... .. 17 18 19 20 21 » V ... ... ... ... 22 23 24 25 26 Page #64 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY MAROH, 1912, 9th Month. J. G. Å. G. Abhiplava I ... ... ... III ... ... ... » 1... ... ... 16 17 18 19 10th Month. . Abhiplava I ... ... .. 1 2 3 ... , II ... ... ... » » 111... ... IV... ... ... ... ... 10 | 16 11 | 17 12 | 18 13 19 11th Month. Abliplava I .. .. . .. 1 2 3 ... » » II..... IV... . ..... .. 10 16 11 17 12 18 13 19 14 20 15 21 Page #65 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ MARCS. 1912.] THE VEDIC CALENDAR 12th Month. hiplava I ... ... , I ... ... ... III IV . ... ... ... ... ... 10 16 11 17 12 18 13 19 14 20 15 21 » CalendarForm III. Synodio Lunar Year of 354 days. 1st Month. I s. . . . . hiplava I " IT | ... ... ... .... ... 8 | 14 20 26 9 | 15 21 27 10 | 16 22 28 13 19 25 11 | 17 23 29 12 18 24 30 » IV ... . 2nd Month. J. Ala A. S : ......... Al hiplava I. " II *** - . . ... ... ... 18 24 19 25 20 26 21 27 22 28 23 29 v Page #66 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MARCH 1912. 3rd Month. J. G. . Abhiplava I II 11 12 ► III 1. 16 » IV ... ... 1 20 21 26 27 28 29 4th Month. G. A. J. 1 J. .. A. 2 G. 3 10 Abhiplava I ... ... ... en 1 OD II III IV v .. ...... ... ... .. ... ... .. 12 | 18 24 13 | 19 25 14 | 20 26 15 21 27 23 22 28 , Bth Month. J. 1 a. | Å 2 3 G. 4 i. 5 J. 6 Abhiplava I ... ... ... - „ 1 IV . - .. - .. 13 19 25 14 20 26 15 21 27 16 22 28 17 23 29 18 24 30 . Page #67 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ MARCH, 1912.] Abhiplava I +3 : 99 " A : Abhiplava I 59 : 10 39 39 31 ,; II III IV V 11 Abhiplava I III IV V II III IV V : *** : : : : : THE VEDIC CALENDAR ༥ J. 6th Month. 1 12 18 24 ༥། J. 1 7 7th Monih. 13 19 25 1 7 13 G. 19 25 13 19 8th Month. 1 25 G. 7 2 14 G. 8 20 26 2 8 14 20 26 Â. 2 8 14 37005 20 326 Â. 3 9 15 21 27 A. co 9 15 21 27 I G. 3 9 15 21 G. 27 4 10 16 22 28 G. 4 10 16 22 28 Á. 4 ہے 10 16 22 28 A. CT 5 11 17 23 29 Â. and 11 17 23 29 63 J. 5 11 17 28 29 J. 6 1142 18 24 30 J. 6 12 18 24 Page #68 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MARCH, 1912. 9th Month. | G. Å G. Á. | 3 ...... , Abhiplava I . II ... III IV ... ... ... .... 13 19 20 21 22 23 24 26 10th Month, _ Abhiplava I ... ... .. Tap . . IV V .... . . 13 19 25 | 14 20 26 15 21 27 16 22 28 17 23 29 18 24 ... 11th Month. Abhiplava I II ....... ***1 7 | 8 | 9 | 10 | 18 IV | 22 , - 19 25 ... .. 26 27 28 29 30 Page #69 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ MARCH, 1912.] THE VEDIO CALENDAR 65 12th Month. Abhiplava I | 11 | 12 „ III . - ... - - 13 14 15 16 17 18 V ... ... .. 19 20 22 ... ... 25 | 26 | 27 | 28 | 29 ... N.B.-Instead of being called Abhiplava, the last period of six days in each month seems to Lave been observed by others as Prishthya days. *N.L. - Apparently the months 7 to 12 should run 29, 30, 29, 30, 29, 30 (not 80, 29, 30,29,30, 29) J. F. Fleet Calendar-Form IV. Sidereal Solar Year of 386 days with an Intercalation of 18 days. Ist Month. J. G. A. 1 . , . J. Abhiplava I ... ... ... II , III IV V ... .. ... ... ... ....... ... ... 13 19 | 25 14 20 | 26 9 15 21 27 10 16 22 28 11 17 23 29 12 18 24 3 . 2nd Month 3 9 | 4 10 | 5 11 | 6 12 1 shiplava I 11 111 - V ,, V .. .. ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... .. .. ... ... ... 1 7| 13 | 19 25 2 8 | 14 | 20 26 15 16 118 23 21 27 | 22 28 | Page #70 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MARCK, 1912. 3rd Month. s. | a. | . | | .. | J. Abhiplava I ... ... ... 1 17 13 11 IV v ... .. ... ... .. ... 13 19 25 14 20 26 .. ... 15 21 27 16 22 28 23 24 4th Month. l | a. | .. ... 1 a. I À J. Abbiplava I ... ... esco 15 111 10 v ..... .. .. ... . .. .. .. 18 19 25 20 26 21 27 22 28 23 29 24 30 25 5th Month. | J. a. . | | J. Abhiplava I 10 , III 14 1-5 15 16 17 18 II IV » „ ... ... ... 13 ....... 19 | ... ... ... 25 26 27 28 29 Page #71 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ MARCH, 1912.] THE VEDIC CALENDAR Eth Month. . . . . . , a. . . 2 31 Abhiplava I ... INI ... ... 16 | 17 | 18 | 19 | 20 | 21 | ... ....... IV. .. 22 23 24 25 26 27 ..... » » IV ... 1 » VII ... .. | 43 | 4 | 45 | 46 | 3 | 48 7th Month. Abhiplava I » II 11 » ΙΙΙ 17 IV 20 24 V 25 26 27 8th Month. J. G. Å. G. | Abhiplava I .. II 12 16 · 17 18 ... ... ... | - ... - - ... .. → IV 13 | 19 | 25 14 | 20 | 26 15 21 | 27 22 28 23 29 24 30 Page #72 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 68 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MARCE, 1912. 9th Month. . Tulo. TĀa. ... 1 2 3 . Abhiplava I ... ... A ... 7 8 9 10 11 12 „ » II 111 1 v ... ... .. ... ... ... ... ... ! ... .. ... 13 19 25 14 20 26 15 21 27 16 22 28 23 24 „ 10th Month. Abhiplava I 7 II ... .. III IV ... . .. . 13 19 25 » 14 20 26 15 21 27 16 2 4 1 28 29 1.th Month. J. a. la la la Abhiplava I ... ... ... er 1 " II IL ... III ... ... Op ..... - ... .. .. .. .. 13 19 25 14 | 15 | 16 | 17 20 21 22 23 26 27 28 29 24 30 „ v Page #73 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ SLARCE, 1912.) THE VEDIC CALENDAR 12th Month. J. .. a. A. J. Aliplava I II ......... ... - ... a. 2 8 14 20 26 , III .. 7 13 19 25 . 9 | 15 21 7 10 | 16 22 28 11 | 17 23 29 12 18 24 30 ... 26 27 28 29 (i) The asterisk in the sixth month marks the Vishuvat or central day of the year. (ii) Here, also, Prishthya days may have been substituted for Abhiplava days at the close of el month. Calendar-Form v. Abhiplava I ... ... .* Till also G. A. G. Å. y. ... J. G. Å. G. A. u. G. Å. G. Å. ». II .. ... ... J. G. A. G. A. Agni. Prishthya I ... .. R. B. v. Vr. S. Rai. Note.-Similarly the other months, only Prishthya, taking the place of the first Abhiplava in the second half of the year. Calendar-Form VI. A bhiplava I ... ... ... ... J. À. G. , II » III IV Prirbthya I ... -. ... ... ... .. ... ... ... .. ... . ... J. G. J. G. J. | G. R. B. A. G. Å. G. A. | G. v. | Vr. Å. S. katrika. Rei. • This day is not counted ; similarly the other months. Page #74 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 70 Abhiplava I 39 15 " 19 Prishthya I : Abhiplava I .. II III IV 13 39 II Prishthys I Abhiplava I ... III IV II III ... *** Month 11. The Dvâdaááha ... 000 www Month 18. ... : # 200 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY Calendar-Form VII. .. ... 1 0. *** J. J. J. R. نیم | 1 J. J. J. J. R. Calendar-Form VIII. 1 J. J. J. 2 R. G. 01 G. G. G. B. - o 2 G. G. G. G. B. |མ G. G. G. B. 8 A. Calendar-Form VIII. C3 A. ག ◄◄ તું A V. 3 Â A. A. A. V. 8 A. A. A. V. 08 G. G. G. G. Vr. 4 G. *|*|*| G. G. G. | G. G. [MARCH, 1912. G. A. Vr, 5 C4 વા તું A. A. S. Vr. 8. 5 A. A. A. 5 Â. તું A. A. S. M. O to C4 Four Chandoma days; M = Mahâvrata ; U = Udayaniya day. 6 J. J. J. J. Rai. 6 J. J. . J. J. Rai. J. J. Rai. U. Page #75 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ MARCH, 1912.) THE VEDIC CALENDAR Calendar-Form IX. The savans your with twenty-one intercalary days inserted between the sixth and seventh months. 6th Month. A. 0. 1 Abhiplava I . . III IV ya days .. ... ... .. ... ... . ...... . . .. 1 2 3 4 7 | 8 o 10 11 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 | 26 | 27 | 28 | 29 | 30 Přishthya days . 25 26 28 30 Three Svarasima Central day. days. Vibyajit. Throg Svaraima day.. Siz Prishthya daye. 10 13 Abhijit Six Prishtþya days 814151617| 8 | 9 10 | 11 | 12 | 13 | 14 | 15 |10|17|18|1920|21 7th Month. j. J. a. . . . J. Abhiplava I - ... | 2 | 3 | | ... II .. . 7 8 9 10 11 1 ... ... 13 | 14 | 15 | 16 | IV ... ... ... 19 20 21 22 23 24 Prishtha days ... ... ... 25 26 27 28 29 30 Names for the different kinds of years as suggested by Dr. J. F. Fleet : 324 - 27 x 12 ... ... "Sidereal lunar year of 324 days." 351 = 27 x 18 ... ... "Sidereal lunar year of 851 days." 854 = 30 x 6 + 29 x 6 ... "Synodic lunar year." 360 = 30 x 12 or 27 x 13. The best possible term for this is the original one, "Barana year." 866 = 27 x 134 ... "Sidereal solar year" 878 = 189 + 189 ... "Pseudo-solstitial year of 378 days." 865 ... ... ... "Vague solar year." 365+ ... ... ... "Julian solar year."-This term involves an anachronism, but it is customary and explains at onco what is meant, (To be continued.) Page #76 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 72 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MARCH, 1918. MISCELLANEA THE ANTIQUITY OF THE KANARESE what he states therein. I have cre this made PRACTICE OF TAKING SIMPLY THE NAMES enquiries at many of the Maratha centres in the OF PLACES AS SURNAMES. South of India, and I have always been impresWe have a copper-plate grant from Haidarabad sed with the fact that Kunbi is an occupational in the Nizam's territory re-edited by Dr. Fleet, term and does not represent a caste or trile. above, Vol. VI. pp. 73-4. It is dated Saka 534 Kunbi is, I think, the contracted form of expired, and refers itself to the reign of the Kutumbi, a family-man. Molesworth does not, Chalukya prince Pulakesin II. Lines 14-15 speak unfortunately, derive the word Kunbi, but I have of the grantee as follows:वासिष्ठगोचाव तैत्तिरीबाब नगराधिवासिने little donbt it is the shortened form of Kutumbi. It is possible that the word is from kudi, a hut चतुवायोंबरखेडकुलनामेधयाय ज्येष्ठशर्मणे Nere the most interesting point is that the or cottage. The analogous Tamil word is kudi family name of the grantee Jyestha is given. It or Audiyinavan, both of which are cnrrent The former means ( according to Winslow ) 'a houseis Umbarakhela. Umbarak heca is unquestion ably the name of a village, and this reminds us hold', or a family, and the latter, a houseof the practice of the Kanarese Bramaņas of holder or cultivator, an agriculturist,' thence adopting, as family names, the names of villages 'a subject, and is synonymous with audithand towns, without the addition of any termi thunnakaran. The eighteen servile castes depenmation such as kar or walld, which is employed dent on the kudiyanarans are called kudimakkal, in Maharashtra or Gujarat and which sigpities and include the washerman, the barber, the (originully) residing in." This is highly impor. potter, the goldsmith or silversmith, brazier, tant, for we can now definitely say that this mason, blacksmith, oil-monger, carpenter, salt practice which is prevalent to this day in the dealer, betel-seller, garland maker, the chank. Kanarese-speaking districts can be traced back blower, the pijari, the tailor, the fisherman, the to the beginning of the 7th century A.D. palli (agricultural labonrer) and the grave. Now this Umbarakheda, I think, is most digger. The barber is, in a special sense, termed probably Umarkhed in the Parbhani district of kudimagan. In the Mysore State, the terms the Nizam's territory, where an old stone and rakkal and vakkalád var are used in a similar mud fort, partly ruined, still exists. Tagarn, manner. In some Telugu districts of this Presiwhere the grantee lired, and which is referred to dency, the term samsari (lit., family-man) is used in ancient inscriptions and the writings of in a like sense. The term hanli and its Dratiforeigners, has been identified luy Dr. Fleet with dian anologies may, therefore, I think, be appro Ter, 30 miles east of Barsi in the Sholapur priately translated into the English word district. Both Ter and Umarkhel are in the husband man', the word husband itself coming Nizam's dominions, and are not more than 80 (according to Webster) from hus, house, and miles distant from each other. DR. BITANDARKAR. bandi, dwelling, and hence one inhabiting honse. RAJPUTS AND MARATHAS. O. HAYAVADANA RAO I HAVE rend with interest Mr. R. E. Enthoven's MADRAS, note ante, Vol. XL p. 280, and write to endorse 7th November, 1911. } NOTES AND QUERIES. POSTHUMOUS TITLES. e. g., the title of the late Queen Victorin, after POSTHUMOU 8 honorific titles are still commonly death, is Malika-i-MaghfQra Anjah&ni. Will some given to decensed personages of high standing Indian scholar kindly supply other instances in in Indian literary works and are extended the case of Europeans? occasionally even to very well-known Europeans, R. C. TENPLE. 1 Liste of Remains in the Nizam's Territory, p. 25. ? Jour. R. 41. Soc. for 1901, July number. Page #77 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ APRIL, 1912.] BIR ABRAHAM SHIPMAN BIR ABRAHAM SHIPMAN, The First Governor of Bombay. BY COL. J. BIDDULPH. A MONG the shadowy figures that fit across the early pages of our Indian history, few are A more shadowy and less substantial than that of Sir Abraham Shipman. The Dictionary of National Biography knows him not. His name is forgotten. Yet he was a brave soldier of some merit, whose unmarked grave is in Indian soil; of sufficient distinction to be selected as the first Commander-in-Chief of royal troops in India, and the first Governor of Bombay, though he did not live to take charge of his Governorship. Abraham Shipman was a younger son of the family of that name, seated at Scarrington in Nottinghamshire through the whole of the 16th and 17th centuries. He was the younger brother of William Shipman who held Scarrington in the reign of Charles I, and who was one of the knights and genilemen of the county who signed an address to the county representatives in Parliament (1st July 1642) concerning the differences that had arisen between the Parliament and the King. We may be pretty certain that the two brothers were present at the raising of the Royal Standard at Nottingham (22nd August 1642), as the family adhered to the royal cause throughout the Civil Wars. One of the family, John Shipman, was Mayor of Nottingham in 1705, and again in 1714. We first hear of Abraham Shipman in 1636, when he was concerned, as his brothede agent, in a scheme to grow madder in Malvern Chase; for which William Shipman held a royal license. The undertaking was probably ansaccessful, as three years later, we fiad Abrahad Shipman adopting the profession of arms. In 1638 Charles I became involved in his quarrel with the Scotch General Assembly about the Prayer Book. In March 1639, the Covenanters under Leslie seized EdinburghSterling and other royal castles by surprise. Charles marched to the Border with an English force. A negotiation took place on the banks of the Tweed, in June, when it was agreed that the castles should be restored to the King, In the following January, Captain A brabam Shipman, with one hundred men, was der patched from London, in Captain Slingsby's ship, to reinforce the garrison of Edinburgh Castle, then held by Patrick Rathren, Lord Ettrick, for the King. A few weeks later we find the King writing to Lord Ettrick goggesting that Shipman should leave his men at Lord Ettrick's disposal and come away, as affairs appeared to be settling down. To which Lord Ettrick replied, befeeching the King to leave Shipman with him," for if there should be OCCH “sion of service I might find the want of such as he is: for I find his judgement and behaviour “so far exceeding ordinary worth that I shall account it a great unhappiness to part with him in these times of danger." To which the King replied that Captain Shipman might remain in Edinburgh, and receive the same pay as other Captains there. In Stptember, the townsmen rose and blockaded the castle, forcing the garrison to surrender for want of water. Sir Patrick Drummond in a letter to Sir John Hay relates that the General, David Scrimgeoar and Captain Shipman, had gone by coach to Berwick. The rest of the garrison were allowed to march out" with drams beating and colours flying, and so to Leith "(to embark) guarded by 600 Scotsmen, otherwise those of the good town would have torn thero " to pieces. They all showed much resolution but marched with feeble bodies, all the garrison **spoiled for want of drink that most of them can never be men again : Lord Eltryck is "extremely extenuated, but Shipman in very good case." Page #78 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [APRIL, 1912. In the following year, Shipnian, waiting on the King to ask for service, was knighted by mistake in the following curious manner: Thomas Smith writing to Algernon, Earl of Northumberland (August 1641 ), says, "Captain Shipman who went to Edinburgh last year " is also knighted by mischance for the King being moved by some friend of his in the " Bedchamber to grant him the making of a Knight, his Majesty coming forth and his head, " as it seems, troubled with business, Shipman knelt down to kiss the King's hand ; the King "drew out his sword and knighted him, whereat the poor man was not a little troubled, and his lady " is since more among her musk melons." Whatever this allasion to the melons may refer to, it shows that Shipman was married at this time. In the following year, the war broke out between the King and Parliament, and Shipman joined the Royal Arny. His naine appears among the Captains in Sir Nicholas Byron's regiment, and he was, no doubt, present at Edgehill where Byron was wounded. In the same regiment wag his younger brother John Shipman, as Ensign. John Shipman had served on the Irish expedition of 1640, as Ensign to Colonel Charles Essex ; but, on the outbreak of the Civil War, be refused to follow his Colonel and joined his brother with the Royal Army. Essex was killed at Edgehill on the Parliamentary side, How Shipman fared during the war does not appear ; but when the war was over and the Commonwealth was busy hunting down the more provinent supporters of the royal cause, he was summuned before the Council of State, and committed to the Tower (April 1651 ). After a year's imprisonment he was released on bail, and we hear no more of him till the restoration of the Monarchy was regarded as certain. In April 1660 he petitioned Charles II. who was at Breda, to be granted the office of Chief Armourer of the Tower, then in possession of one Analey, a fanatic. He stated that he had served the late King and his Majesty through the late wars, and had had great losses and hardship. This petition met with a speedy response from the King, still in Holland, in the shape of a warrant, granting to Sir Abraham for thirty-one years, the reversion of the keepership of the lighthouse at Dangeness, when the fifty years lease granted by James I. to Sir Edward Howard should expire. In the following January the grant was confirmed. About this time Shipman married Marie, 5th danghter of Montagu, afterwards Earl of Lindsay' and widow of Dr. John Hewett who was exocuted by Cromwell in June 1658. On the marriage of Charles II. to the Infanta of Portugal, an expedition was prepared to take over the island and harbour of Bombay which formed part of the Infanta's dowry. In March 1662 the expedition, consisting of five men-of-war, under James Ley, 3rd Earl of Marlborough, sailed with four hundred soldiers, exclusive of officers, under Sir Abraham Shipman, who was nominated Governor and Commander-in-Chief, and reached Bombay in September, The soldiers were divided into four companies, respectively commanded by Sir Abraham Shipman, who was to receive £2 per day ; Colonel John Hangerford at twelve shillings a day ; Captain John Shipman aud Captain Charles Povey each at eight shillings a day. The Portuguese disputed the meaning of the treaty, and of the orders sent out from Lisbon and refused to cede the island. The Earl of Marlborough therefore conveyed the troops to Surat, and put them ashore at Swally, but their presence occasioned so much apprehension, that Sir George Oxenden, the East India Company's representative at Surat, persuaded Marlborough to re-embark them. Shipman and his men were therefore landed on the barren, uninhabited island of Anjediva near Carwar, pending settlement of the question about . 1 Seo Clarendon. * See Popy's Diary, 15th May 1653. Page #79 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ A SHORT NOTE ON THE HINDUIZATION 75 APRIL, 1912.] Bombay, while Marlborough and the men-of-war returned to England. In his attempt to leave the men at Surat, Marlborough mentioned that they were daily dying for want of refreshment, and a number of the force had perished before they landed on Anjediva. All through the years 1663, 1664, Shipman and his men remained cooped up on this wretched spot, gradually succumbing to want of provisions, bad water, exposure, disease, and their own intemperance. Towards the end of 1663, Shipman visited Goa to negotiate the surrender of Bombay, but without success. With equal ill-success he tried to induce the East India Company's officials at Surat to take over the King's rights to Bombay. On the 6th April 1664 he died. Just before his death he received from England a commission from the King, dated 23rd November, 1668, notifying a settlement of the dispute with Portagal, and authorizing him to take possession of Bombay. In it he is styled Knight of the Golden Ensign, and Gentleman of our Privy Council.' His last act, the day before he died, was to sign a formal commission constituting his Secretary, Mr. Humphry Cooke, Vice-Governor, the other Captains of Companies being already dead. On the 14th January 1665, the Portuguese Viceroy signed a treaty with Cooke for the surrender of the Island of Bombay, shorn of the dependencies mentioned in the marriage treaty, and on the 18th February, Bombay was handed over to Mr. Cooke. A muster of the troops taken on the 3rd March showed that one ensign, four sergeants, six corporals, four drummers, one surgeon, one surgeon's-mate, two gunners, one ganner's-mate, une gunsmith, and ninety-seven privates alone survived. The rest had left their bones in Anjediva. Shipman's will, executed just before leaving England, was proved on 18th July 1665. In it he left to his two children, William and Elizabeth, the reversion of the charge of the Dungeness lighthouse. But William was apparently dead before this, as the will was proved by Elizabeth only. He had apparently taken some money with him to India, as, during his stay in Anjediva, he engaged in a trading venture. One of the first acts of Sir Gervase Lucas, who had been appointed by the King in place of Cooke, who was deposed for making an improper treaty with the Portuguese, was to force Mr. Cooke to surrender Shipman's estate that he had taken possession of, and to refund the sum of £663 which he had charged the executrix with, as commission. Nine years later (May 1674) we find Elizabeth Shipman petitioning the King, complaining that she was still kept out of the enjoyment of the lighthouse, in spite of the King's grant to her father and his assigns. Principal Authorities. Calendar of State Papers (Domestic); Thoroton's History of Nottinghamshire; Army Lists of the Roundheads and Cavaliers, 1642 (Chatto and Windus, 1874), Bruce's Annals of the East India Company; a description of the Port and Island of Bombay, 1724. A SHORT NOTE ON THE HINDUIZATION OF THE ABORIGINES: THE SWELLING OF THE CHANDALA CASTE. BY PROF. VANAMA LI CHAKRAVARTTI, M.A., GAUHATI. (1) The Popular erroneous view that Non-Hindus cannot become Hindus by Conversion. THE common folk in this country entertain the belief that the Hindu religion and society have always been a closed community, into which no non-Hindu might ever enter. A Hindu must be born, and not made by conversion. Page #80 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 76 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [APRIL, 1912. (3) A less erroneous view that Non-Hindus may become Hindus, but they must form new and separate Castes. According to a more moderate form of this view shared by many educated people, each separate recognised caste is a closed body, into which no outsider may enter. It is acknowledged that Hinduism was a proselytising religion in its palmy days, but this assertion is qualified by the remark that whenever a non-Hindu or non-Aryan element entered the fold of Hinduism, it invariably formed a separate caste; the old recognized castes would never admit new members. The people like the Ahoms of Assam, the Kachharis of Kichhar and the Koches of the various parts of Eastern Bengal and Assam are well-known instances in which the newly converted tribes have formed new castes. (3) The true view that Non-Hindus might become Hindus by Conversion and be incorporated into the recognized Castes. Yet the truth seems to be that Hinduism was fully a proselytising religion and that the caste was more elastic and accommodating in earlier times. It is borne out by ethnological and epigraphical, besides other kinds of evidence, that sometimes the barbarians or Mlechchhas were admitted into the recognized castes of the Hindu religion and society. Mr. D. R. Bhandarkar has brought together very valuable testimony to this effect in his learned article on the "Foreign elements in the Hindu population" in a recent issue of this Journal. Medhâtithi supports the third view. In this short note, I shall bring forward a passage from Medhâtithi's Manu-bhashya which supports this view and which has hitherto escaped the notice of scholars and ethnologists. It runs thus: यदि कश्चित् क्षत्रियाविजातीयो राजा साध्याचरणी म्लेच्छान पराजयेत चातुर्वर्ण्य बासयेत् म्लेच्छांच आर्यावर्त्त इव चाण्डालान् व्यवस्थापयेत् सोऽपि स्यात् बज्ञियः यतो न भूमिः स्वतो दुष्टा संसर्गाद्धि सा दूष्याते । — Manu-bhashya, II, 28. "If some pious king belonging to the Kshatriya or some other caste should defeat the Mlechchhas (barbarians, aborigines) and establish a settlement of the four castes [in their territories] and accept the Mlechchhas, thus defeated, as Chandalas [as a part of the Hindu Society] as is the case in Aryavarta, then that country also becomes fit for sacrifices. For no land is impure of itself. A land becomes so only by contact." This passage is not only important from the historical and ethnographical points of view, but it is also remarkable for its liberal spirit, which became so rare in subsequent Smriti literature. It is curious that Herr Julius Jolly should have failed to realize the true value of this passage and consequently considered it unfit for insertion in his Manuṭikdsangraha. Here Medhdtithi explicitly states it as a matter of history, well-known in his days, that some Mlechchhas were actually converted to Hinduism and recognized as members of a well-known caste (Chandala) in northern India. The majority of the Chandalas of South-Eastern Bangal were originally Non-Aryan Converts to Hinduism. It may be mentioned in passing, that it is only on the theory of the conversion of non-Aryans into Hindus of the lower castes, that we can satisfactorily account for the great preponderance of the Namahçudra (Chandala) population in some of the south-eastern districts of Bengal (vide R. C. Dutt's Civilization in Ancient India, Vol. III, Bk. IV. Ch. 9, pp. 155157, where a similar view is taken). Page #81 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ April, 1912.) TEE VEDIC CALENDAR THE VEDIC CALENDAR. BY R. BHAMASHASTRY, B.A., M.R.A.S., M.R.S.A., MYSORE, (Continued from p. 71.) "Tax school of Salankayanins observe full and deficient months alternately in the first half of the year, and deficient and full months alternately in the second half of the year." These are some of the forms of the calendar kept by the Vedic poets. Of these: (1) the sidercal lunar year of 351 days, with 9 or 15 days intercalated according as it was to be adjusted to the sÂvana year of 360 days or to the sidereal solar year of 866 days, (2) the synodic lunar year of 354 days, with 12 days intercalated to adjust it to the sidereal solar year, and (8) the cycle of three savana years each of 360 days, with 18 days intercalated in every third or fourth sávana year for the purpose of adjusting it to the sidereal solar year of 366 days, are the principal forms which deserve our attention. The rest of the forms noticed in the Srauta-Sûtra of Lâtyâyana differ from each other in the rituals assigned to the days of the month. The most important of these three prir.cipal forms is the synodic lapar year of 354 days, with the 12 intercalated days, or the Dvadasaba period as it is usually styled in the Vedic literature. Regarding this addition of 12 days to the lunar year the Nidâna-Sutra VI 6, says: सर्ववेदसमिति. ते खल्वेते धर्मा एतस्मिन्नेव द्वादशाहे स्युरिवि. गौतमोऽत्र हि संवत्सराप्तिं वदतीति. अर्व द्वादशाहात् सांवत्सरिकाणीवि धानंजयः "As regards the gift of the entire property of the sacrificer:-These fanctions Cie., the gifts of the entire property] are the marked features of the period of twelve days; for Gautama says that it is here in the period of 19 days) that the year is attained. And Dhanamjapya says that after the lapse of the twelve days the functions of the (new) year are begun." This intercalary period of 12 days seems to have been inserted by some in the middlo of the year and by others at its close. From the famous Atharvavéla, verse IV 15. 8 (see p. 3 above), it is clear that the period of 12 days, or the vow of 12 nights as it is styled therein, was added at the close of the year. As regards its insertion in the middle of the year, the Srauta-sútra of Latyayana IV, 8. 3-3, furnishes clear proof: the passage runs as follows: - अतिरावचतुर्वेश नवाहव्रतातिराना वा यथास्थानं स्युः शेषो ज्योतिष्टोमेन | अत्र वा गोभानुषी पृष्टवाभिप्तवा बशरात्रमित्युपाहरेत्. स संवत्सरप्रवर्हः । शंखाहतं च। "An Atiratra day on which twenty-four Sama verses are recited, then the period of nine days, then the day of Mahavrata, and then the final Atiratra day, are severally observed in their respective places in the year); the rest of the days of the year are observed in the Jyotishtôma way. Or one may insert the twelve days by treating two days as the days termed go and dyus, and by observing the period of ten days as made up of six Přishthya days and four of the six Abhiplara days.98 This period of twelve days is what is generated by the year. Its birth is proclaimed by blowing a conch-shell." What is meant by the above passage is this:-The first day of the twelve daye is observed as an Atiratra day, with the recitation of twenty-four Sâma verses, in the beginning of the year; the period of nine days is inserted in the middle of the year; the remaining two days are observed as the day of the Mahavrata or great row and as a final Atiratra day at the close of the year. This is what is meant by observance of the twelve days in their respective places. Others seem to have been observing the same period by treating two days as go and dyus, six days as Prishthya days, and the remaining four days as the first four days of the six Abhiplava days. The blowing of a # Those who observed the twelve days in this way seem to have been adding them at the close of the year. Page #82 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 78 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [APRIL, 1912. conch-shell seems to have been to inform the people of the arrival of the twelve days of vow, when it was obligatory for each sacrificer, and perhaps for the people also, to observe the rites of Dikshd or initiation, in order to get rid of the sins of the year. It is true that it is not clearly stated in the above passage that the period of nine days was inserted in the middle of the year; still, from the names given to the nine days and from the commentary of Agnisvâmin on Latgûyana-Srauta-Sutra IV 6. 12, we can clearly understand that nine out of the twelve days were inserted at the middle of the year; the commentary says: अभिजित् अवस्स्वरस्सामानःविषुवाम् भावृत्तास्वबस्स्वरसामानः विवाजिनाबंधनवाहः "The day called Abhijit, three Svarasáman days, the central day, the three Sparasliman days again repeated in the reverse order, and a Vipajit day, constitute the period of nine days." It should be noticed here how the central day of the year is plainly stated to form part of the nine days. It follows, therefore, that the period of nine days was inserted in the middle of the year. It must also be borne in mind that whenever a day or days is or are called Abhijit, Vikrajit or Svarasdman, it or they must be regarded as falling in the middle of the year. Again, the other sútra, in the commentary on which Agnisvamin distinctly says that the period of nine days was inserted in the middle of the year, is one which deserves our particular attention. It is also desirable that we should consider the chapter in which this sutra oocurs together with the chapter which precedes it. In these two chapters (IV, 5, 5-6) Lâgyayana describes the various forms of the rites and recitations assigned to the days of Gavam-Ayana. While describing the form of the rites to be performed on the Svarasd man days which form part of the period of nine days, he refers to school of sacrificers who are said to have been observing twenty-one days instead of nine days in the middle of the year. This sûtra IV 6. 12, with Agnisvamin's commentary on it, runs as follows: एकविंधत्वहकारिण उपरिष्टादभिजितः पृष्ठपमुपबंति प्राक्च विचजिता सरसाम्नश्चोक्भ्याम् योऽयं संवत्सरस्व मध्ये नवाहः पठितः अभिजित् अवस्स्सरसामानो दिवाकीर्वमहापवस्वरसामानो विचत्रिविति एतस्य स्थाने अपरे एकविंशत्वहं कुर्वति. उपरिधादमिश्रितः प्रास्सरसामन्यः पृष्ठपमुपबंति. पाक विचत्रितः स्वरसाम्नः कृत्वा पृष्टपमुपबंति स्वरसाम्नश्चोभ्यान् कुर्वति. विचारितमिरं नामक-सामरुभ्याः कार्याऽभनिटोमा इत्येवमुक्काह तदाहुविधमिव वा एतयदमिष्टोमो विषुवान् मामिष्टोमी विधविवानिमितो. भयेतर उभ्या स्स्युरिति अभिष्टोमा एव सर्व कार्य हति. बदभिटोमं तदेवशम्नेन नियमितं. एवं निवामिने सति किनुक्रवत्वं सरसाम्नां प्रत्याम्नातमेव भय विकल्पः इति उच्यते न प्रत्थाम्नावते न च विकल्बते! एकविंशत्याकारिताले सक्भ्याम् कुबतिबे. नवाहकारिणः ते भमिष्टोमानेव, एवं च कृत्वा नितानकारोबार-भयेले स्परसामानः तानभिटोमाजवाहकारिणः कुर्युः उभ्यानेकविधस्यहकारिणः योऽन्यथा कुर्बादकुशलः पुरुष रति विचारिति. "Instead of the period of nine days, which is spoken of as a period inserted in the middle of the year and which is composed of one day called Abhijit, tbree Svaras aman days, one day termed Divákartya (i..., the central day], again three Svarasdman days, and one Visvajit day, other insert twenty-one days : after the Abhijit day and before the three Svarardman days, they insert six days known as Prishthya days; again after having observed the three Svarardman days (after the central day) they insert six Prishthya days before the Visvajit'day. Also they treat the Svarasd man days in the Ukthye way. This matter is found discussed in tho Brahmana :-They debate as to whether the Srarasd man days are to be treated in the Ukthya way or in the Agnishtôma'' way. After saying that, the Brahmana goes on to state :-They say that the fulcrum-like support of the year is the central day which is treated in the Agnishtôms way, and the two days called Abhijit and Visvajit which are also treated in the Agnishtoms way. The other days are * Agnishtoms and Ukthys are two forms of sorifice the former is simple one-day sacrifice in which a bo-goat, sacred to Agni, is immolated and twelve hymnal verses are chanted; the latter requires the immolation of a second victim; he-goat to Indn and Agni, and the chanting of attoos yerno. Page #83 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ APRIL, 1912) THE VEDIC CALENDAR observed in the Ukthya way. Others say that all the days should be treated only in the Agnishțôma way.-By the word only used in the statement, it is the Agnishtēma way that is ruled in preference to the Ukthya way. The rule being thus stated, there still arises the doubt as to whether the Sraraseman days are to be observed only in the Agnishtôma way or in either of the two ways, the Agnishtôma and the Ukthya ways. It is not, however, a rule that the Sraras&man days are to be observed only in the Agnishtôma way; nor is it an alternative that they may be obsersed either in the Agnishtôma way or in the Ukthya way. But it is a matter diflering according to different schools: those who intercalate twenty-one days observe them in the Ukthya way, while those who insert nine days treat them only in the Agnishtôma way. The author of the NidanaSutra also says (V.7): -" Then the Srarasaman days; those who insert nine days treat them in the Agnishtôma way; while those who intercalate twenty-one days observe them in the Ukthya way,38 Whoever treats them otherwise is to be regarded as a man devoid of knowledge." The essential points that we have to consider, setting aside the other details discussed in the abore passage, are the intercalation of nine days and that of twenty-one days in the middle of the year. The period of nine days has already been shown to be a period which forms part of twelve days inserted either in the middle of the year or at its close. But we are not expressly told of the particular form of the year which with the addition of 12 or 21 days would, as stated by Dhanamjapya ( see under Nidana-Sätra VI.C), results in a Samvatsara or true or almost true year. Still from the consideration of the data contained in the sûtras themselves, it is easy to determine them. We know that the purpose of intercalation is to adjust any two kinds of years so that the seasonal and other characteristics are as well defined in the one as in the other. We also know that, of the various kinds of years, those which were the first to be recognised were such as consist of twelve or thirteen months, each of which is well marked by the recurrence of certain celestial phenomena. The sidereal lunar inonth of 27 days, for example, seems to have been adopted because it is marked (though not quite exactly) by the moon's completion of a round through the heavens. Likewise, the synodic lanar month of 291 days is marked by the occurrence of fall or new moon. It is the consideration of the recurrence of seasonal characteristics that led the ancients to assign to the year twelve or thirteen months, during which they expected, in virtue of long experience, a complete round of all the seasons. But it is well known that neither the sidereal lunar year of 351 days, nor the synodic lunar year of 354 days, nor even the sêvana year of 360 days, is in exact agreement with the round of the seasons. Hence it is that the ancients seem to have been led to discover the sidereal and the solar years, in the course of which the seasons fairly will complete a round, and that they began to adjust the years of their first selection with the sidereal solar year. Now, we may confine ourselres to four of the five and know that there are four kinds of years mentioned in the Nidina-Sutra :3 the sidereal lunar year of 851 days; the synodic lunar year of 354 days; the sávana year of 860 days; and the sidereal solar year of 366 days. Of these, it cannot be the year of 351 days to which the Vedic poets added 12 intercalary days; for, with the addition of 12 days, it amounts to only 868 days, which is less than a true year, wbile with the addition of 21 days it gives 372 day, which is more than a true year. It is true that the so-called Gavam-Ayana year described in all the Srauta-Sutras consists of 360 or 361 daye, in the middle of which were put nine days bearing the same names with the nine days which formed part of the Dradasi ha or period of twelve days. Hence we might be led to think that that year in which twelve days were intercalated might be a vagiie year of 848 days, which, with the addition of 12 days, would make a year of 360 days termed Gavam-Ayana. But no year of 348 days is mentioned in any of the Srauta-sútras. And as regards the school of Vedic poets who, according to Latyâyana IV, 8. 15, adopted a month of * Seo Calendar Form IX., P. 72 above. There is also a fifth, of 324 days; nee p. 50 abovs.-Dr. Fleet, Page #84 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 80 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [APRIL, 1919. 29 days and a year of 348 days, we are told by Lityayana himseli that they were observing 17 Dikshd-days or days of initiation, before they commenced their sacrifice on the New Year's Day. Also, the so-called Gavâin-Ayana year is not, as I have pointed ont in chụpier IIT of my Velic Era, true year, but an imaginary year, nade np of all those twenty-first days in a cycle of four så vana years which liad been so far counted as often as they occurred. Hence it cannot be the sarana year in the middle of which nine of twelve days were inserted. It follows, therefore, that it is the synodic lanar year of 354 days to which the addition of 12 daye must bave been made, in order to adjust it with the sidereal solar year of 366 days. As regards the year to which the addition of 21 days was made, it appears to be a cycle of three sivana years each of 360 days, followed by a year of 860 + 21 = 881 days, with the result that four savana years, each of 300 days, with the addition of 21 days, were rendere l equal to four Julian solar years each of 865/ days. That the Vedic poets had been observing such a cycle of years with 21 intercalary days is almost expressly stated in the following paysage of the Nidana-Sutra, X, 1: garen fraferaren era. Teata eraft f fet. Partala TOTE 4 FITको इति. पंचाहकुलमुत्तम. प्रथमे विषमयुक्ताः पंचाहाःत पंचाहानेर करवाणि एवं पक्षसोस्समाधिरिति. “On the day imrned intely before the twenty-first day, they eit at their sacrificial session. On the following day they put the last day (s.e., the 21st day) in its entirety. The period of 21 days and that of 12 days are varieties of adjusting the years). The last [i.e., the 21st day 1 is based upon the period of five days; the original periods of five days are accompanied by an odd portion of a day). Lo! I thall observe only five days; by my doing so the parts of the year are undisturbed." Ia another place the Nidana-Satra, VIII, 11, says that the odd portion of day accompany. ing the five days is neither more nor less than a quarter of a day. The passage in which this idea is implied rons as follows: F *4 tr . cara atrager: F i x fa. carieT a. अथापि कथमहीनाहोराबेरुपायोऽभविष्यदिति अथापि कृत्स्नतायै वै नून मिह रात्रिः क्रियेत. कृत्स्नोऽयं षडह इति. पथाप्येष चतुर्थों भागोराः प्रत्यर्द्धितामत्यक्रनिष्यदिति. कर्तव्येति गौतमः आदिष्टा कल्पेन भवति. अथाप्येषा पहीनसंस्था बद्राभिः तामवसानभूतां पष्ठ महरागच्छति. How is the night observed as part of the sacrifice performed during the Seasonal Six days? Sauchivrikshi says that it need not be observed, for the reason that its origin is such. Also, it is inferred rather than prescribed in the Kalpa texts. How then are the Ahina days 40 to commingle with the night? Verily it is merely on account of its completion that the night has to be observed here, for the period of six days has become complete. Also it is the ove-fourth part of the night that has grown into a whole day). Gaatama says that it is to be observed and that it is prescribed in the Kalpa texts. The night forms part of the sacrificial days which constitute the Alina period; the sixth day arrives at the close of the night." Froin these passages it is clear that the Vedic poets were quite aware the fact of a solar year being greater than the sârane year by five days and a quarter. This they seem to have found out by closely observing the Auctuations in the seasons, wbich they must have necessarily experienced so long as they had used a year of only 354 or 860 daye. It is this inevitable change of the seasons ia the lunar and the sâvana sears that is implied in the term Ritu-shadała, nes ning the six days capable of keeping the seasons in their proper places in the year. It should also be noted how the sixth dny of the Seasonal Six days is termeil an abnormal growth of a quarter of day in the * An Ahtos sacrifo. oxlando as far as 11 days, and sessional aorifices from the 12th day onwards Nidhaa, 12, 6; on the 11th day the night falla: Nidha, iz, 8. Page #85 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ APRIL, 1912.] THE VEDIC CALENDAR 81 above passage. There is also a passage in the Krishya-Yajurvéda in which it is clearly stated that the five days after the ciose of the savana year are such as have the power of creating the seasons. The passage, VII. 1. 10, runs as follows: ET IT * reftr. a 14 haft. T 149934. ar . a. når वैस सनसजत ब एवं विद्वान्पंचरात्रेण बजते प्रेव जावते. तसवस्मृष्टान व्यावतेत त एतं पंचरापमपश्यन समाहरन् तेनाय जंत ततो वे ते व्यावतत. य एवं विद्वान्पंचरात्रेण यजते वि पाप्मना भ्रावृष्येणावर्तते. सार्वसेनि इशौचेयोऽकामयत पशुमान स्थामिति. स एतं पंचरात्रमाहरतेनायजत. सतो वैस सहवं पशून्प्रामोस य एवं विद्वान्पंचरान बजते प्र सहवं पशनाप्नोति. बबरमावाहणिरकामयत वाचः प्रवदिता स्यामिति स एतं पंचरात्रमा हरतेनायजत. तसो वै स वाचः प्रवदिताऽभवत् य एवं विद्वाम्पंचराग बजते प्रवदितव वाचो भवति अयो एनं वाचस्पतिरित्याहः भनामश्चतूराबोअतिरिक्तप्पडूात्रः अथवा एष संप्रति यज्ञो वत्पंचरात्रःव एवं विद्वान्पंचरात्रेण बजते संप्रत्येव यज्ञेन वजते पंचरात्रो भवति पंच वा ऋतवस्संवत्सरः मनुष्वेष संवत्सरे प्रतितिष्ठति. "The year (of 360 days ) was of yore ua differentiated; it desired that it might create the seasons; it saw the five nights, caught hold of them, and sacrificed by them; then it created the seasons: whoever with this knowledge sacrifices by the five nights becomes endowed with children. The seasons, once created, did not regularly return again; they saw the five nights, canght hold of them, and sacrificed by them; then they regularly returned : whoever with this knowledge sacrifices by the five nights gets rid of his sin, his powerful enemy [i.e., the intercalary days bordened with sin). Sauchêya, the son of Sarvasêna, desired that he might be possessed of cattle; he caught hold of the five nights and sacrificed by them; then he obtained a thousand head of cattle : whoever with this knowledge sacrifices by the five nights obtains a thousand head of cattle. Babara, the son of Prâváhani, desired that he might be possessed of eloquence ; he caught hold of the five nights and sacrificed by them; then he became an orator: whoever with this knowledge sacrifices by the five nights undoubtedly becomes an orator; him they call the lord of speech. Four nights are les8 ; sis nights are more; the sacrificial period of five Nights is neither less nor more: whoever with this knoledge sacrifices by the five nights acquires the merits of a sacrifice performed neither in less nor in greater time. Five are the nights and five are the seasons which compose a year: (whoever observes then gets a firm footing in the seasons of the year.” If we read the above three passages along with Agnisvamiu's commentary on Latyayana's aphorism, IV. 6. 12, and the two verses of the Sâmarêda, II. 1. 17. 8, and VI. 2. 2. 7, together with the verses of the Atharvaveda, IV. 15. 13, and IV. 16. 6, all of which are quoted above, we can clearly understand that, when the Vedic poets recognised the failure of the synodic lanar and the savana years to keep pace with the course of the seasons, some of them seem to have discovered the sidereal solar year of 866 days, and regarded it as capable of agreeing with a round of the seasons. Others, with more accurate observation, seem to bave been divided in their opinion, and to have taken a vague solar year of 365 days according to some, and a more true solar year of 365 days according to others, as the one fairly agreeing with the course of the seasons. Those who observed the synodic lunar year of 354 days seem to have been passing 12 days in Dikshd or vow of initiation after its close and before the commencement of the sidereal solar ycar. Of those who followed the så vana year of 360 days, some seem to have been al justing it with a solar year of 865 days by adding five days to it, as exclaimed by the speaker in the Nidina-Sutra: "Lo ! I observe only five days, thereby making the two wings of the year undisturbed." But those who were still nore accurate in their observation appear to have framed a cycle of four savana-and-solar years, and to bave adjusted the savana year with a solar year of 3653 days by adding 53 x 4 = 21 days to every fourth savâna year. As we have already seen, this period of 21 days has been called by various names: some called these days the thrice seren milch-kine pouring their genuine milky draught for the nourishment of Soma, the moon; others seem to have regarded them as the 21 fetters of Varuņa, to be got rid of by the observance of the rites of Page #86 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 82 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [APRIL, 1912. Diksha and Upasad. There is no reason to doubt that it is these twenty-one days which, a sstated by Agnisvâmin, were inserted in the middle of the year as an alternative for the twelve days inserted by others. We may therefore take it for granted that the statement of the Tandyamahabrahmana, xxv. 18. 1, that "five times fifty periods of 21 days make one thousand years of the Visvasriks," is one which was based upon an actual practice, and was not a mere theoretical problem as has been held by one critic of my views,1 Besides the period of 1000 years, the Tandyamahdhirahmana mentions three minor periods, naming the priestly astronomers who observed them. Prajapati seems to have been the first to observe for verification three cyclic years with twenty-one intercalary days in the course of twelve solar years. The passage in which this is mentioned, xxv. 6. 1. 2, runs as follows: त्रयस्त्रिवृतस्संवत्सरास्त्रयः पंचदशाः त्रयस्सप्तस्थालय एकविंशाः प्रजापतेर्द्वादशसंवत्सरम् । एतेन वै प्रजापतिसर्वस्व प्रसवमगच्छत्सर्वस्य प्रसवं गच्छति व एतदुपयति । "Three sets of nine, three sets of fifteen, three sets of seventeen, three sets of twenty-one, made up the period of twelve years for Prajapati. With this (observation), Prajapati attained the means of producing all (the years). Those who follow this procedure will have the means of producing all (the years)." Likewise, the period of 36 years which the school of the Sakty as are stated to have observed is thus described in the same work, xxv. 7. 1. नव त्रिवृतस्संवत्सरा नव पंचदशा नव सप्तधा नवैकविंशादशाकयानां पत्रिंशत्संवत्सरम् | "Nine sets of nine, nine sets of fifteen, nine sets of seventeen, nine sets of twenty-one, made up thirty-six years for the Sâkty as : Likewise, a third minor period of a hundred years of the Sådhyas is thus described in the same work, xxv. 8. 1. 2 : afraftforgedaan: defeat: dagur: iuftafacançar: d'afrafatsstaregzatai quáवत्सरम् | साध्या वै नाम हेवेभ्यो देवाः पूत्र भासन् त एतत्सत्रावणमुपावन् तेनानुवन्. ते सगवस्सपुरुषास्सर्व एव सह स्वर्ग लोकमान. एवं वाय से सह स्वर्गलोकं वंति व एतचुपयांत. "Twenty-five sets of nine, twenty-five sets of fifteen, twenty-five sets of seventeen, twenty-five Bets of twenty-one, made up the one hundred years of the Sadhyas. The Sâdhyas were gods earlier than other gods; they observed this session of one hundred years; they prospered thereby; and they all attained the heavenly world with their cows and men. Verily do those who observe likewise reach the heavenly world. So far as numerical riddles are concerned, there is no difference between the above three passages and the one in which the period of a thousand years of the Visvasṛiks has been described in the Tandyamahabrahmana. Hence the above three passages may be interpreted in the same way as I have explained the last passage in my Vedic Era. Three, nine, or twenty-five sets of nine periods of five days each or of forty-five days, which form the difference between four lunar and solar years, are equivalent to 12, 86, or 100 solar years respectively. Similarly, three, nine, or twenty-five sets of such 15 days as remain after we deduct a month from 45 days in every cycle of four luni-solar years, are equivalent to 12, 86, or 100 years respectively. Likewise, three, nine, or twenty-five sets of 17 days which form the difference between four of Jupiter's years and four solar years, are equivalent to 12, 86, or 100 years respectively.42 Since twenty-one days form the difference between four Savana years and four solar years, three, nine, or twenty-five times twenty-one days are equivalent to 12, 36, or 100 solar years respectively43. 41 J. B. A. S., 1909, p. 478. 42 It is practically, impossible that there can have been any Jupiter's years in Vedio times. Much better omit this, which seems quite superfluous. If there were any Jupiter's years then, they would be the beliacal-rising years, each of 399 days.-Dr. Fleet. These cyclic periods are also mentioned in almost all the Srauta-Sutras; see, Sankhayana, xiii, 28. 5-8. Page #87 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ APRIL, 1912.) THE VEDIC CALENDAR 83 It should be noted how the periods of 12, 86, 100, and 1000 years are connected with Prajapati, the Saktyas, the Sadhyas, and the Visvassiks, respectively. If the above four passages had been meant to be mere formulæ rather than traditional statements of the actual practice of Prajapati and the three priestly schools, then there would bave been no necessity to mention them. There is no reason why the author of the Tandyamahdbrahmana should go so far as to connect : formula, if it was a mere formula at all, with the Sadhyas, whom he has clearly described as a school of ancient priests. It follows therefore, that the periods of 12, 36, 100, and 1000 years are years of the Vedic era, actually counted by Prajapati and the three successive priestly schools in terms of the number of times they intercalated twenty-one days or cows." It is thus clear that the Vedic poets were quite familiar with the true olar year of 3654 days and were adjusting the savaba year to it by adding 21 days once in every four years, and that they kept an account of the number of intercalations, calling it the Gavâm-Ayana or “Cows' Walk." If there is still any doubt as to the precise significance of the term Gavam-Ayana, it will be removed by the evidence which I may perhaps set forth in a subsequent article on the Vedic era and chronology. III-The Ayanas or Sattras. The word Ayana literally means "going, movement'; and when combined with such words as qaram, of cows', and jyotishdm, of lights', it means the movement of cows' and the movement of the heavenly) lights'. We have already seen how the Vedic poets used to call the first day of their Shadana or six-days' period by the name jyotis, light', and the second day by the name go, cow'. It follows, therefore, that the terms Garlim-Ayana and Jyotisham-Ayana inean the march of days'. The question is: what daya? ordinary days or special days ? Almost all oriental scholars seem to regard the days ag ordinary ones. And the sacrificial year of 360 or 361 days described in all the Srauta-Sutras under the name of Glavam-Ayana, with special chants, recitations, and rites for each day, has been accordingly taken by them to mean an ordinary year. But there is evidence to indicate that this is not the senso in which the Vedic poets used the term. We have already seen how, in describing the four forms of Garâm-Ayana, the author of the Nidana-Sutra has specified the suppression and intercalation of days as the chief feature of the Ayanas. We are told to suppress or omit nine days from the savana year of 360 days in order to form a sidereal lunar year of 351 days, which is a year of 18 months each of 27 days. We are also told of the synodic lunar year of 354 days with an impliance of 12 intercalated days, and of the cycle of 37 or 38 months with 18 intercalated days, towards their adjastment with the sidereal solar year of 366 days. We are not told, however, the precise meaning of the term Gavam-Ayana. From the way in which the author of the sutra has explained the four forms of Garâm-Ayana, we may interpret it in three different ways: we may take it to mean the four ordinary years, the sidereal lunar year of 351 days, the synodic lunar year of 854 days, the savana year of 360 days, and the sidereal solar year of 866 days; or we may take it to mean the suppressed period of nine days, and the intercalary periods of 12, 18, and 21 days, of which the intercalary period of 21 days is, as we have already seen, mentioned in a later chapter of the same sútra, 45 But Latyayana seems to take the term in the sense of an intercalary period : in chapters 5 to 7 of the fourth book of his Srauta-Satra, he proposes to discuss the varieties of Gavâm-Ayans, and describes the rites and recitations pertaining to the periods of 12 and 21 days; while in the 8th chapter of the same book, he proceeds to discuss the varieties of Jyotisham-Ayana, and enumerates the various kinds of years and the intercalary days necessary to adjust them. From this it is cloar that of the three terms. Samvatsara, Jyotishim-Ayana, and Garêm-Ayana, the first means an ordinary year of 351, ** It is probable that though based upon different units of intercelary days, these three cycles are here expressed in terms of the unit of twenty-one intercalary days, as though these ayelio years were consecutivo year. 5 See Chapter 11, above. Page #88 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 84 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [APRIL, 1912. 354, or 360 days, the second the-year with an intercalary period, and the third an intercalary period made up of any number of intercalary days. That the terms Samvatsara and Garâm-Ayana are by no means synonyinous, is also clear from what Sâukhiyana says about the repetition of GayamAyana. He says (ziii. 27. 5)- aret Triat TTTTEET " when the number of years is great, repetition of Gavam-Ayana is to be observed.” It is clear that, if the terms Samvatsara and Gavam-Ayana had been synonymous, there would bave been no necessity for such a remark. I need not point out how the sůtra would be meaningless if the two terms Samvatsara and, GavamAyana were taken synonymously. Nor can we take the term Gavam-Ayana in the sense of a year with an intercalary period; for in that case the sutra would mean that, when the number of years is great, all those years with their intercalary periods should be repeated,-a statement which is unpractical. It follows, therefore, that the term Gavâm-Ayana means an intercalary period and an intercalary period alone, no matter what may be the number of days constituting that period. For the formation of Gavâm-Ayana, two units of intercalary periods seem to have been selected : they are (1) a period of 11 or 12 days inserted at the close of every year, and (2) a period of 21 lags inserted in the middle of every fourth year.16 The sacrifices that were performed during either of the two intercalary periods are called Suttras or sessional sacrifices. It appears that when such sessional sacrifices were not performod, -say, for about a hundred years—a sacrificial session extending for 100 X 11 or 100 x 12 days, or 25 x 21 days, was held once for all. We shall see presently that, instead of holding the session during as many days as constituted the intercalary periods left in abeyance, they seem to have limited the number of days by substituting one day for each intercalar v period. Thus a session of 100 days or of 25 days seems to have answered the purpose of 100 x 12 days or of 25 x 21 days in a bandred years. Also it appears that when one or inore such single intercalary days were being celebrated, all the past intercalary days were recalled and celebrated along with the new ones, and that the whole session was termed Gavâm-Ayana. Those who had different units of intercalary days seem to have followed the same procedure, with the difference that, instead of substituting single days for their units of intercalation, they used to hold their sacrificial session for as many days as there were in all their units of intercalation. The three sacrificial sossions of the Tapaschits, for example, consist of four, twelve, or thirty-six years corresponding to the 860 days composing a Gavâm-Ayana year. These three sessions are so arranged that thenty-four, seventy-two, or two-bandred and sixteen months form the first ball of the session, and the same number of months form the second half. This is what the Nidâna-Sutra, X. 9, says about them : भयैतन्महातापधितामित्याचक्षते. चत्वारी देक्षास्संवत्सराः चत्वार औपसदाः चत्वारस्सीत्याः तस्य कल्पो गगमेषावनं चनुरुपकुभपि वा एतस्यैव पक्षसी अभिवृद्ध स्वाताम् अयोविंशतिरबममासाः पूर्वे पक्षसि स्यु विशतिरुत्तरे अपि वैताम्बेष प्रथमानि चत्वारि समस्खेत यथा वीणि संवत्सरे इति. अपि वा ज्योतिष्टोमाबनमेव कुरिन् एतेषां बन्मन्येरन् समापि वा यथा गणसंवत्सराणां सथा कल्पं कुर्वीत. अयंतच्यात्यानां षद्विशत्संवत्सरम्, तरसपुरोडाशमन्नसंरोधात् बरंतःपुरुषः तदन्नास्य देवतेति. ते बन्मांसमवा वा श्यामाकमवावाने अपने हविष्वमितिः अयैतानि महासत्राणि देवानामेव दीर्घायुवो देवा इति. मनुष्याणामपि सिद्धानि स्युरित्यपरम्. बहवस्सनिविश्व सुनुयुः पुत्राः पौवाः प्रपौत्रा इति. तानि खल्बलिरात्राणि अविषुवत्कानि ऊबिनानीमानि भवति, तत्र बतिरात्रं वा विषुवंतं वाऽरियत लुब्धो रोहोऽभविष्यम्. भयापि न कापनादेशो विज्ञायते नुब्रामणेन, अथाब्वेव पुराणं वेदबंते भथा येकवियोऽतत. स्स्तोमानां भवतीति. “This is what they call the major session of the Tapaschits. Four years are spent in per. forming the initiatory rites; four years in Upasads; and four in pressing the soma plant. Its arrangement is thus : They may repeat the Gavam-Ayana four times for each of the three sets of four yrars making twelve years); or else the two wings or parts of the original Gavâm. Ayana may be so lengthened that twenty-three Ayana months fall in the first wing or part of the session and twenty-two months in the second part."" (To be continued) 46 Soo Nidkna-Sätra, 2, 1, quoted above 47 These forty-five months, together with the sixth, the seventh, and the last i.e. twelfth month of the original Gavam-Ayana year inserted in all such cases, amount to forty eight months or fur Gay km-Ayana years.-Gargyar Arayani's Commentary on Abrala yana, rii, 5, 14. Page #89 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ A PRIL, 1912.) MANGLANA STONE INSCRIPTION 85 MANGLANA STONE INSCRIPTION OF JAYATRASIMHA; (VIKRAMA-SAMVAT 1272. BY PANDIT RAMA KARNA, JODHPUR. The stone bearing this inscription was originally found near a step-well situated outside the village of Manglâņa, 19 miles west of Maroth, the principal town of the district of the same name, in the Jodhpur State. Thence it was brought to the Historical Department of the State, and was, with the kind permission of tho late Mahârâjâ Sahib of Jodhpur, sent to the Ajmer Museum, where it is at present. . The inscription is incised on a marble stone, and covers a space of 23" high by 1' 37" broad. containing 15 lines of writing. The average size of the letters is 18". The characters are of the northern class of alphabets. The language is Sanskrit which is grammatically inaccurate, and terms of local dialect have also been used in some places, e. g., daumára (1. 5.), korala (1. 7). Its text is a mixture of both prose and poetry. The first line contains a verse, and then comes in a prose portion, which continues till the 9th line. In line 10, one-half of an old verse is quoted. Line 11 contains a verse from the Panchatantra, while there are two newly composed Åryd verses in 12th and 131h lines. These verses are in Prakṣit language which is also grammatically incorrect. Rules of metre have also been violated. Then again the prose portion comes in till the 14th line. The last line, or line 15, contains a verse from the well-known Mangaldshtaka, sung at the time of marriage, etc. With respect to Orthography, the following may be noted. The sign for has been used throughout for those of both v and 6. In some places & has been used for á, sh for kh, and n for ^. Attention may also be drawn to the old and rare forms of the two vowels i and e and the consonant th. Consonants following have in some places been doubled while in others they have not been so done, e. g., vorvrastha (1.1), Durgjodhana-pirrra (1. 5), but not in maryadd (1. 7), karsha (1. 8), &c. The inscription records the fact of a step-well having been constructed and certain cesses levied in connection therewith by Jayatrasimha (corrupted form of Jaitrasimla) of the Dadhicha, i. e., Dabiya, family, during the reign of Vallanadeva, lord of Banthambhor, when-Shamsu-dDin Altamsh of the Slave dynasty was ruling over Delhi from A.D. 1211 to 1236. The inscription opens with a verse expressing obeisance to the god Nrisimha (1.1). Then is mentioned a goddess named Sri-Kevaya-mata. There is a temple dedicated to this goddess and situated on a hill adjacent to the village named Kiņsariyâ in the Parbatsar district. In the city of Jogini, now known as Delhi, there ruled an emperor named Samasadâņa (Shamsu-d-Din) of the Gora (Ghûr) family, lord of Garjana (Gazni) and bearing the title of Hamira. At that time Vallaņadeva held away over the fort of Ranastambhapura (Ranthambhor) (II. 2-3). Under him there lived in Mangalâņaka, the great Rajpût (mahd rdjaputra) Mahamandalesvara Sri-Jayatrasimbadeva of the Dadhicha (Dahiya) family, son of Padamasibadeva and grandson of Kaduvarâja. He caused a step-well to be built in the Daumdra-bhúmi and to the east of a locality called HariDurijodhana. Daumdra is a term of the local dialect. In Mârwâri, scarcity of water is called dumdra, so the term Daumâra-bhůmi undoubtedly refers to the country of Marwür or the land of water-scarcity. Hari-Durjjodhana is at present called Hariyâjúņa alias Swaipura-& village nearly four miles from Manglêņa. The words sayam-era used in the text are indicative of the fact that no monetary aid was availed of, i. e., no subscription was called in, for the purpose oi constracting the said step-well (11. 4-6). He levied the following cesses, dharmártha i. e., for the sake of charity) on each plongh used and oil-mill worked within the limits of village Manglan; 1 sei of kura da corn on each plough and 1 karsha of oil on each oil-mill. Sei and karaha are measures of weight equivalent to nearly 15 seers and I told, respectively. The term korada is again borrowed from the local dialect. In Mûr war winga (Phaseolus muungo). Page #90 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 86 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [APRIL, 1912. matha (Phaseolus aconitifolius), chand (gram or Cicer arietinum), and gavára (Cyanopsis psoralioides) are called korada. The object in levying these cesses appears to be to provide food in charity (sadderata) to the hungry passers-by and light to the wayfarers (11. 6-7). With a view to its continuity in future, the management of these cesses was placed in the hands of the pancha or trustees of the village. Their names are:- Jajaya, Lohara, Alhana, Bhopatiya, Devadhara etc. These were most probably the headmen of the village at that time (1.8). Then follow the imprecatory and benedictory words, which are followed by the date: Sunday, Aśvini-nakshatra, the 11th of the dark half of the month of Jyeshtha of the V. S. 1272 (A. D. 1215) (1. 10). I line 13 we are told that the step-well was constructed by the sutradhara (mason) Asala, and the stones were worked and shaped by the mason Jahada. The prasasti was composed by Kayastha Sühaḍa of the Naigama lineage (1. 14). The inscription closes with an invocation to the rivers Ganga, etc., for our good. We thus see that at the time when this inscription was incised on stone, Shamsu-d-Lin was ruling over Delhi from A.D. 1211 to 1236 as has been noted supra. He was brother-in-law t Aram Shah. Arâm Shah had hardly ruled over Delhi for one year when Shamsu-d-Din usurped the throne. It is stated that Shamsu-d-Din was bought by Qutbu-d-Din for a thousand o rupees. In this inscription Delhi is called by the name of Jogini or Yoginipura. The same name is met with in Dingala-bhasha (or unpolished language) poetry. In the Hammira-mahakarya of Nayachandra-sûri, the same name riz., Yoginipura is found used for Delhi, e. g., in the Verse: परमप्रीतिगौराणां पौराणामपि भाषितम् । singafer maag dindigen In Marwâr, is often used for y, e. g., jogi for yogi. Ba The name of the ruler of Ranthambhor is given as Vallanadeva, but no mention is made of the race to which he belonged. We know from other sources that the descendants of the famou Châhamana Prithviraja were holding sway over Ranthambhor during that period. So the said Vallanadeva must have belonged to the Châhamâna race. The genealogy of the rulers of Ranthambhor is described in the Hammira-mahakarya referred to above. The name of Prithviraja's son Govindaraja is first given and then the name of the latter's son Ballanadeval is mentioned. This is evident from the following verse occurring in that work: गोविन्दे दिविषद्वृन्दे संचारयति चातुरीम् | तानवं शात्रवं निन्ये श्रीमद्वाला भूपतिः ॥ ४३२ ॥ The time when Bâllana of the Hammira-mahakarya flourished exactly coincides with that of the Vallanadeva of our inscription. No doubt can, therefore, be reasonably entertained as to Vallanadeva of our inscription being a Chahamana and a grandson of the celebrated Prithviraja. We also learn from this inscription that the dominions of Vallanadeva extended from Ranthambhor to Manglânâ in Marwar. Jayatrasimha (or Jaitrasimha), the hero of our inscription, was a Dadhicha Kshatriya by caste, which is now-a-days known as Dahiyâ. Another inscription of the Dahiya Kshatriya has been found in the temple of Kevâya-mâtâ in Kinsariyâ, a already noted above, and a paper on the same has been sent by me for publication in the Epigru phia Indica. The Dahiya Kshatriyas recognise Dadhmat-devi as their family-goddess, just as the 1 Mr. Nilakantha Janardana Kirtanê, in his introductory note on the Hammira-mahakavya, published i 1879 by the Education Society's Press, writes thus : "After Govindaraja, Balhana succeeded to the throne." Mark the minor difference between Ballapa and Balhana. Page #91 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ APRIL, 1912] MANGLANA STONE INSCRIPTION D ima Brahmaņas do, whose temple is situated near the two villages of Gotha and Mipglod in the Na or district of the Jodhpnr State. In this temple also an old inscription of Gupta-Sativat 289 (cuivalent to A. D. 607) has been discovered and sent for publication by me in the same journal, In this inscription Jayatrasimha is styled as Mahamandalesrara, which epithet goes to prove that he was Ohabamâna Vallaņadeva's feudatory. The Dahiva Kshatriyas held feudatory lands in the Parbatsar district in V. S. 1053 or thereabout. They were in flourishing condition till v. S. 1330. When thereafter, they were deprived of their land is not known. Now they hold no land and are Aliâ or ordinary Rajpûts. They have also fallen in status on account of marrying their widows and they are consequently called N dtr dyatas. . Texts. १ओं ॥ओं सिद्धिः अविघ्नेस्वरप्रशादाः [*] [पां] स वो नरस्यहस्या नप [लां] गलकोटबाहिरन्द. कस्य ध्वोज़ [स्थ ]षेत्वासि [क]-" २. (1) ईमारुणाः ॥१॥ देव्या श्री कयवाइप्रसादे अदेह श्रीमह जोगन्यां [स] मस्तराजावजी सनल कृतगोरग ३. नेस्वरहमीरपदस्वरताणश्री[सम ] सहाणवि [जयग] व्ये श्रीरणस्थंभपुर कोटे गट [पति] 'श्री [व] लादेव (.) ४.विजयराज्ये | श्रीमंगलाणके वधीचशे महामंडलेस्व [२] श्रीकनुवराज [देव ] पुत्र श्रीपक्षम:-10 ५. सीहदेवमुतमहाराजपुत्र श्रीजयत्रस्यह [देवे ] ने हरि [ दुजोंधन ] पूर्वति [गभागे दौ] मारभूम्यां स्व ६. कायानिर्मभूप: धम्मायें स्वयमेव वापी ([का] राप्य)कारापि तं यथा अस्व वापी समोथै मगलाणायामचतुसीमा-25 ७. मर्यादाय जे हल वहमाना भवस्यति तेषां हल०१ प्रति [ धान्य] कोर से १ एका तथा [पा] मा०१प्रति ८. तैल कर्ष २एक प्रदता इत्यावावक ? प्रतिपालक गोटी [क] अजजया लोहरा भाल्न भोपतिबा देव ९. धरादय यो कोपि प्रतिपालको भवति तस्य दतकीयपुन्यं भवस्वति भंजन [वि.] स्व मामा" गर्द्रभु भुयति: From orignal stone 3 It is represented by a symbol. • Read सिद्धिविनेश्वरप्रसादाम्।। 5 Rrad पांतु. • Read नरसिंहस्य. 7 Read नखलांगलकोटयः। • Read हिरण्यकशिपोशःक्षेत्रासृ. 9 Metre : Anushțubh. 10 Read देण्या : # Read प्रसादात्. 19 Read अचेह. 1 Read श्रीमज्जा 1 Read नवर'. 15 Read सरत्राणश्रीशमसुद्दीन 16 Read रणस्तंभ 17 Read लेश्वर. 18 Read पद्मसिंह. 19 Read जयसिंह 30 Read 'कायनिर्मलीभूब. 21 Read कारापिता. 20 Read अस्यां . - Read वाप्यां . . ... .. Read धर्मार्थ. * Read TAT - Read मर्यादाबां. 7 Read ये. 29 Read KOT. * Read भाविष्यन्ति 30 Read हलं. 9: Read कोरडधान्यस्य. . .. Read चाणक. I Read तेलस्य. - Read एक as Read प्रवत्ता - Read प्रतिपालका. 3 Read गोष्ठिकाः -RB Read वयः॥ 39 Read . Bet 1 0 Read भवति. 4. Read दत्तकीबपुण्य Read भविष्यति. - Read भनक्ति. Read मातरं. + Read गईभः TA G Read भुनक्ति. Page #92 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 88 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [APRIL, 1912. १०. ति स्वयमाज्ञा [ || *] जस्य यस्य जदा भूमि तस्य सेतिकाद्रफलं सासन पद्धतिरिय संवत् १२०२ जेष्ट वदि ११ रविवारे अस्वि' ११. निनक्षत्रे निप्पना- किं जाते बहुभि पुत्रै सोकसंतापकारकैवरमेक कुलालंबो यक विसमते. कुलं । १[ ] कु १२. लु" न यस्य वीतवर किंपि० तिणि पुत्तेग जाए | असुहसोवसंतावकर्ण । बीयकुलसंतावपु" [I] पदमसीहः १३. अंगज देवगुरु भतिहिं रकतै [ । *] जयतसीड वरु एकु (1) किंपि तह बहु जात २। सूत्रधारि०० अासनेन वधिल तथा सिलावट १४. जाहडेन षटित । नेगमान्वये 3 श्रीसहडेन लिखितमिति ॥ गंगासिंधुवृस्ति जममा गोदावरी नर्वदा कावेरी सर १५ यो मदतनया चर्मनदी देविका [*] सिप्रा वेत्रवती महास्वरयति खाता" जा" गंडकी पूर्णा पन्य जलै" समुद्रसहिता 90 फलं प्रामाति THE AJIVIKAS, A SECT OF BUDDHIST BHIKSHUS. ___BY K. B. PATHAK, B.A.. RUBLI. The Buddhist emperor Asoka and his grandson Daśaratba dedicated certain cave-dwellings to the sect of the Ajivikas. Mr. V. A. Smith, in his Early History of India, p. 156, tells us that the members of this sout went about naked and were noted for ascutic practices of the most rigorous kind. In his opinion the Ajivikas had little or nothing in common with the Buddbists and were intimately connected with the Jainas. It will, therefore, be very interesting for Sanskrit scholars to know what a distinguished Digambara Jaina author, who lived at time when Buddhism still prevailed in Southern India, has to say regarding this sect. The Jaina work entitled Achdrasura, which is in verse, and its Kannada commentary which is in prose, were both composed by Viranandi on Monday the first of the bright balf of Jyêghtua in the cyclic year Srimukha and Saka 1076, as we learn from the colophon: svastiiriman-Meghacharidra-trainilya-dérara-iripada-prasail-dsadit-atma-prabhava-sanastavidya-prabhava-sakala-lig-vartti-rima l-Viranasi li-siddharita-chakravarttiga! Saka varsha 1076 Śrimukha numa saivatsara Jyeshta Sukla 1 Samavúra: anh lu távu madil Achára sdrakke Karnndtaka prittiyari md.li laparu I. 47 Ral यस्व. 46 Read यदा. 40 Read भूमिस्त bo Read वृत्त 51 Read शासन so Read ज्येष्ठ. 53 Read अश्विनी. st Read निष्पन्ना॥ 65 Read जासबहुभिः so Read पुरैः sr Read शोकसंतापकारक: 58 Read "मेकः 6 Read लंबी. 60 Read विश्राम्यति. st Read कुल. 9 Read कि. 63 Metro i Arya; but mark violation of metrical rules in the latter portion as well as of Prakrit rules. Metre : Arya. Here also rules of metre and Prakrit are violated. " When rendered in Sanskrit, both Aryas would road as follows: कुलंन यत्र विश्राम्यति कि तेन पुत्रेण जातेन | असुखोकसंतापका द्वितीयकुलसंसापकेन । पसिंहाजजो देवगुरुभक्तिरक्तः। चैत्रसिंही वर एकः किं तत्र बजातेः॥ - Read धारास - Read बंधिता। - Read पटिता. • Read 'न्वय 7. Read सरस्वतीच. - Read बमुना. T. Read नर्मदा. " Read कावेरी. - Read सरयूम 1s Read चर्मण्वती. " Read सुरनदी. " Read वाता. Is Rrad गया. • Read °जले.. • Read सहिताः st Read कुर्वन्तु नो मङ्गलम् ।।. Page #93 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ APRIL, 1912.) THE BUDDHIST BHIKSHUS Tbere are numerous references to Buddhism in the Ach Grasdra. This clearly shows that in the Kanarese country there were numerous followers of Buddba in Saka 1076. We read ब्रह्मोमापतिगोविंदवाक्येंदुतपनाविषु । HIEHT Hear Jaitancar il chdrasílra III, 46 बाहो विचारचारूणि सौगतादिमतान्यलं । शशासिमोहदाम्येव स्युः किंपाकवरंगिनां ।। Achdrasira III, 59, The most interesting fact preserved for us by Viranandi is that in his time there was a very influential sect of Buddhist mendicants called Âjivaka, who subsisted on käinji, and whose intensely severe austerities called forth the admiration of their Jaina contemporaries. Though wanting, as Buddhists, in rigb teousness as defined in the Jaina scriptures and thus incapable of attaining nirudna in the Jains sense, the Ajivakas were nevertheless considered by the author of the Achárasdra so great as to be able to reach the Leaven called Sahusrára-kalpa in Jaina cosmography. Viranandi says परिवारमझकल्पांतं बास्युमाचारवानपि। Hrafn: Earqia nina: 1! Acharasdra.. XI, 127. Commentary. Parivrät parivrájakasti Brahmakalp-ditus Brahmakalpana-laran I aty-ugráchára-ván api betfitt appa negartteyan v!!an adowari Ajirakaki Bauddha-bhédam appa kanji Bhikshu Salasréakalp avta i sahasrdra-kal; an-barasi | darían-jjhitah i samyak ram illadan yatil pokus III Translation, An ascetic, though practising very severe ansterities goes up to the heaven called Brahmakalpa. An Ajivaka, a Bhikshu of a Buddhist Rect, fubsisting upon kümnji, goes up to the heaven called Sahasrara-kalpa [in Jaina cosmography]. There are two paper manuscripts of the Achárasára. One belongs to the Lakshmisena. Matha at Kolhapur and is dated Saka 1692; and the other is the property of the Jains community of Sirol in the Kolhapur State, and was copied by a famous Jaina nun named Avantamati in Saka 1666. Both manuscripts are written in Old Kanarese characters. The form Âjivaka occurs in both. The correct form should be Ajivika, a believer in the non-existence of the soul, from a-jira, of great and fre, l'aņini IV, 460. Anantamati's manuscript rends kāji for kurinji, Baulda, for Bauddha and pokkw for pâk us. The rea:ling kanji is supported by the authority of Madhavachandra, who in his comments on the 545th Gátha of the Trilansara, says: FAISANT Unipresa faz 1 wu996 Tufi wa afti ir विभाजिन आजीवा अच्युतकल्पपर्यतं यांति। न त उपरि। The Maghanaiuli-srdcakachura, which belongs to the middle of the 13th century speaks of the Buddhists as teat-eaters who defended their practice by saying that what is dropped in a plate is holy and sanctioned by the Sutras :Patro patitam pavitrai sitr-oktam id cihi Baudi(ddhar adagan tishbaru. Magh., Chap. VI, Siro! MS., p. 714b. As regards the Âjivakas, we are told that they will be born as inferior gods in the heaven called Achyuta-kalpa. Magh., Chap. II, Sirol MS., p. 669. The Maghanandi-srdrakáchdra is frequently quoted by Padmaprabha-traividya, who may therefore be assigned to the end of the 13th century. In the last chapter of his Vimiatiprasúpani, Padmaprabhthus explains the frst part of the Gathd in the Trilóka-sdra, referred to above : चरबाबपरि०बाजा बमोति भर पोति आजीवा। Ajívd | ambila-kilan umbaru Achyuta-pa l-otti Achyuta-Kalpa-paryyanta [m] puffuvarı. The Ajivas, caters of karnji food, will be born in the Achyuta-kalpa. Page #94 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 90 'THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [April, 1912. The conclusion, that we can safely draw from the passages cited above, is that the Ajivakas were well-kuown to the Jaina authors of the later Chilukya and Yadava periods as a sect of Buddhist Bhikshus who lived solely or chiefly on käinji. [All references to Âjivakas have been culled together in my paper on this sect (Jour. Bomb. As. Soc., Vol. XXI, pp. 403-5). The Jainas have no dont called them to be a sect of the Buddhist Bhikshus, as Professor Pathak has conclusively shown us. But the Buddhists also appear in their turn to bave shown them to be Nirgrantbas, for the latter have actually been once called Âjivakas in the Divyávadana (Cowel and Neil, p. 427). The truth of the matter is that they were neither Buddhists nor Jainas eren in much later times, but formed a distinct sect; and consequently Professor Hultzsch is not correct in taking Ajivakas mentioned in some of the South Indian Inscriptions to be Jainas (Vol. 1, pp. 88, 89, 92 and 108).-D.R.B.] BHAMAHA AND DANDI. BY R. NARASIMHACHAR; M. A., M. R.A. s., BANGALORE. It may not be generally known that I was the first to give publicity to the discovery of Bhimaba's work on Rhetoric known as Kavyálankára. In the introduction to my edition of Någavarmu's Kavy dvalókanam, a Kannada work on poetics composed by a Jaina author in the middle of the 12th century, which was published in 1903, I wrote as follows! : "We shall next proceed to consider the Sanskrit writers on poeties whom Någavarma took as his authorities in writing the Kdoyával kanan. In verse 961 he supplies us with the important information that in writing his work he followed in the footsteps of Vamann, Radrata, Bhamaha and Dandi........... Next to him [Bharata) in point of time comes Blámaha, whose priority to Dandi is proved by the latter criticising his views in the first chapter of the Kavyadaria. He is one of the greatest authorities on poetics, his views being quoted by almost all the subsequent writers of note on the subject. His work has not, however, been hitherto discovered, though Sanskrit scholars have made every effort to trace out a copy of it. In fact, Dr. Bühler believed that the work was lost, and other orientalists have also been under the same impression. In these circumstances, it will no doubt be welcome news to students of Sanskrit literature that Professor Rangacharya, M. A., of the Madras Presidency Co lege, has had the good fortane to come upon a manuscript of this valuable and long-sought-for work. At my request he was so lnd as to lend me the manuscript for a few days, and I take this opportunity to thank him heartily for his kindness and courtesy. The manuscript contains some mistakes and there are also a few gaps here and there. In the opening verse the author calls the work Kávydlankdra. It is a short treatise consisting of about four hundred verses, mostly in the Anushtubh metre, and is divided into six parichchhêdas or chapters, the subjects treated of being-kinds of composition and their peculiarities, rhetorical ornaments, faults in composition, and some points in logio and grammar, a knowledge of which is indispensable for correct composition. The only information that the work gives about the author is that he was the son of Rakrils-Gömin. According to Dr. Bühler, he was a Kashmirian. The work bears no dato, but the author probably belongs to tue early part of the 6th century." Since the above was written, several scholars have given cxpression to their views about Bhimaha and his work. Mr. M. T. Narasimhiengar? has mentioned some points which, he thinks, "clearly establish his contention that Blámahe should be placed after Dandin." Messrs. Kaned and Pathak have expressed the opinion that Mr. M. T. Narasimhiengar has conclusively proved that 1 Pp. 19-21, - Jour. & As. Soo., 1905, p. 585 . Zhd. 1908, p. 545. Jour. Bob. As. Soo.. I , p. 19. Page #95 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ BHAMAHA AND DANDI APRIL, 1912.] Bhamaha is later than Dagli. On the contrary, Mr. K. P. Trivedi, Professor Rangacharya and Pandit Anantacharya? hold the same view as myself with regard to the priority of Bhamaha to Dandi. These scholars have anticipated me in mentioning several points which, I also thought, tended to prove that Bhan tha was anterior to Dan li. Without entering into any discussion of the arguments advanced for and against by the scholars in the works referred to, I shall content myself at present with giving the opinion of one of the old commentators on Dan lin's Kivyadarsa with regard to the question at issue. In his edition of Kivyd laria, Professor Rangacharya has given two commentaries on the work, ono a onymous and the other by an author of the name of Tarunavâchaspati. Though the latter does not furnish any clue to his period, still there can be no doubt that his commentary is at least several hundred years old. His opinion, as embodying he tradition prevailing at his time, ought to carry considerable weight. His commentary on 1. 29, II. 235 and IV. 4 of Kavya larsa runs thus: (a) कल्याहरणसङ्ग्रामविप्रलम्भोदयादयः । 91 सर्गबन्धसमा एक नैते वैशेषिकागुणाः ॥ 1. 29 भामहेत 'कन्याहरणसङ्ग्रामविनोदात्रता' इति आख्यायिकाविशेषणतया उक्तम् || आख्यायिकाभेद एव अत्र निराकृतः || एतान्यङ्गमाने गद्यनबन्धस्य असाधारणानि न किन्तु सर्गबन्धस्यापि साधारणानि इत्याहकन्येति ॥ (b) हेतु सूक्ष्मलेशौ च वाचामुत्तमभूषणम् । कारकज्ञापक हेतू तो चानेकविधौ यथा ॥ II. 235 हेतुं लक्षयिष्यन् भामहेनोक्तम् हेतुश्च सूक्ष्मलेशी च नालङ्कारतया मताः - इत्येतत् प्रतिक्षिपति — हेतुश्चेति ॥ (c) प्रतिज्ञाहेतुदृष्टान्तहानिर्दोषो न वैत्यसौ । विचारः कर्कशप्रायस्तेनालीढेन किम् फलम् ॥ IV. 4. दशैवेत्यवधारणं न युक्तम्, भामहेोक्तानां प्रतिज्ञाहान्यादीनामपि विधनानत्वात्; इति चेत्, आह-प्रतिज्ञेति ॥ We thus learn that Tarunavâchaspati was clearly of opinion that Bhamaha preceded Dandi. I would add here a word about the Nyisakara allu led to and criticised by Bhamaha, Professor Pathaks thinks that the Nyasakara referred to by Bhâmaha is no other than Jinêndrabuddhi, the author of the Kikavivaranapañchika, aud concludes that Bhamaha lived after Jinendrabuddhi about the middle of the 8th century. But in the quotation that he gives from Jinendrabuddhi's work there is no reference at all to the word Vritrahant to which Bhamaha takes exception (ra). There is enough evidence to show that there were other early Nyás karas besides Prabhachandra, the author of the Saktayana-nyasa, and Jinendrabuddhi. In the very Mysore inscription quoted by the Professor on page 21, we are told that Pujyapada wrote a Nyasa on Páņini- पाणिनीयस्य भूयोन्यासं शब्दावतारं व्यरचयत्पूज्य वराहस्वामी. This statement is borne out by Vrittavila-a, a Kannada author of the middle of the 12th century, who says that Pujyapada wrote a tiled or gloss on Panini-Paniniyake fikan baredam Pujyapa la-vratindram. The period assigned to Pujyapâda by Mr. Rice is the close of the 5th century. There is nothing improbable in supposing that he might be the Nyasatdra referrel to by Bhâmaha. Unfortunately, a copy of this Nyasa has not yet been met with. Further, a Njâsa is alluded to by Bâna in his Harshacharita. As Bâna flourished in the early part of the 7th century, the Nyasa referred to by him could not be Jinêndrabuddhi's, if the date assigned to the latter by Professor Pathak, namely, A. D. 703, is to be accepted. It will thus be seen that Professor Pathak's argument for placing Bhameha in the middle of the 8th century is not quite conclusive. In this connection I would also say a word or two about Dapdin's time. Most scholars are agreed that Dandi flourished in the 6th century. In commenting on नासिक्यमध्या परितचातुर्वर्ण्यविभूषिता ॥ अस्ति काचित्पुरी बस्यामवर्णाह्वया नृपाः ॥ III. 114 the well-known instance of prahélika or enigma in Dandin's work, Tarunavâchaspati explains it as meaning Kinchi rule over by the Pallava kings.10 As we know from inscriptions that the 5 Introduction to Prataparudra-yasibhushanam, p. 32 ff. • Introduction to Karyadaria, p. 6. 7 Issues of the Brahmavalin, for 1911.. Jour Bomb, As. Soc., Vol. xxiii, p. 18 ff. • Ibid. p. 9 10 कालीन गर्यो पल्लवा नाम क्षितिपतयः सन्तीति अर्थो विवक्षितः । P Page #96 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 02 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARI [APRIL, 1912. Pallavas were the paramount rulers of Southern Iudis up to the middle of the 8th century, there is nothing improbable or fanciful in the explanation given by Tarungrachaspati. It may therefore be taken for granted that Daņdi-flourished during the period of the Pallava supremacy. The next point that has to be determined is, in which Pallava king's reign did Dåndt probably flourish ? I venture to think that Dandi has vouchsafed to us . clue to the solution of this question. In II. 279 of Kdvyddaría he mentions • Saiva king of the name of Rajavarma who, judging from the way in which he is introduced, must have been contemporary of the author. Among the Pallava kings of Kanchi, Narasimhavarma II had another Dame Rajasimhavarma.lt He is represented as a devout Saiva and as a builder of several Siva temples. His period is the last quarter of the 7th century. I would identify the Rajavarma of Dandi with this Pallava king, Rajasimhavarma, Professor Rangacharya also mentions, in relation to I. 5 of Klwyddaria, A tradition which says that the work was composed by Daņdi for giving lessons in rhetoric to a royal prince at Kanchi. This prince was probably Rajasim havarma's son. If the above identification is correct, Dandia's period would be the last quarter of the 7th centary instead of the usually accepted 6th centary. x CONTRIBUTIONS TO PANJABI LEXICOGRAPHY. SERIES III. BY H. A. ROSE, 1.0.8. (Continued from p. 44.) Mawas: the fifteenth of a month on which the people feed the Brahmans in honour of their ancestors. Karnal 8. R., 1872-80, p. 148. Megh: rain, used generally by Gaddis who distinguish stendy drizzle or fine rain as jharri or saggi and light passing showers as burak. Meh, mohi: the female of the kart, q. v. Kehara, mbonhara : place where buffaloes are tied ap in the jangle sometimes applied to the grazing ground. Mehrai: headman's circle : Mahlog. Mehy&rs : a shed for buffaloes. Kangra B. R., p. 44. Yel punnd; to make friends. Mela: a sort of cursing committee. Sirsi 8. B., 1879-83, p. 175. Mep: an earthen vessel Used in measuring grain on a thresbing floor. Hoshiarpur S. R., p. 99. Xer: tloor of the ground floor, Morati: a variety of sugaronne having a thick, short, soft cane, and broad leaves. Cf. marthi. Karnal S. R., 1872-80, p. 180. Merthi: a variety of sugarcane having a thick, short, soft cane, and broad leaves. Of.merati Karnal S. R., 1872-80, p. 180. Mor: flat heavy piece of wood with which land is gone over. Gurgaon 8. R., 1879-83, p. 69. Kiara, mai: a big field roller, the sohaga of the plains. Middhna: to trample, crush. Minjhun: mo, to me. In Kala mome, to me ; monna, from mo. 11 Bombay Gasttor, Vol. 1, Partil, p 380. Page #97 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ CONTRIBUTIONS TO PANJABI LEXICOGRAPHY 98 Minna ; a ceremony at weddings, performed by the bride or bridegroom's mother, she takes a 5- wicked lamp made of flour, places it on a tray, and wbile her brother stands on stool, WAVOS it up and down his body from head to foot.. Of. drata. Karnal S.R., 1872-80, p. 129. Minsna: to give to a Brahman. Karnal S. R., 1872-80, p. 122. Missa : snoat. Chamba Gazetteer, p. 138. Misri: a large mango fruit, sweet as sugar (misri). Hoshiarpur 8. B., p. 15. Mithauna : place where clay is dug- see golend. Mitna utarna: to give an oracle. Jubbal. Moda: the produce of cultivation of the preceding year, Mahlog. Mods : shaven mendicant. Sirsa S. R., 1879-83, p. 124. Modi : * woighman, Cl. tolah. Ladbians 8. R., 1878-88, p. 81. Moh: fish (notopterus kapirat). Karpal S. R., p. 8. Mohand: the head of canal. Karnal S. R., 1872-80, p. 170. Mohita obAhi: an unirrigated land capable of being watered by a well, Ludhiana S. R.. 1878-83, p. 95. Mohra : a man who pulls out the canes on the other side and passes them back. Hoshiarpar, S. R., p. 82. Mohra: a tree, a kind of oak : found between 5,000 and 8,000 feet above sea level. Chamba. Moha: a fish, found after the rains. It runs up after the heavy floods in the rain, and grows to a large size. Very commonly found 5 lbs, in weight. It has a curious habit of rising constantly to the surface of the water, and turning over, sbowing its very broad silvery side. Ludhiana 8. R., 1878-83 p. 17. Mok: tho freight for carrying grain from one place to other by boats. Sirsa S. R., 1879-83, p. 190. Mokh : * cattle disease. Ludhiana S. R., 1878-83, p. 184. Mol: long pestle for pounding rice in the okul or wooden mortar. Kangra Gloss. Mona; the back of the plough. Ludhiana S. R., 1878-83, p. 99. Mona: a light country plough, fairly well adapted to the light soils of the district. Hoshiarpur S. R., p. 72. Monda: the system of leaving the roots of the cane in ground where fresh alluvial deposits can be depended on, and so produce two or three and sometimes more years in succession. Hoshiarpur S. R., p. 81. Mongate: a large mital plate. Bir mür, Xonkhar : foot and mouth disease. Of. morkhur, rora and chapla. Ludhiaos 8 R., 187883, p. 134. Mor or sirs : wedding cap. Sirsa S. R., 1879-83, p. 166. Mori: window. Sirmûr. Mori: A stake of kartl wood. Sirsa S. R., 1879-88, p. 313. Mori-gad : stake-planter. Sirsa 8. R., 1879-88, p. 312. Morkhur: foot and mouth disease. Cf. monkhar, rora and chapla. Ludhiana S. R., 1878 83, p. 184. Moti: the same as the maira land, but with a larger proportion of olay; it gives wonderful crops with good rain, but is liable to fail in dry years. It is, in fact, much the same as the rohi land. Ol. rara and pathiali. Hoshiarpur S. B., p. 70. Nowa : Basia longifolia. Kangra S. R., p. 21. Kral, marelan : * tree (lye quropæum). Rohtak. (Of. marel, P. Dy., P. 726). Page #98 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 94 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [APEIL, 1912. Mual abuse. Kangra Gloss. Much: (1) a curved heavy piece of wood, like the mahi, but used only on rauddy land. (2) a mode of culture, see lungú. Kângra S. R., pp. 26 and 29. Muchchhna: to obtain money from, unfairly or dishonestly, to swindle, extort money. Muddha: s. m, a spindle full of spun cotton. Madi: a kola to which there were hereditary claimants. Kângra 8. R. (Lyall), pp. 32-33. Madphal a weed which infests rice-fields. Sirsa S. R., 1879-83, p. 16. Mudhkhera a cess-a fee of Rs. 5, paid at each daughter's wedding. Cf. thânapatti. Ferozepore S. R., 1889-91, p. 10. Mudyari: a tenant who pays a fixed share, muda of grain as rent, whatever portion may be agreed on. Muda is also applied to the money payment by a tenant when the rent is paid in cash. Churâb. Muger: a species of bamboo. Cf. magher (a species of betel leaf). Mulwahr the youngest son's share in the inheritance, i. e., the Mand: the panydri plough. Karnal S. R., 1872-80, p. 162. Munda: shaven. Sirsa S. R., 1879-83, p. 124. Manda: the sugarcane grown a second year from the old roots. Karnal S. R., 1872-80, p. 181. Kângra 8. R., p. 20. family house. Churüh Munde-vand: a rule of inheritance pagrand. Kangra S. R., p. 98. Mundi: a beardless rel wheat with a slightly higher stalk and a larger grain than the common kind. Ludhiana S. R., 1878-83, p. 113. Mundla a square kan (9. v.) = 22 square yards. Mandla: an awn of wheat. Karnal S. R., 1872-80. p. 189. Mundri: a white beardless variety of wheat. Jullundur S. R., p. 125. Cf. kanku. Hoshiarpur S. R., p. 74. Mangon ki kanthi: a necklace of beads. Sirsa S. R., 1879-83, p. 157. Mangri: a fish (clarias magur). Of. mangari. Karnal S. R., p. 8. Munt: fem. muni Jacut. Mur: adv. again. Murda sho: a class of mullahs, ash corpse. Jallundur S. R., p. 68. Musna, mohna: to steal. Kangra Gloss. Mathi: a man who follows the plough in the furrows. Cf. burri. Karnal S. R., 1872-80, p. 169. Muthpura: a grass. Karnal S. R., p. 13. Nabia: the famine, 1833 (sambat 1890). Hoshiarpur S. R., p. 19. Naba: the Spiti name for the wild sheep; in books commonly called burrel. Kangra Gloss Naohir: a break or rush of water from one field to another. Kângra Gloss. Nachor water which escapes out of one field into a lower one. Kângra Gloss. Nad marsh and cultivated with rice; see johar. Nadai, nidai: weeding. Kângra Gloss. Nadava: a weeder. Kângra Gloss. Nadd: marshy land. Kângra Gloss. Naddilu: woodcock-see jalakri, Nag: a general name for panyári and patha. Karnal S. R., 1872-80, p. 162. Nagdi: the placing of an offering with a lighted lamp on it on some moonlit night while the moon is still on the wax at a place where four roads meet. Cf. langri. Karnal S. R., 1872-30, p. 146. Page #99 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ APRIL, 1912.] CONTRIBUTIONS TO PANJABI LEXICOGRAPHY Nagpan : prickly pear. Rohtak, Nagphan : a tree (Opuntia dillenii). Karnal S. R., p. 9. Nag-phani: Caotus indicus. Gurgaon S. R., 1872-83, p. 14. Nagts: the black-backed goose. Ludhiana S. R., 1878-83, p. 14, Nahind: to run. Baaria argot. Ex. danda nahata jae: the bullock is running. Naharwa : guinea-worm. Sirsa S. R., 1879-83, p. 151. Nain : a chisel. Simla S. R., 1883, p. 45. Nakardada: the great-great-grandfather. Ladbiậna S. R., 1878 83, p. 305. Nakhar: theft. Ludhiana S. R., 1878-83, p. 150. Nakkjind hone: to be worried, distressed. Nakorh: Avent or passage for water from a field. Kangra Ghous. Nal, a thinner variety of bamboo. Hoshiarpur S. R., p. 16. Nal: a bamboo stem or pole. Kangra Gloss. Nal or nagalthi=lathi : q..v. Sirmûr cis-Girt. • NAL: A species of bamboo, found in apland villagos : its cylinder contains hanslochan. Kangra S. R., p. 20. Nåla: sacred coloured string, which the father of the bridegroom sends to the bride's house with other things for tying her hair up.. Karnal S. R., 1872-80, p. 130. Namedar: the officer on a kold who manages the cultivation. Kangra S. R. (Lyall), p. 38. Nanotar: husband's sister's son. Kangra G1088. Nar: a thong for the cart. Karnal S. R., 1872-80, p. 163. Nara: a silver tassel on the petticoat over the right hip. Karnal 8. R., 1672-80, p. 125. Nara: Arundo donas. Hoshiarpur 8. R., p. 17. Narel: the manal pheasant : see nilgir. Narl daadt: lit. horned wheat; a bearded wheat having whitish ears from three to four inches long; its grain also is white, thick and soft. Sirsa S. R., 1879-88, p. 285. Nabka : an ox-whip. Karnal S. R., p. 116. Narmot; & good loamy soil. Gurgaon S. R., 1872-83, p. 6. Narsal: Arundo karka. Gurgaon S. R., 1872-83, p. 14. Nagns: to run away. Baqria argot. A Nasonch: unmixed, pare (of oil or other things). Kangra Gloss. Nat: a jewel (I a nose-ring). Karnâl S. R., p. 82. Naun: a bath or made reservoir, 4 spring. Kangra Glogg. Naunda: the subscriptions towards the expenses of a wedding. Sirsa, S. B., 1879-83, p. 1. Naulat : weeding. Karnâl S. R., 1872-80, p. 171. Nauri: jackal. Sirsa S. R., 1879-83, p. 124. Nauria, thief; see lohri. Nobalna: to wait for. Kangra Gloss. Neota : a custom by which all the branches of a family contribute towards the expenses of marriage in any of its component households. Karnal S.R., 1872-80, p. 185. Nosari: the flower of the sugarcane. Karnal S. R., 1872-80, p. 181. Notal: barley tax; an unassigned grain assessment : Spiti. Kangra 8. R., p. 114, Nowar (): a tree not bearing fruit. Simla S. R., 1883, p. 43. Nimi: the manured land near a village-site or in the neighbourhood of outlying houses or cattle pene. Cf. lahri. Hoshiarpur 8. R., p. 69. Page #100 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 98 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [APRIL, 1912. Niai: the spring harvest. Kangra Gloss. Niangna : to send on duty; used of chaprdsis, begáris, kullis, etc. Kangra Gloss. Nidal: weeding. Nighar: used by shepherds to describe the grassy slopes on the high Himalayas above the line of forest, or a sheep-run in such a locality := kouin, opposed to gdhr, 9. v.: Kangra Gloss. Nijh: sight. Nikar: adj. disdainfal, unappreciative, Nikhorn&: to separate. N11 : the mandl pheasant : see nilgir. Nilgir: Lit, blue king; the mandl pheasant, also called nil only, or narel. Kangra Gloss. Nimbar: a tree (acacia leucophloea) syn. raunuj (? = nimbar and reru. P. Dy. P., 821. Rohtak, Nimobak: a well curb. Karnal S. R., 1872-80, p. 158. Niora : vegetables. Kangra Gloss. Nirna: breakfast (eateu at 6 a.m.); adv. withont taking food. Keonthal. Nitha : low. Kangra Gloss. Nohari: light early breakfast. Kangra Gloss. Nowari : early breakfast, see under datidla. Nukunda : good variety of rice. Kangra S. R., p. 26. Naun : a system of cultivation, in which a spring crop, usually wheat, is taken, then the ground lies fallow for nearly a year, during which it is repeatedly ploughed and rolled. Cl. sdnwin and narin. Jullundur 8. R., p. 118. Nuris: the fairies, a somewhat vaguely-defined class of malevolent spirits, who attack women only; especially on moonlit nights, giving them a choking sensation in the throat and knocking them down. Karnal 3. R., 1872-80, p. 152. Narin : a system of cultivation, in which a spring crop, usually wheat, is taken, then the ground lies fallow for nearly a year, during which it is repeatedly ploughed and rolled. Of. ad nroin and ndlin. Jallundur 8. R., p. 118. Nyaini: a basin into which the end of the higher channel is discharged. Karnal 8. R., 187280, p. 171. Nyár: fodder. Karnal S. R., 1872-80, p. 164. Nyarwala: the man who feeds the ballocks. Cf. 641di. Karnal S. R., 1872-80, p. 168. Opra: cow-shed: the people keep their cattle in the lower storey of their houses, and live in the upper. Cbamba. Obri: an inner room as opposed to ovdn, 9. v. Od: the vertical lanthorn wheel on which hangs the mdt. Of. dr. Karnal S. R., 1872-. 80, p. 160. Odala : the bark of a creeper used as string to fasten on slate roofing, etc. Kångra Gloss. Odh: land in the shade of trees in which little or nothing grows. Kangra Gloss, Odhi: the feeding basket of a water-mill. Kângra Glose. Oos: the mouth or opening into a duct from a kal (canal). Kangra S. R., p. 92. Ogal: a wooden bar used to barricade the door from inside : also used trans-Giri. Ogharna : to uncover, remove, a lid. Kângra Gloss. Ogli: a store-house on the ground floor with a stone floor and walls and without any deor, grain is poured into it through a hole, called bil, in the roof. Sirmûr. Page #101 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ APRIL, 1912.] CONTRIBUTIONS TO PANJABI LEXICOGRAPHY Ogråkar a collector of debts, revenue, etc Kangra Gloss. Ogwara: a small garden plot in front of a house. Kangra Gloss. Ohi: a kind of tree. Kângra S. R., Barnes, § 286. Okal a long pestle: see mol. Okhwal: a paved way: see chanât, Olna: to mix (as rice and lal) before eating. Kangra Gloss. Onehrna: to overturn, pour out. Kangra Gloss. Ongala: the consideration paid to the owner of plough oxen lent on condition of payment of so much grain by the borrower out of the harvest. Kangra Gloss. Opaha: a tenant farmer residing in the village, but not on the land he cultivates. Of. adheo and kirsan. Kangra S. R. Review, p. 8. and 44. Opat: the whole of anything, often applied to the gross produce of a field. Kângra Gloss. Opra: the tenant-farmer residing in another village. Cf. halchak, bhatri and dadharchar opdhu. Kangra S. R. Review, p. 8. (1 oprd, opdhu Lyall p. 45). Oprahna: up, above. Kângra Gloss. Oprerna to wave over the head; at marriages, or when a man comes home after a long absence, his relations do this with pice which they give to a kamin, or in the case of a sick man, with bread which they throw to dogs, etc. Kângra Gloss. Opri: to be attributed to the influence of a mal volent deity. Cl. Japet. Karnal S. R., 1872-80, p. 145. Or, ur: (1) a young rice plant grown in a nursery: (2) a system of transplanting young plants, Kangra S. R., p. 26. 97 Kângra S. R., p. 24. Ora, ori: (1) mustard: (2) see also under orf (2). Ori: (1) a nursery of rice before it is planted out: (3) shed for sheep and goats. Kângra S. R., p. 44: the real oris are small huts with a yard in front, built by samindars for Gaddis to put up in winter for the sake of manure. An ora is a small place built of few stones in the Dhârs in which the young lambs or kids are kept. Kângra Gloss. Orli: a fish trap of basket-work set in a passage in a dam. Kangra Gloss. Karnal S. R., 1872-80, p. 169. Karnal S. R., 1872-80 p. 124. Orna: a drill. Orna: wrap. Orra: the putting of the grain to be offered to the malignant deity by the head of the sufferer during the night and offering it next day. Karnal S. R., 1872-80, p. 146. Oru, auru: the receipt which the zaminidrs used to get from a kardar for revenue. Osra a rota. Karnal S. R., 1872-80, p. 169. Osra: rotation. Karnal, S. R., p. 114. Ots: dim. of t; a small screw or partly wall. An.bala. Otar: unirrigated. Kangra Gloss. Othla: high. Kângra Gloss. Ovan: an outer room, the door of which leads outside. Pabhan: much the same as jabar (moist low-lying land, Opp. to obri. Kângra Gloss. very good for sugarcane and rice). The principal rice-growing land. Cf. chagar and chhamb. Hoshiarpur S. R., p. 70. Pabts: a fish (callichrous himaculatus). Karnal S. R., p. 8. Pacbheli: a bracelet. Cf. chhan, kangni, and chura, Karnål S. R., 1872-80, p. 125. Pachna to gash. Karnal, S. R., P. 10. Pachotri. 5 thimie per topa; a cess taken from a tenant by the proprietor in some parts of Pâlam. Kangra Gloss. Padam: a variety of cobra snake. Jullandur S. R., p. 12. Page #102 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ -98 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY Pagri-bach a poll-tax: Hissar S, R., p. 11. Pagvand: a rule of inheritance, whereby all the legitimate sons of one father get equal shares without reference to the number of sons born of each wife or mother. Cf. munde-vand. Kângra S. R., p. 98. Pahal: the ceremony of initiation performed by Bishnots. Sirsa S. R., 1879-83, p. 138. Pahra a responsible man at the head of a channel. Sirsa S. R., 1879-83, p. 406. Paili: s. f., a cultivated field. Paind the bottom of a field, as opposed to the tupali where the water enters. Kangra Gloss, Painh: the grey pelican. Ludhiana S. R., 1878-88, p. 15. Paintalis pachwanja: rent paid in kind; the proprietor taking 45 and the tenants 55 maunds in the 100. Hoshiarpur S. R., p 60. [APRIL, 1912. Pair: the threshing floor. Karnal S. R., 1872-80, p. 172. Pajri a place made of wooden planks on which idols are placed in a row opposite to the singhasan which is of metal: also called pird or piri. Pakhala: strange, ignorant of the country. Kangra Gloss. Pakka par: the hole in which the cylinder of the well is to be sunk, dug in stiff soil. Jullundur S. R., p. 100. Pakkha: a waterproof screen put over carts to protect their contents from rain. Sirsa S. R., 1879-83, p. 15. Pakru: a bird. Cf. panchi. Pal: a piece of coarse cloth placed over a reed mat to refine coarse sugar. Hoshiarpur S. R., p. 83. Pal, peru: a large wicker bamboo receptacle for grain, cask-shaped. Pala: fodder of the jhar. Pala: the broken leaves of the jharberi tree, which form a very valuable fodder. Karnal. S. R., p. 12. Palana: the string round the spindle of a spinning wheel. Paleo a first watering. Rohtak, Paleo: the irrigation of the land for ploughing, or sewing, or both, when there has been no rain. Karnal S. R., 1872-80, p. 170. Pallewala a wealthy person, a man of means. Palna a cradle. Sirsa S. R., 1879-83, p. 164. Palsara: a man appointed by a raja to the charge of the whole administration of a kothi Kangra S. R., p. 80. Palta a metal spatula for turning bread. Cf. koncha and khurohna. Karnal S. R., 1872-80, p. 121. Palwa: a grass (Anaropogon annulatum). Karnal S. R., p. 13. Palwa: a fish (callichrous egertonii). Karnâl S, R., p. 8. Panapalat: periodical exchange of holdings. Panchak: an inauspicious day of a month. Panchi: a bird; pakru is also common. Kangra Gloss. Panchotra: see karda. Gurgaon S. R, 1872-88, p. 86. Karnâl S. R., 1872-80, p. 137. Panchpaya: a large mango fruit, said to weigh five quarters of a kacha ser, equal to one pozad avoirdupois. Hoshiarpur S. R., p. 15. Pand: matting of bamboo or date leaves. Kângra Gloss. (To be continued.) Page #103 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ APRIL, 1912.] MISCELLANEA MISCELLANEA. THE PLANETARY ICONOGRAPHY OF THE maticians, enchanters, soothsayers and persons SIPASIANS, ACCORDING TO of that description lived in the vicinity of this THE DABISTAN. temple, where these sciences were taught, and THAT curious work--the Dabistán or School of their maintenance allowed them: they first paid Manners was translated into Gujarati and pub. adoration in the temple and afterwards waited lished at Bombay in 1815 under the imprimatur on the king. All persons ranked among the of Malla Firuz, the notable PÅrsi scholar of that servants of the regent Kaivan were presented to time. In the first section (najar seven copper- the king through the medium of the chiefs and plate figures are inserted in spaces left for them officers of this temple, wbo were always selected in the type. These are the regents of the fror the greatest families in Iran. The words Planets, among the Sip&sians, a sect of Iranians, Shah and Timsar aro appellations of honour, the author says. As Shea and Troyer's trans- signifying dignity, just as Sri in Hindi, and tation is not very well known, the following Hazrat in Arabic. extract, describing these figures, may interest "The image of the regent Hormuzd (Bhribas. Bome readers :--J. BORGEBS. pati) was of an earthy colour, in the shape of a "It is stated in the Alcharistán that the Sip- man, with a vulture's' face : on his head & • åsian tenets were, that the stars and the heavens crown, on which were the faces of a cock and are the shadows of the incorporeal effulgences; a dragon; in the right hand a crown or turban; on this account they erected the temples of the in the left a crystal [bottle or] cwer. The seven planets, and had talismans formed of ministers of this temple were of & terrene hue, metal or stone, suitable to each stnr; all which dressed in yellow and white; tbey wore rings of talismans were placed in their proper abode, silver and signets of cernelian; the ineense conunder a suitable aspect: they also set apart a sisted of laurel-berries and such like; the portion of time for their worship and handed viands prepared by them were sweet. Learned down the mode of serving them. When they men, judges, imáns, eminent vazirs, distinguishperformed the rites of these holy statues, they ed men, nobles, magistrates and scribes dwelt burned before then the snitable inconse at the in the street attached to this temple, where they appointed season, anul held their power in ligh devoted themselves to their peculiar pursuits, veneration. Their temples were called Paika- | but principally giving themselves up to the ristan, or image temples', and Shidistan the science of thcology. abodes of the forms of the luminous bodies.' "The temple of the regent Bahram (Mangal) " It is stated in the Alcharistin, that the image and bis imnge were of red stune: he was representof the regent Kaiván (Sani) was cut out of ed in a buman form, wearing on his head a rod black stone, in a luman shape, with an ape-like crown : his right hand was of the same colour and head; his body like a man's, with a bog's tail, hanging down ; his left, yellow and raised up; in and a crown on biy,head; in the right hand a the right was a blood-stained sword, and an iron siere; in the left a serpent. His temple was verge in the left. The ministers of this temple also of black stone, and his officiating ministers were dressed in red garments; his attendants were negroes, Abyssinians and persons of blacks were Turks with rings of copper on their hands; complexions : they wore 'blue garments, and on the fumigations made before him consisted of their fingers rings of iron : they offered up sandarach and such like ; the viands used here storax and such like perfumer, and generally were bitter. Princes, champions, soldiers, milidressed and offered up pungent viande; they tary men, and Turks dwelt in his street. Peradministered myrobalans se similar gums sons of this description, through the agency of and drugs. Villagers and busbandmen who had the directors of the temple, were admitted to left abodes, nobles, doctors, anchorites, mathe- the king's presence. The bestowers of charity Three volumes, Paris, 1843In the following extract, I have substituted, in most cases, the vernacular aames of the planets for the Eropean. J. B. • Kerges, a bird feeding on carcasses, and living a hundred years. • Bahrim is also called Manishram, • The drawing shows a short beard and moustaches. Page #104 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 100 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [APRIL, 1912. dwelt in the vicinity of this temple; capital "The dome and image of the regent Tir? punishments were here inflicted, and the prison (Budba) was of blue stone ; his body that of a for criminals was also in that street. fish, with a boar's face: the right arm black, “ The image of the world-enlightening solar the other white: on his head a crown : he had a regent was the largest of tbo idols; his dome tail like that of a fish; in his right hand a pen, was built of gold plated bricks; the interior and in the left an inkhorn. The eubstances inlaid with rubies, diamonds, cornelian and such burnt in this temple were gum mastic and the like. His ministers were clad in blue, wearing like. The image of the Great Light [&ftab] on their fingers ringe of gold. At their feasts was formed of burnished gold, in the likeness they served up acidulous viands, Vazirs, phi. of a man with two heads, on each of which was losopbers, astrologers, physicians, farriers, ac'a precious crown set with rubies : and in euch countants, revenue-collectors, ministere, secrediadem were seven sárin or peaks. He was taries, merchants, architects, tailors, fiue writers seated on a powerful steed, his face resembling and such like, were stationed there, and through that of a man, but he had a drugon's tail; the agency of the directors of the temple, had in the right hand a rod of gold, & coller of access to the kiog: the knowledge requisite for diamonds around his neck. The ministers of Buch sciences and pursuits was also communicatthis teinple were dressed in yellow robes of gold ed there. tissve, and a girdle set with rubies, diamonds, "The temple of the regent MAh (Chandramas) and other solar stones: the fumigations consisted was of a green stone; his image that of a man of sandalwood and such like: they generally seated on a white ox; on his head a dindem in the front of which were three peaks : on the Borved up arid viands. In his quarter were the bands were bracelets, and collar round the families of kings and emperors, chiefs, men of neck. In his right hand an amulet of rabies, might, nobles, chieftains, governors, rulers of and in the left a branch of sweet basil: his countries, and men of science: visitors of this ministers were clud in green and white, and woro description were introduced to the king by the ringe of silver. The substances burut before chiefs of the temple. this image were gum arabic and such like druge. "The exterior of Nahid's® (Sakra's) temple llis attendants served up salted viands. Spies, was of white marble and the interior of crystal, ambassadors, couriers, news reporters, voyagers, the form of the idol was that of a red man, and the generality of travellers and such like wearing a seven-peakel crown on the bend : in fersons resided in his street, and were presented the right hand a flask of oil, and in the left a to the king through the directors of the temple, comb: before himn was burnt saffron and such like: Besides the peculiar ministers and attendants, there were attached to each temple several royal his ministers were clad in fine white robes, and commissioners and officers, engaged in the execuwore pearl-stud led crowns, and diamond rings tion of the king's orders; and in such matters as on their fingers. Men were not perinitted to were connected witi the image of that temple. enter this temple at night. Matrons and their In the Khuzistar or "refectory" of each temple, daughters performed the necessary offices and the board was spread the whole day with variservice, except on the night of the kiag's going ous kinds of viands and beverages always ready. there, as then no females approached, but men No one was repulsed, so that whoever chose only hud access to it. Here the ministering partook of them. In like manner, in the quar. attendants served up rich viands. Ladies of the ter adjacent to each temple, was an hospital, highest rank, practising austerities, worshippers where the sick under the idol's protection were of God, belonging to the place ou who came from attended by the physician of that hospital. Thus there were also places provided for travela distance, goldsmiths, painters, and musicians lers, who on their arrival in the city, repaired dwelt around this temple, through the chiefs to the quarter appropriated to the temple to and directors of which they were presentod to which they belonged." ! the king: but the women and ladies of rank were The Sipasians are represented as an early introdnced to the queen by the female direc. Persian sect, styled also Yuza dian, Abadian, tresses of the temple. Husbf&n, Anushkar, Azarhöshangian and Azarian. • The figare representa Surya, Pors. Aftab, with two taila, and his foot like a claw; the horse has the usual tail. • Nabt appears also under the name of Forehongtram. Tir, also Temiram, Pers, 'Utdrid. • Shea and Troyer's translation, Vol. i. Pp. 36-41. Page #105 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ Mar, 1912.] THE CASTES IN INDIA 101 THE CASTES IN INDIA. BY E. SENART OF THE INSTITUT DE FRANCE. (Translated in part from the French) BY REV. A. HEGGLIN, S. J.; BOMBAY. [In the following pages we give to the readers of the Indian Antiquary, the translation of part of a work on Caste which is justly entitled to particular notice. The title of the work is : Les Castes dans L'Inde. Emile Senart, Membre de l'Institut, Paris, Ernest Leroux, Editeur, 28, Rue Bonaparte, 28, 1896. The author is a great and enthusiastic French Orientalist, well known by a series of original works on topics drawn from the Pali and the Sanskrit. His book, Les Castes dans l'Inde containing 22 pages of proface and 257 pages of text in 0., is divided into three chapters, each subdivided into paragraphs. The first chapter, inscribed Le Présent, treats the caste-system in its present features ; the second entitled Le Passé, shows the system in the light thrown upon it by the standard works of Sanskrit literature. These two chapters form the basis on which the author .builds up his theory on the origins of the caste-system in the third chapter. For European readers, wbo have never been in India, they are most instructive, and, we think, even indispensable ; but Indian readers, who are either members of castes themselves, or, are at least familiar with the working of the caste-system and with the traditional views of the past regarding it, will have no difficulty in finding their way tbrough the third chapter, without having read the preceding two. We, therefore, confine ourselves to a translation of the third chapter which is headed Les Origines, and in which the chief interest of the book lies. The solution of the riddle of the caste-system as a historical institution, which Monsieur Benart set forth in this chapter, has certainly the charm of originality, if not of an all-round satisfactory and final explanation, as far as such can be reached in so complex a problem. With these few remarks of introduction, we now give the translation of the third chapter.ED] Chapter III.-The Origins. I.-The systems of explanation. The Traditionalists. II.-Profession as the foundation of Caste. Mr. Nesfield and Mr. [Sir Denzil ] Ibbetson. III.—Race as the foundation of Caste. Mr. [Sir Herbert ] Risley. IV.-Oaste and the Aryan constitution of the family, 7.-Genesis of the Indian Caste. VI.-General survey, Caste and the Indian mind, From the day when it aroused the attention of men of an inquisitive mind, the problem of the origin of the castes has often been treated and from various stand points. Many systems have been set forth. I think, I may shorten their list without much scruple. I leave aside from the very beginning those explanations which are too general, or too histy, or which are not based upon close study, nor do sufficiently master the ground occupied by the problem. Various groups may be formed amongst those attempts which are recent enough to be completely informed, it will be sufficient to fix their tendencies by examples. This will not be a matter of mere curiosity. This summary view will furnish the occasion of clearing the ground, and Pre shall come nearer probable solutions, even if it were only by way of successive elimination. Page #106 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 102 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MAY, 1912. 1.-The Systems of Explanation. If the Hindus have mixed up the two notions and the two terms of class and caste, their erroneous views have been followed amongst us with sad docility. I mean foremost the Indianists. Representatives of the philological school as they are, they obey an almost irresistible tendency in viewing the problein ander this traditional aspect. The Brahminical theory is, as it were, their proper atmosphere. The literary chronology is their invariable starting point. Faithful to a principle which, it seems, works a priori, but the dangers and weakness of which in its application to India, I have already indicated, most have, in fact, admitted that the series of the literary monuments must correspond with the historical evolution and exactly reflect its phases. The Brahmanis which, in the order of time, are more closely connected with the hymns, cannot contain anything which is not the prolongation, or normal development of the data contained in them. Hence this dilemma: Either the existence of the castes is attested in the Vedas, or-in the contrary supposition-they were necessarily established in the period which separates the composition of the hymns to which they would be unknown, from the composition of the Brahmaņas which suppose their existence, to which is added this corollary, always implied, yet always active, that their origins must be justified by means of elements expressly contained in the hymns. Nobcdy, as far as I know, or almost nobody, has freed himself of this postulate. They thought, they were bound to consider as the certain starting point the divisions which, in the opinion of all, are exhibited in the Vedas, and which, according to some, were complete and real castes, according to others, social classes. The former were all the more eager to find the castes in the hymns, as they justly felt how difficult it is to ascribe to them, according to the ordinary method too recent an origin; and the latter concluded from the silence of the hymns, that the epoch, to which they go back, did not know anything of them, and that, therefore, the genesis could begin only later. But both are agreed to consider as primitive and indissoluble the tie which connects the four varnas with the very rising of the institution of the castes. Under this impression they are fain to believe to have done enough, when they have drawn a reasonable explanation from general considerations supported by approximate analogies. From the pretensions and the interests of the priestly class, aided by an alliance with the secular power seen also elsewhere, they have originated, through the working of a clearer design carried on with perseverance, this state of division into factions maintained by severe regulations as they appear through the prism of the law-books. The lines of such constructions are commonly somewhat indistinct; they may be seductive by their regularity, by the convenient appeal which they make to current notions. But so much clearness is not without danger. Being masters of the analysis which derives the whole Icdo-European vocabulary from some hundreds of roots, certain explorers of the language really thought, they were touching, in those languages which have preserved most of etymological transparency, the first stammerings of buman speech. They estimated that the distance to be covered from there to the source, was not, or almost not worth considering. Among the explanations to which caste has given rise, there are some which remind one of this easy optimism. It has exerted its ravages even upon soch minds as seemed to be perfectly armed against them. Mr, Sherring, for instance, has devoted vast labours to the direct study of the contemporary castes.' When, one day, he thought of settling his general views on the matter, of samming np his opinion on the Natural History of Caste," he get dowa the terms of the problem with a firmness which was not such as to discourage the hopes roused by the very Ititle of his work. It is strange that a preconceived system should have been able to render 80 many observations and so * Tribes and Caster in Benare.. Natural History of Castes,' in the Calcutta Review. Page #107 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ BAY, 1912.) THE CASTES IN INDIA 103 much learning sterile. Mr. Sherring has shown us in the caste only the result of the cunning policy of ambitious priests, manufacturing all suew the constitution of the Hinda world and modelling it to their own profit. The comparison of the Jesuits and their theocratic aims plays, as a rule, a really excessive part in these explanations. We find it even with one of the latest representatives of the philological school. Mr. von Schroeder, at first, does not seem to be inclined to exaggerating the Brahminical system; he feels that the quadruple division into priests, warriors, etc., can only correspond to a distinction of classes. Nevertheless, he derives the castes from them and, above all, from the particular constitution of the Brahmins. If we were to believe him, the regime would be connected with the victorious reaction of Brahmanism against expiring Buddhism. Its formation, therefore, woull thus be bronght down to the period in which there appeared the man in whom that movement, very hypothetical as it is, personifies itself, down to Sankara, the orthodox philosopher of the eighth century. These are the systems which I shall call traditionalistic. They repeat themselves, transform themselves without a great effort of renewal. However ingenious they may be in some of their parties, their analysis could scarcely be productive of a result. Roth, for inetance, has explained the first progress of the sacerdotal caste by the importance which the purohit, or domestic chaplain of the chieftains acquired little by little. Whilst spreading in the plains of India, the Aryan tribes would split themselves into numerous factions, they would be broken up; by this the royal families would have lost both in power and in authority; they would sink down to the rank of a simple nobility; the Kshatriyas would be the bullion of ancient kings. Their weakness would have created the ompire of the Brahmins. All the views of so excellent and well-informed #mind have their value. But this is of interest only for the history of the classes, not for the genesis of the castes. To mix up the classes with the castes is, in my opinion, to bring confusion into the whole question, I have given several reasons for it. Class and caste correspond neither in their extent, nor in their characters, nor in their innate tendencies. Each one, even amongst the castes which would be involved in the same class, is clearly distinguished from its relatives; it isolates itself with a roughness which is not softened by the feeling of a higher union. The class serves political ambitions; the caste obeys narrow scruples, traditional customs, at most certain local influences which have, as a rale, no connection with the interests of the class. Above all, the caste ains at safe-guarding an integrity, the preoccupation of which shows itself suspicious even with the loweet. It is the distant echo of the struggles of classes, which, transmitted by the legend, resounds in the tradition. The two institutions may have become linked together by the reaction of the systems upon the facts ; they are, done the less, essentially independent. " The hierarchical division of the population into classes is an almost universal fact; the regime of the caste is a phenomenon, that is unique. That Brahminical ambition may have profited by it in order the better to establish its domination, is possible—it is not evident. Theocracy has not for its necessary basis the regime of castes. If theory has mixed up the two orders of ideas this is a secondary fact; we have seen it by the very criticism of the tradition. To understand the historical development, it is necessary to distinguish them carefully, regening, of course, the inquiry how the two notions could finally have been linked together. Priestly speculation bas placed an artificial system between the facts and our vision. Let us be on our guard not to take as the sight the oartain which is hiding it from us. It may appear very simple to derivo, after the Brahminieal fashion, an infinite number of groups from & successive division of large primitive categories. How is it not seen, that this parcelling . Indimi's Litteratur and Cultur, PP. 102, p. 410. • Zeitschrift der D. X. G. I, p. 81 Mb Page #108 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 104 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MAY, 1912. out draws its inspiration from interests and inclinations directly opposed to the class-spirit which ought rather ever to tighten the union? Ruled by varying principles of unification : geographical, professional, sectarian, etc., caste invariably shows itself insensible to considerations of a general nature, Class-spirit does not account for any one of those particularities, for any one of those scruples, which make the originality of caste, and which even between groups that, after all, would be traced back to one common class, raise up so many and so high barriers. These systems, therefore, put the question wrongly; they start from an arbitrary principle which they do not prove, and which, on application, reveals an evident insufficiency. Nor is this all. Their excessive respect for the pretended testimonies of literature forces them to bring down the beginnings of the regime to too late a period, when everything indicates that the life of India was already strongly established on its final footing. A new improbability! An institution so universal in Hindu society, gifted with a vitality so supple as to appear indestructible, cannot fail to be connected with the very roots of national development. If it had sprung up late, it would, being destined to so large a sway, have left at least more definito traces of its beginnings. One feature is common to all systems of this category, they lose sight too much of the real facts; they deprive themselves of the comparisons and ideas called forth by the life of populations which are imperfectly, or recently assimilated with dominant Hinduism. This preoccupation, on the contrary, takes a place of honour in works which follow other directions, and which start either from sociological doctrines, or from anthropology. II.- Profession as the Foundation of Caste. Mr. Nesfield is led by views of general ethnography; his belief in positive classifications is of a rigidity which is surprising in time ko rid of all dogmatism. Yet he has at least a perfect outspokenness in his conclusions; if one can hesitate to follow him, at least every one knows where he is going. The communion of profession is, in his eyes, the foundation of the caste; this is the hearth round which it has taken shape. He does not admit any other origin; he deliberately excludes all infinence of race, of religion. To distinguish in India the currents of different populations, Aryan and aboriginal, is to him an illusion, pure and simple. The flood of invasion bas lost itself early in the mass ; union was brought about very fast; the process was already accomplished more than a thousand years before the Christian era. The constitution of the caste alone could throw into it a dissolvant by means of professional specification. The castes, moreover, have been developed in his view-according to an absolute order ; it is the order which follows the march of human progress, in life, in agriculture, in industrios; the social rank assigned to each man was precisely that which the profession to which he gave himself, possessed in this series. Thus he discerns two great divisions between the trades-castes : the first corresponds to the trades which are anterior to metallurgy, it is the lowest ; the second which is higher, represents the metallurgical industries, or is contemporaneous with their flourishing. He bas spent a singular ingeniousness to establish on analogous grounds-within the interior of the gronps to which it belongs the saperiority of each caste, as fized, according to him, by Hindu usage. The castes thus rise one above the other accordingly as they are chiefly connected with hunting, fisbing, pastoral life, landed property, handicrafts, commerce, servile employments, priestly functions. To make use of his own words: “Each casto, or group of castes represents the one or the other of these progressive stages of culture, which have marked the industrial development of mankind, not only in India, but in all countries of the world. The rank wbich . Xonfield, Caste goton, 19. Page #109 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ MAY, 1913.] THE CASTES IN INDIA 105 each caste occupies, high or low on the ladder, depends on the industry which each one represents, according as it belongs to a period of advanced, or primitive culture. In this way, the natural history of human industries supplies the key for the hierarchy as well as for the formation of Hindu castes."6 Proceeding from there, Mr. Nesfield shows to us the different professions issuing from the tribe, in order to constitute themselves into partial unities, and these unities rising on the social ladder in conformity to the trades on which they live.' Sprung from the tribe the fragments of which it re-constructs according to a new principle, the caste has preserved persistent recollections of its origins. It has borrowed from the ancient type of the tribe the narrow rules of marriage and the severe prohibition of every contact with similar groups. The caste, therefore, would be the ontcome of the regular evolution of the social life taken at its lowest level and followed in its slow progress. I do not pretend to clear up how he can reconcile this thesis with the relatively late date to which, by the way, he refers the constitution of castes. What probability is there that, one thousand years before our era, the Hindus were still barbarians, destitute of the most humble elements of civilisation P Still less can I understand how Mr. Nesfield manages, from this point of view, to reserve to the Brahmins so decisive a part in this genesis. In fact, he asserts that "The Brahmin was the first caste in the order of time; all the others were formed after this model, gradually extending from the king or warrior to the tribes given to hunting and fishing, the condition of which is scarcely above that of savages." The exclusiveness of all the castes takes its inspiration from the Brahmins, by the contagion of example, by the necessity of self-defence. The Brahmin is the founder of the system. The Brahmin has invented, to his own profit, the rule which alone perfectly constitute the castes, the rule which prohibits to marry a woman of another caste. This is a singular contradiction to what he says later, when he derives the marriage regulation from the traditional usages of the tribe. He is, however, no dupe of the dogmatism of Brahminic books. In his eyes, "the four castes have never had in India another existence than to-day; as a tradition that makes authority." Borrowed from the Indo-Iranian past, it has scarcely any other merit but that of connecting the variety of castes with the differences of occupation. The Vaisyas and the Sûdras, in particular, have never been anything more than some sort of rubric destined to include a mass of heterogeneous elements.10 Bat evidently, and although not being able to resist the seduction which the positivist constructions exercised upon his mind, Mr. Nesfield has really felt that his theory-for want of a corrective proved too much and would have to be applied to all countries. There is also no doubt that, notwithstanding his natural independence, he was influenced by the prestige of tradition. At any rate, the concession which he makes to it, far from being inherent in his system, disturbs its whole arrangement. The originality of his thesis lies elsewhere. If others had before him assigned one part of action, in the genesis of the castes, to professional specialisation, nobody had so deliberately reduced to it the whole evolution. He has, likewise, more than anybody else, connected its characteristic details with the reminiscences of the tribe. In taking his stand on the new ground of ethnography, he has enlarged the perspectives and prepared a wider foundation for interpretation. Neafield, Caste System, p. 88. Nesfield, Caste System, 171-2. 10 Nesfield, l. c. § 11. Several of the views, which he has sown incidentally, could disappear without leaving a perceptible gap. The fusion of the different elements of population was, according to him, accomplished at a very early age, the perfect unity of the whole was assured from an ancient period. Neafleid, Caste System, s. 177-8, pp. 180-2. Nesfield, Caste System, § 469, 190. Page #110 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 106 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MAY, 1912. His conviction, on this point, however ardent it be, might of course give rise to many objections and restrictions, but it is not at all connected indissolubly with his opinion on the professional origin of the caste. The same may be said of the etymological deductions of the legendary facts in which he pretends to lay hold on the history of many of the castes, from its very beginning, in the exact moment in which they separate in successive swarms from the original tribes. The nformation is here more varied, and the combination more brilliant, than the method rigorous. - Perhaps Mr. Nesfield has too much studied the caste from its outward and actual aspect. He has commenced with daily experience ; this is an advantage, it is also a danger. His theory has so much taken possession of his mind that he has been naturally carried away to present it to us in a deductive explanation, rather than to follow the demonstration, step by step. Will be convert many inquirers to a thesis which derives so peculiar a historical phenomenon from such general speculative constructions ? In giving the first place, on one hand, to the profession, on the other, to the organization of the tribe, be bas at least faithfully summed up an impression which manifests itself in most observers of contemporary life. All are struck by that entanglement of more or less extended ethnical groups, of which I have sought to give some idea, and of which it is important that neither the complication, nor the mobility, should be lost out of sight. They see them how they in number less gradations, approach more or less the type of the caste, how they approach it the nearer the more completely the community of profession has been substituted for the bond of origin ; and, naturally, this double observation reflects upon their theoretical conclusions. Less decisive, less minutely worked out than that of Mr. Nesfield, the thesis of Mr. D. Ibbetsonli is based upon the same data. Being of a less systematic turn of mind and more impressed by shades variable enough to discourage general theories, he wraps himself up with reservations, Still he sums up his views, and the stages which he discerns in the history of the caste are as follows:- (1) the organization of the tribe, which is common to all primitive societies; (2) the guilds founded on the heredity of occupation ; (3) the exaltation peculiar to India of sacerdotal ministry; (4) the exaltation of the lesitic blood by the importance attached to heredity ; (5). the strengthening of the principle by the elaboration of a series of entirely artificial laws, drawn from Hinda beliefs, which regulate marriage and fix the limits in which it can be contracted, declare. certain professions and certain foods impure and determine the conditions and the degrees of contacts allowed between the castes. We see which place is also bere taken by the profession and the constitution of the tribe. Only, this time, the part of the Brahmins has been inverted. Anxious to consolidate a power which, at first was founded on their knowledge of religion, but for which this foundation was becoming too weak, they found, according to Ibbetson, a valuable hint in the division of the people into tribes, in the theory of heredity of occupations which had sprung from it; they made their profit by it. Froin it they drew this network of restrictions and of incapacities which entangle a high-caste Hindu from his birth.12 Thus the Brahmins are represented as dependent upon the spontaneous organization of the country. This system may appear more logical than that of Nesfield; nuore still, perhaps, it proceeds from a quite gratuitous conjecture which is not supported by any attempt of "proof. And what shall we say of such a conception of the most essential and most characteristic rules of the caste ? These rules which are so strict, which excise so absolute & dominion on conscionce, would be nothing but an artificial and late invention contrived with a party-spirit. #1 Donail Charles Jelf Ibbetson, Report on the Consues of the Punjab (1881), Caloutta 1883, 841, oto. Ibbotsong 212. Page #111 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ MAY, 1912.) THE CASTES IN INDIA 107 The edifice is faulty in its very basis by the unmeasured importance which Mr. Ibbetson, on this point in accord with Mr. Nesfield, attributes to the professional community. If the caste bad ally in this its primitive bond, it would have shown less tendency to break up and to dislocate itself; the agent which would have unified it at the beginning, would have maintained its colesion. Experience, on the contrary, shows how the prejudices of caste kept at a distance people, whom, the same occupation carried on in the same places, should bring together. 13 Wo have seen what a ariety of professions may separate members of the same caste, and this not only in the lower, but even in the best qualified classes. The giving up of the prevailing professions is by itself in no way sufficient cause of exclusion. The occupations are graduated upon a ladder of respectability, but their degrees are fixed by notions of religious purity. All professions which do not entail poliation, or at least an increase of impurity, are open to every caste. Mr. Nesfield states himself that one can meet Brahmins who practise all professions, "except those which imply a ceremonial defilement and, consequently, loss of caste." If the most despised castes split themselves into new sections which disdain the primitive stock, the reason is not, because these sections adopt a different . occupation, but it is simply, because they renounce such detail of their hereditary occupations, as, according to the prejudices in vogue, bring on deflement. Such is the case for certain groups of streepers 15 It is true that many castes pay some kind of worship to the instruments appertaining to their zyrofession. 16 The fisherman sacrifices a goat to his new boat; the shepherd bestears the tails and the horns of his animals with ochre; the labourer spreads an oblation, mixed with sugar, ghi and rice upon his plough at the spot where it turns the first clod; the artisan consecrates his tools; the warrior pays homage to his weapons; the writer to his pen and to bis inkstand. Curious as whey may be, what do such usages prove? Given to various occupations, people of the same caste may render this sort of respect to the most diverse symbols. Many castes borrow their name from their principal occupation; but it is nothing more than a general denomination; its extension does not at all necessarily answer that of the caste. Bania werchant is, like Brahmin, or Kshatriya, a term in which one may only very improperly see a Page #112 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 108 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (MAY, 1917 caste, and new small divisions evolved under the influence of profession.17 But how many other factors have, in a similar way, exercised the like action ? There exist in certain Slavonic countries, in Russia and elsewhere, 18 or at least, there were existing still at a recent date--village-communities exclusively given to a single professionvillages of shoe-makers and villages of blacksmiths, or leather-dressers, communities of joiners and potters, even of bird-catchers and beggars. Now, these villages are not assemblies of artisans wiro have melted into a community, but communities that exercise the same industry. It is not the profession which ends in a grouping, but the grouping which ends in the community of profession that has suggested it. Why should it not be the same in India P To assign to community of profession its place among the factors that have acted on the destiny of the caste, and to make of it the unique and sufficient source of the regime, are two things. As much as the first proposition is at first probable, the second is inadmissible. A Hindu, 19 a judge who has the living sense aud familiar practice of the situation, Guru Prashad Sen, in trying to som up the permanent features of the caste, has been able completely to neglect profession. Where shall we look for the essence of caste, unless in the rules, the absolute maintenance of which sucures its perpetuity, the infringement of which, even if it be light, entails loss of caste for the individual and dissolution for the group? These rules have no connection with the profession, or only an indirect one through the medium of scruples of purity. The soul of the caste is elsewhere. III.-Race as the Foundation of Caste. This soul of caste, Mr. Risley is seeking in the race, in the oppositions that arise from racial diversity; he is thus in direct contradiction with Mr. Nesfield. To believe him, the actual hierarchy would be the social consecration of the ethnographical scale, from the Aryans that remained pure in their highest castes down to the hamblest aborigines that are penned up in the low castes. Tbis time race is substituted for profession as the generative principle. «The nasal index" is the formula for the proportions of the nose; this, it appears, is the most certain eriterion of the race. Mr. Risley ends with this affirmation which looks strange, apparently, at least: "It is scarcely an exaggeration to set down as a law of the organization of the castes in the East-Indies that the social rank of a man varies, in the inverze ratio of the size of his nose."20 Who would not remain a little sceptical? I do not pride myself to discuss the measurements and classifications of Mr. Risley. At least it must be confessed that up to the present the theories wbinh have pretended to outline the ethnographical situation in India, have 3unk into the quicksands of inextricable contradictions and difficulties. This is quite enough to set the ignorant at defiance. So perfect a harmony, there being given the deep and very accidental mixtures of so many elements, and Mr. Risley admits them himself, would really be marvellous. Mr. Nesfield is no less decisive on the rigorous concordance which he discovers between the social rank and the supposed series of industrial evolution. By what miracle would the two principles, sprang from absolutely different sources, fit together so perfectly? I let them grapple with each other. I can do so the better, since neither the one nor the other, in the theory of their able advocates, really bears upon the fundamental question ; they touch less the origin of the castes than the rule of their hierarchy. Alleging as an authority the ancient use of the word varna and the signification which is ugnally assigned to it in the more modern classical language, Mr. Risley sees in the inborn oppositio between the conquering and the conquered--the white and the black,race-the germ of a distinction » Nosfield, $ 158-9. 11 Hearn, Aryan Housshold, pp. 241-2. 11 Calcutta Revieto, Joly 1890, p. 49 n. 26 Risley, Ethnograph. Glost, P. Liv. Page #113 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ JAY, 1912.] THE CASTES IN INDIA 109 of castes. The endogamous laws are the foundation of the regime. In the presence of a despised population the Aryans would have erected this rampart, in order to protect the purity of a blood of which they were proud. The caste is for Mr. Nesfield an affair of profession, for Mr. Risley an affair of marriage. Analogy, imitation of this primitive grouping, spreading from place to place with the authority lent to it by the sanction of the leading classes, would have multiplied to no end the ramifications, derived alternately and in accord with the cases, from diverse causes, or occasions : & community of language, neighbourhood, identity of profession, beliefs or social relations. If by a round-about way, he finally falls back pretty closely to the orthodox system of the Bra! mins 21 the predominance step by step acquired by the priesthood would be the principal source of the whole evolntion.23 Although vitiated by simplification carried to the extreme, the theory of the mixed castes remains for him2 & precious testimony of that incessant crossing of populations, the raixing of which in varying degrees is the capital cause which to his mind bas multiplied the splitting into minor sections. If strictly speaking, the endogamous rule of the caste belongs properly to India, the exogamous rules, the parallel action of which we have stated, are much more general. In unequal degrees and under varying forms, exogamy is an universal law. Under shifting names the exogamous groups appear on the summit and at the basis of Hindu society; eponymic gotras with the Brahmins, clans united by the totem with the aboriginal populations, meet, take strength from, and sometimes melt into each other; the inferior classes are ever eager of assimilating their old organization to the Brahminical legislation, the adoption of which becomes for them a title of nobility. At this point we find with Mr. Risley, as with Mr. Nesfield, a very keen sense of the action which the traditions and customs of autochthonous tribes have exercised on the final condition of the castes. But if they agree in deriving numbers of castes from the successive dismemberment of autochthonous tribes, the part which each of them assigus to the institutions of the tribe, or more exactly, of the aboriginal tribe, is singularly unequal ; Mr. Nesfield draws from them the original Bource of several of the laws which regulate the caste, the rule of endogamy for instance ; Mr. Risley seeks in them almost only curious analogies with the customs which the Aryan element on its side has brought with it, such as the exogamous restrictions; bat facts so universal fail to mean or prove anything. Too timid theories which do not dare to emancipate themselves from Hindu tradition, remain powerless. We must be no less on our guard against theories which are too vague, tou comprehensise. If community of occupation were sufficient to found the regime of caste, it ought to be in force in many other countries besides India. The objection is obvious. It condemng no less the system which is satisfied, without historical concatenation, in a general way to characterize the laws of caste as a survival of the ancient organization of tribe or clan. Shall we appeal to the common features of an organization which is so natural to the archaic periods of human sociability that is found with the most different races? We remain in the vaguewe prove nothing. If we think exclusively, or even principally of the organization of the aboriginal tribes of India, if we admit that it has reacted with so decisive a force upon the general condition of the Hindu world, that an ambitious class of priests would have seized upon it and made of it a weapon for fight, we upset the probable course of history and ascribe to factors which are too minute, a power out of proportion. Everything indicates that the determining action in the march of Indian civilisation belongs to the Aryan elements; the aboriginal elements have only exercised a modifying, partial and subordinate action. 11 Risley, op. c. p. xxiv, N. Risløy, op. cit. See Art, 'Brahman.' Bisloy, op. cit rili uvi-vii. Page #114 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 110 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MAY, 1919 Does that mean that this connecting of caste with tribe is sterile ? I see in it, on the contrary, a new, a capital, idea provided that the facts are grappled with somewhat closely, and that the dazzling effect of commodious generalities does not make us lose sight of the necessary concatena. tion of historical realities. So I foel dispensed from entering into the detail of speculations which recent researches on the primitive legal organization have incidentally devoted to caste. Even those which have wisely confined theniselves to the Aryan domain, 24 being too summary, have Bcarcely entered into the quicksand of evolution. We shall make use of them occasionally. B we wanted before all to point out the danger of too abstract statements. Caste exists only in India. Therefore we have to look for its key in the situation which is special to India. Without closing our eyes to other information we must seek light from the facta themselves, from the analysis of the characteristical elements of the regime, such as observation exhibits them in the present and helps to reconstitute in the past. IV.-Caste and the Aryan Constitution of the Family. Caste is the frame of the whole Brahminical organization. It is in order to come within the pale of Brahminism that the aboriginal populations constitute themselves in caste and accept the strict regulations of caste, and the phenomenon goes back high into the past. Now, Brabminism may have taken up foreign elements, it may in the course of history have had to undergo exterior influences. It remains on the whole the representative in India of Arjun tradition. Without excluding in any way the eventuality of subsidiary actions, we are justified first to look out for Aryan sources of an institution wbich appears to us so closely blended with Brahminical doctrine and life. The history of the old Aryan societies rests on the evolution, varying according to the places, of the ancient family constitution, such as its physiognomy may be guessed from the comparison of features scattered in the different branches of the race. By the notion of kinship which penetrates it, by the jurisdiction which regulates rather tyrannically private life, marriage, food, ceremonial usages, by the customary practice of certain particular worships, by its corporative organization, caste, in fact, recalls to our mind the family group, such as may be dimly discerned in its various degrees in the family,--the gens and the tribe. Its original features are no less pronounced. There are, however, on closer inspection, hardly any of them of which we do not perceive the germ in the past, even if the common elements have not developed elsewhere in the same line, or spread equally far. At bottom this is the same phenomenon of which India gives us many other examples. In almost all the matters which call forth comparison with the kin branches of the Aryan stock we strike, at the same time, against minute coincidences and deep divergencies. Kinship is seen even in elements which, evidently have been cast here in a new mould. Of the rules which control marriage in caste, the exogamic laws which exclude every union between people belonging to the same section, gotras or clans of different sorts are marked by their rigour. These rules have exercised a wide influence in all primitive societies. It quickly dwindled down in those gurroundings where a more advanced political constitution was flourishing. The principle was certainly familiar to the Aryan race as to others, According to the testimony of Plutarch, 25 the Romans in the ancient period never married women of their blood. Amongst the matrons who are known to us, it has been remarked that actually none bears the same gentile name as her husband. Gotra is properly Brahminical; the part which it plays, is certainly ancient. The exogamic rule is rooted, one cannot doubt it, in the remotest past of the immigrants. It is I think, for instance of Mr. Hearn, The Aryan Household. * Op. Kovalevskay, Famille et Proprieté Primitiver, p. 19 sa. Page #115 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ THE CASTES IN INDIA 111 MAY, 1912] so really primitive, under this form of gotra, that it is anterior to caste, it extends beyond the caste-frame, the same gotras go through a number of different castes. The regime of the caste, therefore, has been super-added to it. The two institutions have been melted together as well as possible; they in no way belong necessarily together. This is exactly what happened at Athens, when the establishment of demos' assigned to different districts families which belonged to one gens, to one single genos. The endogamic law, however, strikes us most, the law which only authorizes a union between betrothed of the same caste. It is hardly. less spread than the exogamic law in the primitive phases of human societies. It has left very apparent traces far beyond the range of Aryan peoples; it is linked with a whole array of facts and sentiments that reveal its origin. At Athens at the time of Demosthenes, it was necessary, in order to belong to a phratry (phratria), to be born of a legitimate marriage in one of the families which made it up. In Greece, at Rome, in Germany, the laws, or the customs grant the sanction of the legal marriage only to a union contracted with a woman of equal rank, who is a free citizen.26 Everybody has present in his mind the struggle which for centuries the plebeians bad to maintain at Rome in order to conquer the jus connulii, the right of marrying women of patrician rank.. It is currently taken for a political conflict between rival classes. It means quite another thing. It is not merely from pride of nobility, but in the name of a sacred right, that the patrician gentes, being of pure race and having remained faithful to the integrity of the ancient religion, rejected the alliance of impure plebeians who were of mixed origin and destitute of family rites. The patricians were guided by the same principle which, in a new frame, inspires to-day the endogamic law of caste. But in India, under the regime of caste, it is always aggravating itself and narrowing the avenues; the strife of classes at Rome, under a political regime, lowers the barriers; it soon. widens the circle to the whole category of citizens without further distinction. At this point and even in so opposed conditions, analogy continues in curious prolongations. The connubium goes beyond the city; it is granted successively to several friendly populations. Is this not, in the main, the exact counterpart of what happens in India, when sections of caste accept or refuse marriage with other sections? when this circle varies, according to localities and circumstances, with a facility which seems to ruin the rigour of the general precept? A late parallelism which, in two currents, else so divergent as the Hindu caste and the Roman city, seems to attest the kinship of the origins. Even in theory, a man of higher caste may marry women even of the lowest caste. It was not otherwise at Rome, or at Athens. The duty or marrying a woman of equal rank, did not exclude their unions with women of an inferior stock, strangers, or freed women. Quite similar is in the Hindu family the case of a Sûdra woman. Excluded by the theory, she is not excluded in the practice, but she cannot give birth to children that are the equals of their father. We know, why. On both sides there is between husband and wife, an insuperable obstacle-the religious inequality. offering prepared by a Sûdra. In Rome the sufficient to give offence to the gods.29 The the race, which, by the investiture with the And if it is permitted to higher castes to marry According to Manu 7 the gods do not eat the presence of a stranger at a sacrifice of the gens was Sudra woman is a stranger; she does not belong to sacred thread, is born to the fulness of religious life. a Sûdra woman at the side of the legitimate wife who possesses the full right, the union must be celebrated without the hallowed prayers, 20 In the Aryan conception of marriage, husband and wife form the sacrificing couple attached to the family altar of the hearth. Upon this common conception the endogamy of the Hindu caste rests ultimately just as the limitations imposed on the classical family. 26 Cf. Hearn, l. c., pp. 156-7. Fustel de Coulanges, La cité Antique, p. 117. 27 III, 18. 29 Ind. Stud., X., p. 21. Page #116 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 112 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MAY, 1912. It is prohibited to eat with people of another caste, to use dishes prepared by people of a lower caste. This is one of the oddities which are surprising to us. Its secret is not impenetrable. We have to think of the religious function, which, at all times, was assigned to the repast by the Aryans,30 As a produce of the sacred hearth, it is the exterior sign of the family community, of its continuity in the past and in the present; from this come the libations, and in India, the daily oblations to the ancestors. Even there where, by the inevitable wear and tear of the institutions, the primitive meaning could be weakened; this signification remains clearly alive in the funeral repast, the perideipnon of the Greeks, the silicernium of the Romans, which, on the occasion of the death of relatives manifests the indissoluble unity of the lineage.31 Proofs are abounding that the repast has preserved with the Hindus a religious significance. The Brahmin neither eats at the same time, nor from the same vessel, not only with a stranger or an inferior, but not even with his proper wife, nor with his own sons that are not yet initiated.32 These scruples are so really of a religious nature that it is prohibited to share the food even of a Brahmin, if for any reason, even an accidental one that is independent of his will, he is under the ban of some defilement.33 Even a Sûdra cannot, without contamination, eat the food of a defiled twice-born, Impurity communicates itself; it, therefore, excludes from the religious function of the repast. And this is the reason why, by sitting down at a common banquet with his caste-fellows, the sinner who has been excluded temporarily, consecrates his rehabilitation. It is owing to the same prin ciple that, on the solemn marriage of the Romans, bridegroom and bride divide a cake in presence of the sacred fire; the ceremony is essential; it establishes the adoption of the woman into the family religion of the husband. Let us not see in this an isolated whimsical custom; it could be rightly said that the repast made in common was the characteristic act of religion in the worship, which united the curia or the phratria.34 The Roman repasts of the Caristia, which 'united all the kindred excluded not only every stranger, but every relative whose conduct appeared to make him unworthy,35 The Persians had preserved similar usages, 36 The daily repasts of the Prytanies had remained with the Greeks one of the official religious rites of the city. But its menu was not indifferent. The nature of the viands and the kind of wine which had to be served in them were defined by rules which could depend on various causes which it is not the place here to investigate. In excluding such or such articles of food, India did nothing but generalize the application of the principle; it did not invent it altogether. This principle, too, has its analogies and its germs in the common past. A strange thing! The Hindus who, under other aspects, have preserved more faithfully than anybody else, the signification of the common repast, and who, it seems, have extended it, have receded, more than others, from the primitive type in the liturgical form of the funeral banquet, the Sraddha. According to the theory, instead of assembling the relatives, it is offered to Brahmins. But they are put forth as representing the ancestors, and receive the food in their name. Even so, he who offers the sacrifice, must, symbolically at least, associate with them after the manner of the ancestors themselves. This is indeed, in spite of the new ideas which the developed ritual has been able to introduce, the ideal prolongation of the family repast. 51 Leist, Altarisches Jus Civile, p. 201 ss 30 Hearn, p. 32; Fustel de Coulanges, p. 182. 33 Manava Dh. § iv., 43, Apost. Dh. § II, 4, 9, 7 and the note of Bühler. 33 Vishun Smriti, xxii, 8-10. 85 Leist, Altar. Jus Civile, p- 49-50, 263-4. 34 Fustel de Coulanges, p. 135. I bid. Page #117 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ MAY, 1912.] THE CASTES IN INDIA 113 The Brahmins that are invited, must be selected with a care which reminds us of the law of purity imposed on the primitive guests. If Brahmins are substituted for relations, the novelty is sufficiently explained by the encroachment of sacerdotal power.37 Do not the commentators prescribe in the same way that the fine for a murder must be paid to the Brahmins 739 Yet it had been paid, in the Aryan past, most certainly to the family of the murdered person. The way in which the law-books insist upon reserving the Srádlhas to the Brahmins betrays the tendency which they obey.39 One place always remains eventually reserved to relations.10 It is visible, it springs from the very restrictions that in the current practice, the Sraddhas were the occasion of true common repasts. The Hindus distinguish various kinds, which are in no way connected with funerals.1 Such a purificatory Sraddha' (goshthi Srád tha) really appears to be the ritualistic reflection of that caste repast which celebrates the rehabilitation of a culpable member. In incorporating it in the series, they remembered that a close relationship connected its meaning with the ancient family repast. It derives its sacredness from the sanctity of the domestic fire. In Roman antiquity the exclusion from the religious and civil community is expressed by the interdiction of fire,' but also and at the same time by the interdiction of water.'42 It seenis, likewise, that in India, the association of an extraneous fire and of polluted water renders the food, offered, or prepared by an unworthy hand, particularly impare. I bave related that higber castes accept grain roasted by certain lower castes, but on condition that it contains no admixture of water 43 ; that the Hindus who accepted pare milk from certain Mussulmans, would reject it with indignation, if they thought that water was added to it. In the rites which accompany the exclusion from caste they fill the vessel of the culprit with water, and a slave upsets it, with the formula: "I deprive sucb a one of water."'44 We see that these notions have, in Aryan life, 'distant connections and curious analogies. They explain, moreover, how certain texts which belong to the ancient period of racerdotal literature, place in the same rank the admission to the communion of water and to marriage.15 The sense of the common repast and of the correlative prohibitions is so forcibly marked in the manners, that it is surprising to the contemporaneous observer who is free of every archæological bias. "The communion of food," says Mr. Ibbetson, " is used as the exterior sign, the solem manifestation of the communion of blood."46 The relations assemble round the same table. The same principle, applied inversely, prohibits sharing of the same repast; and, more generally, every contact with people who have no share in the same family rites. This tradition has left traces not only in India, but also elsewhere. The jus osculi, the contact by embrace, proves kinship." The germ, therefore, is ancient also in this point. The impurity even of the corpse, is, no doubt, explained in part by this consideration that death forcibly excludes the departed from the rites. It therefore places bim outside the family ; his contact, bis presence defiles the relations in the manner of an outcaste. Let us remember that exclusion from caste is, by the ceremonial itself, likened upto death; for both the cases funerals are celebrated. The impurity which stains relatives on the days of mourning is a conception common to the whole Aryan antiguity. Imparity is transmitted by contact. From the man it spreads to the woman and to the servant. It is therefore necessary to avoid carefully every staining touch, every contact with people, who, if they do not fall under the influence of an accidental defilement, are impure by the fact, tbat they do not belong to the communion of the same fire and the same water. The development of this law in the caste is perfectly logical. s Hopkins, Jour. Amer. Orient. Soc., xiii, p. 113. 37 Leist, Altar. Jus Gentium, p. 205. ** Manava DA. S. op. cit., loc. cit. iii., 148. 19 Manava Dh. S., iii. 139 88. - Nesfield, 189, 190. 11 Mänava Dh. S, op. cit., loc cit. iii., 254, * Negfield, 82. # Gautama Dh. 8. xx. 2 s. *5 Indische Stud. x. pp. 77, 78. 16 Ibbetson, p. 185. * Of. Leist, Altar. Jus. Civ. pp. 49-50, 261. Leist Graeco-ital. Rechtsgesch. p. 34 ss. Page #118 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 114 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY MAY, 1912 Even the tribunal of the caste, with its limited jurisdiction, is not without antecedents. The Ancient family has . Cuancil which in Rome, Greece or Germany, surrounds and assists the father on important occasions, notably when it is the question of judging a culpable son. The exclusion from the family is a parallel to the exclusion from the caste. On both sides it is equivalent to an excommunication which, under its most dreaded form, is expressed in Latin with the qualification of sacer.50 It produces, with the Romans, a religious and civil situation very analogous to that of the outcaste. of the palita Hindu. The Latin gens acknowledges a chief who judges the quarrels between its members. Similarly to the caste, the gentes take decisions which are respected by the city ;51 just like the castes, they follow particular customs which are binding upon their members.52 On their part, some Vedic families are distinguished by certain ceremonies, by a predilection for certain divinities,68 in which there seems to be a survival of that religious particularism which reserved for the classical family, for the gens, special worships and exclusive rites. Though in several cases the veneration of a common ancestor or of an official patron suggests in India the Graeco-Roman worship of the eponymous heroes, it cannot be said that this is a salient trait in the caste. Owing to the more free course of speculation, religious individualism has made advances in India which elsewhere have been checked by the coming into power of a political constitution, decidedly opposed to every innovation of the cult. In India, religion could become localized, split into endless divisions, and, on occasion, mobilized with a liberty unknown on classical ground. It is mostly through its practice, through its customs and their direct kinship with most antique conceptions that the continuity of tradition is evidenced in the caste. (To be continued.) MORE ABOUT GABRIEL BOUGATON. BY WILLIAM FOSTER. SINCR writing, in the number for September last (Vol. XL, p. 247 ff.), an account of Gabriel Boughton, the doctor whose name is associated with the opening-up of English commerce in Bengal, I have unexpectedly come across a hitherto unnoticed letter from him, which adds a new and interesting fact to the little that is known of his career. This document exists only in the form of a transcript, entered in the Surat Factory Invard Letter Book, Volume 1 (1646-47). The volume forms part of the Bombay records, but, owing to its having been sent home temporarily for calendaring purposes, I have had the opportunity of examining it fully. It has suffered much from damp and decay, and, although it has been skillfully repaired, many of the letters are wholly or in part illegible. This applies especially to the copy of Boughton's letter, which comes first in the volume ; at least half of it has perished, including the greater part of the signature. There can, however, be no doubt as to the latter ; the GH and the final N are plainly visible, as well as the top of the B, while there is * postscript with two initials, the first of which is clearly G, while the second looks like B. Farther, in the same volume is a copy of a letter of November 28, 1646, from Bianâ (near Agra), likewise received at Surat on the 22nd of the following month, which refers to (and apparently encloses) one from Mr Boughton.' Evidently the two writers travelled down together from Agra. The date of the letter is the next point to be considered. The transcriber has unfortunately omitted the month ; and all that we have to go upon is that it was written upon the 4th * Leist. Altar. Jw. Ciu. p. 273 ss. Kovalevskoy. Fam. et Prop. primit. p. 119 . be Leist, Graeco-ital B. P. 319. Fustel de Coulange, La Cite Antique. p. 118-9. » Max Moller, cited by Hearn, p. 121; Ind. Stud. X., p. 88 s. # Booker-Marquardt, Rom, Alterth, ii., p. 10. Page #119 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ MAT, 1912.) MORE ABOUT GABRIEL BOUGHTON 115 and received at Surat on December 22nd, 1646. It commences, however, with a reference to a previons letter of August 9th, and, allowing for the time taken in transit (cia Agra), I conclude that October 4th is its probable date. Had he written on September 4th, Boughton would most likely have said 'ultimo' instead of August' in mentioning his previous communication, The letter is dated from Balucke', and the contents make it clear that this is Balkh, in Afghan Turkistan. It may seem somewhat surprising to find two Englishmen (Boughton and the companion he mentions ) in such an out of the way place as Balkh, which had surely never before been visited by any of their fellow countrymen ; but there is really no mystery about it. The reader will remember that Boughton had been sent up from Surat to the Court of the Mogal Emperor for the purpose of acting as physician to A sálat Khân, who was the Mfr Bakhshi and an especial favourite of Shah Jahan. Now, at this very time the imperial forces had conquered Balkh and were endeavouring to make themselvee masters of Badakhsbân, though they were being strongly opposed by Abdu'l-Aziz, the son of the fugitive ruler of that country. Asalat Khân had evidently been sent to take part in the operations, and Boughton, as his body physician, would naturally go with him. It is less clear what Barnes, the other Englishman, was doing in those parts. There is no one of that name in the contemporary lists of the East India Company's servants, and indeed the fact that Boughton mentions Barnes's desire to be granted a salary shows that he was not a recognized member of the service. Possibly, he may bave been the (unnamed) trumpeter who, as reported in an Agra letter of November 12th, 1645 (0.C. 1961), had been sent up from that place to the court at Lahore on the 29th of the preceding month. After this preface we may proceed to examine the letter itself, premising that the words between square brackets are conjectural insertions to carry on the sense where gars occur in the original. It begins as follows: " Worpli. etc., Since my [last unto ) you, dated August the 9th, by a Dutch [man] whom A[sb]alat Ckaune licensed to dep[art for] bis count[ry], hath not bappined any thing]e worthy [y]our Worps. perusall; only th[inke i]t requisite [to] acquaint you how that in [my former unto you I did write that Assala[t Okaun je bad granted mee leave for four or fi [ve mojotbs with his brother, Keyling Ckaw[ne], to goe to the Kinge and make an end of [the trouble]some bussines formerly by your W[orps) as in letter specified ; since which hee ba[th changed bis] mind and will not permitt my soe [departing], Lotwithstanding my earnest in treaty; yet] promises means] how it shall be don[ e j if theire p[ sent." The rest of the page is practically illegible. In many cases the beginning and end of the line can be read, but the loss of the central portion renders it impossibja to make out the sense. We gather that Sadallah Khân bas departed for Kabul, after writing to some official (apparently Mirza Amin, the Governor of Surat ) to treat the Englisb better; and that the Emperor has ordered Asalat Khân to remain in Balkh as Governor during the winter, promising to recall him in the spring. The letter proceeds : "This hee hopes (as doe wee); bat [tb] uncertaino, by [rea]son of the Kings waver ing mind, which, like a weat[her] cocke, turns with the wind. But his I am certaine, [that] it is one of the unwholsome countryes that e[ver 1) was in in my life, for never since my en[tranc]o into this citty can I boe in perfect health ; [algo] Page #120 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 116 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY MAY, 1912. Mr. Barnes, who desires his service to bee (presented, with remembrance of some sallary, what (your) Worp. etc. shall think fitting ; and by soe doing (you shall] oblidge him to pray for your [Worps etc.] p[rosperi]ties. [The King is] now jorning towards Pissore, where report says] hee stayes this winter ; after which he [means to returne againe to Cabull, if not to Balluck ; [in the] which place hee intends his residence unt[ill the taki]ng of Buckarrath, the which is 250 or 300 [miles] from this place." Once again the letter grows unintelligible. Something is being said about the preparations for the Spring campaign, including the construction of a bridge of boats across the Ozus: mention is made of the rebel Prince (Abdu'l-Aziz) being at Bokhara with a strong force : and there appears to be a reference to some drastic executions by which Asklat Khân maintained order in his district. Then the writer concludes with assurances of his willingness to comply with any wishes of the Honble. Company my masters.' The postscript already mentioned is practically illegible. It will be noticed that Boughton refers to some troublesome bussines' which the Presideat and Council at Surat had asked him to settle, and which was of sufficient importance to warrant his making a special journey to court, if he could get leave from Asalat Khân to do so. Its nature we can only conjecture ; but my own guess would be that it related to the recovery of the cont of some tapestry, belonging to Sir Francis Crane, which had been sold in 1630 to Rao Ratan Singh Hårå, Raja of Bundi. This debt was still outstanding, as the Raja's grandson and successor, Chhatarsál, professed his inability to discharge it. The Surat factors were continually being oressed by the Company to realise the money; and in a letter dated January 25th, 1647 (0.C. 2023) they replied : "We cannot yet recover any part of it, by reason of the Kings remote distauce, who hath many monthes spent his time in the conquest of the kingdome of Bullock Balkh], a part of Tartaria, and is at present very intent theron; 60 that nothing can be done in the bnsines untill his return, Raja Chuttersall being emploid in that service. But from him we must never expect payment nor ought but delaies and delusions; as we bave sufficiently experimented by the last express order (sudainly after we had presented the King) given him to satisfy the debt; which he then fairly promised should be done at his return into his country; whither be went not long after, accompanied by two of our house servants, unto whom he promised payment of the mony; who continued with him many daies, enterteined with feir hopes of satisfaction, but urging him more importanately to discharge his engagements, he poesitively affirmed that hee had nothing remaning but his sword and his horse, and that what before he pretended was only to please the King and content us for that time, wherapon, all other means having failed, we resolved to sell his debt to the King, who only can discompt it out of his servico; wberin we moved Assalatt Okaun, who promised us his assistance therin, but (As said) the Kings absence hindreth our further progress in the busines." There is no mention here of Boughton's help having been sought; but it is quite probable that he was asked to assist, especially as his patron, Asâ lat Khân, was to be the intermediary in the matter. * Peshawar. • Bokhara. Page #121 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ MAT, 1912.) THE VEDIO CALENDAR 117 THE VEDIO CALENDAR. BY R. SHAMASASTRY, B.A., M.B.A.S., M.R.S.A., MYSORE. (Continued from p. 84.) OR else the minor session of a year of the Tapaschits may be repeated four times, so that with three such sessions the major session of twelve years is completed or else they may observe the sesion in the Jyotishtôma way (i, e., the Gavam-Ayana ); or else they may hold their session in each year seriatim (ganasainvatsarandın kalpa).49 " Then the sacrificial session of thirty-six years of the Säktyas. The foodstuff used in this sacrifice is flesh instead of cooked rice; for the Inner Man is the food-giving deity of this sacrifice. Usually these two foodstuffs, flesh and rice, are the sacrificial offerings. "These long sessions are meant only for gods, for the gods alone) are long-lived. Others think that they are possible also'for men ; according to them, mány persons, such as sons, grandsons, and sons of grandsons undergo initiation successively and press the Sôma-plant. These Atirâtra days are not accompanied by the central day of the year and constitute what is called Urdhudyana or lengthened year. If the Atiratra day or the central day is celebrated one after another), then the desired ascending order (in the era of years ) is secured. No rule about these sessions is laid down in the Kalpas or in the Brahmaņas. Still they teach us this ancient doctrine (namely the Gavân-Ayana and other varieties). Of all the units of intercalary days celebrated by chanting as many Sima-verses as the number of days in each unit, the unit of twenty-one intercalary days is the last." The most important points that are to be particularly noticed in the above passage are: (1) the duration of the session of the Tapaschits as cotopared with that of the Gavâm-Ayana; (2) the spreading out of the session ; (3) the question raised by the author of the Nida na-Sutra as to the possibility or impossibility of all the sessional sacrifices being observed by a single man, however long-lived he might be ; and (4) the absence of the central day of the year in these sessions. We shall presently see how in the place of twelve days celebrated by others, probably at the close of every fourth year, some celebrated only a single day. It follows, therefore, that if the latter counted 860 such single days, the former would count twelve times as many days. This is what appears to have been meant by the statement that the twelve-years' session of the Tapaschits is equal to twelve times the duration of the Gavam-Ayana. In his commentary on the Srauta-Sûtra of Ásvalâyana, Gârgyanarayana has clearly stated that the twelve-years' session of the Tapascbits may be so spread out that seventy-two months shall fall in the first half of the session and the same number of months in the second half.49 Likewise, the session of thirty-six years of the Tapaschits or of the Sâktyas. This amounts to saying that, just as twelve or twenty-one days are inserted in the middle of an ordinary year, these sessions of four, twelve, or thirty-six years are also inserted in the middle of an ordinary year. It is clear, therefore, that all these sessions are intercalary periods, not ordinary years. Had these and other sessions been ordinary years, the question raised by the author of the Nidana-Sutra aboat the possibility of all the sessional sacrifices being performed by a single man would not have cropped op at all; for it is quite possible for a man to live for 56 or 60 years, so that he may commence & sacrifice in his 20th or 24th year and bring it to a close after 36 years. It follows, therefore, that these sessional days are not ordinary consecutive days, but periodical intercalary days. We shall see that the Vedic poets knew that the solar year differed from the synodic lanar year by 117 days 46 This seems to refer to the intercalation of five daye to each jor: Nee Nidina-Satra, x, 1. For other yarieties of the session of the Tapusobits, no Gargyanarayana's Commentary on Afvalyana-Brauta-Satr, xii, 5, 14. 49 Åbvaldyana, zii, 5, 14. Page #122 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 118 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MAY, 1912. and that the Såvans year was less than the solar year by 54 days. When these 114 days made a twelfth day, as they would in every fourth year and when the 5 days amounted to 21 days in the course of every four years, the Vedic poets performed their sessional sacrifice on the 12th or the 21st day and counted these days apart under the name of Gavêm-Ayana. Accordingly a Gavam-Ayana of 360 days is equal to 360 X 4 = 1440 years. If, instead of counting the 12th day apart, all the 12 days were counted apart, as the Tapaschits seem to have done, even then the session of 12 years would still be equal to 12 X 360 X 4+ 12 = 1440 years. It is clear that no man can possibly live for 1440 years and perform the sacrifice of so long a session. Similarly, for each day counted by the followers of the Gavam-Ayana, the SAktyas seem to have counted 36 days in every, cycle of four years, and to bave thereby counted 86 years in the course of 1440 years. Clearly, then the performance of all these sessional sacrifices, and the counting of such great periods of years, was the work, not of one man, but of generations consisting of sons, grandsons, and sons of grandsons and others, as stated by the author of the Nidâna-Sutra. It follows, therefore, that Jaimini's interpretation of the 250 twenty-one days' session, or of the one thousand years' session of the Visvasriks, in the sense of a session of 1,000 days, in order to make the performance of all the Bessional sacrifices possible for a single man, is entirely wrong, and quite against ancient tradition as set forth in the Nidana-Satra. Scholars who have been entertaining doubts about the Vedic chronology should pay particular attention to the statement of the author of the Nidana-Sûtra, that these sessional days are all Atirâtra days with no central day, and that, if the Atiratra day or the central day is counted apart seriatim, the desired ascent (lubdho rôhah) in time is secured. This is clear proof that the Vedic poets kept an era of their own in terms of Atiratra days or of central days. In explaining the above passage, I stated that, corresponding to the celebration of a single day by the followers of the Gavâm-Ayana, others, like the Tapaschits, celebrated twelve intercalary days at the close of every fourth year. This statement requires proof; and that proof is contained in the following passage of the Nidâna-Sutra, IV, 12 : अथातो गवामयनम्. तदेक एकेनाहाभिविवधते क्योतिष्टोमेन. भयके अतिरात्रचतुर्विधनवाहव्रतातिरात्र इति कृत्वा ज्योतिष्टोमेनैव संस्तृणतिः अयेक गोभायुषी दशरात्रमित्युपाहरति. एतं संवत्सरप्रबह इत्याचक्षते शंखाहतमिति च. Then as regards the Gavâm-Ayana : Some celebrate it in one day in the Jyotishtöma way; others spread it also in the Jyotishtôma way over twelve days, of which the first day is an Atiratra day with the recitation of 24 verses, followed by nine days, the day of Maha-Vrata, and a final Atiratra day; some others hold it for twelve days made up of a period of two days termed gô and dyus, and another period of ten days. This period of twelve days they call the growth of the year, and celebrate it by blowing a concbshell." From the Nidana-Sätra, X, 1, we have learnt that the periods of 12 and 21 days are two intercalary units. From the above passage we have learnt that the session of the Gavam-Ayana may be celebrated in one day, viz., the 12th day or the 21st day, or during all the twelve days. It appears that like the twenty-first day, which is, as we have already seen, the product of four quarter-days at the end of four solar years, the twelfth day is also the product of the same four quarter-days. That it is the product of four quarter-days, seems to be implied in the following passage of the Nidana-Sutra, IX, 6: भयात एकादशरात्रः एकादशरात्रांताभहीना द्वादशाहप्रभृतीन सत्राणि. किमेकं स्थानमंतरवामिति वैकादशIr a. Page #123 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ MAY, 1912.] THE VEDIC CALENDAR 119 " Then as regards the eleven nights : The Akini period does not extend beyond eleven nights. Sessional sacrifice is continued from the twelfth day and onwards. He observes the Ahina period only for eleven days, lest he might encroach upon one place one day) more." The above passage clearly shows that the difference of eleven full days between the lunar and the solar years constitutes the period of Ahina sacrifices, and that the twelfth day is an extra day, scrupulously excluded by the sacrificer from the Ahina period. By way of distinguishing between the two kinds of sacrifices, the Ahina sacrifices and the Sattra sacrifices, the author of the NidanaSätra says in IX., 9: अथायं द्वादशाहोऽहीनो भवती ३ सत्रमिति. महीनो भवतीत्याहुः एको दीक्षेति. अथाप्याहीनिकान्यErfara z a ... ... ... ... चयोऽहीना इति धानंजयः एकाहाहीनः महीनाहीनः सत्राहीन इति. अयं ज्योतिष्टोमोऽतिरात्रः पोडशिमानेकाहाहीनः अत्र हि न किंचनेकाहिकं कर्म हीयत इति. द्वादशाहोऽहीनाहीनः अत्र हि न किंचनाहीनिकमहींयत इति. गवामयनं सत्राहीनः अत्र हि न किंचन साबिकमहीयत इति. " Well then ! does the period of twelve days constitute the Ahina form of sacrifices, or the sessional form ? They say that it constitutes an Ahina period; and they declare that one person only. should undergo the rite of initiation into it. But others say that the period of ten days constitutes an Alina period . ....... Dhanamjapya says that there are three forms of Ahina sacrifices : (1) an Ahina sacrifice of one day ; (2) an Ahina sacrifice continued for several A hina days ; (8) Ahina sacrifices taking the form of sessional sacrifices. An Atir átra sacrifice with the recitation of sixteen verses, performed in the Jyotislıtôma way, is an Ahina sacrifice of one day; it is so called because none of the rites usually performed in a single day are neglected here. The twelve-days' sacrifice constitutes the Alina sacrifice of several days; it is so called because none of the days constituting the Ahina period is here lost. Gavên-Ayana forms the Ahina form of the Sessional sacrifices; it is so called because none of the sessional days is here lost (hina)."50 This apparently meaningless discussion about the distinction between the china and Sattra sacrifices ends in the lame conclusion that the word Ahina means the absence of the loss of a day or part of a day, and that it is applicable to all kinds of sessional sacrifices in which neither a day nor part of a day is omitted. It seems probable that the eleven full days, which form the difference between the lunar and the solar years, were originally calld Ahinas or not-incomplete' ones, for the reason that those eleven days are not as incomplete as the one-fourth part of a day at the end of every solar year. It is clear, therefore, that a series of the intercalary periods of twelve days, or a series of the twelfth Atiratra days, is taken to constitute a Sattra called Gavam-Ayana. Similarly, a series of the intercalary periods of twenty-one days, or a series of successive twenty-first days, is taken to constitute another form of the Gavam-Ayana. As the 12th and 21st days are the product of the four quarter-days at the close of any four consecutive solar years, the interval between any two successive twelfth days or twenty-first days must necessarily be four solar years. That a sacrificial session is made up of a series of such 12th or 21st days, is clearly stated in the Nidâ na-Sutra, III., 7: अहीनकाहसमासा ह्येव सत्राणि भवंति. "The assemblage of the single days closing the Ahina period constitutes sacrificial sessions." That a series of successive twelfth days are termed Atirâtras, is implied in the following passage of the Nidans-Sútra, ix., 10 : अथातस्सवाणि. तेषां बादशाहः प्रथमः तस्मिन्नुपकृतानि. तत्र उपधिस्थाते अंतरणातिरात्रौ च दशरावंच. यत्रैकेनाहार्थो भवति व्रतमाहरेदेतदेकार्थे वृष्टमिति. तस्य तदेव स्थानं यत्संवत्सरे. यहाथै गोआयुषीतयो to Soo slao "Gavam-Ayana : the Vedio Era," pp. 60, 61, Page #124 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 120 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MAY, 1912. स्तदेव स्थानं यत्संवत्सरे. व्यहार्थे त्रिकद्रुकान्. चतुरहाय व्रतचतुर्थान्. पंचाहार्थे अभिप्लवपंचाहं. षडहार्थेऽभिप्लवसंप्लवते. एतेन न्यायेन एष एकोत्तरकल्पः क्रमते, आ चत्वारिंशद्रात्रात्. उपचीयमानेष्व. हम्मु, रोहेणोपचयः प्रवर्तते. एतं रात्रिसत्रन्याय इत्याचक्षते. “Then the Sattras :- Among them the period of 12 days is the first unit of a session). In that period are observed all the functions of sessional sacrifices. There are two distinguishing features of it : between the two Alirltra days, one at the commencement and the other at the close, comes the period of ten days. When the purpose of the sessional sacrifice is served only by & one day's rite, the sacrificer should perform it in the form of the Mahavrala day, for it is seen to serve the purpose of a single day : that place which such a single day has in the body of the year is its true place. When he has to observe two days, he should celebrate such days as are known by the names gå and ayus ; the very place which the two days have in the body of the year is their true place. When he has to observe three days, he should celebrate the three days known as Trikadrukas (1 j yatis, 2 gô, 3 dyus). For four days, he has to observe four Mahd vrata days. For five days, he should observe the first five days of the six Abhiplava days. For six days, there come the six dbliplava days. In accordance with this principle, the period of sacrificial session progresses by the acidition of single days up to forty nights. When the namber of days is on the increase, the increased number of days is observed in the same ascending order. This they call the principle of sessional nights (ratri-8attra-nyaya)." It is highly necessary that we should take into full consideration all that has been stated in the above passage. We know that a sacrificer proceeding to perform a sessional sacrifice may hold it either for twelve days or on a single day. Now we are told that, when he wants to finish it in one day, he should treat the day as the Mahdorala day, which is the eleventh among the twelve days. By saying that the very place which it has in the body of the year is its true place, the author of the sûtra seems to imply that, when a single day is celebrated, it should be counted as the last bat one day of the year. Since this day is also one of the days which constitute Rátrisattra or an Atiratrasattra, 'a session of excessive nights,' it is also called Atirdtra like the twelfth day. For purposes of ritual convenience, the eleventh day seems to have been selected and termed the twelfth day. Next we are told of the ceremonial forms in which two days, three days, and so on, are to be celebrated. That these days, from two to forty and from forty and upwards, are not the days of the ordinary year, but are successive twelfth days treated as the eleventh or the last but one day of the cyclic year, is clear from the sessional name of Ratrisattra or Atirátrasattra, 'session of excessive nights', which those days go to form. Also from what the author of the Nidana-Sûtra says in another place, we can clearly understand that the days constituting the Ratrisatira are not the consecutive days of an ordinary year, but are such eleventh or twelfth days of the cyclic year as were once identical with new or fall-moon days. In discussing the various forms of sacrifices and recitations to be performed in the sacrificial session of 33 days, the author of the NidanaSûtra distinctly says that the days constituting a sacrificial session represent several fall or new-moons, and indicate the lapse of several years. In order to understand the meaning of the passage, it is necessary that we should know the different plans of arranging the 38 days with their technical names for sacrificial purposes. According to the Kțishņa-Yajurvēda, thọ period of 33 days is split up into an Adrátra day, followed by three groups of five days each and the central day followed by fifteen days. But the author of the Nidana-Sutra makes the Viśvajit day or the central day to occupy the 26th place in the series as shown in the adjoin ing tablo. On this central day, the priests have to recite all the six prishtha-støtras and Page #125 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ May, 1912.] THE VEDIC CALENDAR 121 all the ten stómas or collection of verses, such as nine verses, fifteen verses, seventeen verses, twenty-one verses, twenty-soven verses, thirty-three verses, twenty-four verses, thirty-six verses, forty-four verses, and forty-eight verses. We can now proceed to interpret the passage, which runs as follows: According to the Krishna-Yajurvéda. [J = jyótis ; G=gô ; Â= dyus.] 1, Atiratra day. G. 17. Visvajit day. G . 25 26 29-32, Chhandôma days. 33, Atiratra day. According to the Nida na-Satra. 1. Atiratra day. 13 18 : 19 27, Viárajit day. 30 33, Atirdtra day. Page #126 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 122 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MAY, 1912 अथता अंजनाभ्यंजनाः प्रजापतीसामुपकृताः सत्र सर्वस्तोममुपहारयति. एषोऽरूक्ष स्स्तोमतःसंस्थातः पृष्ठतःइति तत् यच्छविंशस्थानमेवमपर्वविलोप इति. उत्तमावभिप्लवावावृत्ती भवतो ३ अनावृत्ताविति? अनावृत्ताविति शोषिवाक्षन ह्यावृत्तिविझायते. अथाप्यमध्ये सर्वस्तीमो मध्यस्थानो विषुवानिति. भावृत्ताविति गौतमः प्रतिष्ठाकामस एतस्मिन् स्थाने कृतं करिष्यन्भवति इति. यद्वैतदनादिष्टावृत्तिरित. नाभिनवस्यावृत्तिः कचनादिश्यतेऽर्थ एवावर्तयतीति. बहा एतहमध्ये सर्वस्तीम इत्यपर्वविलोपायैतद्भवति. पश्यामश्चामध्ये विषुवंतं यथा पयादशरात्र संसस्थिति संवस्सरसम्मितासु. प्रायणीये चतुर्विशं प्रतिषिध्यन् तं विवृदेव कामित्याह निष्पन्नचादितस्यात् एतवपूर्व प्रायणायं चति. स्तोमधिकारमेके तस्यैवाधिकाराच्चतुर्विशं स्वेव कार्यमिति निष्ठा. तथाहि ब्राह्मणं ता एतास्संवत्सराप्तिमपाकृतास्तत्र यदेतान्यहानि एवं संवत्सरम्य वृकतमान्यहानि भविष्यंतात. तृतीयेऽभिप्लवे पोवृधीयसमंते कुर्थान्नकुयादिति. न कुर्यादित्याहुः पृष्ठयसन्निपातिके इमे भवतः न चह पृष्ठयो भवतीति. कुर्यादित्यपरं नानापर्वणोरिमे संतानार्थं भवतः नानापर्वणोरवैते अहगंण इचैकाहश्च. भूयसां चंव सांवत्सरिकाणां द्रव्याणामविपयोगी भवति. x,3. Then these rites of anointing the eyes and other members of the body are intended to secure Prajapati [ Father Time]. On this day the priest recites all the Stomas or systems of chants, for. this day must not be wanting in its Stomas, its basic forms of sacrifices, and its recitations called Prishthyas. This day occupies the 26th place [ leaving the Atiritra day out of count] in the session, and does not therefore fail to represent the day of full or new-moon (Parva). Are the last two of the three Abhiplaras [ of five days each in the first part of the session ) repeated, in the second part ?, or are they not repeated ? Sauchivrikshi says that they are not repeated, inasmuch as their repetition is nowhere prescribed, and the central day, which with its recitations usually occupies the middle place in sacrificial sessions ), does not take this central place in this session. But Gautama says that they are repeated. On this day of the session which is intended to secure a firm footing for the sacrificer, the priest will be engaged in performing what nas already been accomplished. As regards the statement that the repetition of the Abhiplara d'ays is not prescribed, it is true that it is nowhere prescribed, because their repetition is merely a mental work. As to the celebration of the day in a place other than the central place in the session, it is merely to reprosent by it the Parra-day [i. e., the new or full-moon day with which it was once identical). Also we have seen the celebration of the central day out. side the central place, as for example in the session of thirteen days, 6l corresponding to a number of years. Prohibiting the recitation of twenty five-verses, be bas on joined the recitation of nine Verses on the first day ; for it is prescribed for a known day and the first day is a new initial day. Others say that the chant of twenty-four verses is merely a variety, and that it may be recited on the first day as usual. Accordingly the Brahmana says that these nights are intended to secure the year, and that these days of the session are exactly such as once constituted the year. Should he recite the Sama-verses known as Ishor ridhiya and Samanta on the third Abhiplara days, or should le not? They say that he should not recite them, for they are recited at the junction of Abhi plava and Prishthya days (at the end of a month); and here in the session of thirty-three days, there are observed no Prishthya days. Others say that they are to be recited because they are intended to signify the continuous succession of various Parva-days, and because the succession of several (ahargana satiratra day ... - - " " - Six Priakthya days ... - - The central day with its reoitations Four Chandima days ... Ainal Atiiratra day... . - - .. . 13 days Krishna-Tajurreda, VII, 33, Page #127 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ MAY, 1912.) TAE VEDIC CALENDAR 123 means a total sum of days) or of a one single day and is intended to signify various Parva-days (that had already passed). Thus it is that the manifold functions of several years are inseparably brought into a connected whole." Again, after discussing the necessity of reciting or not reciting the Sâma-Verbos known as Yanva, Apatya, and Sakvaravaraa, on the Abhiplava days forming part of the session of thirtythree days; the author of the Nidana-Satra says: भयावेवं संप्राप्योऽयं भूयस्सांवत्सरिक द्रव्यमनुगृह्यत इति. X, 3. "Thas it (the year or era) is to be attained. The manifold functions of several years are thus brought into favourable consideration." Again, in connection with the session of sixty-one days, the Nidana.Sätra says: अथैतदेकषष्ठिराचं संवत्सरसम्मितास्थानमेव. सब नवाहमभितः पृष्ठ्यौ करोवि. एवं सर्व सांवसरिक 464991a Fies " Then the session of sixty-one nights symmetrically corresponds to or implies a series of years. In the arrangement of the days of this session, the period of nine days is followed and preceded by six Prishthya days. Thus all the functions of the years (era) are brought into consideration." From the statement that the 12 or 36 years of the Tapaschits cover so great a period of time that no man in his life-time can hold a sessional sacrifice during it, and from the statement that the 888sional days represent various full or new-moon days and thereby imply a series of years, we can clearly understand that the Gavâm- Ayana and other sacrificial sessions are all based upon different systems of intercalary days. We have already seen that the two important units of intercalary days are the periods of 11 days and of 21 days. Accordingly the Nidåna-Satra says that at the end of each year the sacrificer should celebrate eleven days, so that all the days of the year are thereby represented, and that this process should be repeatod again and again. The passage in which this idea is conveyed runs as follows : अथ केनासंस्तीर्णान्यभिविवधीते. भतिरात्रसत्रन्यायेनेत्याहुःयथा शतरात्रम्. भपिता दशरात्र व्रतं चांते निधाय यथा सांवत्सरिकाणामह्नां समवहारःसिभ्येत् तथा कल्प कल्पं कुर्वीत. X, 5. Then how are the sessional days treated whose ritualistio arrangement is not known? They say that they are to be arranged following the principle of excessive nights constituting a session. Or else by celebrating at the close of the year ton days together with a Mahâvrata day, he should perform the sacrifice, so that all the days of the year are thereby recalled This process he should repeat again and again," From this it is clear that the Vedic poets were celebrating 11 days at the end of each synodic lunar year of 354 days. From the Nida na Sútra, X,5, quoted above, we have learnt that there were others who were celebrating 5 days at the close of each Savana year of 360 days. Again, from the same passage we can understand that the periods of 12 and 21 days were taken as different units of intercalary periods. It follows, therefore, that there were four schools of astronomers during the Vedic times; a school who observed 11 days at the end of each synodic lunar year; a second school who celebrated 5 days at the end of each Savana year; a third school who observed 21 days, of course at the end of four consecutive Såvang years, and a fourth school who celebrated 12 days at the end of every fourth synodic Page #128 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 124 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MAY, 1912. lunar year. It is clear, therefore, that the statement made at the close of the TaittiriyaBrahmaņa, that 250 times 21 days denoted 1000 years for the Visvasșiks, is not a theoretical formala, but a result arrived at by regular counting made by successive generations of priests. Scholars may doubt the conclusion at which I have arrived in my Vedic Era, that the Vedic poets kept an era and counted 1840 years in it. But there is, at any rate, no reason to doubt that the Vedic poets had their own era and counted 1000 years in terms of 250 intercalary units of 21 days each. It remains to find out the terminus a quo of these 1,000 years and settle the chronology of the Vedie period. OUTLINES OF THE HISTORY OF ALAMKARA LITERATURE. BY P. V. KANE, M.A., LL.B.; BOMBAY. Section 1.-The Development of the Alam ka rasa stra. POETRY is as old as the human race. The oldest literary monuments possessed by mankind are poetical. Figures of speech are of rare occurrence in the most ancient writings; still even in the oldest of them, the simple figures of speech, such as simile and metaphor, are now and then met with. Without these two figures no language can far advance. As Carlyle has profoundly remarked, metaphor has exercised a vast influence in moulding the growth of languages. The simple figures of speech are met with even in the Vedic literature. This verse contains the figure Atisayokti. But between this rare and rather unconscious employment of figures of speech and their elaborate definitions and classifications in later days, a vast period of time must have supervened. When a large mass of poetical material had grown up, speculation was naturally turned in the direction of laying down the canons of poetry and defining the ornaments of it. We shall briefly indicate the existence of secular poetical material before the Christian era and in the centuries that immediately followed it. 13 he MaitrAyantya--Samhita, however, refers to the existence of two more astronomical schools of a different kind. The Samhita oalls them Rituyajis and Chaturmieyay Ajis. The passage in which they are referred to runs as follows: एकैकया वा आहुत्या बादश द्वादश रात्रीरयुवत. ता यावतीस्संख्याने तावतीस्संवत्सरस्थ रावयः, संवत्सर. मेव भ्रातण्याावते. वैश्वदेवेन चतुरो मासान युवत. वरुणप्रघासैः परांइचतुरः साकर्मधेः परांश्चनुरस्ताव भ्रात च्यायुवत. फतुयाजी वा अन्यश्चातुमास्ययाज्यन्यो यो वसंतोऽभूत्पावृडभूधरभूदिति यजते स मनुबाजी भय यस्त्रयोदशमासं संपात्यात त्रयोदशमासमभियजते स चातुर्मास्ययाजी. जून त्रीनिष्ट्वा चतुर्थमुत्सृजेत कज बी परा इष्टवा तृतीयमुत्सृजेत. ये वै त्रयस्संवत्सरास्तेषां षट्त्रिंशत्पूर्णमासा यो बी तयोश्चतुर्विशतिस्तोऽम पट्त्रिंशत्याध तानस्यां चतुर्विशत्यामुपसंपादयति एष वाव स त्रयोदशो मासस्तमे वैतत्संपादयति तमभियजते. Maitrayaniya-Sarhita 1, 10, 8. With each oblation, he suppresses twelvo and twelve nights. They (the oblations) are as many, when eounted, as there are nights in the year. He suppresses the yoar from the enemy. With Vaiévadeves sacrifice he suppresses four (interoalary months); with Varuņapraghasa the next four: and with Sakamedha the next fonr. These are what he suppresses from the onomy. He who saorifices for the seasons is & sacrificer of one kind, while he who sacrifices for & set of four months is sacrifloer of another kind. He who knows that what was the spring became the rains (which in tuto became) the autumn (and so on), and who accordingly Baaritood for them, this saorifloer is one who is called to be a suorifioer for the reasons. He who knins the thirteenth month and sacrificer for the thirteenth month is one who is said to be sacrifioer for the four months. Having Sacrificed during three ordinary (Rija) [months), he should omit the fourth. Thon having sacrificed during (the next) two ordinary (month), bo should omit the third. As to the three years there are, in them there are thirty-six full moons, as to the two, in them there are twnty-four. As to those days ) which except (an intercalary month) in the thirty-six full-moons, ho takes them to these latter twenty-four months. This is verily the thirteenth month, He gaine it and sacrifices for it. 1 Abhrateva purhsa eti Fraiicht gartarug-wa sanaye dhanandm Jayeva patya wfatt smas4 Ushd hasreva ni rinfts apsal 11. Rig. I. 124. 7. This verde containe four similes. Dvd stparna sayud sakhaya samanan urikshatis parishasvajate | Tayoranyah pippalarh svadvattyanafnann-anyo abhichakasiti Rig. I. 164. 20. This contains the Aguro Rapaka. Chatvari sringa trayo asya pada due firshe sapta hastaso asya | Tridh& baddho wrishabho roraviti Maho dovo marty and vives all Rig. IV. 58. 3. This verso contains the figure Atibayokti. Page #129 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ MAY, 1912.] OUTLINES OF THE HISTORY OF ALAMKARA LITERATURE. 125 Panini himself appears to have been a poet. We are told by Kelemendra in bis Surrittatilaku that Panini excelled in the Upajâti metre. Namisadhu, when commenting upon Rudrata's Kávydlankdra tells us that Pâqini composed a Mahakavya named Patalavijayo. He then quotes some words from that work, and gives a whol, verse from Panini.. The Sarngadhara-paidhali and the Subhashitarali both ascribe a number of verses to Panini. It is curious that many of the verses ascribed to Panini in the above two anthologies as well as the verse quoted by Namisidhu are in the Upajūti netre. Great caution is necessary in admitting the evidence of writers belonging to the 11th century A.D. with respect to Panini who flourished at least fifteen hundred years earlier. It is possible that the poet Påņini may be qnite distinct from the grammarian Pâțini. But as long as no positive proof of this is forthcoming, we may provisionally say that Panini, the gran marian, was also a poat, the more so because a number of critical writers like Kshemendra and Namisadhu refer to him as such. The Vârtikas of Katyayana furnish us with positive proof of the fact that the class of compositions known as Althyáyilás was much in vogue in his day or even earlier. Although the identity of Vararuchi and Kâtyâyana is not beyond the pale of discussion, still it is highly probable. Patanjali speaks of a Karya composed by Vararuchi. A number of verses are ascribed to Vararuchi in the Subhashitarali. So in the fourth century B.c. Sanskrit poems had been composed. In the time of Patanjali (i. e., 2nd century B.C.) poetical activity appears to have been very considerable. While commenting upon the Vârtika Lubakhudyildbhyo bahulam, Patañjali mentions by name three works belonging to the Akhyāyika class of composition, viz., Vasavadatta Sa manottara and Bhaimarathi.10 Patañjali seems also to refer to two poems dealing with the death of Kasa and the humiliation of Bali.11 Besides, the Mahabhashya contains a large number of quotations drawn from the works of poets and writers that were prior to him, some of which possess great beauty and historic interest. A few of the most interesting quotations are given below.)3 Sprihankyatva-charita Paniner-Upajatibhiḥ | Chamatkaraikasárábhir=Udyanasyeva jätibhiḥ il Suurilta. III. 30. • Tatha hi Paninch Parala vijaye Mahakavyo-sandhyâradhari grikya karena ityatra grihyeli ktvo lyabadesal on Rudrata II. 8. Tathd tary=aiva kateh-Gate & ndhardtre parimandumandara garjanti vat provrishi kalameghal apaśyat vatsam=ivo endu-bimbar tach-chharvarl gaur siva hurskaroti Il on Rudrata II. 8. See Prof. Peterson's Introduction to Subhashitavali, pp. 54-58. The verge 'Upodharagena vilolatárakam,' etc., occurs in the Dhranyalokci, P. 85, and the verse Aindran dhanu pandupayodharena' occurs in the Kavyalari kara-sutra of Vamana IV.3.27 (under Akshepa). As the poet Panini in the two vornos quoted by Namisidha on Rudrata II. 8. URON ungrammatioal forms ( at and Ta), it is almost certain that he cannot be the grammarian Panini-DR. B. + Vide the Vartika Lubakkydyikabhyo bahulam 'on Papini IV. 3.87. The Brihatkathamañjarf identifies the two:- Tasyahan Vasudattayam jata! Srutadharūbhidhah | Katyayano Vararuchis.ch-ety-anvartha-kritahrayah' || 1. 2-15. Tat tena kritam na cha tena proklam Vararucham kavyan' | Mahabhdahya II. p. 315 (Kielhorn). 1. Adhikritya krite granthe ity-atra akhayikabhyo bahulan lub vaktavyal Vasavadar ta Sumanottard | Na cha bhavati | Bhaimarath' | M. B., Vol. II, p. 313. 11 Karavadham-achashto Karsari ghatayati Balibandham-achashte Balish bandhayati, 1 M. B., Vol. II. p. 34. 12 Asi-drilyo Susasdra Pandavam and Sankarshana-dvitiyasya balah Krishnasya vardhatam Vol. I, p. 426 ; Jaghana karheanh kila Vasudeval | Vol. II. p. 119; Janardanastvatma-chaturtha era | Vol. III. p. 149.; Priyor mlayarak pratinarnrititi and Yaduat-tuan naravara narnsilishi brishtal I Vol. III. 838 ; Atmanıbharii-charali Witham-asevamanah I Vol. II. p. 102: Dubhukahitaris na pratibhati kiruchit Vol. I. p. 444; vanantad-oda kantat priyals punthan - anwurajet | Vol. I. p. 340; Kalah pachati bhutani kalah sath harati prajah 1 Vol. II, p. 167 ; Koheme Pubhikshe keritashchayani purani rojnam visayanti kopam | Vol. II, p. 438 ; eti jfvantam-Anando nararh varaha-Salad api | Vol. I, p. 277 ; Varatanu sampravadanti kukkuţ& I Vol. I, p 283. Of these 'eti,' eto, ooours in Ramayana Yulha-kinda (123.2.) where it is referred to as a popular verse (laukiki gátha). The last quotation is ascribed to Kendradasa, who might have beon prompted by the same desire that produced the Parsyabhyudaya. Page #130 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 126 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MAY, 1912. Next to Patasjali we may mention the Ramayana and the Mahdthdrata. Although the greatest divergence of opinion prevails as to the dates of these two epics, we shall not be far wrong if we say that the two epics date in their extant form from at least the beginning of the Christian era. Both of them contain liere and there highly poetical passages. Many verses are quoted from the Mahabharata by writers cn poetics, such as Anandavardhana. The Ramayana specially abounds in elaborate descriptions and long-drawn metaphors. In this connection, the bigbly poetical description of the sca13 in Yuddha-kunda (IV, 110 ff.), the imaginative description of the sky in Sundara-kânda (LVII, 1-4 ) and the elaborate Ripaka in Ayodhya-kardı (LIX, 288.) may be noted. The muse of such masters of classical Sanskrit as Kalidasa and Bhavabhûti drew her ins. piration from the two epics. It is not an empty boast that the Mahabharata makes when it says that the imagination of the poets is fired by this best of Itihasa' or that the best of poets depend upon this story.'14 We find the Dasarúpa advising the authors of dramas to borrow their plots from the Ramayana, the Brihat-katha and other works.16 Recent epigraphical researches have shown that in the first centuries of the Christian era, Indi: produced highly elaborated Sanskrit prose as well as poetry. One of the inscriptions from Girnar belonging to the 2nd century A.D., contains a piece of prose, which not only exhibits very long compounds, but also Anuprasa and various kinds of Upama and Rápaka. In that inscription Mahakshatrapa Rudradáman is praised as one who forcibly destroyed all warriors who did not submit to bim through pride caused by the fact that they were styled' heroes' in the presence of all Kshatriyas "16 and as one who obtained much fame by his mastery of the sciences of Grammar Mimasa, Music and Logic.'17 In the same inscription a reference is made to prose and poetry which were full of figures of speech, which looked fine on account of containing poetic convention and that were clear, to the point, pleasing, striking and charming. '18 An inscription belonging to the 4th century A. D. contains a prose which rivals the style of Banal and in which king Samudragupta is praised as one" to whom the title . Kaviraja' was applied on account of the composition of many karyas that were the source of inspiration to learned men.'20 In the same inscription Samudragupta's fame is compared to the white waters of the Ganges running quickly when freed from confinement in the matted hair of Siva 21 From the foregoing statement it will be clear that in the centuries preceding and immediately following the Christian era a vast mass of poetical material had been accumulated in Sanskrit for the cultivation of the science of poetics. We shall presently see that the elaboration of the canons of poetry and the figures of speech commenced with the beginning of the Christian era or even earlier. The composition of new poems and the evolution of rules of poetry henceforward proceeded hand in hand. 13 Hasantam.iva phenanghair=nrityantammiva chormibhil l'eti.' . Itinasottamadcasm aj jayante kavibuddhayal ' Adi I'. II, 385; Idath kavi varaik sartaire Akhyanam nepajfuyate l' Ibid., II. 389. 16 Ity dycaseshame tha rastu-vibheda.jatan Ramayanadi cha tibhavya Prihatkathas challsdtrayet tad-ann neti-raadrugwayati chitratha kathaheuchita-chdru-vachal-praparichail || 1,61. 16 Sarvakshatravish krita-vira-sabdajatotekavidheyandih Yadheyanam Prasahyotaadakena'-Ep. Ind., Vol viii, p. 44 11 Sabdirtha-Gandharvua-Nyay-adyanath vidyandih mah atfedil paranadharana-vijnana prayogawa pla-vipula kerting-1. 13. Spheta-laghw-madhura-chitra-kanta-babdasamayodar-Alashkrita.gadya padya..... (the rest is destroyed) - 1. 14. 1 Kripana-din-anth-atura-janoddharana-sama)ntra-diksh-ady-u pagata-nanasal semiddhasya tigraharatolokAnugrahasya Dhanada-Varunya-Indra-Antaka-samatya sya-bh uja-bala-vijita-Aneka-nara pali-vilhara-pratyarpparemilya-vyaprit-ayukta perushasya-Dr, Fleet's Gupta Inscr., p. 8, 1. 26. 2. Vidvoj-janopqjluy-Aneks-kauya-kriydbhil pratishthita-kaviraja-sabdasya, 1. 27. 1 (Yalah 1 ) PunGli bhuvana-trayal Pasupater.jjat-Antar-gu -niridha-parimokaha- ghram-iva pandu Gai gash payal, ll l. 31. Page #131 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ SLAY, 1912.) OUTLINES OF THE HISTORY OF ALAMKARA LITERATURE 127 The earliest extant definition of any figure of speech is perhaps that of Upama (simile) contained in the Nirukta of Y&ska.22 This definition of Upamd is as good as that of Mammota's, els, Sadharmyam= Upramá bhede. It is a general rule that the Upamana (standard of comparison) should be more well-known and possess more qualities than the Upameya (object of comparison) at it is a blemish if the Upamana is much inferior to the Upameya. Yâska refers to the general mle in the footnote in the words' jydyasd, etc. and points out that in the Vedas the Upamána is often much inferior to the Upameya. He instances Rig:eda X. 4. C, in which the Asvins are compared to thieves.23 . Pâņini often refers to Upamana, Upameya and Sámdnya (common property or ground of comparison).24 In the Vedanta-sálras of Bâdarayana we find that Upamá and Rápaka (metaphor) are mentioned by name 25 In the Natya-Sastra of Bharata we are told that there are only four ornaments of poetry, riz., Cpamd, Rapaka, Dipakai and Yamaka. We shall see later on when we come to the chronology of lahkára writers that Bbarata's work cannot, at all events, be placed later than 200 A.D. The Buddha-charita of Asvaghosha appears to bave been written at a time when some theory of poeties must have been already in existence. Each canto has at the end of it. verse or verses in a metre other than the prevailing one. The autbor everywhere makes frontic efforts at a jingle of words ; gives us such examples of alliteration as Hari-turaga-turangavat=turangah (V. 87.); and is very fond of the figure Yathasarikhya.27 The Buddha-charita must have been written not later than the 5th century of the Christian era, as it was translated into Chinese in the 5th century A.D. and into Tibetan in the 7th or 8th century (Preface, p. v). Subandhu in his Vasavadattá has a number of allusions to an art of Poetry and to the figures of speech. Ho boasts of his skill in employing a Slesha (pun, paronomasia) in each letter.28 He speaks of the soul of poetry; of the composition of an excellent poet in which the expletives tu and hi do not occur and which is divided into sections called 'Uchchhrlisas' and skilfully employs slesha (pun) and the metre called Vaktra;29 and of the figures Srinkhala-bandha (of words), Ut preksha and Akshepa.s0 Subandhu is not later than the 6th century AD., as be (p. 331) is quoted by Vamana in his Kavyalarikára-sútra-rritti (I. 3. 25) with very slight variations and is referred to by Baņa in the introduction to his Harshacharita. So, long before the 6th century A.D., such figures as Ślesha, Akshepa, Utpreksha, Srinkhalábandha had been named and defined. In the days of Bana rhetoric appears to have made great strides. In the Kadambari he speaks of such puzzles as the Aksharachyutaka, Mátráchyutaka, Bindumalf, and Praheliku. Bana knows the difference between Katha and Akhyáyika. He speaks of writers of Akhydyikas, which were dir led into Uchchhrásas and contained Vaktra metres here and there.31 He speaks of a number 22 Ath-dlac Upamd yadeatat tat-sadisisamciti Gargyasetadesast karma jyQyaad rd gunena prakhyatatawent ud kanfyluash va prakhyatash va upamimfte,athapi kanly as jy@yahusam | Nirukia III. 13 Tandtyvjera faskar tanarga rasanbhir databhir abhyadh tam . Mark the following sdtras of Pipini:- Upamandni Samanya-vochanail (11. 1.55): Upamitan syaghra. libhiks&in any & prayoge (11, 1.56). 25 Ånum nikamcapy-ekeshan Sarirarapata-tinyasta-grihitere dardayati cha || (I. 4.1); Atawa chuopama Suryakailivat (III. 2.18.). * Upama dfpakan chesiva ripaka yamakar tatha | Kavyasyaite hyealarlı karafeachatvaral parikirlitan Natya-fatra (16.41). For example, V. 42; IX. 16. *Pratyakshara-slesha maya-prabandha-viny.sa-vaidagdhyanidhi canibandham gruthanepi kavyajivajona (p. 129, Vani-vilasa Sanskrit series), sat-kavi-kavya bandha i navabaddha. trehi nipata! (p. 158); Dinghochchhv asa-rachan-akulash suflesha vaktra.ghatand.patu sat-kavya-virachanameita (p. 938). 10 Brinkhalabandho varnagrathanasu Utpreksl-Åkshepau Karyalarhkaréshu (p. 146). A1 Uchchh vdeintes pyesklinna yo vaktre yeshan Sarasvat 1 Katham-Åkhyayika ard na te vandyal kaviéra ra! ll :-Harshacharita. Page #132 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY of figures of speech such as Upamá, Dipaka, Ślesha, Jati (or Svabhávokti), Utpreksha, etc. We know that Bana lived in the first half of the 7th century A.D. 128 The Bhaṭṭikavya devotes four sargas (10-13) to the illustration of topics that rightly belong to the art of poetry. The author gives examples of two Alankaras of word, viz., Anuprása and Yamaka and of thirty-six Alamkaras of Sense. He must have had before him some work defining the figures of speech. He tells us that he lived under king Dharasena of Valabhi. We know four Valabhi kings who bore the name Dharasena. Therefore Bhatti must have flourished at some time between about 500 and 650 A.D., the dates of the first and the fourth Dharasenas. In this section we have tried to prove that the simple figures of speech, such as Upama and Rupaka, were named and defined long before the Christian era and that the centuries immediately following that era witnessed the evolution of a number of figures of speech. From the 7th century onwards we have a host of writers on the Alankara-Sastra, whose dates can be obtained with great exactness. (To be continued.) MISCELLANEA. INDIAN AND CEYLONESE BRONZES. The six fine bronzes from the Tinnevelly District, Madras, exhibited in the Indian Court at the Festival of Empire, 1911 (case 69, Nos. 438443) by Lord Ampthill throw light on the origin of the remarkable set of similar images found in 1907 and 1908 by the Archæological Survey, Ceylon, in a trench outside the Siva Dewâlê at Polonnaruwa. Those images evidently belonged to the Saiva temple, which is absurdly known as the Dalada Maligawa, or 'Shrine of the Tooth Relic,' and had been hidden in the ground outside on the occasion of some revolution (Hist. of Fine Art in India and Ceylon, p. 51, note 2). They have been fully described by the Honourable Mr. P. Arunachalam in Spolia Zeylanica, Sept. 1909, and selections from the find have been published by Dr. Coomaraswamy and the writer of this note. They are heavy, massive castings, the largest being three feet high, and the best are of high artistic quality. Lord Ampthill's set is exactly similar to the Ceylonese images and, like the Polonnaruwa find, includes a spirited Dancing Siva (Nataraja) and figures of Tamil saints. BOOK-NOTICE. TA-TANG-HSI YU-CHI. Original text, with preface and variants collected from ancient manuscripts and modern texts. two Vols. in Japanese and Chinese characters. College of Literature, Imperial Univer sity, Kyoto, Japan. [MAY, 1912. Two small, but very well printed and nicely bound volumes contain the original ancient text of the Ta-Tang-Hsi-yu-chi or in Japanese, the Ta-To-Sai-iki-ki, being the first publication of the Faculty of Letters in the Imperial University of Kyoto. The work is in two parts, the first containing the text with a preface in Japanese, and the other all the variants, which the Editors have When the Ceylonese bronzes were discovered the question naturally arose whether they had been executed in the island or on the mainland. Dr. A. Willey, F. R. S., sometime Director of the Colombo Museum, declared that they are Polonnaruwa bronzes for better or for worse, and certainly not imported from India, but unfortunately did not assign reasons for his strongly expressed opinion. On the other hand, Mr. H. C. P. Bell, the experienced Archæological Commissioner of Ceylon, is convinced that the Polonnaruwa bronzes came from India. The discovery of Lord Ampthill's set in the Tinnevelly District strongly confirms Mr. Bell's view, and it may well be that the Polonnaruwa castings were produced in that district. The Saiva religion is a Tamil importation into Ceylon,. and it is antecedently more probable that costly and artistic Saiva images should have been made on the mainland rather than in the Buddhist island. V. A. S. been able to find from the collation of the oldest MSS., which exist in the ancient monasteries of Japan, with text already published upto-date in China, Corea, and Japan. The second volume contains identification of personal and place names by Beal, Julien and Watters. The object of the work is to preserve this ancient text. We congratulate the University on the fruit of our labour." appearance of what the Editors call "this modest R. C. TEMPLE. 32 Haranti kai mojjvala. Dipak-Opamair-navaiḥ padarthair-upapaditaḥ kathah | Nirantara Slesha-ghna sujatayo mahasrajas-champaka-pushpakairaiva II :-Kadambar. 3 Three of Lord Ampthill's bronzes have been reproduced by the Indian Society in Eleven Plates represent ing works of Indian Sculpture, chiefly in English collections (Griggs and Sons, for 1911). Page #133 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ June, 1912.] THE CASTES IN INDIA 129 THE CASTES IN INDIA. BY E. SENART OF THE INSTITUT DE FRANCE. (Translated in part from the French) BY REV. A. HEGGLIN, S. J.; BOMBAY (Continued from p. 114.) V.-Genesis of the Indian Caste. We are approaching the knotty point of this research. The similarities which I have recorded bare ben, for the most part, already recognized and noted. They are only examples-indications. Their number could be easily enlarged. The essential thing is to weigh their signification. Every evidence is leading us back to the old family constitution; the true name of caste is Ali which means 'race'. However, we must state the matter more exactly. The family was not the only social organism, at the time when the Aryans of India went apart to follow their own testinies. It was comprised in larger corporations : the clan, the tribe. Their existence is certain, though the facts, variable and vague, are not easily brought under strict definitions. Discussions have been going on, and this rather in a confused way, on the reciprocal relation of the different groups, on the order in which they have been formed. One thing at least is clear. These concentrical ciroles which include an area ever widening are conceived in the Aryan world nfter one and the same type. Thus it could be held tbat the clan and the tribe, whatever their names be in the different countries, are only the enlargement of the family; they copy its organication while extending it. 54 Their genealogy, in reality, concerns us little. The fact is, that their respective constitution is strictly analogons. In speaking of the family constitution I bare le constitution of the tribe and of the clan equally in view. . . The terms, here in use, agree very well; gens, curia, tribus, in Rome ; family, phratria, phyle, in Greece ; family, gotra, caste, in India. It is the more instructive, because, in the origin, if we judge it by all analogies, the most essential difference between clan and tribe, as between section and caste, amounts to this, that the group which is more restricted, is exogamic ; the group which is Burger, endogamic. The political organization, at the pretty late time in which the classical coun ries are well known to ne, has only sbaken, or displaced certain customs; and for instance, in the case of the endogamic law, replaced the one tribe by the whole of the city. What is surprising is to ind that the directing principles, on both sides, have survived, in so visible traces, the separationwhich, therefore, must be very old-of the ethnical branches in which we follow severally their destinies. If the caste covers exactly the whole domain of the old gentile right, this can be neither a foritous agreement nor a modern resurrection. Still less is it due to chance that its practices have act relations with the primitive notions and continue their spirit. The whole is completo, well unected, closely soldered with the past and that in a matter which supremely rules life and the nost private concerns. It, therefore, is an organic institution which draws its sap from very deep 9. urces. The guilds of the middle ages remind us, by more than one custom, of the known traits of ancient organization. Who would dare to assert that they are their direct heirs ? Customs, which der the sway of new ideas and a complete moral revolution, could only have survived by losing in the public consciousness, their signification and their proper life, may have found their way into them again through more or less obscure windings; I am willing to admit that the patronage of a saint is the reflection of the eponymism of the antique heroes, that the repast which, oa certain 04 Hours, p. 138 s. ; Loist Alter. jus civ, p. 46; 84-8. Page #134 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 130. THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JUNE, 1912 feast-days, united their members, may be a remembrance of the family repast; but with all that there exists apparently no continued transmission from one type to the other, no immediate filiation. Nothing in the guilds corresponds to the solid cohesion of a family corporation. They are not only open to every new-comer, if he but falfils the requisite condition, they impose no fetter upon the civil and private life of their members. The resemblances are, in some way, accidental aud fragmentary. It is likely that the repasts at which, in our country districts, even nowadays, the relatives and friends of the departed person meet after a burial, are not without connexion with the funeral repasts of antiquity. What does it matter, if in this long way, the custom bas lost its original meaning ? Of quite another order is the relationship wbich connects the caste with the ancient system of the family community. There is froin the one to the other a real continuity, a direct transmission of life. Does this mean that India has simply preserved a primitive type of the Aryan constitution. Sach, assuredly, is not my thought. The premises being the game, if caste could spring from them in India, there sprang up quite a different regime in the classical countries. But caste has remained thoroughly impregnated with notions which fasten it to the Aryan background. How could they fail to expand into an original institution, under the unique conditions in which they happened to be transplanted on the soil of India ? Their physiognomy has been so much altered, as to render the more primitive types at first unrecognizable in the caste; it is, nevertheless, their legitimate heir. But we have done nothing, as long as we have not laid hold of the mechanism which brought about this transformation. The Vedic hymns are too little explicit on the details of exterior and social life. But, at least, we notice in them, that the Argan population was divided in a number of tribes or peoples (janas), subdivided into clans united by ties of relationship (vigus), which again were broken up into families, The terminology of the Rig Vela is, in this regard, pretty vague; the general fact is clear.55 Sajáta, i.e., relative, or companion of játi,' of race, appears in the Atharva-Veda to designate the companions of clan (vic). Jana, which assumes a wider signification, reminds us of the Avestie equivalent of clan, the Zantu and of the jati, or the caste. A series of terms, zrú, vrijana, trája, vráta, seem to be synonyins or sub-divisions, it may be, of the clan, or of the people. The Aryan po. pulation, therefore, lived at the time to which the hymns belong, under an organization which was ruled by the traditions of the tribe and of lower or siunilar groupings. Even the variety of the nanies indicates that this organization was rather floating ; hence it was the more pliable to adapt itself to the definite forms into which the circumstauces in India chanced to model then. It is easy to discern several of the factors, which have contributed, each on its part, to push it into the road on which it has been developed. The life of the invaders necessarily remained, in the course of their slow conquest, if not noualic, at least very unstable. There are tribes, the wanderings of which we can follow. This mobility was very unfavourable to the organization of a political rule, but very favourable for the maintenance of old institutions. The hazards of local strife, moreover, could not fail to re-act on the condition of the hordes. In many cases they were dielocated. Whilst guarding the tradition of inherited customs, the fragments were reconstituted under the action of new necessities and of new interests, topographical, or others. The exclusive rigidity of the genealogical bond had thus to suffer some harm. The door was half opened to variable principles of grouping. 60 Cf. Zimmer, Altind, Leben, p. 158 s. Page #135 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ JUNE, 1912.) THE CASTES IN INDIA 131 The population in the East has rarely that degree of fixity to which we have been accustomed by the experience of the West. In this matter the absence of a strongly established state is in succession cause and effect. India has preserved, down to our days, something of this mobility. At all times, towns have been an exception there. It is natural that we scarcely get traces of them in an ancient period. Even later the large capitals which were founded in India, had no strong roots; they have often lived an ephemeral existence. The village, the grame, from the Vedic hymns down to this time, has been almost the only framework of Hindu life. As it appears in the hymns, it is rather pastoral, than agricultural. Synonyms, as vrijana, which cannot be separated from vraja,' pasturage,' conjure up the same images. And likewise gotra. The word is not used in the Rig Vedr, except in its etymological sense of stable'. If yet we find it afterwards regularly denoting the eponym clan, this use is, withont doubt, ancient. The Rig Veda makes no allusion to it; this simply proves once more what, perilous illusion it is to draw positive conclusions from the silence of the hymns. This application of the word, however, is only justified by an intermediate stage. Very near to rrijana by its primitive meaning, it must have passed through an analogons evolution ; it, too. must have been a synonym, at least an approximate one, of grama or village. The Hindu village has an altogether autonomous life. In several countries, it is actually a corporation, and its territory common property : an organization which has given rise to frequent parallels with the village communities of the Slays. Some have been led to look upon the village as the equivalent of the primitive clan; under a more fixed form it would have perpetuated the community of blood, the community of goods and jurisdiction. I do not decide, whether the village communities are of ancient origin everywhere in India, whether they have not in many cases and under the sway of special conditions accidentally reconstructed a primitive social type. They, at lenst, are witness to a powerful tradition of corporative life. Similarly, there reigns over a vast region, the system of those family communities (joint family), where several generations remain gronped without division and under a patriarchal authority. The Indian mind is stubbornly conservative of old institations. This is not all. I have spoken of those Russian villages, where the community of property and the living together on the same soil have had as their result the professional community. The same fact has happened in India, too. This cannot be doubted, when we think of the numerous villages of potmakers, of leather-dressers, of smiths, to which literature, especially Buddhist literature, makes so frequent allusions. The community of profession could the better propagate in this way, if a bond of consanguinity originally united the members of the village. Now Brahmin villages are always mentioned. Parentage, thertfore, influenced the groupings, at least often; for, certainly for the Brahmins, parentage was the essential tie, not identity of profession; they lived far less on their ritual functions, than on agricultural and, especially, pastoral industry. This does not stand in the way that their example should nevertheless, through a superficial analogy, favour round them the community of profession in less noble and less respected groups. The mass of Aryan immigrants, therefore, settled in closed villages, ruled more or less. by A notion of real or supposed parentage, in any case forming a corporation in which the clan survived in a modified frame. The more general this organization was, the more, also, was it sure to countenance an equivalent constitution for the bodies of the tradesmen themselves. Little numerous and little specialised in the pastoral life, these were called to a necessary growth by the economical development and the advance of culture. The representatives of the mechanie professions, necessarily scattered amongst the people who claimed their services, could not, in the midst of a universally corporative organization, be assured of a tolerable existence, unless adapting themselves to the common type. Page #136 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 132 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JUNE, 1912. It is here that the religious ideas intervene. Scruples of purity did not allow the inhabitants of the Aryar villages to parede certain professions nor even to receive, in their communion, compatriots who were pursuing them. Amongst these excluded, the same nieeties, establishing a scale of impurity between different trades, were tending to multiply the partitions. The religious sentiment made them the more insuperable, the more carefully it was fostered. The Brahminic theocracy provided this with an energy and & perseverance that are unique. In admitting that the priestly class, at first, has not established the absolute formulas of its dominion without some protest, it certainly has early laid their foundation. From the highest periods of literature its pretensions are set forth in exalted terios. The hierarchy of the classes could not create all-anew the regime of the castes, - this is derived from a more spontaneous division and corresponds to a partition into much smaller groups-it could belp it on. It had given the example and spread the custoun of a division, which, if larger, was in certain respeets, scarcely less rigid. It had, especially, two indirect consequences : by the domination which it granted to the Brahmins, it preserved for religious scraples & rigidity which re-echoed in the severity of the caste rules; it served as a basis to that hierarchy which has become an integral part of the system and facilitated its establishment by lending singular strength to the notions of pority wbich, on the whole, state the degrees of social rank. If the triumphant theocracy fixed the regime of the caste in its systematic form, the caste borrowed its cause of existence and the mechanism of its genesis directly from the very elements in which this theocracy itself originated. Thus the scale of eastes, determined, or at least inspired by the Brahmins and maintained by them, could take the place of the more ancient state; the less preciso organization of the classes was absorbed into the new regime. In classical antiquity the slow fusion of the classes is, at the same time, the stimulant and the result of the civil and political idea which is springing up. In India the theocratic power puts * stop to any such evolution. India has risen neither to the idea of the state, nor to the idea of the fatherland. Instead of extending, the frame is contracting. In the republics of antiquity the notion of classes has a tendency to melt into the wider idea of the city; in India it asserts and tends to confine itself in the narrow partitions of the caste. Let us not forget that the Aryan immigrants were spreading in India over an immense area; groupings too widely scattered were doomed to crumble. From this circumstance the particularistic inclinations were drawing an increase of strength. I cannot persuade myself that the caste has sprang from the antoohthonous tribe. Its regmes has been too keenly patronised by the Brahmins ; they raised it to the height of a dogma. To all its constituent elements the other Aryan branches offer striking analogies, some of them all the more decisive, as the similarity is not so prominent in the outward aspect as in the affinity of leading ideas. When aboriginal tribes enter the Brahminical frame, and however apt their rather unsettled organization might make them to fit new exigencies, we see how they are forced in the passage, to submit to many a touching-up. For a long time they keep their mark of origin. One may discern persevering in the more than one element of foreign origin, which is a little jurring on the whole, for instance, the clans with a totem. How can we believe that the Brahmins should have borrowed from the vanquished population for whom they never ceased to manifest the most humiliating contempt, the complicated rules of purity in the name of which they show themselves so particular both as to food and as to personal interconrse ? That they should have so willingly appropriated a social organization not spontaneously sprung from traditions of their own ? It, sometimes, has been too easily granted that the natives were by themselves in posses sion of this whole system. They could, by origin, possess certain of its features; still it is 04 Nesfield, 41B9. Page #137 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ JUNE, 1912.] THE CASTES IN INDIA 133 necessary not to forget, that we are here exposed to more than one misunderstanding. The imitation of the Brahminical rules has filtered through even into populations which have, otherwise, remained very barbarous. They show a very strong inclination towards adopting them. Whilst keeping the least orthodox customs, they endeavour to obtain a clergy of Brahmins, which is very much despised for the help it gives them, and very disdainful itself towards its sheep, but the patronage of which they hold in high esteem, in spite of all.55 The Brahminical marriage rite has been implanted even in tribes, which do not call Brahmins to their ceremonies,56 So very low a caste, as the Ramushis, in which the exogamic limit is marked by the totem, has, nevertheless, borrowed from the Brahmins not only its genealogical legend, but also the prohibition of the marriage of widows. To ascribe to the aborigines the fathership of such restrictions is to upset the terms. In the primitive stages organization and custom look ensily alike from one race to the other; the social mechanism is too rudimentary to be much diversified. We have carefully to be on our guard, lest we take late borrowings for an inherited good. Everything, however, induces us to anticipate that the vicinity, the intermixture of the aborigines bas not been without some influence upon the establishment of the caste, an indirect inflaence it may be, but a strong one. The collision of the Aryans with populations which they despised for their colour and their barbarity, could not but enhance in them the pride of race, strengthen their innate scruples with regard to degrading contacts, double the rigour of the endogamic laws, in a word, favour all the usages and all the inclinations which led to the caste. Among these I want to inclcde that spirit of exclusiveness and hierarchy which crowns the system, and which properly transfers it from the family ground into the social and semi-political domain. Too numerons to be entirely turned into slaves, the ancient masters of the soil had to submit to the ascendancy of the more gifted conquerors; but even there, where they completely lost their independence, they preserved, in the main, their native organization. Enveloped in a sort of transformation, rather than reduced by a centralized power, they certainly contributed to maintain, in the whole of the country, this so peculiar character of instability and fluctuation. The tribes continued jostling each other, as so many half-autonomous little nationalities. The aboriginal population, thus opposed to the formation of an organised political regime, an enormous obstacle which has never been surmounted; by its examples it served the cause of archaic institutions ; in every way it thus favoured the upkeeping of the social condition under which the conqueror had first pushed on his expansion. Later on, the mixture of the two races could not but act in the same direction; it lent the strength of habits and of hereditary instincts to these precedents. Did not the old frame become stronger in proportion as the doors of Hinduism opened by and by to a greater number of new-comers ? Although modified into a system of castes under the impulse of special conditions, which I am endeavoaring to set forth, the tribal organism remains in their respective state of culture, a rather natural meeting point for both the conquerors and the conquered. Nowhere in antiquity have the Aryans shown much taste for the manual professions. The Greeks and the Romans left them to the slaves, or to intermediate classes, freed men and simple domiciled, Settled in villages, that first followed entirely pastoral pursuits, the Aryans were in India still less induced, than elsewhere, to take to manual professions. These had, in general, to remain, the allotment, either of the aborigines or of populations, which their hybrid, or suspected origin, relegated to the same level. 55 Ibbotson, PP. 153-4. # Ibbetson, 298. Poona Gazetteer, I. PP. 410, 423. Page #138 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 13+ THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JUNE, 1912. In becoming trades-people, both brought with them their traditions and the desire of assimilating themselves to the analogous organization of the superior race. The fear of defilement closed a number of professions to the Aryans; this fear was penetrating and became generalized in this inferior population under the religious influence of the immigrants and their priests. It could not fail to multiply amongst them small divisions, scaled after the degree of reputed impurity ascribed to their occupations; this is the very thing which happens still now before our eyes. Thus the aborigines, too numerous to fall individually, at least as a general rule, into the condition of domestic slaves, and confined by the circumstances to the manual professions, were led, both by their own tradition and by the ideas which they received from the Argan influence, to unite in new groupings of which profession appeared to be the bond. This movement accentuated and completed the parallel movement, which, under different conditions, though under the sway of several common ideas, must, as we have seen, have arisen amongst the Aryans themselves. On neither side was community of profession, the principle of aggregation; we see how it could assume this appearance not only for us, but little by little, even in the eyes of the Hindus. It is useless to add that, when come to this point in the age of secondary formations, when the wear and tear of evolution obliterates the oldest ideas and the first motive powers, or is dulling their consciousness, a deceitful analogy could really develop it into an antonomous factor of grouping. But that was only the last terminus of a long course ; it had sprung from quite different sources. Outside the natural action of exterior social or historical elements, we must take into account moral agents, primitive inclinations, and essential beliefs. Unhappily, springs ei so subtle a nature and of a continuous, but not well determined influence, cannot be easily set forth. I have touched some of them by the way. The Hinda mind is very religious and very speculative; an obstinate guardian of traditions, it is singularly insensible to the joys of action and to the solicitations of material progress. It offered a ground predestined for a social organization, made of very archaic elements, which would pay obedience to an overpowerful priestly authority, and which consecrated immutability as a duty and the established hierarchy as a natural law. This regime especially fits in a striking way with the most popular, perhaps, the most characteristic, and certainly the most permanent, of the dogmas, that rule the religious life of India, with transmigration. The immobility of the frames, within which caste con fines liie, justifies and explains itself by a doctrine, which is founding the terrestrial condition of each one upon the balance of his anterior actions, good and bad. The desting of each man is fixed by the past ; it must, in the present, be determined and immovable. The scale of social ranks faithfully corresponds to the infinite scale of moral merits and moral deficiency. All, or almost all sects, sprung from Hinduism, have accepted metem psychosis as a certitude that admits of no discussion; all, or almost all have accepted caste without revolt. Buddhism makes, from the standpoint of religious profession, no difference between the castes. All are admitted without difficulty, and without distinction into the body of monks, all are called to salvation. Logically these premises ought to end with the suppression of castes. But it is not so. The direct polemic arises only slowly and then--for instance in a book entirely devoted to this subject, in the Vajrasáchi -- it takes the special form of an attack levelled against the privileges of the class of the Brahmins. It is a strife for influence between two rival clergies, not a systematic protestation against a regime without which even the Buddhists did not conceive the social existence. Several ascetical sects, likewise, suppress caste practically; they admit and bring together, without reserve, all postulants in their religious order. With several this equality is symbolized at the consecration of the adepts, by the solemn destruction of the sacred chord. How could the Page #139 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ JUNE, 1912.) THE CASTES IN INDIA 135 suppression of every family-tie and the renunciation of the world be better expressed ? This is the equivalent of those funeral ceremonies which, as I have said, signalize the exclusion from the caste. And though, what they aim at is, not to overthrow a system which is the very foundation of the national life, but to create, in the interior of this immense circle, a more or less extended group of saints, who escape from the world and break all its ties. For the mass of the adherente, caste subsists uncontested; in a number of cases the new community of faith operates as a lever for the creation of new sections. We are no longer in those times in which it could be allowed to represent Buddhism or Jainism as attempts of a social reform directed against the regime of the castes.58 The illogical resignation, with which they have submitted to it, shows, on the contrary, how at the period of their foundation, it was deeply rooted in the Hindu conscience, wedded to those beliefs, those elementary notions, as the doctrine of moral merit, of metempsychosis, of final liberation, the inheritance of which they received without protest. VI.-Goneral Survey, Caste and the Indian Mind. • For a long time it has been believed, on the testimony of Plato and Herodot, that Egypt bad been ruled by the system of castes. This view has now been given up by the best authorized judges. It appears that it is decidedly contradicted by the indigenous monuments. The Greeks, little accustomed to vast hereditary organisms tied together by the privilege of rank, or the community of occapation, could easily exaggerate their importance, or their extent, where they met with their more or less strict types. Up to the present, India alone has shown a universal system of castes, in the sense in which we have stated and defined. At best, one may find elsewhere accidental traces, germs of analogous institutions; they are nowhere generalised, or arranged in a system. Greece has known, in Lacedaemon and elsewhere, several cases of hereditary functions and trades. Notwithstanding the uncertainties which obscure their interpretation, the names borne by the four Ionian tribes (phyle) of Attica, are really professional names: soldiers, goatherds, artisans. These are assuredly no castes. The example, at least, proves that the Aryau tradition could, under the influence of a favourable situation, incline towards caste. It is good to retain this lesson. A social fact, which sways an immense country, which is wound up with its whole past, has necessarily more than one cause. If we mean to confine it in one single too precise deduction, we are sure to go astray. Currents 80 powerful are formed of numerous afluents. The true explanation, I am convinced of it, must assign its part to each one of the agents, which, one after the other, have been pushed to the front in too systematic and too exclusive a spirit. There have been many other countries in which an immigrant race has found it self in juxtaposition with occupants, whom it has vanquished and dispossessed, and this situation has not given there rise to caste. Other populations have known strong distinctions of class, and caste has remained unknown to them. Theocracy has grown in other grounds also. The regime must therefore in India result from the combined action of several factors. I hope that I have discerned the principal ones. Let us endeavour to take in, with one glance, the epitome of this history. We take the Aryans at their entry in India. They live under the sway of old law, common to all the branches of the race. They are divided into tribes, clans and families, more or less large; the groups are equally governed by a corporative organization, the general features of which are identical with all, the bond of which is consanguinity more and more 5 Cr. Oldenberg, Le Bouddha, French transl., Ponober, p. 155. f. • Sobomann, Griech. Alterth. ed. 1861, L. p. 327 . Page #140 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 136 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JUNE, 1912. narrowing down. The age of pure and simple equality between clan and clan, tribe and tribe, is gone. Military prestige and priestly prestige have commenced their work. Certain groups, raised by the splendour of warrior powers, proud of a more brilliant or better ascertained descent, enriched, more than others, by the fortune of arms, have joined together in a class of nobility which is claiming the power. The religious rites bave become complicated so as to reqnire a special ability and a technical preparation, both for the carrying out of the ceremonies and for the composition of chants ; a priestly class has arisen, wbich bases its pretensions upon, more or less, legendary genealogies, connecting its branches with illustrious sacrificers of the past. The rest of the Aryans are mixed up in a single category, within which the different groups move with autonomy, and according to their corporative laws. Religions notions rule the whole life from the beginning ; priesthood, already powerful, is here increasing the prestige and vigour of the religious scruples. The Aryans are advancing in their new dominion. They come into collision with a dark-coloured race, inferior in culture, which they drive back. This opposition, the care for their Becurity, the contempt of the vanquished: enhance in the conquerors the inborn exclusivism, exalt all belief and all prejudices, that protect the purity of the divisions into which they are split. The autochthonous population is thrown into one confused mass, which only ties of subordination of a rather loose nature connect with their masters. The religious ideas, brought by the invadera, penetrate, more or less, into this mass, but never sufficiently to raise it to their own level. Still in spreading over vast areas, where their settlements are seldom enclosed by any natural limits, the invaders become dispersed ; shaken by the hazards of the straggle, the primitive groups are Bevered. The rigour of the genealogical principle, which united them, is thus compromised ; to forma anew, the scattered parts follow geographical proximities, or other conveniences. Slowly the necessities of a less movable existence begin to be felt. Life becomes more sedentary in villages of pastoral and Agricultural industry; and these, at first, are founded according to relationship; for the laws of the family and of the clan preserve a sovereign authority; they continue to observe the traditional customs that are sanctioned by religion. The more fixed babits derelop the needs and the professions of a civilization, which has got ripe for more refined exigencies. The workmen of every description are, in their turn, caught in the network, be it that the community of residente brings on the community of occupation, or, that the scattered representatives of the same profession, in places sufficiently near to keep some contact, obey an imperious necesity in modelling themselves upon the only type of organization known around them. With time two facts have asserted themselves : more or less acknowledged mixtures have taken place between the races; the Aryan notions of purity have found their way into this hybrid population and even into the purely aboriginal tribes. From this rise two orders of scruples which wultiply the sub-divisions, according to the more or less pronounced impurity, either of descent, or of professions. While the ancient principles of family life remain in force, the factors of grouping are diversified : ocenpation, religion, neighbourbood and others still, at the side of the primitive principle of consanguinity, the 10ask of whicb they more or less put on. The groups are increasing in number and intersecting. Under the double action of their own traditions and of the ideas which they borrow from the Aryan civilization, even the aboriginal tribes, as they by and by give up their isolated and savage life, accelerate the influx of new sub-divisions. Now caste exists. We see how-in its different gradations—it has slowly substituted itself for the family regime of which it is the heir. A political power could have subordinated these organisms to the domain of a regular system. But no political constitution does dawn. Even the thought of it does not appear. Why should we wonder at this? The priestly power cannot be favourable to it; for it would be the loser by it Page #141 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ JUNE, 1912.) THE CASTES IN INDIA 137 now its action is very strong and very steady; it paralyses the exercise of power even in the military aristocracy. The configuration of the country does not create natural nucleuses for concentration ; every boundary there is floating. Pastoral life has long maintained a spirit of severe tradition; no ardent taste for any action impairs it. The vanquished population is numerous ; more repressed, than absorbed, it is slowly invaded by the sacerdotal propaganda rather than subjected by a rude conquest. With some temperaments, it preserves much of its ancient organization, especially there, where it is confined and isolated. By the masses which it interposes, by the example of its very rudimentary institutions, even by the facility with which these institutions are melting into the still rather rudimentary organization of the immigrants, it opposes one obstacle more to the constitution of a true political power. Therefore, there is no beginning of a state. In this confusion the sacerdotal class alone has preserved a solid esprit de corps ; it alone is in possession of an altogether moral, but very efficacious power. This power it uses to strengthen and to extend its privileges; it further makes use of it to establish some sort of order and of cohesion under its supremacy. It generalises and codifies the state of fact in an ideal system which it is endeavouring to pass as a law, the legal regime of the caste. It amalgamates in the caste the actual situation with the tenacious traditions of the past, when the hierarchy of classes laid the foundations of its power, since then so largely increased. Sprung from a mixture of arbitrary pretensions and authentic facts, this system becomes, in its turn, a force. Not only the Brahmins carry it as a dogma into the parts of the country, the assimilation of which takes place at a later date ; it, everywhere, is reacting by the ideas upon practice, owing to the immense authority attached to its patrons. The speculative ideal tends to impose itself as the strict rule of duty. But there was too great a distance between the facts and the theory, as that they ever could be brought completely to fit together. What interests us, is to trace the way, which the institution bas followed in its spontaneous growth. I, therefore, may stop here. Caste, in my opinion, is the normal prolongation of the ancient Aryan institutions as remodelled by the vicissitudes into wbich they were involved by the new conditions and surroundings they met in India. It would be inexplicable without this traditional basis, as it would be unintelligible without the alloys, that have been mixed with it, without the circumstances that have kneaded it. I should like to be understood well. I do not pretend to assert, that the regime of castes, as We observe it at present, with the endless sections, so different in nature and cohesion it includes, contains nothing but the logical, purely organical development of primitive Aryan elements only. Groups of varied origin, of variable structure, have entered the caste regime at all time, and still are multiplying in it: clans of invaders, that mark the route of successive conquests; aboriginal tribes come forth late from their wild isolation ; accidental fractionings, citber of proper castes or of similar groups. More still : such mixtures, which, complicated by multiple combinations, gire so disconcerting, so shadowy a physiognomy to the caste of our days, undoubtedly, happened, already quite early. If they have been going on asserting themselves more and more, they have begun from the period, when the regime was forming. I have already said it; I repeat it with a purpose : by condensing a general conclusion in a brief formula, you run the risk of appearing to exaggerate your principle, you run the risk of falsifying a thesis in itself. Just by stretching it to the extreme, be it by an effort to precise too categorically, or by a desire to lay more stress on views, you consider now. I should not wish to be suspected of any such enticement, being strongly op my guard against it. What I think is this, that the Aryans of India, whatever influences they may have undergone from outside, whatever troubles the hazards of history may have brought with them, have drawn Page #142 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 133 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JUNE, 1912. from their own ground the essential elements of caste, such as it has been practised, conceived and finally put into a system. If the regime, under which India bas lived, is neither a purely economical organization of trades, nor a barbarons chaos of tribes and of foreign and hostile races, nor a simple hierarchy of classes, but a mixture of all these things, united by the common inspiration that rules the working of all the groups by the common set of ideas and characteristic prejudices, which connect them, divide them, fix between them the precidences, it is explained by the fact, that the family constitutions, surviving through all evolations, ruling the Aryans first, then growing with their influence, and imposing itself even upon the groups of independent origin, has been the pivot of a slow transformation. I am not heedless enough to forget that it has been penetrated by heterogeneous elements. Moreover, after being once completed in its essential features, it has no doubt undergone the action of analogy, like all systems, which are growing old, and in which tradition does not longer imbibe new strength from a living consciousness of the beginnings. Besides the various principles which have been severally considered as the springs of caste, even arbitrary change disguised under false pretences has done its work. Though accidental or secondary, guch alterations have not failed to throw some trouble into the physiognomy of the facts. Still I do not insist upon them. If there be need, their sources will be found in some of the details, which I have had the opportunity of setting forth by-the-bye. Even to limit ourselves to the period of formation, how much we should like to settle dates! What I have said on the literary tradition, will explain that I have no precise dates to offer. Ancient institutions become impregoated with a new spirit only by insensible advances : movements, which, according to circumstances, go on at an unequal pace, in different regions, are not manifested in the evidences, until the preceding condition of things has become entirely uurecognizable. They are obscure, because they are slow. They do not admit of any rigorous dating. At most one might flatter himself to determine, at which moment the Brahminicul system, which rules the caste theoretically, has received its last form. Still even this pretension would be over ambitions. We may console ourselves, we should not be much moro, advanced, by that, if it is true, the system is somming up the ideal of the dominant caste rather than reflecting the real situation. Even as far as regards the Veda, the value of the hints it affords is anything but definite It would be necessary to know whether it really exhausts the whole of contemporaneous facts, whether it presents them completely and faithfully. I do not think at all, that we may boast of any such certainty. What is sure, is that we discover in the Vedas still standing out in full relief that hierarchy of classes which was later on resolved into the regime of the castes. Still it is undoubted that, in the Vedic period already the causes had begun to act, which by their combined and continued working had to graft a new order on the old Aryan trunk. The Aryans of India and the Aryans of the classical world start from the same premiges. How different are the consequences on one side and on the other! At the beginning the same groups exist on both sides, governed by the same beliefs, the same customs. In Greece and in Italy, these small societies combine to an organized whole. They rise, one above the other, in a regular system. Every group preserves its full autonomy in its sphere of action ; but the higher federation which constitutes the city, comprises the common interests and regulates the common action. The chaos takes shape under the bands of the Greeks. The disjointed organisms are melted into a larger unity. In proportion as it is getting formed, the new idea which is its hidden soul, the political idea appears in outline. As the caste, the "city" has sprang from the common primitive constitution, cast in the mould of the same religious rules, of the same traditions, but inspired by new necessities, it puts forth a new principle of organization. It shows itself capable of growing, of doing without the barriers which have supported, but also confined its first steps. Later on, it will, whilst transforming itself, supply a frame wide enough for giving room to the deepest revolutions in ethics and in power. Page #143 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ JUNE, 1912.) MAYURAJA 139 In India the caste continues the ancient customs: it even in several respects develops them in their logical direction; but it loses something of that impulse which had created the primitive groups, and does not renew their spirit. Different ideas mix with-or take the place of the genealogical bond, which had knit together the first societies. In modifying themselves, in becoming castes, they do not find a directive principle in themselves ; they cross one another, each remaining isolated in its jealous autonomy. The frame is immense without distinct borders, without organic life; a confused mass of small independent societies bent under a common level. The classical language of India is distinguished from the kindred languages, by a striking singularity. The finite verb holds hardly any place in the sentence; the thought is developed by means of long compounds often vague in their relation. In place of a solid syntactical construction, the lines of which are set forth clearly, in which the incidents detach themselves in neatly set clauses, the sentence knows only a loose structure, where the elements of the thought, being simply in juxtaposition, are wanting in relief. The religious beliefs of India scarcely present themselves as positive cogmas. In the fluctuating lines of an ill-defined pantheism, the oppositions and divergences rise one moment to sink down again, like a shifting eddy, in the moving mass. Contradictions quickly resolve into a conciliatory syncretism wherein the vigour of schisms loses its nerve. An accommodating orthodoxy is covering all dissents with its wide cloak. There is nowhere a categorical, united, intransigent doctrine. On social ground an analogous phenomenon appears to us in the caste system. We have every where the same spectacle of a want of plastic power. Whatever sap it may have borrowed from exterior and historical circumstances, this is indeed the fruit of the Hindu mind. The social organization of India stands in the same relation to the structure of the Hellenic "city," in which a Hindu poem stands to a Greek tragedy. The Hindu genius no less in practical life, than in art, rarely shows itself capable of organization, i, e., of measure, of harmony. In caste, all its effort has been devoted to maintain, to strengthen, a network of closed groups, without common action, without mutual reaction, finally recognizing no other motive power, but the unbalanood authority of a priestly class which has absorbed the whole direction of the minds. Under the levelling hand of Brahmanism the castos are moving, as the episodes are jostling in disorder in the vagae anity of the epic narrative. It seems sufficient if an artificial system theoretically marks such incoherence. The destinies of caste, if well looked at, are an instructive chapterin the psychology of India. MAYURAJA. BY BHATTANATHA SVAMIN; VIZAGAPATAM. Mâyûrâja is the Sanskřit poet of whom the Catalogus Catalogorum speaks as being a poet mentioned in the Súktimulctávali. Mahamahopadhyâya Pandit Durgaprasad quotes the following verse in his elaborate preface to the Karparamailjari: मायूराजसमी जज्ञे नान्यः करचुलिः कविः । उदन्वतः समुत्तस्थुः कति वा तुहिनांशवः ।। " No other poet of the Karachuli family was born equal to Mûyûraja. How many moons have come out of the ocean ?" Prof. Peterson in quoting from Hariharavall or Subhashitaharavalt gives a different version of this verse in his second Report, p. 50. Herra STT : aft: : उदन्वतः समुत्तस्थुः कति वा तुहिनांशवः ।। If in the first line 1: were the reading, as in the above verse, then tar in the socond line would entirely lose its fore, I doubt that poet named Kulioluri who is related to Mayara ever existed. The Trading of Hariharanell, as given above, must be a mistake. In the following pages of the Roport, Prof, Peterson * Hanslates the above verse thus But from Mayura there sprung (as his pupil) the poet Kaliohuri, a single l-irth ich more rivalled the countless moons that night after night riso out of the ocean." I fear this is not the caning of the verse even according to his reading. Page #144 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 140 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JUNE, 1912. The authorship of this verse is attributed to the poet Rajasekhara. Probably this is the verse of the Saltimulet dvali referred to by Prof. Aufrecht in his Catalogus Catalogorum. In the same preface, Pandit Durgaprasad cites the following verse of Mâyârâja from the Súltimuktávali : गण्डूषाशोषिताब्धिप्रचुरजलधरोफालजातस्मितानां हेलाकृष्टार्कचन्द्राभिनवकृतमहाकुण्डलाभोगभाजाम् । पीनोरःस्थापिताशाहिरदमदमीमांसलस्थासकानां सूरं यातस्य वत्स स्मरति दशशिरास्त्वच्छिशुक्रीडितानाम् ॥ From this and other verses found in the anthologies, the Pandit concludes that Mâyûrâja must have been the author of a drama with the story of the Rdmdyana for its plot. But he was not able to ascertain the name of the drama. Now, realising the importance of the contribution made by this old poet to Sanskțit literature and attracted by the notable style of the poet found in anthologies, I greatly wished to find out the name of his work, and thus to bring to light this hidden portion of the treasure of Sanskrit literature. For this purpose I ransacked all the works on rhetorio, notably, Dasarúpávaloka Sarasvatikanthabharana, sahityadarpana, etc. In the course of my search I noted down the names.of all the Ramayana dramas. I give their names in the following table in alphabetical order Against the name of each drama, the name of the work in which it is referred to is also given, Work. Referred to in. 1 Anargharagbara 2 Uttararâmacharita Udattaraghava ... Kundamåla Krityârâvaņa 6 Chhalitarâma 7 Janakirághava ... 8 Nirdoshadabaratha (?) 9 Balarâmâyana ... 10. Mahårfracharita 11 Raghavabhyudaya Ramabhinanda ... 18 Râmábbyudaya ... 14 Valiyadha Så hityadarpaşa. ... Dasarūpâyaloka. Do and Sahityadarpana. ... Så hityadarpana. Do. Do. Dasarūpå valoka and Saras vatikanthâbharana. Sahityadarpaņa. Sarasvatikaņghábharaṇa. . Sahityadarpaņa. Do. Dasar på valoka and Saras. vatikanshâbharaṇa. Sahityadarpaņa. Do. Do. Dasarūpå valoka and Dhyon yaloka and Locbana. ... Sahityadarpaņa. . See preface to Karparamañjart, p. 9 (Kavyamdia). Page #145 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ JUNE, 1912.] MAYURAJA 141 Of these dramas we know that Anargharághava was written by Murâri'; Uttarardmacharita and Mahdviracharita by the illustrious Bhavabhûti; Balaramdyana, by Rajasekhara ; and lastly, Rimdbhyudaya by the poet king Yasovarman. The authorship of the remaining dramas is cloaded in mystery. One of these, Udáttardghava, is unhesitatingly attributed to the poet Bhisa by some learned men of Southern India. In his History of the Classical Sanskrit Literature, p. 67, Mr. M. Krishnamacharya, M.A., B.L., M.R.A.S., says " At least the names of three of his Bhâss's) works we have known on reliable authority. The Udattardghava develops the eminent sidle of the character of Rama. The Svapnavdskvadatta occupies itself with the story of Udayana's marriage with Vasavadatta. The Kiraņávali is said to be a Nalikd in the mode of the Ratnávali.' Here the author says that “on reliable authority" he has known the names of the three dramas of Llisa. Butat the same time he does not mention who is his " reliable authority." We can howerer secept Bhâsa's authorship of Svapnaddsavadatta on the authority of Rajasekhara. भासनाटकचक्रेऽपिच्छेकैः क्षिप्ते परीक्षितुम् । स्वमवासवदत्तस्य दाहकोभून पावकः ॥' Moreover, Dhyanyálokálochana quotes from this drama. As to Kirananali, I very much doubt that a drama of the name of Kirandvali by Bbåsa or any other poet ever existed. Now as to the third drama, Udáttarághava, the attribution of the authorship of this drama to Bhâsa is not supported by any evidence. Though a drama of that name is quoted in the work on rhetorio, we do not find a single statement in support of Bhasa's authorship thereof and in fact, we find a statement in contradiction to it. Even in the Catalogus Catalogorum the name of the author of the drama is not given, but the name only of the work in which it is quoted. In a lengthy disoussion on the subject, in his preface to Priyadarsika, Pandit R. V. Krishnamacharya says, pur TT H a rf II fawarafta. "In works like Sahityadarpaņa, only the name Udattardghava is heard of; but the anthor is not mentioned. But from the ordinary works on rhetoric it can be shown that neither the author of the History of the Classical Sanskrit Literature nor the editor of the Priyalarsild is right. Moreover, Murkri it quoted by Markha in his Srikanthacharita प्रक्रमैहठवक्रिम्णो मुरारिमनुधावतः। श्रीराजशेखरागिरी नीवी यस्योक्तिसंपदाम् ॥ XXV, 74) And he is not quoted or referred to by Bhoja in his Satpatikanthabharana or by any author previous to Bhoja. So Marari may be assigned a date between A. D. 1050 and 1135. Pandit Durgapraadd says that Murari lived before the middle of the 9th century and giros the quotation from Har vijaya sereierring to Murari. भो कुनाटकवोत्तमनायकस्य नाशं कविय॑धित वस्य मुरारिरिस्थम् ॥ [XXXVIIT, 69.] . (See introduction to Subhashitavall, p. 91 and Anarghardghava, p. 1, note. Darg&prasad thinks that here the word it has two meanings. But it is not so. The poot comparer Marari or Vighpu with the author of bad drama,-the former destroyed the hero Hirapyakulipu in his aika or lap, and the latter exhibits the murder of the hero in an aot. In Murfri's dram, the death of the hero does not take placo in any sot. Murari cannot, therefore, be the poot referred to in the verse. The commentator Alaka also says that there is a pan on the words and 24h only, and not on werfe. See Dhvanyaloka, p. 148 (Commentary). Yalovarman is the patron of Bhavabhati and Vakpatirkja, Prakrit poet: of. Introduction, Subhashitavall, p. 95. 5 This verse is taken from Saktimuktavall. See proface to Karperamaljarf, p. 7. [Vide, above VOL.XL. p. 83D.R.B.) • Divanyloka, p. 152 (Commentary). Introduction to Priyadardika, (Vani-Vilas Press Edition), p. XXVL Page #146 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 142 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JUNE, 1912. It seems remarkable that the following statement in the well-known work Dasarkpávaloka has not been noticed. यथा उपना वालिवधी मायूराजेनोत्तरायवे परित्यक्ता "For example, the unlawful killing of Vali is dropped by Mayaraja in [his] Uaattaraghava." Thus, by a simple reference to Dasardpdvaloka, we learn that Udáttar. ghava was written by Mâyúrája. So we see that Pandit Durgaprasad was right so far as he went. From the coinmentary on K duydnusdeana of Hemachandra p. 835, Mâyürüja seems to be the author of a Larya also. Now let us considor some points first about the author Mayaraja, and then about the work itself. We have already shown that [Ayuraja was a Rajput of the Kalochuri clan. We know that the Kalachari princes ruled the Chedi country. This Chedideśa is at present identified with Berar and the northern part of Central Provinces. The capital of the country was at first Mahishmati or the modern Mabesvar. Afterwards the town named Tripura was made the capital This Tripura is now identified with Tevar near Jabalpore.10 So Mâyûrâja might have been a king of Chedi country with its capital Mahishmati. Unfortunately, the history of the early Kalachuris is a blank in Indian History, and we know nothing about the princes between A. D. 580 and A. D. 875 So one must await future research for additional information about the personal history of our poet king. Now, as regards the work itself, it will help us in fixing the approximate date of the author, As the work is not found anywhere, we have to rely on the quotations in the Sahityadarpana, Dasarapdraloka, etc. Dajaripůvulolca quotes Udáttardghara in six different places, while the other work sahityadarpaşa has quotations from it in only five different places, which include four of the Dalarúpdraloka. From these quotations we learn that the story of the Ramdyana forms the basis of the plot of the drama. We also learn that the poet did not closely follow it, but changed the original as he pleased. The first deviation is : चित्रमायः-भगवन् कुलपते रामभद्र परित्रायतां परित्रायताम् (इल्याकुलता नाटयति) चित्रमावः--भृगापं परिश्वग्य विधाय कपटं वपुः। . नीयते रससा तेन लक्ष्मणो युधि संशयम् ||" - रामः--वत्सस्वाभववारिधेः प्रतिभवं मन्ये कथं राक्षसाचस्तश्शेष मुनिर्विरोति मनसश्चास्त्येव मे संभ्रमः । माहासीर्जनकात्मजामिति मुहुः स्नेहादुरुाचते न स्थातुं न च गन्तुमाकुलमतेमूढस्य मे निश्चयः॥2 In the story of the hunt of the mayamriga, Lakshmana is made to go first in pursuit of the game. Then, when Rama was informed by the disguised Rakshasa that Lakshmana was in danger, he went to save his brother, when Sita was carried away by Ravaņa. Secondly, we have in the Dasarípdraloka :- यथा बचना वालिवधो मायुराजेनोदात्तरापवे परित्यक्तः। From this we learn that Mâyüraja omitted the story of the unlawful killing of Vali,13 Here the word T (-unlawfully) seems to be nsed for explaining the poet's object in omitting the story. The poet perhaps wished to bring out the character of Rama without any defect. Now the verse , cto., quoted above, is said in the Dasardpdraloka to belong to Udâttaraghavals and in sahityadarpana to Kulapatyanka 15 It appears, therefore, that the act • Dasara paka (N. S. Press Edition), p. 68. • Preface to Karpiramanjari, p. 6. Jo Dr. Bhandarkar's Eurly History of the Dekkan, 2nd Edition, p. 93. 11 This verso is also quoted in Sarasvatikantabharana (Barooh, 2nd Edition), p. 390. 12 Datartpaka, pp. 110, 111. Karyannbasana of Hemachandra, p. 97. 18 This statement is corroborated by Sahityadarfana (p. 275 of the N. S. Press edition). 16 Dasarlparaloka, p. 100. 10 Sahityadarjana p. 323. Page #147 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ SUNE, 1912.] MAYURAJA 148 dealing with Sitäpaharana in the Uláttardghava is named Kulapatyanka. The quotation ar कुलपस्या रावणजटायुसंवाद: also leads to the same conclusion. The above facts show that the plot of the Uddttardghara deviates much more from the story of the Ramayana than the plot of Bhavabhūti's Viracharita. We find as a matter of fact that the later a Rimdyana drama is, the more does the story deviate from the original. The story went on altering till in the Janakiparinaya!' and Albhutadarpanale the original story can scarcely I recognised. Bhavabhûti seems to have been the first to dramatise the Ramdyana, as he successiully worked up a greater part of the story into dra'na, and as he does not, like Murari, Rajasekhara and Jayadeva19, refer to previous authors on the subject. So Mâyûrâja, the author of Udattaraghava cannot be in my opinion, earlier than Bhavabhậti, whose time has been fixed by Dr. Bhandarkar be the first half of the eighth century A.D 20. That he was not later than Rajasekhara is obvious from Rijasekhara's own verse quoted by me at the beginning of this article. Rajasekhara's late has been fixed on definite grounds by Pandit Durgậprasad in his preface to Karpīramañjari to the between A.D.88495921. So Mayaraja must have flourished somewhere between A.D. 750 and 880. I give below the passages of Mâyûrâja from Uddttaraghava, which have been quoted in the works on rhetoric, omitting the quotation, which has already been given in the course of the article. Those passages may help the public to form an opinion about the style of the author of the yet unknown drama : रामो मूर्ति निधाय काननमगान्मालामिवाज्ञां गुरोस्तद्भक्त्या भरतेन राज्यमखिलं मात्रा सहवोज्झितम् । तौ सुग्रीवविभीषणावनुगती नीतो परां संपदं प्रोत्सिता दशकन्धरप्रभृतयो वस्ता समस्ता द्विषः॥ [Dafaripaka p. 76; Sahitydarpana. p. 265.] २ जीवन्त जयिनोऽपि सान्द्रतिमिरवातैवियापापिभिर्भास्वन्तः सकला रवैरपि कराः कस्मारकस्मादमी । . एते चोकबन्धकण्ठरुधिरैराध्मायमानोदरा मुञ्चन्त्याननकंवरानलमुचस्तीवानवान्फेरवाः ।। [Dasarúpaka, p. 79; Sakityadarpana, p. 310.] राक्षस:तावन्तस्ते महाल्मानो निहताः केन राक्षसाः। येषां नायकतां यातास्त्रिशिरःवरदूषणाः ।। द्वितीयः-गृहीतधनुषा रामहतकेन । प्रथमः-किमेकाकिनैव । द्वितीयः-अदृष्ट्रा का प्रत्येति । पश्य सावतोऽस्मदलस्य । सचविखनशिरःश्वभ्रमज्जकालसंकुलाः। कबन्धाः केवलं जातास्तालोनाला रणाकणे॥ प्रथमः--सखे, ययेवं तदाहनेवंविधः किं करवाणि | [Dasarấpaka, pp. 102 and 103.] . प्रविश्य पटाक्षेपेण संभ्रान्तो वानरः-महाराभ, एवं खुपवणणदणागमणेण पहरिस........... देवस्स हिमाणन्वनणणं विभलिवं महुवर्ण । [Dasarüpaka, p. 111.) #sahityadarpaya, p. 281. IT A drama by Ramabhadradikshita who was according to his Janakparinaya) contemporary of Nilakanthadtkihta, who composed his Nilakanthavijaya in 1637. 1 A drama by Mahadeva, son of Krishnastri and pupil of Balakrishņa the teacher of Ramabhadradikshita Mahadeva was, therefore, a contemporary of Bamabhadradikshita. 19 The author of Prasannardghava, son of Mahadeva of Kanndinyagotra and Samitra. Besides Prasani. raghava, he wrote Chandraloka and commentary on Tattvachintamani, Hois quoted in Sahityadarpana (p. 199).. Babu Mon Mohan Chakravarti assigns to Sahityadarapana a dato not later than the 14th century A.D. See J. 4 AS. B.Vol. LXXII, part I, P. 148. . 20 See Introduction to Malaitmadhava, Bombay Sanskrit Series 1 See profsos to Karparamafijari, p... Page #148 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 144 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JUNE, 1912. KARIKALA AND HIS TIMES. BY K. V. SUBRAHMANYA AIYER, B. A.; OOTACAMUND. ONE of the oldest cities of Southern India is ka virippampattipam. It is situated on the sea coast, 12 miles south-east of Shiyali in the Tanjore district. In ancient times it also bore the name Pugar. That it was near the mouth of the river Kaveri and had in it the temples of Sayavanam and Pallavanisvaram are recorded in the Déváram songs.2 Ancient Tamil litera ture abounds in references to this old city and these show that it was a place of considerable size and importance in early times. Excluding the authors of the Dav dram, the poets that give a glowing description of the place, the wealth of the town, the pleasures and pastimes of ita inhabitants and the busy trade which it kept up with the outside world and the inland countries, are not few. Chief among them may be mentioned the Chêra prince liangovadigal the author of Silappa ligdram; Sittalai Sáttanar who composed the Manimegalai ; Rodraikanşanîr and Nappudagar, the authors of three of the poems in the collection krown as Pattupu páltu. There are evidences in these writings to show that some of the authors visited the place which they described, while others were its inhabitants. Not long after the time of the Saiva saints, Nanasambandar and Appar, who are assigned to the middle of the 7th century AD, the sea washed away the whole town with its boastel splendour and glory. It was about this time that the Chinese pilgrim, Hiuen Tsiang, visited many of the important places of Southern India. This town should certainly have been one of them if it had then beeu in existence, But its identity with the southern Charitrapura, as some take it, is doubtful. There are grounds to suppose that even in earlier times, there was an encroachment of the sea on this portion of the east coast, when other places seem to have been submerged in the ocean. We may perhaps trace an allusion to such any inundation in the name Tônipuram by which the town of Shiyali was known in carly times. In their lıymns on Tirukkalamalam, Nanasambandar and Appar state in clear terms that it once floathed like a boat in the water of the sea. Several villages were destroyed, bat Tôniparam is sand to have survived the effects of the event. The foundations of the original city of Kåvirippampattinam must have been laid long after the first inundation but when it was founded, how long it thrived as the principal town of the Chola empire and who the sovereigns were that ruled. over it, are facts yet to be ascertained. The Greek geographer, Ptolemy, who flourished in the second century A. D. speaks of Chabaris Emporium and this has been taken to refer to the port of Kåvirippumpattinam. After the destruction of the city by the encroachment of the sesta perhaps at the close of the 7th century A. D., it seems to have been refounded and been-again Sewell's Lists of Antiquities, I. p. 272 1 The references that Ponni sigaramtert sdykkadu,' i.e. Saykkadu (ŠAydvanam) at the place where the Ponni (Kávéri) joins the sea : Paytta milijui Baltaru van-Pigar-made pútta raviga! falndu polinda Baykkadu' and 'Pugarir-Pallavan fchcharam ooourring in Nanasambandar's hymns and Pam-Pugår-Chchdykkadu and Kantip piimpattinattu-8dykladu found in the hymns of Appar make it clear that both bykkadu and Pallavanjávara were in Kåvirippampattigam and that the town way near the sea. It is worthy of note that Saykkdu and Siyava am are synonymous. It may also be pointed out that Sundaramarti-Nayanar who is later than the other two Saiva saints has not contributed any hymn on the templos at Kåvirippumpattigam, though he has visited places near it and composed hymns on them. The expression Kaduvarai dainda kulal-idai midakkum Kalmalaugar' occurring in one of the hymus of Nánasambandar, 'alaiyum peru-veļlatt-annu midanda Tini puram' and 'munn frin midanda' found in the verses of Appar and 'Kadal-kola midanda kafumala valanagar' in the songs of Sundaramurti furnish evidence on the point. One other referenco in Appar's D&odram which says that four or five birds are supposed to have borne the bur. don of the feet of god at Shiyali on the day wh22 the sea encroached ou the land is also of interest, Page #149 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ JUNE, 1912.) KARIKALA AND HIS TIMES 145 a place of importance till the 15th century A.D. Then it ceased to be such, partly owing to the silting up of the Kaveri. and partly also to some other causes. The sandy mounds found scattered over several places near the villages of Talsichehengadu, Shiyali and Mélaipperumpallam amply testify to the inundations of the sea. The fragments of brick and tile strewn over the fields near the now insignificant villages round the ruins of Kávérippatanam indicate the remains of the town founded in later times. Colonel Yule identifies Partinam with Fattan of the Mabammadan historian Rashiduddin. If anything like the remains of the original city referred to by Ptolemy in the 2nd century A. v. and said to bave been destroyed five centuries later, is to be traced at all, it must be by the axe and spade. In other words, it is only excavation on a large scale conducted in a scientific and systematic method, a thing much to be desired, that would enable us to have a peep into the past greatness of the city, The name Pallavanisvaram, by which one of the temples at Kavirippumpattinam was called in the middle of the 7th century A. D., suggests that it should have been either built by a Pallava king or that it came into existence during the time of a Pallava, whose sway was acknowledged in that part of the country where the village was situated. It is even probable that the temple was founded sometime carlier, and in this case, it must have existed in an insignificant form before its construction on a grander scale was undertaken by the Pallava king. We do not know to which of the Pallavas the construction of the temple of Pallavanisvaram should be ascribed, but we can assigo it with a good deal of probability to Narasimhavarman I., the contemporary of Nanasambandar, because excepting him none other of the line claims to have conquered the Cholas. Sach have been the fortunes of the city, which, at the time of Karikala, one of the greatest sovereigns of the Chola dynasty, became the principal town of the empiro. This king was not unaware of its advantageous position for trade. Accordingly, he appears to have improved it to a considerable extent by building warehouses and appointing officers to collect the dues to government on the articles exported from and imported into the country. It is not unlikely that the seat of Government was removed by Karikala to this place from Uraiyûr, which he is said to have abandoned, finding perhaps that it was not a central place and had not so much in its favour to be the capital of the empire as the flourishing port of Kavirippûmpattinam. Karikála was certainly one of the most powerful Choļa kings that ruled from the city and his name is even to the present day known throughout the Tamil country, and even in the Telugu districts that of a great monarch who looked to the welfare of the subjects entrusted to his care and as a patron of letters. Inscriptions that mention nim are indeed very few, but certainly not fewer than those that refer to the other great kings of the line. Except for the mere mention of him, Chola inscriptions do not throw much light on the events connected with his reign. This is because we have not as yet obtained any copper-plate grant relating to the dynasty to which Karikala belonged, all the charters discovered hitherto being only those of the revived Chola line started by Vijayalaya in about the 9th century A. D. Nor are we in possession of the facts which brought an end to the earlier line. It is not even known who the last great sovereign was. But there is not much doubt, however, that the Pallava expansion in the south and the establishment of the Chalukyas were some of the causes which might have contributed to this end, not to say the effeminacy and weakness of some of the Chôļa kings, who do not appear to have persisted in maintaining their ground against the advancing northern powers. The Udayê adiram plates of the Ganga-Biņa king Prithivipati II. Hastimalla placo Karikála + Above, Vol. VII p. 10. • See Patt 'n appotai. Page #150 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 146 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JUNE, 1912 between Killi and Kochchengannan, while the Leyden plater mention him prior to Küchchengannan and Killi. Both the Eastern Châlakyas and Telugu Chôļas, whose copperplate charters are not few, claim descent from Karikala and the importance of these will be discussed later on. Though the materials furnished by inscriptions regarding his reign are senty, yet there is no room for complete disappointment, for the literature of the early Tamils has on record many a reference, which could be of use to the students of history. The exact time when this king flourished is not given either in the copper-plates which mention him or in the Tamil works wlich describe bis times. Scanty as the materials are for setting the question of his date, the approximate period to which this king should be ascribed can fairly be made out by a consideration of certain facts and events connected with his reign. These are : (1) The battle at Vennil, where Karikala defeated the Chêra and the Pandya kings. (2) Karikala ruled from Kanchi, which he made new with gold. (3) The fight with Trilochana-Pallava, whom he is said to have defeated. (4) He brought a number of families from the Gadgetic valley and settled them in the several districts of Tondai-mandalam. (5) Karikala was an ally of Avanti and an overlord of Vajra and Maghada. (6) He figures among the early ancestors of the Telugu-Choda chiefs and the Cholas. Copper-plate charters of the Telugu-Chöda chiefs attribute to Karikala the building of high banks to the Kaveri river and the conquest of Trilochana-Pallava. It may be stated that the former of these events is mentioned in the Tiruvâlangadu grant.' The statement that Karikala ruled from Kanchi making it Dew with gold might be taken to show either that the Pallaras had not settled themselves yet at Kanchi, or that the Chola king's conquest of them gave him its possession. The conquest of Trilôchana-Pallara attributed to Karikala suggests that the latter is more probable. It is not known, however, which king among the Pallavas bore the surname Trilochana. Whoever he was, he is also said to have been defeated by the Western Châlukya Vijayaditya, who, in spite of the victory, is reported to have lost his life in the encounter. As Vijnyâditya, with whom the Pallava contemporary of Karikala had to fight, is considered to be the immediate predecessor of Pulakésin I, and as the initial date of Pulakesin is fixed at A. D. 550, Vijayaditya has to be assigned to the earlier half of the 6th century A. D. And this must also be the time, when the Chôļa king Karikâla flourished. It may be noted that Vijayaditya was a king of northern India and came from Ayodhyâ in quest of a dominion in the sonth. We are not informed if Trilôchana-Pallava met his two opponents in the same battle or in different encounters. If the Tamil work Tondamandalasadagam can be relied upon, we may perhaps infer that Karikala had something to do with the kings of northern India, whence Vijayaditya also camo. Here we find that Karikala brought a number of Sadra families from the Gangetic valley (and on that acconnt said to belong to the Gangakula), settled them in the 24 districts (lóttam) of Tondai-mandalam, and bestowed on them rich gifts.' This fact and the sabsequent settlement of the Western Châlokyas in southern India on a more or less firm footing might perhaps be adduced to show that Trilocbana-Pellava had to meet the combined forces of Karikala and Vijayaditya, and that the two last were on some terms of alliance, which are not quite plain. It is not unlikely, that some of the northern powers joined one side or the other. In this connection it is worthy of note that Karikála is represented in the Tamil work Silappadigáram as an ally of Avanti, which is Ujjain in Malwa, 10 and as the overlord of Vajra and Maghadha." It looks as if Karikala was Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1906-07, p. 67. Stanza 97, p. 39. • P, 17 of the Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1900. • Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. I, Part II. p. 340. 10 Epigraphia Indica, Vol. IV. p. 246 and Vol. VI. p. 195. 11 Magadba denotes Southern Bihar in Lower Bengal. Page #151 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ JUNE, 1912.) KARIKALA AND HIS TIMES 147 instrumental in permanently settling the Western Chalakyas in southern India. The defeat of the Chêra and the Pandya on the plains of Veņņil, and the confederacy of nine potentates and the Pallavas in some unnamed places should have left Karikala as the undisputed lord of the Dekkan. The Chêra king defeated by him was Sēraman Peruñchêral Åthan. He received a wound on his back and is said to have sought a voluntary death rather than being a monument of disgrace to his family. That even the people of the Telugu districts acknowledged his sway is gathered from the fact that Karikáls figures among the early ancestors of the Telugu Choda chiefs and the Cholas. Inscriptions of the Cholas are found in the Cuddapah and Bellary districts. It the date we have now arrived at for Karikala prove correct, it will be seen that Kanakasabhai Pillai was wrong in identifying him with Killi who died at Kurappalli. His identification was based on taking Perumavalavan as a surname both of Karikala and Ki]ļi. Perum draļavay means the great Chôļa and as such it might be applied to any monarch of the Chola line. To show the incorrectness of the identification, we have only to point out that Karappalli-tuñjina-Kilļi was a contemporary of the Pandya kings Nedunjeliyan and Ugra-Peruvaludi, who died at Madura and appear to have lived nearly a century later.13 It is also worthy of note that none of the poets who were contemporaries of Karikala figures among the contemporaries of Kurappalli-tuñjina-Killi, Ugra-Peruvaludi or Nedurjeliyan. A word about Karikala's paretage, which deserves to be mentioned here. He was the son of Iļañjêchenni called also Iłañjenni or Ilaiyôn. This name means "the young Cho!\" or "the young prince." He was perhaps the heir apparent to the Choļa throne and hence was known by that appellation. It may be noted that Ilaichenni or Ilaiyon is something similar to I!angi, yuvardja or Iļavarasu. There is nothing to warrant our presuming that Iļañjétchenn was a king of the Choļa dominions. He seems to have distinguished himself in the wars under taken by the reigning king who, we might suppose, was his elder brother. The title Uruvappahresu, which we find prefixed to his name, shows that he resembled a lion in prowess. Sometimes the name Iļañjèţchenni is connected with Neydalunganal which perhaps denotes that the tract of country over which he was the lord, bordered on the sea and it was, most probably, near the mouth of the Kivêrî river. He married a daughter of Alnndûr-vel. Alundür is perhaps identical with Têr- or Tiruv-Alundûr near Mayaveram. He is credited with having defeated in battle the Chêra king of his day and taken from him a place called Pamalur?4. Kudakko-Neduñjêral Äthan might be the person Vanquished by him as we know that he was his contemporary. From what has been said above, it will be evident that the accession of Karikala to the Chôla throne is not quite regular, as he had no claims to it, if the reigning king had any issue. There are also grounds for inferring that on the death of Karikala's predecessor, there were several claimants to the Chola throne and Karikala succeeded in getting it through the aid of his uncle Irambilar Talaiyar. The story that an elephant from Tirukkalumalam put a garland on Karikala's neck, carried him on its back and placed him on the Chôļa throne when he was stationed at Karuvûr perhaps tells the same fact. It is worthy of note that this story is quite similar to another recorded about Mûrti-Nayanâr, one of the Saiva devotees who was raised to the rank of a Pandya king, when the Pandya country had no sovereign. If the interpretation of the name Karikála is scorched leg', it is not unlikely that in the endeavour to get the kingdom, Karikala happened to meet with an accident in which one of his legs was scorched'. Karikala married the daughter of a Vélir chief of Nangar. A village of this name is celebrated in the Vaishnava work Naliyiraprabandham, Inscriptions state that it was 11 The poets KaláttalaiyAr and Vonni-Kuyattiyar refer to this king iu Purangūra, stauzas 35 and 53. 13 Vide ante Vol. XL. pp. 224 ff. "Date of Maduraikkinchi and its hero." 1. Puram, stapzas 10 and 203. 15 Another way of interpreting the namo is' he (who is) death to the elophants (of his onemics).' In this case the name shows hour powerful he was. If Kalikala is the name, it means the destroyer (of tho or la) of the Kali lage).' Page #152 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 148 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JUNE, 1912. the headquarters of a subdivision in ancient times. Tiruvengadu and Kavirippûmpattinam were places situated in it. It seems, therefore certain, that Kil-Nangûr in the Shiyali taluka is identical with it. It is, thereforo, no wonder that Karikala had a special liking for Kåvirippumpattinam, that it was only three or four miles from Nångür whence his queen hailed. He might probably have witnessed the annual destruction which the Kâ vêri river caused when it overflowed its banks during high floods and it may have led him to undertake the stapendore work of constructing high banks to the river to prevent the recurrence of the evil. By the way, it may be said that the irrigation of the Kavêrî delta had engaged the attention of early Ohola kings. Of the several branches which this river has, the Vennaru and the Arasil date back to times earlier than Kariküla 16 and most of the others are attributable to some of the members of the Chôļa dynasty whose names they bear even at the present day." The course of the river seems to have changed at an early date giving rise to a new source of irrigation to the country. Palaikavêri was the name by which the original river was known to distinguish it from the new, but it is not known if this diversion of the river was due to natural causes, or if it was the work of any particular person. Palaukavðri and Kollidam were in existence prior to the 7th century A. D.18 In spite of the diversion of water in these branches, the Kaveri seems to have carried much water and caused damage to the country during floods. Karikâla's services to the country in undertaking to build high banks and in opening now channels to improve the irrigation of the land, can not be over estimated. The banks are said to measure 1,080 feet in length, 40 to 60 feet in width, and 15 to 18 feet in height. They successfully prevented annual destruction for nearly fifteen centuries by the mere inertia of the storage of materials. It is not unlikely that the bands constructed by him were improved periodically. In all probability the ancient custom of parcelling out a few acres of land irrigated by the source among a few families who were required to take ut fixed quantities of mud or sand from the bed and throw them on the bund every year, was followed in the case of the Kaveri also. We have already referred to the impetus given by Karikala to commerce and trade and this will appear in better light from the translation of Pattinappalai appended below. The poem was composed by Kadiyalür Rudraikannanar, who is reported to have received the munificent gift of sixteen lakhs of gold pieces as reward for his composition. We have also mentioned that Karikala's contact with the northern powers gave him an opportanity for settling a number of people in the south. The growth of civilisation during this period seems to have assumed a different turn. The impulse given to art and trade is specially noteworthy. The condition of the people improved to a considerable extent and every effort was made to increase their happiness and prosperity. Extract from Pattipappali. The Chola conntry was irrigated by the Kivêri river which never failed in its supply even when there was no raia. The fields yielded sugarcane from the juice of which jaggery was prepared ; big bunches of plantains, cocoanats and arecanuts. Mango and palm trees abounded. There were also flower gardens covering large areas. The tanks of the country had high bunds l'esembling the form of the constellation Makha. Fragrant flowers of a variety of colours were produced near them. The villages in the country adjoined each other and the houses had large compounds in front where they dried paddy. Here children amused themselves by dragging three-wheeled little cars. The doors of the houses bore tiger marks. The royal palaces were white bat soiled by the dust raised by cars and borses which were over moving in the streets. The namos Vooni kuyattiyar and Arifiki!r assumed by poruogiudicate the existence of the two brunches of the K&veri. 17 It may be remarked that Viridla. Kirtimártidan (Kirtimin), Uyyakkopen and Modigondin are the surnames of some of the Chola kings of the leth aud Ilth centuries. Several inscriptiong.meption Palank véri. This and Kollidam are referred to in the Deviram songs of the 7th oentury, A. D. Page #153 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ JUXE, 1912.] KARIKALA AND HIS TIMES 149 There were big adms houses where large quantities of rice were cooked and served to people resorting to them. Also places where sinall tanks were made and grass served for cattle. Jainn and Buddhist temples were found in one quarter of the town while in another the Brahmans with plaited hair performed sacrifices and raised volumes of smoke. The Paradavar living near the sea-coast ate iral fish and boiled flesh of tortoises, wore the flowers of adumbu and ambul and indulged in setting goats to fight in the open and spacious court yards. In the puruchchéri, i,« the quarter outsido the town low-class people reared pigs ..nd fowls. On holidays the Paradavar of Pagar abstained from going over the sea to catch fish, allowed their nets to dry on the white sand in front of their low-roofed honses which were built on the fea-shore. They wore the tai flowers and garlands, drauk toddy drawn from tho palmyra and paddy and amused themselves in dancing around a post in which they invokoil the presence of cod. Accompanied by their wives they bathed in the high waves of the sea to espinte their sins, then in the fresh water of the river to remove the salt, made images and had other enjoyments throughout the day. And in the night they abstained from drinking, stayed in their high places, heard music and witneased dramatic performances, spent some time in the moonlight and retired with their wives to rest, removing the silk cloths which they wore and putting on thin white roles. Just before the dawn of day they slept on the sands of the shore. Near the wide streets of the Paradavar and on the sea-shore where the dai flowers abounded there were warehouses with good guards. Things poured in here from all quarters for being tored eventually to be shipped. These, whou removed from the warehouse, were stamped with tiger-marks and issued out on payment of a duty. Things landing from ships were similarly tamped with tiger-marks and duty charged. The officers who raised taxes on exports and imports were ever busy in their work. In the upper stories of their houses, ladies of great beauty gathered near the windows with olded hands and joined palms to witness the festivities made for gods like muruga, etc., which assed in the streets of the bazaars, to the accompaniment of music sounded by the kulal, vai wulan, murusu, etc. Their houses were storeyed, had raised pials and large court-yaris where cattle played freely. At the gates and on the tops of buildings flags were put up. Men of learning and reputation also put up flags inviting combatants to challenge their skill. Attached to the masts of ships, in the port of Pugâr, there were other banners. In the toddy shops in front of which fish and Alesha were spread out to dry, there were flags scen hoisting. To the city wero imported horses of good gait, in ships which were propelled by the wind; diamond and gold from Mount Meru; sandalwood and ugil from Coorg : pearls from the southern ocean, coral from the eastern sea ; tho wealth of the Gangotio region; food-stuffs rom Ceylon : catables from Burma and incense from other places. Thus, the streets of lucir literally bore the burden of rich merchandise which were imported from several quarters Here were also streets inhabited by people of various creeds and tongues who had alandoned their towns and settled in this city where they formed new acquaintances and relations. The dlar who cultivated the land and who were the source of prosperity to all classes of people, lived in great numbers. Not satisfied with the wealth of his own country and what was paid to him as tribute by the feudatory chiefs, the great Chola i, e. Karikála whose ka!al touching the crowns of other kings made them bright, and in whose chest the sandal paste was rabbed out by the cmbrace of his wife and children, started on a tour of conquest with his elephants, horses, ete., destroyed his enemies' regions and killed their army in great numbers. He made the aruvdlar obey his commands and the northern kings wither, caused trouble to the kudarar, cut away the proseny of podurar and destroyed the Irungove!. lle destroyed the forests in the Chöln country, nhabited them, converting them into habitable lands, increased the wealth, abandoned Urandai with its brilliant palaces, bailt temples, set up families, opered small and large gates in the I age walls of the city, stored bows ad arrows and showed his anger against the Pandya vyho -as porrerfal in aims. Page #154 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 150 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JUNE, 1912. CONTRIBUTIONS TO PANJABI LEXICOGRAPHY. SERIES JII. BY H. A. ROSE, I.C.S. (Continued from p. 70.) Pandol : the water-shed of a mountain, hill, or tract of country. Kangra Gloss. Pandu : the lower stratum of clay. Ludhiana S. R., 1878-83, p. 98. Panga: the flat table land on the tops of hills. It requires much rain, but is slightly better than bhet. Cf. tiba bangar. Hoshiarpur S. R, p. 69. Pangat : a line. Kangra S. R. (Lyall), p. 70. Pangharna : v. n. to melt. Pangla: lame = khoro. Bauria argot. Panhar: the masonry apron of a well on which a man stands to pnil out the backet : Karnal S, R., 1872-80, p. 161. Pani : see gandra. Pa nihar: a water-fountain, in Chamba. Panih&ra: the kiria karm day. Churáh. PA ni-wata : warts. Lahore. Panja dalna : a game in which the fingers are interlocked and one player tries to twist round the hand of the other. Jallundur S. R., p. 65. Panja jins: the right of the State to buy up grain at harvest at fixed rates : Kuthair. Panjauli: a man who collected supplies for the royal kitchen, milk, cards, wood, ete., in kothi. Kangra S. R., p. 80. Pankhi: * fine blanket. Sirmûr cis-Giri. Pankhi: a mat. Sirsa S. R., 1879-88, p. 157. Panna : & ward of a village community, the branch of a family descended from a common ancestor, sometimes including strangers settled by it, if not numerous enough to form a pannz oi their own. Karnal S. R., p. 92. Panna marna : to cast lots. Karnal S. R., p. 92. Papri: a rupee. Bauria argot. Pantor : a.plank to tarn off water from the channel of a water-mill. When not wanted, calle! chadol by Gaddis. Kingra Gloss. Panya ra: the man who looks after the channels and lets the water successively into the irrigation beds. Karnal 8. R., 1872-80, p. 169. Pangari: a broad cutting blade of wood passed througа the same mortice with the coulte used for stiff soil. Karnal S. R., 1872-80, p. 162. Pappan (Gadi): a rainbow. Cf. dhanak. PA pri: a kind of sweet. Hissar. Parach: also called ovári, grain, e.g. wheat, barley, maize, bathu and kangni or any of the in small quantities, offered to a deota on the Sbankrånt days by his devotees. Kold, másh, uru are not included in a parach. Parachha : beam. Sirmûr cis-Giri. Parah: panchayat. Sirsa S. R., 1879-83, p. 175. Paral: (1) rice straw. (2) the outer door of a house, leading from the angan or inner yard Kangra Gloss. Paras: the common room in a village in which a traveller, who has no friends, puts ap (usei in the south of Karnal, Cf. chaupal). Karnal S. R., p. 106. Parat: a large brass plate. Sirmûr trans-Giri, Page #155 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ JUNE, 1912.) CONTRIBUTIONS TO PANJABI LEXICOGRAPHY 151 Farehanna : to divert, turn away from, mix up, satisfy, pacify. Pardhan : adj., chief, principal, Peron: a goad for driving bullocks, etc. Kangra Gloss. Pari: a slip with two knots into which a seed cane is cut. Karnal S. R., 1872-80, p. 181. Pariband: a bracelet with a hinge and bar fastening. Parlor : a pigeon. Banria argot. Parna: a fish (Wallago altu). Karnal S. R., p. 8. Parona : to thread (a needle). Parr: an open grassy slove. Gỉ. Phật. Parren: a handful of grain. Kângra Gloss. Parsan: a ladder : see sâng. Para : an earthen pot. Jubbal. Parwa: the cast or cold damp wind, which is the abomination of the cultivators. Karnal, 5. R., 1872-80, p. 167. Parwa : an oblong house, with mud walls and thatched roof. Cf. chlappar. Sirsa S. R., 979-83, p. 158. Pasel: a long low embankment. Sirsa S. R., 1879-83, p. 234. Passi: a soil in which the sand is very near the surface. Ludhiana S. R., 1878-83, p. 94. Pasu: 8. m., cattle. Paswaj: a cotton gown of very light texture, almost approaching to muslin, and made of various gay colours. Kangra S. R. (Barnes), p. 45. Pat: a young female goat : patlu, a young male-up to 2 years old-see under baleri. Pat: the beam to which the oxen are fastened in a sugar press. Karnal S. R., 1872-80, ..161. Pat: a waist-string of silk, for fastening & small cloth between the legs. Karnal S. R.. 872-80, p. 124. Pata jan: Petranjiva roxburghii ; a tree. Hoshiarpur S. R., p. 13. Patak : the impurity till the 13th day after the death of a person, Karnal S. R., 1872-80, . 137. Pata kna: to clean, sift anything. Kangra Gloss. Patån: a place of ambush, in which to sit at night, to shoot game on a tree or in a pit, angra Gloss. Patan: a stretched string which the watchers of the fields of the great millets jerk so as to xing the great plants about and frighten the birds. Karnal S.R., 1872-80, p. 172 Patan: a pair of shoes. Karnal S. R., 1872-80, p. 124. Pațbijna : s. m., a fire-fly. Paths: thick, round, conical-shaped continuation of the nose let into a notch in the latter. id secured by the coulter, which passes through it. Karnal S. R., 1872-80, p. 162. Pathan lag-gaya : "the good foundation of the well has been reached ". Ludhiana S. R., 878-83, p. 98. Pathar: a mango fruit, supposed to be like a stone (pathar) in weight and the hardness of its kin. Hoshiarpur S. R., p. 15. Pathiali : the same as the maira land, but with a larger proportion of clay; it gives wonderful crops with good rain, but is liable to fail in dry years. It is, in fact, much the same as the rohi land. Cf. moti and rara. Hoshiarpur S. R., p. 70. Pathra kal: stony and sandy land. Cf, båti. Hoshiarpur S. R., p. 70. Paththa: a weight = 4 thakuris. Jubbal. Patid na : to sooth. Kangra Gloss. Page #156 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 152 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JUNE, 1912. Patli: a camel ailment; the nose gets filled with blood so that the animal cannot breathe properly: Sirsa S. R., 1879-83, p. 806. Patli dhati : a curved knife with a wooden handle. Jullundur S. R., p. 61. Patra phorna: the ceremony of changing the stools at a wedding. Karnal S. R., 1872. 81), p. 194. Patra hna: to go barefoot. Kangra Gloss. Patrishta : a ceremony observed on the completion of a house in Kangra. Patroru : (1) a round cake male of flour and water with salt and cummin and spices spread on bhajji or leaves (Colocasia antiquorum): (2) a festival held on 1st Bhadon at which pulse anl bread are eaten with patrorú : Churab. Floir and water with salt, spices, etc., mixed are spread on leaves, which are then foldel and the whole is eaten on the patroru ki, sankrant in honour of ancestors. Patta: a woollen garment. Sirmûr, cis-Giri. Patta: the money taken by the bride's relations from the bridegroom's father, out of which the village menials then and there receive their fixed dues. Karnal S. R., 1872-89, p. 132. Patta chogai: lit. leaf-cropping'; the term applied in Bara Bangahal to the tax paid by shepherds for their sheep-runs. Kangra Gloss. Pattar : earrings worn by Musalman women. Ci, baliyan. Sirsa S. R., 1879-83, p. 157 Patti : a field. Cf. patti. Kingra Gloss. Patti kunja : a stake net. Karnal S. R., p. 7. Pattu: a small field. Ci. patri. Pattu-vand : sec tarophila. Patyari = suhdg. Koti. PA all: a sort of ante-room. Sirsa S. R., 1879-83, p. 158. Paundh: war-tax. Kangra S. R. (Lyall), p. 33. Pawadh: a rich soil. Ludhiana S. R., 1878-83, p. 6. Pechi: a band of silver tinsel tied over the turban of the bridegroom when dressed in wedding garb. Karnal S. R., 1872-80, p. 129. Peina : ? paina : & quarter of a ther, q. t., Peindi: a stepping-stone = chara. Pendi: a recess in the wall used as a shell. Karnal S. R., 1872-80, p. 121. Penta: a standing place on either side of a small pool. Karnal S. R., 1872-80, p. 171. Peod : the seedlings of rice taken by Jhinuars and Chamars for planting after the schága ha worked up the mud into a fine pulp. Karnal S.R., 1872-80, p. 185. Pera : & small and very sweet mango fruit, supposed to be in shape and taste like the sweet meat pera. Hoshiarpur S. R., p. 15. Perauti: (sic) fallow and arable waste land. Of. chechar, Ludhiana S. R., 1878-83. p. 167. Peri : an early yellow maize. Kamil S. R., 1872-80, p. 184. Peria: the man who feeds the press with cane, opening out the canes in the press with an iron spike, and driving new canes well in by beating them on the top with a leather glove faced with iron. Karnal S. R., 1872-80, p. 182. Peru: see pal. Pesi: a small cake of gur. Jullundur S. R., p. 120. Petara: a basket for keeping clothes. Hoshiarpur S. R., p. 42. Peti : an offering of flour, ghi and sweets offered to a dcity. Sirsa S. R., 1879-89. p. 145. Phadd: the gums. Phailna : 1. D., to spread. Phakka : young locust. Sirsa S. R., 1879-83, p. 255. Page #157 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ JUNE, 1912.] CONTRIBUTIONS TO PANJABI LEXICOGRAPHY 153 Phakku : threshing floor; the word is also applied to the fees of the chariddr, carpenter or blacksmith given thence. · Phala: the frame-work drawn by bullocks treading out corn, Hoshiarpur S. R., p. 72. Phali: door panel. Sirmûr cis-Giri. Phalia : a path or passage through the hedge round a horse. Phalna: to give a he-buffalo to a she-buffalo. Karnal S. R., 1872-80, p. 195. Phalsa : & village-gate. Sirsa S. R., 1879-83, p. 169. Phalur: a stack of straw. Cf. kundali. Phaman: a very tall variety of wheat growing to a height of 4 or 5 feet in good well land The grain is large but said to be hard and not good for flour. Cf. balkanak. Ludhiana S. R. 1878-82, p. 113. Phant: gowing the seed broadcast. Cl. khindana. Karnal S. R., 1872-80, p. 169. Pharkal: a stone step. Sirmûr trans-Giri. Pharkion : wooden floor of the first storey. Sirmûr trans-Giri. Pharna : to catch, seize. Pharoja na: to go away. Bauria argot. Pharraru : a hare. Kangra Gloss. Phaffha : adj. twisted by warping (of wood). Phat, parr: an open grassy slope on the side of a big mountain. Phatti: a knife used in threshing sugar-cane. Cf. tukkal. Jullandur S. R., p. 108. Phera : a handful of corn in the ear, which a blacksmith gets every time he goes out to the fields at harvest time to sharpen the sickle. Hogbiarpur S. R., p. 61. Phera-ghora : bringing home the bride for good and all to her husband's house (the muillau of the plains). Kangra S. R. (Lyall), p. 70. Phisst : a snake (Echis carinata). Jullundur S. R, p. 12. Phitora : evil eye. Sirsa S. R., 1879-83, p. 165. Phoglu : a lot, cast with marked goat's droppings. Kangra S. R. (Lynll), p. 32. Phraggara : light, (adj.) as of dawn, or of a candle in a dark room. Kangra Gloss, Phuglu : & species of bamboo. P. Dicty., p. 898. Kangra S. R., p. 20. Phak-phold: a tenant, probably so-called because his tenancy only afforded livelihood for a single soul : Palam, = atholu, Kangra S, R. (Lyall), p. 44. Phal: the knuckle-bones and other small fragments of bone of a burnt person. Karna S. R., 1872-80, p. 137. Phulam : a kind of grain Churah. Phulgir: lit. king of flowers, the pheasant, commonly known as the argns. In Kila he is called the jijurana, lit. prince of animals. Siul: a kind of grain and some other grains. The grain is roasted and eaten on fast days by Hindus. Churah. Pbalri: consent or assent, to betrothal. Phalli diti=has given a promise. Pangwil. Phulseri : a variety of cobra snake. Jullundur S. R, p. 12. Phurakna: the first mouthful of rice milk, spit on the field of cotton towards the west by the women who go round it for picking. Karnal S. R., 1872-80, p. 183. Piazi: a tree (Asphodelus fistulosus). Karnal S. R., p. 9. Pichwara : the back of a house : opposed to channa. Pida: a small stool made of wooden frame, and covered with netted string. Cf. khatola, Karnal S, R., 1872-80, p. 121. Phulnar Indian corn Page #158 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 154 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JUNE, 1912. Pih: the stratum on which the cylinder of the well rests. Jullundur S. R, P. 101. Pihi : the privilege of driving cattle to another village for making them drink water from its poud or well. Sirsa S. R., 1879-83, p. 302. Pij: the limalayan chamois ; in books called gural. In Kulu it is called gurad. Kangra Gloss. Pila : a variety of wheat; the best of all. Karnal S. R., 1872-80, p. 189. Pilak : a very coarse cakey soil, almost barren and worse even than sand. Ludhiana S. R., 1878-83, p. 91. Pili: a variety of jowar ; it gives a sweet large grain, but is delicate. Cf. alá piiri. Karnal. S. R., 1872-80, p. 186. Piliphati: dawn. Karnal S. R., 1872-80, p. 122. Pinan: a large donble-stringed bow with which ginned cotton is scutched. CI. dhunku. Karnal S. R., 1872-80, p. 183. Pinjri: abier. Cf. arti. Karnal S. R., 1872-80, p. 136. Pira: a wooden stool. Sirmûr trans-Giri. Pira: a small stool. Cl. pida. Karnal S. R., 1872-80, p. 121. Pironda: a silk cord used for tying a woman's hair. Sirmür. Pitřna : v. n. to be beaten. Poh: to bury. Ludhiana S. R., 1878-83, p. 159. Hârni argot. Poli: unleavened bread; see under bhatoru, Ponai : sifting grain from chaff in a sieve. Kangra Gloss. Port : an oblong room in front of the house : Sirmûr vis-Giri.. Poshaki: an annual allowance of Rs. 20 to 30 given to a selected lambarlar, Ludhiana S. R., 1878-83, p. 81. Potia: a turban. Bauria argot. Prikamma: circun ambalating an amsa Tree from left to right in Phagan : Karnal S. R. 1872-80, p. 157. Pukarne = pukarnd: to help. Pula: grass of the sar. Paloj: land cultivated every harvest. Ludhiana S. R., 1878-83, p. 167. Pulan: a kind of grain, = phulan. Charah. Pali: bundle of corn (about 8 sêrs kacha) given to kamins at reaping time. Pumba : the man who scutches the ginned cotton. Cf. teli. Karnal S. R., 1872-80, p. 183. Pan: an assigned grain assessment, Spiti. Kangra S. R., p. 114. Pund: a heavier description of begår or corvee than the satbahak (q. v.). Pundal: melon (Trichosanthes ang in). Kangra S. R., p. 25. Punia : full moon - usually a fast, Chamba. Punje: raw fibre. Karnil S. R., 1872-80, p. 199. Punke: a small white insact that stacks full-grown cane. Ludhiana S. R., 1878-83. D. 126. Pura li : the straw of rice. Karnal S. R., 1872-80, p. 185. Purali: rice-straw. Sirsa S. R., 1879-83, p. 281. Parat: a square enclosure of flour made at a wedding by a Brahman on fresh plastered ground. Cl. mandal. Karnal S. R.,1872-80, p. 130. Bagi: a synonym for mandwa. Karnal S. R., 1872-80, p. 187. RA han, rahi : ploughed, Rahn: indigestion. Hissar. Rai: churn-stick. Cl. mandhani. Sirsa S. R., 1879-83, p. 159. Page #159 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ JUNE, 1912.) MISCELLANEA 155 Raja oli ja tra : a játra held only once in the life-time of a chief, when he ascends his ancestral gadi. Kot Ishwar Deota is taken all over Kumhârsain and stays in each pargana for 3 or 4 days. He does not go to parganas Kandru and Sheonl but in all the other parganas from village to village the deota is taken for a Rajawali Jatra. The Jawala Jatra is held in Shadoch on y. See Jawâlà Jatra. Rakar : the dry sloping land cut up by water action. Hoshiarpur S. R., p. 60. Rakar: a thin coating of soil on a substratum of sand (in Dasuya). Hoshiarpur S. R., p. 70. Rakhorar: kept,' opposed to biotar, q. v. a mistress, a woman living with a man as his wife without marriage. Rakkar: stony or hard dry land. (To be continued) MISCELLANEA. MELANGES D'INDIANISME PROPESSOE SYLVAIN LEVI stands in the fore- tive demonstration that Kathiâ war was more con. front of Indianists. His masterly Theatre In- servative in its language than the Deccan. Blonay diane has long been out of print. His Doctrine has a brief paper on the Buddhist deity Tara of Sacrifice in the Brihmanas will not soon be Grammont gives us a very interesting essay on In the province of Buddhism fow the metathesis in Pali and shows the diversity of Can speak with greater authority. His great the various dialects grouped together under the achievements lie in Chinese Buddhism, of which general name of Puli. The relationship between he has shown the signal importance in his the Slavonian and Iranian languages is touched brilliant critique of the Sutrálankúra and a pon by Cuny, and one looks forward to further nuruber of essays in various magazines, some of contributions on the subject from the author. O which, like the formation of the Divyatuadana and the same lines is the inquiry pursued by Wrnout, Notes Chinoises sur l'Inde, are of most striking who brings out the affinity of the Indo-Iranian originality, demonstrating the necessity of and Italo Celtic tongues. Social India, according examining the Chinese translations of Sanskrit to the Sabhd-parva', is shown us by Roussel. Buddhistic works. As his own pupil, Huber, has | The section on women presents a picture hardly pruvel, it is not seldom that the much-vauuted to the taste of those who sigh for the golden age antique Pali literature tinds not only its com- of the past. The Bengali translator has not plement, but often its corrective in the huge slurred over the slokas. I have elsewhere shown mass of Chinese writings. the injustice of charging the Moslems with the On the completion of the twenty-fifth year introduction of the Zenana system into India. of his connection with the Ecole pratique des Either Draupadi's lament was untrue or in Ha ites Etudes, lis pupils and friends recently ancient India a parda system was in force, the offered Professor Sylvain Levi, i Miscellany of vigour of which it is difficult to speak with papers on India and Further-India, all of which exaggeration. Perhaps the most fascinating are of special interest to us in India. Dr. Miss paper in the collection is the one entitled Raonano Bocle, the author of the Pali Literature of Burma, Rio, by Ghauthiot, who traces through pages contributes a study of the legend of Ratha pula of sustained brilliance, the origin of the Buddhist in the Pali A padána and Buddhaghosha com title to the Achæmenide King-of-Kings. Inci. mentary. Jules Bloch treats of the Greek equidentally, we learn the importance and extent of valents of Indian proper names and names of Pahlavi is used by the Indo-Scythian rulers like things, and explains the difference in the Greek Kanishka, who was to judge from his religious modes of transcription by the proved supposition symbolism was as much an Iranian as a Buddhist. of numerous dialects in India. There is a sugges. The Divyevad ina will continue to engage the old school, like the present writer, find it hard to adapt themselves to the new fangled Tar and sandin. It is not advooated that the nominative singular form should be rigidly adhered to the wuf..inilar base-foru is almost, though not quito, s fantastic as the favourite Buliho of some puritanio Palatu. Page #160 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 156 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [June, 1912. attention of scholars till we get a reliable trans- the mother of the Buddha dreamt, appears first Jation of it in a European language with the help in the Jataka stanzas and disappears with the of the Tibetan. Cowell and Neil, the Cambridge fading fresco of Ajanti. Submerged but not editors of this beautiful collection of early extinguished under the weight and prestige of Buddhist stories, were alive to its importance, the dominant Sanskrit, there has always been, which had first been put in a clear light by in India, a rich Prakrit literature, best known to Burnouf. It was reserved, however, for Sylvain us in its religious aspect of the Pali of the Levi and Huber to convince us of its uncommon southern Buddhist and the Ardha-Magadht of the interest as a fragment of the enormone Vinaya Jains. Its popular phase is represented by the of the Sarvastivadis, so richly represented in immense collections of romances and stories. Chinese and irrevocably lost in the original Few have carried the researches into the latter Sanskrit. J. and E. Marouzeau discuss the use further than Lacote, who offers bere a deep and of the verb "to be" in the Divyavadana. Finot's exhaustive study of the Indian origin of Greek contribution to the study of some Indo-Chinese romance. It would appear to be one piece of traditions testifies to the continued interest evidence of the influence or reaction, however vinced by the French in the by-gone civilisation slight, exercised by India on Hellenic culture. of their Asiatic possessions, and the elucidation Despite the late Peterson's beautifully limpid of inscriptions in Cambodia by Coedes is evi-analysis of the romance of Kadambari, its dence at once of the extent and duration of labyrinth of a plot was never more lucidly disHindu culture in the Far East, and of the entangled than by Lacote. In a half dozen, all scholarship of France. too brief pages, Huber examines the Tibetan Buddhist archeology, and iconography in version of some of Bharata's stanzas. "Of all particular, owes perhaps more to Foucher than the sections of the Panchatantra found in India to any one individual investigator. It was be in the sixth century by the agents of Shah who placed his finger on the spot where excava Khushro Noshirwan the Sasanian, the chapter on tion, conducted by Marshall aud Spooner, revealed sage Bilar (Bharata) has undergone the most the relics of the Buddha near Peshawar. His singular vicissitudes." The fascinating little study of the Chhadanta-Jutaka, in the present study is a worthy continuation of the Migration of Fables. There is scarcely an essay by any one volume, further traces the history of this of the twenty-three distinguished collaborators curious Buddhist legend, where Feer left it. Of of this book, which does not bear witness to the particular value are his animadversions on the profound and varied eru lition of Prof. Sylvain loose conglomeratation of the Pali Pitakas and Levi, eminent as a Sinologist and Indianist the dubious worth of the Jeitaka stories (the and unsurpassed as an authority on Buddhism. atthupannani) as distinguished from the Gathas. G. K. Y. Chronologically, the six-tusked elephant, of which RANGOON. CORRESPONDENCE. KALIDASA AND KAMANDAKI. With regard to Mr. P. V. Kane's interesting Indischen Philosophie, in Vol. XXXV of the Note, ante, Vol. XL., (1911), p. 236 on "Kalidasa Sitzungsberichte, 1911, pp. 732-743), also refers to Kamandaki, who, he says, may be placed and Kamandaki," the writer's attention may be as early as the 3rd or 4th century A.D. In that drawn to a paper by Professor Carlo Formichi, read to the XIIth International Congress of case the relative positions of Kamandaki and Orientalists in Rome (Alcune Osservazioni sull, Kalidasa woull be the reverse of what Mr. Kane Epoca del Kimandakiya Nitisára, published assumes to have been. Kamandaki would be the earlier of the two. For my part (Journal, RAS, separately in Bologna, 1899), in which the Professor showa Kamandaki to have lived in the time 1909, pp. 110ff.), I am disposed to agree with ..f Varahamihira (A.D. 505-397), or rather some. Professor Kern (Weber's History of Indian Liter. what earlier. Professor Jacobi, in a very import ature, p. 204, n. 211) that Kalidasa was a contemant paper, contributed to the Prussian Academy porary of Varabamihira, in the sixth centary of Sciences in Berlin, on the early history of the Indian Philosophy (Zur Fruhgeschichte der OXFORD. A. F. RUDOLF HOERSLB. . 4. D. Page #161 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ JULY, 1912.] ANCIENT HINDU MUSIC 157 CONTRIBUTION TO THE STUDY OF ANCIENT HINDU MUSIC. BY RAO SAHIB PRABHAKAR R. EHANDARKAR, B.A., LM. & S.; INDORE. TIE subject of ancient Hinda music does not seem to have received that attention from Indian1 ists which it deserves. More than a century ago Sir William Jones, Francis Fowke, J. D. Paterson, etc., made attempts to elucidate Hindu music. Bat those were days of pioneering work, when very little was known of Sanskrit literature to European scholars, and the Siddhanta-Kaumul! was considered to be the title of the grammatical work of Pinini and Kallinátha passed for a rislu. Since that time no attempt has been made to interpret Sanskrit treatises on music. Thus, Raja S, M. Tagore, who has done so much to attract attention to Hindu music, and has compiled a small Sanskrit book on the subject, almost invariably follows the authors just mentioned ; and Captain Day, who has rendered such a great service to the present day Karnatik system of music, has simply contented himself by quoting from the writings of the Raja and the previous writers, when treating of the theory and old practice of Hindu music. The only exception is that of Monsieur J. Grosset, who has not only gone back to original Sanskrit authors, but has been the first, as far as my knowledge goes, to study the most ancient of them, viz., Bharata. Unfortunately besides the various disadvantages under which a foreign scholar, living ontside of India, naturally labours in a work of this sort, Monsieur Grosset manifests too much faith in the writings of Raja S. M. Tagore. The necessary result of this has been the propagation of errors originally made by the pioneers namel above. This one finds them in Carl Eagel's writings, Ambros' Geschichte der Music and Helmholtz's Sensations of Tone, to mention only the most important works. It is hoped that the following essay will help to correct these errors, There are other serious defects also in the writings of Sir W. Jones and his contemporaries. Thus, the authors have no first-hand knowledge of some of the Sanskrit works on music they mention. For instance, Sir W. Jones attributes various things to Bharata, which do not occur in that author's work. Indeed, Samgita-N Ardyana and Somanatha's Räga-vibodha seem to be the only trvatises of which he has a direct knowledge, and even then he has not discovered the date of the conosition of the latter, though it is given at the end of that book, and simply remarks that "it seems a very ancient composition." This tendency of referring everything Hinda to the hoary past is a characteristic fault of writers of this period, and is, of course, quite excusable, considering the limitel knowledge of Indian matters at the time. It is regrettable, however, to find it in later writers, as for example, when Râjâ S. M. Tagore, a century later, refors Hindu musical notation to an age anterior to the commencement of the authentic history," and produces in support of his statement nothing older than the facsimile of an air from Somanatha's work (A.D. 1609) which had originally appeared with Sir W. Jones' paper. In the following essay, pains have been taken to indicate the probable period of a particular stage of Hindu musia under discussion, which, it is hoped, will incidentally show the unsafeness of the common argument of " the well-known hatred of change of the Hindus," 80 often called into requisition when definite knowledge fails. I have taken the following Sanskrit treatises on music to serve as sign-posts in the development of that art : 1. Bharatiya-ndiya-sdstra, circa 4th century A. D. Abbrev. Bh. (Kavyamala edition). 2. Sarngadova's Samgila-ratndkara, written some time between A.D. 1210-1247. Abbrev, S. R. (Anandashrama edition). 3. Somanatha's Raga-vibodha, A. D. 1609. Abbrev. R. V. (ed. Gharpare). 4. Ahobala's Sangita-pdrijdta, circu the latter half of the 17th century. Abbrev, S. P. Poona edition, unless Calcutta edition be specially mentioned). Page #162 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 158 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JULY, 1912 This choice has been determined by the fact that all these works have been printed and are thus easily available. 1. Bharatiya-nálya-sdstra.-This is the oldest Sanskrit work which treats of music, amn other subjects. It is useless to try to determine the date of the author, even if it were possible to do 80, because the present text is evidently the result of many re-handlings even in comparatively recent times. Thus, certain versca quoted from Mâtrigupta's work and the Natyalochana, by Raghavabhasta in his commentary on the Śákuntala, are found in the present-day text of Bharuta. Again, probably there came into existence various recensions of the work, as for example, the Nandi-bharata', or Bharata according to Nandin. Nay, it would further appear that the tim bharata came to mean “ dramaturgy" generally, as shown by the title Matanga-bharatam, a work by Lakshmana-Bhaskara, for though this work is not yet discovered, in no other sense can the writings of Matnuga be called 'Tharatam.' In contra-distinction to these later tharatas, as it were, Raghavabhatta mentions a work called Alibharata. A manuscript with this namo existe in the Mysore Oriental Library, but a cursory examination of the chapter on music corresponding to the 29th in the published edition does not show any more marked difference than is found in other manuscripts, bearing the ordinary name. It will thus be evident that the facts that Bhavabhūti refers to Bharata as taurya-trika-strakara (composer of the rules of the three arts of dancing, singing and instrumental music), and that Kalidasa also mentions him as a muni (ancient sage), simply show that a certain work by Bharata was known to those poets. What portions, if any, of the present text formed a part of the original, it is impossible to say. Nor is the argument derived from the mention of the Prahraras (Pehlavi) in a book of such a composite nature of any value in determining the date of the author, for, taking an extreme view, the fact can legitimately be said to throw light only on the date of the composition of the particular verse in which the word occurs. It becomes necessary, therefore, to try to ascertain, if possible, the prohable date of the composition of the various chapters, and sometimes even of the particular verses. At present we are concerned with the chapters treating of music. Even a cursory reading of these, as given in different manuscripts, shows the enormous re-handling which the text has undergone. Thug a passage written in prose in one manuscript is found versified in another, and certain passages referring to the same matter read so differently in different manuscripts, that they must be looked upon, not merely as various readings, but as different compositions, though very often the meaning of the passages is the same. At times, however, a later interpolation is seen to be in disagree. ment with other parts of the work. Under these circumstances an effort was made to find out whether there were any references to music in Kalidasa's works, which, by their discrepancy with the alleged work of Bharata, could suggest a priority of either. Unfortunately, I have not yet been able to find any such discrepancies, except the doubtful one contained in the 39th ślolozs of the Raghuvamia, canto I, where the siadja note of the gamut seems to be referred to as being of two varieties. The commentator Mallinatha explains the two varieties as being either (a) buddha and vikrita or (6) chyuta and achyuta. If this explanation is to be accepted, it is evident that the stage of music represented by Bharata's work must be looked upon as earlier than that of Kalidasa's time, for, this distinction of the shadja note is not found there, at least not under those terms, -and only occurs in later writers. 1 Soe the end of the Bharattya-nagya-f Istra, Kavyamala series. I have consulted four MSS. (1) A of MM. Paul Ragoand and J. Grosset, very kindly put at my disposal by the latter gontleman, (2) G. of the same authors, (3) P, and P, from the Doocan College Library, boing copies of 4 Bikaner manuscript, (4) M. & manuscript from Mysore. 3 THT : forfar: Tufaft: Page #163 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ ANCIENT HINDU MUSIC 159 JULY, 1912.] There is, however, no obligation to accept Mallinitha's interpretation, as the two varieties of the note, viz., (1) shalja and (2) shadja-sádhárana, mentioned in Bharata, are quite sufficient to explain the passage. Though the attempt to find out the priority of either of these works has thus failed, a comparison with the Amarakosa is apparently more successful. In Bharata occurs the worl kutapa (a band of musicians), but it is not found in the Amarakosa, though one might expect it, if it were in existence, along with the terms for specific collections (vrinlabhedah) given in slokas 41 and 42, Kanda II. 5, e. g., varga, sangha, etc. The word marjund occurs in Amara, but the technical meaning of it, as used in Bharata, viz., 'a mode of tuning the triad of drums' is not given. But still more to the purpose is the occurrence of the word kakali in the Amarakosa among the musical terms, but without the specific signification of the note between the nishala and the shudja,' which is assigned to it in Bharata and all later treatises on music. It would thus appear that probably the portion of the Bharatiy-natya sastra under consideration is of a later date than the Amaral 1. Unfortunately, the date of this lexicon cannot be ascertained, and the opinions of scholars differ. Thus Weber assigns it to the 11th century A. D., whereas Prof. A. A. Maclonell, with more show of reason, says that it was not improbably composed about 500 A. D.' But one of the words given above, viz., marjana, occurs in Kalidasa in the technical sense, but not in the Amarakośa, and if there be any force in the argument used above, the lexicon must be looked upon as prior to Kâlidâsa. Perhaps a slightly added strength is given to this view by the occurrence of the word mûrchhand both in Kâlidâsa and Bharata, and its absence from Amara, though it may be urged that one has not got the same right to expect this word in that lexicon as the other word marjana. According to the well-known tradition, Amara was the contemporary of Kâlidâss, who lived about the end of the fourth century, and this is the earliest date at present assigned to Amara. Even putting the date a century further back in compliance with this argument, the portion of the Bharatiya-natya sastra, which deals with music, cannot be assigned to an earlier period than the 4th century A. D.; and may indeed be of a later date. This of course does not mean that the music described in that work did not exist at an earlier period. 2. Sârigadeva's Samgita-ratnakara.-There is no difficulty now in fixing the date of this work. It must have been written between A. D. 1210 and A. D. 12475. Sârigadeva mentions a large number of writers on sampita (dancing, singing and instrumental music) between Bharata's and his own times, but their works are no longer extant, and one has to be content only with the few quotations found in the writings of the commentators on Sârigdeva's own work. This is very much to be regretted, because the period between Bharata and Sârigadeva was a very long one-seven or nine centuries-and music had undergone a very great evolution, which it is impossible for us to follow without the missing links. Sârigadeva's work itself, though extremely valuable other wise, gives but little assistance in such a study, on account of the commonly accepted precept, that whenever there is a discrepancy between a sdstra (ancient rule) and a lakshya (actuality or actual practice), the former should be interpreted so as to tally with the latter (ride S. R., Adhy. vi. 331-311). It must be mentioned, however, that at times such discrepancies are noted by the author. R. G. Bhandarkar-A Peep into the Early History of India, p. 45. 6 R. G. Bhandarkar-Early History of the Dekkan (2nd ed.), pp. 111-112. Hére also occurs the following remark There is a commentary on this work, attributed to a king of the name of Singa, who is represented as a paramount sovereign of the Andhra circle. This Singa appears in all likelihood to be Singhana; and the commentary was either written by him or dedicated to him by a dependant, as is often the oase. The fact, however, that this commentary mentions another, viz., that by Kallinatha, circa A. D. 1459, goes against this oonjecture. Further, it may be noted that in the portion of Simhabhupala's commentary published at Calcutta, there is no mention of the author being the paramount sovereign of the Andhra cirole as in the mannaarip! referred to in the Early History of the Dekkan. Page #164 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 160 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JULY, 1912. of the many writers on music mentioned by Sârigadeva, Kohala was perhaps chronologically the next great author after Bharata, for, at the end of the Bh, we find the prediction that "Kohola will tell the rest of the nd!ya. Matanga seems to be comparatively a recent writer, and, to judge froin the available quotations, appears to have rendered the same service to music in his own time as a compiler, which Sarigadeva bimself did at a later period. Thas he is found to quote Bharata, Kobala, Kasyapa and Dargåsaktiand reconcile diffrent opinions. 3. Somanatha's Ragavibodha -The date of composition of this treatise is given at the end by the author himself as Saka 1531 i.e., A. D. 1609. 4. Ahobala's Samjita-pdrijata.-This work was translated into Persian in the year 1137 A. H. or A. D. 1724.3 It will be seen hereafter, that this work represents a later stage in the devclopment of music than the last treatise, and I have assigned it, therefore, to the latter hall of the 17th century approximately. Preliminary Remarks. The following elementary considerations, though they ought to be well-known to students of the theory of tuasie, do not seem to be recognised by many of the authors, whe have written on the subject of Hindu music, and this is my excuse for introducing them here. The modern European diatonic scale recognises two modes, the Major and the Minor: The major mode c d e f g a b c 9 5 4 3 5 15 - 7 3 2 3 8 The minor modec deb | 9 a b o' 9 6 4 3 5 15 If the vibration frequency of the note c be represented by 1, the vibration frequencies of the other notes are represented by the numbers written under them. The interval between any two notes is expressed by the quotient of their vibration frequencies and not by their sabtraction ; thas the interval between f and a is a nd not Indicating the intervals between successive notes, the major mode may be written as follows: 9 8 10 9 16 15 9 8 10 3 9 8 16 15 • Bh. p. 445, sloka 18, where it is: fecara ought to road' hier: Fyfare. Also p. 45, v. 24, where i is a misreading for HTC M3. A. confirms these corrections. This prediction, vis, that the rest not dealt with here will be treated by Kohala, plainly shows that this roasting of the Bh was done after Kohala, a later author, had written his work. It muy incidentally bo mentioned that in Bårågadeva's enumeration of writers on musio (8. R., pp. 5-6) the name T a oscurs, whioh is the name of a single man (8. R., p. 164). As printed in both editions of the 8. R., the reader is apt to imagine and to bo two diet net writers and women. The Samgita. parijata, which is careless in such mattera, actually mentions IT as an author. Similarly, the S. P. notwith standing, perhaps FHTETT of 8. R. is the name of a single individual, but I have no evidence, as in the other case, to support the ounjecture. . Anecdotes of Indian Music by Sir W. Ouseley, reprinted in Raja S. M. Tagore's Hindu Music from Various Authors (1862). Page #165 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ JULY, 1912.] two is ÷ Each of the intervals 10 is called a tone. The former, which is the greater of the two, is further designated as a major tone and the latter a minor tone. The difference between the 10 81 , which is called a comma. The interval 16/15 is called a semitone, or 9 80 more strictly a diatonic semitone. Accurately speaking, it is slightly greater than a half tone, since two semitones 10 ×18 are somewhat more than a tone (). The minor tone 9 16 25 15 ANCIENT HINDU MUSIC 16 5 and and X that is, it consists of a diatonic semitone 16 and a somewhat smaller semitone 15 25 which is called a chromatic semitone. When a note is raised or lowered by a chromatic semi 24 tone, it is said to be made sharp or flat respectively. 75 Thus if the vibration frequency of c be taken as 1, d= sharp d= X = by the signs # and 9 8' 9 25 24 64fat e=. 5 25 = ==, &c. Sharps and flats are indicated 4 24 5' written after the notes, thus d # is sharp d, and e f is flat e. It is a well-known fact that the vibration frequency of a note (on which depends its pitch), obtained by plucking a thin string, is inversely proportional to its length, other things remaining the same. If the length of the string producing the note e be taken as unity, the lengths which produce the different notes of the major mode will be as follows: Notes Length of string 1 c d e f g a b C' 8 4 3 2 3 8 1 9 5 4 3 5 15 2 Here again, as before, the difference or interval between two notes is represented by the quotient of the corresponding numbers and not by their substraction. Thus the interval between d and e is + == (which means that the length of the string giving the note e is 9/10ths 9 10 8 of that giving the note d, other things being the same), and not 161 4 - This is such 45 an elementary matter that some readers are apt to wonder at the insistence with which it is presented here. But, as will be shown in the sequel, this error was actually made originally by J. D. Paterson, Raja S. M. Tagore drew up his instructions for the division of the finger board of the S'rutiviņa in accordance with it, and Captain Day (to mention only the most important writer) gave further publication to it. 5 There is another and more convenient method of expressing the intervals between the different notes of a scale. On examining the scale given above, it will be seen that the interval between the fundamental note and its octave is divided into five tones and two semitones. Each tone is approximately equal to two semitones, and the interval of an octave may, therefore, be Though this can be experimentally demonstrated pretty accurately (exaot precision is impossible) on a properly constructed monochord, for more than one reason errors are inevitable in an attempt to make the demonstration with the help of a fretted instrument like the bin or sitar, Page #166 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 162 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JULY, 1912. considered as equal to twelve semitones, and the intervals between the successive notes of the major mode may be roughly given in semitones as follows: Notes ... ... ... ...ode f g a b c Intervals in semitones ... ... 2 2 1 2 2 2 1 This is evidently only a rough statement, as, strictly speaking, the interval between c and d is not equal to that between d and e, nor is eitber of them exactly double of that between e and f. But let us now suppose that the interval of an octave is subdivided into twelve exactly equal intervals, which we shall term 'equal semitones' (E.S.). Then evidently the interval of an octave 2=(E. S.)', or one E. S. = 12 2. Taking this as our unit, we can express any interval in terms of it. Thus the interval between c and d expressed as a quotient is ; and it we want to find the number of equal semitones in the same, we have the relation 12 2 * = = which gives x = 2.04 nearly. To avoid decimals, we may pat one equal semitons = 100 cents, and say that the interval betweon c and d is 204 cents, instead of 2.04 equal semitones. The pitch of the different notes of the major mode may now be expressed as follows: Notes... ... c d e f g a b c Cents... ... 0 204 886 498 702 884 1088 1200 and the intervals between successive notes thus : Notes... c d e f g a b c Cents... 204 182 112 204 182 204 112 One convenience of this method of expressing the value of musical intervals is readily seen. viz., that they can be expressed by means of differences instead of by quotients. Moreover, a comparison of different systems of dividing the octave is thereby rendered easier. The Notes of Hindu Music From the S. R. I. iv. 38 and Náradi-Sikshi I. i. 2-3, it would appear that a sik was chanted in monotone, & gatha to two notes, and a sdman to three notes/0. A scale of four notes also seems to have been in use and was called warántara (Vern. suratar). In what relations of pitch the notes stood in the last three cases it is impossible to say, though at first in reading Náradi-Siksha I. i. 9-13, and I. v. 1-2, one entertains a hope of being able to make a guess. We are also ignorant of the stages by which the three notes of the shman chant rose to the number of seven, nor can we say, with certainty, what relation these seven sáman notes bore to the later seven notes of music. The former were named crushta, prathama, dvitiya, tsitiya, chaturtha, mandra and atisvára. 11 It is certain that these are in descending order of pitch, but in what exact relation, it is impossible to say. The Naradi-Sikshd does indeed in one place say : : TMT : TUTA: POL ar feda: Turek T: : IRIH चतुर्थः षड इत्याहः पञ्चमो धैवती भवेत् । षष्ठी निषाहो विज्ञेयः सप्तमः पञ्चमः स्मृतः॥२॥ (Translation-The first note of the Saman chanters is the madhyama of the flute, the second is the gândhara, the third is known as the rishabha, the fourth is callei the shadja, the fifth is the thaivata, the sixth should be known as the nicháda, and the seventh the panchama.) 10 Soo also S. R. (Calenta), p. 70, 11, 17 et seq. 11 Naradt Siksha I. i. 12; S. R. I, i. 25, Comm., where they are incorrectly spelt; A. O. Burnell's Arah eyerahmana-The Saman Chants in S, M. Tagore's Hindu Music from various Authors, 2nd edition. 19 Nanads-Siksha, I. vii, 1-2, A. C. Barnell Loc. cit. Page #167 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ JULY, 1912.] ANCIENT HINDU MUSIC 163 But it will be noticed that this nomenclature is different from the one which bas just been referred to as being given in another part of the same work. As a matter of fact, the names of the seven notes of the sdman have varied from time to time and in different parts of the country, 13 the enumeration and notation by the first seven numerals being more modern, A. C. Barnell professes to have identified them by means of a standard pitch-pipe with f, e, d, c, B, 4, G, and adds that it is also the doctrine of the Naradacisca (adhy. ii) according to oral information and quotes the first of the two blokas given above. He further remarks that the common Hindu scale corresponds with the European key of C. But it is easy to show that Dr. Burnell is certainly wrong (1) either in his identification of the seven notes with sie, d, &c., or (2) in supposing that this identification is borne out by the Narali-fiksha. For, though the author is quite correct in saying that the common Hindu scale (that is, of the present day) corresponds with the European key of C, it does not follow that the common ancient Hinda scale was the same as to-day's. As a matter of fact, it will be shown in the sequel that if c be taken as the shadja, the gândhara and the nishada as given in all Sanskrit treatises on musie, will be represented by e band b b, and not by e and b as is the modern Hindu practice in northern India. Moreover, Dr. Burnell evidently had not before him the second of the two ślokas quoted above; otherwise he would have seen that though the order was smooth up to the fourth note which was identified with the shadja, it was no longer so with the remaining notes, the fifth, sixth, and seventh, being the dhairata, tbe nishida and the pachama respectively, and not the nishdda, the dhaivata and the pañchama, as one would expect if the enumeration of the notes had proceeded in the descending order of pitch. From all this it is evident that Dr. Burnell's identification of the seven notes of the saman, even if it be correct, is not in accordance with the Náradi-bulsha, and it is very desirable that an expert should ascertain the relations of the notes of the saman, while it is still possible to find Brâhmaņas who can chant it. Though we do not know all we desire about these notes, we can gather some information about the scale from their names. Thus it would appear that there was a time when only fuar Rotes were used, which were designated by the names the first, the second, the third, and the fourth and formed a descending scale, that at a later time the scale was extended below and upwards by the notes mandra and lerushļa respectively, and that atisvara was the last addition to its lower end. In music proper, designated by the term gan lharva, seven notes are recognised and named shadja, rishabha, gândhdra, madhyama, pajichama, dhaivata, and nishada (rometimes also called saptama or the seventh), and represented by the syllables 8a, ri, ga, ma, pa, dha, and ni respectively. The earliest mention of these is found in the Anugitd and the Garbhopanishad. Telang assigns the former to the third or fourth century B. C., and the scale must be assumed to have dated from that period. How long before, the adman scale of seven not was in existence and whether it was identical with this one, are questions on which I am unable to throw light. In Greece, Pythagoras (flourished 540-510 B. C.) is said to have been the first to establish the eight complete degrees of the diatonic scale. As regards the meaning of the names of notes, it is easy to see that the madhyama is so called because it forms the middle note, the pajichama because it is the fifth, and the saptama (another name for the nishada) because it is the seventh note, in the shadjagrama. The various derivations of these and the remaining notes given by different writers and quoted in the commentaries on the S. R. by Kallinatha and Simhabhupala are simply fanciful, and need not be mentioned here. It may be noted, however, that one of the attempts, which interprets the name shadja as meaning the producer of the (other) six' (notes), besides being opposed to ordinary grammar, 13 A. C. Burnell, loc. cit. Page #168 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 164 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JULY, 1912. is based on the idea that it is the fundamental or keynote of the scale, which is incorrect; for, as will be shown hereafter, though shadja is the name of the keynote of the present Hindu scale, such was not the case in former times. The other explanation, viz., the note derived from the (other) six' has the advantage of being in better agreement with grammar, and it is not impossible (though I do not consider it probable) that it might have been the last addition to the scale. The term gandhara was evidently taken from the country of that name, noted for its musicians. The derivation of nishada is stated to be from ni+sal, the note being thus named because "the notes sit down' i.e., end in this one." This may be right, but I think it at least quite as likely that it was so called, because in the old Hindu vind (see below) the string on which it was played was the lowest, or as it were 'sat down.' The term nishadavan is also sometimes applied to this note instead of "nishada." On the svaras' and 'srutis.' In the Bh. there is no confusion or want of clearness about these. But some of the later Sanskrit authors have introduced difficulties unnecessarily, which the reader will find discussed in Kallinâtha's commentary (S. R. pp. 34-36). Thus Viśvâvasa says that śrutis are of two kinds, viz., (1) those on which the notes are located, and (2) those which intervene between two notes; for example, in the shadjagrama the fourth, seventh, ninth, etc., śrutis will be said to belong to the first class, and the first, second, third, fifth, sixth, eighth, etc., to the second. Some mention sixty-six śrutis, i, e., twenty-two for each of the three octaves, and have even gone to the extent of giving names co every one of these, others contenting themselves with naming only the twenty-two. In the Bh, the śrutis have not been designated by proper names at all. Some maintain that the number of srutis is infinite, which statement, if it refers to the interval of an octave and is not merely an extension of the last view of sixty-six śrutis to the infinite number of octaves that are conceiv able, simply means that the interval of an octave is divisible into an infinity of minute parts. Though this is true, it does not follow that one is not at liberty to divide it, if it suits one's purpose, into a desired number of parts. A straight line may be divisible into an infinite number of extremely minute parts, but it may be suitable for our purpose to divide it only into two or four. Kallinatha's objection to the view of infinite śrutis is that the ear is incapable of appreciating such infinitesimal árutis. Though this argument is quite valid, it does not strike at the root of the question. It may still be asked:-Why just twenty-two śrutis, and hot twenty-four or twelve, each of which is quite as appreciable by the ear as one of the system of twenty-two ? The only complete reply would be: Simply because the system of twenty-two suits best the purpose in hand, which is to indicate the relations of the various notes in the gráma. One more view requires notice. Kallinathal says "Other sages, like Vena, consider a śruti to be of nine sorts". Thus, for instance, At the holes of a flute wise men should produce notes of two, of three, and of four śrutis.' Bharata also has said15 The notes in a flute should be known as of two, three, and four śrutis, (produced) by shaking (of the finger), by half opening (a hole), and by fully opening (it).16 Thus have I mentioned nine correct śrutis.' I need hardly remark that it is arrant nonsense to speak of śrutis being of nine kinds, because there are notes of two, three, and four érutis, and two, three and four together make nine! Further it must be added to the credit of the Bh. that the lines, which say so, though alleged to be from that work, are not found in any of the manuscripts I have consulted. (To be continued.) 14 S. B., Vol. I, p. 40, 11 3-4 (Kallinatha's Comm.) 14 9. B., p. 35. भरतेनाप्युक्तम् - द्विकत्रिकचतुष्कास्तु ज्ञेया वंशगताः स्वराः । कम्पमानार्थमुक्ताश्च व्यक्तमुक्ताङ्गुःलिस्वराः ॥ इति तावन्मया प्रोक्ताः समीच्यः श्रुतयो नव । इति ॥ व्यक्तमुक्तास्तथैव च is a better reading. The 11. feto., do not occur in any of the M3S. of the Bh. I have consulted. 18 In later verses in the Bh. it is explained that the notes obtained by these processes are of three, two and four frutis, respectively. Page #169 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ ULY, 1912.) THE NASIK CAVE INSCRIPTIONS 165 FOUR VILLAGES MENTIONED IN THE NASIK CAVE INSCRIPTIONS. BY Y. R. GUPTE, B.A.; NASIK. 1.-Samalipada or sa malipada. ___'समलिपद or सामालपद.' SAmalipada occurs in inscription 3, line 13 : [१३] गामो समलिपद ददिम एतत महाअइरकन ओदान धमसेसुस लेणस पटिसंथरणे अखयनिविहेतु गाम मामलिपदं भिखुहि देवीलेणवा [सहि निका] येन भायनियेहि पतिगा उयप......एतस च गामस सामालपदस भिखुहलपरिहारं (वितराम). This village was granted to mendicants of the Bhadrayaniya sect, in lieu of another, vis.. Sudisana, which they rejected. The former is said to be situated within the subdistrict of Govardhana on the eastern road. Taggafat' can hardly mean to the east of the town of Govardhana, though tho Bombay Gazetteera is not clear on the point. It obviously would man on the east limits of the subdivision. But the reading gafe itself is incorrect. On personally examining the stone, I find that Mr. E. Senart's reading this is beyond doubt. The impressions accompanying it will make this clear. Sâmalipada can easily be identified wtih the modern Samanagaon, about eight miles from the Trirasmi Hill and in the eastern direction. The Sanskrit form is Salmalipadra, consisting of two parts: Salmali and paira, of which Salmali (or rather the Prakrit form śamali) has evidently been corrupted into samana (and being very often interchangeable), padra is the same as gaon, both signifying a village, rad being added on to the names of hamlets. From other identifications it seems more than robable, that it lay to the east of the then Govardhana subdistrict, but within it. It *pears that the river Darnâ formed the eastern boundary of the subdivision up to Sangavi and this is natural, 2.--Pisajipadaka or Pinschipedraka. पिसाजिपदक or पिशाचीपद्रक. Pisajipadaka [ for (Sanskrit) Pibâchipadraka ) occurs in inscription 2, line 11 : [88] a re fara heltz a Art THT T.........[fero] पिनपतियो धमसेतुस ददाति गाम तिरहुपवतस अपरदखिणपसे पिसाजिपदकं सवजात भोगनिरठि. This village was granted for reaaa () [frafat], that is for painting, or in a more general sense, for ornamentation. It is said to be on the south-west of the Cave Hill. We can identify it with the modern Sânjegaon or Sânjigaon (as the agriculturists call it), which is just to the south-west of the hill in the Igatpuri tålaka, the distance being 14 miles. Fijipadaka is made up of Pisaji+ padak z or padrata, which is in modern times replaced by Ca. Pisaji can easily take the form of Pasaji, and the latter can farther become sdnji or Sinje, with the initial pa dropped, as is not infrequent. The whole name we thas obtain is Sanjigaon or Sinjegaon, as it is generally written. It shonld be noted that the peasants have retained the moro primitive form. 3.-Kanhahidi. Kanhahini occurs in inscription 9, lino 2 :[?] उपासकस पुतेन धमनविना दतखेत अपरिलीय कण्हहिनिय एतो च खेतातो चिवरिक पवइतस. It is called 'rofesie ( ' or 'stateret that is, on the west, if the interpretation put by Pandit Bhagwânlâl is to be accepted. He infers that this means west of the Cave Hill. For ahara a technical territorial term, vide Dr. Fleet's Gupta Inscriptions, p.177 noto, and of the Alina gran of Dharasona II. Above, Vol. VIII, p. 72. Vol. XVI, vide p. 639. To be extremely fastidious, a very little above the straight line drawn from the Cave Hill towards the direct east, the angle being of less than 32 degrees--and therefore to speak commonly and plainly in the eastern (t in the north-eastern) direction. Furthermore, the village would be very nicely on the eastern road of the hill ani in all probability of the then Govardhna subdistrict. The reading is THT-and not T E -and attop, tion is especially invited to it. Ep. In l., Vol. VIII., P. 64. Page #170 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 166 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JULY, 1912. There is no village which corresponds in name in the direction. But we can identify Kanhahini with the present Kavņai, which is south-west of the Cave Hill, the distance being 18 miles. Two explanations are possible : (a) There might have been two portions of the village-one eastern and the other western, and the latter only referred to in the inscription by saying feta (). In other words, western Kambahini appears to have been alluded to and not the western direction of the Cave Hill. (6) A second explanation is to take safety as the name of a field as suggested by M. Senart. I add that I cannot help thinking that in Kavşai, we have some trace of Kaņhahini. The latter must first have been corrupted into Kanhai, and afterwards i sto Kâynai. It is locally considered to be a place where the great sage Kapila practised penance. Now it must be admitted that this is impossible. But it seems that it must have been a place of some religious importance and of considerable antiquity. 4.- Aparakakhadi or Kakhadi. Aparakakhadi occurs in inscription 4, line 2: [२] आनपयति गोवधने अमच विण्डपालितं गामे अपरकखडियं यं खेतं अजकालकियं उषभदातेन भूतं निवतन Gautamiputra Satakarņi gave a field in this village to Buddhist mendicants. But after a time another was exchanged. The Bombay Gazetteer remarks :-"This village has not been identified. The old name Aparakakhadi may be with reference to some other Kakhali to the east of it, or if there is a mistake in the text, it may be Aparakakhadi." There might have been two villages or two or even more portions of the village referred to in the inscription. One was called Aparakakhaçi in particular, but sometimes for shortness simply, Kakhadi. It may fairly be identified with the present Avalakheda, a village in the Igatpari tâluka and southwest of the Cave Hill, about 25 miles from it. Another field is said to be given as the village wag deserted. It is not very clear whether this means partial or complete desertion, especially as it is plainly noted that, the lands, were then cultivated.' Probably partial desertion is meant, the people removing to the neighbouring suburbs or vådís, perhaps because the original place was malarious and unhealthy. This can be guessed even now. There are about 10 or 12 suburbs of this small village, and it can be surmised that the original one must have been abandoned. If Sânjigaon and Kivņai are situated in the Igatpuri tálaka, we can, I think, safely look for Aparakakbadi in the same subdistrict, and naturally in their neighbourhood. The two components of Aparakakhadi are Apara and Kakhadi, the former now correspond ing to Avala and the latter to Kheda. Avara and apara mean the same thing: both meaning western. The former also means lower or mean and would be fitly applied to a village worth abandoning. R and are interchangeable. Aparakakhadi would thus naturally give place to Avajakheda. (b) Aparakskbadi is likely to assume the form Párakbeda or Palakheda. We have one PAlakheda in the Dindori taluka and another in the Niphad taluka, the distances from the Cave hill being 23 and 25 miles respectively, and the latter being east of the former. I, however for reasons given above, am very much inclined to believe that the ancient Aparakakhadi must be the modern Avalakheda. ] • Ep. Ind., Vol. VIII, p. 77. Page #171 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ JULY, 1912.] KING LAKSHMANA SENA OF BENGAL 167 KING LAKSHMANA SENA OF BENGAL AND HIS ERA. BY PROF. NALINIKANT BHATTASALI; COMILLA, THE account of the termination of Sena supremacy in Bengal has received wide notoriety from the writings of Minhaju-d-Din Saraj, the author of the celebrated historical work Tabaqat-i-Náṣiri. very school-boy of Bengal knows how the daring Maḥammad, son of Bakht-yår, fell upon Nadia ith a party of seventeen horsemen, and how the aged Rai Lakhmaniah slipped off through the Ostern gate. There was a fresh stir in Bengal about the matter by the publication of a picture me years ago, entitled "The flight of Lakshmana Sena"-by the late lamented artist -urendranath Ganguly. Minhaj's statements were sharply criticised recently, after the ablication of the picture; all the historians in Bengal setting themselves in right earnest to sprove Minhaj's statements. The most important effort in this direction has been that of abu Rakhaldas Banerjee, M.A., of the Indian Museum in Calcutta, who submitted a paper to the Asiatic Society of Bengal and also delivered a lecture on the subject in the first monthly eeting of the 16th year of the Bangiya Shahitya Parishat (Bengal Academy of Literature) of Calcutta. In these he attempted to prove that the reign of Lakshmana Sena ended long before the raid of Muhammad Bakht-yâr and consequently that it could not by any means be Lakshmana Bena who fled from Nadiâ. His arguments are as follows:-Four inscriptions, he says, are at the root of the present gitation (i) The Gayâ inscription, bearing the name of Aśokavalla,-dated 1813, Nirvana era.1 (ii) The Buddha-Gayâ inscription of Aśokavalla dated thus: "Srimal-Lakhmanasenasy-útita-rajye Sam. 51 Bhadra-dine 29." 2 (iii) Another Buddha-Gayâ inscription of Asokavalla dated thus:"Ermal-Lakshmayadeva-pádůvánattardjys 1 Ante, Vol. X., p. 341. Ante, Vol. X., p. 346. Sam. 74 Vaisakha-vadi 12 Gurau." 3 (iv) A third Buddha-Gayâ inscription of Asokavalla. It is not dated, but it serves to prove that king Asokavalla mentioned in all these four inscriptions is one and the same person.* Mr. Banerjee has rejected the date of the first inscription as being uncertain and useless. is discussion centres round the dates of the second and third inscriptions. He accepts Dr. Kielhorn's view that the era of Lakshmana Sena began in A. D. 1119-20; and then he seeks to explain the word atîta in the two dates by quoting Dr. Kielhorn. That eminent scholar wrote (inte, Vol. XIX, p. 2, note 3)-" During the reign of Lakshmana Sena the years of his reign would be described as Srimal-Lakshmanasenadéva-pâdânâm rajye (or pravardhamana-vijayarajye) Samvat; after his death the phrase would be retained, but Atita prefixed to the word rajye, to show that, although the years were still counted from the commencement of the reign of Lakshmana Sena, that reign itself was a thing of the past." Now, the second inscription of this series bears the date 51 of atita-rajya. Therefore the reasonable conclusion is that Lakshmana Sena must not have reigned for more than 51 years. The Lakshmana Sena era began in A. D. 1119-20, and Mr. Banerjee has tried to prove that the era began from the coronation of Lakshmana Sena. Therefore Lakshmana Sena could not have reigned beyond 1119+51=A. D. 1170. Muḥammad Bakht-yár on the other hand raided Nadiâ by A.D. 1200. Therefore the raid of Nadiâ happened long after the death of Lakshmana Sena. This is the main drift of Mr. Banerjee's argument. Jour. Bomb. 4s. Soc., Vol. XVI., p. 359. ⚫ Cunningham's Mahabodhi, p. xvviii. c. Page #172 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 168 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JULY, 1912 The subject is interesting, and truth must be ascertained at any cost. I venture to lay before the public the results of my investigation for what they are worth. Modern historians have been to an undue degree prone to discredit the narrative of Minhâj. They have completely ignored the fact that Minhâj was almost a contemporary author, and, more over, he did not rely upon information collected by himself alone. He is rather disposed to cite authorities and begins his account of the Sena kings thus :-" Contemporary historians, on whom be the peace of God, have thus related.” Another proof of his trustworthiness is that his statements accord exactly with the facts established by Dr. Kielborn by independent research. Minhaj declares that Rai Lakhmaņiab lived and reigned for 80 years and that Muhammad Bakhtyar sacked Nadia, in d. D. 1200. Dr. Kielhorn also found out that the era of Lakshmana Sena began in A. D. 1119-20, and there is exactly an interval of 80 years between this date and A. D. 1200. The conclusion is, therefore, irresistible that the era of Lakshmana Sena ran from the year of his birth. Let us investigate this matter a little further. 1. We get the following information about Laksbmaņa Sena irom Minhaj's book, the reliability of which is above inferred: (1) Lakshmana Sena was in his mother's womb when his father died. (ii) His mother died in the course of delivery. (iii) He was set upon the throne by the royal officers just after his birth. (iv) He lived or reigned 80 years. (v) He was very old when Muhammad Bakht-yar sacked Nadia. From quite a different source,--that of the Laghubharata, a Sanskrit historical treatise which seems to record genuine historical traditions, we get the following similar pieces of information about Lakshmana Sena. (i) Ballála Sena, father of Lakslimana Sena, was absent on a war in Mithila when Lakshmana was born in Vikramapura, (ii) False news about the death of Ballila in the Mitbila war spread abroad. Combining the information gathered from these two different sources, we may conclude that Ballala was actually absent on war in Mithila when Lakshmaņa Sena was born in Vikramapura. False news abont the death of Ballâla reached Vikramapura and the royal officers placed infant Lakshmaņa on the throne. The queen died in child-birth. It is just possible that to commemorate all these important events, Ballkla introdaced the new Lakshmana Sena era. It should moreover be borne in mind that if this account of the birth of Lakshmana Sena be true, the birth and the coronation may be taken in one sense to have happened at one and the same time, as Lakshmana Sena was placed on the throne just after his birth, though by mistake. II. Nadia was sacked in A. D. 1200. Minhaj says that Lakshmana Sena was 80 years old when the sack of. Nadia took place. Therefore he was born in 1200-80= A. D. 1120, which year is fixed upon by Dr. Kielhorn as the beginning of the Lakshmana Sena era. III. Let us now consider the four inscriptions of Asokavalla. As we have already stated, three of the four inscriptions are dated, -the first in 1813 Nirvana year, the second in 51 Atilaraya year, and the third in 74 Alita-rajya year. Unfortunately Mr. Banerjee has completely ignored the first date on the ground that there was no concurrence of opinion as regards the date of Mahaparinirrána among the Indian Buddhists when Hiewen Tsang visited India. He ought to hare considered that the difference of opinion prevailing in the 7th century might have been settled There are several proofs that Ballila lived beyond A. D. 1119, but we need not ontor into the discussion here Page #173 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ JULY, 1912.) KING LAKSHMANA SENA OF BENGAL 169 ciown in the course of six centuries and the Nirvana era as used by the Baddhists of the 13th century might be a fixed and definite one. He might also have inquired among the modern Buddhista of India whether they still use that era. We inquired among some Buddhist friends of ours, and they assured us that the Nirvaņa era is illvery widely used in the Buddhist circles, and that the present year 1912 of the Christian era corrasponds to the year 2456 of the Nirvana era. Hence we see that the year 1813 of the Nirvana eta corresponds to 1269 of the Christian era. But we know that the year 1813 of the Nirvana era, the years 51 and 74 of Atita-rajya must be very near to each other, being years in the reign of one and the same king Agokavalla. But Mr. Banerjee has concluded that 51 Atita-rajya is equal to A.D. 1170, which is far removed from 1269. The truth is that the word Alta-rajya was not rightly interpreted by Dr. Kielhorn. It really means-Rájye alite sali-after the reign has been a thing of the past.' The reign of Lakshmana Sena passed away in A.D. 1200. Therefore A. D. 1269=N. E. 1813= 69 Atta-rájya year, which falls conveniently midway between 51 and 74 of the second and third inscriptions. Here a question may arise. Are the years 51 and 74 years of a distinct era counted from the end of Lakshmana Sena's reign? We should answer in the positive. We can gather from the writings of Minhâj, that Lakshmana Sena was an extremely popular king. As an era was counted irom the year of his birth, so was an era counted from the year of the loss of his kingdom. That e was still very widely used in Vikrampur in the time of Nawab Alivardi Khan. With the a cendency of the English that era had to make room for the Christian era and vanished alto ther. An old document printed by Jogendranath Gupta in his History of Vikrampur (Bengali, age 511) is dated 1158 Bangala 545 Parganátit. We possess similar oid documents of the time of Nawab Alivardi Khan. They relate to slavery. One of them is dated : 1151 Bangala, 543 Perganálit sam. Another, "1158 Bangald, 550 Pargandlet sum." The present Bengali year 1318 (A.D. 1911) and by calculating with any of these three documents we find that the first year vi the Purgantit era corresponds to A. D. 1200-1. The suffis atita is clear, but how the word l'arganá came to be incorporated into the name can only be conjectured. One thing is, however, certain the valiant sons and grandsons of Lakshmana Sena, who retained their independence is Vikrampur for a century or more after the fall of Lakshmana Sena, did not forget the wrongs of their ancestor ; and the wide popularity of the era is a positive proof that the people of Vikrampur ll not forget their beloved sovereign even many hundred years after his reign became 'a thing of te past.' Prof. Bhattasali is probably not aware of the paper called Chronology of the Sena Kings of Ungal written by Mr. Nagendranath Vasu and published in the Jour. Beng. As. Soc., Vol. LXV, 16 ff., wherein has already been set forth much of the matter herein giren about the Laksh10.Anasena era. Bat the conclusions drawn by Prof. Bhattasali are different from those of Mr. Vall, who regards A.D. 1119, not as the initial year of the Lakshmana Sena era, but as the year al Ballála Sena's coronation. Mr. Vasn, again, on the authority of the Danasagara, cites Saka 1091 its the date of its composition, whereas Dr. Rajendralal Mitra (Notices of SK. MSS., Vol. I, r. 151) has assigned it to Saka 1019 on a quite different authority, Can the words sa i-nava-dasa. me, from which the date 1091 is deduced by Mr. Vasu, be read as nava-jasi-dasa-mite which wald exactly bring us to Dr. Mitra's date? - D. R. B.] Princep has shewn conclusively that the Nirvana era was widely current in India, Burma and Ceylon and tiat it began in 514 B.C. Vide his "Useful Tables," page 164. It is quite possible that inscriptions dated in the early Atita-rdjya year: 3, 4, 5, 6, etc., may be discovered il future. Page #174 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 170 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JULY, 1912. EPIGRAPHIC NOTES AND QUESTIONS. BY D. R. BHANDARKAR, M.A.; POONA. (Continued from above, Vol. XL., p. 240.) XII - Sahasram-Rüppath-Brahmagiri Edict of Asoka. THERE are two knotty passages in this edict which have for long been the subject of much discussion among scholars. Great interest in this matter has recently been awakened by two articles published in the Journal Asiatique. One of these is entitled "Les Vivasah d'Asoka" by Dr. F. W. Thomas (May-June, 1910, pp. 507-22) and the other “ Vyuthena 256" by M. Sylvain Lévi (1911, Part 1, pp. 119-26). I crave indulgence to lay my views before the scholars interested in Asoka's inscriptions. I. The first pagsage is as follows, in accordance with the three recensions of this edict : Rūpnâth :-Ya imdya kalaya Javibudipasi amisá devá kusu te dani misa katá. Sahasram:-[Ellena anta) lena Jahbudipasi ammisain devd santa munisa-misain deva tara. Brahmagiri :--I mind chu kalena amisd samdnd munisa Jambudi pa si misd derehi. The words misd and amisá occurring in these sentences had so long been taken to be equivalent to the Sanskrit mrisha and amrisha. But M. Sylvain Lévi has now shown that they stand for misrah and amisráh. The Pâli form of msisha would be musd and not misa. And secondly in the Sahasrâm recension we have the forms anmisam aud misas, which can correspond only to amisram and migram, and never to mrisha. Again, munisa-misan of the Sahasram text is a compound which can only be dissolved as manushyaiḥ miśran. Mrishd bas absolutely nothing to do here with misaa. It is also now agreed by most scholars that the words derd and munisa are to be taken in their usual sense of gods' and 'men.' So the question now arises : what can be the actual meaning of the three sentences ? Asoka says that for more than two years and a hali he was a lay-follower, and did not exert himself strenuously, but for more than a year that lie was in the Sangha he did exert himself strenuously. And what was the result? The result was that the gods who were so longʻunmixed with men were mixed with them. He, therefore, advises the people to put forth strenuous exertion. This will, he says, enable even a lowly person to attain the great heaven. Thus the fruit of exertion is expressed in two different phrases: (1) by the commingling of men and gods and (2) by the attainment of heaven (svarga). The two things are thus identical, and consequently the first phrase must be interpreted in the light of the second. What, therefore, the first passage in my opinion means is something like this. Asoka has explained to his people what dhamma is. The performance of dhanma leads to punya (spiritual merit), and the accumulation of punya to the attainment of heaven. Gods were formerly aloof from men and men from gods, because there were no men who had hoarded so much of punya as to vie with them. But now through the teachings of Asoka men have become so much punyavat and consequently such equals of gods that the old gull no longer existed between them and they have become one another's associates. But this punya (and through it svarga) can be secured only through parákrama (strenuous exertion). And hence it is that he exhorts men to exert themselves strenuonsly. That the performance of punya leads to the attainment of heaven was formerly as it is now the accepted belief of all sects, (compare, e. g. Te tai bhuktvá svarga-lokan viádla kshine punye martya-loke visanti-Bhagava l-gita, Chap. IX. v. 21; and also the words of the Buddba sache leho pan' a88a epain ditthi hoti: imind 'hain silena vd vatena va tapena vd bhahmachariyena a dero rd bhavissámi devaññataro rd, &c. occurring in the Majjhima-nikaya, sutta 57). This idea is also not foreign to the inscriptions of Asoka, as we shall shortly see. In order to understand this edict better, it is necessary to compare it with Rock Edict X.. a passage from which is as follows: Yaih tu kishchi pardkarate Devlnam (priyo) Priyadasi rajd ta savam paralrikdya [:] kinti [?] sakale apaparisrave asa. 1 I am sorry to say that not knowing French I have not the good fortune of knowing the views of these scholars first-hand. Page #175 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ JULY, 1912.] EPIGRAPHIC NOTES AND QUESTIONS 171 Here Agoka says that he exerts himself strenuously (pardkramate). But with what object in ricw! He replies: paratrikdya, i.e., with reference to the next world. But for whose sake? He answers : sakale apaparisrave asa, ie, in order that all men should be free from parisrava, which he further explains by apunnan=sin. Similarly, when in the S.-R.-B. edict Asoka says that for the period of more than a year that he was in the Sanghanhe exerted himself strenuously (badhan yalakaite), we must understand that it is not for himself that he was unflaggingly zealous but for others, or rather for the welfare pertaining to their next world. And consequently when he says that he made gods commingled with men and men with gods, this must be interpreted to mean that he made men like gods apaparisrava, i. e., free from all apunya (sin). It is only by interpreting the passage in this way that the full significance of the words khudakenani paleamami nena vipule svage sakye aradhetave which occur in and which form the main purport of the S.-R.-B. edict is brought out. This edict, in fact, is such a close repetition of Rock Edict X that there is a perfect harmony even in their concluding portions, which insist upon parákrama being put forth both by the great and the lowly. The same idea we find expressed in Rock Edicts VII and IX. A passage from the first of these is : Ya [vn] cha kinchi parákranámi aham [] kinti [?] bhutanan anarnai gachheyan idha cha nani sukha paydmi paratrd cha svagani arddhayantu. Here also Asoka informs us that the object of his strenuous exertion is to make people happy in this world and enable them to gain heaven in the next. It deserves to be noticed that the word paratra bere distinctly refers to svarga (heaven). In Rock Edict IX Asoka compares ordinary mangalas (auspicious rites) with dhanna-mangala, i. e., the auspicious rite consisting in the performance of dhanma. He says that the performance of ordinary ma igalas is of doubtful efficacy. It may or may not fulfil the desired object. But the practice of dhama, even if it does not lead to the attainment of temporal object, is sure to breed endless merit in the next world (palata chd anaintah punnan pasavati). If we thus compare Rock Edicts VI,IX, and X with one another, we find that, according to Asoka's theology also, the performance of dhainma leads to punya or apa-parisravatva, and the accumulation of punya to the attainment of svarga. What, therefore, Asoka means by saying that he made gods and men commingled with one another is that by teaching dhamma to people he has rendered them punyavat and made them like gode svargadhikarinah, claimants of heaven, and consequently one another's compeers. II. The second passage that we have to deal with runs thus in the three differont recensions. Sahasram :-Iyam cha sdvane pivuthena duve sapaináldli satd vivutha ti 256. Rūpnath :--Vyüthend sdrane kate 256 satavivasd ti. Brahmagiri :-Iyan cha sdvane sávd pite vydthena 256. The latest interpretation that has been proposed of this passege is that by Dr. Thomas. And this has been accepted both by Dr. Fleet and Proi. Fultzsch. He has shown that the passage contains not the slightest allusion to Buddha's death and that it makes mention, not of years, but of 256 nights, duve sapaind-lati-sata (of the Sahasram text) during which Asoka was away from his home. I wonder how it is possible to maintain this interpretation in the Rūpnath text, where the word sata of satavivasi must correspond to satd of láti-sata in the Sahasråm as Dr. Thomas understands it. The Rūpnath text at best can be interpreted to refer to not 256 but only 100 nights, supposing that the word lati is here understood. Again, what can be the meaning of the words ldli-satd virutha ? Can vivutha be here taken in the sense of "departed from home"? I am afraid, not. For what can be meant by saying that 256 nights departed from home? Prof. Hultzsch has no doubt seen through this difficulty and proposes to take vivuthd as an ablative singular. But then I fail to understand how even this ablative can give the sense of " after (the king) had left home." It can only mean " from the vinutha, i. c., (the king) who had left home." These are some of the difficulties to which the new interpretation in my opinion gives rise. Jour. R. As. Soc. for 1910, p. 1309. Page #176 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 172 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JULY, 1912. In interpreting this passage we must never forget the suggestions given us by such an authority on Asoka's inscriptions as M. Senart. The first is that Sald vivutha of Sahasrâm cannot possibly be separated from, and consequently must be taken to exactly correspond to, sata-vivasa of Rûpnâth. The second is that vivutha and vivdsa, wherever any one of these words occurs, must bear one and the same sense. Now, most scholars are agreed that the forms pivutha and rivása are to be derived from the root vi-vas, to dwell abroad, to depart from home,' That this is the natural correct sense to take will be seen from what follows. The word sata I take with Dr. Ollenberg and M. Senart to stand for sattva, 'a living being, soul.' But duve sapaindlatz3 I take with Bühler as equivalent to Lvo shat-panchisa l-ati. Obviously the word nata in the sense of sate has been inadvertently omitted after ali. It is a well-known fact that at the time of copying a document when a word is followed by an exactly or almost exactly similar word, one of these is sometimes dropped. If any instance is needed, it is supplied by the Girnar text of Rock Edict x. After yan tu kimchi pardkamate, we have devanam Priyalasi rájd instead of devánai priyo Priyadasi rája. A similar thing has happened in the Sahasram text, and hence after duve sapaindlati, instead of satá sata vivutha, we have simply sata rivutha. So the Sahasram text might be re-written as follows: iyain cha sdpane vivuthena [1] dupe sapainds-ati-sata satá vivutha ti 256. It may be rendered as follows: "And this sermon has been delivered by Vivathas (officials who have gone forth on tour). (The figure) 256 indicates that two hundred and fifty-six son's (i. e., officials) have gone forth on tour." The Rupnåth text may also be similarly translated: " (This) sermon bas been delivered by Vyúthas (officials who have gone forth on tour). (The figure) 256 indicates that there have been settings out on tour by (as many) souls (i. e, officials)." The word vyltha or vivutha I take to refer to Asoka's officials. This is clear, I think, from etiná cha vaya(n)janena yavataka tuphaka ahdle savata vivasetaviyuti of the Rupnâth recension. The same formula occurs in the Sarnath edict, and it will be patent to any one who reads it that this injunction is issued by Asoka to Mahamåtras, his own officials. I have, therefore, little doubt that in the Rupnath text too the same injunction is meant by the monarch to be conveyed to his officers. And what is the injunction? "Go ye forth on tour (virasetaviya) with these words (i. e., with this sermon oi mine) everywhere in your district." The word dhara again is noteworthy. It frequently occurs in care inscriptions and in the sense of " district." In other words, whese officers appear to me to be the pradesikas of Rock Edict III who have been ordered by Aboka to go forth on tour every five years together with yutas and Rajukas and perform the work of preaching in addition to their office duties. So if the word vivaselaviya refors to Asoka's officials, the word vivutha which is anothor derivative of vi-vas must necessarily refer to them and them ouly. The fact that vivuthana is instrumental singular and not plural as it ought to have been if it referred to Asoka's officials does by no means militate against our view. Because the word nirutha is here used collectively compare dharma-yuta of, e. g., Rock Edict V). Now in the Drahmagiri text vyuthena is immediately followed by the figure 256, without a word of explanation. This explanation is, however, given by the Sahasram and Rûpnâth inscriptions, in the former of which it is tall and lucid. And this is given only to inform us for what the tigure stands. The figure 256, says that record, indicates that two hundred and fifty-six souls have set out on religious tour. In short, what Asoka means is that he has sent out 256 officials called vydthas or vivuthas to preach bis sermon. M. Senart has called our attention to the fact that Pillar Edict VII presents very close analogies to our edict of which we must take the fullest advantage in interpreting it. Here too Asoka speaks of having caused dharama-savanas to be heard. His exact words are: etáye-me athdye dha Ama-8dvandni sdvápitani dhamánusathini vividhani anapitáni yatha me pulisa-pi bahune jana si dyatd ete paliyova lisahti-pi pavilhalisanti pi. It is thus plain that Asoka preached There was vory little difference betweon the letters l and, in Asokn'. time. 8 was probably written on the rook, but the engraver mistook it for 1 and no engraved this last lotter. . Cf. the Māmalandra of Karle Insorip. No 19 (Ep. Ind. Vol. VII, p. 64), and Govadhanahare and Kupurl. hars of NÁsik Ingrips. Nos. 3 and 12 (Ibid. Vol. VIII., PP. 65 and 82). Compare also Dr. Floot's Gupta Inscrs., P. 173, note. Page #177 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ JULY, 1912]. many religious sermons (dhamma-sávanas) through his officials. There is thus a remarkably close correspondence between this passage and our edict. I even proceed a step further, though I do so with some diffidence. In the passage just quoted, the letters ya and tha are indistinct and the following three have peeled off. Bühler reads the first two as yathd, and restores the lost ones to me puli. I confess, no good meaning is possible if yatha is read. The word yatha has no propriety here. Nor is M. Senart's restoration gatha-visayd-pi an emendation, because some word signifying 'officers' has to be understood. Besides the last two letters are distinctly sd-pi as Bühler has correctly read them, and not °yd-pi as deciphered by him. I think we must read some other word in place of yathd. I have just said that both ya and tha are not sufficiently distinct. The first letter may be ya though it looks more like va, and as yatha gives no intelligible sense, I'venture to read vyutha. Thus the whole sentence will ran: vyutha (me puli)sa-pi bahune janasi dyata, which I believe yields perfectly good sense. In Pillar Edict VII in which Asoka gives a resume of the work he has achieved and in which he says what officials did what part of his work, it is natural to expect which class of his officials promulgated his dhammasávanas. He tells us what Rajjûkas and Mahâmâtras did, and this exactly agrees with what is stated about them in other records. The name, however, of the officials who were entrusted with the dissemination of dhamma-savanas remained unmentioned in the edict. But if we read vyutha instead of yatha, it leaves nothing to be desired and this perfectly agrees with the S.-R.-B. edict. XIII. A new Kshatrapa Inscription. The fragmentary inscription, whose transcript is given below was discovered about a year ago when some digging was being carried on in connection with the Shahpore-Kutiyana Railway near Vanthali, the ancient Vâmanasthali, in the Junagadh State. It refers itself to the reign of the Kshatrapa Rudrasimha, son of Jivadaman, and is dated [Saka] 228 Vaisakha Sud 7. This inscription is of no particular interest as the name of this Rudrasimha has already been known to us from his coins, and with dates ranging from 227-231 (see Rapson's Catalogue of Indian Coins, p. 170 ff). Transcript. THE TOWN OF HANJAMANA 1 (Si)ddha(th) rajñaḥ Kshatrapasya Ji)vadamaputra(s)ya 2 Rudra]sihasya varshe satadvaye ashta 3 visottare 200 208 Vaisakhe [u]ddha saptamy [an]. 178 THE TOWN OF HANJAMANA, REFERRED TO IN THREE SILAHARA GRANTS OF THE 10TH AND 11TH CENTURIES. BY JIVANJI JAMSHEDJI MODI, B.A.; BOMBAY. THE following three Silâhâra grants, found in Konkan daring the last century, refer to a town, named Harjamana or Hanyamana (हंजमननगर or हंयमननगर ). 1. The grant of king Arikesaridêvarâja, dated Saka 939 (A. D. 1018). 2. The grant of Chhittarajadeva, Mahamandalésvara of Konkan, dated Saka 948 (A. D. 1026), 8. The grant of Mahamandalésvara, King Anantadêva, the Emperor of Konkan, dated Saka 1016 (A. D. 1094). The first grant was found at Thânâ, and it was translated in Vol. I of the Asiatic Researches (p. 357) by Pandit Ramalochan. The second grant was found at Bhandup near Thânâ about 1886, on the family property of a well-known Parsee family, known as the Ashburner family. The copperplate belonged to Mr. Hormusjee Carsetjee Ashburner. The text and translation of the grant were given by the late Dr. Bühler, ante Vol. V., p. 276 ff. The third grant also was found in Konkan. Its text and translation have been given by the late Mr. Justice Telang. (Ante, Vol. IX, p. 33 ff.) I give below, as found in the above journals, the translations of those passages of the grants, wherein the word Hanjamana or Hanyamana occurs. 1. "The fortunate Aricésari Dêvarâja, Sovereign of the great circle thus addresses even all who inhabit the city Sri Sthânaca, his own kinsmen and others ther 5 See above, Vol. XIII., facsimile facing p. 310. Page #178 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 174 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JULY, 1912. assembled, princes, counsellors, priest ministers, superiors, inferiors, subject to his commands, also the lords of districts, the governors of towns, chiefs of villages, the masters of families, employed or unemployed servants of the king, and his countymen. Thus he greets all the holy men and others inhabiting the city of Hanyamana." (Asiatic Researches, Vol. I, p. 361). 2. The great provincial chief, the illustrious Chhittarâjadêva addresses with salutations, worship, and respect all the assembled men of royal caste, ministers, Purohitas, councillors, chief and minor officials, whether connected with himself or strangers, as well as the lords of rashtras (zillus), the lords of vishayas (tâlûkâs), the lords of towns, the lords of villages, officials, and non-official persons, servants of the king, and rayats, likewise the citizens of the town of Hamyamana, belonging to the three (twice-born) castes and others as follows . . ."" (Ante, Vol. V, p. 280, Col. 1). 3. Illustrious Mahamandaleśvara king Anantadeva, announces with salutations, honour, respect, and directions, to all princes, councillors, priests, ministers, principal and subordinate officers, both those connected with himself and others, as also all heads of rashtras, heads of vishayas, heads of towns, heads of villages, royal officials, specially appointed or not, country people, as well as townspeople of the town Hanjamana of the three classes and so forth. (Ante, Vol. IX, p. 38). The learned translators of the three grants do not say what Hanjamana or Hamyamana is. Pandit Râmalochan and Dr. Bühler, the translators of the first two grants, say nothing about the word. Mr. Telang says of it: "I do not understand this."1 Further on he adds: "I can say nothing about Hanjamana. "2 The Bombay Gazetteer, in the Volumes on Thânâ, refers to these Silâhâra grants, and says that the town of Sanjân, which is about ninety miles from Bombay, on the Bombay, Baroda and Central India Railway, is probably referred to under the name of Hamjaman. The writer does not give his grounds of probability. I fancy that the fact of the three copperplates being found in Konkan, wherein Sanjan is situated, and the fact of some similarity between the names "Hamjamana" and "Sanjân" were his only grounds. The object of this paper is to supply two or three facts, giving some further grounds of probability, amounting well-nigh to certainty. "Firstly, the donors address the tenor of their grants in general terms to all the people of the country, to members of the royal family, to their high and low officials, to officials and non-officials, to all their raiyat, and then make a special reference to the people of the town of Hamjamana. Why were these people not included in the general terms of the address in the general term raiyat? What was the reason of separately addressing the people of the town of Hamjamana? Did not the people of that town form a part and parcel of the raiyat of the donor-princes ?"'4 The answer to all these questions is, that the town of Hanjamana, though ruled by the donor-princes, was a separate colony of people, who formed a "foreign element" in the midst of the great Hindu people. It was a colony of the descendants of the first Parsee emigrants, who had come to India from Persia at the end of the 8th century and had settled at Sanjân in A.D. 735, with the special permission of the ruler of the land. They had continued to live as a "foreign element" following their own Zoroastrian creed, manners and customs, even retaining their own autonomy. The Kissa-i-Sanjan, i.e., the Story of Sanjân, a Persian poem, written in A. D. 1000 on the strength of authentic oral tradition, gives a pretty full account of how they came to Sanjân, how they corresponded with the ruling Râjâ, how they explained to him their religion and customs, and how they, at last, got his permission to found a separate colony of themselves at a place which they named Sanjân. For an account of all these subjects I would refer my readers to my book entitled A Few Events in the Early History of the Parsees and their Dates, The poem says: "A place in the desert was accepted. The ground was excellent and they made it their place of abode. The place was acceptable to all persons. A city was created, where Vol. XIV, p. 302. 1 Ante, Vol. IX, p. 38, n. 45. 2 Ibid, p. 44, Col. 1. Vide my paper on "Sanjan" in Jour. Bomb. As. Soc., Vol. XXI, p. 418. Page #179 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ JULY, 1912.] THE TOWN OF HANJAMANA 175 there was formerly a desert. All the young and the old landed there. When the Dastur saw this good place, he found it to be a proper place for abode. The Dastar gave it the name of Sanjân, and it was made prosperous like the country of Iran." The Parsee emigrants had come froin Khorissan, where there is a town of the name of Sanjân. S, perhaps, they called their new colony in India, Sanjân, just as many modern colonists dame their new colonies after their favourite towns in the old country, e. g., New York. The three grants refer to the people of the town of Hajamana as "the holy men and others inhabiting the town of Hamjamana," "the citizens of the town of Hamjamana" belonging to the three (twice-born) castes (af) and as "the townspeople of the town Hamjanana of the three classes." Tbe reference to these people as the holy men,” shows that they belonged to the priestly class. In the Avesta also, we find the Athravans (the priestly classes corresponding to the Brâhmans) called Thrayavan, i.e., of the three religious orders. This word corresponds to the Trivargga of the grants. The Parsee emigrants were mostly of the priestly class. The Parsees have preserved among themselves sixteen Sanskrit Slokas, referring to the fact of their explaining to the Indian Râjâ, their religion and customs. The last of these flokas supports the Nissa-i-Sanjan, and says that the Indian Râjâ gave the Parsees a separate tract of land in his country. According to the blokas, the Râjâ said to the new-comers : "O Parsees ! May God grant you a progeny of children. May He grant you snccess and victory. May the immortal Fire grant you Victory. May you be free from sins. May you always be holy. May the Sun be auspicious to you for ever. Always revere the Sun. May your desires be fulfilled. Take whatever land you desire in my country. May your respect and honour increase. O Parsees ! If any ignorant pople will look at you (with an idea to injure you), I will smite them. May you be successful over them. May riches be your lot."? All these facts tend to show that the Parsees had a separate colony of their own, ruled over by themselves. There is another fact that leads to that there was such a colony which acknowledged Allegiance to the Hindu Raja. According to the Kissa-i-Sanjan, the country of the Indian Raja, of which the town of Hamjamana (Sanján) formed a part, was, after a long time, invaded by Mahomedans at the direction of Sultan Mahmûd. The Raja of the day, being hard pressed, asked the assistance of the Parsees, reminding them of the hospitality extended to their ancestors, the first emigrants, by one o? his predecessors. A brave Parsee named Ardeshir led an army of Parsees and assisting the Raja repulsed the Mahomedans. After a short time, the invaders, recouping their lost forces, made another invasion which turned out successful. The Raja was defeated and killed and the Parsee army was annibilated. This fact shows that the Parsees had formed a separate independent colony, especially in the matter of their social and religious affairs. Had itot been so, the Raja would not have asked for their assistance. They had a town of their m e t 'wn of Hamjamana referred to in the three copperplate grants with what may be necessary apparatus-military or political, social and religions-of a self-governing cr allegiance to the Indian Raja. The question now is: What is the word Hamja mans, which the learned translators of the three grants have passed over, and of which Mr. Telang said that he did not understand it, and could say nothing about it? In other words, why was the Parsee colony called "Harjamana"? The word lanjamana is an Avestic term, which has latterly become anjuman in Persian. As anjuman, it is common among the Pt.rsees even now. It comes from Avestic 5 Yasht kordad 10; Behram 46; Abån E6. For these Alokas, vide (1) Dastur Aspondiárji Kåmdin's Kadim tarikh Parsfont Kasar (A.D. 1825). pp. 139-143 : an old copy of the Bloks was found about three years ago in the Distriot of Bhavnagar, WS printed by the Bhavonger State and communicated to the second GujarAtt Parishad whiob mot at likot in October 1909, by Prof. B. Arlesbir Entee of Bhavnagar. + Translated from the Gujarati version of the slokar. Page #180 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 176 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JULY, 1912. han, Sanskrit sam or san, Latin con meaning together," and Avestic jam, Sanskrit gam. to go." So, literally, it means "a place where people go together or meet." The Parsees even now speak of their large communal meetings as the Anjuman (Haraja man) Meeting. 80, perhaps, the early Parsees themselves called their colony Hanjamans, or their Indian brethren, hearing them use this word for their large communal gatherings, named it Hanjamans for them. CONTRIBUTIONS TO PANJABI LEXICOGRAPHY. SERIES III. BY H. A. BOSE, I.C.S. (Continved from p. 155.) RAIri: black woollen thread, with a small iron ring and some yellow cloth and betel-nut tied round the left ankle of the boy after his first ban (a ceremonial oiling). Kartal S.R., 1872-80, p. 128. Bakhol: a tree, useless save for fael ; its leates are also used as fodder. Simla 8. R., 1888, p. 43. RAIS : thief, See lohri. Ramali: a variety of rice. Karnal S. R., 1872-80, p. 184. BA mjamani: a variety of rice having hard fine grain. Karnal 8. R., 1872-80, p. 184. Rang: a great mountain range. Rangari : * good variety of rice. Kingra S. R., p. 26. Rangan : the rawan of the plains (Doliches sinersis.) Simla S. R., 1883, p. 41. Ramns; to plant out the raug, q. v. Baughar: a disease in which the pain extends from the haunch to the heels on either side. Gurgaon. Rao: a drainage line. Ludhiana S. R., 1878-88, p. 5. Raons : & soake (Bungarus fasciatus). Cl. gadel. Jullundur S. R., p. 12. Rar: very dry and thirsty land; it generally has kanlar cropping up in it and bears gran and moth well in propitious years. Of. raur. Hoshiarpur S. R., "). 69. Rara : the same as the maira land, but with a larger proportion of clay; gives wonderful crops with good rain, but is liable to fail in dry years. It is in fact, much the same as the rohi land. Cf, moti and pathialí. Hoshiarpur S. R., p. 70. . Bara: a small and sweet mango fruit; in size like the fruit of the bahera. Hoshiarpur S. R.; p. 15 BAS: A string. Of. dämras. Karnal S. R., 1872-80, p. 168. RAS: the heap of clean grain. Or, thapa and buhal, Karnal 8. R., 1872-80, p. 173. Rasan: an eartben vessel = kauri. Rasoe: a cook-house. Sirmûr. BAtha: a method of distributing the acou of the lana. Karnal S. R., p. 112, Ratru : second class rice. Hoshiarpur 8. Ratti: a red bean, Raun : place by a house where cattle are tied up. Raunj = nimbar. Raunjh: Prosopis spicigera. Gurgaon S. R., 1872-83, p. 12. Raur: very dry and thirsty land; it generally has kankar cropping up in it and bears gran and moth well in propitious years. Cf.rar Hoshiarpur 8, R., P. 69. Rauti: contr. chaubere. Bawaf: cave. Rawar or dawar=don or shetha : cave. Simla Bills. Re = rai: (alias Smithiana). Simla 8. R., 1888, p. 43. Reh (rai) : Pinus webbiana. P.D., p. 946. Kangra 8. R., p. 21. Balra or kaunts : tbe cones of the order and pines, Simla 8. R., 1888, p. 44. Page #181 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ JULY, 1912.) CONTRIBUTIONS TO PANJABI LEXICOGRAPHY 177 Borka : see hausd. Rerrna : to exasperate; cf. rera or rerld, a quarrel. Betar: sandy land. Beush: (reins, in Kula) a small trea (Cotonaster obtusa), valued for sticks and goads. Simla S. R., 1883, p. 42. Bows: & fish having a curious habit of swimming about in companies on the surface with its moath out of the water during the late aatamn and spring. Ludhiana S. R., 1878-83, p. 18. Box: the land inundated by a river. Sirsa S. R., 1879-83, p. 12. Roze: piece of cloth given in token of betrothal by the girl's people to the boy's. Ludhiana S. R., 1878-83, p. 290. Rhon, ron (Gaddl): the dark hanging forests seen on high ranges, perhaps from reh, the commonest tree in such localities. Kangra Gloos. Rihalt: the 1st day of Sawan, bat the people in different parganas observe the Ribali on different dates in that month. Rina : steep, as of steep hill sides, snow slopes, or precipices. Küngra Gloss. Bindi: ventilator. Sirmûr. Ringa: a stick for marking the depth of water. Sirsa S. R., 1879-83, p. 406. Ringarwah: pain in the legs, etc. Ci, ranghar. Gurdaspur. Birra: a grazing ground round a village-see dotli. Birri, rirrah : a small ridge. Riaana: the cloth on which mdp full of grain is emptied. Of, mandhauna. Karnal S. R. 1872-80, p. 174. Bissiala : a kitchen cholydla. Rohera (Prohtra): * tree (tecoma undulata=lahúra. P. Dy., p. 664). Rohtak. Rohi kalari: the rohi (loamy clay) land with ea admixture of saltpetre. Hoshiarpur S. R., P. 69. Rohila : bread=rokhld. q. v.: Ex, rohila le diyo" bring bread. Bauria argot. Roi lens: to weep. Bauris argot. Rokhla, rohila : bread, Bauris argot. Ronda : a posthumo113 80n. Ci. pichhlag. Kangra S. R., p. 98. Rong: buckwheat (Dolichos sinensis). Kingra S. R., p. 25. Bonali: a kind of soil. Hissar S. R., p. 16. Bora : the pieces of hard wood with which the hollow of sagar press is lined. Karnal S.R., 1872-80, p. 161. Rora : & variety of course, hardy rice sown on dry land, Kangra S. R., p. 26. Boru: fixed assessment, a lump sum, Bot: a ceremony performed by the Sultani families once = year on Friday ; . bage loaf, of ono maund (katcha) flour and a quarter maund (kateha) of gar, is cooked. The Shardi attends and beats the drum, and singe the praises of the saint (Sakhi Sarwar Sultan) while this is preparing, and receives one-quarter of the bread, the other three-quarters being eaten by the family. Ludhiâna S. R., 1878-83, p. 55. Rower (Kuld): 1 cave uader a rock. Cl. guphd. Rub: sheep over two years old : one over a year old is doga ; . lamb in Kulü is gab. Rubban : quicksand (dal-dal). Baagbar: Mahanamadan Rajpat; 80 styled by other contas. Karnal S. R., p. 80. Runna: irreg. past part. of rond, wap' (w.). Rurl: heap of threshed rice. Page #182 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 178 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JULY, 1912. Rurpal: an extra perquisite, realised by the proprietor, generally at one thimi in the topa, in the gross produce. Bus: a tree (Echinops). Karnal S. R., p. 9. Rus : a kind of gras. Karnal S. R., p. 13. Rati mandi: a kind of marriage ceremony ; four or five men go from the bridegroom to the bride's house, dress her, put a cap on her head, and bring her home to the bridegroom. Kangra S. R., p. 98. Raug: young rice plants. Simla S. R., 1893, p. 40. Sabarkatta: * wooden scraper. Sirsa S. R., 1879-83, p. 252. Sabat: the verandah in front of a house. Hoshiarpur S. R., p. 42. Subdbani : a religious book of the Bishnois. Hissar S. R., p. 12. sada : the wife's sister's husband. Cf. sadhu. Gargaon S. R., 1872-83, App. ., p. 1. Sag: a watering, usually applied to the one before ploughing for the Rabi and the last one in the Kharif. Kangra Gloss. Sagar sidhi: a game in which three boys stand one behind the other while three others lear on to their backs from behind. Siran S. R., 1879-83, p. 206. Saggi: drizz (Gal). Of, megh. Sagwâr : irrigated. Kangra Gloss. Sahora : father-in-law, Pângi. Sahu, hahu : good. Bauria argot. Ex, thánadar sade: 'the tbânadár is a good man.' Sat : earnest-money, paid to a tenant on engagement, Kingra S. R. (Lyall), p. 44. Sairi : autumn harvest. Kangra Gloss. Sairu : a tree of fair size, leaves fed to sheep and goats, growing low down in warm situations Simla S. R., 1883, p. 44. Sajja: a bedstead and bedding, & complete suit of clothes, some vessels, and sach other parts of a complete outfit given to a Brahman at the first anniversary of the death of a person. Karnál S. R., 1872-80, p. 188. Sajja: a sharor or a share in a lana. Karnal S. R., p. 112. SalAran: the opening from a challa or canal duct into a field. Kingra S. R., p. 92. Salahj: the wife's brother's wife. Of. salaij, adriya, salha, adliyd and sdlhe. Gurgaon S. R., 1872-83, App. v. p. 1. Salaij: the wife's brother's wife. Of, salahj. Sala ra : s. m., A swallow. Saletna : to twist the straods together. Karnal S. R., 1872-80, p. 199. SAIDA: the wife's brother's wife. Cf. salaij, salahj. Salhe: the wife's brother's wife. Cf. salaij, salahy, and sülha. Salhun, salh : a place where the dead are burnt, also called martali, lirath, etc. Kangra Gloss. sali: . f., wife's younger sister. Saliya : the wife's brother's wife. Cf. salaij, salahj, sâriya, and sálhd. Salokri : a půjd held on any auspicious (mahurat) day in the month of Baisakh before Keli to avert sharú, hailstones,' in order that they may not destroy the crops. Salor: pueraria tuberosa, a climber. Cf, vidli. Hoshiarpur S. R., p. 14. Page #183 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ JULY, 1912] NOTES AND QUERIES 179 Salri: a name applied to long strips of field lying love. Kangra Gloss. Saluka: # waistcoat. Sirmûr cis-Giri. Sampann : complete, finished. Samta: 8. f., reconciliation. San: like, resembling, i. g. sani. 8Anda : large lizard with spikes on its tail. Sirsa S. R., 1879-83, p. 20. Sandali : a small window. Sirmar Trans-Giri, sandh: see next Sandh, (sandh) a level place near a village where cattle stand or sit in the heat of the day Cf. biák. Kangra Gloss. Sandharia : a mango fruit. So called on account of its red (sandūr) colour. Hoshiarpur S. R., p. 15. Sang : ladder; also called parsan or manj. Kangra Gloss. Sanga: a two-pronged fork. Cf. slanga. Hoshiarpur S. R., p. 72. Saaghara : those who apply the torch to the pyre at a funeral. Churâh. Sanghelns: to collect together, Kangra Gloss. (To be continued.) NOTES AND QUERIES. PROGRESS REPORT OF THE LINGUISTIC Vol. IX.-Indo-Aryan languages, Central SURVEY OF INDIA, UP TO THE group :END OF THE YEAR 1911. Part, I.-Western Hindi and Panjabi. In For the XVI International Congress of Orientalists. the press. The following is a list of the volumes of the Part, II.-Rajasthani and Gujarati. Part, III.-Bhil languages, etc. Survey, showing the state at which each has Part, IV.-Himalayan languages. In the arrived :Vol. I.-Introduction. This cannot bo touch. press. Vol. X.-Eranian languages. ed until all the other volumes The greater have been part in type. printed and in A small portion remaining to be writton. dexed. Vol. XI.-Gipsy languages. This has been Vol. II.-Môn-Khmer and Tai families. Vol. III.-Tibeto-Burman family. In three prepared by Dr. Konow, and is ready for the press. parts. Vol. IV.-MundA and Dravidian families. It will thus be seen that the survey, Save for Vol. V.-Indo-Aryan languages, Eastern the Introductory Volume, is nearly completed. group. In two parts Only a few months' work remains. As for what Vol. VI.-Indo-Aryan lauguages, Mediato has not already been published, the following group. remarks may be of interest:Vol. VII.-Indo-Aryan languages, Southern Vol. VIII, covers the whole of North-western group." India, and deals with Sindhi, Lahndi, and the Vol. VHI.-Indo-Aryan languages, North Piškcha languages (including Kashmiri) spoken Western group. A portion in between the north-western frontier of India type, and the rest nearly ready proper and the Hindu Kush. With the excepfor the press. tion of Kashmiri, all the Piścba languages have 1 Vols. II to VII, have all been printed and published. * VOL IX., Parts II, and III have been printed and published. Page #184 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 180 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JULY, 1912. been disposed of, and the section dealing with essentially Tibeto-Burman. For instance, as in them is in type. Lahndi, by far the heaviest Tibeto-Burman, there is a special impersonal section, is completed, except for a couple of dia- conjugation of every verb, giving an honorific lects, regarding which it has been found necessary sense; and the subject of a transitive verb in to make reference to India. Sindhf, which will any tense (not only the past tense) is put into the require but & short section, has not yet been case of the agent. touched. All, therefore, of this volume that re- Central Pah&si is the language of Kumaun mains to be done is Sindhi, two dialects of Lahndi, and Garhwal. The many dialects can conveniand Kashmiri. ently be grouped under the two language names As regards Volume IX. (Eranian languages) of Kumauni and Garhwali. The speakers of two forms of speech remain untouched, viz., Eastern Pahapi call themselves "Khas," and Bilochi and Ormuri. The latter is a most inter- the principal dialect of Kumaunf is called Khasesting, but little known, language spoken in parjiyd, or "the speech of the Khas-people." Wazfristån. I have been fortunate enough to The main cultivating population of Kumaun and obtain excellent materials, and hope to be able to Garhwal belongs to the Khas tribe. Western give a fairly complete account of it. I havo Pabøpt is the name given to the group of dialects already slrafted a grammar and vocabulary. between Gashw&l, on the east, and Jamma and Although distinctly a member of the Erapian Kashmir, on the west. It includes the vernacular family it also shows points of agreement with the language of the country round Simla. Pistola languages of the Hindd Kush country. It The tract over which Central and Western may here be remarked that Khetrani, a dialect Pahapt are spoken closely corresponds to the of the Indo-Aryan Lahndi, also showe signs ancient Sapadalaksha, the country from which of similar agreement. The rest of this volume, in old times the Gurjaras migrated to populate dealing with the Ghalchah languages, Pashto, north-eastern Rajputâni (Mewat and Jaipur). D. and some local varieties of Persian, has long been R. Bhandarkar has shown that the Rajputs are in type. the modern representatives of ancient Gurjaras, As regards Volume IX, the parts dealing with who adopted the profession of arms, the remainRajasthani, Gujarati, and the Bbil languages have der, who adhered to the tribal pastoral life, already been published. The part for Western retaining the old name of "Gurjara," or, in Hindi and Panjabi has long been ready for the modern times, " Gajar." press, but difficulties connected with the prepara The Khas tribe of the Central Pahari tract tion of special Oriental type have delayed its represents the ancient Khalus, regarding whom appearance. Part IV. has lately been completed much has been written, but little definitely in MS., and gone to press. It deals with the Indo- proved. The cultivating population of the WesAryan languages of the Himalaya from Darjee tern Pab&şi tract calls itself "Kanet,” not ling, in the east, to beyond Chambå, in the west " Khas"; but the Kanets are divided into two These have been divided into three languages, or classes, one of which, the lower in status, bears groups of dialeota, which (proceeding from east the name of "Khas." The other class, of higher to west) I name, respectively, Eastern Pah&şi or statas, calls itself “RAO," and claims, as the Naipali, Central Pahari and Western Pahari. name implies, to be of impure Rajpat descent. These Pahagi languages exhibit points of great interest, both to the ethnologist and to the The language spoken in the three Pahari tracts philologist. In Eastern Pah&pi we have an Indo is, as is well known, connected with Rajasthani, Aryan language spoken by & dominant class, and when the Pahâri volume appears, it will be comparatively few in number, amidst a population seen that it agrees most closely with the dialecta whose spooch is Tibeto-Barman. In such a case, of North-Eastern Rajput&ce-Mewati and Jaiwe should expect to find many instance of purt. But throughout there are traces of angTibeto-Burman loan-words, but this does not ther form of speech belonging to the Northooour to any large extent. On the other hand, Western group, which I call “Pisacha." Thesa the grammar is greatly influenced, and we find traces are slight in Eastern Pahari, strong in this Indo-Aryan language adopting system of Central Pahari, and very strong in Western conjugation and rules of syntax which are PshApt. 3 Se D. R. Bhandarkar, ante, XL. (1911), 28. The name still survives in the "Saw lakh" Hills. Page #185 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ JULY, 1912.] NOTES AND QUERIES The state of affairs is further complicated by the fact that in the extreme north-west, amongst Pis&sha-speaking peoples-in the distant hills of Swat and Kashmir-there are at the present day wandering tribes of Gajar cattle tenders and shepherds, who have a language of their own quite different from that of the people among whom they dwell. This language also closely resembles the Rajasthani of Mêwât and Jaipur. Although it is unsafe to base ethnological theories on linguistic facts, I think that when Part IV. of Volume IX. of the Linguistic Survey is published, it will be seen that the following theory is at least not inconsistent with the linguistic facts as we now observe them. I suggest that the earliest known Indo-Aryan, or Aryan inhabitants of the Himalaya trrct, known as Sapadalaksha, were the Khasas. These spoke a language akin to what are now the Pisacha languages of the Hindu Kush. They are now represented in the Western Pahari tract by the Khas clan of the Kanêts, and in the Central Pahari tract by the Khas tribe, which forms the bulk of the cultivating population. In later time the Khasas were conquered by the Gurjaras. The Gurjaras are now represented by the Rajputs of the whole Sapâdalaksha tract, and also by the R& clan of the Kanets, which represents those Gurjaras who did not take to warlike pursuits, but remained cultivators. Hence .their claim to be of impure Rajpût descent. In Garhwal and Kumaun, where (for our present purposes) there are only Rajpats and Khasas, the cultivating Gurjaras became merged in the general Khas population. Over the whole of this Sapâdalaksha tract the Gurjaras and the Khasas gradually amalgamated, and they now speak one language, mainly Gurjari, but also bearing traces of the speech of the original Khasa population. As D. R. Bhandarkar has shown, many of these Sapadalaksha Gurjaras migrated into Rajputana, carrying their language with them, which there developed into Rajasthan. In the subsequent centuries there was constant communication between Rajputââ and Sapadalaksha and, under the pressure of Mughul domination, there ultimately set in a considerable tide of emigration back from Rajputând into Sapâdalaksha. These immigrants were received with all the prestige of the high position to which they had attained in the social system of the Indian Plains. The foundation, by them of various 181 Hill States is a matter of history and need not here detain us, but, from a linguistic point of view, the important fact is that they still farther strengthened the Rajasthan! element in the Pahari dialects. There remain the nomadic Gajars of the northwestern hills. Their presence is accounted for as follows:-We have seen that those Gurjaras who did not take to warlike pursuits, but adhered to their pastoral occupation, retained the name and social status of Gurjaras or Gojars. During the period in which Rajpût rule became extended over the Punjab, the Rajpût fighting men were accompanied by their humbler pastoral brethren, and we now find a line of Gajar colonization running from Mêwâ: (the "Gujarat " of Albirani) up both sides of the Jamna valley, and thence following the foot of the Panjab Himalaya, right up to the Indus. Where they have settled in the plains they have abandoned their own language and speak that of the surrounding population, but as we enter the lower hills we invariably come upon a dialect locally known as "Gajari. " In each case this can best be described as the language of the people nearest the local Gajars, but badly spoken, as if by foreigners. The further we go into these sparsely populated hills, the more independent do we find the Gujar dialect, and the less is it influenced by its surroundings. At length, when we get into the wild hill-country of Swat and Kashmir, the nomad Gajars are found still pursuing their pastoral avocations, and still speaking the language their ancestors brought with them from Méwât. But even this shows traces of its long journey. For these Gojars, wandering over hills where the resident population speaks either Pushto or some Pisacha dialect, and separated from the Jamnâ by the wide plains of the Punjab, over which either Lahndi or Panjabi is the universal tongue, speak a language, which though nearly the same as Mêwati, also contain, like flies in amber, odd phrases and idioms belonging to the Hindostani of the Jamna valley. These they could not have taken from Pushto or from Pisacha. These are strange alike to Lahndi and Panjabi. These do not occur in Mêwâti, and they clearly show that the Gujars, on their way to Swat and Kashmir, must, at one period of their wanderings, have lived in the Jamn valley. GEORGE A. GRIERSON. Camberley, 8th February 1912. Page #186 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 182 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JULY, 1912. BOOK-NOTICES. AJMER : Historical and Descriptive. By HAB BILAs the whole of the building as it actually stood in SARDA, B.A., F.R.S.L. Printed at the Scottish Mission Visaladeva's time. Can Mr. Sards point to any Industries Company, Limited, Ajmer, 1911. non-Mahammadan building which in plan is THE idea of writing a guide of Ajmer was exactly like a mosque as Adhai-din--Jhonpri suggested to the author more than twenty years undoubtedly is? In fact, no Hindu or Jaina ago by Mr. F. L. Reid, late Principal of the temple has yet been found, whose parte alto Ajmer Government College, but it was only in arranged like the prayer-chamber and side clois. 1909 when Ajmer was plagae-affected that he ters of a mosque. Besides, in the body of old could possibly take up the work in right earnest. masjids built by demolishing ancient temples the As material accumulated, the author decided to pillars consist of two or more Hinda shafts write a more detailed history of the city than superimposed, one on the other. Such stilted was permissible in a guide. But this ambitious pillars are conspicuous by their absence in old object had to be postponed and the present Hindu structures, but are found in all old guide to be prepared and published for Her mosques as in Addhâl-din-ka-Jhonpi&. These Imperial Majesty and the Royal Party that visited Ajmer in December last. The book is dedi. considerations strongly militate against the view cated to Sir Elliot Colvin, K.C.S.I., Agent to that this last building in its present plan was the Governor-General for Rajputana, and a hap originally some Hindu temple. The inscription slabs that were unearthed here in 1875 were for pier choice it is impossible to imagine, knowing, some time deposited in the Lucknow Museum as we do, wbat he has done for the improvement and have now been brought back to Ajmer and well-being of Ajner. and kept in the Rajputana Museum there. The The guide is both descriptive and historical as author says: "These inscriptions are of the it professes to be, and the descriptive and his greatest importance to the historian, and it is torical parts are so arranged that neither pre hoped that Government will see their way to ponderates over the other. This is just the thing taking in band regular excavations in the Jhon needed though it is seldom accomplished. The prd, with a view to recover, if possible, the reauthor has spared no paids to make his book as maining portions of the important inscriptions." accurate, full, and reliable as it was possible for They were published by the late Prof. Kielborn him to do. One bas only to read a chapter to be convinced of this fact. The reader is spe in this Journal, Vol. XX, p. 201 ff., and Mr. Sarda bas given a succinct summary of what the cially requested to read Chapter VIII, which former wrote regarding them. In this summary deals with an account of Khwaja Muinuddin mention is made of a place called Vavveraa, Chisti, the presiding genius of Ajmer, and be is where Vigrahardja alias Visaladeva was cnçampsure to be amazed at the mass of information so critically collected and so interestingly set forth. ed while he was preparing himself to give battle to the Hammira, i, e., the Muhammadan king It is, however, Chapters VII, XIII, and XIV, which concern the antiquarian most. The first who was advancing against him. This place Prof. Kielborn was not able to identify nor las gives a description of Adhai-din-k A-Jhonpra. Mr. Sarda suggested any identification. There The author proposes a new explanation of this can, however, be no doubt that it is to be idez. name. "The name Adhat-din-ka-Jhonprd was tified with Vaverá by which Rupnagar was given to it," he says, "as fakirs began to assem. known before it was so named after Rüpsimba ble here in the times of the Mahrattas (latter of the Kishangarh dynasty (Ann. Prog. Rep. half of the eighteenth century) to celebrate the Urs anniversary of the death of their leader West. Circle for 1911, p. 42). Panjaba Shah, which lasted for two and a half Chapter XIII. gives an account of Pashkar, days." He is perfectly correct when he says seven miles west of Ajmer. It is one of the most that here was the original site of the temple of sacred places of the Hindus in India. It is also Sarasvati and the college house built by the one of the most ancient places in India. All Chohan king Visaladeva just as the Kamalmaula references to Pushkar whether in epies or ins. mosque at Dh&r represents the original place criptions have been culled together by Mr. Sarda where a similar temple and college were cons- in this chapter. Of particular interest is the refe. tructed by the Paramara sovereign Bhojadeva. rence to Pushkar found in the NAsik cave insBut he is certainly wide of the mark when he cription. It tells us that Usbavadata, son-in law tries to show that if we but omit the screen wall, of the Mabâkshatrapa Nahapâne, bad first gone front-arches, Mihrab, and Mimbar of the prayer to give aid to the Uttamabhadras who were chamber of the Adhli-din-kA-Jhonprå, we have harassed by the Málavas, who in ancient days. Page #187 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ BOOK-NOTICES JULY, 1912.] were settled in the central and southern parts of Rajputânâ. After defeating the Málavas, Ushavadata, we are told, went to Pushkar. The word actually used is Poksharani, the plural and not singular of Pushkara,-a point not noticed by Mr. Sarda as he ought to have done. Even to this day, not one or two, but three, Pushkaras are known-jyeshtha, madhya, and kanishtha, all situated within a circuit of six miles. Ushavadata again is represented to have bathed there and given three thousand cows and a village to the Brahmanas. This shows that even in the first century A. D. Pushkar was a centre of Brahmanism. Mr. Sarda has also referred to the inscription of king Durgaraja, found at Pushkar, a summary of which has been published by me in the Ann. Prog. Report West. Circle for 1910, p. 59. But he is not correct in saying that A. D. 925 is the date of the king furnished by the inscription. It really gives two dates: (1) A. D. 925 for the grant of Malbana, and (2) A.D. 933 for the confirmation of it by Durgaraja. The author has also narrated some of the interesting and important legends connected with Pushkar. One of these is of the Paḍihâr king Nahad-14v, who bathed here and was cured of leprosy. This Nahad-ráv figures greatly in the Mârwâr legends also. The question arises: who was this Nabad-rav? Mr. Sarda apparently takes him to be Nagabhața II. of the imperial Pratihara dynasty. But I think that he is in all likelihood Nagabhata of the feudatory Pratihâra family, that reigned at Mandor and Mertâ. There is no legend about Nâhad råv anywhere in Rajputânâ beyond Ajmer and Mârwar. Jina" prabhasûri in his tirthakalpa speaks of Nahadrav as king of Mandor. This shows that he cannot belong to the imperial dynasty which reigned at Kanauj. The Ghatiyâlâ inscription again says that he established himself at Medantaka (Merta). And as Mertâ is not far of off from Pushkar, this explains why legend has associated his name with this sacred place. About the end of this chapter Mr. Sarda gives us the interesting information that the town of Pushkar is divided into two parts: (1) Chhoti Basti and (2) Badi Basti and that the Brahmans of the former allege that the Brahmans of the latter are not true Brahmans but are Sâkadvipi Brahmans or Magas (Magii of Persia) and that they began to call themselves Parâsara Brahmans after having been admitted into the fold of Brahmanism, This, it is said, was discovered by Raja Jai Singh II. of Jaipur himself. Chapter XIV. gives both the ancient and modern history of Ajmer in a very lucid manner. 183 So far as the former is concerned, the author seems to have been guided by Pandit Gauri Shankar Ojha, though not without independent judgment. Thus, instead of Jayadeva, Mr. Sarda has Ajnyapâla, as the son of Sâmantadeva and regards him as the founder of Ajmer, and not Ajayaraja, son of Prithviraja I, as Pandit Gauri Shankar does. In very few other respects the author's account differs from that of Mr. Ojha given in his Hindi translation of Tod's Rajasthan. Both make the first four kings of the dynastic list, connected with one another as father and son. But no authority is cited by either. So far as our knowledge, goes, this relationship is not supported by any published records or accounts. The reference to the coins of Ajayadeva and Somaladevi is interesting, as they have not yet been recognised by the numismatists. A paper on this subject will soon appear in this journal. Some inscriptions describe Chohans as belonging to the solar and some to the lunar dynasty. Amongst the latter Mr. Sarda includes the Hânsi inscription of A. D. 1167. But this is a mistake, for this record in no place even hints that the Chohâns belonged to the lunar race (above Vol XLI. p. 17 ff.). Again, Mr. Sarda says: "whether they belong to the solar or the lunar race, they assuredly do not belong to the Agnikula, as they now wrongly claim to do." But if some records say that Chohans were Suryavamasi and some that they were Somavamhsis, there is no reason why there should not be other records calling them Agnikulis and why therefore these records should be set aside. The truth of the matter is that a Rajput tribe with a foreign origin was always in need of such a pedigree when it became Hinduised, and its divisions, often separated from one another by great distances, traced their descents separately, some from the sun, some from the moon, some from the fire, and some from the earth. The book is not without a few misprints, but considering the haste in which it had to be printed they are few. There is, however, a mistake which is not so excusable. The name of the late Prof. Kielhorn is everywhere spelt Keilhorn and not Kielhorn as it ought to be. I have thus touched upon the points where difference from the author's views is possible, but in other respects it is impossible to disagree with him, and such points are by no means few. The reader, in fact, cannot leave the book aside without being impressed that it is in every way a very useful and valuable production. D. R. B. Page #188 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 184 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JULY, 1912 The VANAUSHADHIDARPANA, or the Ayurvedio Materia (3) of Latin names. The first and secondo Medion, with gnotations and copione original pre- these three lists are printed in dupliente, thu scriptions from standard works, by Kavirajn Bhiraja is, in Bengali and in Nagari characters. This Charan Gupta Kavibhusana, the Rajvaidya of Cooch Apparently superfluous duplication is, no doub', Behar. With an Introduction by Mahamahopadhyaya due to the fact that the work is primarily inten Kaviraja Bijaya Ratna Son Kaviranjana, S. C. Auddy & Co., 58 and 72, Wellingtou Street, Caleatta. Vol. I, ed for the benefit of the indigenous doctor 1908, Vol. II, 1909. (Kuvirajas) of Bengal, who, as a rule, do not sees Those who are interested in the study of to be very familiar with the Nagari characters Indian Medicine may like to hear of the pub- For the same reason, the dissertations an! lication in India of this very useful compilation introductory chapters above mentioned, are on the indigenous drugs of that country. Ite written and printed in Bengali. But thong! author is Kiviraj Biraja Charan Gupta, who principally intended for Bengali practitioners, th: describes himself as the “Rajvaidya", or Court work is well worth the attention of all medical Physician, of the Native State of Cooch Behar. men and others in and out of India, who ar The first volume appeared in 1908, and the interested in the indigenous Indian system o second in 1909. The structure of the work is Medicine. The second list will probably be as follows. The drugs, i.e., the articles on them, found particularly useful by the general practi tioner. It enumerates in alphabetical order, all are arranged alphabetically, in the order of the the well-known diseases of the Sanskrit medical Sanskrit alphabet; thus commencing with texts; and under each disease it names the drugs Agaru and ending with Hilamochiki. But the suitable to it. names of the drugs, beginning with and with The weak point of the work is in its English are all given promiscuously after those beginning portions, particularly the Latin botanical pon with P, instead of their proper places. There is enclature. The English quotations abound in also an Appendix (Paribishta) to the second | misprints. A conspicuous example occurs in volume, pp. 355 f, giving a small number of the extract printed in Vol. II, pp. 102, 103. additional drugs, arranged similarly. As a rule, Here in 18 lines of print, there are no les the articles are made up in the following way. than eleven gross misprints; e g., "approdisiac" First, we have quotations from old Sanskrit for aphrodisiac ; "vatile" for volatile; "debsauthorities, such as Dhanvantariya and Raja trucut" for deobstruent, and so forth. Botanical Nighantu, Bliva Prakasa, Charaka, Susruta, names are often blundered; thus jigantea for Vagbbata and others, on the qualites, actions, gigantea, I, 32; fluxuosa for flexuosa, I, 51; nges, etc., of the drugs, printed in Nagarl subelatrem for subulatum, I, 124; phillippensis-for charnoters. Then follows a kind of Bengali com- philippinensis, I, 153; sempervires for sempervi, mentary on those quotations, apparently written rens II, 19; logopoides for lagopoides, II, 85, by the author himself, printed in Bengali charac- eto, eto. A nisiphalins Rumphii, I, 149, appear: ters. Finally there come some Englislı notes on to be intended for Anisifolium Rumphii, but n "Constituents, Actions and Uses ", quoted from such combination can be traced. The botanical various sources, principally from Dr. R. N. rule as to the use of initial capital letters is very Khory's Materia Medica of India. All this is often neglected; thus we find Feronia Elephan. excellent, and reflects much credit on the range of tum, for elephantum, I, 119; Rottlera Tinctoria reading and the industry of the compiler. The for tinctoria, I, 153; Uraria Picta for picta, Il.. latter are well shown also by the author's 85; Ficus Bengalensis, F. Indica for bengalensi, introductory chapter, which gives an interesting indica, II, 104, etc., etc. These errors are repeatsurvey of the ancient medical literature of India. ed in the lists appended to the two volumes. This chapter is followed by a series of shorter Another botanical rule, according to which the notices of mediaval Sanskrit and modern name of the author of the species should follow English works on Indian Materia Medica after the specific name, is invariably neglected. (Nighandre). To the second volume there are ap- It is a pity that there should be these blemishea pended other two useful dissertations on food in a work, otherwise so excellen). Though they stuffs in general (khadyu), and on what is suitable will not seriously interfere with its usefulness or unsuitable in certain diseases. Finally the for the Kaviraja, the author will do well to attend work is provided with three elaborate lista; vix, to their removal in a second edition, for which, it (1) of drugs, the names being given in Sanskrit, may be hoped, the occasion may soon arise. Bengali, and Cooch Behari; (2) of disenses; and A. F. RUDOLY HOERNIE, Page #189 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ AUGUST, 1912.] ANCIENT HINDU MUSIC 185 CONTRIBUTION TO THE STUDY OF ANCIENT HINDU MUSIC. BY RAO SAHIB PRABHAKAR R. BHANDARKAR, B.A., L.M. & S.; INDORE. (Continued from p. 164.) DUT if the arutis have received such bad treatment from somo Sanskrit authors, they have had a still worse fato at the hands of mo lern writers. Thus Sir W. Jones says!7:-"If I ulerstand the native musicians, they have not only the chromatic, but even the second, or new, en harmonic, genus; for they unanimously reckon twenty-two srutis, or quarters and thirds of a tone, in their octave: they do not pretend that those minute intervals are mathematically cģual, but .consider them as equal in practice, and allot them to the several notes in the following order ; to sa, ms, and pa, four; to ri and dha, three; to ga and ni, two; giving very smooth and significant names to cash sruti. Their original scale, therefore, stands thus : sa, ri, ga, na, pa, dha, ni, sa, 4 8 3 6 2 6 46 4s 8 2 s "The semi-tones accordingly are placed as in our diatonic scale ; the intervals between the fourth and fifth, and between the first and second, are major tones; but that between the fifth and sixth, which is minor in our scale, appears to be mojot in theirs; and the two scales are made to coincide by taking a gruti from pa an l adding to dha, or, in the language of Indian artists, by raising Ne pretnals to the class of Sinta and her sisters; for every śruti they consider as a little nymph, and the nymphs of the Panchama, or the fifth note, are Málini, Chapalí, Lóla and Servaretnd, while Santa and her two sisters regularly belong to Dhaivila: such at least is the system of CÓHALA, One of the ancient bards, who has left a treatise on music. "Sóma seems to admit, that a quarter or a third of a tone cannot be separately and distinctly heard from the Vind; but he takes for granted, that its effect is very perceptible in their arrangement of modes; and their sixth, I imagine, is almost universally diminished by one áruli ; for he only mentions two modes, in which all the seven notes are unaltered. I tried in vain to discover any difference in practice betwen the Indian scale, and that of our own; bat knowing my car to be very insufficiently exercised, I requested a German professor of music to accompany with ... violin a llindu latanist, who sung by note some popular airs on the loves of CRISHNA and RÅDHA; He assured me, that the scales were the same ; and Mr. SEOR& afterwards informed me, that, when tie voice of a native singer was in tune with his harpsichord, he found the Hindu series of seven noues to ascend, like ours, by a sharp third." Now I can well bolieva the inability of Sir W. Jones to discover any difference between the J. lian and European scale, and the German professor's confirmation of their unity. For, p..ctically, the present-day Hindu scale'may be considerei indistinguishable from the modern Esropean scale, and Mr. Shore is quite right when he says that it ascends, like the other, by a shirp third' (major third). But that is about the only correct thing in this passage, almost all other assertions being errors, which have since been repeated by other writers, who have accepted them without examination. It is necessary therefore, to point them out hors seriatim : (1) In the first place it must be obvious to the reader that no one has a right to assume that the scale mentioned in Sanskrit treatises is the same as that of the present day. As a matter of fact, it will be shown in the sequel that they differ, 11 On the Musical Modes of the Hin-1s (Works Vol. IV.) 1. The names of the frutis given by Sir W. Jones differ from those commonly found in Sanskrit treatises. Were they taken from Samotta Narayana ? P Whenever tho prosent-day Hinda salo is referred to in this essay, it should be clearly understood that the posent Hindustant system of music is in view, and not the progont Carnatic systor, unless the contrary is ex p ly stated. Page #190 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [AUGUST, 1912. (2) Secondly, it is wrong to infer that the Hindus had the enharmonic genus of the Greeks or anything similar to it, because they unanimously reckon twenty-two śrutis in their octave. In the Preliminary Remarks above, the European scale is given in cents, twelve hundred being reckoned in the octave; but it would be absurd to argue therefrom that the Europeans have a genus in which the notes ascend by single cents. (3) Thirdly, (a) thinking that the scheme of the scale as given by Sanskrit authors was sa ri ga ma pa dha ni 80 186 48 4 á 3 j 23 4 8 3 & 26 which is an error, as will be shown presently, and (b) finding the prevailing Hindu scale and the modern European major scale indistinguishable,20 and (c) noticing three sorts of intervals in the classical Hindu scale, 21 and (d) observing them (owing to his erroneous scheme of the scale) to occupy, as regards their comparative magnitudes, the same places as the major tone, the minor tone, and the semitone in the European scale, except in one instance (viz., the interval between the fifth and the sixth), Sir W. Jones naturally succumbed to the temptation of looking upon the two scales as quite identical, and made the assertions that the four-, three-, and two-śrutis intervals were respectively the major tone, the minor tone and the semitone. But the three-śrutis interval was a stumbling block. As this interval was identified with a tone, a śruti had to be considered as a third of a tone; at the same time, the four-srutis interval being looked upon as a major tone, a śruti had also to be supposed to be equivalent to a quarter of a tone. If the value of a śruti, however, be admitted to be thus uncertain, of what use could such a variable standard be? If an inch be sometimes a twelfth of the foot and sometimes only a sixteenth, how could it ever be of use as a measuring unit? Sir W. Jones seems to have thought that he had effectually got out of the dilemma by saying they do not pretend that those minute intervals are mathematically equal, but consider them as equal in practice." He seems to be unconscious of the fact that we cannot possibly consider a quarter-tone and a third of a tone as equal in practice, and choose either indifferently as the equivalent of a áruti in the classical Hindu scale and yet make the scale coincide with the European. Thus, if we suppose a śruti to be a quarter of a major tone, i.e., 51 cents (see above), the value of the three-, and two-śrutis intervals will respectively be 153 and 102 cents, that is, even though the two-śrutis interval may be allowed to pass as practically equal to the diatonic semitone of 112 cents, the three-śrutis interval cannot be taken as equal to the minor tone of 182 cents. On the other hand, if we take a śruti as a third of a minor tone, i.e., 61 cents, the four- and two-śrutis intervals will respectively be 244 and 122 cents; and here again even though we considered the two-śrutis interval as practically equal to the diatonic semitone of 112 cents, the same cannot be said of the four-srutis interval and the major tone of 204 cents.22 But the amount of error becomes still more pronounced, when we remember (as will be pointed out later on) that the old Sanskrit musicians were much more concerned about their just23 fourths and fifths than about their seconds, and when accordingly we find their value on the hypothesis of Sir W. Jones. 20 I have allowed the two scales to be practically the same, but when anybody wishes to establish the identity in detail, as for instance with regard to major and, minor tonos, he must produce stronger experimental evidence than Sir W. Jones has done. 21 Hereafter I shall use the name classical Hindu scale' to mean the (Shadja) scale given in Sanskrit treatises. The term ancient or old scale' is not suitable, for even in modern Sanskrit books it continued to be takon as the standard, though there is reason to believe that it was not the prevailing scale, which in its turn could, of course, be expressed in terms of the standard. I know of Sanskrit books on music composed in the last few years in which the classical Hindu scale is taken as the standard, though it is no longer the standard in practice. 13 As will be seen hereafter, the fact is that a śruti must be looked upon as practically invariable, like all other standards, with the result that the classical Hindu scale cannot be the same as the European one, even allowing that Sir W. Jones' scheme of the former as given above is correct. 2 All the fourths and fifths of the classical scale are not just, only those with the intervals of nine and thirteen irutis respectively being allowed to be so (vide seq.). Page #191 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ AUGUST, 1912.] Just Acc. to Sir W. Jones { ANCIENT HINDU MUSIC ... When 1 śruti major tone = 51 cents When 1 ruti=113 minor tone = 60 2/3 cents. When 1 śruti 1/22 octave = 54 6/11 cents Acc. to Sanskrit writers { 491 709 A glance at the table shows that whereas in the Hindu system of 22 śrutis in the octave, the error amounts to only 7 cents or about a third of a comma, on Sir W. Jones' assumptions it is six to twelve times as great. ma pa 48 3 38 2. But Sir W. Jones made the mistake of putting attached to them, whereas according to rules they wrongly represented the scheme as follows:sa ri ga ma dha pa Value of the Value of the Fourth in cents. Fifth in eents. 498 702 (4) So great is the anxiety of Sir William to establish the identity of the classical Hindu and the European major scale that, though in accordance with his (erroneous) scheme of the former he is forced to admit that the interval between the fifth and the sixth in that scale is a major tone whereas it is a minor tone in the other, he proceeds to ad-"thoir sixth, I imagine, is almost universally diminished by one śruti" [thus making the two scales coincide]; for he [Somanatha] only mentions two modes, in which all the seven notes are unaltered." Now even admitting that according to Somanâtha, there are only two modes in which all the seven notes are unaltered, how does it follow that in almost all the remaining modes the sixth is altered? To take an extreme view, the statement of Somanâtha can be quite correct without a single one of the remaining ragas having an altered sixth, the alterations being confined to one or more of the other notes. Sir W. Jones' imagination that the sixth of the classical Hindu scale is almost universally diminished by one śruti,' is a mere assertion, which he makes in order to uphold his preconceived notion of the identity of the two scales, but for the support of which he has produced no evidence, 35 dha 187 459 546 (5) Lastly comes the most serious error of all, which is in fact the source of all the others. Sir W. Jones would have found, if he had been a little more careful, that he had made a mistake in assigning proper places to the groups of árutis. All Sanskrit treatises clearly give the following as the scheme of the shadja-grama : [ni] sa ri ga ni 663 789 80 Correct scheme of the shadja-gráma. ni [sa] 43 after the notes the different groups of brutis ought to have been put before them. Thus he 23 Sir W. Jones' incorrect scheme of the shaḍja-grama. 4 s has 48 3 & 2 8 i 21 This great error together with the others mentioned above, of which it was the source, found its way in the writings of all subsequent authors, among whom are Sir W. Ouseley, Mr. J. D. Paterson, W. C. Stafford, Capt. Willard, Col. French, Carl Engel, Raja S. M. Tagore, J. Grosset, A. J. Ellis:26 A. W. Ambros3" and Capt. Day, to mention only the most important. This propagation of error was quite natural, as most of the writers were ignorant of Sanskrit. But they re-iterated the words of Sir W. Jones with so much force and perseverance, and with such an appearance of independent research that a conscientious scholar like M. J. Grosset, who was the 34 SomanAtha deines only two ragas vis. mukhart and turushka-toḍt with all seven notes unaltered (R. V. iv.8), but he admits the existence of other rayas with similarly unaltered notes (B. V. iii. 32). At the same time the student of the B. V. will easily see that the unaltered notes according to Somanâths are quite different from those according to Sir W. Jones. 25 In the correct scheme of the classical Hindu scale given below, it will be seen that the interval between pa and dha is only three frutis and not four as Sir W. Jones made out. s' Geschichte der Musik. In his translation of Helmholts's Sensations of Tone, 3rd edition, p. 521. Page #192 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 188 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [AUGUST, 1912. first to go back to the most ancient of Sanskrit treatises on music, was actually misled by them This was very unfortunate, as he thereby missed the opportunity of correcting the prevalent error. and actually thought Bharats to be wrong in certain places, where he was quite correct.29 Thus finding the order of brutis given in the Bh. different from that given by Sir W. Jones, he thought that the discrepancy was probably due to the exigency of the metre 20 The first person to detect the error was Raja S. M. Tagore, who had himself previously given currency to it in his own writings.30 But, unfortunately, instead of acknowledging it as such, be tries to defend it and in doing so falls into fresh errors.1 Thus he says: “In the arrangement of the Srulis, modern usage is diainetrically opposite to the classical one; the latter placing them before the Notes to which they respectively belong, while the former fix their position after the Notes. Sapposing a cypher to represent : Sruti, the classioal arrangement would be like this: 0000 000 00 00 00 0000 000 00 sa ri g a ma pi dha ni The modern arrangement is as follows: 0000000000000000000000 89 riga ma pa dha * It is difficult to determine when or by whom the alteration in the arrangement was effected, The arrangement of the frets on the Vin í and other stringed instruments accords with the modern acceptation of the principle. It will be seen from a look at these instruments, that, in them Gin lhára and Nish ida, each of which has two Srutis, and is called in European music a semitone, bave, between themselves and the succeeding notes, half the space that is allotted to those having four Srutis ; and following the same method, Rishabha and Dhairata, hare, with reference to the next succeeling Notes, each a fourth less than that of Shad, Madhyana, ani Panchame (each of which has four Srutis). According to a rule laid down in the classicai trcatisss, the disposition of the notes is reversed in the case of Diravi (literally, wooden, i. e.. stringed) instruments, and out of this reversed arrangement, perhaps, the modern theory about the arrangement of the position of the Sritis has bcn cvolved." Thea in a footnote he adds :- Capt. Willard, Sir W. Jones, and other eminent writers, who had carefully studied the principles of Indian Music and were practically acquainted with it, adopted the modern disposition of the Srutis." Now in this passage the only statements which are correct are (1) that the classical arrangement of the srulis in the skilja-grant is as given there, and not as was given by former writers und by the Ruja himself in his previous works and (2) that in the classical arrangement the semitones were between ri and ga, and between dha ani ni,s! and that in the modern arrangement they are batween ga and ms, and betwen ni an 18. All else is wrong. He had no right to assert that the error eous scheme was the modern acceptation of the principle,' without quoting his authority for it. Then he adds that the modern arrangement of the frets on the vind and other stringel instruments Accords with it, for, he says, that if the space between the frets sa and ri, ma and po and pa and dha be taken as four units, that between the frets ri and ga, and dha and ni is three, and that between ga and ma, and ni and sa two. I need hardly remark that all this is quite 23 J. Grosset-Contrib. a l'Étule de la Musique Hindoue, p. 84, notes 27 and 28. 29 Opus cit. p. 85, note 34. 80 Hindu Music 1874 ; Six Principal Ragas, 2nd edition, 1877. 51 Musical Scales of the Hindu, 1884, pp. 93-94. 31 The reader should note caref ally that I say that the semitones were between riand ga, and dha and ni, and not between the second and third notes, and the sixth and seventh notes, respeotively, because, as will be pointe ! out bereafter, the olasioal sa wag not the first of the goale in the same sonse as the present day sa is. Page #193 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ AUGUST, 1912.] wrong, as anybody with some acquaintance of the elements of acoustics can easily see.33 The same sort of gross mistake had been committed previously by J. D. Paterson,34 with this difference that this writer saw that even with his naive rejection of fractions, which he resorted to with apparent success in the first tetrachord sa-ma, he could not get anywhere near the numbers he desired in the case of the distances between successive frets of the second tetrachord pa-sa, and had recourse to the very ingenious suggestion that as they considered the 2nd Tetrachord as perfectly similar to the first, they probably made use of the same numbers to express that similitude.' Verily scholarship must have been comfortably unexacting in those happy old days! There is thus absolutely no basis for Râjâ S. M. Tagore's fancied modern arrangement of the rutis, there being no authority for it. Nor does the observed difference in the position of the semitones in the classical and the modern scales stand in need of such an hypothesis, as it is capable of more than one other explanation as will be seen hereafter. But in putting forward a probable explanation of the supposed displacement of the śrutis, the writer says: "According to a fule laid down in the classical treatises, the disposition of the notes is reversed in the case of Dáravi (literally, wooden, i. 6., stringed) instruments, and out of this reversed arrangement, perhaps, the modern theory about the arrangement of the position of the śrutis has been evolved.' As usual the Raja does not quote his authority; but it seems certain that he is referring to the lines 4 brutis 33 If we suppose with the Raja the length of the string producing sa to be 90 inches, then theoretically the lengths giving the succeeding seven notes of the octave [on the Raja's assumptions about (1) the disposition of the śrutis in the modern Hindu scale and (2) the values of the three sorts of intervals being a major tone, a minor tone and a diatonis semitone] will be 80, 72, 67, 60, 534, 49 and 45 inches respectively, and the difference in lengths of strings will be as shown in the following table: 90 80 above. sa and ri 10 inches ma and pa 71, pa and dha 6" 67 60 9 80 -; &-brutis - 72 ANCIENT HINDU MUSIC A mere glance at the table shows the error of the Raja's statement. The fact is that there is a radical error in representing musical intervals by differences in the lengths of strings producing the notes. The correct way to represent them is by means of quotients of the respective lengths. Thus the 4-srutis intervals above are 531 72 49 16 60 531 48 67 45 1 44 Difference in length of strings of sucoessive notes. 3 śrutis 2 8 { // 4 8 44 x - 9 On the Gramas or Musical Scales of the Hindus (Asiatic Researches, Vol. IX), reprinted in Tagore's Hindu Music from Various Authors, and quoted in Capt. Day's The Music and Musical Instruments of 8. India and the Deccan. What J. D. Paterson says amounts to this:-The madhyama-grama is formed from the shadja-grâma (see Sir W. Jones' scheme above) by flattening dha by one śruti, which thus becomes identical with the major mode of European diatonic scale (of course, according to the wrong notions of that author and Sir W Jones). Now take a sounding string 44 units in length between the nut and the bridge; then half the length or 22 units will give the ootave of the open string, representing the 22 śrutis. The lengths for the different notes will theoretically be as follows: Note ww Length of string [ri and ga 8 inches dha and ni 53, 44 x 8 10 41 ; 2-árutia 9 41 x 3 2 srulis 2 44 × - 8 189 2 3 Sga and ma 4 inches. ni and sa 3" See the Preliminary Remarks 15 6 3 41 X 2 14 215 14 215 7 115 Reject the fractions of the first three differences, says Mr. Paterson, and you have the figures 4, 3, and 2 respectively, the number of árutis supposed to be there by the Hindu musicians. But the remaining figures do not fit in, even with the extreme liberality with which the reader has been asked to reject fractions, and the author has, therefore, recourse to the ingenious suggestion given above. Not to mention the hugeness of frac tions omitted, it will be at once seen that the writer's way of representing musical intervals is radically wrong (see the last footnote). 7 8 or ootave. 1 2 8 44 X15 41 x Page #194 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 190 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [AUGUST, 1912. ei Trefftrai yra a u and in that case it is evident that he has misinterpreted them, probably because he bad not before him the context. The passage runs as follows: । इति वस्तुस्थितिस्तावद्वारे त्रेधा भवेदसौ । [ असौ नादः] EN FETTO AU are sfare il विगुणः पूर्वपूर्वस्मादयं स्यादुत्तरोत्तरः। a retratura erezi faza: 11 (Samgita-darpana 1, 49-50) It simply means that in the case of the body-viņa' the pitch rises as you go higher and higher (thus it is low in the chest, middle in the thront, and bigh in the head),35 whereas it is just the reverse in the case of a wooden riņa, that is to say the pitch rises as you go lower and lower on the instrument. The reader will at once see that this has no connection whatsoever with the supposed sliding of the srutia. Again, when the author proceeds to defend Capt. Willard, Sir W. Jones, and other eminent writers' by saying that they adopted the modern disposition of the Srutis', he is not adhering to facts; for a reference to the writings of Sir W. Jones will show that he was writing on the authority of Sanskrit treatises, none of which speak of the so-called modern disposition of the Śrutis.' Lastly, it is curious to note that even when the Rajá has made the discovery of the correct arrangement of the arutis in the classical scale and published it in his Musical Scales of the Hindus, he gives in the Sapplement to the same work a drawing, said to be executed for him by a European friend, which, though labelled The Primitive Sanskrit Sharja-gráma,' is nothing more or less than Sir W. Jones' original misinterpretation of that scale,30 In all this confusion of assumptions and assertions without authority or evidence, it is a relief to find one writer take a correct view of the nature of the śrutis. Mr. R. H. M. Bos anquet34 reveals a wonderful clearness of vision when he writes : Are the brutis all equal in value? The native writers say nothing about this, but the European ones for the most part suggest that they are not. For instance, an English reviewer recently wrote, “ A áruti is a quarter tone or a third of a tone according to its position in the scale." This appears to be a misapprehension arising from the modern idea that each interval of a tone in the scale is necessarily the same. But the language in which the different forms of the scale is [? are] described distinctly indicates that a note rises or falls when it gains or loses a Srati; consequently we may infer that the Srntis are intended to be equal in general sort of way, probably without any very great precision.' But 50 great was the influence of the writings of Sir W. Jones (probably because he was a Sanskrit scholar) and Raja S. M. Tagore (probably because he was a Hindu writer) that one need not be surprised at the following criticism on his paper by Capt. Day, who happens to be neither :. This calculation of Mr. Bosanquet's was male on the assumption that all the arutis were equal. That such could not have been in reality the case, or that the employment of the system of twentytwo never entered practically into Indian music, would seem to be from all evidence almost certain. *. Of course, this is the Hindu belief, according to which low-pitohed notes proceed from the chest, those of middle pitoh from the throat, and those of high pitob from the head, * On the Musical Modes of the Hindu (Works Vol. IV, p. 188 ; reprinted in Hindu Mwie from Various Authors, 2nd edn. p. 141.) On the Hindu Division of the Octave, etc. Jan. 1877 (Proceedings of the Royal Society of London), quoted on Tagore's Hindi Music from Various Authors 2nd, edition. The perfoot truth of this inference will be evident in the sequel, where it will be established on the authority of Sanskrit treatises. Page #195 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ AUGUBT, 1912.) ANCIENT HINDU MUSIC 191 This will be more evident by a reference to the following comparative diagram of the primitive Sanskrit shadja-g: ima and the European diatonic scale, as drawn for the Rajah Sir S. M. Tagore, and published in his work upon the Musical Scales of the lindus" from data supplied by tlus ancient treatises, the measurements being those of a string 90 inches long30 • The only differenco, it will be seen, is in the fact that the sixth is in the European diatonic scale flatter than in the ancient one ; so that the ancient Sanskrit sixth had apparently the same ratio, theoretically, as the Pythagorean sixth of the Greeks.' O course, Capt. Day is under a delusion when he says that the Raja's diagram was drawn * from data supplied by the ancient treatises. It is, as I have said above, nothing more or less than Sir W. Jones' original misinterpretation of the shadja-gráma 40 Capt. Day was not the only person who was thus misled. Others wero similarly led into crror, the most notablo of whom was Mr. A. J. Ellis, who writes as followgil :-[Scales • Nos. 73 and 74 are an attempt to represent the Indian Chromatic Scale from indications in Rajah Sourindro Mohun Tagore's Musical Scales of the Ilindus, Caleatta, 1881, and the Annuaire lu Conservatoire de Bruxelles, 1878, pp. 161-169, the latter having been drawn up by Mong. V. Mahillon from information furnished by the Rajah. As regards the 7 Rued notes (prukrita) of the C seale (sharja gráma), C, D, E, F, G, A (a congma sharper than our 4, ),42 B, there seems to be no doubt of the theoretical values. As to the 12 changing notes (rikritā), the values given can be considered only as approximative. The division of the intervals of a major Tone of 204 cents into 4 degrees (srutis); of a minor tone of 182 cents into 3 degrees; and of a Semitone of 112 cents into 2 degrees, as indicated by the superscribed numbers, is also certain.43 But whether the 4 parts of a whole Tone were equal and each 51 cents, and the three parts of a minor Tone were also equal and each equal to 60 cents, and the two parts of a Semitone were also equal and cach therefore 56 cents, is quite uncertain.' Mr. A. J. Hipkins, who worked with Mr. A. J. Ellis in examining an Indian vind, and the aruti-vind imagined by Raja S. M. Tagore, shows a clearer insight into the matter, when, in a communication to Capt. Day, he remarks that the In lian scale intervals ought to be understood as they are explained by native writers-namely, as a tone, a 3-tone and a -tone, composed of 4, 3 and 2 śrutis respectively.45 Besides Mr. Bosanquet he seems to be the only person who grasped the truth amidst groundless erroneous assertions. Unfortunately as regards the disposition of the śrutis in the senle he is unaware of the mistake inade by previous writers, to which I have so often referred, and accepts it, together with its unfailing accompaniment of a dha, sharper by a comma than the A of the Earopean scale of just intonation. 3) I have omitted the diagram. * In justice to the Raja himself it must be admitted that he does not claim that the diagram was drawa from anta supplied by the ancient treatises', and in oqual justice to Capt. Day it must be romarked that the Riji no fortunately writes in a manner, which suggests that he has got the ancient Sanskrit treaties at his hnok in what he has to say. Thus in the present instance the adjectives 'Primitive Sanskrit' applied to the soule robably misled Capt. Day. 11 In his translation of Holmholtz's work, 3rd edition, p. 521. 11 The rondor will at onco recogniso in this the same ghost, which was originally raised by Sir W. Jones and subsequently owned and exhibited by RAJA 8. M. Tagore, only clothed in language of upparently greater precision. Por, Sir W. Jones thought the interval between pa and dhe to bo major tone, whereas that between G and A (to which they were supposed to correspond) is a minor tone, the difference between the two being a comina. * This again is simply a re-iteration of Sir W. Jones' error which has beon exposed above. " The Mwic of Southern India, p. 21. * Subjeot to correction (whiob will be explained below) based on the authority of Sanskrit writers themselves, Page #196 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 192 TIE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [AUGUST 1912. To sum up, we have : (1) The erroneous inference that the Hindus had the enharmonic genus, because they reckoned twenty-two brutis in the octave. (2) The original error of Sir W. Jones in placing the various arutis (in the shadja-grama) after the notes, instead of before them, as required by all Sanskrit treatises on music. (3) Sir W. Jones'groundless identification of this erroneous scale with the European Diatonic Scale of just intonation, with the exception of dha which was supposed to be a sruti sharper. Sir W. Jones further thought, on mistaken grounds, that probably even this difference in the two scales did not exist in practice. (4) As a result of these errors the two statements made by the writer (1) that a gruti was sometimes a quarter tone and sometimes a third of a tone, and (2) that the srutis were equal in practice, without perceiving the contradiction involved therein. (5) Acceptance of all these erroneous statements by subsequent writers without examination. Only the suggestion that probably the sixth notes even were in practice identical in the two scales was neglected, and the supposed augmentation of dha in the shadja-gráma was so often re-iterated that it came to be believed in as though based on Sanskrit texts. Similarly, the equality of the śrutis in practice, vouched for by Sir W. Jones, was lost sight of and only his other statement, viz., that at times a sruti was a quarter tone and at others a third of # tono continued to bo repeated. (6) Mr. Paterson's and Raja S. M. Tagore's mistaken notion that intervals in Srutis between two notes were proportional to the difference in the sounding lengths of the string producing the Dotes. (7) Recognition by Mr. Bosanquet and Mr. A. J. Hipkins that the śrutis were intonded to be equal in a general sort of way. Lastly, in this connection I may mention that quite rocently a Hindu writer has been seriously maintaining that a sruli is not a unit of measurement at all! Amidst all this confusion let us see what Sanskrit treatises on music, beginning with the oldest, vis., the Bharatiya-ndlya-sdstra, say in the matter. At the very outset it may be remarked that, as noticed by Mr. Bosanquet, eren with the information available in his time the brutis must be regarded as 'equal in a general sort of way, probably without any very great precision.' As shown above, it is as absord to speak of a kruts being sometimes a quarter-tone and at others a third of a tone as to say that an inch is sometimes twelfth of a foot and sometimes a sixteenth. It is possible that quantities to be estimated may be such that they cannot be very accurately measured with the standard unit chosen, but the intention is clear that the standard unit is to be looked upon as invariable. Even Sir W. Jones, with whom originated the notion of the variability of a sruti, admitted that the arutis were considered as equal in practice.' It seems strange, therefore, that the writers who followed him should have accepted just the wrong notion and ignored the other one. But if anybody be still in doubt about the eruti being a unit of measurement and consequently possessed of a fixed value, it ought to be removed by the explicit statement to that effect in the Bh. After giving the constitution of the shadja-gráma as follows: sa riga ma pa dha ni 80 31 26 45 4s 36 26 4s it adds" Bat in the madhyamagrdma the pañchama should be diminished by a sruti. The magnitude of a bruti is the interval due to the sharpening or flattening [produced] by the augmentation Page #197 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ AUGUST, 1912.] ANCIENT HINDU MUSIC 193 or diminution of the panchama by & śruti."46 Matsuga, a much later author, also says the 3ame:"What indeed is the magnitude of a śruti? I tell you. The pañchama, now, as belonging to both gränas is known to all. The interval due to the sharpening or flattening by its augmentation or diminution is the magnitude of a sruti."7 Bharata, moreover, proceeds to an exposition of the śrutis by means of an illustration, in which he asks the reader to get two exactly similar vinds, tuned to the shadja-grama, and having the same succession of seven notes (TEST); then Making one of the two vinds madhyamagrámiki (i.e., converting its tuning to that of the madhyamagráma) lower the paichama by a fruti. Under the influence of the lowered) panchama (i, e., keeping it unchanged) make the very same (vind) shadjagrámiki (tuned to the shadja-gráma).49 Thus is one arriti diminished. Once more do the lowering just in the same way; 80 will the gandhára and the nishada enter (i.c., come to be in unison with the rishabha and the dhaivata (respectively) in the other (vind), owing to their being two brutis higher than these). By lowering again just in the same way, the dhaivata and the rishabha enter i.e., come to be in unison with the panchama and the shadja (respectively), owing to their being three árutis bigher than these). It (the vind ) being again lowered in the same way, the panchama, the madhyama and the shadja will enter (i.., come to be in unison with) the madhyama, the gándhdra and the nishdda (respectively) in the other (vind), owing to their being four srutis higher than these). Thus by this illustration (or proof) should be understood the twenty-two brutis in the two gramas." From all this it ought to be perfectly 6 मध्यममामे तु श्रुत्यपकृष्टः पञ्चमः कार्यः । पञ्चमभूस्खुस्कोरपकर्षावा यान्तरं मार्दवादायतस्वादा तत्पमाणा a: A. IAITH in Aattoning' and air is 'sharpening,' the arrangement of these words in this quotation as well as in the next (Bee footnote below) ought to be reversed. The former word oocars again in the Bh. (p. 806, 1. 14), and in a quotation from Matanga's work in Bimbabhupala's comm, on the 9. R. (Caloutta edn. p. 68), where it clearly means 'fattening,' and the modern sage is also the same. But in the Bh. p. 320, floka 39, we have our ori[] a [ ]1 The name floka with a slight var istion cours in the Naradesikoha, and the corrections in the rectangular brackets are according to that authority. The verse, we courring in the Bh., is out of place and is not found in A. and G.; but according to it, HTTTH and would mean 'sharpening' and 'fattening respootively, i..., just the opposite of what is given above as the meaning. But I have nowhere else found the term AT&T used to signify 'sharpening.' " श्रुतेः प्रमाणमुक्त मतनेन । ननु श्रुतेः किं मानम् । उच्यते । पञ्चमस्ताव प्रामदयस्थो लोके प्रसिद्धः। तस्यास्कर्षे az ere arra armarga (Sithabhapala's comm. on the 8. R., p. 43, Calautta). * This could be easily done by making the pasichana consonant with the rishabla (..., just fourth), which it is not in the shadja granna (see below for consonanco). 9 Of course, by lowering the pitob of the other strings. To start with, both vende A and B were tuned to the shadja-gråma. The taning of one of them B was changed to that of the madhyamagrama by simply lowering its parichama by the necessary amount (viz., to make it the exact fourth of the rishabha). This amount of flattoning is to bo oalled a bruti. Keep this pitch of the pasichana constant and convert the tuning of B to that of the shadjagrama, which of course, will have to be done by lowering the other notes by the na08883 ry quantition. It is evident that the whole fra B is now tuned fruti lower than A. Report the operations once more, i..., convert the tuning of B to that of the madhyamagrana by lowering the pañchama, and then keeping this parichama constant once more convert the taning back into that of the shadja-grama. It will be again necessary to lower the other notes by proper amounts, and the whole vind B will now bo tuned to frutis lower than A. But at this stage it will be discovered that the notes produced by the gandhara and nishada strings of B will be in unison respectively with those produced by the rishabha and dhaivata strings of A. Thus it is proved that the gandhara and the nlahdda possas each of them two frutis. Simila reasoning will prove that the rishubha and dhaiyata possess each Page #198 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [AUGUST, 1912. clear that a śruti is a measure of musical interval, and all śrutis were intended to be equal. The illustration by means of two vinds, one with fixed notes and the other with variable ones, given in the S. R., though defective from another point of view, also proves the same thingst In the Bh. the twenty-two śrutis have no distinctive names. In later works we find them named, the most commonly accepted names being those given in the S. R. The Sangita-sumayasara, quoted by Simhabhûpâla, gives a name to each of the sixty-six árutis comprised in the three octaves. 52 Similarly there is no mention in the Bh. of the so called five kinds (jati) of srutis, viz., dipta, Ayata, karana, mridu, and madhyd, found in later writers. What was intended by this classification of śrutis I am unable to say. The S. R. gives no explanation, but the Náradi-siksha contains some verses in this connection, which I give below without pretending to understand them to any great extent. The notes are those used in saman chants and mentioned above. 194 दीप्ताऽऽयताकरुणानां मृदुमध्यमयोस्तथा । श्रुतीनां योऽविशेषज्ञो न स आचार्य उच्यते ॥ ९ ॥ prarमन्द्रे द्वितीये च प्रचतुर्थे तथैव च । अतिस्वारे तृतीये च क्रुष्टे तु करुणा श्रुतिः || १० || श्रुतयोन्या द्वितीयस्य मृदुमध्यायताः स्मृताः । तासामपि तु वक्ष्यामि लक्षणानि पृथक् पृथक् ।। ११ ।। आयतात्वं भवेनीचे मृदुत्वं तु विपर्यये । स्वे स्वरे मध्यमात्वं तु तत्समक्ष्य प्रयोजयेत् ।। १२ ।। द्वितीये विरता या तु क्रुष्टश्च परतो भवेत् । दीमान्तां [दतां तां ] तु विजानीयात्प्रथमे न ( 1 ) मृदुः स्मृताः [ता ? ]: ।। १३ ।। अत्रैव विरता या तु चतुर्थेन [ चतुर्थे न ? ] प्रवर्तते । तथा मन्द्रे भवेदीता साम्नश्चैव समापने ॥ १४ ॥ नाविरते श्रुतिं कुर्यात्स्वरयोनापि चान्तरे । न च हूस्वे च दीर्घे व न चापि घुटसंज्ञिके ॥ १५ ॥ Náradi-siksha I. i. Lastly, in the Bh, we find no mention of the following characteristics, attached by later writers to the various notes: (1) Division into (a) udatta (nishdda and gändhāra), (b) anudatta (rishabha and dhairala ), and (c) svarita (shadja, madhyama and pañichama). This classification occurs in rājñavalleya siksha and in metrically defective verses in the Pániniya-siksha, neither of which are probably very old. It is easy to see that this classification has no merit. There happened to be three kinds of notes, viz., with two, three and four śrutis respectively, and there existed the three varieties of accents, and these were joined together. of them three brutis, and the panchama, madhyama and the shadja four each. Thus there are altogether 2x2+2x. +3×4=22 śrutie in a grama. निदर्शनं स्वासामभिव्याख्यास्यामः । यथा द्वे वीणे तुल्यप्रमाणतन्त्र्युपवादनदण्डमूर्छन मामाश्रिते कार्ये । तयोरेकतरस्यां [तरां] मध्यमग्रामिकीं कृत्वा पञ्चमस्थापकर्षे [ कर्षयेत् ] श्रुतिम् । सामेव पञ्चमवशात् षङ्कप्रामिकीं कुर्यात् । एवं श्रुतिरपकृष्टा भवति । पुनरपि तदेवापकर्षयेद् यथा गान्धारनिधारयन्तायितरस्यानृपनयधिकम्वा पुनस्तद्वापकर्षानीतिरस्यां पञ्च प्रविशतः [त्रि ]श्रुत्यधिकत्वात् । तद्वत्पुनरपकृष्टायां तस्यां पञ्चममध्यमषङ्का इतरस्यां मध्यमगान्धारनिषादवन्तः प्रवेक्ष्यन्ति चतुःश्रुत्याधिकत्वात् । एवमनेन श्रुतिनिदर्शनेन द्वैमामिक्यो द्वाविंशतिश्रुतयः प्रत्यवगन्तव्याः | Tho corrections in brackets are mine. In other places where the quotation differs from the printed edition I have the authority of one or more Mse. The first correction is justified by the reading of G. तयोरन्यतर मध्यमनामिकि कुर्यात् | The third correction is self-evident. 61 S. E. pp. 33-38, slokas 11-23, 53 S. R., Calcutta, p. 43. Page #199 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ AUGUST, 1912.] (2) Classification according to supposed descent from various families, viz., (a) from the devas (shadja, gandhára and madhyama), (b) from the pitris (panchama), (c) from the rishis (rishabha and dhaivata), (d) from the asuras (nisháda). (3) Castes-(a) Brahmanas (shadja, madhyama and pañchama), (b) kshatriyas (rishabha and dhaivata), (c) vaisyas (nishada and gandhara), (d) sûdras (antara and kákali). Here again it is easy to see that the position of a note in the caste system depends upon its richness in śrutis. Antara and kakali (explained in another part of this essay) being only intercalary notes are classed lowest. KUMARAPALA AND ARNORAJA (4) Colours.-The colours of the seven notes, as mentioned by Rajâ S. M. Tagore's according to Sanskrit Authorities,' differ from those given in the S. R. which are respectively as follows:(1) lotus red, (2) piñjara (pale yellow-Simhabhûpâla), (3) golden, (4) kunda white, (5) black, (6) yellow, (7) variegated. Certain authors look upon these as examples of photisms.' If so the Hindus must be regarded as having not only their sense of vision thus affected by various musical notes, but also their senses of family descent, of caste, of birth-place, of god-fathers (rishis), of presiding deities, and of metre! For, they attach all these characters to the musical notes. (5) Birth-places. The seven dripas correspond to an equal number of notes, and hence this idea. (6) Rishis or god-fathers. (7) Presiding deities. (8) Representative Varieties of Metre. For all these the reader should consult the S. "R. 195 (To be continued.) KUMARAPALA AND ARNORAJA. BY HAR BILAS SARDA, B.A., F.R.S.L., M.B.A.S.; AJMER. THE Gujarat Chroniclers mention only one war between Kumarapala, the successor of Siddharaja-Jayasimha, king of Anhilwârâ and Argorâja, king of Sapädalaksha, as the kingdom of Ajmer was then called. Recent research, however, shows that two distinct wars, separated from one another by several years, took place between the two combatants and that the incidents of the war mentioned by the Gujarât writers belong some to the first and some to the second war. The Prabandha-chintamani of Merutanga and the Duydiraya-mahakavya of Hemachandra place the war they describe at the beginning of Kumarapala's reign. The Prabandha-chintamani says that prince Bâhada, son of Udayana, who had been adopted by Siddharaja-Jayasimha as his son, despising Kumarapala, made himself a soldier of the king of the Sapâdalaksha country. He, desiring to make war on Kumarapala, having won over to his side all the officers in those parts with bribes, attentions and gifts, bringing with him the king of the Sapudalaksha country, surrounded with a large army, arrived on the borders of Gujarât.1 The Deydiarya of Hemachandra says that the Raja of Sapadalaksha, whose name was Anna, when he heard of the death of Jayasimha, though he had been a servant of 'that monarch, now thought the time was come for making himself known. . . ... Anna began to make friends with Ballala the king of Ujjain and the Râjâs of the country on the west of Gujarat, holding out threats to them as well as promises. Kumarapala's spies made known to him that Anna Raja was advancing upon the western frontier of Gujarat with an army.2 65 The Musical Beales of the Hindus, p. 100; Universal History of Music, addenda p. vi. 4 J. Combarieu-Music, Its Laws and Evolution. 1 Prabandha-Chintamani by Tawny, p. 121. Forbes' Rasmala (p. 142), which gives Duy&straya's account of the war. Page #200 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 196 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (AUGUST, 1912. Both writers are agreed that the aggressor was Arnoraja of Ajmer and that the war took place soon after the ascension to the throne of Kumarapala, which event took place in Samvat 1200 (A.D. 1143.) The Duy dýraya, in verse 84 of Canto XVI, mentions Vikramasitha as being the Paramara Raja of AbQ, and he is further on stated as having led the men of Ja lor and followed Kumarapala3 esteeming that Râjâ as his lord. Jinamandana in his Kumdrapala-charitra states that Kumarapala while returning to Gujarat from the war with Armoraja deposed Vikramasimha the Paramára ruler of Åbů as he was disloyal to Kumarapala and placed on the throne in his place his nephew Yasodhavala. The inscription dated Mágba sud 14th S. 1202 (A.D. 1146), recently discovered by P. Ganri. Shanker Ojba, the learned Superintendent of the Rajputânâ Museum, Ajmer, in Ajâri (Sirohi State), 4 miles from Pind wasî, and now in the Ajmer Museum, shows that Yasodhavala was king of Chandravati (Âbû) in that year (i. e., in Samvat 1202.) This Ajari inscription coupled with the statement of Jinamandana about Yasodhavala's coming to the throne of Abû fixes the date of the war between Kumarapala and Arņorâja in which Vikramasisha was present as a vassal of Kumarapala sometime between 8. 1200 and 8. 1202. Now, the Chitor inscription of Kumarapala dated Samvat 1207 (A. D. 1149-50) on a stone in the temple of Mokaljt, the object of which is to record Kumarapala's visit to Chitor or Chitrakůta, distinctly states that " when this king (Komarapala) had defeated the ruler of SAkambhari and devastated the Sapädalaksha country (line 11) he went to a place named Salipura (line 12) and having pitched his camp there, he came to view the glorious beauty of the Chitrakůţa mountain ; ......... Kamarapala was delighted with what he saw there and having come to a temple of the god Samidaheśvara ..... ... he worshipped the gol and his consort and gave to the temple a village, the name of which has not been preserved (line 26)" etc. From Chitor, Komarapala entered Mewaļ, visited the temple of Mataji in the village Pålri near Morwan, a few miles west of Nibhahera, and placed an inscription thore dated Pausha, Samvat 1207.6 This shows that Kumarapala was at Chitor in Pausha or Márgabirshsa, and that the war with Armoraja took place in the month of Kartika or Åsvina of that year, i. e. S. 1207. The causes of the two wars appear also to have been distinct. The first war evidently took placet because Argoraja, who had married Siddharâja-Jayasimha's daughter, Kanchanaderi (ride Prithvirdja-vijaya, Canto VII), espoused the cause of Siddharâja's adopted son Bahada and wished to place him on the throne of Gajarât in place of the usurper Kumarapala. The result of this war appears to have been indecisive, as Kumarapala hastened to make peace with Argoraja in order to be able to take the field against the Malwa king Ballâla who had succeeded in winning over Kamârapâla's two generals sent against him, and was advancing from the east towards Anhilwara. The second war of S. 1207 appears to have taken place in consequence of Arņoraja's ill-treatment of his queen Devaladevi, sister of Kumarapala. Jinamaņdana in his Kumdrapdla-prabandha says that Kamarapala was incited to undertake the expedition against Arņorâja by Devaladevi, who had been insulted by Arộoraja and when threatened by her with the wrath of her brother, the demon for kings," was kicked by Arnoraja and told to go to her brother and tell him what sh liked. Kumarapala invaded Argoraja's country to avenge this insult. And as Devaladevt must have been given to Arnorâja after the first war with Kumarapala, this campaign of Kumarapale against Arnoraja must bave taken place some years after the first war between them. All these things therefore point to the fact that there were two wars between Kumarapala and Arnoráin. the first of wbich took place sometime between Samvat 1200 and 1202 in which Arnorja was the gregor, and the second in Samvat 1207 in which Kumarapala invaded the territory of Arnorâix. • Ibid, p. 143 (edition A. D. 1878.) • Now olled Salers, about 4 miles from the foot of the hill on whloh the fortress of Chitor atandı. Kpigraphia Indica, Vol. II, p. 122. • Seo Tod's Rajasthan, Vol. II, p. 618. (edition 1532 A. D . Page #201 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ AUGUST, 1912.] CONTRIBUTIONS TO PANJABI LEXICOGRAPHY CONTRIBUTIONS TO PANJABI LEXICOGRAPHY. SERIES III. BY H. A. ROSE, I.C.S. (Continued from p. 179.) Sanghri: a disease of the throat. Cf. gal-pera. D. G. Khân. Sangu: companion, Jubbal. Sanj: small wheaten cakes for the Devis. Pângi. Sanj: evening. Karnal, S. R., 1872-80, p. 122. Sankhohor: Ophiophagus elaps: a snake. Hoshiarpur S. R., p. 18. Sankli a gold earring with a chain. Sirsa S. R., 1879-83, p. 157. Sanna: a part of a plough. Jallandur S. R., p. 109. Santa: a leather rope to fix the yoke to the plough. Karnal S. R., p. 116. Santa: a leather whip. Karnal S. R., 1872-80, p. 163, Santa nata: an exchange of betrothals between two families. Karnal S. R., 1872-80, p. 127. Santiyanasi: a tree (Argemone mexicana.) Cf. kandai and khari. Karnal S. R., p. 9. Sa nu a tenant, of any kind; Kulû. Kângra S. R., p. 90. Sanwak, samak: a grass which bears a small grain collected in times of famine (panicum lacun): Rohtak ? sanwak, P. Dy., p. 1011 or samak, wild rice, p. 998. Sanwe: land which has been lying fallow. Ludhiana S. R., 1878-83, p. 101, Sanwin: a system of cultivation, in which a spring crop, usually wheat, is taken, then the round lies fallow for nearly a year, during which it is repeatedly ploughed and rolled. Cf. nulin and nurin. Jullundur S. R., p. 118. Karnal S. R., 1872-80, p. 154. Karnal S. R., 1872-80, p. 154. 197 Saod: good omen. Cf. saon. Saon: good omen. Ci, saod. Saond: a loaf, made of wheat flour. Simla Hills. Saphal adj. fruitful. Sappar: a rock or small precipice of rock; shafa in Kalû. Kângra Gloss. Sår mere soakage of water. Karnål S, R., 1872-80, p. 159. Sara: a piece of cloth worn round the loins. Cl. tamand. Hoshiarpur S. R., p. 42. Sarai: a platter, made of pottery, used once at feasts and thrown away. Cf. kasora, kasori and saranu. Karnal S. R., 1872-80, p. 121. Saranu: a platter, made of pottery, used once at feasts and thrown away. Cf. kasora and sarai. Sareli a large snake. Simla Hills. Sargudhi: an inferior form of marriage: Churâh for widow-remarriage usually, but sometimes for virgins when the parents are very poor-called garib-chara. Chamba. Sari the wife's sister. Of, sali. Gurgaon, S. R., 1872-83, App. V., p. 1. Sariya the wife's brother's wife. Ci. salaij, salahj, salha, saliya and salhe. Sariya: a petticoat of coloured, striped or printed cotton. Cl. ghagra. Sirsa S. R., 1879-83, p. 155. Sarkha: a post-position: 'like, even.' Siro: the wife's brother. Ci, sala. Gurgaon S. R., 1872-83, App. V., p. 1. Sarsam rape. Karnal S. R., 1872-80, p. 179. Page #202 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 198 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [AUGUST, 1912. Saru: a small mango fruit that very quickly rots (sarjata). Hoshiarpur S. R., p. 15. Sarwar: saccharum moonja. Cf. sarkanda. Ludhiana S. R., 1878-83, p. 8. Sasan: village service land, ameunting generally to 5 or 10 acres, and enjoyed by a headman as remuneration for his duties. Kângra S, R., p. 84. Sashu: mother-in-law, p. 244. Sasra: the wife's father's family. Cf. sueral and susrdr. Gurgaon S. R., 1872-83, App. V., p. 1. Sirsa S. R., 1879-83, p. 124. Sasu: mother-in-law. Cf. khakhu. Sat: the Raja's share of the produce, as opposed to karat. Kangra S. R. (Lyall.) pp. 44 and 81. Satanjiv: live a hundred years' said by the friends of a man when he sneezes. Karnal S. R., 1872-80, p. 155. Satbabak: a lighter description of corvée than the pund begár, consisting in carrying messages, letters, or light parcels. Kângra 8. R., (Barnes) p. 68. Satbahuk: a man excused heavy begår, but bound to carry messages, etc. Kangra Gloss, Saul: saurea robusta; S&l. Of. seral. Kangra 8. R., p. 22. Sath: the share of grain taken from the cultivator by the State or a landlord. Kangra Gloss Sathoi: a man who appraises the sath, or landlord's share of the grain. Satia: the swastika. Gurgaon, Satnaja: a mixture of seven kinds of grain. Jullandur S. R., p. 56. Satt patauna: to be confounded, taken aback. Satyanas: a tall thistle-like plant with a yellow flower. Cf. katara and kateli. Sirsa S. R. 1879-83, p. 16. Satra wal: a tree. Karnal S. R., p. 9.. Saukar: a money-lender. Hoshiarpur S. R., p. 96. Saur sauriya: bedding. Sirsa S. R., 1879-83, p. 167. Sawa: the stack in which the great millets are stood up to dry. Karnal S. R., 1872-80, p. 172. Sawai: a method of charging interest: two annas in the rupee are charged for each harvest. Jullundur 8. R., p. 72. Sawal bara: a fish (Ophiocephalus marulius). Sawal chhota: a fish (Ophiocephalus striatus). Sawara: cook-house. Sirmûr, Karnal S. R., P. 8. Karnal S. R., p. 8. Seba: much the same as jabar (moist low-lying land, very good for sugar-cane and rice). Cf. jalal. Hoshiarpur S. R., p. 70. Sehja dan: the presents given to an achdraj. Jallandur S. R., p. 67. Seil: a porcupine. Kangra Gloss. Sek: the lanu appertaining to a bucket or wheel when there are two wheels or buckets on the same well. Of. adda. Karnal 8. R., 1872-80, p. 169. Sen: moisture. Senju: an irrigated land. Ludhiana S. R., 1878-83, p. 94. Seo: a bridge, chiefly used by Gaddis or Kanets. Kângra Gloss. Seok, sewak: a man appointed by a raja who managed and distributed the begår or forced labour in a kothf. Cf. bhatangrå. Kangra S. R., p. 80. Seonjna: a tree (Moringa pterygasperma). Karnal S. R., p. 9. Page #203 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ AUGUST, 1912.] CONTRIBUTIONS TO PANJABI LEXICOGRAPHY 199 Seori: small allowance of grain from the threshing floor given to a Gujrati Brahman at harvest. Karnal S. R., p. 88. Sera: a fringed vizor of gold tinsel in a wedding suit. Karnal S, R., 1872-80, p. 129. Seral: the 8dl (Shorea robusta). Kangra S. R., p. 22, Serna: to wet, moisten. Kangra Gloss. Seri : & watering. Kangra Gloss. Bersha hi : a charge which the creditor charges the debtor in the case of his selling goods elsewhere; it amounts to one anda in the rupee or a standard ser por rapee. Jullundar S. R., p. 72. Soyul bata : amaranth. Kangra S. R., p. 25. Sewal: a figh. When in condition one of the best fish for the table. Several varieties are found. Its appearance changes greatly with the season and the water it is found in. It spawng late in the year, and the young may be seen in countless nambers in pools at that time. Ludhiana S. R., 1878-88, p. 17. Sewal; a ceremony at weddings performed by the bride or bridegroom's mother; she picks ap her petticoat and touches the bridegroom's body all over with it. Karnal S. R., 1872-80, p. 129 ShAfa: a rock (Kulû) see sappar. Bhagotri = bangan. Simla S. R., 1888, p. 41. Shahbala : the lad of the family of the bridegroom. Sirsa S. R., 1879-83, p. 168. Shahtia: a large mango fruit, sweet as honey (shahd). Hoshiarpur S. R., p. 15. Shajherna : to purify, a man, a deota, a temple, place, etc. Chambs. Shamain: the yoke used in ploughing--generally made of darli. Simla S. R., 1883, p. 45. Shanan : (8. snana) A bath or bathing. Jubbal, Shangal : chain. Sirmûr, Shant: & religious ceremony performed shortly before the marriage. The nine planets (including the sun and moon) are worshipped, and Brahmins are fed. Jullundur 8. R., p. 65. Sharb: water rate levied by Firoz Shah (10 per cent, on the yield of the irrigation) Karnal S. R., p. 17. Shards: a tax, Kuthår, Simla Hills, Sharuno : the full moon (paran masht) day in Bhadon : also called Rakhțânio. Simla Hills, Shel: a quarter of a ser of flax per rupee paid as a tax. Kathar. Shibbo-ka-than: a celebrated shrine sacred to saint Gugga in the Kangra district. Hoshiarpur S. R., p. 83. Shihan: s. m. a tiger. Shir: stairs. Simla Hills, Shir: & ladder. Sirmûr. Shirhi : & ladder. Sirmûr. Shok: grief, anxiety. Shorach (Shivratri): 1 fast held on varying dates in Magh or Phầgan in the Sáchpargana of Pangi, Shogu < 132 reams of paper given as revende; Spitl, Kångra S.R., p. 114. Sian; a figure, representing Radhika, wife of Krishna. Gurgaon. Bidha : the unoooked materials for a dinner, given to a priest, Karnal 8. R, 1872-80 p. 187. sidi: a bier for carrying a dead body. Cf. arthi. Sirsa, 8. R., 1879-83, p. 168. Sidia 11 : Rg. 12 paid to the father and Rs. 3 to the mother of the bride at a betrothal in Pångi. The name Sididlt is applied to the first named payment, and the second is called gudmi. Page #204 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 200 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [AUGUST, 1912. Sidri: a store room on either side of the tamsál (open yard). Karnal S. R., 1872-80, p. 120. Sijja: wet, damp. Kângra Gloss. 811 : the 7th of Chet on which day enormous crowds collect at the shrines. Cf. sili odten and Sitld's 7th. Karnal S. R., 1872-80, p. 150. Sila : hedgehog. Bauria argot. Silt saten: the 7th of Ohet on which day enormous crowds collect at the shrines. Cf. ail and Sitla's 7th. Karnal S. R., 1872-80, p. 150. Sills : an ear of corn. Kangra Gloss. Simbhalu: a tree (vitex negundo). Karnal S. R., p. 9. (To be continued.) MISCELLANEA. CAN WE FIX THE DATE OF Sankaracharya must for a similar reas.be SAMKARACHARYA MORE ACCURATELY P assigned to the latter half of the same century."' It is a well-known fact that in his gloss on the And Balavarma mentioned by the Kadab plates Vedanta-sútras Sankaracharya makes mention of must have been ruling precisely in the second some kings who are supposed to be his con- balf of the 8th century, or, as we have calculated, temporaries. One of these is Balavarma, who is from A. D. 767 to 785. There can thus be little twice alluded to by the philosopher, once in his doubt as to this Balavarmi being the conBhashya on Sitra IV. 3, 5 and once on Sátra II. temporary prince of that name alluded to by 4.1. This Balavarmi has not yet been identified, Sarıkarachya. but he seems in all likelihood to be the prince of This conclusion receives & remarkable con that name referred to in the Kadab copper plate formation from another source. Sir Ramkrishna charter of the Râzhţrakata king, Govinda III. Bhandarkar says: "At the end of a work Sank. It records the grant of a village by this king to shepaś&riraka, the author Sarvajíåtman, the papil the Jains muni Arkakirti, in remuneration for of Sureśvara, who himself was a papil of the his having warded off the evil influence of Saturn great Sarakarâchårya, states that he composed it from Vimaladitya, the governor of the Kunuigil while the prosperous king of the Kshatriya race, district. VimalAditya's father was Yasovarman the Aditya (Sun) of the race of Manu whose orders and his grandfather Balavarman, They claimed were never disobeyed, was ruling over the to belong to the Chalukya family. Now, the date earth." This description, as the same authority of the Kadab charter is Saka 735=A. D. 813, tells us, would apply with propriety to a king when therefore, Vimaladitya was living. Suppos- with Aditya as a component of his name and being that at that time Vimaladitya had reigned longing to the race of the Chalukyas, who, as the for 10 years and assigning a period of 18 years to ingeriptions inforn as, were of the Manavya each one of his predecessors, we find that Bala- gotra, And whom can this description fit bette: Varma was reigning from A, D. 767 to 785. This than VimalAditya mentioned by the Kadab grant brings us exactly to the time when Sankaracharya referred to above P Vimaladitya was a is shown by Prof. K. B. Pathak to have Chalukys, as the same inscription tells us, and flourished. He says: " Bhartrihari is oriticised Aditya of course forms part of his name. What is by Kumarila who in his turn is criticised by more, he is son's son of Balavarma just as Samkaracharya; Bhartřihari died in A. D. 650, Sarvajfatman was papil's pupil of Sarkar charya and became famous throughout India nearly VimalAditya is removed two generations from half a centary later as I-tsing assures us. Balavarm just as Sarvajnåtman was fron Kumârila, who must have criticised Bhartrihari Sathkarkch&rys whose contemporary was Balaafter the latter had become famous, of course varma. belongs to the first half of the eighth century: D. R. BHANDARKAR. 1 Gaüjadaho (BO. SK. Series), Intro., P. oozi and f. • Jour. Bomb. 4. Soc., VOL XVIII, p. 218. • Early History of the Dekkan, p. 80. Page #205 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ SEPTEMBER, 1912.] SOME UNPUBLISHED INSCRIPTIONS 201 SOME INPUBLISHED INSCRIPTIONS. BY R. BHANDARKAR, M.A.; POONA. 5.-The Banswara Platos of Bhojadeva; (Vikrama-] Samvat 1076. THE copperplates, on which the subjoined inscription is engraved, were originally in the possession of a woman of the Thâtârâ (copper-smith) caste living in Bangwârâ in Rajputâna. They were afterwards bought for, and are now placed in, the Rajputâna Museum, Ajmer. I edit the inscription from a photograph kindly supplied by Pandit Gaurishankar Ojha of Ajmer. The record contains thirty-one lines of writing. The Characters are Nagart. The language is Sanskrit. In respect of orthography, attention may be drawn to (1) the use of v for b and (2) of the palatal s' for the dental 8. The inscription is one of the Paramâra king Bhoja, or, as he is herein called, the Paramabhattaraka Maharajadhirdja Paramejuara Bhojadeva, and records that after bathing on the festival day (parvani) in consequence of the conquest of the Konkan, he granted a hundred nivartanas of land on the borders of the village of Vatapadraks to a Brâhmaņa called Bhlila, son of Vâ mana, who belonged to the Vaji-Madhyamdina sakha of the Vasishtha gotra, which had only one pravara, Vaţapadraka itself was situated in the Ghaghradora district (bhoga) of the Sthali province (mandala). The date, which is given at the end, is the 4th of the bright half of Mâgha of the year 1176. Both the plates bear the sign-manual of the king. So far only one record of Bhoja is known to as: vis., the Ujjain copperplate charter of V. S 1078 = A.D. 1021. Our inscription is another and is only two years earlier. Its importance lies in the fact that it speaks of the conquest of the Konkan by Bhoja, which certainly must have occurred just before the date of our plates. The fall significance of this fact will be clear when we compare it with the Balagâm ve inscription of A. D. 1019, which describes the Châlukya king Jayasimha as a moon to the water-lily that was king Bhoja (i. e., taking away the glory of Bhoja) and as putting to flight the confederacy of Mâlwa. It thus appears that Bhoja had pat himself at the head of the Malwê confederacy and invaded the territory of the Châlukya king Jayasimhs, commencing with seizing the Konkan shortly before our grant was issued. But this confederacy Was soon broken by Jayasimha and no permanent conquest appears to have been achieved by Bhoja. The latter may perhaps have made this expedition to avenge the execution of his uncle Vekpati-Muñja by Tailapa, a dramatio play representing which had been acted before him, as the Prabandha-chintamani informs us." Text. 1. [1* ] Tafat za katetria f atigar TCE BUT T2. atsigrafi[ ] İQT: Ferra: er wer: (1) - 3. taraterafstraf Test: II [R] 9CHTERGEHERT4. जाधिराजपरमेश्वरश्रीसीयकदेवपादानुध्यातपरमभहारकम5. हाराजाधिराजपरमेश्वरश्रीवाक्पतिराजदेवपादानुध्यातपरमभ6. हारकमहाराजाधिराजपरमेश्वरश्रीसिंधुराजदेवपादानुध्यात7. परमभहारकमहाराजाधिराजपरमेश्वरश्रीभोजदेवः कुशली ॥ 8. स्थलीमंडले घाघ्रदोरभोगांतःपातिवटपद्रके शमुपगतान्समस्तराजपु 9. रुपान्त्राह्मणोत्तरान्प्रतिनिवासिजनपदादींच' समाविशत्यस्तुवः संविदितं ।। 1 Above, Vol. V, p. 17. From a photo supplied by Pandit Gaurishankar Ojha. * Expressed by a symbol • Read बिभर्ति. • Read ofrio. •Boad समुपागता. * Read O-rit. Page #206 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 202 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [SEPTEMBER, 1912. 10. यथाऽस्माभिः कॉकणविजयपर्वणि इनास्वा चराचरगुरुं भगवन्तं भवानीपति 11. तमभ्यय संशारस्याशारतां दृष्टा । वाताधविश्रममिदं वसुधाधिपत्यमायांतमा12. चमधुरो विषयोपभोगः । प्राणास्तुणागजलविसमा मराणां (1) धर्मः सखा 18. परमहो परलोकयाने ॥ [३] भ्रमत्संसारचक्रामधाराधारामिमां श्रियं प्राप्य येन 14. ददुस्तेषां पश्चात्तापः परं फलं ।। [*] इति जगतो विनश्वरं स्वरूपमाकलथ्योपरि[स्वहस्तीयं श्रीभोजदेवस्य] Second Plate. 15. लिखितमामातभूनिवर्तनशतक नि १०० स्वसीमातृणगोचरयूतिपर्यंतं हिरण्या16. दायसमेतं सभागभोर्ग सोपरिकर साबसमेतं ब्राह्मणभाइलाय वामन17. सुताय वशिष्ठसगोत्राय वाजिमाध्यंदिनशाखाकावराय च्छिच्छाच्छानविनिर्गतपूर्व18. जाय मातापित्रारात्मनश्च पुण्ययशोभिवृद्धये अवृष्टफलमंगीकृत्यचंद्राकाण्ण-14 19. वक्षितिसमकालं यावत्परया भक्त्या शाशनेनोवकपूर्व प्रतिपादितमिति मत्वा त20. निवासिजनपदेयंथादीयमानभागभोगकरहिरण्यादिकमाताश्रवणविषेये21. भूत्वा सर्वमस्मै सम्पनेतव्यमिति ।। सामान्यं चैतत्पुण्यफलं बुवाऽस्मवंशजरन्ये22. रपि भाविभोक्तृभिरस्मत्यदत्तधर्मादायोयमनुमंतव्यः पालनीयश्च ।। उक्तं च । व-ग 28. इभिमुधा भुक्ता राजभिः सगरादिभिः। यस्य यस्य याभूमिस्तस्य तस्य तदा फलं ।। [५] 24. यानीह दत्तानि पुरा नरेंद्रेर्दानानि धमर्थियशस्कराणि । निर्माल्यवांतिप्रतिमानि 25. तानि को नाम साधुः पुनरावहीत || [*] अस्मत्कुलकममुहारमशहरद्धिरन्यैध दानामि26. बमभ्यनुमोदनीयं । लक्ष्म्यास्तडित्सलिलहरचंचलाया वानं फलं परयशःपरिपाल27. मंच ॥[*] सानताम्भाविनः पार्थिवैद्रान्भूयो भूयो याचते रामभद्रः (।) 28. सामान्यायं धर्मसेतुर्नपाणां काले काले पालनीयो भवा।।*] इति कम29. लदलावुवितुलोलां श्रियमनुचिन्त्य मनुष्यजीवितं च । सकलमियमुवा30. हुतं च युध्वा न हि पुरुषैः परकीयो विलोप्या [९] इति ॥ संवत् १०७६ माघ शुदि 31. स्वयमाज्ञा | मंगलं महाश्रीः॥ स्वास्तोयं श्रीभोजदेवस्य 8.-Nadol Plate of Pratapasimha; [Vikrama-] Samvat 1218. This plate, like those of Kirtipala (Ante, Vol. XL., p. 144), was in the possession of the panchayat of the village of Nadol in the Desûrt district, Jodhpar State. When I visited the place in 1908, all the members of the panchayat, fortunately for me, were present, and the plate was shown to me, though on the day I had to leave the place. There was no time to take an inked impression, and so I had to satisfy myself only with making a transcript of the inscription, The record contains 13 lines of writing, which cover a space of 95" broad by 6% high. The Characters are Nagari. The language is Sanskrit, and excepting a benedictory verse about the end, the whole inscription is in prose. In respect of orthography it is sufficient to note that (1) a consonant following ris doubled; (2) that the dental has been twice substituted for the palatal s'; (3) that the sign for v is also used for b, and (4) that avagraha has been twice employed, once in 1.7and another time in 1.8. As regards lexicography attention may be drawn to poritya prefixed to Vodana in 1. 5. Pority a seems to stand for paurvatya, an ungrammatical form derived from púrou. The word trindika occurring in l. 10 is also worthy of notu. It appears to denote some variety of a rapee. • Read सास्वा. • Read संसारस्वासारतां. " Boad तृषा and बिन्दु 1 Rend मामान्त " Eend प्राप. " Eend वसिष्ठ Bond चन्द्रापि ' - Read शासने. . - Read जुड़ा " Read . " Rand अद • Read दलाम्बुबिन्दु ** Read er Page #207 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ SEPTEMBER, 1912.] The inscription opens with the date: Friday, the 10th of the dark half of Margasirsha in the [Vikrama] year 1218, when Kumirapáladeva was the paramount sovereign and Vahadadeva, the great minister, was doing all the business of the seal, relating to the drawing up of documents, etc. It then speaks of a grant made by his feudatory, Mahamandalika Sri-Pratûpasimha, who, we are told, was a son of Vastaraja and grandson of Yogaraja and belonged to the Voḍânâ family of the _eastern_section. Vodāna is the name of a Rajpút clan, which is now well-nigh extinct. It is, however, mentioned in an inscription found at Barla, 34 miles north-east of Jodhpur. The grant consists of a rupee per day allotted from the custom-house (mandapika) of Badari. It was made for the benefit of three Jaina temples, two of which were of Mahavira and Arishtanemi, situated in Nadûlaḍâgikâ, and the third of Ajitasvâmi-deva in Lavandaḍi. Of the localities herein specified, Nadûlaḍagika is of course Nâḍlâi, as is clearly proved by Inscriptions Nos. VIII and XI published in my paper “ The Cháhamanas of Marwar" (Ep. Ind., Vol. XI., pp. 36 and 43). Inscription XI also speaks of Badari, which has been identified with Borli, 8 miles north of Nâḍlai. Lavandadi I am unable to identify. The two temples of Nâḍlat referred to in our inscription still exist at this place. The temple of Mahavira has now been dedicated to Âdinâth, but the Inscription No. XI found here distinctly shows that it was originally a temple of Mahavira. The temple of Arishțanemi mentioned in our inscription is doubtless the temple of Neminâtha, locally known as Jâdvâji, situated on a small hill to the south-east of Nadial. It was here that Inscription No. VIII was found, and in it the name of the god, Neminathadeva, is clearly specified. SOME UNPUBLISHED INSCRIPTIONS Text. 21 1. [1] सं १२१३ वर्षे (ii) मार्ग वदि १० शुक्रे || श्रीमदण हिलपाटके (1) समस्तराजावलीस 2. मलंकृतपरमभहार कमहाराजाधिराजपरमेश्वरउमापति परलध्व प्रसादमी - 32 8. ढप्रतापनिजभुजविक्रमरणांगणावेनिज्जितशाकंभरी भूपालश्रीकुमारपालदेवक 4. ल्याणविजयराज्ये । तत्पादपद्मोपजीविनि महामात्य श्रीवाहडदेवे श्रीश्रीकरणादी 5. सकलमुद्राच्या पाम्परिपथयति यथा । अस्मिन्काले प्रवर्त्तमाने पोरित्यवोडाणान्वये । 6. महाराज, श्रीयोगरा जस्तदे" तदीयसुतसंजातमहामंडलीक, श्रीवस्तराजस्तस्य 7. सुतसंजातऽनेक गुणगणालंकृतमहामंडलीकाप्रताप (ताप) सिंहः” सासनं प्रयच्छ8. ति यथा । अत्र नवूतडागिकार्या देवश्री महावीरचैत्ये । तथाऽरिष्टनेमिचैरये श्रीलवं 9. हडीमामे श्री अजितस्वामिदेवचेत्ये एवं देवत्रयाणां स्वीयधम्र्म्मायें वदर्याः 30 मंडपिकामध्या10. तू समस्त महाजनभहारक त्राह्मणादयप्रमुखं प्रदत्त त्रिहाइको रूपक १एक दिनं प्रति प्र11. दातव्यमिदं । यः कोपि लोपयति सो ब्रह्महत्या गोहव्यासहस्रेण लिप्यते । यस्य यस्य यदा भू 12 तस्य 30 तस्य तदा फलं || "बहुभिः वसुधा भुका राजभिः । यः कोपि वालयति तस्थाएं पादलग्नस्तिव्यामीति ॥ 13. गौडान्वये" कायस्थ पंडित. महीपालेन सासनमिदं " लिखितं ॥ 43 From the original plate. 23 Bond 'व्यापारान्परिपंथयति. 34. There is some space loft between स and स्य. or Read प्रतापसिंह : • Read नवूलडागिकार्या 31 Road ब्राह्मणादि Read रूपकः. Read स ब्रह्म'. " Road बहुभि * Supply सगरादिभिः 41 I do not know what fair stands for. " Boad शासनमियं. 203 Read लब्ध. The letters are superfluous. 26 Road 'संजातानेक * Read शासनं. ** Boad बदर्या :. 31 Road प्रदत्तः 34 Rond एक. 20 Read भुमिस्तस्य. ॐ Boad भूक्ता 40 Road पालयति. 41 Bond गौडान्ययेन. Page #208 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 204 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [SEPTEMBER, 1912. OUTLINES OF THE HISTORY OF THE ALAMKARA LITERATURE. BY P. V. KANE, M.A., LL.B.; BOMBAY. (Continued from p. 128.) Section II.-The meaning of the word Alamkara.' THIS is the most appropriate place to discuss the meaning of the word Alamkára. The latter has at least two generally accepted significanees, one a wider one and the other, a narrow and more prevalent one. The word is used in a wide sense when it means charm' or 'beauty.' It then includes everything that makes poetry attractive. This is the meaning of the word when it occurs as the title of works on rhetoric; e.g., the Kavyalamkdra of Rudrata, the Kavyalamkára-sûtra of Vamana, etc. Vamana in his Kávy dlankára-stra (I. 1. 2) defines Alamkára in this way, viz., Saundaryam-alamkaraḥ.33 The narrower meaning of the word is figure of speech. This is the sense in which the word is most often used. In the present essay we generally stick to the narrower meaning of the word and shall give detailed accounts of those writers only who treat of figures of speech. In a few cases, writers on topics other than figures of speech have been dealt with, because their works have some bearing on the art of poetry, of which figures of speech form only a part. In many catalogues of Sanskrit MSS, such works as the Kámasútra of Vâtsyâyana are classed under the heading Alamkára. We shall abstain from dilating upon such works, as can by no stretch of language be included under Alankara-sastra. Section III. The position of figures of speech. " Let us now consider the place that should be assigned to figures of speech in the whole machinery of poetry. There is a great divergence of opinion on this point. The ancient rhetorician attached to Alamkaras an importance which was out of all proportion to their proper worth. Dandin's Kavyadarsa, though it bears a proud title, is mostly taken up by the treatment of figures of speech. Dandin does not dilate upon the soul of poetry, and appears to be unaware of the threefold division of Kavya given by later writers. He defines figures of speech as those attributes which produce charm in poetry.'3 In one place he appears to regard the Guna called Samadhi as the all-in-all of poetry,35 It cannot be said, however, that he is quite in the dark about rasa, the sou! of poetry according to Anandavardhana and all later Alamkarikas. Dandin in one place says that all Alankdras endow the sense with rasa.36 He gives some prominence to rasa, by defining the figure of speech called preyas and rasavad. Similarly Bhâmaha nowhere speaks of rasa as the sou of poetry and gives the greatest prominence to Alankaras. He is cognisant of rasa, bhava, etc... bat assigns to them a subordinate position, as Danḍin does, by speaking of them under rasavad and preyas. The same remark applies to Udbhata. We can never affirm about the abovementioned three writers that they never dreamt of a suggested sense (vyangya artha) in poetry; for they define Samásokti, Vyajastuti, Aprastutaprasamsa, etc., in which some suggested sense is always present. In Parydyôkta they (especially Biâmaha and Udbhața) included what by later writer was called dhvani. But with them the suggested sense is only an accessory to the expressed sens (vachya artha); they did not assign the position of honour to the vyangya sense as Anandavardhana and his school do. The same remarks apply to Rudrata. In the figure Bhava as defined and illustrated by him (VII. 38-41) there is a good deal of suggested sense. According to Vâmana 33 The vritti on this is Alankritir-alaikarah | Karana-vyutpattyd punar-alamkara-sabdo syam-Upamadish. vartate. I 34 Kavya-s6bhakaran dharman-Alamkaran prachakshate | Kavyddarta II. 1 35 Tad-etat kavya-sarvasvam Samadhir-nama yo gunah | K. D. I. 100, 38 Kamam sarvo spy-alamkaró rasam-arthe nishiñchati | K. D. I. 69. Page #209 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ SEPTEMBER, 1912] OUTLINES OF THE HISTORY OF ALAMKARA LITERATURE 205 38 the soul of poetry is a style of composition, which is nothing but a peculiar arrangement of words."" His definition of Alamkára is different from that of Dandin. He says "Gunas are those attributes which produce charm in poetry; while figures of speech enhance it (charm)." 39 Dandin speaks of Alankaras as those attributes which produce charm in poetry; while this function is assigned to Ganas by Vamana. Dandin's treatment is a crude one; he does speak of Ritis (styles), of Gunas ani Alahkaras; but he nowhere assigns to each its proper position. Vâmana is more scientific. He distinctly tells us what the soul of poetry is, and then says that ten Gunas pertain to this soul of poetry (just as bravery, etc., are the qualities of the human soul) and that the business of Alainkaras is to enhance the charm of poetry. Vâmana thus advances one step further than Dandin and adumbrates the theory of rhetoric completely promulgated later on by Anandavardhana. Vâmana also is quite aware of a suggested sense in poetry; but he assigns to it a subordinate position by including it under the figure Vakrokti, which he defines as 'indication based upon resemblance.'39 It was Anandavardhana who first assigned to Alankaras their proper place and elaborated a complete theory of rhetoric. He established in a very subtle and suggestive treatise called the Dhoanydloka that suggested sense is the soul of poetry, that Gunas (Madhurya-sweetness, Ojas --strength, and Prasdda-perspicuity) are the properties of the soul of poetry as bravery is a property of the human mind, and that figures of speech are purely ornaments which set off to advantage the inherent charm of poetry, as ornaments of gold set off the beauty of the person.40 He divided poetry into three varieties: Dhvani (in which the vyangya sense is most prominent, see Divanyaloka-kariká I. 16), Guñibhútavyangya (in which suggested sense is not the most prominent, Karika III. 35, p. 205), and Chitra (in which suggested sense is not manifest, Kárika III. 42-43, p. 220). After establishing that the soul of poetry is suggested sense, a question naturally arises by what process is this suggested sense obtained?" Anandavardhana tries at great length to show that suggested sense is due to a function of words called Vyañjand, which is apart from Abhidha and Lakshaná. Most writers on Alakára such as Mammata, Viśvanâtha, Jagannatha follow the lead of Anandavardhana, and speak of three functions of words, Abhidha, Lakshand and Vyanjaná. But it must be borne in mind that many other schools of philosophy, especially the Tarkikas, speak of only Abhidha and Lakshand, and include Vyañjand under Abhidha or under Aumána (Inference). To the modern mind, it would appear that the two functions, Abhidha (primary power) and Lakshand (indication), are quite sufficient to account for all the meanings of words, and that the Alamkarikas introduced unnecessary intricacies by admitting the Vyañjand-vṛitti. But it appears to us that from the position taken up by Anandavardhana that Vyangya sense is the soul of poetry, he had no other alternative but to admit Vyañjand-vṛitti. The Vyangya sense cannot be conveyed by Abhidha; for if it were so, it would cease to be Vyangya and would be Vachya (expressed). Nor can Lakshand operate; for it is a secondary power of words, while the Vyangya sense is the one most prominently conveyed by words and because suggested sense exists even when Lukshana is absent and vice versa. 6. In connection with the theory promulgated by Ananda vardhana there are one or two points which deserve consideration. In our opinion Anandavardhana, in advocating that rasa is the soul of poetry, was profoundly influenced by the Natya-idstra of Bharata. Bharata laid down with all the weight of his authority that the business of the drama is to evolve one or more of the eight Rttir-atma Kavyasya | Visishta pada-rachand retiḥ | Kavyalamkara-sutra I. 2. 6-7. Kavya-sobhayaḥ kartaro dharma Gunah | Tad-atisaya-hetavas-tv-Alamkara! | Kavyalamkara-satra III. 1. 1-2. Badrisyal-lakshana Fakroktiḥ | Kavyalamkara-satra, IV. 3, 8. Tam-artham-avalambante ye siginan te Gunah amritaḥ | Angasritas-tv-Alamkara mantavyaḥ kaṭakadivat | Dhva-karika II. 7, p. 78. * Vide Tarka-dipika "Fyañjand pi Sakti-lakshan-antarbhata | Abaktimala cha anumamadina-anyatha-siddha " Page #210 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 206 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (SEPTEMBER, 1912. rasas: Sringára, Hasyi, Karuna, Raudra, Vira, Bhayánaka, Bibhatsa and Albhuta.42 Whats bad been admitted in the case of the drama, only a branch of poetry, was extended to th: whole domain of the latter. The Dhvanydiola is quite explicit on this point. It says: "It is wel known in Bharata (in the work of Bharata) that the composition of poems must have rasa as their purport, as said by us," and further that "rasa, etc., are the soul of both (Natya and Kavya)." These dicta of Anandavardhana did not gain universal favour at first. We know three or four writers who entered a vigorous protest against the theories propounded by the Dhvanydlok .. Pratibârenduraja (first ball of 10th century A. D.) in his comment upon Udbhata's Alalár sdra-sangraha tries very hard to prove that what is called dhvani by certain critics is included und the figures of speech treated of by Udbhata. The author of Vakrôti-jivita affirms that Vakróki (crooked or clever speech) is the soul of poetry and that dhvani should be included under Upachårvakratá, i.e., Vakrokli based upon resemblance. It is said by the commentator of the Vyaktiriveka of Mahimabhatta that Bhatta-nayaka wrote a work called Hridayadar paņa to demolish tha theory set up by Âuandavardhana.46 But the fiercest onslaught on the Dhranyaloka was deliveri by Mahimabhatta (first half of 11th century). He wrote a work called Vyakti-viveka to establish that all dhvani is included under Inference. The views of this writer are counbated by Alankarasarvasva and Mammaţa. Although the Dhvanyáloka had soon after its birth to undergo the ordeni of fierce criticism, still it gradually won favour and became the most authoritative work on rhetoric. From Mammaţa to Jagannatha all rhetoricians look upon Anandavardhana with the greates Voneration and accept his theories without a word of dissent. Section IV.-The basis of division as regards figures of speech. The most ancient basis of classification appears to have been very simple. Figures of speech were divided into two classes: those that depend for their charm on words alone and those in which the beauty is seen in the sense alone. This division of the figures of speech is the only one that it found in ancient writings on Alainkara. Bharata does not speak of it in his Natya-sastri: Daņdin tacitly recognizes it, inasmuch as he treats of Arthdlarakdras in the second Parichchhetta and of Sablala nk dras in the third. Both Bhamaha and Udbhata do not explicitly divile Alankdras into two varieties, but they seem to have had the twofold division in mind; for Bhâmaha first speaks of Anaprasa and Yamaka and then of figures that are regarded by all as Alankáras of artha; Udbhata similarly speaks of Panaraktavadâbhâsa and Anuprâsa first and then of Arthalawkaras. Vamana speaks of Subidla nkdras in the fourth Adhikarana (1st Adhyâya) of his works and of Arthdlankdras in the second and third Adhyd yas of the same Adhikarana. Radrata, Man mata, Rayyaka and most sabseqaent writers recognize this twofold division of figures of speech. "1 Natya-60.stra VI. 15. 45 Etach-cha raaddi-tatparyena kavya-nibandhanan Bharatadduwapi ww-prasiddham-dua ....... vasddayo hi dvayor-api tayor-jévitabhdtar pp. 181-182 of Dhuanyaloka. "Nanu yatra kluye sahridaya-hriday-Anladinah pradhanabhatasya eva-sabda-vydpard-sprishtat vera prattyaman-aikarupasy-arthasya sad-bh dvas-tatra tathavidharth-abhivyakti-hebul kavya jivita-bhatah kaische mahridayair-dhvanir-nama vyañjakatva-bhed-atmd kavya-dharmos bhihital sa kasmadziha n=8 padishtah luchya.! oshy-v-alamkareshu antarbhavat ) fol. 57 (Deocan College MS.). 46 Vakroktijlvitakarah punar-vaida dhya-bhangt-bhaniti-svabhavar Vakriktim-eva pradhanyut kavya-jfvita wktavan ... Upachara-vakraadibhih samasta dhuani-praparicha) sikrital Alarkara-sarvasva. D. 8. 4 See p. 1 of the commentary on the Vyakti-viveka (printed at Trivandrum, Madras) "Hridaya-darpanakh yo dhrani-dhvansa-granthospi." 17 Anu mdne sntarbhavazh narvasy-giva dhraneh prakAsayitum | Vyakti-vivekan kurute pranamya Mahn.d paranh vdcham first verse of the Vyakti-viveka. 4 Mammaţa says "Ye rasanya ingin dharma) Sauryadaya iv=4tmanah | Utkarsha-hetavas-te syur-achala sthitayo Gunda | Upaturvanti tam santan yesngadvarena jatuchit 1 hard-divad-alankards-tesnupraso. pam idayah || Kavyaprakasa, Ullasa VIII; similarly Sanddhodani sombodied in the Alankdrasekhara Rayu. Alashkaraset $obhayai rasa atmd para manalTM II. 2. p. 6. Page #211 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ SEPTEMBER, 1912.) OUTLINES OF THE HISTORY OF ALAMKARA LITERATURE 207 Some writers, however, propose a division which is a little more elaborate. Alankaras, according to them, are either of sabda, or of artha, or of both. Bhôja in his Sarasrati kanthábharana enumerates twenty-four Alasikdras of each. It is worthy of note that he regards Upamá, Rûpaka, etc., as lankáras of both sabda and artha (and not of artha alone, as said by almost all other writers) Strictly speaking, all figures are really Alankáras of both sabda and artha, as no Alankdra is possible without both of them. The reason why a particular figure is called an Arthalankdra or Sabddlarikára is that the charm prominently lies in the artha or in the sabda. Hence to regard Upsmâ and Rûpaka as Alamkúras of both is not right, and no other work treats them as such except the Agnipurana, which regards Akshepa, Samasokti, Aprastutaprašamsa as Alankáras of both sabda and artha just as Bhoja does. If we are to speak of a third class of Alankáras at all, dependent both on sabda and artha, the most appropriate examples will be Punaruktavaddbhasa and Paramparitarûpaka. But the twofold division of Alaxikáras is enough for all practical purposes and has been followed by most writers, both ancient and modern, Seotion V.-(1) The number of Sabdalam keras. The number of Sabdálainkdras has never been very large. Most writers, such as Dandin, Bhamaha, Udbhata, speak of two or three. The largest number is that mentioned by Bhoja, viz., 24. The ancient works on Alankdra paid a good deal of attention to Sabdálankáras, but as critical insight grew, the Alankdras of words dwindled into insignificance. (2) Historical treatment of a fow Sabdalam karas. Yamaka-Yamaka came very early into prominence. The Rámdya na contains a few Yamakas here and there. It is most likely that they are later additions. Even Kalidasa yielded to the charms of Yamaks and employed it in the ninth sarga of the Raghuvania. Vara hamihira in his Brihatsavhitd has a beautiful Yamaka,60 Blarata in bis Natya-odstru gives ten varieties of Yamaka, and is followed very closely by the Agnipurana. Dandin speaks of Yamaka at very great length, his treatment being perhaps the fullest that we possess. Bhamaha speaks of five varieties only, and says that others are included in them. Vamana gives a tolerably fall treatment. But it is remarkable that Udbhata omits the treatment of Yamaka altogether. Rudrata ranks next to Dandin in the thorough treatment of Yamaka. Mammata and other later writers, perhaps following the dictum of Anandavardhana that, as Yamaka requires a special effort on the part of the poet, it is in no way accessory to rasa, 61 allude to Yamaka, but dismiss it in a few words. Anuprdsa-Alliteration is naturally charming to the ear; but when indulged in to excess one becomes disgusted with the jingle of words. The poets of every country resort to this device. We saw above that in the inscription of Rudradâman at Girnar (A.D. 150), Anuprasa is employed at every step. Kalidasa also, who is certainly earlier than the famous Mandasor inscription (A. D. 472), is very fond of Anaprâss; but he never uses it to excess. It is to be noted that Bharats does not refer to it at all. Daņdin also seems to look with disfavour on Anuprâsa, says that the southern poets do not employ Anuprâsa and that the Gauda school of poets is very fond of it.63 Bhimaba speaks of two varieties of Anuprâss, while Udbhata speaks of Chhekanuprása, Vittyanuprâsa and Laţânaprâsa, Vamana, Mammata and other subsequent writers treat of it. The Dhvanydloka remarks that Anaprâsa is of no use in suggesting Sringdra, when the latter is principal.53 4Tato vardrhda suvifuddha-bhavdo-tealam striya tatra mah Anubhavd. Priyeshu panesh 16 cha saktabhaud dadaria tara iva Puevabhavan | Sundarakanda V. 15-17, ne Yena ch-Ambuharane spi vidrumair-badharai) samaniratnavidrumail Nirgatais.taduragais cha rajitas Bagaro sdhikataram virdjitah | Brihateahhita, 12. 2. 61 Yamakadi-nibandhe tu prithag-yatno saya jdyato Saktusy-dpi raasigalvar lamAd-echdm na vidyate Dhua-k&rika, II. 19; see also II. 16. "Itldarh nadpitam Gaudaireanuprdsarts tot priyal (K.D.I. 54; Ato naivam-Anuprasam dakahindiya) prayunijale K. D. I. 60. 03 Sringarany-Angino yalnd lekardpanubandhandt | sarveshvova prabhedashu -Ånuprdual prakdakah Dhva. II. 15. Page #212 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 208 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [SEPTEMBER, 1912. Chitra.-Bharata, Bhimaha and Udbhata do not refer to Chitrabandbas at all. Dandin does not give a general definition of Chitra, but he dilates upon some of its varieties, such as Gomůtrika, Sarvatobhadra, etc. It is by no means to be supposed that these tricks with words were favourite with later poets. Many of these Chitrabandhas occur as early as Bharavi, who cannot be later than A.D. 600, as he is bighly praised together with Kálidasa in an inscription dated A. D. 634.5 Magha also indicates that in his day * Mahu-kedvya was expected to show such Chitrabandhas as Sarvatobhadra, Chakra, Gomůtrik,66 etc. Mágba cannot be later than A, D. 750,66 as he is quoted by Vâmana in his Kavydlakdra-sútravritti (under IV. 3. 10, the verse Ubhau yadi, Magha III. 8). It is in Rudrata and Bbôja that we have perhaps the fullest treatment of them. The Kapyanusósana of Vågbhata and the Vagbhadlankdra give a pretty full treatment of Chitrabandhas. Mammata and Ruyyaka refer to them, but dispose of them in a few words. Section VI.-The number of Arthalam keras. Unlike Sabdálankaras, the number of Arthalankáras has generally been large and has been subject to great fluctuations. We may safely affirm that as a general rule, the more ancient a writer is, the fewer is the number of figures treated of by him. Bharata speaks of only four Alankdras. Dandin, Bhatti, Bhimaha, Udbhata, and Vamana treat of from thirty to forty figures. Mammața speaks of more than sixty, while Ruyyaka adds a few more. The Chandrdloka (13th century) speaks of a hundred figures of speech, to which the Kuvalayananda adds about a score more. This is the highest number known to us. Jagannatha prefers a smaller number of figures, although he is later than the author of the Kuvalaydnanda. If for some slight difference a different figure of speech were to be defined, there would be no end of figures, as remarked by Dandin.57 Section VII.-Basis of Division. In the ancient writers there is no basis of division. Dandin, Bhimaha, Vâmana and Udbhata give no classification of the figures of sense. They generally first speak of Upamâ and some other Alankdras based upon it and the rest are treated of at random; e. g., Dandin puts Vibbávaná between Vyatireka and Samasokti. It is Rudrata who first gives a fourfold division of Arthalah Aras 58 Mammata seems to have had in view no scientific basis of division. The Alankára-sarvasva gives, first of all, the figures based upon aupamya (resemblance); then those based upon virodha (contradiction); then those based upon érinkhald (chain), such as Karanamála Mâlâdipaka, Ekâvali; then the figures based upon tarka-nydya, kávya-nyaya and loka-nydya; then the figures based upon the apprehension of a hidden sense; and lastly those based upon the combination of figures such as Sankara and Sansrishti. The Ek dvali, the Pratáparudriya and the Sahityadarpana generally follow this classification. Jagannatha also speaks of figures based upon aupannya, virodha, and brinkhald. From Kdvyalinga downwards he does not mention any express basis of classification; but appears to have followed in the main the Alainkára-sarvasva. In the limited space at our disposal it is not possible to enter on a historical treatment of even a few figures of sense. A volume will have to be allotted to this purpose. It should be noted that, although by A. D. 600 abont thirty figares had been named and defined, there is a good deal of divergence as to the exact scope of each figure. The nomenclature of the Arthalainkdras showg great variations. Svabbávokti is also called Jati by some ; Yathasamkhya is called Krama; some figures such as Nipuņa (mentioned by Bhatti), Lesa mentioned by Dandin) are rarely defined by other writers. The Viseshokti of Vamana is quite different from the same figure as defined by others. Very divergent views were held as regards slesha. We pass over the full examination of such points; because otherwise we shall have to enter into minute technicalities of the Alaihdraádstra, which it is not our present purpose to do. 54 The Aiholo Inscription : see Ep. Ind., Vol. VI, p. 7. # Vishamarh Sarvalobhadra-chakra-gomåtrikd-dibhik | Slokairiva malakavyam wydhais-tadabhavad-balam Sibu XIX. 41. 64 With regard to Magha's date, so now the Vasantgadh insoription of Varmalata (Ep. Ind., Vol. IX, DD. 189-90).-D. E. B. 07 To'chadyapi vikalpante kasutan kartoyena vakshyati 11 K. D. II. 1. 88 Arthasy-dlath kard Vastavam-au pamyam-atilayat-slechal Page #213 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ SaPTEMBER, 1912) COINS OF AJAYADEVA AND SOMALADEVI 209 COINS OF AJAYADEVA AND SOMALADEVI. BY PANDIT GAURISHANKAR HIRACHAND OJHA; AJMER (1) Coins of Ajayadeva. Silves and copper coins of Ajayadeva with an effigy of a seated goddess on the obverse, and the inscription att' on the reverse, are frequently met with in Rajputâna, Mathura, and other places. Prinsep, General Sir A. Ounning bam, Captain W. W. Webb, and others have published facsimiles of them and have tried to show to what king they belong; but, in my opinion, their efforts have not been successful. Ajayadeva's coins are held by Prinsep 1 to be the coins of the Rathors of Kapauj, but as there has been no king of the name of Ajayadera amongst them, he tries to get out of this difficulty by making an assumption, for which there is hardly any justification. Speaking of these coins he says: “One of our coins andoubtedly belongs to the former prince (.e., Jayschandra) and it may perhaps be allowable to give the last two, figs. 7 and 89, to Jayachandra himself, whose proper name may have beep Ajaya Chandradeva; the family name Chandra being frequently omitted both in writings and inscriptions." Prinsep was the first to hold Ajayadeva's coins to be those of the R&thors. His principal reason for this opinion evidently is that these coins bear an effigy of a sented goddess like the coins of the Rathora. This, however, is hardly sufficient to assign these coins to the Råthors; for we find an effigy of a seated goddess on the coins of many dynasties besides the Rathors, such as Tomaras, Kalachuris of Dahala, and Chandels of Mohoba. Moreover, there is no authority whatever for holding Jayachandra and Ajayadeva to be one and the same king, or for holding that Chandra was the family name of these kings. In no inscription of the Rathore (Gaharvals) of Kanaaj do we find the name Ajayadera for Jayachandra. In these circumstances there is no reason whatever to assign these coins to the Råthors. Relying on the aathority of Prinsep, Captain W. W. Webbt and General Sir A. Ounningham", holding Ajayadeva to be the same person as Ajaye-Chandra (Jay-chand), have also assigned these coins to Jayachandra. As a matter of fact Ajayadera was a great Chauhan king, who founded the city of Ajmer, and his coins are found in various places in Rajpatâna, which were under the role of the Chauhần kings of Ajmer. Ajayadova's silver coins were current in the realm in the time of Ajayadova's grandson, king Somesvara, as appears from an unpublished inscription of (Vikrama-] Samvat 1228=1171 A. D., existing on a pillar in the Râght Rani's temple at Dhod, in Jahazpur District, Mewar. They are also mentioned in the Menál (in Mewêr) inscription of [Vikrama-] Samvat 1225 = 1168 A. D.7 Owing to these reasons in A. D. 1906, while editing the Hindi translation of Tod's Rdjasthan, ( assigned these coins to the Ohsahân king Ajayadeva of Ajmer in my notes, p. 400. A perusal of Prithvirdja-vijaya, the historical poem of the Chauhans, has confirmed me in this opinion, for we 1 Essays, Vol. I, p. 209. * Op. cit. Vol. I, pl. xxiv. Op. cit. Vol. I, p. 292. Ourrencia of the Hindu Status of Rajputand, p. 80, pl. I. 1. Coins of Mod. Ind., p. 87, PL ix. 17 GTATurqirataifa V... (Dhod Ins.) Prog. Rep. Archæol. Survey, W. C., for 1906, p. 59. • Pablished by the Khadgavills Prons, Bankipore. Page #214 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 210 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [SEPTEMBER, 1912. find the following vorges in regard to the silver coins of Ajayadeva in the account of that king in Sarga V of the poem : स तुर्वर्णमयभूमि रूपकैः पर्वपपुरन् । तां मुवर्णमयैस्तत्र कविवर्गस्त्वपूरयत् !! कीर्ति स वर्तमानानां भटैर्ज जयप्रिवैः । अतीतानागतानां तु रूपकैरजयपिवैः ।। “He (Ajayadeva) filled the earth with ripakas (coins) made of durvarna (silver), bat the poet's filled it with rúpakas (dramas) composed in suparna (good letters). “He took away the fame of the existing [kings] by soldiers fond of victory (jaya), bat the fame of past and future (kings] he took away by rápakas (coins) dear to Ajaya." The verges quoted above leave no doubt that these coins belong to the Chauhan king Ajayadeva of Ajmer. (2) Coins of Somaladevi. Silver and copper coins of Somaladevi are frequently met with in different places in Raj. putânâ. Bat the question as to whose quean this Somaladevi was has not yet been settled. The silver coins of Somaladevi, which are rare, bear on the obverse a degraded representation of type King's head, 'commonly known as Gadhia-ka-paisa type, and on the reverse, the inscription andere or art in Nigart characters. Her copper coins have on the obverse the effigy of a horseman, which generally appears on the coins of the Chanhân kings of Ajmer, and on the reverse the inscription श्रीसोमलदेवि or श्रीसोमजदेती. Prinsep for the first time published facsimiles of one silver 10 and five copperll coins of Somaladevi, but he read the inscription on the silver coin ritar... '10 and that on the copper coins'taru... ,' and remarked: "A scrutiny of the whole series (some not included in the plate) has elicited the letters aftera... ; the blank may be filled up with the letters making the whole title sri Samanta Pála-dera ; or if it be thought that there is not room for other letters, it may stand as sri samula-deva."12. Prinsep thus supposed these coins to belong to a prince called Samantapâladeva or Såmale deva, which was due to the fact that the inscription was not properly deciphered. In A.D. 1894, General Sir A. Canoingham, in his Coins of Mediæval India, published two good specime 1913 of the silver coias of Sumaladevi, but reading the inscription on them as Sri-Somaludeva, 14 assigned them to a king of that name. This reading of General Sir A. Cunningham we also incorrect. Later on in A. D. 1900, Prof. E. G. Rapson read the inscriptions15 on the two silver coils published by General Sir A. Cunningham as HGT and sarata respectively. This is the correct reading, but the question as to who this Somaladevi was remained unsettled. The learned writer stated : " It seems, therefore, that we have here the coins of a queen. Who this queen W:48 we cannot yet determine. We can oaly note that we know of a queen Somalladevi, wife of Jajalladeva II, one of the Kalacuris of Mabakošala (Haihayas of Ratnapura), whose Malhir inscription is dated [Cedi-] Samvat 919= A. D. 1167-68. The arrangement of the inscription on these coins of Souladevi, and the style of the Nagari characters are certainly those of the Jonardja's Commentaryu ter que ya cara alcany & Traitu: सुवर्णमयैश्शोभनाक्षरमयैश्च कविवर्गस्तामपूरयत् ।। जयः प्रियो येषां तेभेटैः करणभूतैर्वतमानानां कीर्तिमहरत् । अजयस्य राज्ञः प्रियरूपकैदीनारविशेषैश्च भूतानां भाविनां च राज्ञां कीर्तिमहरत् ।। 1. Prinsep's Essays, Vol. I, pl. XIV. 17. 11 Op. cit. Vol. I, pl. XIV. 9-13. 11 Op.cit. Vol. I, p. 304. 13 Coins of Med. Ind., pl. vi. 10-11. 14 Ibid. p. 53. 18 Jour. R. 41. Soc., 1900, p. 121. 16 On No. 10. 16 Os No. 11. Page #215 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ SEPTEMBER, 192.) COINS OF AJAYADEVA AND SOMALADEVI 211 kawa coins of the Kalacuris of Mahakośala, which belong to a period extending from c. A. D. 1050 to c. A. D. 1140 (Cann., Coins of Med. Ind., p. 76; cf. pl. vi. 10, with pl. viii. 6-11); bat it would be rash to make this suggested identification of the Somaladevi of the coins on this evidence alone."18 No advance beyond this stage was made. The facts (1) that the inscription of [Vikrama-] Sa invat 1226 (of the time of the Obauhân king Someśvara) engraved on a rock near Bijolia in Mewâr gives the name of the queen of the Chauhân king Ajayadeva of Ajtuer as Somalladevi (Te t e a : artigia:), (2) that these coins are generally found in places which were under the sway of the Chauhậns, and (3) that the copper coins bear an effigy of a horseman on the obverse, led me in A. D. 1906 to hold in note in my edition of the Hindi translation of Tod's Rajasthd» (p. 400), that these coins belong to Somaladevi, queen of the Chauhan king Ajayadeva of Ajmer. This view receives full support from the celebrated poem Prithviraja-vijaya ; for, speaking of Somalekha (Somaladevi), queen of the Chauhan king Ajayadeva, the poet says : सोमलेखा प्रियाप्यस्य प्रत्यहं रूपकनेवैः। कृतैरपि न संस्पर्श कलनेन समासदत्॥ (Sarga V.) Also his (Ajayadeva's) dear consort Somalekha, though she made new rûpakas (coins) . every day, was not touched by kalanka (dark spot)." This verse immediately follows the verse a rara etc., given above in part 1 of this article, and clearly shows that these coins belong to Somaladevi (Somalekhâ). whose name in the Bijoliâ inscription is given as Somalladevi, the queen of the Ohanhân king Ajayadeva of Ajmer. These coins are the only known coins of a queer in India, and I had first thought that Somaladevt probably became queen regent after Ajayadeva, and these coins related to the period of her rule. And in the note20 in which I assigned these coins to Somaladevi, I also said that probably she had succeeded Ajayadeva as ruler of Ajmer during her son's minority. I now find, however, that the Prithvirdja-vijaya makes no mention of such an event. It only says that she was very dear to her husband (Ajayadeva). The king therefore mas have allowed her to strike coins, out of love for her, as she was very fond of designing them. It may also be mentioned that we often get coins of Ajayadeva and Somaladevi in the sa ne collection. About 20 years ago, Rao Ratansinh of Pårsoli (in Mewâr) found an earthern po: containing 20 copper coins, all of Ajayadeva and Somaladevi only, which the Rio handed over to me intact. The e coins of Ajaya deva and Somaladevi found together, unaccompanied with those of any other ruler, also confirm my view. The silver and copper coins of Somaladevi are of different designs, and they both differ from those of her husband in type; this is probably due to the fact that the Hindus were never very particalar about the designs of their coins and did not attach so much importance to them as is done now. Even the Guptas, who were more particular than the others in this matter, after their conquest of the kingdom of the Western Kshatrapas, allowed the design of the Kshatrapa coins to st.nd in their new silver coins struck for the newly conquered territory, in so much that no change was made on the obverse of thesecoins, the inscription on the reverse alone having been changed. Moreover, we find that the coins introduced in the 6th century A. D. by the Hûņas, now known as the Gadhiâ coins,' remained carrept in Rajputârâ, Gujarat, etc. (the designs became debased as time passed), but none of the ralers, who flourished in these regiong from the 7th to the 11th century, designed coins of his own till the time of Ajayadeva and Somaladevi: even the latter, on her silver coins, has allowed the Gadhia-ka-paisa' type to remain on the obverse. 19 Jour. R. As. Soc., 1900, p. 121. * Jonuraja's Commentary! Te fat raser Tre a t yearfशेमंगैश्च हेतुभिः कलङ्कन पापेन लाग्छनेन च स्पर्धे न प्रापत् ।। » Tod's Rajasthan, Hindi, P. 400. Page #216 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 212 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (SEPTEMBER, 1912. CONTRIBUTIONS TO PANJABI LEXICOGRAPHY. SERIES III. BY 1. A. BOSE, I.C.S. (Continued from p. 200.) Bin: a boundary ; tursin, the trijunction point of throo villages. Singh : svake-god. Karnal 8. R., 1872-80, p. 151. SinghAra : a fish (Macrones lamarrii). Karnil S. R., p. 8. Singhi: a fish not very common, and very repulsive looking, very dark purple or red. Said to be a good table fish; but its looks rather keep people from trying it. Ladhiâna S. R., 1878-83, p. 18, Singd: a fish (Saccobranchus fossilis). Karnal S. R., p. 8. Sinh : a tiger. Bauris argot. sink : an iron spike which sarmounts a shrine. Karnal 8. R., 1872-80, p. 144. Bir: a small ranning spring; in distributing canal water the word is used to express & Measore of water about 4 inches square. 8lr : very poor sandy soil. Of, khisar. Hoshiarpur 8. R., p. 70. 818 : a small roagbly terraced compartment of cultivation, Kångra 8. R. (Cyan), p. 32. Sirak : form of epidemic disease. Of. bawa and marri. Ladhiâna S. R., 1878-83, p. 183. Sirdari: an allowance of Rs. 25 a day. Hoshiarpar 8. R., p. 9. sirt : partnership. Sirsa S. R., 1879 83, p. 183. Sirinah (serina): one-fortieth of the produce demand of a landlord : lit. one ser per maund, Karpal S. R., p. 103. sitla's 7th : the 7th of Chet on which day enormous crowds colleet at the shrines. Cf, oil and sili sdten. Karnal 8, R., 1872-80, p. 150. Siul: a kind of grain parobed and eaten at fasts. Charah. siyan: Any ploughing after the second (fr. seu); see ander boghar. Sko : why? as, ske jdi ho? why are you going? Baaria argot. 80: he; tera, of him ; ehbi, to him ; ehna, from him ; plaral, ten, tinhdra, inonbi, innond (Kala). 808 na: grazing ground. Kangra S. R., p. 8. Sog: mourning; bandhnd, bhanna, to break, to end the mourning. Churåb. Bogi : a companion. Kangra Gloss. Sona : a figare drawn in red on houses on the Salono day. Probably to represent the Shravans nakshatra. Gurgaon. Sonohi: a game played throughout the Panjab: one man runs backward, and wo follow and try to cateh him, he pushing them off with open hands. Ludhiana 8. R. 187833, p. 70. Soncht pakki: a game in which one player walks backwards and strikes another, who follows him, on the breast with the open hand, while the other tries to catch his hand. Jullandur S. R., p. 65. Bat: a hard dark clay soil. Of. satar. Sirsa S. R., 1879-83, p. 12. Bat lena : the carrying the plough to and from the fields, by hanging it over the yoke between the bullock, Karnal S. R., 1872-80, p. 168. Page #217 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ SEPTIX3N, 1912.) MISCELLANEA. 218 Batar: hard dark clay soil. Cf. sat. Sirsa 8. R., 1879-83, p. 13. Sowa: fennel (Faniculum pantmorium). Kangra 8, R., p. 25. BowAna : buffaloes' grazing ground. Of. sini. Kingra Gloss. Howard t small plot of land in front of a house; if behind it, it is called pichwani. Kingrs Gloes. saa : a shallow surface drain. C. dgam. Sirsa S. R., 1879-83, p. 298. BuArtht: self-seeking. Subh obirtak: well-wisher. BuobajjA: , m. t. i., adj. clever, oapable, gool mannger. Suchohat when all the milk of a village is devoted to the local Nag, in Pangt, and other parts of the Chandra Bhaga valley of Chambe, during part of (or Fyen the whole ol) Sawan it is called suchcha, and is not drank; though it may be charned and made into ghi, the battermilk being stirred and used at feasts hold on certain days throughout the month. Sudhar: s. m., correction. Bufoda: small mango frait of white colour. Hoshiarpur S. R.p. 15. Bugal: spring. Of, suhrd. Buhre, suhr, or sugal: spring of water; in Kula, jhra. Kingra Gllos. Bakhohsin : Bocond class rice. Hoshiarpur S. R. p. 88. Bukhlambari: mdf cases. Hisar 8, R. p. 2. Sukhpal: . palanqain. Kathar. (To be continued.) MISCELLANEA. ON BOME MATTERS CONNEOTED WITH THE Kamarila (in Tantravirtika, pp. 200, 201), von • LAUKIKANYAYANJALI great grammarians, authors of stras, vartikas, My attention has just been directed to oriti- and bhashyas, have made mistakes, and errors oism of my Laukikany dyanjali, anto, p. 33 it, and abound in Itihdeas and Puranas. The man who I write at once to crave a little space for some has never made mistakes has yet to be discovered! remarks thereon. I gladly accept the Professor's fuller interpreI thank Prof. Chakravartti for his appreciation tation of the f i ne wydya, inadequately of my labours (extending over ball a century) rendured by Prof. Gough, and also that of the in the delightfal field of Sanskrit literature, and saying commencing with the words T anat, for his friendly criticism of the work under in respoot of which I myself went somewhat as. notice. It is unfortunate, howover, that he tray; but I am not yet prepared to abandon should have made use of the old edition (Part I my view of the general purport of arger having first appeared in 1900, and Part II in eget fos:, for does not the fact, that 1902); for had he been in possession of the latar VAchaapati Misra quotes it (as I have pointed out) one he would have known that I had myself in oonjunction (and, apparontly, as synonymous) corrected some of the mistakes which he points with the saying METE E TA TT afarrot out, and had also offered an explanation of similes in regard to which I was previously in Per, farnish fairly good ground for attaching doubt. Ho would have found, too, that the to it the meaning of "tit-for-tat" naughty word "rubbish,” which had been sp- As to the TTT nyâya, my objection to plied to a definition furnished by the learned Raghunathavarman's interpretation was owing to Taranatha Tarkavichaapati, had disappeared the ridiculous setting in which he placed it. from the book! I need scarcely say that I have There was no need of dragging in afrin order the highest respect for the loamned writings of to illustrate its meaning, and I am quite ready to that great sobolar; but, a pointed out by adopt the Professor's explanation as perhaps 1 See under C r eit: a : in Part II of my Wanimo (2nd ed.). Page #218 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 214 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY more suitable than that of Mr. Arthur Venis on which I relied. SOLECISMS OF SAMKARACHARYA AND KALIDASA, fenst: ewol ( the any sms. Yet flowing forms which B with the two preceding ones, and that instead instead of the very begin THE Sanskrit language of Sarkaracharya, the founder of the Advaita school, is considered to be so chaste and idiomatic that it is inconceivable, nay that has committed 622 occur in his gloss on the Chhandogya Upanishad cannot, I am afraid, be defended by any rules of grammar. Thus in his ooniment on Adhy ya I, Rik-simasi mdiyandariabiiinne. Acaording to Rkmini Khanda, vd, Samkarbharya saya Yatha-cha V. 4. 77. instead of Rik-sinmajni we should here have Bik-same. Similarly in his Bhashya, o VIII, K. 8, v. 4, he was the form gachchheyatam gachchhetam. Lastly, the matical form marishye occurs at begramning of his gloss on 4. VIII, K. 12, v. 9, which is prohibited by and ought to have been marishgami in accordance with Panini E 8 61 These solecisms are by no means surprising when they are found even in the composition of the most renowned poet, Kalidasa. Thus in Kumarasambhava I. 35 and Raghu vaméa XIV, 23, the foam dea is used, which is not justified by Papini II. 4, 52. Similarly, in Raghu-vamia V. 34; V. 61, XIX. 50, the forms fagmwvän, fathivan and Kamayana have been employed by him which cannot be correct according to Panimi 111. 2,7107 and III. 1, 90, nabvi venditial posto mon sare so sorge outil a D koBHANDARKAR novidades I must join issue, however, with my learned critic in regard to his remarks in connection with thea. In explaining it I quoted a passage from the Bib. Ind. edition o of Bhamati part of which stands thus :- यदि पुनरेत एव सुखदुःखस्वभावा भवेयुस्ततः स्वरूपत्वाद्धेमन्तेऽपि चन्दनः सुखः स्यात् । न हि चन्दनः काचिदचन्दनः । तथा निदाघेष्वपि कुंकुमपंकः सुखो भवेत् । न TET चिदकुंकुमपकः । एवं कण्टकः क्रमेलकस्य मुख इति | मनुष्यादीनामपि प्राणभृतां सुखः स्यात् । न ह्यसौः कांश्चित्प्रत्येव कण्टक इति ॥ Now is it not at once apparent that the final clause is out of harmony कण्डकः we need either भकण्टकः or the alternative negative expression? One's critical instinct demanded such a reading, and I candidly admit that, on my own authority, but not "in the fashion of the uncritical Indian scribe," I adopted the former of the two, and notified the same in a footnote. But what about the MSS ? Do they bear me out in this? The Professor tells us that, in place of the : of the Bib. Ind. edition, the College MSS. read sreamzan, whilst the ot the Asiatic Society have प्रति न कण्टकः. Of the four in the India Office Library, one has the former, and two have the latter, of the above readings; whilst the remaining one (No. 1879, comprising the text of the Kalpataru as well as that of the Bhamati) supports the printed text. The negative form of the expression may, therefore, be confidently accepted as the right one, and the Professor himself approves of that found in the College MSS. Why, then, does he regard my alteration as "uncalled for"? It is true that the particle should have been eliminated, but that is a comparatively small matter. I fear that I may have no opportunity of utiliz ing the useful material now placed at my disposal, since there is little likelihood of a demand for a third edition of the Similes during my lifetime;" moreover, at the age of 72 one must prepare to quit the field altogether. I hope, however, that I have aroused interest in this much-neglected, but fascinating, branch of study, and that younger. men may be led to take it up. aff ushles G. A. JACOB. [SEPTEMBER 1912. A GUPTA-VAKATAKA COPPERPLATE GRANT TRASO TER SVG antes, ampal 129 I HAVE lately discovered an interesting copperplate grant. It consists of 2 plates, each plate of the grant resemble those of thearly Gupt being inscribed on one side only. The characters Inscriptions. The legend on the seal reads thus to seorang ni rad of bed at (600. agar Art खाकादक ललामस्य bed blur ndar dolकम प्राप्तः नृपः श्रियः । saice & dowo to actonely be as t ai pievolvery wi-figurai Langer i elimi The genealogy of the Guptas given in the grant is as follows daddance par Gaptadirajadeiro? olieha hot! 2. St-Ghatotkachova 1 8. Maharaja Sri Chandragupta Ind de mo Maharajadhiraja S-Samudragupta 5. Marija Bet-Chandragupta 1 ed 20 18 bao ng2 1 bate plode Page #219 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ SEPTEMBER, 1912.) BOOK-NOTICES. 215 We no further told that Ohandragapta II. by his mother the queen regiat Prabhåvati. arried Kuberuang Their daughter was Sri. In another Vakataka copperplate she is spoken bhAvrti who was the orowbed queen of Sri of as the daughter of Devagupta. Is it possible *adrasera, the great king of the V&katakas. that Devagupta was another name of Chandra. er son was the Ywarkja Sri-Divákarusena. lo toring his minority, as is evident from the Poona. K vend on the seat, the present grand was issued B. PATHAK. gupta IIP P 1 L . .. BOOK NOTICES. IX RELIGION OF TUR IRANIAN PEOPLES, by CP that form a literature by itself. So far as my Thiele. Translated by G. K. Nariman. Bombay, 1912. knowledge goes, we have two very good editions The Parsi Publiebing Coy 1 of this work printed in Bombay, one with a MR. G. K. Nariman has rendered a notable commentary called Amaraviveka of Maheśvara, obis countrymen by the publication of edited by Váman charya Jhalakikar, and the e translations contained in this little book, other with the commentary of Bhanuji Dikshita e of great consequence to the reading portion entitled Vyákhydsudhi, and published by Pandit the Farsi Community that they should have Sivadatta. We have thas a critically edited text ready command the results of the learning and of the Amartosha presented to us. These comsearch of such scholars as Thiele in a loyigaage mentaries too have their own use, and are, as hich they understand as well as Englishmaen such, perfectly welcome. But the most ancient emselves. It is, therefore very gratifying to and important of them all is that of Kshirasvåitinterested in the welfare of the Parsis to find min known as Amarakosh dghalana. An attempt tat-tbere are amonga them those who can sup had been made by the Bengali scholar Anunty their watts in this direction, for not only doram Boroosh to edit it together with that of Mr: Nariman translated the work of Thiele | RAyamukota. But hardly two-thirds of the first om tbe original German, but he has added to Kanda bad been published when his untimely and w greitagrving by another in supplementing greatly lamented death occurred, and a complete with Goldziber's, fufluence of Parsien on and reliable edition of this commentary continued i Land and Darmesteter's Persia, . Historical and to be a great desideratum. This arduous work iterary Sketch from the French. Further le bas now been undertaken by Mr. K. G. Oks. given, 28 an, aprendix,to Thiele's work, a Part I of it, which contains the first two Kandas, ries of most neful and, interesting parallels is already out, and Part II is in the press, and is from Buddhistic writing, expected to come out in three or four months' Work of this kind is beyond question of great time. This last will contain the tbird Kinda to alde to the community to which Mr. Nariman gether with a paper on Amarasiraha and Kshira : longe, and one cannot help hoping that he svemin, a list of works and authors quoted by ill continue: to polect and translate European the latter, 4 glossary of words and so forth. ooks and artigles by writers of the first class. The importance of Kshirasvamin's commentary can rostsured that the pages of this journal will be patent to anyone, who reads Anundoram will always be open fosuch work. Borooah's preface to his partially published edi. M e saw tion of the Ndmalingdnu ásana. The list of the on sid 6 R. O, TEMPLE. Tog l exioographical, medioal, and other authorities, 1 AMALINGANUSANNA (Amarakoski) of Amaragiba which the commentator quotes, is as invaluable with the commentary Amern kosbodghatana) of as it is extensive, and shows the depth and versaKahirasvåmin, Part I. edited by. KRISHNAJI GOVIND tility of his knowledge. His critical acumen OKA, Printed at the Law Plan ! also is perceptible in the places where he sets City. Sanskrit" Téxicông' Amarakosha 18 right the errors not only of Amarasimha but also other lexicographers. Thus oa Amara II. ,", dered to be the best. Every Brahman boy ha en va ar T u rva ruky ho learns Sanskrit has to get this Kosha by eart, in whatever part of India belves. Its F |रिपाठमवृष्टा बालपुत्रभ्रान्स्या प्रन्यकृतालतनयमाह । i re T I :opularity is farther evidenced by the number of real On Amara II. 4, 146, he has commentaries that have been composed on it and the following: goale sifor arata 1999 Page #220 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 216 farà qugqca, quafa fofquear at मिति बुद्धवान्, यदाह-पूलं पुष्करमूलं च पौष्करं पुष्कराद्ववम् । काश्मीर पुष्करजा धीरं तत्पद्मवर्णकम् || Again, ou Amara II. 9, 51, Kshirasvamin comments: दृप्यति [ अनेन ] इप्सम् । चनादन्यधनमित्यर्थः यन्माला-द्रतं दध्यधनं तथा । एतच प्रप्स शरमिति भागुरिपाठे सरमति बुद्धा मालाकारो भ्रान्तः । कचिनस्तु नाशिता इत्ययमपि मालापाडेन विप्रलब्धः, बवाह दुर्ग:- बाणद्रप्सो शराविति। इत्यं तु समध्ये, तरन्उपरि शवमानं धनं दधि द्रप्सम् । " THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY At times Kshirasvamin gives us a peep into the relative priority and posteriority of authors as preserved by tradition in his time, and, as such, it is of immense value. To cite one instance, on the word manda in II. 10, 19, of the Amarakosha he makes the following comment: मन्दते स्वपितीय मन्दः अत एव मदि जाज्य इति चान्द्रो धातुः । What he means is this. In the Dhatu-pátha of Panini we have मदि स्तुतिमोदमहस्वम क्रान्तिगतिषु, and here jadya is not given as another sense of the root mad. But Amara has mentioned manda in the sense of jada, and hence Chandra's Dhâtuvṛitti gives jadya as another meaning of mad. If this interpretation is correct, Kahirasvamin implies that Amara was prior to Chandra. Amara must therefore be taken to have flourished prior to circa A. D. 450 when Chandra or Chandragomin, teacher of,Vasurata, is supposed to have flourished. This rans quite counter to the view of Prof. Weber that Amara could not have lived much earlier than the 11th century A. D. But Weber's view cannot possibly be correct, for the well known line tantram pradhane siddhante from Amarakosha has been quoted in the Kábika vizaraṇa-pañchiká by Jinendrabuddhi who has been conclusively shown by Prof. Pathak to bave flourished in the first half of the 8th century. This is certain and indubitable. To this it may be added that "Stanlalas Julien quotes a Chinese translation of the Amarakosha called Fan-wai-kwo-yu, or Kü-sho-lun-yinyuen-sh', by Gunarata, a native of Ujjayini, who lived under the Emperor Wou-ti of the Tcheon dynasty (561-566), though he does not know whether it is still in existence." Further, Rao Saheb Prabhakar R. Bhandarkar has also given cogent reasons for supposing Amara to have lived earlier than Kalidasa. The word márjana, as shown by Series). [SEPTEMBER, 1912. him, occurs in the Amarakosha, but not in the technical sense assigned to it by the Bharatiyanitya-Gastra, bnt this word occurs in ite technical sense in Kalidasa. Amara was thus prior to Kalidasa, i. e., prior to A. D. 400, the time of Chandragupta II, who is now taken by several scholars of repute to be the patron Vikramaditya of Kalidasa. This view exactly tallies with what KshirasvAmin insinnates, vis, that Amara was earlier than Chandragomin. The importance of Kahfrasvamin's commentary does not end here. One of its unique features is the quotations it gives from the works of Sanskrit poets. To take one instance, in connection with the word haláhala occurring in the Amarakosha I. 7, 10, he cites the following verse: y far वाचि योषितां हृदये हालहलं महाविचम् t will be easily perceived that this verse is met with in Bhartrihari's Bringdra-Sataka. But it is worthy of note that all the printed editions of this Sataka have हारे हालाहलमेव केवल instead of इनवे हालहलं महाविधम्- But this verse is actually found in the Saundaranands of Asvaghosha in almost the same form in which it is cited by Kshirasvamin, the only difference being that the printed text has 8f instead of We are thus very glad to find that the edition of Amarakosha together with Kshirasvamin's commentary has been undertaken by Mr. Oka. So far as Part I, which is out, is concerned, he seems to have done his work, on the whole, satisfactorily. His edition contains very few misprints, and is free from the errors which are discernible in what little of this commentary was published by Anundoram Borooah. Mr. Oka has also succeeded in tracing many more quotations in the original works of Sanskrit authors from which Kahirasvamin has cited them. One defect may, however, be mentioned. In tracing the quotations he has mentioned only the names of the author and his work in which they occur. without also specifying the number of the chapter and verse. It is sincerely hoped that this defect will be remedied in Part II, at any rate in the case of the quotations which are not well-known and cannot be at once found out even though we are informed in which works they occur. D. R. B. 1 Jour. R. As. Soc. for 1905, p. 45. Max Müller's India: What can it teach us? p. 328. Canto VIII, verse 35. Jour. Bomb. As Soc., Vol. XX, p. 306. (The work has been edited by M. M. Haraprasada Shastri in the Bibliothera Indica Page #221 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ COTOBER, 1912.) THE CHOLAS AND THE CHALUKYAS 217 THE CHOLAS AND THE CHALUKYAS IN THE ELEVENTH CENTURY. BY BHATTANATHA SVAMIN; VIZAG APATAM. T is well-known from epigraphical records that the line of the Eastern Chalukyag was absorbed 1 in the Chila family about A.D. 1070. As soon as the Eastern Chalukyas gained supremacy in the Chila kingdom, they assumed the titles of the Chola kings, perhaps because, they bad regarded the Cholas with admiration and been anxious for a long time to attain to their status and titles. But how the Eastern Châlukya princes were able to occupy the Chola throne is a problem which has not yet been solved. The Eastern Chalukya king Vimaladitya began to reign, as stated in his Raņastipândi grant, in A. D. 1011.He married Kundarâ, daughter of Rajaraja I of the Chola family, and their son was named after the maternal grandfather. He is the well-known Rajaraja Narendra of Rajahmundry. It appears that Vims laditya and bis successors of Vêngi became feudatories of the Cholas, for the Korumilli inscription of Rajaraja Narendra undoubtedly acknowledges the supremacy of the Cholas. Ammangi, daughter of Rajnédrachola I, Gangaikonda, was married to Rajaraja Narêudra. He ascended the throne on the sixteenth of Angust A.D. 10224 and ruled forts one years. The famous Telugu foet Nannayabbafta lived at the court of this king and dedicated his Telugu Bhdratamu to him.6 After the death of Rajaraja Narendra, Vijayaditya, another son of Vimaladitya, ruled ovet the Veigi country for fifteen years from A.D. 1062 to 1077.' In the year A. D. 1062 Virara. jêndia, the last son of Rijendrachila I, Gungaikonca, ascer ded the throne of the Chole country, An inscription of his second regual year refers to a battle where he defeated an army which was sent into Vergi by Vikramaditya VI of the Western Châlukya family. This battle can be, hence, dated about A. D. 1062-1069, i. e., soon after the death of Rajaraja Narendra. Probably Vikramadityo wanted to wrest Tengi soon after Rajaraja Narendra died, but apparently Virarájêndre helped Vijayaditys of the Eastern Chalukya family to succeed to his brother's throne. Vêngi wa again plundered by Dhard-Jananátha and others about A. D. 1067, for this event is mentioned in the inscriptions of the fifth and subsequent years of Virarajêndra's reign. In an inscription, 11 Vanapati, the minister of the Kalinga king Rajaraja, (who ruled for 8 years from Sala 991 or A.D. 1069 to Saka 998 or A.D. 107619) is said to have fought with the army of the Cbias and to have defeated the ruler of Vengi. This battle seems to be the same as that mentioned in the inscriptions of Virajajêndra. Mr. G. V. Ramamurti Pantulu also thinks this Vergi king to be Vijayaditya VII. In Anantavarma's grant of Saka Saiņval 1040** Rajaraja of Kalinga is said to have defeated the Dramilas and to have thus helped Vijayaditya of Vêngi. Now, Vanapati's inscription and Anantavarma's grant refer to the same fact, but seem to contradict each other, tecatee one makes the Kalinga king Rajaraja the enemy of the king of Tingi and the other makes him the friend of Vijayaditye, the lord of Vengi. This apparent a beurdity will be removed if we assume that the grant of Anantavarma refers not to the king of Vengi but to Vijayaditya, brother of Western Châlokya Vikramaditya VI, who also bore th: 1 Ep. Ind. Vol. VI., pp. 347-861. Ante, Vol. XIV., PP. 50-55. 3 Ibid. Vol. XIX., p. 430. Ibid. pp. 129 ff. • Ibid. p. 491. . Soo the beginning of that work. • Ante, Vol. XIX., p. 481. • Ep. Ind., Vol. VII, p. 9. • South Ind. Ins., Vol. IIT., P. 193 1. Ibid. Nos. 30, 82, 83, and 84. 11 Ep. Ind., vol. IV PP. 314-818. 11 JASB., Vol. LXIII., Part I., p. 100. 18 Ep. Ind, Vol. 1V., p.815, note 4. 16. Ante, Vol. XVIII., p. 171. Page #222 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 7218 SAYUTHE INDIAN ANTIQUARY SIN ([OSTOPEE 1012 title of Lord of Vengi. 15 Apparently the latter Vijaya litys wanted to take p73session of Vèigi with the help of the textinya klo Rajaraj bác Loteatri? the InsSriptions above referrel to of Virarajendrachola also wieri ta tho sa na lactwa maytinfurthxi Dhara-Jananitha also helped the Western Chalakya Vijayaditya end that Virarajênira beled his relative Vijayadity, the Elsberg Cbûlukya king of Vergi, spd defeated Dbara Jaganath and Rujaraja ał Ksling, Prof. Hultzsch is disposed to identily Vijayality of Anaatavarai's grant with the Eastern Chilakya ruler of Vevgi and the Chola who threatened to absorb his, doma nigas with Rujêalcachola dhe alias Kulottungachola 1,14but this cannot be justified at all. Tot we tot w a s not Another event mentioned in the inscriptions of Virartiên lra is the treaty with Vikramaditya VI.1? The earliest known reference to this event is foanl in the cascription of th: filth regaal year of Virarûjêndra, and hence it may bə,datel A, D. 1067. Lais, tresty jaialte , abat 106), in the marriage of 9 daughter of, Virarajên Ira with Vikramility VI, which is described in Valeramanka dovacharia v Virarájöndra seems to have died in his sth regnál year or A.D. 1070," whet, according to o n ausalama ! Ad Vikramdakadérachurita, a sebpllica aryse in the Ci3. co zatry to present the succession of his son Adhirajêndradeve. This rebellion seems to hare lastel till dia end of the year A.D. 1072, for we do not find any 4gbiraj&adre's inscriptions of that periol Vikramilitya vi har th> news and coming to Gigaikon lacholapuram secured the kingdom for his brother-in-law, about the end of the year A, D. 1072. Mr. Krishnaswami Aiyangar thinks that Rajendrachôla II, son rebellion, 21 but there is absolutely no evilence for this." In A,"D. 1074 there was anther rebellion Adhérájềndrađeva's bubjects against him, 1, which wahitajêafradáva 1st his life, 2: Adlirajendra was succeeded by Rajendra III : 1074-771233***** 2736 STR of Rudrachola II will be dow discussed 12:1101 bavu the like Albicaj odra ? descendant of the great chale king Bilglasshok 1. Gangaikon la, the latter being his son's,sor and the Yorper his daughter'son. Rjandraçhola Il yas the righttal heir of the vegi cogatry, and he should have succeeded its father Rtjardja Narealra in "X, D. 1632. Bat, insteal the kingdom passei into the hands of his uncle Vijayaditya, alrealy roferred to, and we shall disc is how this could have happened. Prot. 'Hallasch supposes the rightful her Kulitanga I to hay heen busted by Vijayaditya with the help of Virarajendra It'k ijèndrachõla, alias Kulotiungai was so treated by Vijayaditya, the former would have overthrown the latter sgön, after attainin supreme power in . D 1074-1075 as shown below. But such thing did not take place. . the contrary, the inscriptions of 'Verachôda and Rajarajachodaganza state that Rijëndrachala himself appointed his uncle' Vijaya lífya to govern vengi, It is apparent from Avatáram (the tenth cantos of Kalingattupparañi that Rajendra kola remained in the biodse or his maternal grandfather titt X. D. 1076. It appears from the same work that tuis was due to the partiality of his grandmother, "Gangaikon la's wife. Further Madburántaki, daughter of Rajendrachojadêra, son of Rijeadrachala T. "Gangaikonly becam his wife. * * Thús he was relatei as son-in-law, besides' as grandson and grand so a's son to the *Obols family. These continuous relations and association in "an carly age, with the Cuðla OROWY 2010 Y 10: 18 Dr. Fleet's Kanaresa. Dynasties, 2nd edition. p. 454. T8 South Ind. Ins., VOL. III. p. 128 und nota 11. 1. Ibid. pp. 69 and 203. 18 V. 28 to VI.3. 11 This is the latest known regoal your of this king, South Ind 1952., Vol. II, p. 192 Tablo. ** Vikramarkadadchartta VI, 6 to 25. 21 Ancient India, pp. 128 and 50. # Vikramankadtvacharità, onto VI, vorge 25, Team 11 South Invl. I, Vol. III, p. 123. 31 Anto, Vol. XIX. pp. 191 and 435, and Ep. Iud, Vol. VI., No. 35, v. 14 25 Kalingattuppărani, oanto x., . 6. Ante, Vol. XIX., p. 430. Page #223 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ OCTOBER, 1912) THE CHOLAS' AND TEE CHALUKYAS 2198 induced bih, perhape, to settle in their country and to be styled a membet of their family. It ning the with his desire the lefti heti Vengo cótin try? Truthe charge of the tohelo Vijayaditya. Moreover, & portion, most probably the easternene, of the Chola kingdom seems to bave been allotted to Rajendrachala II whénu Vimarijêndmucha died, Rajendrachola Il seemsoto bave been installed as theynler of thelasterti cutritry which included the portion of the Chola Empirai ten to him and the Weigi country! Thiverett nydet bare taken place in A D . 1070, the first repetal gear of Rajendtachola II. 2oilie: bartar Yos S st to bathed Rajêr drachola's inscriptions in his lonrth (regnet year bare detailed historicul introdietion this given below in sopport of the above statement with this the which wrøsbmbled two ...ontains and belieeen) w eh the goddess of prosperity tested and elioneand with his sword ( only helps, the King) overemle the treachers of his etiemies épriel off many herds of carbinte nt. Vhyrngamani (Vajkara Y and was pleased to levy tribute (which liniinated allt dir ctions from Dhifira Arnša (DhahAvrstih) the rich Sak karakottant (Chakrakota) Hegently rai ed, Vithone wearying (heps in the least, the totistike goddess of the early residing in the region. of theireit g of the sun gest (ek Gay Dirthal (Visler), having ass mied the form of the That bear, had raised (the danywa the tray #leni (She) was submerged in the ocean (by the demci Hiranyaksha), una seated (Mehder the shade of his parasoll(where the experienced dright () made the wheel dat het art Hoitlyond the tiger hertogesin, vésbry direction ami established his fame and justice levný i country. While valori, liberality; a pride and passion, as (his) intimate, relatives were resplendent on the undivided earth, he took his Brot (on the throne) with the goddess of) victory and put on by right the jewelled crown of (his) f: ily. While rulers of the earth bore his feet of their hand, he wielded the sceptre in every ( rter of the beautiful continent of the near Free 3721109 From this it is pain that Rajendrad II had been in this time lord of east for three years, i ne hul been lord or governor of the Eastern Chola country and lord of Veigi since 1070 Thinscriptions of Rajarajacho griga and Virachoca intoimiis thfit Rajendrachola II was wria first as the king of vergi, and this confirms a part of our inlednice. Raserdracholin's Garly inscriptions found in the Tamil country also prove that he had a portion of Tanril country der his rule. We may assume that Tahiti jendtas'appointed bim governor of the Eastern la country as soon as he became ling; Pris rathirajëndra Wa's likely to have done, because he 1. mself was confronted with rebellions i Woh Fate teenäglad if bis cousin governed & portion of bis land. The following fact further rapports his ference. A certain Séndpali Rajaraja Parantiparakshasa, alias Vitabalkanaingivelar, the headman of Nadar in Tirumurnádu, a subdivision of Uyynkkondarialanadu, gót two inscription cut, one in the dominiows of Rajondra cladeva II in the second regnol year of that king, and the other in the dominions of Abirajendra in the third regnal yedt tot that ikhg 8 -there inscriptions the rulers of these countries are spoken of in terms of equatraspadf) 1 An officer of one dominion respecting the king of another dominion clearly show Tháit themes of these two dominions must have been at friends. Otherwise be would inflate teen allowed to cut such inscriptions in both the countries. 0,5 The theory that Rajendrachola I was crowned king of Vengi in A.D. 1070 copficts with The statement of Virachoca's infcriptien, niready referred to, that Vijayhditys ruled over Veigi 21 Ep. Ind., Vol. VII., P. 7 and Vol. VI., 20. E ' u bote 4 ** Prof. Hultesch taken "Der Byamban” to mean "the king of Dhara. Bat-Mr. Hiralal is right, in Identifying Direvarata with Dhikesh of the 'sinda family to Ind., Vol. ix. 3.143 and note 2. 19 South Ind. Ins.. Vol. III. pp. 192-4. Ep. Ind., Vol. VI, No. 35, v. 8, and anita, Volt XIX, p. 130. 31 South Ind. Tr., Vol. III, No. 64. 9a Ibid. No. 57.2K Post Page #224 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 220 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [OCTOBER, 1912. from A. D. 1062 to A. D. 1078, but as it has been already proved that Rajendrachola II appointed Vijayaditys as his vioeroy, there is no real contradiction to be explained. We must include the first four years (A.D. 1070 to 1074) of Rajendrachola II's reiga in the fifteen years' reign of Vijayaditye as a governor of Vengi, otherwise Virachoda's acceasion in Saka 1001 is impossible. In the early years of his reiga Rajendrachola II was engaged in wars in the Central Provinces as they are called now. Hence he could not come to help his sovereign Adhiri iêndradeva at the time of the above mentioned rebellion in 1070-71. Besides he could not rule Vêngi himself and intrusted it to Vijayaditya. Vijayaditya was firmly established in this office in A, D. 1074 when the subjects of the Chola empire rebelled a second time and killed their king Adhirajendra as already stated. Even then Rajendrach6la II was not able to go in time to save his sovereign, but went to the place after Adhirajendra's death and occupied the vacant throne, as stated in Kalingattupparaní,95 and assumed the title of Kalottangachóla. There being no enmity between the two we have no reason to suppose that a war between Râjând rachola II and Adhirajêndra had taken place in A.D. 1074 As is said in the Annual Report on Epigraphy for 1904 (page 12). Divyasuricharita of Garudavî hans Srinivasa, which, as I understand it, supplies a detailed account of Adhirajêndra's death, also supports my statement that Adhirajêndra died in a rebellion. I quote below that portion of the work completely, as orientalists have not looked into it as yet, though it was written by a contemporary disciple of the well-known philosopher Ramanuja.80 Divyasaricharita, canto XVIII, vv. 71-89. बोलेऽभूपय कुलपसिनी नृशंसो Tawi: सशक्षबकरपाव मन्बनीस्वाग पाणपस्तंम्बतनुत शेवमार्गनिष्ठम् ।। Then began to rule a cruel Cbola king, who brought disgrace to his family and who was like a collection of evils caused by Kali. Intending to destroy his family, a Pandya converted him to Saivism. दुर्मेधाः परुपपुरोहितानुरोधी Para a forcoft: 1 धामकं सुललितचित्रकूटमुरूवं पाथोधेः पयास स पातबांबभूव ।। Following the advice of his cruel preceptor, the evil-minded Obola destroyed the principal shrine at Chitrakuta (Chidambaram) dedicated to Viebņa, the Lord of the three worlds, and threw it into the waters of the ocean. भास्थान्बामखिलविपश्चितां पुरस्तापाहतस्वाविषयवासिवैष्णवेभ्यः । free fan 11 COTTIS: & II *Ante, Vol. XIX., p. 481. u Ep. Ind., Vol. VI, No. 85, v. 14. » Ante, Vol. XIX., p. 889. This work is printed in Mysore (10th April 1885). A critical lition with an intro lation has been an lo. taken by ine. * Printed copy reads ' * MS. copy readash Ramanujaryadivyoharita road.' TETT.' i t ' R.D.O. 4. 'MS. 41 Ms. Page #225 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ OCTOBER, 1912.] He summoned the Vaishan vas of his country and forced every one of them to write on a paper "शिवापरतरं नास्ति (There is none higher than Siva ) ” and present it to him before an assembly of all pandits. THE CHOLAS AND THE CHALUKYAS When the great sage (Râmân uja) heard of the harsh behaviour of the Chola king, he disguised himself in white attire and started from Srirangam, saying to the god "O Thou, Lord of Sriraigam, protect thy shrine and religion,” and left Karattálván behind (to look after Ertraigan) चोलस्य श्रुतिकड चेष्टितं यतीन्द्रः श्रुत्वाथ "श्रित विमलाम्बरः स रङ्गात् । श्रीरङ्गिनव तव धाम दर्शनं चे प्रास्थित विनिवेश्य कूरनाथम् ॥ On his way the great sage saw, while passing through a desert, a body of soldiers, sent by the Chôla king to obstract (him and his disciples); he then ordered his disciples to throw charmed san is in the path of the army to stop it (and pursued his way). On the advice of his preceptor, the paper in the presence of pandits MS " श्रुत्वा यः 45 'मार्गे स ' Pr. निर्यातो यतिपतिरागते" महीतुं चोलेन प्रहितबलं विलोक्य पश्चात् । धन्व" क्ष्मापथि सिकतावली: किरङ्गिः तारीत || " धातुलिपि' MS. 4 श्रीनारायणपुरमा विपन्न || At every halt in his way, though with a heavy heart, Ramanuja protected the natives of the country, pleasing even females and Sûdras by his sight and by showing his glory and at last reached Tirunârâyanapuram. मार्गेऽयं प्रतिवसति प्रजास्ततस्त्या रक्षित्वा विरचितभी शूद्रमोदम । आलोकैर्निजचरितप्रदर्शनाच 221 तत्सैन्यं यतिपतिमन्त्रित प्रकीर्णैः सिकताम ॥ Being obstructel by the charm ed sands caused to be poured in the way by the great sage, the army turned and led Periyanambi (the teacher of Râmînuja) and Kûrattâlvân, disguised as a sanyasin, to the royal palace from Srirangam. आपीनृपवन मापूर्ण श्रीरङ्गानि पत्रेऽस्मिन्परतरमस्ति नो शिवादिस्याधातुं लिपि " माधेगोष्ठि विद्वदमे । चोलेनानुमतपुरोधसेति पृष्टौ तौ न्याय्यामिति वदतः स्म " वाचमुचैः ॥ the Chola king asked them to write "शिवात्परतरं नास्ति " on assembled there, but they proclaimed the truth as follows: अन्याय्यं तदिह हरिं विना वरीय स्वयं नृपतिनियोगप मानार्थी शिवपदमाकलय्य तस्मा रोगं 50 चाप्यं धिकमिति स्फुडाक्षराणि ( ? ) || * रागतीं.' MO. 46 'सविध' Pr. "स' Pr. 'चन्द' P. परचा M.3. 'वास्तव' Pr. Page #226 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 222 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY "There is no reason to suppose any other than Hari to be supreme." Having said thisthey took the word ' Siva' to mean a measure, and wrote " 'द्रोणमस्ति ततः परम् (There is drdres which is higher than that)" on the paper, which was put before then by the order of the king. तादृक्षां लिपिमवलोक्य तं ( तां ) चतु मण्युक्त्या कपटमतिं च तत्र मत्त्वा । क्रोधान्धः स नयनमन्धमस्य चक्रे स्वं द्रटुर्भुवमघनिष्कृतिं विधास्यन् ॥ The king saw what was written and was informed of the deceit of Kûrattalvân by Nálûran. Then the enraged king got the eyes of Kurattâlvân plucked out, which seemed to be an atonement for Kûrattalvân's seeing such a bigoted Saiva king. [OCTOBER, 1912. वातावारे वासुः स महारं पूर्णसूि रेपिपरा दायुष्यद्रविणहराविव स्वकीये ॥ Periyanambi died in the very assembly, being severely beaten by the king's attendants. And these two, Kûrattalvan and the body of Periyanambi, who proved to be the robbers of king's life and wealth, (for the king lost those two soon after ) were expelled from the capital. कुरेशः सह स परान्तकद्विजेन्द्रः संस्कृत्यो चित्तविधिना महार्हपूर्णम् । श्रीरप्रति मतानु प्राणषीद्यतिपतये स्पर्शन गुप्तम् || Kurattalvan performed the funeral of Periyanambi with (the help of) the Brahmins of the village Parântaka and then returned to Srirangam, whence he sent word to the great sage(Rámánnja) by a spy. चारोक्तं श्रुतिभिदुरं निशम्य वृत्तं शोकान्धी" यतितिलको रुषाऽर्थक ले। दत्ताय अधिकमनिवे स्यारेभे प्रलयकृते वि (-हि) नाभिचारम् || The glorious sage, who heard this horrible news from the spy, poured some water in libation to Vékateśvara, in addition to the usual libation to Savitri, at the time of libation (ie, Sandhya) and began a snake sacrifice for the destruction of the Chôla king. स्यामेधः पुरन्द्रभ बोलेशान्वयवसुधाधिपत्यमुद्राम् । अद्यादामिति कमलालये शरीरं वाग्मेरी मुखरयति स्म गोपुराने ॥ 81 6 'वतासुं सदसि महार्हपूर्णसूरम् ' Pr. शोकाधी' MS. 63 6 • मधुरा MS. 60 Kamalalaya is the Sanskrit name of Tirav Arar Bee South Ind. Ins, Vol. II, p. 159, ncte 3. Now the name is restricted to the tank ronr the shrine of Siva. 'कमठालये' Pr. 'यात् ' Pr. 4 Page #227 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ OCTOBER, 1912.] TIIE CHOLAS AND THE CHALUKYAS . 223 Tyagaraja, the Siva god of Tiruvarur, the pre-eminent devotee of Vishnu, made an incorporal soant from the top of the Gipura : "Now, I have closed the rule of the kings olthacishtamily." श्रीरामानुजविवुधार्य चोदितः सन्प्रहादोत्सुकनहरियथा हिरण्यम् । विव्याथ शितिपतिमायुधेन कण्ठे निद्राणं निशि निशितेन वेङ्कटेशः ॥ Thu gol Venkataśvara, baing urged by the libation of the learnel Rimin aja, stabbed the king with awapoa when he was as!esp and thus rasembled Narasimha who, out of love for Prahlada, destroyel Hiranya(-kalips). तद्धतिप्रदलितकण्ठ" नालरन्ध्रानिःसीमौषधिमनभेद दुर्निवारात् । उत्तस्थीक्रिमिपटलं यतस्तदासी. त्तस्याप्तं क्रिमिगलनाम पापलक्ष्म ।। Numerous worms sprang from the hole of the wound which was made in the Chola's neck by the weapon of Venkatávara and which could not be cured by many drugs anl charms. On that account he bore the name Krimi kantha as a mark of his sins. 'उतैविसमरकेशदाहगन्ध-60 चोलेशं ज्वलितचिताग्निदग्धगात्रम् | स ज्ञात्वा फणिकृत होमतो व्यरंसी तधाहार कपरिचारकागमार्थी ।। From swells risen from the sacrificial fire, which were like to those of barning hair, Rimanuja knew that the Chola's body was burnt in the blazing fire of a funeral file. Then he finished the snake sacrifice and waited for a disciple who was to bring the news of the Chola's death. आयातायतिपतिराकलय्य शिष्याचोलेशं वृषगिरिनाथहतिविद्धम् । निष्ठचूतक्रिमिपटलागलापरासु प्रीतोदान्मनुमणि पूर्णपात्रमस्मै ।। The disciple cane an 1 related how the Lord of the mount Vșisha (i. e., Vêukateśvara) wounded the Chola king and how the Chol a king died of the growth of worms in his neck. The great saze please i to hear the3tiling, initiated him in the Dvayamantra as a Půrnapitra.64 श्रीनारायणपुरिसंपात्मजाख्यं कल्याणाभिध सरसीतटे मुकुन्दम् । उत्पाद्याकृत सदशोत्तरद्विचत्वा रिवास्किकरानिकराञ्चितं यतीन्द्रः ।। Afterwards Ramanuja made an image of Visbņu called Selvappillai, instituted it on the banks of the tank called Kalyaņa at Tirunâ rayanapuram and left fifty-two of his disciples to worship it there. विबुधार्य' R. D.C. . 'कर्ण' B.D.C. 67 निविष्टोपधिपुनरुक्ति' R.D.C. . ३० · उत्तस्थे' R. D.C. देहविख' Pr. 1 फणिचिति' Pr. 'तत्वार्थान्तर' R. D.C. ७.त्पदलक' M3. 'यमनु ' R.D.C. " I.., taking from friende at fo stivals by force clothes, etc. 65णाय' P. and R. D.O.. 60 तटी' Ms. . 'रान्चित ' R. D.C.. Page #228 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [OCTOBER, 1912. If we identify the Chôla king of Divyasûricharita with Adhirêjêndradeva, we can easily reconstruct from this story the real history of Adhirajendra's death. In his Ancient India, Mr. Krishnaswami Aiyangar identifies the Chôla opponent of Râmânuja with Kulôttungachôla I, otherwise called Rajendrachôla II. But according to Guruparamparaprabhava, the Tirunârâyanapura temple was built in the cyclic year Bahudhânya, Thursday, the 14th day of Makaramâsa with Pushya-nakshatra, but the Saka year corresponding to this is stated to have been subsequent to Saka 1012,60 Hence it must have been either Saka 1020 or A. D. 1098. 1098 was the 28th regnal year of Kulôttungachôla I, alias Rajendrachôla II. Diryasûricharita states that the temple of Tiranarayanapuram or Mêlkota was built after the death of Krimikantha. If we identify Krimikantha with Kulôttunga the temple must have been built after 1119, the latest known date of Kulôttunga 1.70 The year Bahudhânya subsequent to A. D. 1119 is 1158. But Râmânuja, the founder of Tirunârâyanapuram temple, died in Saka 1059 or A. D. 1137,71 Therefore Kulôttunga cannot be Krimikantha. If Krimikantha or the Chôla king of Divyasûricharita is identical with Adhirâjêndra there is no difficulty. Moreover the expressions tadvamsakshaya karanaya and Chiléiánvayavasudhadhi patyamudram | adyádám in Divyasûricharita clearly state that a family ended with the royal opponent of Râmânuja. Kulôtt unga I is the founder of the new Chalukya-Chôla dynasty whose descendants ruled the Tamil country for more than five generations.73 This fact supports the identification of Krimikantha with Adhirajêndrachōladêva with whom the original Chôla family ended. 224 In Mysore Archaelogical Survey Report for 1907-8, the account of Râmânuja's visit to Tiranarayanapuram is stated to have been due to wrongly identifying Yâdavapura (Tonnur) with Tiranarayanapura, which is Yadavagiri; the date of erection of Tirunârayanapuram temple was interpreted to be that of Râmânuja's visit to Tondanûr or Tonnur, where Râmânuja met Vishnuvardhana, or Vitthala, and, according to Guruparamy araprabhava, converted him.' It is further written in the Report: "Either there must be some mistake about the date or we must suppose that Vishnuvardhana had also taken up his residence at Tonnur when his brother Ballâla I was on the throne" for "the year Bahudhânys, corresponding to A. D. 1099, does not fall within the reign of Vishnuvardhana."74 But Divy asûricharita clearly states that Râmânuja visited Srinarayanapura or Tirunârâyanapura and built the temple of Selvappillai or Sampadâtmaja. No mention is made of Vishnuvardhana's conversion in Topdan ûr in this work which, being contemporary evidence,75 is more authoritative than Guruparamparaprabhava and Rámânujûryadivyacharita. The two latter works often quote from Divyasûricharita. We cannot take, therefore, Vishnuvardhana's conversion by Râmânuja at Tonnur as a fact; but if his conversion is a fact, we shall have, then, to identify the former with a Vitthala who was ruling the district of Tirupati many years before Râmânuja's visit to Tirunarayanapuram, and who was seemingly converted by Râmânuja during his visit to Tirupati. The following verse of Divyasûricharita may be quoted in this connection: प्राप्य श्रीपुरमुरेन्द्रलमूलालंकार पदनत विद्वलेन्द्र भूपात् । - लब्ध्वा सावकरमतिष्ठिपच्च तत्र प्रख्यातांस्त्रिगुणशतं स्वशिष्य मुख्यान् ॥ D. S. C. XVIII, 22. Ancient India, p. 150. See Guruparamparaprabhava (Brie-Vaishnava-Grantha-Mudrapaka-Sabhi edition), p. 349. Te South Ind. Ins., Vol. III., p. 131. 12 See pedigree of the Cholas in Ancient India. 14 Mysore A. 8. Report for 1907-8, pp. 9 and 10. Guruparamparaprabhava, r 38 13 Guru paramparaprabhava, p. 340. 18 See Divyasaricharita, canto XVII, v. 87. Page #229 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ OCTOBER, 1912.1 THE CHOLAS AND THE CHALUKYAS 225 "Having reached Tirupati, the ornament of the toot of the hill named after the lord of the serpents (i. e., Sesha-saila or the Tirapati hill) he (Ramanuja) got an agrahara from the king Vitthala, who worshipped his feet, and established three hundred of his famous and principal disciples in it." This might have happened during the time of Vishnuvardhana's father Ereyanga (about A.D. 1162), who is said to have made conquests in the north.76 The current form of the story of Nimânujn's visit to south-western India (which is elaborately described in GuruparampardpraThiva) seems to be the invention of a later person, most probably of the author of the Yadavagrundhatmya. Therefore about A. D. 1074 Râ mânaja visited Tirunarayanapuram and not Tondanûr, and this was owing to the hostility of Adhirajêndra and not Kulottunga I. Now, the reason why Adhirajêndra destroyed Chidambaram temple must be explained. In thit village, the Vishņu temple caused some kind of obstruction to the Tiruvidhi festivals of Sva. Moreover only the Vishņu temple had a mukhamandapa and there was no room for building another mandapa for the Siva temple. This gave a greater importance to the Vishnu to aple which was disliked by the orthodox Saivas. Even now this difficulty exists and the Saiyag are trying to remove the Vishnu temple from the premises of the Siva temple. It seems Adhirdjëndra had this in view in destroying the Vishņu shrine of Chidambaram. Not being able to go a ainst the Saivas by reconstructing the Vishņu shrine at the same place, Ramanuja instituted the images at Tirapati as stated in Divyasaricharita and other works. But the intended extension c' the Chidambaram Siva temple did not take place at that time owing to the untimely death of Athiraiendradeva. Kulottunga II, the grandson of Kulottunga I, who ruled from about A. D. 1126 to A. D. 1146,77 had fulfilled the desire of Adhirajêndradeva by constructing a mandapa in the front of the temple. It is this fact that is mentioned in Ollakuttan's Kuláttungachólanuld and Takkayagapparani. Mr. Krishnaswami Ayyangar ascribes the destruction of the Chidamb.iram temple of Vishnu to Kulottunga II. Besides Divyasûricharita and RamanujdryaWivyacharita the following verse quoted by the learned Aiyangar from Prapannämrita statea Wat it was Krimikanths that destroyed the Govindaraja shrine at Chitrakatam. खिलीकृतं चित्रकूट क्रिमिकण्ठेन यत्पुरा । तत्प्रतिष्ठापितुं सभ्यता मेने महागुरुः॥ I translate this verge in the words of Mr. Aiyangar. "He (Mabacharya) wished to restore The temple of Govindaraja at Chidambaram (Chitrakûța), which had been uprooted by the Chola Krimikantha."79 It is impossible to identify Krimi kantha with Kulottunga II, for he survived Rinnaia by nine years; and the statement that Ramanuja returned to Srirangam after the death of Krimikantha is erroneous on this view. Now, to return to or subject. I hope I have proved that the story narratea in Divyasuricharita shows Adhirajêndra's death to be due to the dislike of his subjects. In this way we can clearly explain the 27th, 28th and 29th verses of canto X of Kalingattupparan:and the espression prakritivirôdhahatasya (of Chồla's son who was killed owing to bis enmity with the subjects) in Vikramankadévacharita.s1 The word 'Chálasûnôh' is used to denote that Ahiracadra died too young to have any children to rule after him. It cannot be called usurpation, therefore, if Kulottanga I, lias Rajendra II, a grandson of the Chola family, ascended the Chola throne after Adhirajendradêve. 76 Epigraphia Camatica, "Inscriptions of Mysore District," 14. * Ibid. pp. 153, 210, 220, 316, 320 and 323. Ants, Vol. XIX, p. 332. 11 Ancient India, P. 153. T9 Toid, p. 320. $1 Vikramaikade racharita, VI, 25. Page #230 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 226 . THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [OCTOBER, 1912. After the death of Adhirajêndra, Vikramaditya VI as well as Rajendrachola II apparently wanted to occupy the vacant throne of the Cholas, but the latter quickly fulfilled his object. The other being disappointed wanted to fight with Rajendrachôla II, but the latter withstood him, finding an ally in Sômeávara II, elder brother of Vikramaditya VI and the then reigning king of the Western Chalakyas (A.D. 1069 to 1075). A battle was fonght between the contending parties, but Rajendrachôla II could not be dethroned though, as a result of the battle, Sômêávara II was overthrown by Vikramaditya VI.82 The latter ascended the Kuntala throne in A, D. 1076 whence started the Chalukya Vikramavarsha era.& Inscriptions of the fifth year of Rajendrachola II's reign refer to this battle, stating " (He) ungheathed (his) sword, showed the strength of this arm, and spurred (his) war steed, so that the king of Kondala (Kuntala), (whose spear had) a sharp point lost his wealth. Having established his fame, having put on the garland of (the victory over) the Northern region, and having stopped the prostitution of the goddess with the sweet and excellent lotus flower (i. e., Lakshmi) of the Southern region, and the lonelinese of the goddess of the good country whose garment is Ponni (Kaneri) he put on by right of inheritance) the pure royal crown of jewels, while the kings of old earth bore his two feet on their heads) as a large crown.''84 I have already stated that after his coronation as the ruler of the Cbôla country he bore the title Kulôttunga, which means " highest in his family," and which is fonnd only in his inscriptions subsequent to the fourth regnal year. This implies that the independent rule of the united empre of Vêngi and the Chola country was attained by him alone and not by his predecessors, and not before 1074-75, even by him. This title cannot mean that he was called a Chola after attaining supreme power, for he was already stylel a member of the Chola family in A, D. 1071-72, as stated by Prof. Hultzsch.85 Kalingattupparani says "As a young prince of the Lunar race, as an infant lord of the Solar race, he grew up the joy of the kings of both faces, like the fruit of the virtuous deeds of his ancestors."96. Vikramánkadévacharita styles our prince Rajendracbóla II as Chola Räjiga ' in one place (VI. 38) and Räjiga Vengin&tha' in another place (VI. 26). He was Ubhayakulóttama!! (the best of the two races), therefore, even before he was crowned as ruler of the eastern country. According to Mr. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Adhirajêndra ascended the throne in A. D. 1070 and ruled only part of a year, for Rajendrachôla II also ascended the Chola throne in the same year; the capture of elephants at Vairugarvam and the capture of the fortress of Chakrakottam mentioned in his inscriptions as deeds of his heir-apparentship imply that he distinguished himself in the expedition sent out by Virarajendra in A. D. 1067; kulottunga's having uplifted the lotus goddess in the direction of the rising of the sun would only mean that Rajendra Kulottunga distinguished himself as a prince in the eastern exploits of his grandfather, either during Rajendra Chola's, or under Virarajendra when he re-conquered Kadaram.88 In my opinion the above statements are not well founded. If the above-quoted inscriptions of Rajarajachôdagangan and Virachôda 90 are taken into consideration we must conclude that the coronation of Rajendrachôla II with the title Kulôttunga as a ruler of the Chola country took place some time after his coronation as ruler of the eastern or Vêngi territory. The earlier Tamil inscriptions styling him Rajendrachôla refer to his coronation as ruler of the eastern country ; for they describe his crown as Kula * Eid. VI., 27 to 90. " Dr. Dhandarkar's Early History of Dekhan, 2nd edition, pp. 85 M South Ind, I., VOL III. p. 142 $5 Ibid. p. 182 # Ante, Vol. XIX, p. 332, Kalingattupparani 1, 2, # Ancient India, pp. 49, 50, 129, 130, 131 and 283 * Ep. Ind. YOL VI, Pp. 384 to 347. * Aute, Vol. XIX, PP. 428 to 486 Page #231 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ OCTOBER, 19:2.) BRAHMAN IMMIGRATION INTO SOUTHERN INDIA 227 manima kutam (the jewelled crown of his family).' while the latter inscriptions styling him Kulottungschola describe his crown as 'punitarulirum animakutam (the pure royal crown of jewels),' and hence must imply another coronation. This confirms the statement that Rajendrachôla II, afterwards Kulottunga I, was crowned twice, first in A. D. 1070 as ruler of his paternal dominions of Vêngi and secondly in A. D. 1074 as emperor of the Chola country. I have already stated that Rajendrachola II was not only in possession of Vengi but of a portion of the Tamil country also. 1, therefore, take the words " (He) gently raised, withont wearying (her) in the least, the lotuslike goddess of the earth residing in the region of the rising sun," to mean the Vêngi country and a part of the Chola country. If this were the description of his conquest of Kadaram, I see no reason why it shonld not be mentioned in even one of his later inscriptions together with the conquest of Chakrakottam and Vayirâgaram. The conquest in the battle of Chakrakottam and the capture of elephants at Vayirâgaram are said to bave taken place when he was still Ilangô or Yuvaraja, only in the inscriptions of the fifth and following years of Kulottungachola I's reign°1 and Kalingattupparani. The latter work mentions his capture of elephants without referring to Vayirâgaram. If the said battles were fought before his coronation in A. D. 1070 these ought to have been stated as deeds during his Ilangôpparuvam or heir-apparentship even in the inscriptions of his second, third and fourth years. It seems, therefore, that after attaining supreme power in A. D. 1075 his rule over the eastern country as a fendatory to the Cholas was treated by him as his period of heir-apparentship to the Chola throne. Mr. V. A. Smith's Early History of India has the following account of Kulottunga I's reign: "Kulottunga, otherwise called Rajendrachola II, the son of the daughter of Rajendra I, Gangaikonda, ruled for forty-nine years, from 1070 to 1118. There is some obscurity concerning the nanner in which he attained supreme power.......... The celebrated philosopher Ramanuja, the most venerated teacher of the Vaishnava Hindus in the South, received his education at Kâñchi and resided at Srirangam near Trichinopoly during the reign of Kulottuúga: but owing to the hostility of the king, who professed the Saiva faith, was obliged to retire into Mysore territory until Kulottunga's death freed him from his anxiety.' *93 In the light of my previous remarks this has to be revised. Kulottunga, the grandson of the Chola king Rajendra I, ascended the Chola throne by right and not by usurpation, and there is no obscurity concerning the manner in which he attained kingly power as Mr. V. A. Smith thinks. BRAHMAN IMMIGRATION INTO SOUTHERN INDIA. BY A. GOVINDACHARYA SVAMIN, O.E., M.R.A.S., M.R.S.A., M.M.S.; MYSORE. The word 'immigration has here been purposely used by me; for until comparatively recently no settlements on a large scale were made in the south by the northern Aryans, as a result of pre-meditated and well-concerted action on the part of a whole class or tribe, directed by the efforts of the king. The Aryan tribes seemed to have at first pressed forward from north-west to south-east, urged by natural causes over which they had no control and against which they could make no stand until they reached the plains of Hindustan where they seemed to have found a peaceful settlement for a long period of time. But soon the impulse to go farther came upon them, due to various canses, and as there was no longer any ground on the south-eastern side they seemed to have bent their steps westward and southward, overrunning Central India and Southern India. The militant polity adapted to constant warfare and constant pressing forward until the extreme south-east limit of their line of march into India from the north-west was reached, is well reflected in the hymns of the Rig-Veda. The peaceful establishment and consolidation of states in $2 Kalingattupparani, X, 28 and 24. 91 South Ind. Ins., Vol. III, p. 142. 99 Early History of India, 2nd edition, p. 422. . Page #232 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 228 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (OCTOBER, 1912. Central India is described in the works of the Sátra period. The next on ward march, impelled by other than mere natural forces, is described in the epics of the Årgan land; the Råmdyara, describing the earliest movement, and the Mahábharata, the ambitious conquering march of the Aryan kings of the north. By the term Southern India,' I understand what is commonly known as the Deccan, which we may take as signifying the whole land to the south of the Vindhya Mountains known as Pâriyâtra in olden times, i.e., the limits of travelling. These mountains first formeci an effective barrier on the forward pushing Aryans; and by the wild animals that infested their intractable wilderness and by the wilder aboriginal tribes peopling their slopes, the progress of the northerner towards the south seems to have been checked for a long time. So much was the loss of life and property that they had suffered at the hands of the agencies that were at work to the south of their settlements in AryaFarta, that they ever after came to identify the south with death and called it Ydmya dik or Yama-dik, or that which points to the abode of death. We also see that their favourite line of march leading to the point where they met with the least resistance they called Agneya, from Agni, whom they took for their lead. They called Agni, purohita; referring by this symbol either to the use of fire in clearing forests that were ahead of their advance, or to the warmth, the quest of which must have determined their line of pressure. The latter seems to me to be the true symbol, considering how they must have been pressing forward in the glacial epocb from th: Arctic regions where must have been their primitive home, only under the sure lead of the quest of warmth. In the shape of high floods and storms, destruction must have then come to them from the south-west, which direction they therefore called Nairrtya, from Nirriti, 1.e., destruction. These lines of pursuit and avoidance seem to have been symbolised in the tantra that is used in sacrifices : वायव्यावामयान्तं', नैकत्यादीशा नान्तं. Agreeably to this surmise we find that in the Santivachana fri ta etc., that is made in the purificatory ceremony, the liturgical formula includes tarITET ET I gcai Tig fataht. This indicates that their advance was towards the south-east; because the prayer is addressed for the removal of the evil at the south-east point : and all trouble or misfortune is sought to be thrown into the north-east.1 Before the settlement of the Aryans in India was effected, the low-lying plains of the grea. rivers had been inhabited by the Dravidian race, and the first conflict of the Aryas and the Dravidas appears to have taken place in the extreme west and north of India. That the Dravidians had planted their settlements so far up in the north and west is borne out by the fact that several Dravidian dialects, such as Brahui, Villi, and Santâl, are found stranded in the midst of other tongues in Baluchistan, Rajputânâ and Central India. But as the centre of gravity of the Dravidian peoples, as determined by the density of their population, lies somewhere about Mysore, we must take the south of India as the home of those peoples whence they might have spread to the north. There is evidence for this in the literature of the Tamils. It is said that long ago, the land had stretched farther south from Cape Comorin and all that region had belonged to the Pandiyan king. But at one time the sea gained over it, submerging many mounains and rivers, of which oper was one: அடியிற் றள்ள்ள வரசர்க் குணர்த்தி வடிவே லெறித்தவான் பகைபொறாது பஃறுளி யாற்றுடன் பன்மலை யடுக்கத்து க்குமரிக் கோடுங் கொடுங்கடல் கொள்ள வடதிசைக் கங்கையுமி மயமுள்கொண்டு தென்றிசை யாண்ட தென்னவன் வாழி.. சிலப்பதிகாரம்- காகொண் காதை (17-22). 1 The countr.es to the north-east of their settlemouts they called aparajita, 6.c., unconquered or unsubdued. Page #233 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ OCTOBER, 1919.) BRAHMAN IMMIGRATION INTO SQUTHERN INDIA 229. It is said that during the time of Nilantaru Tiruvil Panrlyan, the submergence of the land took place and Ugra-Pandy, his successor, vowed that he would mako amends for it by annexing the land to the north as far as the Ganges and the Himalayas. Perhaps it was in consequence of this resolve, he led his expedition into the north and there encountered the Aryans, who had then been poaring into India through the passes of the Himalayas. In their first conflicts the Aryans seem to have called these Dasyus and Panis, as evidenced by the Rig Veda. Dasyu (thief) was very likely the name given to ono section of this Dravidiu race known as the Cholas or Cholis, from which the Coromandal coast derives its name (CT! DOL.6.). Chola is the Tamil word CF , a softenel form perlaps of C ry. That the country itself was once called C# is evidenced by the fact that the original name of the Chols capital, Uraiyar, was sy, from which also was derived CT 6 Calient of our English geography) perhaps a west coast settlement from the Chola land, when, in the 17th century. that kingdom gained its lost power, and led by Rajaraja, Ko-para-kesari, and others, extended its dominions on all sides. The name Car itself was perhaps given to the land by the people from the shelly nature of its beach, deriving it from a i.c., to have a shore in gentle waves. But the Aryans must have mispronounced Chola as 'chira,' and misunderstood it as meaning thief, perhaps led into that misunderstanding by the raiding propensities of those peoples; and consequently re-named them Dasyu in unambiguous Samskrit. As for the word Pami its nothing but the Dravidian name பணிp reserved in words liko பாணியன், பணிக்கன், which means todily: Levof war or panis means a native of the todily country or the toddy-bibber. UiT or Low might have been a later adaptation of that word after closer contact with the Åryans of the north. Thus we see that even during the Rig Vedic times the Aryans and the Dravidians must have come in contact with each other; it was, however, chiefly with the Dasyus that the Aryans had to fight and the Rig Veda speaks of many hundreds of Dasyus sent to sleep by Indra and many forts (99) belonging to them destroyed by the advancing Aryans, It was the Dasyus or the Chöras or the Cholas that formed the moro alvanced northern wing of the Dravidian race settled along the east coast and penetrating even into the plains of Hindustan through the low-lying lands of the Gangetic delta. Masulipatam, known as Masoli to Ptolemy, Strabo end other classical geograpbers, bears clear testimony to the northward expansion of the Cholas in early times. Hiouen Thoang, writing so late as in the 7th century A. D., places the Cholas to the north of the Dravidas, the latter having Kåvchi for their capital; perhaps he refers by this term to the Pallava power in the ascendant in Káñchi in those times; while the Chola country itself is described by him as deserted and wild. Perhaps the modern ndhras, who inhabit the Northern Circars and a good portion of the ceded districts and the Nizam's dominions as far up as the Central Indian States, might have been the product of the interningling of the advance Dravidian wing in the Cholas and the Kolarians, whereof the Odd hras seem to be an offshoot. From the numerical superiority of the Oddhras, the name Andra, which can be easily equated to Andhra, might have been given to this mixture of the races. In those days the differentiation of Telugu and Tamil does not seem to have taken place. And the Cholas must have spoken a tongue which was the parent of modern Telugu and more akin to Tamil. It was, in fact, the Tamil of the first Sangham of the Tamil land. The name Dravida, given in common to all the languages of the south, shows that at the time when that name was given, Tamil must have been the comnion tongue. For Dravila is nothing but an Årganised form of Tamil, the local name for the language meaning nice or sweet--the linguistic equation being suy = sur = damila = damida = dramida dravida, from which Dravida was derived. As a consequence of these early contests and the resulting intermixture of the two races, th: Aryans very carly became Page #234 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ . 230 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [OCTOBER, 1912. united with the Dravidas in the larger sense and scem to have adopted also some of their culture into their religion. Agastya, a Rig-Vedic sage, is said to have introduced the worship of Marut along with that of Indra. Now Marat, son of Rudra, was also a god of the Dravidians known as Marudai, afterwards included in the Puranic pantheon as Subrumanya, son of Siva, who was identified with the Vedic Rudra. The country of the Paniyas was Marudai, (an agricultural soil) called so after their god, and it perhaps became Ârganised into Madhurai when closer contact was effected in subsequent times. With the closer mingling of the two races after the first contests had subsided, many of the customs belonging to the Dravidians were apparently borrowed by the Åryans. For the immigrant Aryans seem to have soon learnt the great ethnic law that an emigrant from northern latitudes had no chance against the most vigorous tropical races unless the stock was maintained by constant streams of emigrants from the parent-land. But as this could not be done, they seem to have chosen the next best alternative-of strengthening the Dravidian soil with the Åryan seed, and devised proper marriage laws by which this was systematically effected. Thus a Brühmana was allowed to marry from all the four castes in the language of the later code; all the children of such a union were considered as Brahmaņas according to the role in vogue in those early days, formulated in a Brahmara as utpâdayituh putrah: the son belongs to him who sows the seed, i.e., the son belongs to the same varņa or race, i.e., caste, in the latter sense of the word, as the father. In this manner an intermingling seems to have taken place between the Aryans and the non-Åryans, so much so that the Arya became, in the words of an English historian, "absorbed in the Desya as the Lombard in the Italian, the Frank in the Gaul, the Roman (of Roumania) in the Slav, etc." This conclusion rests on the evidence of anthropometry, which establishes the substantin! unity of the present-day Hindu race, especially in the Nortb. As a consequence of this early intermingling, the Aryan had to give up bis ancient language as the langaage of common life and adapt the languages of the races with whom he mingled. Thus the children speaking the mothers' tongue originated the various Prakrit dialects which had thus sprung into existence even before the time of Buddha in the 6th century B. C. When all Hindustan had become Aryanised, Baudhayana, who seems to have lived in Kalinga, belongs to the 7th century B. C. Even in his days the north and the south had differentiated themselves, in point of manners, customs, etc. It is only in this way that we can account for the remarkable fact that the Brahmaņas, living in the various parts of the country, though priding themselves on having descended from the same identical Rishis, though following many common customs, still spenk diverse tongues. The mother's tongue and the father's religion seem to have become the law of the land. This surmise gains in strength if we remember that emigration or change of habitat does not of itself create a change in the spoken language of a people or a tribe or a family : for instance, Maharatta, a Karnataka or a Telugn family or tribe settled in Tamil or Kannada lands is, even now, after the lapse of several centuries, found to cling to its mother tongue. Therefore to explain the origin of Telaga, Kannada or Tamil Brahmanas we must accept this rule and infer that the earliest settlements of Brahmaņas must have been made in the Rig Vedic times when it was not unlawful to take native women as wives, and the children born to them were readily accepted as equal in rank t. the fathers. These Aryanised Dravidas must have lived chiefly in Kalinga, near modern Orissa e te., i.e., in the Telugu land, long before the 7th century B. O., as evidenced by the fact that grent skitrakaras like Baudhayana and Åpastamba hail from that region. But farther south the Aryans do not seem to have largely spread in those days. For Baudhayana says: starts सुराष्ट्रा दक्षिणापथा ऽपवृतसिन्धुसौवीरा एते संकीर्णयोनयः ।। From this we learn that those countries were lying on the out-skirts of Åryan settlements, and we may also infer from the manner of the expression that the Brühmaņas themselves used to go into them for various reasons, though not settled in them in large numbers. Paņini's acquaintance with Page #235 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ OUTOBER, 1912.) BRAHMAN IMMIGRATION INTO SOUTHERN INDIA 231 the geography of southern India seems to be very meagre ; for he makes no mention of Pandya, Chola, etc., which names however are added by Katyâyana in his Vârtikas and are distinctly described by Patañjali. Asoka's edicts, the Mahabharata and the Ramdyan all show their full acquaintance with the south. Hence we have to conclude that the complete Årganisation of the south must have taken place after the 6th and before the Srd century B. O. In fact those were the times when Buddhism had grown into a powerful prosy letising religion, sending missionaries to all parts of the world. Certainly south India must have very early enough become subject to the influence of the new religion. Jainism, which there is reason to believe was even anterior to Buddhism, seems to have first made the southward march and brought down more Aryans of the north into the Carnatic and Tamil lands, having been pressed out of its home by the spread of the Buddbist sect. For we find from the Sravana Belgoļa inscriptions that Bhadrabahu, who was the reputed spiritual guru of Chandragupta, came and settled here in 297 B. C. Perhaps some of the Brahmanas also who were disturbed in their old homes in the north pressed towards the south and settled in various placos all along their route in those days. For we find that Tamil works which are known to belong to the 1st century A. D. at the latest and which may be referred to the 1st century B. O., speak distinctl of Brahmaņas and Brahmaņa institutions of sacrifice, and even refer to the heroes of the Ramdyana and the Mahabharata. Thus in Tirumurugappadai, one of the ten idylls, we find the terms bys i and Bacir al meaning brahmana' and 'sacrifice,' which distinctly refer to the presence of Brahmaņas in the district of Madura (the native place of the author of the work மதுரைக்கணக் காயனார் மகனார் நக்கீரனார்) and their uninterrupted performance of sacrifices. In another place be refers to them as 9 puun , a Tamil translation of the word dvija ( :). In another work mut muual, clear reference is made to Bhima, brother of Arjuna, who barnt the forest of Khâņdavana. Sillappadhikdram, which from clear internal evidence of the poem, belongs to the 1st century B. O., has pudis awers Our like Ayodhyâ bereft of the great Rama.' It appears there occurred twelve years' famine in Hindustan in the 3rd century B. C., and a large number of people emigrated from the north in consequence of it. It is said that Bhadrabahu foretold the occurrence of the famine and led out the emigrants from Ujjain. This tradition is attested by the Jaina inscriptions at Sravana Belgola. Perhaps he brought with him numerous Bråbmaņa families also. There is nothing unreasonable in such a supposition, because in those daye there seems to have been very little difference between the Jains and the Hindus in point of belief or ritual. Only the Jina-diksha of the ascetics was a distinguishing feature of the religion at all repugnant to the Hindus. For even so late as A.D. 1868, in the time of Vira-Bukka-raja, the king is said to have brought about a union between the Jainas and the Srivaishnavas by making the leader of the latter faith living in Kanchi (Koil), Srirangam, and Tiranarayanapuram (Molkote) sign a document stating that the Jainas must not be looked upon as in a single respect different from them point of doctrine or ritual. If each could be said of two extreme forms of Hinda religion at such a late period as A. D. 1868, we may understand how many Brábmagas in the 3rd century B. C. could have easily called Bhadrabaha their guru. Evidence for such a large immigration is found tom an unexpected quarter. Among the Dravida (Tamil) Brahmaņas we have a section of people called , the Great Immigration, who themselves are subdivided into Mazhanadu ( @) and Molaga, probably from the names of the provinces where they made their first settlements. Brihat and Charanam mean the great migration, and must refer to a large sonthward movement caused by some such disaster as famine. 1 6 @=DGET is the archaic form of wou ; perhaps QWERT is the same as the Telaga Muriki nadu. The Mazhanadu section is itself sa bdivided into Kandra-manikkam, Mangudi and Sathiamangalam, etc., all villages along the Western Ghats; for, following the examples of all colonists in tropical lands, they must have Page #236 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 232 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [OCTOBER, 1912, naturally clung to the highlands and peopled the skirts of the present province of Mysore, the districts of Malabar, Coimbatore and Madura, and spread out towards the west coast as far as Magadi, which Mr. Venkayya identifies with Vérgi, the Ohera capital, and considers it as lying near the modern Cranganore in Malabar. One section of them were called all. wami (HEHE) from the 8000 lund wbich they occupied-being perhaps the same as the Ashtngram division of Mysore. Another section, the Molagu, I am unable to identify : they may be the settlers in the dry districts of Bellary and Anantapur. At the time when these settlements were made, Kannada does not seem to have distinguished itself from Telugu or Tamil. Throughout the period of time when the Kongu kings ruled, the language seems to have been Tamil and the literature of the period belongs to the Chera kingdom with the capital at Vêngi, 1.e., Cranganore, on the west coast. It was only during the rule of the Obáluk yas and the Yadavas of Devagiri that Kannada became a separate tongue by differentiation from Telugu on the one hand and Tamil on the other. Moreover, of this twelve years' famine, which seems to have led to the great southward movement from the north, wo have evidence of a peculiar kind, in one of the stories of the Pancha-Tantra. The whole story seems to be a satire on the leadership of the Jaina guru Bhadrabahu, who led the colonists southward only to expose them to sufferings of various kinds, among which may be included starvation and death, voluntarily sought by some in the orthodox Jaina fashion which is technically called . For we read in the Sravana Begola inscriptions how troops of his followers exposed themselves to slow death by starvation on the bare hill in that place. It is exactly like the crane decoying the fish away in the story only to expose them on a bare rock. There seems to have occurred many such prolonged droughts in the past, daring one of which the sage Visvamitra and his family are represented as helped to bits of beef by Tribanku, who had become a Chandala by reason of his sins. The Chhandogyopanishad also makes mention of a famine caused by drought in the land of the Kurus. But these famines do not seem to have led to any great emigration to the south. But from all these we must not conclude that prior to this period there were no Brahmaņas at all in the sonth. Tamil literature of the 3rd Sangham period, which we must take ag referring to the period between the 1st century, B. C. and 1st century A, D. (because Gajabahu of Ceylon, who is represented as a contemporary of the author of one of the classics of that period, viz., Silannadhikarm, is known from the Mahavainsa to have ruled towards the end of the 2nd century B. C.), bears ample traces of Samskpit influence upon itself and upon its language. Nay, Tamil tradition makes Agastya, one of the Aryan sages, the founder of its language and literature. meaning thereby that he was the first to systematise the language. There is a tradition among the Aryans that this Agastya crossed the Vindhyas and went to the south, and there is also an answering tradition among the Tamils that he did come among them and became the father of their literature. (To be continued.) DANDIN, THE NYASAK ARA, AND BHAMAHA. BY PROF. K. B. PATHAK, B.A.; POONA. Mr. Kane has contributed a paper on Nyasakâra, Vamana and Magha to the Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, for 1909, p. 94. In this paper he says: "The Harshacharity clearly alludes to the Nysa in the expression auparer: as the commentator Saiikara, who appears to be an early writer, explains कृतगुरुपदन्यासाः ॥ कृत अभ्यस्तो गुरुपर Para at ga y #: Sriharshacharita, chap. III, p. 96, Nirnaya, let Edition." Ou looking into the Nirnayasagara Edition of this work I find the reading to be not great but Tri. Dr. Führer's most valuable and critical edition of the Harshacharita, based on many manuscripts, also reads, on p. 133, Furet gradaria: It is evident, therefore, that Mr. Kane Page #237 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ OCTOBER, 1912. DANDIN, THE NYASAKARA, AND BHAMAHA. 293 has changed this reading into affarop by omitting the reph on f. His opinion about the date of the Nydsakara being unsettled is, on this account, not entitled to consideration. But the word - is frequently used in the sense of a grammatical treatise or commentary. It occurs in the following verse in this sense : न्यासं जैनेन्द्रसंशं सकळबुधनुतं पाणिनीयस्य भूयोन्यासं शब्दावतारं मनुजततिहितं वैद्यशास्त्रं च कृत्वा । यस्तत्वात्य॑स्य टीकां व्यरचयदिह तां भात्यसौ पूज्यपादस्वामी भूपालवन्धः स्वपरहितवचा पूर्णदृग्बोधवृत्तः॥ Epigr. Carn., Vol. VIII, Part II, p. 268. Mr. Narasimhacharal quotes from this verse the words arftatzea irure Toate and would have is believe that the second word Fare in this verse is the name of Pujyapada's commentary on Pånini. This view is amply refuted by the Hebbûr plates, which describe king Durvinita : शब्दावतारकार-देव-भारतीनिव[बद्ध-बृहत्पथः Epigr. Carn., Vol. XII, p. 17. "He who was restricted to the path of eminence by the words of Deva (Devanandin] the author of the Sabdaratdra." In my paper on "Půjyapâda and the authorship of the Jainendra.Vydkarana" I have shown that Půjyapada wrote the Jainendra-Vydkarana and that his other name was Devanandin. I have also given Vșittaviļása's verse saying that Pujyapada also wrote a commentary on Påņini. But Vritta vilása does not give the name of this commentary. In the passage quoted from the Hebbur plates, the word 'Deva' stands for Devabandin. Jinasena speaks of the author of the Jainendra Vydkarana as Deva: कवीनां तीर्थकृहेवः किंतरां तत्र वर्ण्यते । विषां वाङ्मलध्वंसि तीर्थ यस्य वचोमयं ।। Adipurdna, chap. I, 52. It is thus clear that Pujyapada is spoken of in the Hebbûr plates as Tartarcar, and not as Farre. It follows, therefore, that in the other Mysore inscription quoted above, the words पाणिनीयस्य न्यासं शब्दावतारं कृत्वा mean " having composed a commentary called शब्दावतार on Panini's work." It may be stated here that Pujyapada is never spoken of as Nydsakdra in Jaina or Brahmanical literature. Vardhamana refers to him thus: सामुद्रस्थलकः। अयं दिग्वस्वमतेन. Ganaratnamahodadhi, Benares Ed., p. 196. The terms saruna and P ayre are reserved for the Buddhist commentator of the Kasika : परिषत्समुदायशब्दौ न्यासकृन्मतेन. Idem. p. 269. अष्टमः प्रहरणमस्य आष्टमीकः | भयं जिनेन्द्र शुद्धिमतेन. Idem. p. 215. I shall now proceed to deal with the objection urged by Mr. Trivedi against the identity of Dhamaha's Nydsakdra with the Buddhist commentator of the Katika. Mr. Trivedi says: "Prof. K. B. Pathak brought to my notice that he had found the reference alluded to by Bhå maha, viz., tiejustitication of the compound rar, in Jinendrabuddhi's Kåsikd-vivarana-pañijikd. I thereupon 1 Ante, April 1912. Anto, Vol. XII, p. 20. Introduction to his edition of Prata panidriya. Page #238 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 234 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [OCTOBEE, 1912. - tried to verify the reference in question, and I am indebted to the learned Sastri A. Anantacharya for an extract, which shows that there is no reference to far in it." It is obvious that Mr. Trivedi understands Bhamaha to say that the Nyasakara jastifies the compouud वृत्रहन्ता. That this is not the correct interpretation of Bhâmaha's words, I shall try to show. I shall give below Bhamaha's verses, together with the passage containing the Nydsakára's jnd paka, as the extract supplied to Mr. Trivedi from Mysore is most corrupt. शिष्टप्रयोगमात्रेण बासकारमतेन वा। तृचा समस्तषष्ठीकंन कथंचिदाहरेत् ।। सूत्रज्ञापकमात्रेण वृत्रहन्ता यथोदितः। भकेन च न कुर्वीत वृत्ति तहमको यथा ॥ ___Bhamaha VI, 36 and 37. The Nydsakdra-mata, or the doctrine propounded by the Nydrakdra, by deducing & anar from Påņizi's sutra [11, 2, 15], alluded to by Bhamaha, is as follows: अथ किमर्थं तृचः सानुबन्धस्योचारणम् । तृनो निवृस्वर्थम् । नेतास्ति । तद्योगे न लोकाव्ययेत्यादिना षष्ठीप्रतिषेधात् । एवं तहतदेव ज्ञापकं भवति तयोगेपि कचितू षष्ठी भवतीति । तेन भीष्मः कुरूणां भयशोकहन्तेस्येवमादि सिद्धं भवति । Kasikd-vivarana-panjikd or Nydsa. The substance of this passage is thus given by Saranadeva, who wrote in Saka 1095: कथं भीष्मः कुरूणां भयशोकहते (न्ते )ति । उच्यते । तृनन्तमेतत् । न च न लोकाम्बयनिष्ठेति (2.3.69) षष्ठीनिषेधः। यतस्तृजकाभ्यामि (2.2.15) त्यत्र तृचः सानुबन्धकस्योपादानं तृनो निवृस्यर्थ ज्ञापयति तृनो योगे चित् षष्ठीति न्यास: Durghatavritti, p. 37. For a detailed explanation of the Nydsakdra's passage, I refer the reader to my papers on Bhậmaha's attacks on Jinendrabuddhi. It will be sofficient for my present purpose to point out that in the verses cited above Bhamaha condemns all genitive compounds like वृत्रहन्ता and तद्रमक as ungrammatical, and says that such compounds should never be employed by young authors aspiring to literary eminence. When he contrasta the शिष्टप्रयोगमात्र with the न्यासकारमत, he does not mean to say that this particalar compound EiT is used by the fore or justified by the Nydsakára. Bhâmaha mentions this word Far as an illustration of the class of genitive compounds justified by the Nylsakara. This is amply proved by the expression rate in the sentence भीष्मः कुरूणां भयशोकन्तेत्येवमादि, and by the ज्ञापक discriminating between तृच् and तृन्, which applies to all genitive compounds like वृवहन्ता . This interpretation of Bhamaha's words which perfectly harmonizes with the sense intended by the Nydsakdra himself, is upheld by sach a competent authority as Bhattoji Dikshita in an interesting passage in the Praudhamanoramd. In his siddhanta-kaumudi, under Panini II, 2, 15, we read कथं सहिघटानां निर्मातु: त्रिभुवन विधातुश्च कलह" इति । शेषषष्ठ्या समास इति कैवटः: On this Bhattoji Dikshita remarks: शेषषष्ठया इति | केचिनु जनिकर्तुः प्रकृतिस्तत्प्रयोजको हेतुश्चेति निर्देशावनित्योयं निषेध इत्याहुः । न्यासकार स्स्वाह। तृनन्तमेतत् । न लोकेति षष्ठीनिषेधस्त्वनित्यः। पकाभ्यामति वक्तव्ये तृचः सानुबन्धकस्य महणाज्ञापकादिति। Praudhamanoramd, Benares Ed., Part I, p. 310. Bhattoji's grandson Hari Dikshita explains the words तृणन्तमतेत् as त्रिभुवनविधातुरित्येतत्। सानुबन्धकस्य । त्तस्य हि तृनेव व्याववं इति भावः। • Jour. Bomd. ds. Soc., Vol. XXIII, p.-182. Page #239 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ OCTOBER, 1912.J DANDIN, THE NYASAKARA, AND BHAMAHA. 235 This passage in the Praudhamanorumá serves as an illuminating commentary on Bhimaba's verses. The word शिष्ट refers to Panini himself, who uses the compounds जनिक : and तस्मयोजक. But it is worth noting that Bhattoji's Nyasakara justifies the word विभुवनीवधातुः; the KasikaNyasakara justifies भयशोकहन्ता; while Bhamaha's Nyasakara justifies वृत्रहन्ता by one and the same ज्ञापक. And thus if we were to accept Mr. Trivedi's interpretation, we should be compelled to recognise three different Nydsakdras, all commentators on Påņini, and all justifying genitive compounds in by the same method. Even then our difficulty would not end. For Bhattoji assures us that he applies the term part to the Kdbild-Nydsakdra : पूर्वत्रासिद्धमिति [VIII. 2,1] सूत्रे काशिकायां वहेः कान्ताणिचि चाड. भोजढदिस्युदाहस्य क्तिनन्तस्य तु औजिदित्युक्तम् । तत्रैव न्यासकृता णी कृतस्य टिलोपस्य स्थानिवद्भाव इति व्याख्यातम् Praudhamanorama, Benares Ed., Part II ,p.614. स्वस्कापतृको मकपितृक इति [काशिका ] वृत्ति पन्थं व्याख्याय न्यासकार उपाह Idem. Part I, p. 118. And yet Bhattoji's Kasika-Nyasakara justifies the word त्रिभुवनविधातु :, while the real KabikeNyasakdra, as we have seen, justifies the compound guitarrat. Bhattoji Dikshita certainly was not an inconsistent as to recognise two Kasikd-Nyasakáras. The distinguished author of the Praudhamanoramd obviously understands the Buddhist commentator of the Kdáika to justify, by his ज्ञापक, all genitive compounds in तच् including वृत्रहन्सा and त्रिभुवनविधातुः, when the latter says भीष्म : कुरूणां भयशोकहन्तेत्येवमादि सिद्धं भवति. It is thus manifest that Bhattoji's interpretation of the Nyasakára's words is the same as that which Bhamaha puts upon them. As the Nrasakara lived about A. D.700, Bhamaha must be assigned to the eighth century. Bhamaha was the son of Rakrilagomin. Mr. Trivedi says that Gomin is explained by Naishantukas as a contraction of Gosvd min. This is not correct. The real explanation of Gomin is given by Vardhamana at the beginning of his Ganaratnamahodadhi: शालानुरीय शकटाङ्गन चन्द्र गोमि-1 पूज्यश्चन्द्रः चन्द्रगोमी। "गोमिन् पूज्य" इति Here Vardhamana quotes a well-known sútra from Chandra-Vyakarana : गोमिन् पूज्वे. [IV. 2. 144] गोमिनिति पूज्वे निपात्यते । गोमान् अन्यः ____Chandra-Vyakarana, German Ed., P.74. Rakrilagomin was Reverend Rakrila, a Buddhist, and his son Bhimaba was also a Buddhist. Pajvapida is never called देखनन्द but always देवनन्दिन. When Mr. Trivedi says that "many Nyasakiras are mentioned in the Dhaturritti of Madhavicharya: क्षेमेन्द्रन्यास, न्यासोचोस, बोधिन्बास शाकटायनन्यास," he tells us something less than the truth. The Madhaviya-dhatubritti frequently mentions the Nyksak dra. यवाह न्यासकारः “ये निजादिभ्यः परेपच्यन्ते ते सर्वे छान्दसाः तथा हि तान्पठित्वा छन्दसीस्थतम्" इति. Madh-dha. जुहोत्यादि 14. Benares Ed., p. 126. न्यासकारो पि कर्ष इति शपा निर्देशानौवादिकस्य महणमित्याह. Mádh.-tha. ene 6. Benares Ed., p. 214. अमुंन्यासकारादयो नेच्छन्ति । यदाहुः क्षुधादिषु त मोतीति प्ययन झुरित. Madh.-dhe. शादि 25. Benares Ed., p. 208. न्यासकारोप्येवं निरुवाह- स्मरणार्थोप्ययम् । चेतन्ती समतीनामिति दर्शनात् । Madh.-dhi. वादि 39. Benares Ed., P. 83. . Page #240 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 236 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [OCTOBER, 1912. "अत एकहाले" त्यत्र [ काशिका VI, 4, 126] वृत्तौ जगणतुः जगणुरिति प्रत्युदाहणसमर्थनार्थमनित्य'चन्ता क्षुरात्य इति न्यासकारेणाभिधानात् . Madh-dhd., Benares Ed., p. 311. From the last instance it is clear that the term Nydsakdra, used by itself and without any prefix, always denotes the Buddhist commentator of the Kasika. Bhamaha, who attacks this Buddhist commentator, must be assigned to the eighth century. Ia the following verses, Bhámaha attacks the Káryddarsa. I quote from Mr. Trivedi's text : यदुक्तं त्रिप्रकारत्वं तस्याः कश्चिन्महात्मभिः । निन्दाप्रशंसाचिख्यासाभेदादत्राभिधीयते ॥ सामान्यगुणनिर्देशात् त्रयमभ्युदितं मनु | मालोपमादिः सर्वोपि न क्यायान् विस्तरो मुधा ॥ Bhamaha's Alanikúra II, 37 and 38. Translation. Some great authors have divided उपमा into three kinds on the basis of निन्दा, प्रशंसा and आचिख्यासr, such as निन्दोपमा, प्रशंसोपमा, and आचिख्यासोपमा. Our criticism is that the three kinds may well form one group under सामान्यगुण and that the prolixity of मालोपमा and other varieties, far from being good, is useless. The expression passage: is very important. It is often used by Sankaracharya. Anandajñana says that it introduces a refutation of an opponent's view set forth in the preceding सस्मात्प्रतिपत्तिविधिविषयतयैव शास्त्रप्रमाणकं प्रसाभ्युपगन्तव्यमिति । अत्राभिधीयते न । कर्मत्रह्मविद्याफलयोर्वैलक्षण्यात् । परमतनिरासं प्रतिजानीते नेति The author criticized by अचियासोपमा, मालोपमा and them. Who is this author ? Sariraka-Phashya Anandajñāna, Anandaśrama Ed., Vol. I, p. 55. Bhámaha, in the verses quoted above, recognizes निन्दोपमा, प्रशंसोपमother varieties of उपमा so numerous that Bhamaha is heartily sick of We read : पद्मं बहुरजचन्द्रः क्षयी ताभ्यां तवाननम् । समानमपि सोत्सेकमिति निन्दोपमा स्मृता ॥ ब्रह्मणोप्युद्भवः पद्मश्चन्द्रः शम्भुशिरोधृतः । सीतापते ॥ चन्द्रेण त्वन्मुखं तुल्यमित्याचिख्यासु मे मनः । सगुणी वास्तु दोषों वेत्याचिख्यासोपमां विदुः ॥ पूण्यातप इवान्हीव पूषा व्योम्नीव वासरः । विक्रमस्त्वय्यधालक्ष्मीमिति मालोपमा मता ॥ Kavyadarsa II, 30. Idem. II, 31, Idem. II, 32. Idem. II, 49. In addition to these four kinds Dandin enumerates twenty-nine other varieties, which, in the opinion of Bhâmaha, are perfectly useless. As regards the first three cited above, it is suggested that this is a distinction without a difference, as all the three can be grouped into one class under सामान्यगुण. The justice of Bhāmaha's criticism will be at once admitted if we reflect that these numerous varieties are not recognised by Sanskrit writers on Alamkára, who succeeded Bbamaha. Nor can it be urged against this view, that Dandin copied these thirty-three varieties from some previous author, since such a presumption is rebutted by the fact that Nripatunga has admitted most of these upamas into his Kavirdjamárga II, 59-85. 54 Nripatniga and the authorship of the Kavirajamarga," Jour Bomb. As Soc., Vol. XXII, p. 81f. Page #241 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ OCTOBER, 1912.] DAN DIN, THE NYASAKARA, AND BHAMAHA 287 Having proved that Bhamaha criticises Dandin, I shall proceed to discuss the date of the Karyalaria. Patakijali in his comments on Panini (III, 1, 7) says: न वै तिङन्तेनोपमानमस्ति. Dandin says that this authoritative statement of Patanjali is entirely disregarded by those who wish to find an example of a Tarin the well-known line from the Michchhakaļi ka festare etc., nerely because the word occurs in it, though in reality it is an illustration of the properly so called लिम्पतीव तमोङ्गानि वर्षतीवाञ्चनं नमः। इतीदमपि भूयिष्ठमुत्प्रेक्षालक्षणान्वितम् ।। Karyalaria II, 220 केषाञ्चितुपमाभ्रान्तिरिवश्रुत्येह जायते । नोपमानं तिङन्तेनेष्यतिक्रम्याप्तभाषितम् ।। Idem. II, 227. In his comments upon Pånini (I, 4, 49) Patañjali does not divide into different This deficiency has been supplied by Bhartrihari whose classification bas been adopted by the authors of the Palamasjari and the Madhaviya-dhdtuvritti. Bhartřihari saye: निर्वयं च विकार्य च प्राप्यं चेति विधा मतम् । तचेप्सिततमं कर्म चतुर्धान्यनु कल्पितम् ।। 45॥ औदासीन्येन यत्याप्तं यच कर्नुरनीप्सित्तम् | संज्ञान्तरैरनाख्यातं यच्चाप्यन्यपूर्वकम् ।। 461 यदसज्जयाते सदा जन्मना यत्यकाश्यते । तन्नित्यं विकार्य च कर्म वेधा व्यवस्थितम् ।। 49 || प्रकृत्युच्छेदसम्भूतं किञ्चित्काष्ठादि भस्मवत् । किञ्चित् गुणान्तरोत्पत्या सुवर्णादिविकारवत || 50 ।। क्रियाकृतविशेषाणां सिद्धिर्यत्र न गम्यते । वर्शनादनुमानाहा समाप्यमिति कथ्यते ।। 51|| Valayapaliya III, Penares El., p. 202. Helârâja remarks: ___कर्तुः क्रियया यदीप्सिततममामुभिष्यमाणतमं तदेव(वं )लक्षणम् प्रथम [I, 4, 49] सूत्रनिर्दिष्टम कर्म विभिः प्रकारे नियविकार्यप्राप्यरूपे भिन्नमनेकन्तावन्निर्दिष्टं बोद्धव्यम् Bhâtiraja says: एवं तावत्पथमसूत्रलक्षितं निर्वयं-विकार्य-प्राप्यभेदेन विधा भिन्नं कर्म ध्यास्थाय lem. p. 216. . Haradatta says: एतचेप्सिततम कर्म विविधं निर्वयं विकायें प्राप्यमिति. and, after citing the above verses, continues: तत्र निर्वयं घट करोतीतिः विकार्य काष्ठानि भस्म करोतीप्ति सुवर्ण कृण्डलं करोतीति ; प्राप्यमादित्य पश्यतीति. Padamarijari, Benares Ed., Vol. I, p. 302. The Madhaviya-dhdturrini says: तत्र आवं [ ईप्सिततमं कर्म] विधा, निर्वयं, विकार्य प्राप्यमिति and then cites Bhartrihari's verses. Madh-dhd., Benares Ed., p. 12. This threefold division of fica ai is not mentioned by Patañjali under Pâņini (I, 4, 49). The commentators Helarija and Bhûtiraja assure us, by using the expressions qy t h and प्रथमसलभितम that this threefold division of कर्म was evolved out of the sutra by the genius of Bhartrihari himself. This view is endorsed by Kaiyata in his re marka on the Sutra कर्मण्यण. We need not be surprised if Dandin, who quotes Patañjali, and calls bim úpla, shows his familiarity with the Vakyapadiya and borrows these technical terms: निर्वत्यै च विकार्ये च हेनुत्वं तदपेक्षया। प्राप्ये तु कर्मणि प्रायः क्रियापेक्षैव हेतुता ॥ हेतुनिर्वर्तनीयस्य दर्शितः शेषयोईयोः । दवोदाहरणदई ज्ञापको वर्णयिष्यते ।। Karyddarka II, 240 and 241. Bhartrihari died in A. D. 650. It is thus evident that Dandin flourished in the latter half of the 7th century. And Bhamaha, who attacks the views of Dandin and of the Nydsokára, must be assigned to the 8th century. Page #242 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 238 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [OCTOBER, 1912. AN ACCOUNT OF THE EXPEDITION TO THE TEMPLES OF SOUTHERN INDIA UNDERTAKEN BY MARTIM AFONSO DE SOUZA, THE 12TH GOVERNOR OF PORTUGUESE INDIA. BY W. R. VARDE-VALAVLIKAR; BOMBAY. GASPAR CORREA, the author of the Lendas da India, in his narration of events that took place during the administration of Martim Afonso de Souza, gives an account of the expedition undertaken by him to some of the rich temples of Southern India. Among other things, the said narration contains a graphic description of one of the festivals of the Temple of Tremelle, which is very amusing and reads like a romance. Martim Afonso assumed the reins of government in May 1542. He had already made himself famous as Captain-in-chief of the sea (Capitão mór do mar) on account of his bravery and warlike qualities, before he was appointed Governor of Goa. He was a great favourite with the clergy, and the Jesuit author of the Oriente Conquistado showers high encomiums on him. His administration shows that he did not hesitate to perpetrate any atrocity under the pretence of religion. He was, therefore, quite an apt man to undertake a predatory expedition to the pagodas of the Gentoos of the South. Martim Afonso had received special orders to fit out this expedition from king Dom João III, sarnamed the Pious, who had received reports from some of the Portuguese residents in India of great wealth to be found in a certain temple in Southern India. On assuming the reins of office, his first care was to fit out a fleet for the projected expedition, and he carried out the preparations for the same with the greatest secrecy. As soon as the fleet was ready for sail on the 27th of August 1543, he sent ahead four vessels under the command of four captains, under sealed orders, with special injunction that the said orders were not to be opened until the vessels were twenty leagues away from the bar of Goa. This proceeding excited the curiosity of some of the fi lalgos with the result that they importuned him to be admitted into the secret of the expedition. He thereupon gave them to understand that he was going to Pegu to assist the king of the place against the Bramas (Burmese) and that he was promised a great treasure for the king of Portugal in return for his services. On the 1st September, the Governor left the city of Goa for Pangim, and the next day he started with a fleet of 45 sail, 300 cavalry, 3,000 seamen and soldiers and a lot of musketry. The fleet went to Cochin, where the object of the expedition, so far kept secret, leaked out. There it came to be known that the Governor was going to rob the very rich Temple of Tremelle situate in the port of Paleacate (Palicat), in the dominions of Bisnega (Vijayanagar); that further, in order not to leave anything belonging to the Portuguese exposed on the whole coast of Paleacate, the Governor had already sent orders to the inhabitants of São Thomè (near Madras), to raze to the ground the church of the apostle, to take steps to save the holy relics, and after palling down all other habitations, to embark with their goods in the big vessels that lay there at anchor for that purpose. The object of these orders was plain enough in as much as after the committal of the contemplated robbery, retaliation was certain; in which case, nothing would escape the vengeance of the people of the land. It will be sufficient to give an idea of the great wealth of the Temple of Tremelle to state that at the time of the civil war in the kingdom of Bisnega (about 1535), the legitimate heir to the throne, on applying to the mangers of this temple for help, when he desired to take 1 Oriente Conquistado a Jesus Christo, Conquista 1, divisão 1, paragraphos 28, 29, 30. 2 King of Portugal, 1521-1557. Lendas da India, Vol. IV, Lenda de Martim Afonso de Sour", chap. XXX. 1bid. char. XXXIII. 3. Portuguese grandees. Page #243 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ OCTOBER, 1912.] DE SOUZA'S EXPEDITION TO SOUTH INDIA 239 possession of his kingdom and expel the usurper, was assisted with gold coins laden on a Lundred bullocks ! The Temple of Tremelle is no doubt the same as that of Tirumala about which the Imperial rasatteer of India gives the following information :-" Tirupati, in tho taluk of Chandrasiri in North Arcot District, Madras, is celebrated throughout Southern India for the temple on Tirumala, the holy hill, 2,500 feet high. This place, often known as Upper Tirupati, is six ailes distant from Tirupati town and situated in 13° 41' N. and 79° 21' E. The shrine is ciedicated to Venkateswaragwami, an incarnation of Vishnu, and is considered so holy that formerly no Christian or Musalman was allowed even to ascend the hill ....... From all parts of India thousands of pilgrims annually flock to Tirupati with rich offerings to the idol. Up to 1843 the temple was under the management of Government, which derived a considerable revenue from these offerings; but now they are made over to the mahant (trustee) ....... Daring the first six years of British rule the income of the temple averaged upwards of two lakhs ...... The hill on which the temple stands possesses a number of the usual holy bathing places, some of which are picturesquely situated." Correa says that the principal source of the immense wealth of this tomple depended on the charity offered by pilgrims who flocked there by millions on festive occasions, the chief amongst which fell on the full moon day in the month of August. A fair was held every year on this occasion in front of the temple, when the kings of Bisnega, from remote times, gave free access to all kinds of merchandise without any duties whatsoever. He then describes this festival as follows: "I saw this festival and the fair, which is held on that day. The temple stands on a large plain (campo). The people begin coming to this place with their baggage a fortnight earlier. At this time, there will be seen three to four hundred thousand of horses. Here people of all the nations of the world are to be seen and all kinds of merchandise which can be named and all the things of the world--the whole universe--are to be found in great abundance. All the coins of the world are current at this fair. "The plain which is full of people, covers an area of about eight leagues interspersed with a great number of small tents, where anybody can kill, with impunity, a thief caught in the very act of stealing. “The pilgrims, before going to the temple, wash their bodies, apply sandal paste, dress themselves gaily and adorn themselves with ornaments of gold. "The male pilgrims shave their heads clean with razors with the exception of a thin lock on the top of the head which they twist and tie beautifully. It is said that this lock is of mach use to the fighting men, in-as-much as when they fall on the battlefield, it serves the purpose of carrying them by their bea is hung by it instead of by their ears, nose or beard, which is considered a great dishonour. There is a sufficient number of barbers who sit apart ander the shade of some big trees and shave each head for a single copper coin called caira. It is highly surprising to see the heaps of cut hair which fill the space under the trees as well as over them. This hair, however, is not allowed to run to waste. There is a dealer who buys it from the barbers for a thousand • Lendas da India, Vol. IV, Londa de Martin Aloro de Souza, phap. XXI. Imperial Gagetteer of India, Vol. XX[11, p. 393. • Lendas da India, Vol. IV, Lenda de Martim Afonso do Sousa, chap. XXXI. • Caisa is a corruption of cash or kas, 60 of which make 1 fanam or panam : 12 fanams make 1 ste pagoda, which was 191 carats fine and intrinsically worth 78. 5d. These coins were formerly used in the Madras Presidency. Page #244 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [OCTOBER, 1912. parlaogl0 or more: he gets them twisted and made into thick or thin cords, puffs for women and many other things, out of which he makes a lot of money by selling them at tbe same fair. "On the eve as well as on the day of the festival and throughout the night, the pilgrims, according to their means, present offerings to the deity, always accompanied with some coine. The rich sometimes offer from one to five thousand pardaos; the quantity of gold coins thus offered and lying before the temple is so great that it equals a heap of about 215bushels (ten moios) of wheat. * Near the temple there are four big wells fall of water. Besides these, some of the merchants open wells for their private use. There are other wells opened by poor men to sell water. Rich men open wells out of charity and count it a meritorious act just as we do with our alms, and in this way, there is to be found an ample supply of water, Eatables of all kinds in the world are to be had here in plenty and dishes of every sort that one can desire are to be found here. She-goats, sheep, lambs, kids and more than a million of reze12 are sacrificed in front of the temple and after their blood is offered to the deity, the carcasses are given away in charity to the poor who sell them to butchers; thus there is a great abundance of meats of all kinds to be had at this fair. "The king of Bisnega comes to this festival accompanied by about 10,000 cavalry, 200,000 infantry, and a hundred to two hundred ladies attached to his person. The latter are conveyed in locked palanquins elegantly gilt inside and fitted with a very fine silver net through which they unseen could see all that passed. The vehicles are so constracted that the ladies can sit, sleep and perform their functions (podem fazer seus feitos) in them. A narration of their customs, the opulence of their ornaments, food and lodging would be an endless story, almost incredible. The king, while travelling, halts at several places and at each of them he is received and lodged with all his retinue and the great lords who accompany him, in a house specially built for the occasion by the principal man of the place, even if the king were to pass there a single day or night. The house consists of walls of clay covered with tiles; its inner roof is artistically overlaid and the whole thing is painted and finished with great perfection; it is provided with tanks and gardens full of aromatic herbs. It is so beautiful and comfortable that even the great king of Spain would be mach pleased to stay there for a long time. The king with all his retinue is served there with daintiest dishes and there is so much abundance and plenty, that the host who entertains the king a single night spends more than 50,000 pardaos. The house is pulled down as soon as the king goes away; for nobody can live in the house where the king has once lodged. In this way, new houses are built every year for the reception of the king ; this gives rise to competition and rivalry among the hosts of several places, every one amongst whom tries bis utmost to surpass the rest in point of perfection and abundance; for the host who gives the best reception is highly praised and honoured by the king. On the other hand, the host who, in spite of his opulence, is careless in according to the king a reception befitting his dignity and pomp, is ordered to be tied to four stakes and whipped barebodied, with his belly towards the ground !" 13 10 " And if any one does not know what a pardao is, let him know that it is a round gold coin, which coin is not struok anywhere in India except in this kingdom (Vijaya-Nagar); it bears impressed on it on one side two images and on the other the name of the king who commanded it to be struok; those which this king (Krishna Dova) ordered to be struok have only one image. This coin is current all over India. Each parlao, as already said, is worth three hundred And sixty reis." (4 Forgotten Empire, Narrative of Domingo Pace, p. 282.) The Pardao was worth about 1s, 6 d. 11 The moto is a measure of onpacity used in Portugal for oorn, barley, ato. It contains sixty alqueires. Ono alqueire holds 1 peok, 3 quarts and 1 pint. 13 Beasta of pasture such as shoop, oxen, eto. 13 Lendas da India, Vol. IV, Lenda do Martim Afonso de Sonxa, chap. XXXII. Page #245 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ DE SOUZA'S EXPEDITION TO SOUTH INDIA 241 OCTOBER, 1912.] At Cochin the Governor resolved to go to the port of Paleacate and thence to proceed to the Temple of Tremelle with 400 cavalry, 2,000 musqueteers and 2,000 slaves; the latter were intended to get together the riches of the temple and carry the same every one of them a sack on his back. Accordingly, he steered towards Cape Comorin, doubled the same and went along the coast up to Beadala (Vadaulay), where he took some native pilots on board and reached the island of Vaqas,15 There he remained for some days awaiting the arrival of a catur-16 which he had sent to Paleacate to get some information about that port. The catur brought news that there was not sufficient water in the river of Paleacate and that only a small ship could cater it with spring tide. Furthermore, the Governor came to know that the news of his expedition had already reached the Court of Bisnega, who were well prepared to defend the temple at all risks, and that even in spite of this, if he were to go there with two to three thousand well armed men and ten thousand musqueteers, not one of them would escape the people of that place who, for their multitude, could, with handfuls of earth bury alive any number of Portuguese troops. The prospect of a big aul was thus frustrated, and one of the holiest and the richest shrines of Southern India was saved from the iniquitous designs of Martim Afonso de Souza. The Governor then retreated to Quilon. In the neighbourhood of this place, at a distance of about a league, in the interior, there was a rich temple, the riches whereof consisted chiefly in precious stones. The king Dom João III, having learned of this fact from his captains at Quilon, had instructed the Governor to sack the temple. The time seemed very favourable to the plunderer, as one of the jangadess of the temple had gone with a force of 10,000 men to Cape Comorin to assist the king of the place against the much suspected Portuguese invasion. The Governor accompanied by his men crossed the river that lay between Quilon and the temple and went along a narrow way that led through woods and palmgroves. The natives of the place knowing his object, offered him 50,000 pardaos and requested him to withdraw; but he refused their offer and proceeded on his way and having missed it at some point, reached the temple late in the evening. Near the temple, there were some huts thatched with grass. Here was a great deal of merchandise of all sorts, especially white linen manufactured at Cape Comorin. A high enclosure of stone wall surrounded the temple, within which the Governor rallied all his troops and gave them strict orders not to step out of it. The natives, armed with bows and arrows and some muskets, gathered fast outside the wall, but they could not resist the plunderers who far outnumbered them. The Governor entered the temple with some men of his choice and having fastened the door behind him, learnt from the black men of the temple where the treasure lay; he then ordered his slaves to dig the particular spot and after some big stones were removed, he dismissed them; next, he gathered all that was found in the hole and put it into two big barrels and wrapped them up with cloth. By a stratagem the barrels were made to drip to make the people believe that they contained nothing but water; but the people knew full well that the contents were such as could not be damaged in spite of their being in water. 19 The next morning, the Governor ordered the place to be set on fire. He did not suffer his men to rob anything; for he did not want them to be overloaded with heavy burdens that would prevent 14 A port of the ancient kingdom of Vijayanagar, on the Ramnad coast, Madura district. 15 Near Cape Comorin. 16 A small ship of war with oars 11 Lendas da India, Vol. IV, Lenda de Martim Afonso de Souza, ohap. XLIII. 1 The kings and the chiefs of the land appoint, according to their usage, two respectable gentlemen as captains to guard their temples. They are called jangades. They have many men under them and perform the duty of councillors and administrators of the temples. They get their living out of the revenue of the temples and are discharged by the king at his will and replaced by others. (Lenda de Martim Afonso de Souza, chap. XLIV). 19 Lendas da India, Vol. IV, Lenda de Martim Afonso de Souza, chap. XLIV. Page #246 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 242 THE INDIAN, ANTIQUARY them from marching quickly; some of his men wanted to take away the copper tiles with which the roof of the temple was covered; but they were not allowed even to touch them. The Governor then ordered the troops to return by the same way they had come. He caused the two barrels to be hung on poles and carried alternately by eight slaves under the strict vigilance of Gracia de Sá. Just at the time when the troops began to move, a rich Nair (the compeer of the jangade who had gone to assist the king of Cape Comorin), wearing gold bracelets and earrings and armed with sword and target, made his appearance on the spot accompanied by about a dozen Nairs finely dressed and well armed. Unmindful of their small number, they all made a daring attack on the Portuguese and died a heroic death without retreating even an inch. In spite of this misfortune, the native archers pursued the Portuguese on their way through the woods and harassed them to the utmost. At last, in the afternoon when they reached some open fields free from any woods, the archers left them. Then the Governor and his troops took rest near a fountain of excellent water and had some refreshment. [OCTORER, 1912. At about three o'clock in the afternoon, the Governor marched again with his troops quite in a different direction and went to another big temple which was also covered with copper tiles. He found in it a big stump of wool which was said to contain plenty of money. The Governor ordered it to be rooted up and loading it on the shoulders of some black men, carried it to the bank of the river, whence they passed to an island. There, in the presence of all his men, he broke it open, and found in it a number of silver coins of little value, which he threw among the troops who scrambled for them.20 The Governor then publicly expressed his regret at undertaking this expedition which, as he said, put him to much expense and gave much trouble to his troops and brought no gain in return except a gold vessel worth about two thousand pardaos. He aided that the king his master was greatly deceived by the men in India in making him believe that great wealth would be found in that temple. His men, however, did not believe his tale, which they thought to be a gross lie invented to avoid making payments to them. They, therefore, bore a grudge against him and cursed him bitterly. The Governor fell ill at this island and was bled three times. When he got better he went to Quilon and thence to Cochin with his whole fleet. From Cochin he proceeded to Goa. CONTRIBUTIONS TO PANJABI LEXICOGRAPHY. SERIES III. BY H. A. ROSE, I.C.S. (Continued from p. 213.) Suklai: viscous extract of the bark of a hill-tree, generally the pila, bahal or falsa used to bring the scum to the top of boiling sugar-juice. Jullundur S. R. p. 120. Sulani a prop. Jullundur S. R., p. 102. Sular: leather-trousers, commonly worn by Râjpûts, etc.; also called chamkar. Kangra Gloss. Sultani: a well that reaches the real spring water. Karnal S. R., 1872-80, p. 159. Sanga: sniffers; a class of men, generally holy faqirs, who are believed to be able to smell sweet water below ground. Sirsa S. R., 1879-83, p. 178. Sungal gåja: iron scourge. Chamba., Described in Oldham's Sun and Serpent, p. 98. Suni: a fish (Crassochilus reba). Karnâl S. R., p. 8. Sunji.ki-roti: supper: see under datidla. Sunkar: a coarse rice. Karnal S. R., 1872-80, p. 184. 20 Lendas da India, Vol. IV, Lenda de Martim Afonso de Souza, obap. XLIV. Page #247 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ OCTOBER, 1912.] CONTRIBUTIONS TO PANJABI LEXICOGRAPHY 243 Sunki: the sticks of sani. Karnal S. R., 1872-80, p. 189. Sunna : to hear, to listen. Sura: a red lish insect preying on the inside leaf of the arrow of sugar-cane, and thus stopping all growth. Of. gaddi. Jullundur S. R., p. 119. Surnali: wild convolvulus. Sirsa S. R., 1879-83, p. 17. Surnali: a variety of tobacco. Kartal S. R., 1872-80, p. 191. Surta: 4 variety of sugar-cane, having a long, soft, thick, white cane; the best of all, but suidewhat delicate, and especially fancied by jackals. Cl. sotha. Karnal S. R., 1872-80, p. 180. Susi : s hare : see danti. Susra : father-in-law. Cf. khakhra. Sirsa S. R., 1879-83, p. 124. Susrår: the wife's father's family. Of. susrál. Susral: the wife's father's family. Oi, susrar and sdsrå. Gurgaon S. R., 1872-80, App. V., p. 1. satar: the villages on the border of the smaller stream. Hissar S. R., p. 18. Sila war : trousers = suthan: Sirmûr cis-Giri. Swant : wife= roti --used by Rajputs: see ldri. Syang: literally knowing ones'; a class of men who exercise the gift of divination under the inspiration of sorge deity or other, generally a snake-god or Saiyad. Karnal 8. R., 1872-8, !. 145. Tabar: a child. Sirsa S. R., 1879-83, p. 121. Tadia: an armlet. Karnal S. R., 1872-80, p. 133. Tagada: jewelry, Ludbiâna S. R., 1878-83, p. 67. Tagri: a waist string for fastening a small cloth between the legs. Karnal S. R., 1872-80, 1. 124. Tagi: a waist band of silver chain, worn by boys. Karnal S. R., 1872-80. p. 125. Tahav: branch of a tree. Take: clothes, Ludhiana S. R., 1878-83, p. 150. Takka: a unit of assessment, payment being made partly in cash and partly in kiad. uthâ: ? (Simla Hills.) Takwa : a snako. Cf. harewa. Jullundur S. R., p. 12. Tal: a tarn or lake; dal is commoner. Kangra Gloss. Taluk: a sacred grove. Karnal S, R, 1872-80, p. 156. mali: upper storey: but in trang-Giri it means the house of an ordinary man, i... ghar. Talna: to pick out, as weeds, etc. Kangra Gloss. Tamand: piece of cloth worn round the loins. Of. sára. Hoshiarpur S. R., p. 42, Tamba bains: a variety of cobra snake. Jullundur S. R., p. 12. Tamsal: an open yard in a house. Karnal S. R., 1872-80, p. 120. Tan bia: a cooking pot, of another kind Sirmûr trans-Giri. Tanda: a small strand. Karnal S. R., 1872-80, p. 200. Tandan : ice or icicle. (Gadi). Tangar: the stalks of the gram plant. Jallundur S. R., p. 127. Tangli: a four-pronged fork. Hoshiarpur S.R., p. 72. Tantia : a wasp. Bauria argot. Taola: a wooden bearing on which the chak (wheel) of the potter rests. Cf, khili, Karnal S. R., 1872-80, p. 200. (To be continued.) Page #248 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 244 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [OCTOBER, 1912. MISCELLANEA ON BUDDHAMITRA, THE TEACHER OF the time of Kumâragupta. We are, therefore, VASUBANDHU. justified in concluding that this religious controDR. TAKAKUSU says that Vindhyavast was versy took place in the time of Skandagupta. successful in a dispute with Buddhamitra, the VikrainAditya and that Vasubandhu's patrons teacher of Vasubandhu, Vindhyavasa lived in mentioned by Paramartha were Skandaguptthe middle of the tenth century after the Bud - Vikramaditya and Narasirinhagupta-Baliditya. dha's Nirvana or about A.D. 450. In A D. 448-49, As regards the son of Chandragupta II, whose corresponding to the Gupta year 129, during the patronage Vasubandhu enjoyed according to the reign of Kumaragupta & Bhikshu Buddhamitra interesting half-verse which Vamana bas pre installed an image of Buddha at Mankuwar, and served for us, I have already identified this prince in the inscription on the pedestal of the image with Kumaragupta. It is thus clear that Buddhatells us that "Buddha was not refuted in respect mitra and his famous pupil Vasubandhu were of his opinions." This sbows that this Buddhist both living in the reigns of Kumaragupta and Bhikshu was so famous for his learning that no Skandagupla; while Vasubandhu was contemcontemporary Brahman scholar, however eminent, porary with Kumaragupta, Skandagupta and could venture to attack Buddhisin. I therefore Balditya, and died at the age of 80, shortly after conclude that this Bhikshu Buddhamitra of the the accession of the last named prince. The date Mankuwar inscription was identical with the of Baladitya's accession is as yet far from being Buddhamitra who was the teacher of Vasubandhu, settled. We are, therefore, not able to say how the latter being contemporary with Kumaragupta, old Vasubandhu was in A. D. 414, the year in as I have already shown. which Kumaragupta ascended the throne. VasuAnother inference which I draw from the ex. bandhu's literary career, nevertheless, nearly pression sva-mat-aviruddhasya applied to Buddha coincides with the first three quarters of the fifth in this inscription is that the religious contro century; while Dignåga, to whom I-tsing refers versy, in which Buddhamitra was so signally as being later than Vasubandhu, must be placed defeated by Vindhyavasa that the reigning sove in the last quarter of the fifth and the first quar. reign Vikramaditya transferred his patronage ter of the sixth century (A.D. 475-525). Texts of from Buddhism to Brahininism, could not have Dignaga's works on logic were in existence in the taken place in the reign of Chandragupta-Vikram - year A.D. 539, the date of the Chinese mission, ditya ; as in that case the statement that Buddha and were carried by Paramartha to China in the was not refuted in respect of his opinions, would year 516, and there translated into Chinese. never have been accepted as true by the people in K. B. PATHAK. BOOK-NOTICE. KADAMBARI, by P. V. KANW, M.A., LL.B., Pleader, Bhanuji in bis commentary on the Amarakola. High Court, Bombay. Price, Rs. 3. Sold by the Oriental Publishing Company, Girgaon, Bombay. The first explanation, however, seems to be more THIS is a students' edition and the editor has authoritative. For ruraaf seems to have been spared no pains to make it useful to the students. an adjective originally. Compare such phrases The introduction is scholarly and the notes are as "arca ar " and "ag at erudite. It were far better, however, if the notes per" in the Bhagavata (I. 6. 27; VIII. 8. 8; could have been reduced to one-third its present X. 49. 27). "Aga that occurs thrice size. in the Ramayana and twice in the MahabháPoxy-xvi. Adhyaraja is referred to as a poet. rata. As it was fashionable once to say "red See, however, Pischel's article on Adhyaraja in gold " and "baron bold" in English, so it the Gottinger Nachrichten, 1901 (subsequently seems to have been fashionable to say fayz translated into English and published in the सौदामनी or तडित् सौदामनी in Sanskrit. The Collegian, 1911-1912). explanation is furnished by Sridhara as follows: Notes, p. 32. raait has been explained ATT * Fina: .... BAT feThis is how Mallinatha T *. explained the word in the Meghadata (I. 37). It कमयपर्वतप्रान्तभवा हि विद्युत् अतिस्फुटा भवति तद्वत् । is covered by Panini, IV. 3. 112. The second VANAMALI CHAKRAVARITI, explanation सुदामा मेधः तत्र भव: is supported by | Principal, Srinagar. Page #249 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ NOVEMBER, 1912.) ON THE SESHAS 248 ON THE SESHAS OF BENARES. BY & P. V. KANGANATHASVAMI ARYAVARAGURU OF VIZAGAPATAM. I. Whoever wishes to master the Sanskrit language, must completely understand the grammar of it, for in a language like Sanskrit, in which a great many words in common use have peculiarities of their own, ready-made grammatical forms can carry the student but a little way. Moreover, a scientific study of the grammar of a dead language, which is not learned for use in Tractical life, is certainly to be preferred to a mere empiric study. Accordingly, the grammarians never resorted to a mere unscientific teaching of the forms as such and mixing them up unconsectedly into a list, for it is said in the Mahabhashya : एवं हि श्रूयते बृहस्पतिरिन्द्राय दिव्यं वर्षसहस्रं प्रतिपशेकानां शबानां शमपारायणं प्रोवाचनान्तं जगाम | वृहम्पतिश्च पवना, इन्द्रवाध्येता, दिव्यं वर्षसहस्रमभ्ययनकालो न चान्तं जगाम। किं पुनरपत्वे यः सर्वथा चिरंजीवति स वर्षशजीवति। . . . . तस्माइनभ्युरायः शम्शनां प्रतिपत्तो प्रतिवः कथं तहान शम्माः प्रतिपक्षम्याः। किंचिसामान्यविशेष क्षणं प्रवर्वे येनाल्पेन बल्लेन महतो महतशब्यौपान् प्रतिपचरन् । [For it is thus heard -- Bțihaspati to Indra expounded, for a thousand years of the gods, the vocabulary of words, uttered word by word, and he did not reach thu end. Aud Bțihaspati was the expounder, and Indra, the learner, anl the time of study, a thousand years of the go:ls,-and Le did not reach the end !-how much less in these days. He who is very long-lived lives but a hundred years ... therefora in the setting forth of words the recitation of them word by word is inexpedient. Eow, then, are these words to be set forth? Some criterion, erabracing homogeneonsnesses and peculiarities, must be employed whereby with little effort, they (the learners) may learn quantities of words.-J. R. Ballantyne.] And so they adopted to the method of Rule an! Exception. Among the earliest attempts to formulate such rules may be cited the work of Panini, who is also the greatest of grammarians, as his work includes all the forms, both of the classical and Vedio literatures. Vararuchi, while crit cising, enriched it with his vdrtikas. Pata jali agaia wrote a critical commentary on bim, And Bhartrihari wrote a comincntary on the Mahdbhdshya of Pata ijali. Kaiyata, in his Bhdohyapadipa, refers to this commentary: भाष्याब्धिः कातिगंभीरः काहं मन्दमतिस्ततः। छावाणामुपहास्यत्वं यास्यामि पिशुनात्मनाम् ।। तथापि हरिबद्धन सारण पन्थसेनुना। T: Ta: ar az qraf 1 But Bhartsihari seems to have commented on the first three yddas only; for, in his Ganaralna. maho ladni, Vardham ina, referring to Bhartpibari as a grammarian, says: भर्तृहरिमहाभाष्यत्रिपाया व्याख्याता वाक्यपदीयप्रकीर्णकयोश्च कर्ता। It is owing to this commentary on the Mahabháshya that Bharti hari is called Pikakars. But Ra'nabhadradikshita (17th century) of Tanjore, says : FIT TEST FOR T', giving, as his reason, Bhartpibari's self-conceit. 1 W. learn from Vakya padlya, that VyAdi wrote e voluminous commentary on Papini, oalled Baugraha, extending over two lekha of lines, of whiob Mahdohdshya is an abridgment. Cr. Vakya padiye, A 288 1. (Benares Banskrit series). • Patafjall-sharita, oanto viil, stanası 14 and 15. A fragment of Bhartriharl's commentary on Kald dharya is found in the Royal Library at Berlia (vida Weber's Oatalogue 720 ; Cambor's 553) Page #250 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 246 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [NOVEMBER, 1912. Another set of commentaries arose on the same aphorisms of Panini, in kdikd and its commentaries, of Padamailjari of Baradatta and ritlinyása or Katikd-virarana-pasjild of Jinendrabuddhi. As with the previous set, commentaries again arose on these commentaries; e. g. Anunvdsa or Tantrapradipa by Maitreya-rakshita. This work has been wrong's identified by some with Dhdtupra lipa by the same author, owing to a mistake in the following verse which occurs at the end of the latter work: वृत्तिन्वार्स समुद्दिश्य कतवान् मन्यविस्तरम् । नामा तन्त्रप्रदीपो ऽवं विवृतास्तेन धातवः॥ Hero magtats is a mistake for a 1. The verse reads correctly in the copy of Dhatupradipa belonging to the library of the Asiatic Society of Bengal (No. 8718). Tantrapradipa is therefore a different work and is noticed by Rajendralal Mitra, in his Notices of Sanskrit Mannsoripts, No. 2076. It is really anfortunate that so valuable a work is not found in any of the public libraries of India or Europe. In these two sets of commentaries there are slight differences of opinion. Any one, wishing to master the grammar of the language should study completely either of these two sets of works dealing with the Bhdshyamata and Vrittimata respectively and spend much time in doing so. In fact, it is said that the complete study of the gramn:ar of the Sanskrit lang lage requires a dozen years. Hence arose an impulse to sinplifs matters and make the people comprehend the grainmar of the language in a shorter period. We bear of such an impulse as early as the Kathdsarits igara : शिक्षमाणः प्रयलेन कालेन कियता पुमान् । segle gifreza luat 2 || 142 | watsaan tavarat: Er araat asfarai sort *: || 144 || yena T av gaffareti Te Ara HUTA 27 || 146 || [I. vi.] This impulse was met in two ways. Some of the scholars began to prepare new books, which were very concise, and they composed new aphorisms and glosses thereon. Thus arore new schools of grammar, comprising Katantra, Mugdhabodha and others. Others, on the other hand, did not like to composo new aphorisms, bat retained those of Paņini alone, and proceeded in another direction. They classified and rearranged the aphorisms of Påņini in the order of their precedence of application with regard to the different sections of grammar. Then they were commented upon and linked together a chain of rules to be applied to the formation of particular words. Thus A number of aphorisms became associated with particular word and with each other, and enabled the reader to memorise them easily. In this way a new school of grammar arose, including Rúpdoatara, Prakriydkaumudi, Sid thántakaumudi, etc. Among the greatest of the scholars who worked in this direction was Besha Krishna, who composed a commentary, Prakriyaprakába, on the Prakriyd karmudi. Sesha is the family name, and Krishna the author's own name. Of, Prof. J. Eggoling, on page 182 of the Catalogue of Sanskrit M88. of the India Ofico Library (No. 687). Page #251 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ NOVEMBER, 1912.) ON THE SESHAS 247 It is of this family of Seshas, whose members are scholars for six or even seven generations shat we shall speak in the following pages. The family has & peculiar claim on our attention. Every student of Vyakarana-sdstra, nowadays, is ultimately a sishya of this family, for he will read the Siddhantakaumudi by Bhattoji Dikshita, who was a pupil of Virebvara, son of Kộishņa, mentioned above. He will also read the Sabdendusekhara, eto, of Nagoji Bhatta, pupil again of the grandson of Bhattoji Dikshita. We may, therefore, look upon the Sesha family as the ultimate souroe of the present school of Vyakarana-sdstra. II. The Seshas were Dakshinatya Brâhmanas, and belonged to the Advaita sect. They were at first the inhabitants of the banks of the Godavari, but seem to have subsequently changed their residence, and, ever since, to have lived at Benares. They formed a very respectable family, and were called Bhatta-bhattCrukas. Descendants of the family are seen even at the present time at Benares, and are very much respected, though they are not equal to their ancestors in scholarship. In every meeting or sabha which they attend, they are offered two sambhávands while others receive only one-a mark of great respect and esteem. They are even now called Bhatta-bhattae. The exact time of their removal to Benares is uncertain. In a drama entitled Murárivijayandtaka by Krishna, it is said that the author is composing it at Benares while his father lived near the Godavari. भस्ति किल दाक्षिणात्यस्य गोदारोधोवास्तव्यस्य श्रीमविश्वरूपवंशवनमुक्तामणेरधिविद्यानगरसभं विबुंदविती. HYTTET TITTAT TETEGEZTET: TELAH HUTTER: Bat Narasimha says in his Govindárnava that he is composing it at the orders of king Govindachandra of Tandava. We may, therefore, conclude that Narasimha was firgt living near the Godivari, and subsequently removed to Benares. The Seshas might have removed to Benares in the first half of the 16th century, since Narasimha belongs to that period, and they have remained permanently there ever since. Probably it is from their residence at Benares that there rose a scbool of grammar called the Benares School of Sanskrit Grammar. III. The genealogical table given at the end requires a few words of explanation. It is based upon facts contained in the works of the members of the family itseli. I had traced the line as far back as Ramachandra, when from a work entitled Govindarnava by Narasimha, I gathered another name, Vishnu, who was not the immediate predecessor of Ramachandra, but was some generations removed from him. This Vishņu must have been a very distinguished The following table will make the statement olearer: Krishna Vireevara (son) (2) Bhattoji Dikshita (3) Panditardja Jagannadha (pupils) (1) Annam Bhatta (1) Vireävara Dikabita Hari Dikshita (son) Kågoji Bhatte (pupil) (2) Bhanujt Dikshita (Ramkrama) (nons) Page #252 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 248 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY ENOVEMBER, 1912. personage, as he bad attained proficiency in and wrote treatises on all the Sdstras. The most important of his works is an elaborate commentary on the Mahabhdshya: दृष्ट्वा शेषषिशेषशेषविविधप्रख्यातिसख्यस्पृशं यं श्रीमानधिशिश्रिये स्वबमहो विष्णु पुराणः पुमान् । यस्पोक्ता किल शेषभाषितमहाभाष्याब्धिपोताविता व्याख्या का चिवचितोचितनया जागर्ति लोकत्रये॥ वस्यान्यानि निबंधनानि बशो न्यावे ऽथ वैशोषिके मीमांसाबुगले श्रुतिस्मृतिपये मार्कसिद्धांतयोः। नित्यं जैमिनिगौतमाविकणभुग्गगादिनामावली वल्पयोयतया विशति विषां ओवे प्रविश्य स्फुटम् ।। Vishņu seems to have been a specialist in the science of Vydkarana : फणिभाषितभाष्यस्य तवं [v.1. सारं] वेत्ति सरस्वती। शेषो वा शेषविष्णुर्वा नान्योऽस्ति धरणीतले॥ This verse is quoted by Sasha Govinda in his commentary on Sarvasiddhanta-sangraha, At the same place it is said that some attribute the verse to Krishņa, reading 9560 in the place of शेषविष्णुा . Vishņu, therefore, is the first member of the Sesha family as yet known. He was a great scholar and author, and we do not meet with any other member of it until we descend to Narasimha. This Narasimha was a great scholar, and composed the Govindarinava, as has been said above. He it was who gained for the family the title of Bhatta-bhatárakar even before he removed to Benares. It was conferred upon him by the pandits of the court of the king of Vidyanagara (now identified with Bijapur). This Govind drņava was a dharmaídstra work. The author says it was composed at the request of Govindaobandra, of the Srivastaka family, king of Tindava, opposite to nodern Benares. पुरहरपुरतः पुरतः घरसरितश्चीपतीरमन्तरिता। विविधारिभवैः [v.1. अभिभवैः] विभवैरभिरामा राजते नगरी ।। सुरसरिदुपकण्ठे नीलकण्ठो यहीयं त्रिभुवनकमनीयं वीक्ष्य रम्यत्वमव । भधृत सुकृतसारे ताण्डवं तेन नाम्ना प्रमितिरिह पृथिव्यामास्ति ताण्डोत यस्य॥ There is, however, a difficulty as to the authorship of the Govindarnava. In the introduotory Verses, it isstatel that Narasimha was the author. But Krishpa, in his Sudrasharajiromani, claims Govindargava as his own larger work on law: भव अपरो विशेषो गोविंदार्णवे ऽस्मत्कृते बः । Mr. S. K. Belwalkar, late Assistant Professor of the Deccan College, Poona, says that "it the statement in Sadrachāratiromani is of any value, it can only mean (a) that Sesha Krishna, perhaps at the request of his father, completed the work left incomplete by Narasińha, whatever be the cause that prevented him from completing it himself, (b) Sesha Krishna may have written a running commentary on the work." In the Govindarnava, Narasimha's father is said to be one Ramachandra, and beyond this the work states nothing about him. We cannot therefore Bay how Ramachandra was related to Vishņu. He is spoken of as a great scholar in the following verses from Govindarnata: तबाभूत्सकलकलाकलापकौतूहलावासः। श्रीरामचंद्रविबुधः परममहापुरुषलक्षणोपेतः॥ तकें कर्कशतां वहन तितरां माहे तयाखुबटो वेदांतेषु पटुः सयातिनिपुणः सांख्यपि विश्वातधीः। Page #253 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ NOVEMBAB, 1912.] ON THE SESHAS 249 भष्ठध्याकरणीप्रबंधचतुरः साहित्यरत्नाकर क्षोणीमण्डलमण्डनैकतिलक श्री रामचंद्रो गुरुः। We have in the Bodleian Library & commentary on Naishadha by one Sesha Ramachandra and a commentary on the 14th canto only of the saine work in the Deccan College Library, Poona. Bat it is said that this Rimachandra was the pupil of Sosha Narayana. If this were correct, this Ramachandra must be a different personage from our Ramachandra, and I am unable to trace his connection with the Sesha line given at the beginning. Narasimhas had two sons, Krishna and Chintamani. Krishna too was a great scholar-in fact the greatest scholar of the family. He composed a large number of works. Ten of them with short notes on some, are given below: (1) उपपदमतिसूत्रव्याख्यानम् | (2) कंसवधम् (Printed in the Kavyamata, No. 6.) (3) पदचंद्रिका-On the authority of H. T. Colebrooke, it is said, in the catalogue of the India Office Library, that this is a Sanskrit grammar-" chiefly based on the Sarasvata-prakriyd." But the extract from the work given at the same place clearly shows that it is based on Punint only. Moreover, the phrases एतावपाणिनीयम् and तवपाणिनीयम् on folios 29 and 83 respectively of the M.S., and the rejection of some forms as BTTTT because they are in contradiction to the Bhashya, support the above statement that it is based on Paņini. (4) पारिजातापहरणचंपूः (Printed in the Karyamāla, No. 14). (5) प्रक्रियाप्रकाशः| A commentary on Prakriya-kaumudi. (6) प्राकतचंद्रिका-This is a grammar of the Jaina Prakrit dialects in metre. The dialect Prâkirta, the first of the six dialects, is termed Arsha in this work, and it does not treat of Apabhramba as it is an unimportant dialect: तश्चार्ष मागधी शौरसेनी पैशाचिकी तथा । चूलिकापैशाचिकं चापभ्रंशश्चति षड्डिधम् ।। and at the end of the work we have अपभ्रशस्तु यो भेदः षष्ठः सोऽजन लक्ष्यते। (7) मुरारिविजयनाटकम् । (8) यलुगंतशिरोमणिः - This is a commentary on the Taalaganta portion of Prakriyd. kaumudi, as is evident from the following pratfileas.नत्यत आह-अचि प्रत्यय इति। नतुच्छंदसीत्वस्थति बुद्धवाह-चकारादिति | There is not much difference between this work and the portion of Prakriyd-prakdya by the same, treating of the same subject. Only the latter is more conciso. The author here and there criticises Prasada, the commentary on Prakriya-kaumudi. (9) शब्दालंकारः-An extensive work on grammar of which Prakriya-prakdia in an abridgment, as is evident from the following verse of the latter work: वही पवर्णमिव यत्परिशोप्य शब्दालंकारनामान मया निहितं निबंधे। उजुत्य सारमिदमीयामिहोपबद्ध सिद्धांतशुद्धिविवभुल्पुजनानुरोधात् ।। (10) शूद्राचारशिरोमणिः -The authorship of this work is still open to question. (11) स्फोटतत्त्वम् -It treats of the philosophy of grammar in 22 verses with the author's ' gloss thereon. शब्नब्रह्मचिदानन्दमधिष्ठानमुपास्महे । यस्य वर्णाः पदं वाक्यं विवर्ताः संचकासति ।। महाभाष्यमतं भर्तृहरिणापि प्रकाशितम् । भालोच्य सर्वतंवाणि स्फोटत निरूप्यते ॥ • Ytde Catalogue Catalogorum, Vol. I, page 306 8. The name of the commentary is given as Bhavadyotanika Page #254 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 250 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [NOVEMBER, 1912. The work ends as follows: प्राक्ततु [प्राक्तंत्र ] सूक्तिमुक्तानां माला कृष्णविनिर्मिता । वितुषामाद्वषां कण्ठे भासतामसतामपि।। क्रियाकारकभावेन यत्सर्वनानुभूयते । स प्रत्यगास्मा जयति शब्दब्रह्ममयं महः ।। शब्दब्रह्मानिधानं श्रीमद्भाष्यकारस्थ संमतम् । श्रीकृष्णशेषवितुषा स्फोटतत्त्वं निरूपितम् ।। विद्वद्भिः सदसवयक्तिकारिभिः सारहारिभिः। रागविद्वेषरहितैषितं वास्तु भूषितम् ।। The various authors to whom he refers in his gloss show his extensive reading in Sanskrit literature. The author quotes शारीरकभाष्ये शंकराचार्यः under verse 43; द्वितीयटीकायां वाचस्पतिमिश्राः भहपावैः under verse 6; मीमांसावात्तिककारमिश्राः, न्यायटीकाकारमिश्राः under stanza 73 प्रभाकारमते, under stanza83; भर्तृहरिः under verse 133; भालंकरिका पनिकारादयः under verse 14%; न्यायसूत्रं under verse 17 लीलावतीकार under verse 183; भवार्तिककार, वाचस्पतिमिः तत्त्वविंश, द्वितीयटीकायां वाचस्पतिमिश्राः, भागम under stanza 19. Some more works, such as उषापरिणयचंपू, सत्यभामापरिणयनाटक, and सत्यभामाविलास have been given in the Catalogus Catalogorum as having been composed by Sesha Krishņa on the authority of Dr. Opport, but one cannot be sure about these works till one sees them or gets extracts therefrom. Krishna had a pupil named Jayantabhatta, son of Madhusudana, a native of Prakasapuri on the river Tapti. He composed only one work, from which I quote the following few verses, relating to his history: श्रीकृष्णपंडितवर्णोऽम्बुधिर्मथनोत्थं सारं निपीय फणिसंमतयुक्तिमिष्ठाम् । अामाविस्तरयुतां कुरुते जयंतः सत्कौमुदीविवृतिमुत्तमसंमदाय ।। भूपीठे तपतीतटी विजयते तन्न प्रकाशापुरी तत्र श्रीमधुसूदनो विरुरुचे विश्विभूषामाणः। सज्जेनेन्द्रसताभिधेन वितुषमालोच्य सर्वे मतं तस्वे संकलिते समाप्तिमगमत्संधिस्थिता व्याकृतिः॥ कृष्णशेषवर्धेऽम्भोधिः दुःप्रवेशो ऽल्पबुद्धिभिः। इति मत्वा ततुल्सस्त तस्कृते संप्रसारितः॥ कृष्णशेषवचौऽभोधेस्तत्वचंद्रः प्रकाशितः। प्रकाशाभूजयंतेन काश्यां चाकाश्यतां चिरम् ॥ Jayantabhatta's Tattvachandra, from which the above verses are taken, is a commentary on the Prakriya-kaumudi. It is an abridgment of Prakriya-kaumudi-filed called Prakriya-prala sa by Sesha Krishpa, his guru. Krishṇa had a brother, Chintamani. Bat it is curious that they never mention each other in their works, though if Chintamani were the elder, there is some justification for their not mentioning each other. We cannot on that score definitely say which was the elder. Chintamani does not seem to be as great a scholar as his brother. Had it not been for Chintamani's own work, it would have been impossible to know that Narasimha had two sons. Chintamani was the author of Rasamanijari-parimala and many other works mentioned in the Catalogus Catalogorum. Krishņa again had two sons-Virebvara and Narayana. These two members of the family were also persons of extraordinary talents. Narayana wrote a commentary on the Mahábhashya called Sakti ratnakara. This is a very rare work. Even where copies of it are found, it is incomplete in the beginning. The only known copy that has the beginning is in my Arsha Library And so I give an extract from the work at the end of this paper. Of the two brothers, Vireśvara was the elder. He does not seem to bave composed any works. Probably all bis time had been spent in giving instruction to his pupils Perubhatta' and Peru •तज्जेन मधुसूदनजेन इंद्रसुताभिधेन जयंतनाना। It is unnecessarily corrected into बत्पुत्रेण जयंतकेन ।। Vide commentary on Rasagangadhara. Page #255 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ NOVEMBER, 1912.) ON THE SESHAS 251 bhatta's sons Panditaraja Jagannatha, Bhattoji Dikshita and Anna bhatta who make up for the deficiency of their tea her in literary composition. But some are of opinion that Panditarâja Jagannatha says that Bhattoji Dikshit was a pupil of Krishna He does not, however, clearly say so. His word are: eft cordisata Punt: q : YETETTAITETTA: Here the word THT betrays the truth. It is asnal to call a pupil his guru's páduka, and since Vireśvara was also his father's papil, Panitarija Jagannatha used the term for Krishna's son, Vireśvara. Moreover, the present writer is of opinion that the fact of Bhattoji Dikshita's naming his son Vireśvara (evidently after his teacher) goes strongly in support of his view. Vireśvara's name is given as Viivesvara in South Indian manuscripts, but it can be easily asserted that Vireśvara is the correct name for the following reasons. Paņditaraja Jagannatha, who was his pupil, says in his Manoramd-kucha-mardana F atturai atd. Further it has already been pointed out that Bhattoji Dikshita, to show his gratitude to his gurk, named his son after him, and we know fall well that Bhattoji Dikshita's son's name was Vireśrara Dikshita on'y. He seems to have been called Vivesvara in Southern India by mistake. On this point Mr. S. K. Belwallar, who has kindly supplied me with information on certain points, and to whom, therefore, my thanks are due, concurs with me, and says " Visvesvara, to my mind, appears an emendation for which some scrihh or other is alone responsille." It seems thit Virrevara alone of the two brothers had song. They are Purushottama and Chakrapani. Purushottama does not appear to be an author. At least, I have not met with any one of his works. His brother Chakra på ni write a work Parim ula-khandana in answer to Bhatpji Dikshita's Manorama, in which he also criticised the latter work. He wrote another work cailed Karake ıtativa. Chakrapani refers in diany places to "my Prakriya-pradipa." Bat that work is not now forthcoming. Chakrapâņi had a son Gopinatha, who bad a son named Rama. This last was the author of Dharmanubandhiblokavyákhydna, in which he says: श्रीकृष्णं प्रणिपस्य तत्सुतमथो वीरेश्वरं तत्सतं श्रीवित्पुरुषोत्तम तदनुजं श्री चक्रपाणिं ततः। गोपीनाथगुरुं च कृष्णचरितंश्लोकार्थसंदीपनं कुर्वे रामपदाभिधो भवतु तच्छ्राविश्वनाथार्पण || IV. Now, as regards the time when they flourished, we have not sufficient evidence, and it is really unfortunate that whenever we wish to deal with the dates of the poets of our land we have to confess tho want of external evidence. In such cases, we have to rely entirely on internal evidence and probability Narasimba in his Govin lärnava says that he composed that work at the orders of Govindachandra, king of Tâydava. तं शेषामलवंशभूषणमणि गोविंदचंद्र स्वयं tifata* 41477 VARTH TE!! . In his commontary on Amarakola, Bhipaji Dikshit says that he wrote a work called ManoramAmandans and defended his father against Chakra påpi. Page #256 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 252 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY . [NOVEX BER, 1912. अशेषविधामेष संतोषाय विशेषतः करोति तनुज्ञातो नसिंहः सन्निबंधनम् || And Krishọa says in his Padachandrikd that he is composing it at the orders of king Narottama (brother of Govindachandra): आपूर्वापरवारिसशिवसुधासामाग्यदीक्षागुरोः आदेशेन नरोत्तमक्षिसिपतेः श्रीशेषकृष्णदुना। So it appears that they were the protégées of the kings of Tandava at that time. But unfortonately we can neither identify the town at present, nor can we give the dates of the kings. We, therefore, have recourse to another method of determining their date. Krishna was a contemporary of Giridhara, lo sun of Raja Todarmal, the financial minister of Akbar the Great. Raja Jodar. mal died in 1586. So his son must have lived in the last quarter of the 16th and the first qaarter of the 17th century. Krishna thos flourished at the beginning of the 17th century. In his Prakriyd-prakdóa, Kpishọa gives the genealogy of the kings of Antarvedill (the portion of the land lying between the two rivers, the Jains and the Ginges) for five generations, the last being Kalyana. At the orders of the lart mentioned, the wuthor says, he com; oret this work. The capit.) of Antarvexti is given as Patrabhuji. Again Krishna, in bis Sad, lichdrasiromani, says that he composed this work at the request of Pilaji. N ayana ells 1.s tliat he composed his commentary on the Mahabhashya at the request of Phirinda (-ee the ex'ract given below) The Sesba family, there or, see.ust have been arroxeal by siffriut eople at different times. But we are strangely ignorat as to the lates of any one of these patrons. Further research may throw greater light upon the Sesba family. V. While hunting for information abont this family, I came across the following works by persons bearing the surname S-sha. But I have not bern able to trace any connection between these authors and the renowned family treatel of in the above pages. All thesu works are commentaries on the originals of other authers. They are: 1. A commentary on Gita-Govinda by Sesha Kamalakara, son of Mengapatha. 2. - by Sesha Ratnakara. 5. A commentary on Pidártha-chandrika (called Saptapa larth) by Sesha Ananta. 4. A commentary on Nyáya-sidd anta-dipa-prabhá by the same. 5. A commentary on dmaru-satıkn by Subba Ramakrishna. 6. A commentary on Sarva-siddhantu-sangraha by Sesba Govinda. 7. Jyotishabhashya by the same. 8. Agnishto ma-prayoga by the same. 9. Commentary on Suptapadárthi (called Padd-tha-chandrika) by Sesha Sarngadhara. 10. Com nentary on Lakshaņioli (called Nyáy im ulidvali) by the same. 11. Srauta-sarrasva | by Sesha Nardyảna, son of Sesha Vasudeva, and 12. Nántasaragraha grandson of Sesba Ananta. 13. Bodhayaniya- Agnishtoma-prayoga 14. Laghuny dyasudhd by Sesha Pandita. 15. Commentary on Veldagujyotisha by Sesha Naga. Mahamabopathyâya Pandit Haraprasad SÅstri, on the authority of T. H, Colebrooke, says in the preface to his Nepal Catalogue, tint the nu hor of the Praleriyd-earwudi was of the Sesha • The following genealogy is given in the previous, "The genealogy is given below: TOTOR: Rupa hara Sivadisa Narayana Gangadies Gangadis m. Anabha Mahenden Virayara Madhava (descendant) Kaly Apa Govindachandrs Kirkja Narottama. 16 Vite Prologue to Kathravadha by Krohna. Page #257 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ NOVEMBER 1912.] family. Colebrooke got the information from a Biresvara Sesha, reputed to be a descendant of the author of Prakriya-kaumudi, who stated his own genenlogy as follows : *“ Rámachandra pandita, Nrisimha paudita, Narayana pandita, Chakrapani pandita, Bireswara pandita, Sambhu pandita, Gopala pandita, and the Bires wara pandits himself." But I cannot hold this to be authentic information. VI. Extract from Sûktiratnakara of Sesha Nârâyana: अवलंबे गजवदनं पूजितमिंद्रादिभिर्देवैः । विचारसाधनष्टफलसंचये ॥ २ ॥ नमहंडपार्लि भ्रमद्भूगमालोल्ललचारुगुंजारवाकर्णितेन । प्रजातप्रमीमपूर्णमेवान् ॥ २ ॥ Viresvara ON THE SESHAS Purushottama संसारसारं करुणावतारं लीलाविहारं भुवनैकहारम् | अपारपारं कलिनिर्विकारं जगङ्गुरुं कृष्णमहं भजामि ॥ ४ ॥ भाष्येऽशेषविशेष निर्णयकृती श्रीशेष एवापरः सपाख्यासलसत्सहस्रवदनः संप्रेक्षितः पंडितैः । अष्टब्याकरणावगाहनकृत श्रीकृष्णकीतूहलग्रंथः श्रीपदचंद्रिका विवरणं वर्वर्ति यचाधुना ॥ ५ ॥ यः शब्दाभरणं निबंध मकरो त्सम्प्रकियाकौमुदी - टीकां प्राकृतचंद्रिकां च कृतवान् विश्वोपकारक्षमाम् । सोऽयं पंडितमंडनं समभवत् श्रीकृष्ण एवापरः कृष्ण पहिरन देशनानां खनिः ॥ ६ ॥ तत्सूनुर्भुवनैकभूषणमाणेः विद्यावदातप्रभः संभूतः कलिकालकल्मषहरो वीरेश्वरः पंडितः । जातः सर्व कलानिधिस्तदनुजः कामादिवर्गाजव श्रौतस्मार्तविविक्तधर्मनिरतः श्रीशेषनारायणः ॥ ७ ॥ पूर्वाचनपश्चिमाचमनाया श्रीमत्पंडितसार्वभौमपदवीं आरूढवान् यः स्वयम् । श्रुत्वा तं निजपंडितैः सविनयं टीकां प्रकर्ते महाभाष्यस्याशुतरां व्यजिज्ञपश्यं श्रीमान् फिरिंदो नृपः ॥ ८ ॥ Genealogy of the Seshas. Vishnu Krishna (descendant) Ramachandra I Narasimha Nârâyana Chakrapâni J.. Gopinatha Goplast 253 1 Rama Chintamani Page #258 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 254 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY CONTRIBUTION TO THE STUDY OF ANCIENT HINDU MUSIC. BY RAO SAHIB PRABHAKAR R. BHANDARKAR, B.A., L.M.&S.; INDORE. (Continued from p. 195.) The 'gramas," In the Bh. only two gramas are mentioned, viz., the shadja and the madhyama 55 The gandharagrama came into existence and fell into disuse before Sârigadeva, who says that it is described by Narada (a writer on music) and that it prevails in heaven and not on this earth,58 This grâma is mentioned in the Panchatantra in the well-known verse war gö¶ceðaflaft: This work was translated into Pahlavi in the reign of the Persian king Chosra Nashirvan (A. D. 531-579). If the verse belonged to the original work and was not introduced at the time of a later recasting, the gandharagrama must be considered as having received recognition before the sixth century A. D. It may also be pointed out that the above. verse quoted from the Panchatantra occurs in the Náradi-Siksha I. ii. 4, which, though it be not the original work of Narada mentioned by Sârigadeva, is evidently based upon it. Though the Bh. does not define a grama, it plainly indicates that the seven notes in particular relations constitute a grama. The octave being divided into 22 equal intervals, called rutis, the relations of the different notes in the two gramas is as follows: Shaḍjagrama -80 ri ga ma pa dha ni 43 33 Madhyamagrama -80 [NOVEMBER, 1912. Or more accurately, ma Sá 23 4á ri ga ма pa dha ni 3; 28 43 3s 43 23 dha ni 8a pa 33 43 23 46 33 43 For, as the type of the shadjagráma begins with sa, so the type of the madhyamagrama begins with ma. This is evident both from the order in which the different notes in the two gramas are mentioned, 57 and also from the 'first' marchhand in each. The Samgita-parijáta also says that ma is the note produced by the open string in the madhyamagrama, 58 though the evidence of this work in matters not personally known to the author is usually of but little value and ought not to be accepted in the absence of corroboration from other sources. BO Shadjagrama-80 ri ga The following are the values of the notes in cents in the two gramas: ma pa dha ni 491 709 873 982 1200 dha ni sa ri ga ma 164 382 491 709 873 982 1200 Cents 0 164 273 Madhyamagrama - ma pa Cents 0 Before we proceed to discuss these scales further, it is absolutely necessary to know which of these notes was taken as the keynote. All molern writers on ancient Hindu music have committed the error of supposing the shidja to have been the keynote of the scale, being misled by the present day ri 23 ga 23 43 [a] 4, [] [ma] 65 Bh. p. 423. Sloka 110, is likely to make the reader think that in this one place at least the gandharagrama is referred to; but the word gandhare in that verse is a misreading, as is shown by a comparison with other mannsoripts. G, read■ कारवीचैव कर्तव्या साधारण समाग्रयाः, whioh is evidently a mistake for कारवीच कर्तव्या साधारणसमाश्रया A. roads कर्मारवीच कर्तव्या साधारितवशाश्रया ! 65 B. R. p 43, loka 5. 57 Bh. p. 301, Slokas 23-29. It may be noted, however, that these slokas occur only in the Ms. G., and not in A., which, as a rule, is more reliable, nor in the Deccan College Mss. S. P. p. 9, loka 101. Page #259 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ NOVEMBER, 1912.] ANCIENT HINDU MUSIC 255 usage. But it is easy to see that no note but the malhya na yould have been the keynote in the days of the Bh. For, if we examine the hexatonic and pentatonio jatis or modes, we shall find that they are produced by the omission of one or two notes respectively from the complete scale ; and all notes are in turn chus omitted except the madhyama." The omission of all notes [in turn) is allowed in the jdtis (modes), but the madhyami should never be omitted. For, in the ordinance of music and also in the sana ens the midhyanı is said to be the chief of all notes and non-omissible." But it is just possible that this may only be a repetition of an old rule which had really fallen into desuetude for we meet with such instances in Sanskrit works on music, as will be seen hereafter. We may also consider it possible that though the madhyama might have been the keynote in the madhyamagrana, the shadja might have been the keynote of the shadjagrama. But on a careful examination of the jatis we find that even in the shadjagrli ma the shadja is at times omitted to obtain the hexatonic and pentatonic varieties. It is thus certain that the madhyama, which is in no case omitted, must have been the keynote of both gråmas, exactly as at the present time the shadja, which is omitted from none of the ragas, is the keynote of the scale in use. This fact of primary importance being once grasped, we can proceed to discuss the two gramas in succession. For the sake of comparison with modern scales, which are made to begin with the keynote, let the shadjagrama be re-arranged with its keynote, the madhyama, as the lowest, and we have the shadjagrama commencing with its keynote. Table I. ma padha ni 88 rigama Cents 0 218 382 491 709 873 982 1200 It becomes immediately ovident that this scale is practically the same as c d e f 9 abbc 5 4 3 5 16 Ratios 0 Cents 0 204 386 498 702 884 996 1200 which is the European major mode with the exception of the leading note by, instead of which we have 66.60 The differences between the correspouding notes are 14, 4, 7, 7, 11, and 14 cents, the greatest being 14 cents or two-thirds of a comma, affecting the second note, which is sharper by this amount in the classical Hindu scale. But the fifth is sharp only by 7 Oents or one-third of a comma, the fourth is flat by the same amount, and the major third is flat by 4 cents or one-fifth of a comma nearly. Oriticising this scale Mr. BoBanquet say861 -The system of 22 possesses, then, remarkable properties; it has both fifths and thirds considerably better than any other cyclical system having so low a number of notes. The only objection, as far as the concords go, to its practical employment for our own purposes, lies in the fifths; these lie just beyond the limit of what is tolerable in the case of instruments with coatinuous tones. (The mean tone system is regarded as the extreme limit; this has fifths o& coma Hati. For the purposes of the Hindus where no stress is laid on the barmony, the system is already so perfect that improvement could hardly be expected.' He then proceeds to point out the deviations of other intervals, some of which, as noticed above, are large. But it is incorrect to look upon the 22-srutis system as exactly reprexenting the Hindu scale. The Earopean scale is described as consisting of twelve Bh p. 310, Slokas 72-73. a terror retariau sfag i HRITTE RII ETCIT Tre garai #TUTA: I Ty s fare: TETT FY: 113 Il The last half bloka is the reading of the Doocan College Me. # For the notation used Vide Helmholtx's Sensations of Tone, Engl. Transl., 2nd edn. On the Hindu divison of the Ootava (Pros. of the E. S. of London), reprinted in Rajk S. M. Tegoro's Hindu Music from Parimus Authors, 2nd edition. Page #260 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 256 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [NOVEMBER, 1912. semitones to the octave, with the intervals of 2, 2, 1, 2, 2, 2, 1 semitones between its successive notes. A scale constructed according to these data would be c d e f g a b o' Cents 0 200 400 500 700 900 1100 1200 Here the fourths and fifths are more accurate than those in the 22-srutis scale, but all other intervals show the same or greater deviations than are found in that soalo.ca But on that account we do pot say that in the European scale tho major thirds are wrong by - cunima, etc. The only legitimate remark that can be made would be that the expression of the Earopean scale in terms of twelve semitudes as given above, is not an accurate one. Similarly, it is quite as probable that the expression of the Hindu scale in terms of 22-śrulis is oniy an approximation. The question then arises-"Do we possess any indications which will enable us to make an accurate determination of the Hindu scale, of which the cycle of 22 árutis might simply be an approximate expression ?" To which the reply is, “Yes, for some notes at least." In the Bh. we are told what notes are consonant or sashvádlins. Two notes with an interval of nine or thirteen brutis between them are consonant with each other. Thus, in the shaljagrdna. (1) shadja and panchama, (2) pishabha and dh ciputa, (8) gdadhara and nishada, (4) shadja and madhyama. So also in the madhyamagráma with the exception of shadja and panchana. Here [in the madhyamagrama] there is consonance of panchama and rishabha. 164 This at once enables us to write the exact values of all the notes except two, since it is evident that the interval of nine frutis represents the just Fourth, and that of thirteen tbe just Fifth Thas we have 46 36 26 46 36 24 46 Notes ma pa dha ni sa riga ma 9 4 3 16 A Ratios 3 2 Cents 0 204 498 702 996 1200 Only two notes romain, vis., dha and ri. They are mutually consonant, bat neither of them being consonant with ate of known value their owa ralaus mit not be determ ned by this method. Bat before considering any suggestions as to their probable values, it is necessary to note the difference between the exact values thas obtained of the various intervals, and those calculated from the cycle of 82, which was brought into existence in order to express them. Intervalo. Exact value in cents. Defectivo expression of the valgo by the cyou of 22. Major toue of 4 árutis ... 204 218 Minor Third of 5 árutis... 294 273 Just Fourth of 9 srutis ... 498 491 Just Fifth of 13 krutis ... 702 709 * This is the well-known equal temperament soale of Europe, and though in extensive use, is not the ideal jast scale. Indeed, this ought to be evident a priori. Tuns for instance, a noto and its fifth or a note and its ootave are the actualities presented to us first, and afterwards ou mes the idea of measuring and comparing them. Now, it is easy to see that we may be in possessiou of two definite magnitudes, but for various reasona may not be able to expross one exactly in terms of the other. The intervals of an octave and a ffth are examples in point. Hence the various ayoles proposed, such as those of 12 ani 22. It would be putting the cart before the horse to treat tho semitone or the fruti as the primary notion and to seek to establish the fifth of a noto by going up 7 nemitones or 13 brutis. " Bh. p. 303. The 8. R. means the same thing when it says that those notes, in the interval between which there are twelve or eight srutis, are consonant with each other' But this modo of expression is objectionable for the same reason that it is objectionable to say that between the 1st and 14th of January intervene twelve days, and between the 1st and the 10th eight. Page #261 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ NOVEMBER, 1912.) ANCIENT HINDU MUSIC 257 The interval of 8 krutis is of no value for our present purpose, being simply composeil of two intervals of 4 srutis. Similarly other available intervals being only defects of these intervals from the octave of 22 árutis, need no separate consideration. From the above table it will be seen that the system of 22 irutis is capable of introducing an error of as many as 21 cents or nearly a comma in an attempt to express by means of it an interval, the value of which is known beyond all doubt by the method of consonances. We can now proceed to discuss some values for the uniletermined notes, which offer themselves for consideration, remembering that a deviation to the extent of about a comma need not by itself stamp them as improbable: (1) The first value we shall consider will be that suggested ty Mr. Hipkins, who holds that the 3 frutis interval must be taken as a 4-tone. We have seen that on the 22-śrutos scale the enlculated value of the 4-srutis interval is 218 cents but that the real value was 204 cents. A 4 tone, therefore, must be equal to 153 cents, an interval known to be used in the East. But the substitution of this value leaves 141 cents as the value of the 2-srutis interval between dha And ni, or between ri and ga, and it is impossible to believe that the two intervals of 153 and 141 cents, differing from each other only by 12 cents, should have been expressed by 3 and 2 krutis respectively. We cannot, therefore, look upon the 3-srutis interval as a 4-tone. The same fact may be put in another light. The two intervals of 153 and 141 cents are so nearly equal that each of them may be looked upon an equal to 8-brutis, and it will be found that the whole scale can then be more accurately expressed by means of the cycle of 24 than by means of one of 22, thus : Notes ... ... ma pa dha ni sa riga ma The scale to be expressed ... 0 204 857 498 702 855 996 1200 cents Values expressed by means 4's 26 46 36 21 46 of cycle of 22 árutis ...SO 218 382 491 709 878 982 7200 cents Valnes expressed by means 46 86 36 46 34 34 45 of cycle of 24 árutis o 200 350 500 700 850 1000 1200 cents A glanre at this table shows the greater accuracy of expression obtainable by means of 24-srutis scale, if the 3-srutis interval were intended to be a 4-tone as Mr. Hipkins supposes. But since the Hindus fixed upon 22-śrutis only, it is evident that they did not intend the 3-srutis interval to be a 4-one. (2) Secondly, we shall consider the value of the 3-srutis interval calcnlated on the basis of 22-srutis to the octave, which is 164 cents. In the first place let it be noted that if this value has & claim on our consideration, that claim is shared to an equal extent by the value assignable to dha by a calculation on the same basis, vie., that of 7-srutis= 382 cents, and this we shall proceed to do in the next paragraph. In the meanwhile if we take 164 cents as the value of the 3-srutis interval, the value of the neighbouring 2-srutis interval becomes 180 cents, and the same objection presents itself as before, viz., the improbability of taking the two intervals of 164 cents and 130 cents for a 3-árutis and a 2-srutis interval respectively. (3) Lastly, let us consider the value of dha obtained by calculating on the same basis as in the last paragraph, which is 382 cents. This gives very remarkable results. The 3-erutis and 2árutis intervals have now the values of 178 cents and 116 cents respec:ively, which are almost exactly in the ratio of 3: 2. An additional argument for accepting this value is the consideration that the Hindas in choosing the cycle of 22 were more likely to bave aimed at securing a greater accuracy in the expression of the relations of the fourth, the fifth and the thirds than that of smaller intervals like the seconds. It will be noticed that this value of the niajor Third, riz., 882 cents, differs only by 4 cents from the value of the just major Third which is 386 cents, and there is nothinz against the supposition that probably this was the actual value of that interval; the Page #262 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 238 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (NOVEMBEE, 1912. small difference being due to the unavoidable defect of the system of 22-srutis, selected for expressing the relations of the notes in the scale. This defect is shared by all systems, and it can be diminished only by admitting a greater number of degrees. Finally at express statement in the S, P.65 gives a death-blow to the 4-tone notion, and in. directly supports the value which we must assign to the 3-srutis interval as a consequence of the value we have found for the 7-śrutis interval. With 386 cents for the latter, we bave 182 cents (a minor tone) for the former, whereas the 4-tone is only about 150 centa. From the data given in the S. P. for the division of a string the ratio of the 3-árutis interval between sa and ri isor 204 cents (a major tone), and of that between pa and dha is or 231 cents. Even allowing for the errors inevitable in determinations of the values of notes by the division of string in a fretted instrament like the Hindu bin, it is evident that a minor tone may be confounded with a major tone, but it is not easy to believe that a 4-tone can thus be confounded. On the other hand it would be quite legitimate to bring forward the objection that originally tho 3-srutis interval might have had a different value from that which it came to have in the days of the S. P.; bnt there is no evidence to support this hypothesis. Inserting the value w have found for the 7-ýrutis interval in the Table A, we have the complete scale as follows: 46 3 2 4 86 2 4s ma pa dha ni sa riga ma B Ratios 1 j . Cents 0 204 386 498 702 884 996 1200 from what has been said above it will be evident that the values of all notes given in this tablo are perfectly certain, except those of dha and ri which may be looked upon as almost certain It is now necessary to notice the following remarks of Mr. A. J. Hipkins : “ The Indian scale intervals ought to be understood as they are explained by native writers-namely, A9 a tone, * -tone, and 3-tone, composed of 4, 3, and 2 árutis respectively. With this conception of intervals, and it must be borne in mind the 4-tone is still approved of in the East, a division of the octave into 24 equal quarter-tones becomes impossible. For as it was essential to secare an approximately perfect fourth with 9 árutis, and a fifth with 13, the division of the octave by 22 was the only one available. The error in the fourth of 9 equal frulis of a 22 division is no more than t-comma, in melody scarcely noticeable, but the error in a 21 or in a 23 division could not have been easily tolerated."66 At the outset, in this connection let me ask the reader to recall what I have said above, about the system of 22 śrutis being called into requisition to express the relations of the notes in an already existing scale and the inherent inability of all systems to express accurately the so-called n tural scale unless the octave is subdivided into a very large number of degrees. But this is not all. Mr. Hipkins is actually in error when he supposes that Hindu writers explain the intervals of their scale as being a tone, & t-tone, and a -tone.' Hindu writers have never said this ; they only say that there are three sorts of intervals, consisting of 4, 8 and 2 árutis respectively-in other words in the ratio 4:8:2. This is very different from what is understood by Earopean writers by a tone, a 4-tone, and a 3-tone. Consider the intervals 200, 150, and 100 cents. European writers will call them a tone, a 4-tone, and a t-tone respec. tively, which is correct. But now take the well-known intervals 204, 182, and 112 cents, or a major tone, a minor tone, and a diatonic semitone. These they will forth with describe as a tone, . tone, * Seo below. # Capt. Day's The Music of Southern India, pp. 20-21. Page #263 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ NOVEMBER, 1912.] ANCIENT HINDU MUSIC 259 and a seritone respec-ively, which is only an approximation and not accurate, for, the exact ratios are 1.8214 ...: 1.625 : 1, and not 2:2: 1. The approximation may be justified thus : 1.8214 ... is nearly 2; and 1.8214: 1.625=1.1223: 1, i. e., 1:] nearly. But there is another way also of looking at these ratios : 1.8214: 1= 2:1 approximately, as before ; but 1.625 : 1=1.5: 1, more nearly than 2:1; in other words, the three intervals are in the ratio 4: 3: 2 approximately. It is this approximation which has been used by Sanskrit writers. It will be seen that the two approximations agree as regards the ratio between a major tone and 4 semitone; and if the Enropean approximation is more accurate as regards the ratio of a major to a minor tone, the Hindu approximation has the advantage of greater accuracy in the ratio of a minor tone to a semitone. The latter possesses the further advantage of indiciting that there are three kinds of intervals, whereas the former reduces these to only two. It was probably owing to this European custom of calling the inajor tone, the minor tone, and the diatonic semitone by the terms a tone, a tone, and a semitone that Mr. Hipkins overlooked the possibility of the Hindu' approximation being quite as good, if not better, for the purpose of expressing the actual ratios, and was led to misinterpret the intervals of the Hinda scale. Having thus determined the valves of the intervals in the Hindu scale, it will be interesting to consider now the converse problem of what cycles can possibly be employed to express the same. The conditions of the problem evidently are: (1) There must be three kinds of intervals. (2) The octave to consist of three intervals of the greatest magnitude and two of each of the others. (3) Intogers only to be used in expressing the intervals. It is easily seen that no cycle of less than 15 degrees can satisfy all these conditions. The cycle of 53 with the three intervals in the ratio of 9: 8: 5 can express the scale with remarkable accuracy. If we now examine all possible cycles cousisting of 15 to 53 degrees, which satisfy these conditions, only the following ones make an approach to the scale for which we wish to find an expression : Table C. Degrees in Latios of the thro Degrees in the Cents in the Degrees in Conts in the oyale. intervale. Major Third. the Fifth, the Fifth 22 4: 3:2 382 13 709 5:4:8 872 704 32 6:4:3 875 712.5 6:5: 8 20 706 7: 6:4 880-1 24. 702 8: 7: 4 391 704 9:8:5 385 702 Scale under consideration 1.8214 . : 1.625:1 ... 386 702 Thus the cyclo of 22 is the smallest that can be used for expressing the given scale; that of 29 gives the fifth more accurately, but the third is much worse; that of 32 is decidedly worse; the rest are all better, that of 53 being the best. We thus seo that assuming the value of the scale, which we have found from other consideration, to be correct, it could not have been better expressed than by means of a cycle of 22, unless the ancient Hindu writers had resorted to 34 degreesor more. This consideration, therefore, gives farther indirect support to the value we have assigned to the scale. Why cycles of 81 degrees or more were not used so as to secure a greater accuracy will be discussed presently; but we must first consider an apparently formidable objection. In the section " On the svaras and árutis " it has been mentioned that, according to Bharata, in order to convert the shadjagrama into the madhyamagrama, tbe pañchama must be lowered. 29 388 Page #264 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 260 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [NOVEMBER, 1912. by # sruti so as to make it consonant with the rishabha. But acoording to the values which we have come to assign to the different notes (see Table B), the necessary lowering amounts to only a comma or 22 cents, which is less than even half of the average value of a sruti, which is 540 cents. It is not this discrepancy, however, which is the difficulty in our way, as it is really of Do importance. For, it is easy to see and the reader may convince himself of it by actual trial) that it must necessarily occur in all cycles, whenever it is sought in this manner to find the value of one particular degree, unless indeed the cycle chosen is such that the difference between the major and the minor tone is represented by one degree, and that the value of each degree is as nearly as possible 22 cents, consistently with its giving good values for other intervals. Such a cycle is that of 53 in the Table 0 above. Why this cycle was not adopted by the Hindus to express their scale, if the latter was really the same as that I have arrived at from other considerations, will be discussed further on. It is sufficient for my present purpose to make the reader understand that the fact of the difference between the major and minor tones being only 22 cents (i..., very much less than the average value of Sruti) in no way goes against the value we have come to assign to the Hindu scale. Indeed, we can even go further and say that wboever might have originated the cycle of 22 to represent the Hindu scale, Bharata and Matanga were misled into straining it in an unjustifiable way, when they said that the amount of flattening necessary to make the pañchama of the shadjagrama consonant with the rishabha was the measure of a sruti. It will be seen that this error is quite natural, since with the adoption of the cycle of 22 we are forced to represent the major tone by 4 and the minor tone with 3, and the jast Fourth and Fifth with 9 and 18 respectively. Now in the shadjagrama the panchama is not consonant with the rishabha and the interval between the two is expressed by 10 or 12 according to the direction in which you measure. In order to make it consonant (as in the madhyamagrdma), it must be flattened by a certain amount ; but no sooner this is done the interval must be expressed by 9 or 13 (according to the direction in which you measure), since those are the numbers by which we must denote the intervals of consonance in the cycle of 22. In other words, you are obliged to say that the panchama has been flattened by one unit, however much the necessary amount of flattening may actually differ from the average value of tbat anit. This apparently correct but really erroneous statement then can in no way go against the value we have come to assign to the Classical Rinda Scale. But the same cannot be said of the experiment described in the Bh, in connection with the exposition of the Srutis (808 the section on the svaras and arutis" above). In this experiment, it will be remembered, we have, at starting, two vinds in unison tuned to the shadjagrama. The taning of one of them is subsequently changed to the madhyamagrama by lowering the panchama by the requisite amount, which with our present values for the notes of the scale will only be a comma or 22 cents. The remaining strings are now lowered so as to have the shadjagrama tuning once more. Sapposing this can be accurately done, every string of this sind ought to give a note lower by a comma than the note of the corresponding string of the other. Performing this double operation once more, the difference in notes of corresponding strings will be two commas or 44 cents only, and the gândhara and nishada strings of the changing viņá cannot possibly give notes in unison with the rishabha and dhaivala of the other. But Bharata says that they do ; and there will be the same discrepancy in the rest of the experiment. Now if we believe that this experiment was actually performed by some musician with the stated result, we are forced to give up the values we have assigned to the notes in the Hinda scale and to admit those found by actual calculation on the supposition that the 22-srutis cycle represented the scale exactly (see Table 1). But this necessarily leads to the consequence that we must admit that the Hindu year was so peculiar that when it declared two notes to be consonant they were not so according to our present notions, but that the just Fourth was Page #265 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ NOVEMBER, 1912.] ANCIENT HINDU MUSIC 261 consistently flatter by 7 cents and the just Fifth as consistently sharper by the same amount. When we further note that the values of the Fourth and the Fifth as given in the S. P. are exact, we must make the additional admission that this peculiarity of the Hinda ear had disappeared by the time that that work was written. I think this to be beyond belief, and consider that when the Hindu musicians declared that there was consonance be.ween two notes it was exact consonance as given in the S. P. and as understood at present. The necessary result of this view is that we must look upon the experiment in question as only a paper or imaginary experiment, based on the excusable error pointed out above, viz., that the amount of flattening necessary to make the pañchama consonant with the rishabha was taken to be really equal to one áruli, whereas it was so only in name, one being forced to call it a sruti owing to the exigencies of the cycle adopted, viz., that of 22. In confirmation of the imaginary nature of the experiment I may draw the attention of the reader to the fact that in the Bh. we are askel to take two vinds tuned to the same mûrchhand and having strings and danda (the wooden bar proceeding from the body) of the same dimensions. It is easy to see that a real experimenter ought to perceive that it is not essential to have the strings and danda of the same dimensions. Varther, since there are only seven strings in the vind, tae taning of which is kept fixed, a real experimenter would have discovered that as be proceeded with the successive lowerings of the strings of the other vind, there would be no strings in the fixed vind with which some of the lowered strings could be in unison. As an illustration, suppose that the two vinds were taned to the first mirchhand, viz., sa, ri, ga, ma, pa, dha ni, and the procedure of lowering the second vind by a sruti was repeated four times, then the ma and pa strings of this viņá would be in unison with the ga and ma strings of the fixed vina; but the sa string of the second vind could not be in unison with the ni string of the first, as stated in the Bh., the latter being an octave higher. A real experimenter would have certainly noticed this. Having thus disposed of the only objection of some real importance, we must now try to find out why the Hindu musicians did not employ a cycle like that of 53 so as to be able to give an accurate expression to their scale, if it had the constitution which we have found for it. And the reason is not far to seek, if we keep in mind how the aruti interval was determined. Mr. A. J. Hipking67 confidently says that "There can be no doubt about the origin of the Sruti in the measurement of a stretched string,' but has omitted to give the grounds for his assertion. At first sight this assertion does look plausible. For, if we divide a stretched string into two, and subdivide one of the halves into two again and continue the subdivision in this manner, we shall come in due course to the fractions; and if the string be damped at this distance from the nut the remaining portion of the string = #tought theoretically to give a note which is 55 cents higher tban that of the whole string; and 55 centa is almost exactly one sruti ( = 54 r cents). Bat if the experiment be actually performed, it would be found that the result is far from accurate. It is improbable, therefore, that the śruti interval was arrived at by the measurement of a stretched string. There are other considerations also which go against this notion. In the Bh., whicb mentions the brutis, there is no reference to the production of higher notes by stopping a string. The Hindu viņd in its oldest form had no finger-board which occurs only in more recent forms, and the frets were added at a still later period. Even in the S.R., though fretted instruments were in existence at the time, the 22 árutis are demonstrated not by means of subdivision of string, but by means of a rulivind with 22 strings, each having pitch slightly higher than that # Capt. Day'. The Music of Southern India, Introduction, p. xi. Page #266 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 262 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (NOVEMBER, 1912 of the preceding one so that the fourth gave the shadja note and the last the nishada.ce From all this it is clear that the áruti interval could not have had its origin in the measurement of a stretched string. But even supposing that the value of the interval was thus fixed by subdividing a string into 32 parts, for obtaining the value of 2 árutis we must take 31 of these parts and divide this again into 32, and so on for larger intervals, with the result that every such successive operation must increase the error, which unavoidably attends the experiment as noticed above. This makes it more probable that the relative values of the different notes in the scale were actually determined by trial by means of the ear with the help of strings rising in piteb step by step, as conceived, for example, by Sarngadeva. This I think may also account for the name sruti (something heard) given to the unit of measurement which resulted from such a process. Now, since equal rises in pitch have to be determined only by the ear, it is easy to see that the greater the number of degrees in a cycle the smaller is the value of each degree, and consequently the more difficult it is for the ear to appreciate the equality of each step in the pitch. We need not wonder then that the Hindus could not resort to a cycle like that of 53 and had to stop at one of 22, which, by the way, as pointed out above, cannot be excelled by another of less than 34 degrees. To sum up, the values of notes in the Classical Hindu Scale (the shadjagrama) are as follows: 16 Notes pa dha ni 84 riga ma 4 85 B Ratios Cents 0 204 886 498 702 884 996 1200 Ag previously remarked, the values, given in this table, of all notes except dha and ri are absolutely certain, and I believe the evidence I have given is sufficiently convincing as regards the correctness of the values of the latter two also. Now, we arranged the shadjagrama thus, with its keynote at the commencement, to enable a comparison to be made with the modern European major scale, from which it differs only in the seventh note being fatter by a chromatic semitone + & comma. The correct way, however, of representing it, is this, viz., with sa as the lowest note : The shadjagrama., sa riga ma pa dha ni [sa] • S. R. I. iii. 12 et seq. The experiment is not as accurately described as one would wish. Wo aro asked to tone the 82 strings each a little higher-pitched than the preceding so that between two successite notes produced by them there should not e.cist an intermediate note. These direotions are evidently defootive, for we can bare notes of intermediato pitch. Then again, it would have been better to havo 28 stringe with intervals, so that at the fourth lowering of the strings it would have been possible to show that the sa string of the changeable vind was in unison with the ni string of the fixed vina. A similar inaccuracy of expression of the author I have noticed above. But the experiment was probably not quite imaginary like that in the Bh., referred to above. At any rato we are not asked to have the strings and danda of the same dimensions but are only required to construot two similar viņas, the similarity oonsisting in their producing identical Bounda- ft ayat are : A . I think Simha bhupala's explanation of this verse is correct, and Kalinatbat is not. The latter aays सदृशो सदृशाकारे; the former सदृशी समान |भाकारसाम्यं नात्रीपयुज्यत Feate 'AUT TT UT T HAT T Tata Indeed one might almost think that the author had before him the expression T h at of the Bh. and wrote 9 T: HT ** & correction. In passing, it may be noted that this experiment does not go against the values we have come to assign to the Classical Hindu Soale, remembering that the intervals are to be judged by the ear. Page #267 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ No EMBER, 1912.] ANCIENT HINDU MUSIC 263 This arrangement at once makes clear why the ga of the Olassical Hinda Scale differs from, the ga of the modern Hindu scale. In the former, the first tetracbord is really a descending one, whereas in the latter it is ascending. It will be noticed presently that in the Bh. we are told that if the note antara ga (which corresponds to modern ga) is to be used, we can do so only in going up the scale. It will be noticed that the arrangement of the shadjagrama as given above is such as to tempt one to think that it consisted of two disjunct tetrachords; and this is indeed the way in which it came to be looked upon by later writers. But at the time we are speaking of, the octave was not recognised and the grâmas consisted only of seven notes.69 This leads to the conjecture that the original descending tetrachord ma. ga, ri, sa was, in the first instance, extended not apwards as pa, dha, ni, sa, but downwards 83 & conjunct tetrachord sa, ni, dha, pa, the common note being sa; the three now notes pa, dha, ni were subsequently transferred (as octaves) above the keynote mi, thus producing the heptachord shadjagrama. Some further support is given to this view by the quotation from the Naradi-Sikshá given above (ante, Vol. XLI, p. 162). Indeed the matter would have been beyond all doubt, if in that quotation the nishada had been spoken of as the fifth note and the dhaivata as the sixth. dhir' i ga pa' Shadjagrama, ma ma > (The accents Original ga indicate OCtetrachordri taves.) sa (sa ni Added tetrachord pa. The madhyamagráma seems to have been a later development in the evolution of Hindu music; for, in defining it, the Bh, tells us bow the shadjagrama must be modified in order to arrive at the former, viz., by flattening the paichama by one gruts. In this gráma the keynote mu was placed at the commencement (see above). We have, therefore, The madhyamagra ma.' Sš 4s 26 46 86 25 45 ma pa dha ni sa ri g a [ma] 3 The reader will at once notice that this grama is the same as the Seventh of what are known as Ecclesiastical Modes, whereas the shadjagrama is the Eighth and related to it as a plagal to an authentic one. In India, therefore, it would appear that the plagal mode preceded the authentic one in order of time (Saman cbants, of which we know but little, being kept out of consideration). The contrary, it is stated, was the case in Europe. Other Notes in the Bharatiya-natya-Bastra. Besides the seven notes discussed above, the Bh. recognises four more, pnder the name svara-8ddharaṇam ( common note '), which is explained to be on 'antara-wara' (an intercalary noto'). These are (1) kákali-nishada, (2) antara-gandhara, (3) shudja-8ddhdra na, and (4) madhyama-sddhdrara. The values of kakali-nishada and antara-gandhara can be easily fixed from the datum in the Bi., vis., that they are two brutis sharper than nishada and gandhara respectively. The former noto makes the intervals between dha and kdkali ni, and between kákali ni and sa a major "It is for this rouson that I have placed the 8th note in brackets. Page #268 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [NOVEMBER, 1912. tone and a diatonic semitone respectively; similarly, the latter makes the interval between ri and antara ga a major tone, and that between antara ga and ma a diatonic semitone. Thes notes, however, were used with great restrictions: (1) They were to be used only in going up the scale, and even then in a passing manner without dwelling on them; (2) they were to be used only in the three jatis-madhyamd, pañchami, and shadja-madhyd-and even then only if the amsasvara was sa, ma or pa in the first and third, and pa in the second. The shadja-sálhárana and adhyama-sadharana were notes intermediate between nishada and shadja, and between gandhara and madhyama, respectively; and the difference between them and the corresponding natural notes was so minute that they were designated also by the name kaisika (hair-like"). Further, the shadja-sadharana could be employed only in the shaḍjagrama, and the madhyama-sadharana in the madhyamagráma. We have no data in the Bh. to enable us to determine the values of these. From the S. R., however, we see70 that according to later writers they were produced by the following relations of notes: Shadja-didrana dha 264 Ma lhyama-sadharana -ri Secondly, one could follow this procedure : 33 ni ga sa kákali-ni dha (c BA) ma antara-gandhara ri (fed) 33 23 48 Further, it would seem that though, as in the Bh., madhyama-sadharana was confined to the madhyamagráma, there was no corresponding restriction on the shadja-sadharana. A change had also occurred in the mode of employing kakali-nishads and antara-gândhara. Firstly, one could descend thus: 83 8a 33 ma 80 sa kakali-ni sa the next higher note available ma antara-gandhara ma the next higher note available By the words the next higher note available' is to be understood, the next higher note, making allowance for such notes as are required to be omitted in the particular mode to be played or sung.' It will be observed that though the second procedure may be looked upon as in accordance with the teaching of the Bh., the first goes directly against it. It is impossible for us to find out when and how the change came about, as no works on music in the period between the Bh. and the S. R. are extant. The author of the S. R. himself, it must be noted, is not writing from his own knowledge, but on the authority of the writers who preceded him, and whose works were then available. The ancient music had already passed away in the time of Sârngadeva, the author of the S. R. ri The gramas' according to later writers. The structure of the two gramas as given in the S. R., which is a compilation made from previous works, is exactly as given in the Bh.73 But in the S. P., which is a work of a much later period (see above) and when the old distinction of the gramas had been completely forgotten,73 thongh there is agreement in the structure of the shadjagrama, that assigned to the madhyamagrama is as follows with ma for keynote: ma ri dha ni pa [ma] 83 pa ga 8 2; 10 9. R. p. 64, slokas 7 and 8. 18. R. p. 64, slokas 3, 4, 5 and 6. 13 The reader should note that the arrangement of śrutis in the madhyama and gandhara gramas, as drawn up in App. iv of the S. R. Anandashrama series, is not according to the text. It agrees with that given in the 8. P. 15 S. P. kânda i., sloka 100, Page #269 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ NOVEMBER, 1912.] KALIDASA AND THE HUNAS OF THE OXUS VALLEY This must be looked upon either as having its origin in the imagination of the author, an occurrence by no means very rare, or as having been quoted from a previous writer, equally imaginative. According to the S. R., however, this was the constitution of the gandharagrama of Narada, which had already fallen into desnetude (see above). For, this authority gives the following arrangement of rutis in this grama. The 'gandharagrâma.' ga ma pa dha ni ga 3; 38 33 48 33 23 Here it would seem that ga was the keynote, and in that case it is not very difficult to attach aplausible meaning to the scale. For, on comparing it with the shajagráma it will be observed that it is identical with it except for the fact that the interval between the second and the fourth notes, which amounts to or a minor third, is sought to be equally divided. If this conjecture be correct, it reminds us of a similar division introduced by Zalzal (8th century A. D.) in the Arabic scale and said to be still in use.75 In India, however, it fell into disuse, which probably gave rise to the myth that it was prevalent in heaven (svarga) and not on the face of the earth.'76 It is said to have originated with Nârada, a writer on music, but there is no inherent improbability in its having been borrowed by the Hindus from the Persians and Arabs, like so many other things in music (see below)." ma The S. P. having thus given a constitution for the midhyamgrama, which according to the S. R. belongs to the gandharagrama, proceeds to define the gandharagrama as follows with ga for the keynote: [ga] 3; 33 43 35 3& Sá 3; No other Sanskrit treatise on music, available to us, mentions a grama with this structure. If we examine, however, the original gandharagrama as given in the S. R. (which is the same as the malhyamagrama as defined in the S. P.), we find that the seventh note is the just Fourth of the fourth note but is not the just Fifth of the third. In the gandharagrama, according to the S. P., it would appear, the seventh note is made the just Fifth of the third note, sacrificing its relation of the just Fourth to the fourth note, the other relations remaining the same. (To be continued. pa In order to enable the following three well-known 8a dha ri [ga] ni 265 8α ri KALIDASA AND THE HUNAS OF THE OXUS VALLEY. BY PROF. K. B. PATHAK, B.A.; POONA. KSHIRASVAMI, the well-known commentator on the Amarakosa, who belongs to the second half of the eleventh century, explains váhlika, meaning saffron, thus: यकदेशजं यद्रोहत्तरदिग्विजये gegrifen AGYMAMARI reader to understand the view of Kshirasvâmi, I shall quote the verses of Kâlidâsa: ततः प्रतस्थे कौबेरीं भास्वानिव रघुर्दिशम् | atsaftdidizagafter canfaa|| feisen defied | Tygaitun: exijo protrenere || तत्र हूणावरोधानां । भर्तृषु व्यक्तविक्रमम् । कपोलपाटनादेश बभूव रघुचेष्टितम् ॥ Raghuvamia IV. 14 8. R. p. 46, slokas 3, 4, and 5. 15 In the 13th, 14th and 15th genturies, however, Zalzal's neutral third was not in favour. (Prof. Land's Gramine Arabe). 168 R. p. 45, sloka 5. 17 If we are to believe, however, that this grama was in existence in India at the time when the Panchatan tra was first translated into Pahlavi (see above), the Hindus could not have borrowed it from the Arabs. 1 He quotes Bhoja and is quoted by Vardhamana, the author of the Ganaratnamahodadhi. 2 Mr. K. G. Oka's Ed. of the Kehtrasvamt, p. 110. Some manuscripts of allabha's commentary read g. Page #270 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 266 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [NOVEMBER, 1912. K shiragvami tells us that Raghu encountered the Hûņas in the Vahlika-desa, where the saffron plant was cultivated. If this view is accepted, the reading pangare adopted by Mallinatha, a commentator of the fourteenth century and a native of Southern India, mast be abandoned. Before examining the other reading rate, I shall try to settle the date of Vallabha, who gives this latter reading. On the word asa ocearring in on 32919 : (Kumdrasambhata I. 35), Vallabha remarks: prefata ATT TT TT .....5 5T* fara sa anarTe facea Ta These remarks are thus reproduced by Vardhamana : वबभस्य तु तिङन्तप्रतिरूपको निपात इति न सम्मतम् | ताशस्येव तिङन्तस्वाभावास् | Ganaratnamahodadhi I 13. Benares Edition, p. 16. Mallinâtba says: वल्लभस्तु न तिङन्तप्रतिरूपकमव्ययम् । अस्त' इति भ्वादेशनियमातादृक्तिन्तस्यैवाभावात् | किन्तु कवीनामय प्रामादिकः प्रयोगः इत्याह। Vallabha, who is quoted by Vardhamana, mentions Biblana in his comments on the last verse of Magha's Kavi-vanía-varnana in his sisupalaradha. On these grounds we may safely assign Vallabha to the first half of the twelfth century. It is a well-known fact that he was a native of Kishmir. These facts invest his opinion with exceptional importance. In the above passage cited from Kalidasa, Vallabha reads F and explains it thus TFT * Teatret. According to Kshfrasvåmi, Vahlika-desa or Bactria was the country where Raghu encountered the HQņas, and this region was, in Vallabha's opinion, watered by the river Varkû. In the fifteenth canto of the Raghuvainsa, verse 89, the towns of Taksbasila and Pashkalâvatt are mentioned. The last named town was called by the Greeks Peukelaotis. In the Greek form of this word the letters is superfluous, and the letter o corresponds to the Sanskrit va. According to this rule, the Greek word Oxas, the name of the celebrated river, would be in Sanskrit; and in Pråkpit it would be spelt and pronounced 46. The sign for doubling being mistaken for anusvára, the word would be pronounced Vaikų. The Sanskrit form Vakshû, with a saperflaous nasal, would be pronounced Vankshů. It is thus plain that the Vankú or Vankshû river is the Oxas river. It is interesting to note here that the famous Chinese traveller Yuan Chwang calls this river Pochu or Fochu. This Chinese came is only a phonetio transcription of the Indian form of the name Vaksbû or Vakků. Va answers to the Chinese po or fo, as in Molopo for Málava, or in Nafo-ti-po-ko-lo for Navadevakula, while the Indian ksha or kka corresponds to the Chinese ch, as in Ta-cha-shi-lo for Takshasila or Takkasilâ. Thus the Chinese form of the name of the river Oxas, Pochu or Fochu, presupposes the Indian original Vakshů or Valka, mispronounce Vankshû or Vanků. We have thus soon that in the opinion of Kshirasvami and Vallabha, Kalidasa makes Raghu invade the northern country and conquer the Hûņas, who had already established themselves on the banks of the Oxas in Baotria. General Cunningham says: "According to the Chinese authorities the white Hung first appeared in the countries on the Oxos in the beginning of the fifth century" and then gives a list of the Hûņa kings who ruled on the Oxus. Mr. V. A. Smith, in his Early History of India, p. 297, says that the Huns were in the Oxus • Read TITEITSD. C. Ms. No. 72 of 1888-84. * Some manuoripta of Vallabha's commontary read : • S. P. Pandit'e Ed. of Raghu, potea, p. lii. Watter's Yuan Chwang, VOL. II, pp. 32-18. . Four D. O. MSS. of Raghwania and its commentaries read Vank and two read Vankeha. • Ephthalites or White Huns, Transactions of the Ninth Congress of Orientalists, Page #271 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ NOVEMBER, 1912.] CONTRIBUTIONS TO PANJABI LEXICOGRAPHY 267 valley between A. D. 455-84. The first invasion of India by the Hüņas was repelled by Skandagupta-Vikramaditya in A. D. 455. From these facts the conclusion is inevitable that Kalidasa composed the verses quoted above when the Hûnas were still in the Oxus valley and shortly before they invaded the Gupta empire in A. D. 455. At this time Kalidasa appears to have been very young, as he speaks of his poetical efforts with extreme diffidence and in such depreciating terms as मन्दः कवियशःप्रार्थी गमिष्याम्युपहास्यताम् । Raghu I. 3. His masterpiece, the immortal Sakuntala, must have been a later production of his genius. He was thus contemporary with Vikramaditya II of the Gupta Dynasty. This view rests upon the identification of the Vankú or Vaikshû with the Oxus river and upon the fact that the Hůņas first appeared in the Oxus valley in the beginning of the fifth century. _In the last verse quoted above, Mallinātha reads कपोलपाटलादशि and explains पाटलस्य पाटलिW argaret, alluding to a well-known Indian custom: रिपुसुन्दरीणां करतलताडनभीतैरिव मुक्काहारैः पयोधरपरिसरो मुक्त Vásavadattá, Hall's Ed., p. 42. On the other hand Vallabhalo reads कपोलपाटनादेशि and explains कपोलपाटनमाहि(दि)शतीति ... q ua() at yra: * TI 91 peraturer. Oharitravardhana and Samtivijaya adopt this reading, and say na Trgreffa TTT:. In Thomas Watters' work on the Travels of Yuan-Chwang, describing the social characteristics common to the tribes and districts between China and India, we read: "They burn their dead and have no fixed period of mourning. They flay (?) the face and cut off the ears." Watters, Vol. I, p. 40 ** Among some tribes it apparently was the custom to tear or gash the face at the funeral of a parent or chief." Idem, p. 41. "We find it recorded, moreover, that when the death of Tang T'ai Tsung was announced, the barbarians sojourning at the capital expressed their sorrow by wailing, cutting off their hair, gashing (?) their faces and cutting their ears, until the blood washed the ground." Idem, p. 42. From these extracts it is evident that Kalidasa must have written kapola-pátana,' to tear and gash the face,' and not kapola-pdtala, the latter reading being substituted by the Southern comentators like Mallinâtha in accordance with Indian notions. From the two verses discussed above, we learn that Kalidasa was contemporary with the Hûņas of the Oxas valley, who were defeated by Skandagapta-Vikramaditya in A. D. 455 and who killed the Sassanian king Firoz, in A. D. 484, and that it was the custom, among the Hûna women, to tear and gash the face at the funeral of their husbands. In my paper on Buddhamitra, the teacher of Vasubandha, I have shown that Dignaga belongs to the latter half of the fifth century. It is thus clear that Kalidasa and Dignaga were contemporaries and lived in the time of Vikramaditya II of the Gupta Dynasty. This confirms the tradition preserved by Mallinåtha. CONTRIBUTIONS TO PANJABI LEXICOGRAPHY. SERIES III. BY H. A. ROSE, T.C.S. (Continued from p. 243.) Taola: a bowl for keeping sugar, etc. Karnal S. R., 1872-80, p. 121. Taola, taula : quickly. Kangra Gloss. Tap, tapali: the duct or passage by which water enters a field. Opp. to paind, g.v. Kangra Gloss. Tapri: a small shed or thatched house. Kangra Glogs. 1 D. C. MS. No. 150 of A. 1882-83. Page #272 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 268 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [NOVEMBER, 1912. Tarka pant: the upper stratum of water of a kachcha well. Sirsa S. R., 1879-83, p. 178. Taraji : & poll-tax on Chamârs. Kuthar. Taras: the sarus crane (Grus antigone). Ludhiâna 8. R., 1878-83, p. 12. Taron: a high stool on which a man stands to winnow corn. Kangra Gloss. Tarophla : thick or tangled. A word used to describe a division of land by which each party gets a separato share of each field, so that shares are much intermixed. Pattu vand and gadu vand mean much the same thing. Tela vand means division into large blocks. Kângra Gloss. Tarota : a hole in the ground or in a bank where water has forced a passage; darddh is also used for same thing. Kângra Gloss. Tasri : the heads of jowâr. Karnal S. R., 1872-80, p. 187. Tat: goat. Bauria argot. Tat: the pods of the gram plant. Jullandur S. R., p. 127. Tataini = Panji alh. Tatani : 8.f., a fire-fly. Tatiala: a long thong. Karnal S. R., 1872-80, p. 172. Tatta: fast. Bauria argot, Tatti: it consists of four earthen jars pierced and tied together and hung up by a string in the bride's courtyard, and is struck ly the bridegroom with a sword. Sirsa S.R., 1879-83, p. 167. Tehman : a loin-cloth worn by Musalmans, sometimes pot passed between the legs, but usually worn in the Hindu fashion (though they preserve their own name for the garment). Karnal S. R., 1872-80, p. 124. Teinta: a term applied in Kulu and Lähul to a grassy slope or up land above the cliffs or precipitous hill sides which form the sides of a valley. Kangra Gloss. Tel talwar: a present given to the barber's wife for rubbing a lock of the bride's hair with oil. Jullundur S. R., p. 65. Tela-vand: see tarophla. Teli : the man who scutches ginned cotton. Of. pumba. Karnal S. R., 1872-80, p. 183. Telia : an oily kind of water. Tera tin: all any how. Karnal S. R., 1872-80, p. 155. Thauh: a plain or level space on the top of a bill or in a high valley. Simla. Tha: to be born. Bauria argot. Ex, Damkera thdhe = a boy is born. Thaiya: hide, imperative. Bauria argot. Thaili : the handle of the plough. Cf. arli. Ludhiana S. R., 1878-83, p. 99. Thak : prohibition (of grazing): Kangra 8. R, Lyall p. 24. ThAkna : to forbid, stop from. Kangra Gloss. Thakuri : a weight = 6 chhitanks, Jobba, 'Thal: a vessel made of pottery, flatter and smaller than the dagga (q. v.) with a very wide mouth. Karnal S. R., 1872-80, p. 121. Thali: very sandy soil. Karnal S. R., 1872-80, p. 170. Thamba : & subdivision of a tribe ; a group of villages bound together by common descent. Ci, thapa. Karnal S. R., p. 74. Thamba: the connecting rod fastened to the beam to which the oxen are fastened in a sngar presg. Of, manak. Karnal 8. R., 1872-80, p. 161. Than: a small mud representation of a temple. Sirea . R, 1879-83, p. 144. Thanapatti : & cess; a fee of Rs. 5 paid at each daughter's wedding. Cf. mudh khera. Ferozepore S. R., 1889-91, p. 10. Thánh : a long log of wood. Simla Hills. Thand P: search. Bauria argot. Ex. hapahi thandolo levan awe. The policeman is coming to search the house. Page #273 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ NOVEMBER, 1912.] CONTRIBUTIONS TO PANJABI LEXICOGRAPAY 269 Thandiai, thandidi: also ghi or any other grease. Thangeri : a bird. Probably from its feeding on thangi or hazel nuts. Pangwâl, Thapa: a subdivision of a tribe, a group of villages bonnd together by common descent. Of. thamba. Karnal S. R., p. 74 and 76. Thapa: a bloody mark of a hand, which the bride's mother with her hand dipped in henna leaves on the bridegroom's father's clothes. Karnal S. R., 1872-80, p. 132. Thapa : the heap of clean grain. Cf. rds and bohal. Karnal 8. R., 1872-80, p. 173. Thapa : a flat wooden dabber. Karnal S. R., 1872-80, p. 200. Thapa khauncha : a conical basket open at both ends which is suddenly plunged to the bottom of a village pond with its big end downwards, any fish that splashes being taken out through the small end. Karnal S. R., p. 7. Tha pt: a small block of wood used for breaking clods. Jullundur S. R., p. 108. Thapun: a secular clergy. Hisgar S. R., p. 12. Thatho : a press. Ludhiana S. R., 1878-88, p. 105. Thek: a sheaf of wheat made up for carriage from the field. Kangra Gloss. Thokma : & petticoat or wrap with red spots. Karnal S, R., 1872-80, p. 124. Thekna: to spot. Karnal S. R., 1872-80, P. 124. Thelu: a block of wood which is fitted into an irrigation channel, so that the water flows evenly over it. The water is then divided into several channels by pegs which fit into the block. Kangra Gloss, Theni: deposit of an article left in trust with another. Kangra Gloss. Thihan: these. Bauria argot. Thika : & chief village. Karnal S. R., p. 76. Thilaul : the money given to the bride's mother at a betrothal used in Kilar and Darwas. Pangi. Called gudmi in the Sach Pargana of Pângi. Pangwal. Thilia : a vessel made of pottery, smaller than the ghara, for dipping water. Cf. gharia and dúna. Karnål S. R., 1872-80, p. 121. Thimi: a measure of 8 sérs kacha. Kangra Gloss. Thimbi: a measure of capacity = one-eighth of a dharún. Kangra S. R. (Lyall), p. 32. Thula: a subdivision of a panna (ward of a village community). Karnal S. R., p. 92. Thuladar: an assistant head man, not officially recognized. Karnal S. R., p. 92. Tiba bangar : the flat tableland on the tops of hills. It requires much rain, but is slightly better than bhet. Ol. panga. Hoshiârpur S. R., P. 69. Tikawal : & necklace of fourteen coins, one a gold mohur and the rest rupees. Karnal S.R., 1872-80, p. 125. Til : a complete suit of female clothes. Cf. tiwal. Karnal S. R., 1872-80, p. 125. . Tila: a wooden stick. Gurdaspur. Of. tild, stalk. P. Dy., p. 1138. Tilkin: shoes. Ludhiana S. R., 1878-83, p 150. Tills: an effect of cold which attacks buffaloes only. Cf. hallu. Ludhiana S. R., 1878-83, p. 134. Tini: 8. f., top of a tree). Tind: the pod of cotton. Karnal S. R., 1872-80, p. 183. Tindar: the earthen Vessels tied to the mal of a Persian wheel for raising water. Karnál S.R., 1872-80, p. 160. Tingra: a fish. It rarely runs large, yet specimens of 5 lbs. or so are sometimes caught by the fishermen. Ludhi na S. R., 1878-83, p. 17. Tingra: a fish (Macrones lamarru). Karnal S. R., p. 8. Tingra ohhota : a fish (Macrones tengara). Karnal S. R., p. 8. Tint: the buds of the kair tree. Karnal S. R., p. 11. Page #274 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [NOVEMBER, 1919. Tilla: (1) the peak or point of a hill; (2) the ptarmigan; also called dhar chaleru. Kângra Gloss. Tira: niche. Sirmûr Tirath : properly - place of pilgrimage, but used for the place for burning the dead, which is also called martali: in Kulu, mantori. Kangra Gloss. Tirchoka: see under bij battar. Titaina : 8. m. Tithun: in that place ; jithun, in the place which ; othun, in that place; kithun, where. Kangra Gloss. Tiun; still, yet. Tiwal: & suit of clothes. Sirsa S. R., 1879-83, p. 156. Tiwal: a complete suit of female clothes. Of, til. Karnal S. R., 1872-80, p. 125. Toba: a small pond. Cf. chapri. Jallundur S. R., p. 58. Todar: bracelet made of a cylindrical bar of metal. Cf. hangan. Karnal S. R., 1872-80. p. 125. Tokha : & masonry pillar. Sirsa S. R., 1879-83, p. 318. Tokna: a brass pot larger than a tokni. Sirmûr trans-Ġirt. Tokna: a large narrow-mouthed cauldron, made of metal for storing water and cooking at feasts. Karnal S. R, 1872-80, p. 121. Tokni: a brass jar. Sirsa S. R., 1879-83, p. 166. Tokni: a large narrow-mouthed cauldron, made of metal, for storing water and cooking at feasts. Karnal S. R., 1872-80, p. 121. Tokoni: tokni a large brass pot. Sirmûr trans-Giri. Tol: a big boulder. Kangra Gloss. Tolah : a weighman. Cf. modi. Ludhiana S. R., 1878-83, p. 81. Tondi: spring, i.e., the three warm months before the barsdt or raing. Kangra Gloss. Topa: a measure of grain; of rice seven maunds and ten gére kacha, or of wheat ten maande kacha. Kångra Gloss. Topt lant: name of ceremony for widow remarriage in Pangi and Lahul. Pangwâl Mono. 107. Tor: sowing the seed by drilling it through a tube into the furrows. Ludhiana S. R., 187883, p. 105. Tor: the irrigation of land by delivering water above the fields. Karnal S. R., 1872-80 p. 170. Toran: the wooden frame of a door. Sirsa S. R., 1879-83, p. 168. Tori: then. Bauria argot. Toria : an insignificant' oil-seed. Karnâl S. R., 1872-80, p. 191. Tos, tonas: a pine ; (Abies pindrow). Kangra S. R., P. 21. Tota : & cone of adthi (grain parched and ground, eaten with water mixed with it) used at weddings in Pangi (Sach Pargana) and Chamba Lâhul. Pangwal Mono. 107. Towat: a he-goat-see under bakri. Trangari: small bridge over rivalet, called dip in Lähnl. Kangra Gloss. Tren: three. Sirsa S. R., 1879-83, p. 124. Trihana : Atenant who farms land with plough and oxen furnished by the landholder. Of. chantequ and atholu. Kangra S. R. Review, p. 8. Tringol: the ibex: in Lahul and Spiti called kin. Kångra Gloss. Tooghar: the great bustard (Bupodotis edwardeii). Ludhiana S. R., 1878-83, n. 12. Tuijun, tijjun: to you ; you. Io Kulû, tobi, to you; tona or tusd na, from you. Kângra Gloss. Tukri: a Gujar's blue petticoat, with or without spots. Karnal S. R., 1872-80, p. 124, Tukkal: a knife used in thresbing sugar-cane. Of. phalti. Jullandur S. R., p. 108. Tulah: testing, or settlement of an account of any kind. Kangra Gloss. Tuli: a grass stalk. Kangra Gloss. Page #275 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ NOVEDMER, 1912.] CONTRIBUTIONS TO PANJABI LEXICOGRAPHY 271 Tom: gold and silver ornaments. Sirsa S. R., 1879-83, p. 157. Tumbi, tumbri: a small cucumber or gourd. Kumbri is an earthen pot, a small utensil in which ghi is generally kept. Simla Hills. Tang: balcony. Sirmûr. Tunt: a tree (Morus alba). Karnal s. R., p. 9. Tos: chaff. Karpal S. R., 1872.80, p. 173. Tugri : the heads of the great millets, Karnál S. R., 1872-80, p. 173. Ubaran : the ploughing after the seed of charri has been sown broadcast. Jullundur S. R., p. 124. Ubatna: a mixture of barley flour. Sirsa S. R., 1879-83, p. 165. Ubha thai jana : to stand. Bauria argot. úd: a beavy wooden roller. Cf. girre. Karnal S. R., 1872-80, p. 162. Uddar: an otter. Kangra Gloss. Udhai: white-ant. Bauria argot. Ugahi: collection of revenue. Karnal S. R., p. 110. Ugahna: to collect revenue. Karnal S. R., p. 110. Ughar: see hoghar. Ugilan : the plough in which the boot and the curve of the hal are near each other. Jallandur S. R., p. 109. Ujala : general withering up from any reason. Karnal S. R., 1872-80, p. 180. Ujeh : above; see under bunh. Ükhal: & mortar made of stone or wood in which grain is ground by a wooden staff called musal and its husk separated. Undra : rat. Baurai argot. Upra hons : banjar land attached to a field. Hissar S. R., p. 25. Uprida ja na : to go up; see under bunh. Ur: see or Urhur: buckwheat (Cajanus bicolor). Cf. kundi and thingra. Urni: sheep. Bauria argot. Urni: a fish (Mugil corsula). Karnal S. R., p. 8. Urna : a lamb under six months of age ; nee under thed. Ôt: the man who dies withont a gon. Of. gyal. Karnal S. R., 1872-80, p. 149. Ut na put jana : to die without a son, Karnal S. R., 1872-80, p. 149. Utar: unirrigated land. Kangra S. R. (Lyall), p. 32. Utkaru : (1) fixed rent or assessment, generally used where it is paid partly in kind, partly in cash. Chakota is another word for the same thing. Kangra Gloss. (2). a tenant-at-will. Vadunak: a tall red kind of wheat. Jullundar S. R., p. 125. Vahal: the bed of an old drainage channel. Ci, vdl and johal. Sirsa S. R., 1879-83, p. 12. val: the bed of an old drainage channel. Cf. vdhal and johal. Sirsa S, R., 1879-83, p. 12. vam: a noose made of manj rope. Sirsa S. R., 1879-83, p. 112. Vand : an allotment (Nurpur); see bher : in Bara Bangabel = jeola. Kangra S. R., (Lyall), p. 32. Vangat : see langat. Vikh : twenty. Sirsa S. R., 1879-83, p. 124. Vil: a kind of rheumatism that is rarely fatal; the animal affected gets stiff and unable to walk. Cl. vildya. Sirsa S. R., 1879-83, p. 301. Vila ya : a kind of rheumatism. Voti : wife = sudni, used by Rajputs; see lari, Wahna: tomorrow. Bauria argot. Page #276 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 272 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY Wali: again. Bauria argot. War: the force which pursues the raiders. Sirsa S. R., 1879-83, p. 31. Warna: the waving of the offerings for the malignant deity ter the patient's head. Karnal S. R., 1872-80, p. 146. Warpher: a ceremony of marriage performed by waving a pot of water over the bridegroom's head and then drinking a little of it and waving a rupee round his head. Karnal S. R., 1872-80, P. 130. : Watran a broadcast sowing; to sow when the moisture has sufficiently subsided to allow of ploughing and sowing. Hoshiarpur S. R., p. 88. Watri cotton sown in June or July. Hoshiarpur S. R., p. 87. Wehla soon; as wehla do: come soon. Bauria argot, Yamu (Kulu): the sardo deer; see god. Ziri: fine rice. Cf. dhan, Karnal S. R., 1880, p. 178. MISCELLANEA. ON 'SIVA-BHAGAVATA' IN PATANJALI'S MAHABHASHYA. MUCH has been written by eminent scholars about the ancient sect of Bhagavatas. The earliest inscription making use of the word 'Bhagavata' as an attributive of a follower of a particular sect is that edited by Dr. Fleet in Jour. R. As. Soc., Oct. 1909, in which Heliodoros, son of Dion, of Takshasila, a Yonadúta of king Antialkidas at the court of Tråtår Raja Käsiputa Bhagabhadra, is described as a Bhagavata. Evidently he was a Vishnu-bhagavata, for the inscription commemorates the erection of a Garuda-dhvaja to devadeva Vasudeva. I wish to draw the attention of scholars to the fact that Siva-bhagavatas can claim the same antiquity as Vishnu-bhagavatas. From the very earliest days there were two sects of Bhagavatas who believed Bhagavat, conceived either as Vishnu or Siva, to be the supreme cause, and bhakti or devotion to him as of more importance than ritual or sacrifice. This inscription mentions Antialkidas Nikephoros who, according to Vincent Smith, was a contemporary with the early years of Eucratides circa. 170 B.C. Menander's invasion took place about 150 B.C., only a few years after, and his siege of Saketa and Majjhamika is alluded to by Patanjali in words which leave little doubt that the events took place in the lifetime of the great grammarian. Now, Patanjali mentions the word Siva-bhagavata while commenting on Pânini V. 2. 76. The passage is as under: अयः शूल-दण्डाजिनाम्यां ठक्-औ ६ । २ । ७६ किं येोऽयमूनिका ? किं चातः ? शिवभागवते प्राप्नोति । [NOVEMBER, 1912. एवं तर्क्युत्तरपदलोपोऽत्र द्रष्टव्यः । अयः शूलमिवायः शूलम् | यो मृदुनोपायेनान्वेष्टव्यानर्थावभसेनान्विच्छति उच्यत आय शूलिकः । An explanation of the context is necessary. Patanjali takes pains to explain that words formed by Panini V. 2. 72, 75 and 76, are not to be taken in a literal sense, but only in a metaphorical one. Thus sitaka, ushnaka (Pânini V. 2. 72) do not mean 'he who does cold,' or 'he who does hot,' for then they might be applied to snow or sun, but they respectively mean 'a person who takes a long time over doing a thing which has to be done soon,' and 'a person who does a thing betimes. Similarly, párévaka ( Pânini V. 2. 75.) does not mean 'he who seeks his ends by the side, for then it might mean 'a king's servant' but it is taken to mean 'one who proceeds to perform in a roundabout way things which can be performed in a straightforward manner.' We now come to Panini V.2. 76, from which we get the word Ayahéülika. Patanjali asks if this word is to be taken in the literal sense of one who goes about, or seeks his ends with an iron dart'? On this he asks, what would then happen? The reply is that then the word would apply to a Siva-bhagavata. Evidently, the members of that fraternity must then have been in the habit of going about, or seeking their ends, with an iron sala in hand. Finally Patanjali says that the word is not to be taken in the literal sense, and, therefore, cannot apply to a Siva-bhagavata, but it is taken to apply to express one who has recourse to extreme or harsh or rash measures to seek an end which can be secured by milder methods.. Patanjali's denial that the word does not apply to Śiva-bhagavatas is a proof of the existence of the class in those days. They must have used au iron spear as a distinctive mark like modern Jogis who carry an iron trident. Śiva's weapon is súla or trisila, whence his epithet Śúlí. CHANDRADHAR GULERI. Ajmer. Page #277 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ DEORBER, 1912.) THE RAMACHARITAMANASA AND THE RAMAYANA 273 THE RAMACHARITAMANASA AND THE RAMAYANA. BY L. P. TESSITORI; UDINE (ITALY). [TAE present paper on the connection between Tolasi Dasa's Ramacharitamanasa and Valmiki's Råmdyana was first published in Italian in the Giornale della Società Asiatica Italiana (Vol. XXIV, 1911), and is now republished in English at the kind suggestion of Sir G. Grierson and Sir R. O. Temple. The subject is indeed a most interesting one, as it involves a question w.ich has remained sub judice up to the present day. Many different opinions have been advanced as to the principal source from which Tulasi Dasa derived his d nacharitamanasa, but they bave all been mere conjectures, rather than inductions from a sufficient quantity of positive evidence, and, being also very unlikely, bare only helped to make the question more intricate instead of solving it. The two extremes have been represented: (a) by the scholars who, being not directly acquainted with the Ramacharitamanasa, have almost necessarily tended towards conceiving it as a poor and close rifacimento of the Ramdyana, bearing no stamp of or ginality; and (6) by the scholars who, being more or less acquainted with the Ramacharitamanasa, have allowed themselves to be misled by its outward appearance and by the different meaning of the facts in it, and have arrived at the conclusion that Tulasi Dasa had availed himself of other sources and was not at all or very little indebted to his great predecessor. It is iroportant to determine the right course between the two exaggerations and to give the Ramayana its proper place amongst the sources of the Ramacharitamanasa. The solution of the problem can be reached only by freeing ourselves from any preconception, or misleading influence of general impressions, and confining ourselves in the impartial. examination of positive facts. It is chiefly a work of patience: The Hindi poem must first be compared verse for verse with the Rámáyana, with the object of ascertaining all points of agreement with the Sanskrit text. Then, by placing agreements and disagreements in the same scale, it must be ascertained whether the former outweigh the latter to such a degree as to permit us to classily the Ramdyana as the principal source of the Ramacharitamanasa. The way is however, made arduous by the fact that Tulasi Dass does not confine himself to only one recension of the Ramayana. This makes it necessary to carry on the same inquiries into both the principal recensions, and ascertain in which places of the Ramacharitamanasa either of the two prevails. Another difficulty is that of distinguishing between real and apparent discordances, i. e., between particulars derived from sources different from the Ramdyana and particulars derived from the Rámáyana itself, but modified either because of their incompatibility with the religious principles of the new poem, or for some other reason. The reader will judge whether the present study covers all the above points and proves sufficiently that Tulasi Dasa availed himself of the Ramayana as a principal source for the particulars of Rama's life, but at the same time strove with all his power to keep as clear as possible of Valmiki's art, so that on the whole the Ramdyana can only be called his source of information, never his artistic niodel. Of course, the fact of having taken into consideration only the Ramayana gives the above conclusions a temporary character. We know Tulasi Dasa availed, himself also of the Adhyatmar&ulyana, mystic rifacimento of the Ramdyana, which is included in the Brahmandapurana. When inquiries are brought to bear on this source, too,-a task which the author of this article may possibly carry out in the near future-then only can the priority of the Ramayana amongst the sources of the Ramacharitamanasa be definitely established. But on the whole, even if sonne Page #278 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 274 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [DECEMBER, 1912. restriction is still to be made on tiu priority herein assigned to the Rámdyana, our general concluisiona aro absolutely definite and the present article will always retain its value as a collection of the best proofs in favor of Tulasi Dasa's having largely and directly utilized Valmiki's poem.-L. P. T.] Nándpurdnanigamdgamusammatam yad Rdmaya ne nigaditam kvacid anyato 'pi 1 avantahsukhiya Tulasi Raghundthagáthdbhashanibandham atimailjulam dtanoti 117 11° In the above stanza in the Sanskrit introduction to the Rámacharitamanasa Tulasi Dása himself informs his readers of the sources from which he has drawn. In fact he does here avow most explicitly that he has derived from the Randyana, and partly also from other works, all the matter that was conformable to the Puranas and to the Holy Scriptures. Leaving aside for the present the question how far the words kvacid anyato 'pi should be extended, the fact remains that in the above passage Tulasi Dasa himself does quote the poem of Valmiki as his chief source, and does declare clearly that he has drawn from it the bulk of that material which he has brought into harmony with his own spiritual ideas and clothed in a pleasant form of poetry. Such is after all the meaning hidden in that testimony, which on the other hand gives us but superfluous information, for every diligent reader of the Ramacharitamanasa would reach for himself the same conclusion. Tulasi Dasa has followed the path formerly trodden by Valmiki, placing his feet upon the very footmarks left by his great predecessor. If looked upon superficially, such an assertion will no doubt strike one as the absurdest paradox. A bottomless abyss lies between the two poems: in each one breathes a different air, sees different people living in a world quite apart; the impressions which each makes on the mind of its readers are so unlike that one cannot see at a glance anything but a fancied dependence of the one upon the other. But one must not ignore that objective facts, not oesthetic impressions, are the best criterion for settling any question regarding the dependence of any one work upon another; and it is in the light of that positive criterion that our assertion is to be viewed. The fact is that, as far as Rama's life is concerned, the thread of the narrative is mainly one and the 1 At the moment of revising the proofs of the present article, I am kindly informed by Sir G. Grierson that Bhalbhadra Prasad Sakul of Ballia, U. P. and three other pandits are publishing an edition of Tulast Disa's Ramacharitamanasa, together with another poem of the same title in Sanskrit Slokas, which bears such an exnot correspondence to it, that it must Decessarily be concluded that one is a translation of the other. Sir G. Grierson. has neon the Aranyao and Sundaranda of this edition, and has found that both the versions are practioally line for line the same. The editors consider the Sanskrit version to be the original one, basing their opinion on what Talat Dasa himself says in the introduction to the Hindi poem concerning the origin of the story, and partioularly on the passage, in which he states that he heard the story from his guru, but owing to his being but a obild, he could not understand it, and only afterwards, when he understood it better, he put it down in bhash: maith puni nija guru sana sunt katha su Sakura-kheta samujhi nahlia tasa balapana taba ati rahoum aceta .... tadapi kaht garu b&rahim bera samujhi pari kachu mati-anus bhAkh-baddha karabi main sof more mana prabodha jehi hoti (1, 30-31) The editors promise a fall account of the Sanskrit MS. in the preface to the Balakanda. "Till then-writes Sir G. Grierson-we must wait in patience." That one version is a translation of the other is perfectly certain, but which is the original it is impossible, at present, to say. The impression conveyed to my mind is that it is the Sanskrit version that is the translation, as it is not so compact as Tulant Disn. The author has to fill up his slokas with unnecessary words to make them agree with the Hindi. But, on the other hand, it may be argued that Tulasi Dasa took & Sanskrit original and improved it by condensing it. In the latter case, it is this Sanskrit Ramacharitamanasa that we ought necessarily to consider as the first, and perhaps the only, source of the Hind! poem. But, even so, our general conclusion that Talaat Dasa's poem is chiefly based upon the Ramayana would by no means be impaired. The only difference would be that the correspondence of the former to tho latter ought to be explained simply as consequence of Talasi Disa' baving translated a work that was chiefly based upen Valmiki, not as having been intentionally brought about by Tulasi Dasa himself. The present and all following quotations from the Ramacharitamanasa are taken from the edition of the काशी नागरी प्रचारिणी सभा, प्रयाग, १९०३. Page #279 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ DECEMBER, 1919. TIE RAMACHARITAMANASA AND THE RAMAYANA 275 same in both the poems: Tulasi Dasa derives from Valmiki all the particulars of the story, shortens or amplifies them as he likes, explains them according to his creed, clothes them in a new fashion, but hardly ever alters their objectiveness, their succession, their historical value. One might be induced to think Tulasi Dasa firmly believes in the historical trustworthiness of the Ramayana and therefore makes it a point not to mistake the truth, at least so far as that truth does not strike too openly at his ethical and religious ideas. This is why Tnlasi Dâsa retains some particulars, which were quite in accordance with the reduntant epical style in Valmiki' poem, but seem mere, and even strange, superfluities amidst the babitual conciseness of the Ramacharitamanasa. This is why Tulasi Dasa always applies the greatest attention to giving unicuique suum; i.e., to attributing every action or speech, however insignificant it may be, to the very persons whom Válmiki bas representeil as authors thereof. This is why Tulasi Dasa always makes it a point never to alter the succession of events and goes so far in his scraples that he never fails to replace by a short allusion any episode or important passage of the Ramdyana, to which he could not give room in his poem. This general rule of fidelity to his source finds its greatest exception in Tulasi Dasa's sixth books, where the succession of the facts is wholly subverted, the particulars of one combat are cften mistaken for those of another, and the deeds of one champion are attributed to another; but in this case the exception does not weaken the rule and can be easily explained, if we only suppose that Tulasi Dasa could not always find his way amidst the bewildering intricacy of Valmiki's Yuddhakanda and often lost bimself in the labyrinth of events, which supposition is greatly corroborated by our own practical experience of the difficulty of thoroughly mastering by Leart the subject of this most intricate book, though nowadays the scholar can reckon upon bandier editions and greater helps, than were available to the mediaval poet, But, leaving aside the Lankakanda and the few other divergencies from Valmiki, which are interspersed in the other books of the Ramacharitamanasa and not always without a reason, the fact remains of Tulasi Dasa's strict fidelity to the historical and chronological data in the narrative of the Sanskrit Ramayana; a fidelity of such a nature that, were there no other testimony, it would perhaps be sufficient to show that Tulasi Dasa, whilst writing, always This rulo admits of a few exceptions, which are mainly found in the Balao and Ayodhyakanda. I quote the throo which are the most striking in the above two books : (i). Tulas! DAsa places Rama Jámadagoya's episode immediately after the breaking of the bow and conse quentiy before Daçaratha's arrival at Mithill. [Válmiki represents it as taking place during Daçaratha's and Rama's return to Ayodhya); (ii). Tulasi Dasa makes Vigvamitra start from Mithild along with Daçaratha and sojourn in Ayodhyå for many days. It is in Ayodhya that Vigvamitra's story is related by Vasishtha and Vamadera. (Valmiki makes Viçvamitra start from MithilA before Daçaratha and has his story told in Mithild itself by Catapanda): (iii). Tulant Disa makes Guba cross the Gangå along with the three exiles and accompany them one or two atagos further. (Valmiki makes Rama dismiss Guha and Sumantra before crossing the Gang). It is most likuly that alterations in the order of succession, like the above, crept into the R.C.M. from some of the other sources, which were utilized by Tulasi Dasa. But that is not porhaps the case with all alterations of that kind. Take the following example: In the R.O.M. Lakshmana hears of Elma's banishment only as late as IT, 70, 1-2, namely after the permission given Siti to follow her husband into the oxilo. Now it is simply absurd that Lakshmana, Rama's inseparable companion, should have heard the news later than the eitisons, whose grief had boon described by Tulas! Disa long before. It is obvious that Tulant Disa, in his overdrawn laconism had quite forgotten to make any mention of Lakshmaņa at the proper place, and had to repair is omission when he had to relato how Rama, after giving Sits his consent, gave it to Lakshmana too. * The first half of the Balao and nearly the whole of the Uttarakanda, as they have no correspondent in the Ramdyana, but are a more addition to Rama's life, are of course beyond the scope of the present artiolo. Possibly the change in the title of the book from Yuddha to Lankakanda was not without its roagon, Page #280 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 276 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [DECEMBER, 1912, kept this source at hand and referred to it whenever his memory was failing him. Any diligent reader, who is patient enough to compare stanza for stanza the two poems, will easily be able to trace back the whole path trodden by Tulasi Dasa through the forest of Valmiki's Ramaya ça and to get a clear idea of his way of proceeding. To prove my assertion let me quote the three following passages of the Ramacharitamánasa, in which Tulasi Dasa, for accuracy's sake, retains some particulars found in Vâlmiki's poem, which, though they have their sufficient reason in the Sanskrit original, are not justifiable in the Hindi version, and look strange, or at least superfluous: 1. In Book II, 10, Tulasi Dasa, after having told us that Vasishtha, in obedience to Daçaratha's orders, went to Râma's house, in order to make him devote himself to the holy practices preliminary to consecration, adds that, having given his instructions to Rama, Vasishtha returned to the king (guru sikha dei raya pahim gayaú, II, 10, 4a). This particular, whilst corresponding exactly with Vâlmiki's narrative (C', II, 5,21 and following), looks quite superfluous in our poem, and is not in accordance with Tulasi Disa's continuous effort towards being as concise as possible. 2. In Book IV, 27, Tulasi Dâsa relates that the monkeys, having failed to get tidings of Sitâ, do not dare to return to Sugriva, but sit down on beds of kuça spread on the shore of the Ocean (baithe kapi saba darbha dasdi II, IV, 27, 106 ). It is obvious that Tulasi Dâsa has here in mind the prayopaveçana described by Vâlmiki in the 55th sarga (C and B') of the 4th Book, and, as he cannot afford himself to relate it fully and does not wish to omit it altogether, he contents himself with so imperfect an account, that is quite incomprehensible without a direct reference to his source. 3. In Book VII, 15, after having described Râma's consecration, Tulasi Dâsa introduces even the phalastuti, which in Valmiki comes immediately after it (C, VI, 128, 105 and following B, VI, 112, 12 and following), without perceiving that such a phalastuti, whilst being in its place in the Ramayana, which originally ended with the Yuddhakanda, is quite out of place in his poem, which is to end only with the Uttarakanda. Many other examples in corroboration of the above assertion, could be drawn from all those passages, where Tulasi Dâsa indicates by a most cursory allusion a Vâlmikinn episode deliberately omitted. Such allusions are often so incomplete and obscure that they seem to bear no meaning to any one who has not in mind the corresponding passages in the Ramayana, and we cannot understand why Tulasi Dâsa should have thrust them into his poem, unless we attribute to him the scrupulosity of a diligent historian, who feels himself bound to represent the facts in their full completeness and entireness. Here also I shall confine myself to only three examples: 1. The Vicvamitra episode is wholly omitted by Tulasi Dâsa and the following allusion is substituted for the story: muni-mana-agama Gádhisuta-karani mudita Basistha bipula-bidhi barani. I, 359, 6, which we find repeated after a few stanzas: Bamadeva Raghukula-guru jnání | bahuri Gádhisuta-katha bakhani | I, 861, 1; Sir G. Grierson, in his notice of the Italian edition of the present article (J. R. A. S., 1912, pages 794-798), finds my assumption, that Tulasf Dasa had a manuscript of the Ramayana by him and that he consulted it as he went along, not altogether justifiable. For, he observes, it cannot be thought that an Indian poet would labour on such lines. I feel I must heartily agree with him. My assumption was simply founded on the fact that I was unable to conceive Tulas! Disa's exactness in reproducing step by step and in its right arrangement the entire succession of incidents in Valmiki's poem as a mere case of memory. Following Jacobi's example (Das Ramayana, Gesch. u. Inhalt, eto., Bonn, 1893), I represent by C the northern (or commented) recension, by B the Bengalee, and by 4 the western one. Page #281 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ DECOMBER, 1912.) THE RAMACHARITAM ANASA AND THE RAMAYANA 277 2. The episode of the blind anchorite's son, whom Daçaratha killed in his youth, is thus alluded to in passing by Tulasi Dasa : tapasa-andha-sapa sudhi di Kausalyahiri sabu katha sundi ll II, 155, 4 ; 3. Sugriva's detailed narration to Rama of Valin's feats on the Dandubhi asura and the seven palm trees (C, IV, 11) is omitted by Tulasi Dasa and the mere statement is made instead that Sagriva showed Rama Dundabhi's bones and the palm-trees : Dundubhi-asthi tala dekhardye IV, 8, 12a. Many examples of this kind, as well as others, could be easily drawn from the Rimacharitamanasa as further arguments in favour of Tilasi Dasa's strict fidelity to the Rámuyana, but it would be superfluous to dwell any longer apon this point here, as the reader will find plenty of such arziments in parallel passages quoted later on. Having thas set the general rule that Talasi Dâsa, as far as possible, closely follows Vâlmiki's data without altering them, it remains to formulate exceptions and to ascertain out of what motives, extrinsic or intrinsic in the poet's mind, these have sprung. In what cases does Tulasi Dasa alter Valmiki's narrative ? and why? As regards a good many of the alterations we can give these questions a prompt and most positive answer. Tulasi Dasa does not write as objectively as Valmiki did. On the contrary, there is a moral ideal to which all his poetry is subjected, and a particular result which he wishes to bring out by means of his poem. He bas to relate facts in such a way as to convince his readers of Rama's divinity and to inspire them with faith and devotion. No wonder then that he alters Válmiki's facts, when these do not prove conformable to the tenets of his creed, as in that case alterations were an impelling necessity and quite justifiable from his particular point of view. This accounts for the total disguise of Râma's personality from the haman in the divine; the continual effort towards exalting his greatness and enhancing his virtues ; the omission or justification of all the particolars which would seem unbecoming to his majestic power; the exaggeration of the devotional feelings of all the people, who surround him or happen to come in contact with him, and the promotion to the rank of Rama's fervid votaries of all those who in the Ramayana either do Rama some great service (Hanumat, Sugriva, etc.), or, being his enemics, refrain from fighting against him, be it out of righteousness (Vibbishana), or be it out of fear (Maricha, Kalanemi). Particulars incompatible with the principle of Rama's divinity are not always silently passed over by Tulasi Dasa, but in some, indeed in most cases, they are maintained, but softened or explained as being mere illusions brought about by the Lord's mdhd; and this is another argument in favour of our assertion, that Tulasi Dasa as far as he can avoids altering the source. In some other cases, where both Rama and Laksbmaņa are concerned, unbecoming particulars are attributed to Lakshmana only. The same is the case with Sità, who-just as Helena never went to Troja according to Stesichoros' palinode-never went to Lanka, but was absorbed by the Fire, leaving on earth a void image of herself, and was given back by the Fire pure and untouched to Râma, after his victory over the rikshasas. Sita's repudiation and her being swallowed by the Earth, her mother, are quite naturally wanting in the Ramacharitamanasa. • There are other alterations, which are of a different nature and are not so easy to explain. In many instances it is difficult to make out why Tulnsi Dasa has varied Valmiki's narrative Let me add only the remark that such & Gorrospondence of the two pooms to one another is all the moro signifionnt, inasmuch as Tulast Dess is by no means & poet wanting in imagination, so that he would not bavo hesitated to overstep the limits laid down by Valmiki, had he deemed it permissible and wise. • To confine myself to a single example of facts of this kind, I may oito Kishkindakinda, 10, 4 and following where Tulasi Dasa maintains the partioular of Vklin's reproaching Rama for having killed bin by treachery, bat takes care to justify it by the romark: "VAlin, thongh full of affootion in his heart, yet with his mount uttered harsh words ..." Page #282 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 278 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [DECEMBER, 1912. when there was apparently no reason for doing so; and we cannot suppose he did it out of mere love of novelty, since the facts examined above bear irrefragable testimony of his respect for the Valmikian tradition. In my opinion these variations, which do not seem to have sprung from the necessity of removing some points in the old epic as being in open contrast with the moral and religious spirit of the new poem, have crept into the Ramacharitamánasa in sundry ways and are partly voluntary and partly involuntary. I would therefore distinguish : (a) The innovations, which Tulasi Dâsa knowingly introduced, conforming himself to other sources than the Ramayana. A clear allusion to those sources is made by the poet himself with the phrase kvacid anyato 'pi in the couplet quoted at the top of the present article ;10 (6) The innovations which Tulasi Dâsa introduced unconsciously without having any intention of swerving from Valmiki's path. These innovations, which, looking at their origin, we might more properly term mistakes or oversights, may be explained: (a) partly by supposing that the poet when composing those particular passages had not an exact vision of the Sanskrit text, but wrote from memory without perceiving that this was wrong; and (b) partly by considering that, in consequence of his continual effort to abridge and condense, when striving to constrain into a few verses the subject of several sargas of Valmiki, the poet may have involuntarily altered the appearance of the facts by relating them too concisely and defectively. Let me give an example illustrative of this second class of alterations. In Ayodhyalanda, 156, Tulasi Dâsa, just after having described Daçaratha's last moments, enters immediately into the description of the bemoanings of the queens, forgetting to remark that they took place only in the following morning, and then goes on to relate the grief of all the servants and citizens, as if all this had taken place during the very night of Daçaratha's death. Then he says: "In such lamentations the night was spent, (till in the morning) all great and learned sages arrived" (156, 8). Now, according to this description, it would seem that the sages had arrived in the morning subsequent to the night of the king's death, whilst according to Valmiki they arrive, or rather assemble, only in the morning of the second day. That Tulasi Dasa, when writing this passage, had in mind and was closely following the corresponding passages in the Rámáyana cannot be doubted, as it is sufficiently proved by No. 31 of the parallel passages quoted later-on. It is clear that Tulasi Dasa simply forgot to mention the breaking of the first day. In the same class of alterations is to be reckoned that which I would call the omission of the interval, and this is little short of a rule in the Ramacharitamanasa. Whenever in Valmiki's narrative there are two analogous events separated by an interval of not much importance and having the only effect of retarding the progress of the facts, Tulasi Dâsa passes over the interval and merges the two events. A few examples will explain the matter better: (a) In the Ayodhyakanda (C, 4 B, 3) Valmiki relates that Daçaratha calls Râma into his presence, and after having informed him of his intention of consecrating him yuvaraja, enjoins on him the performance along with Sitâ of the fast preliminary to the ceremony (first event). Râma takes his 10 Tracing these sources is not within the limits of the present article. Let me only point out that they are to be looked for especially amidst the Puranas, and the Adhyatmaramayana and the Vasishthasamh it& are probably two of them. Sir G. Grierson calls my attention to the fact that several commentators point to a Bhuçundiramayana also as having been largely utilized by Tulas! Dåsa, but this probably refers, as Sir G. Grierson himself seems inclined to suppose, only to the Kaka-Bhuçundi episode in the Uttarakatda, which being not included in Rima's life, lies outside our subject. On the whole my opinion concerning all these extraneous sources is that Tulast Dása availed himself more of their spirit, and in some cases of their artistic form, than of their substance. In reference to art he utilized also to some degree Kalidasa's Ragharamça, as is proved by the three quotations following: Ragh., XII, 2 R. C. M., II, 2,7; Ragh., XII, 5 R. C. M., II, 25; 10-11; Ragh., XII, 80 R. C. M. VI, 69, 7. Page #283 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ DEOXXBER, 1912.) THE RAMACHARITAMANASA AND THE RAMAYANA 279 - leave and goes in search of Sita and Kausalya, and finds both of them praying for him in the deatág dra. After having spoken to them, be returns to his own house (interval). Then Daçaratha sends Vasishtba to Râms to prescribe to him once more the performance of the fasting (C, 5 = B, 4) (second event). In Tulasi Dasa's poem we miss every trace of the interval and find the two events blended together, inasmuch as Daçaratha does not himself inform Râms of the proposed consecration, but from the very beginning sends Vasishțba to give him the information, as well as to prescribe to him the customary fast (R. C.M., II, 9-10); (6) In Valmiki's Aranyakanda (C, 19-20 = B, 25-26) Çûrpanakhâ, after having been mutilated by Lakshmana, goes in tears to her brother Khara and, being asked the reason of her grief, tells him of the insult she has suffered at the hands of the two Raghavas. Khara commits to fourteen rakshasas the task of revenging her ; she leads these champions against the Râghavas, but Râma destroys them (first event). Then Çûrpanakhâ returns back to Khara and keeps on weeping till he requests of her for a second time the reason of her tears. She tells him of the defeat of the fourteen rakshasas and for the second time begs for revenge (C, 21 = B, 27) (interval). Then Khara sends against Rama fourteen thousand rákshasas at the command of Dushana (C, 22 = B, 28) (second event). Tulasi Dåsa omits the interval and makes onte event of the two: the two expeditions are reduced to one, and this one of course no longer corresponds either to the first or to the second of the two, but is a mixture of both. So Tulasi Dasa describes his unique expedition as being led by Çûrpaņakhâu (like the first one in the Ramdyana) and as composed of fourteen thousand rakshatas (like the second one in the Ramayana) (R. C.M., III, 20); (c) In Velmiki's Yuddhakanda (C, 68=B, 47) Ravana laments Kumbhakaraa's death (first event). Then comes another terrible fight, in which Narantaka, Devintaka, Mahodara, Triciras, Mahapareva and Atikâya lose their lives (C, 69-71 = B, 48-51) interval). This gives Rêvana the opportunity of making other lamentations and getting into despair, till Indrajit comforts him with blustering promises (C, 73 = B, 52) (second event). Tulasi Dasa passes the whole interval over and makes Råvaņa lament only once, viz., after Kumbhakarna's death, and at this particular moment be consoled by Meghanada (R. C. M, VI, 72). In the same order of alterations are to be included all the anachronisms proceeding from Tulasf Dasa knowing already from Valmiki the result of every particular event, and anticipating by ascribing to the will of his personages facts, wbich in the Ramayana happen only afterwards, either by a mere chance, or as a natural consequence of previous occarrences. Thus he makes Agni himsell, when handing to Daçaratha the impregnating nectar, direct him to divide it into the proper portions (R. C.M., I, 189, 8); Viçvamitra demand from Daçaratha not only Ráma but also Lakshmana (R. C.M., I, 207, 10); Râma promise Sugriva that he will slay Valin with a single arrow (R. C.M., IV, 7, 15), etc. Turning to the rhetorical and artistic side of the Ramacharitamanasa, we shall have to notice the very contrary of what we have observed in regard to its contents. The fact is that Tulasi Dasa, whilst conforming himself closely to Valmiki as far as the particulars of Rama's life are concerned, directs on the other hand all his efforts towards acquiring an absolate independence from Valmiki's style and expressions. He displays the strongest aversion to availing himself of Valmiki's artistic resources and continuously takes the utmost care not to slide inadvertently into any imago, simile or phrase used by his predecessor. Whether it be the natural pride arising from the poet's consciousness of his own worth and, his consequent abhorrence of lowering himself to the humble position of an imitator, or whether it be the necessity of giving vent to his poetical genios and to bis rich imagination, or even the desire of giving his poem an appearance more in harmony Page #284 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 280 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [DECEMBER, 1912. with the taste of the new times and making it more easily understood and appreciated by the illiterate masses, the fact is that Tulasi Dâsa continually tries his best to keep clear of any imitation and to establish his own independence and originality. And he generally succeeds in this effort, so that in this respect he appears as the author of a new and original work, not of a rifacimento, and every one must acknowledge that however much Valmiki has been his source, Valmiki has not in the least been his model. No doubt a great part of the appearance of originality, which, makes the Ramacharitamanasa look so different from the Ramayana, is due to the different religious principles with which it is wholly infused and to the different genius of the language in which it is clothed. I do not mean by this to refer to the general impressions one may derive from reading the poem. I have already pronounced myself in favor of a positive criterion for solving any question of dependence of one work upon another, and accordingly I avoid general impressions here also and confine myself to the comparison of parallel passages of the two poems. It is such a comparison, carried on patiently for the entire length of Rama's life, that has led me to the abovementioned conclusion: viz., that it is Tulasi Dâsa's deliberate wish to keep himself as independent as possible from Valmiki's expressions and that he tries continually to represent the facts in a new light, in order to make new impressions on the minds of his hearers and readers. This conclusion is chiefly deducted from the following observations: (1) Tulasi Dâsa, though generally bent towards summarizing and condensing, dwells, often intentionally, on particulars hastily dealt with by Valmiki, and passes over or refers to by a simple allusion particulars which Valmiki has treated at some length. As an example illustrative of the first series of cases, I quote the episode of Angada's embassy to Râvana, which is circumscribed by Valmiki within a few slokas (C, VI, 41, 59 and B, VI, 16, 60 and ff), whilst Talast Dasa enlarges it enormously (R. C. M., VI, 17-35). The second series of cases is sufficiently illustrated by all those Vâlmikian episodes, which Tulasi Dâsa omits or mentions by a hurried and obscure allusion, and these have been already dealt with in the antecedent pages; (2) Talasi Dasa makes a constant endeavour not to reproduce Vâlmiki's similes and in parallel passages always replaces them by new ones, mostly of his own making; (3) Tulasi Dâsa generally disdains to utilize words, appellatives or epithets used by Valmiki in parallel passages and substitutes synonyms for them.12 In spite of his continual efforts to keep clear of any imitation of Valmiki's art, Tulasi Das: nevertheless falls at times inadvertently into the very traps he wishes to avoid, and reproduces some turn of expression from the Ramayana in the very words used by Valmiki, or appropriates to himself some of his predecessor's similes. However scanty may be the number of these Valmikian reminiscences interspersed within the Ramacharitamánasa, and however difficult 11 His aversion to dwell upon particulars well known or largely and magisterially described by others is openly avowed by Talas! Dåss himself in more than one passage. For example, after having rapidly related Sati's suicide, he says: yaha itihasa sakala jaga jana ta tem maim samchhepa bakkand (This story all the world knows, therefore I have described it briefly) (R. C. M., I, 85, 4). A similar remark may be seen after the allusion to Kartikeya's birth and deeds (R. C. M., I, 103, 9-10). Tulasi Dâsa's tendency to give his descriptions a different length from Valmiki's had been already noticed by Growse: "In other passages, where the story follows the same lines, whatever Valmiki has condensed-as for example the description of the marriage festivities-Tulas! Dåsa has expanded; and wherever the elder poet has lingered longest, his successor as hastened on most rapidly" (Introduction to his Translation, page iv). 12 Though a good many of such substitutions by synonyms may be explained as prosodial necessities, yet t cannot be so in all cases. A few instances illustrative of the different cases are: Brahma-datta for Svayambhudatta (see parallel passage No. 79), sahodara for sodarya (see parallel passage No. 77), påvaka-sara for astram agnsyam (see parallel passage No. 7), Chandram& for Niçahara (R. C. M., IV, 29), Meghanada for Indrajit, eto. Page #285 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ DECEMBER, 1912.) TEE RAMACHARITAM ANASA AND THE RAMAYANA 281 may be the task of recognizing them, owing to the great change they have undergone in being transferred to a language so different from the Sanskrit and to a style so different from the rich style of the epic, yet by diligent inquiries they can still be brought to light; and are important in so far as they supply us with the surest evidence that Talast Dasa did actually and directly draw ou the Sanskrit Ramayana. Before entering on the exhibition and illustration of the most striking of these Valmikian reminiscences still to be found in the Ramacharitamanasa, and thereby adducing the proofs of what I have been affirming up to now, I deem it necessary to solve the question as to which recension of the Ramayana was used by Tulasi Dasa. A careful analysis of the Hindi poem has enabled me to conclude that Tulasi Dasa did not always follow the same recension of the Sanskrit poem, but that, though he usually followed B, he knew and largely followed also C (and may be even A). Tulasi Daga's inconsistency as regards a model recension becomes apparent at a first glance, if We only look at the limits he has assigned to the single books. After the pattern of the Rdmdyana, the Ramacharitamanasa, too, is divided into seven kandas, but the lines of the partition within the Hindi poem and within each of the three recensions of the Sanskrit poem do not coincide with each other. Tulasi Dása, however, does not follow an independent course generally, but conforms himself either to the one or to the other of the recensions, as can be seen from the following synopsis : Balakanda: Ends in the R. C.M. as in C, A, and in the main as in B also, for the substanco of sarga: 79-80, which B adds to the Balakanda thereby differing from C, A, has not been iatroduced by Tulast Dåsa into his poem. Ayodhyakanda: Ends in the R. C. M. as in B, A ; whilst C adds to it five other sargas. Aranyakdnda: Ends in the R. C. M. as in B, A ; whilst C falls short of a sarga, Kishkindhalanda: Ends in the R. C. M. 43 in C; A adds to it one more sarga, whilst B enda the kanda four sargas before C. Surdarakanda: Ends in the R. C. M. a sarga before than in B; A concords with B bat adds two sargas which fail in B, C; C ends the kinda a score of sargas before. Lankakanda: Ends in the R. C. M. as the Yuddhakanda in A, B, C. Uttarakanda: Differs entirely in the R. C. M. By comparing single passages in the Ramacharitamanasa with their corresponding ones in the Ramdyana, and chiefly by examining the particulars, exclusive either of B or of O, that have been accepted by Tulasi Dasa, I have been able to conclude with certainty that Talasi Dasa follows and B alternately, and to fix the limits and recurrence of these alternations as follows: (1) Tulasi Dasa follows from the beginning of Rama's life (C, I, 18) till Râma's arrival at the Chitrakata (C, II, 56); (2) Tulasi Dasa follows B from Sumantra's return to Ayodhya (B, (C), II, 57) till tbo end of the Aranyakanda and may be even further on for a good part of the Kishkindhakanda ; (3) Tulasi Dasa follows C front the beginning of the Sundarakanda till Råma's ascension on the Suvela after bridging the Ocean (C, VI, 40); (4) Tulasf Dass follows B from the beginning of the combats with the rakshasas (B, VI, 17 EO, VI, 42) down to the end of the Yuddhakanda. Each of the above items represents a conclusion from a se.ies of evidence drawn from examining all passages which are found in only one of the two recensions of the Ramd yana (B, C,) and either bave no correspondence at all with the other or differ greatly from it. All this evidence w invariably unilateral within each of the four partitions, i. e., within the limits of the first and Page #286 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 282 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (DECEMBER, 1912. third partition, Tulasi Dasa follows exclusively, and within the limits of the second and fourth partition follows B exclusively. These deductions ara chiefly derived from the following points of examination : 1: T. D. TOLOws C. (1) R. C.M., I, 191, 14 = C, I, 18, 80 (B wanting). [Ráma is born on the ninth day of the Chaitra-month). See parallel No. 2, below (2) R. O. M., I, 210, $ = C, I, 30, 18"(B differing). Maricha is struck so forcibly by Rama's sbaft that he falls a hundred yojanas away 1 In B we miss the number. See parallel No. 6; (3) R. C. M., II, 6, 1-4=C, II, 3, 6-20 (B wanting). [Vasishtha in compliance with Daçaratha's request enamerates the customary thing required for Råma's consecration); (4) R. C.M., II, 37, 24 = C, II, 13, 17) (B wanting). See parallel No. 17; (5) R. C, M., II, 38, 39,1 = C, II, 14, 559-64* (B differing). [Samantra gous to wake Dararatha and is commanded by Kaikeyi to fotch Rama at once). Ia B, not Ksikeyi bat Dazaratha himself, spurred on by Kaikeyi, gives Sumantra tha order to fetch Rûma ; (6) R. O. M., II, 86, 1-8=C, II, 47 (B wanting). [The citizens that follow Rama to the woods get up in the morning and noticing Rims's disappearance burst into lamentations; then, being anable to find out the tracks of his chariot, return to Ayodhyâ]. See parallel No. 25; (7) R.O.M., II, 124, 6 and f.=C, II, 56, 13-17 (B wanting). [The three oxiles reach Valmiki's hermitage). 2: T. D. follows B. (1) R. C.M., II, 152, 39 and ff.=B, II, 58, 22 and ff. (C differing). [Samsatra relates to Dagaratha the messages of Rama and Lakshmana). C (II, 58, 11 and ff.) says the same as B, but the referenco to B is more persuasive. See parallel No. 28; (2) R. C.M., II, 155, 9-10 = B, II, 66, 67-68 (C differing). [Daçaratha breathes his last invoking: "Rima! Rama!" ]. (8) R. C.M., II, 163, 1 and 8.= B, II, 77, 6 and #. (C, II, 78, 5 and #.) [Catrughna illtreats Manthara). This takes place in the R. C. M. as well as in B after Bharata's reproach to Kaikeyi, whilst in C it takes place only thirteen days after Daçaratha's obsequies ; (4) R. C.M., II, 169, 7-8=B, II, 79, 89-40 and 80-81 (C wanting). [On the morning following the day of Bharata's arrival, Daçaratha's ministers congregate the assembly and in that meeting Vasishtha consoles and admonishes Bharata]; (5) R. C. M., II, 281, 66 = B, II, 80, 15 (C wanting). See parallel No. 39; (6) In the R. C.M., the Ayodhyakanda ends at the same point as in B (C adds to it also the five sargas with which the Arany akan da begins in B: C, II, 116-119); (7) R. C. M., III, 1-3=B, II, 105 (C wanting). [Description of Råma's and Sita's pastimes on the Chitrakûça and episode of the crow]. This sarga B, II, 105 is quoted by Ramsvarman in bis commentary as a prakshi pta after sarga C, 11, 95 Page #287 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ DECEMBER, 1912.] THE RAMACHARITAMANASA AND THE RAMAYANA (8) R. C. M., III, 19, 7=B, III, 28, 25 (C wanting). See parallel No. 43; (9) R. C. M., III, 19, 11" = B, III, 23, 45 (C wanting). See parallel No. 44; (10) R. C. M., III, 21, 1= B, III, 30, ss (O wanting). See parallel No. 45; (11) R. C. M., III, 22, 40=B, III, 31, 25-25 (C wanting). See parallel No. 46; (12) R. C. M., III, 22, 25-30 =B, III, 31, 46-47 (C wanting). See parallel No. 48; (13) In the R. C. M., the Aranyakanda ends at the same point as in B. (The sarga which B considers as the last of the Aranyakanda is included by C in the Kishkin dhakanda.) 3: T. D. follows O. (1) In the R. C. M., the Kishkindhakanda ends at the same point as in C, vis., after the deliberation on the leaping over the Ocean. (B includes this deliberation in the Sundarakanda); (2) R. C. M., V, 1,9-8, 6-C, V., 1, 85-187 (B differing). [Hanumat in his way through the sky meets firstly Mainâka, then Surasa, and lastly Simhika]. In B the order of succession is changed: Surasa, Mainâka, Simhika; (3) R. C. M., V, 4= C, V, 3, 20-51 ((A), B wanting). [Hanunit's meeting with Lanka (= Lankapurddhishthairidevatd) in C; with the Laukini rakshasi in the R. C. M.]13 (4) R. C. M., V, 26, 8" = R. C. M., V, 26, 4 R. C. M., V, 26, 8-9 = in the R. C. M.J See parallel No. 75. (1) R. C. M., VI, 6-8 C, V, 54, 40 C, V, 54, 35-33 C, V, 54, 49 See parallel No. 67; (5) R. C. M., V, 60, 5-6=C, VI, 22, 27-39 (B wanting). [The Ocean prays Rama to shoot at the Drumakulya the arrow he has fitted to his bow and Râma complies with the request]; (6) R. C. M., VI, 18-C, VI, 40 ( (4), B wanting). [Overthrowing of Ravana's crowns at the hands of Sagriva in the Ramayana, of Râma R. C. M., VI, 14-16 R. C. M., VI, 36-37 283 } } (B wanting). 4: T. D. follows B. B, VI, 33, 8-34 (C wanting). [Mandodar! tries to persuade Ravana to give up fighting against Râma; but he answers by boasting of his own strength]. This scene is found only once in B, but is repeated three times in the R. Q. M. (2) R. C. M., VI, 56-60 B, VI, 82 (C wanting). [Hanumat goes to fetch the herb that will heal Lakshmana and meets on his way two obstacles: Bharata and Kâlanemi. This is according to B. Tulasi Dâsa on the whole keeps close to 18 Tulas! Dasa varies somewhat the episode, but does not alter it in its general lines. Brahma's prophesy is identical even in the expression both in the Ramacharitamânasa as well as in the Ramayana. Page #288 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 284 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [DECEMBER, 1912. B, but makes Hanumat meet firstly Kalanemi and then Bharata, and represents him as being actually brought down by Bharata's arrow (80 !)]; (8) R. C.M., VI, 61, 7-8b = B, VI,24, 76-99 (C wanting). See parallel No. 77; (4) R. C. M., VI, 63, 5-6 = B, VI, 40, 30 and X. (C wanting). [Kumbhakarna declares to Rävaņa Nárada's prophecy]; (5) R. C. M., VI, 106, 910 = B, VI, 92, 74-76 (C wanting). See parallel No. 82; (6) R. C. M., VI, 108, 11 = B, VI, 99, 92 and fr.(C wanting). See parallel No. 83. I regret that the absence of an edition has prevented me from extending my inquiries to the A recension too. The only work on A, that has been accessible to me, is that by Hans Wirtz, 14 which exhibits tables of concordances between A and the two other recensions, but these are too concise and vague to serve for any detailed comparison and to lead to precise results. The only point of connection between the Ramacharitamanasa and 4, that I have been able to ascertain, refers to the sarga A, VI, 82, (wanting in B and C) which has its perfect correspondence in R. C.M., VI, 85. The substance of the passage is as follows: “Rama, informed by Vibhishaņa that Râvaņa is performing a sacrifice that will make him invincible, despatches Hanumat with other monkeys to interrupt it. These enter Ravana's palace and try in every way to distract his attention by provoking him with all sorts of insults, but they do not succeed. At last, seeing no other meang, they seize the quoens by the hair and drag them away, till the soreams of the poor women crying for help induce Ravaņa to interrupt his sacrifice and ran to their rescue." Such is Tulasi Dasa's narrative, which is in perfect conformity with the summary of the sarga 4, VI, 82 as given by Hans Wirtz, pages 35-36. Since this sarga on the Mandodarikeçagrahana is wholly unknown to both B and C, it is beyond doubt that Tulasi Dasa has derived it either from A directly or from some other source proceeding from A. Having thus smoothed the way by removing these questions, let us proceed directly to a close view of those Valmikian reminiscences, which can be still found within the Ramacharitamdnasa, and which, considering Tulasi Dasa's aversion to imitating his predecessor's art, are the surest proof it favor of the proposition we have boen advancing and maintaining. Of course, it is not so much the single coincidences, which might often be quite casual and insignificant, as the whole of them taken together that may be expected to lend the most forcible argument in elacidation of our Assertions. Balakanda, (1) The monkeys, Rima's future helpmates, are described with the same epithets in the R. as in the R. C. M.: C, 1, 17, 254-280 (B, I, 20, 136-14%): R.C.M., I, 188, 4": çilâprabaranaḥ sarve sarve parvata godhina) || 25 || nakhada- giri-taru-nakha-ayudha saba ... mahtrayudhaḥ sarve.... and are represented as having resorted to the mountains and to the woods : C, 1, 17, 32® (B, I, 20, 20): R. C. M., I, 188, 5: .... ninaridhañ chhailän kananâni ca bhejire 1. giri kanana jaham tahan bhari pûri i rahe.... (2) Ráma is born on the ninth day of the Chaitra or Madhu month: C, I, 18, 86 (B wanting): R.C.M., I, 191, 19: tatac os dvadaco mase Chaitre navamike tithau 11 8 ll. navant tithi Madhu-masa panita I. 14 Die westliche Rexonsion des "Ramayana," von Hans Wirtz, Bonn, 1894. Page #289 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ DECEMBER, 1912.] THE RAMACHARITAMANASA AND THE RAMAYANA (3) Rama is always in company with Lakshmana. With him he goes hunting: C, I, 18, 31-32 (B, I, 19, 24): R. C. M., I, 205, 1: yada hi hayam ârûdho mṛigayâm yâti Raghavah || 81 || bandhu sakbâ sanga lehim bolai | athai 'nam prishṭhato 'bhyeti.... bana mrigaya nita khelabim jai |; in company with him he takes his meals: C, I, 18, 31 (B, I, 19, 23): mrishtam annam upânitam açnâti na hi tam vinâ | Rama is always obedient to his parents: C, I, 18, 28 (B wanting): 1. R. C. M., I, 205, 46: mâtu pitâ ajña anusarahim | .... pitul çuçrûshane rataḥ This last coincidence, which at first sight might look quite casual, becomes important if we consider that it occupies the same and identical place in each of the two poems. Upon the whole there is no doubt that Tulasi Dasa directly knew and largely utilized Valmiki's sarga C, I, 18. (4) In the R. C. M. Visvamitra tries to persuade Dagaratha to give bim Râma and Lakshmana, and protests that this will be beneficial to him and to his sons too. Both these arguments can be traced back to the R: R. C. M., I, 205, 4: anuja sakha samga bhojana karahim | C, I, 19, 15-16 (B, I, 22, 16): R. C. M., I, 207, 12: yadi te dharmalabham tu yaçar cha paramam bhuvi || 15 || dharma sujasa prabhu tuma kaum. sthiram ichch basi râjendra Râmam me dâtum arhasi | C, I, 19, 10: greyaç châ'smai pradâsyâmi... (B, I, 22, 11: vidye châ'smai prayachchhâmi...) 285 C, I, 30, 18: sampurnamn yojana çatam ksiptah sugarasamplave || 18 || (In B we miss the number). inha kaham ati kalyana || (5) Tâdakâ's attack is depicted with the same stereotyped expression in both the poems: C, I, 26, s (B, I, 29, 7): çrutva châ 'bbyadravat kruddha... R. C. M., I, 209, 58: suni Tâdakâ krodha kari dhai | The persuasiveness of this particular parallel is intensified by the fact that suni and krodha kari are not so well justified in the R. C. M. as gruted and kruddhd are in the R. In the Sanskrit poem Tâ lakâ hears the terrible twang (jyaghosa) of Rama's bow and, feeling herself provoked by it, gets into a fury; but in the Hindi poem suni has no direct object, and the only obvious object of which it admits, viz., the voice of Vięvamitra who was pointing out Tâdakâ to Râma, does not seem a sufficient reason for the rakshasi's fierce wrath. (6) Maricha, smitten by Rama with an arrow, is driven a hundred yojanas to the other side of the Ocean (in the R., into the Ocean): C, I, 74, 19 (B, I, 76, 20): skandhe châ 'sajjya paraçum dhanur vidyudgaṇopamam | pragrihya çaram ugram cha... R. C. M., I, 210, 46: sata jojana gå sågara-pârâ || . (7) In the R. C. M. (I, 210, 54) Rama slays Subâhu with a pavaka-sara, which corresponds to the astram agneyam mentioned in the parallel passage of the R. (C, I, 30, 22; B, I, 33, 194). (8) The chief lines in the description of Rama Jamadagnya are identical in both the poems: C, I, 74, 17" (B, I, 76, 186) jatamandaladhârinam | R. C. M., I, 268, 5: sisa jatâ... R. C. M., I, 268, 8: dhanu sara kara kuthara kala kâmdhe || Page #290 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 286 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [DECEMBER, 1912. In the R. Râma tells Paraçurâma that he spares him only on account of his being a Brahmana; in the R. C. M. we find the same words uttered by Lakshmaņa: C, I, 76, 6 (B, I, 77, 40) R.O.M., I, 276, 6: brahmaņo 'st'ti půjyo me ... tasmâch chhakto na bipra bicbari baobati ... to Rama moktam pranabaram çaram 11 6 ll. (9) On the morning after the marriages of his four sons, Daçaratha gots ap very early and bestows upon the Brahmaņas 400 thousand cows : C, I, 72, 216-23 (B, I, 74, 278-29): R. C.M., I, 380, 84: prabhâte kâlyam utthaya chakre godinam attamam || 21 11 bade bhora bhupati-mani jâge 1 gavam catasahasram cha brâhmaņebhyo naradhipah ekai- R. C. M., 1, 381, 8-3 : kaço dadau raja putran uddiçya dharmatah | 22 || suvar- châri lachchba bara dhena mangal| nacringyah sampannah suvatsâh kamsyadobanâb I gavain Kimasurabbi sama sila suhai || Baba çatagahasrapi chatvari purusharshabhah || 23 11. bidhi sakala alam kļita kiabimudi. ta mahipa mahiderada dinhill. (To be continued.) AJIVIK AS.1 BY D. R. BHANDARKAR, M.A.; POONA, It has been long since recognised that the Âjivikas of Asoka's Pillar-edict VII were the same As the Ajiviyas of the Jaina scriptures and the Ajirakas of the Buddhist canon, And Prof. Kern was the first to contend that they were an ancient ascetic order, worshipping Narayana, i.e., subdivision of the Vaishṇavas. This view he has set forth in Der Buddhismus und seine Geschichte in Indien, Vol. II. It was countenanced by Prof. Bühler, who in his paper on "The Barabar and Nagarjunt hill cave inscriptions of Asoka and Dasaratha" says as follows: "As Professor Kern's work will not be accessible to the majority of Indian readers, I shall try to give a briel exposition of his arguments, regarding which he has kindly furnished me some faller information. Assuming, as must be done, that the Âjivikas of our inscriptions are the same as those named in Aboka's seventh Pillar-ediot, he translates the words 1. 4-5: nem-eva bdbhandou Ajlvik&ou-pi-ms kalê ima viyapata hóhahti-ti by Likewise I have arranged it that these (Dharma mahdmatras) will. be occupied also with the Brâhmaņical Ajivikas.' With the information thus elicited from the Pillar-edict, he combines the statements of Utpals regarding the Âjivikas, who are mentioned in Varahamihira's Brihat-Jdtaka, XV. 1, together with the Viddhasravakas, the Nirgrantbas or Jainas, and other ascetics. Utpala says in his commentary: djivika-grahana cha Nardyan. dýritandin, "and the use of (the term) Âjivika refers to those who have taken refage with Narayana," and in support of this explanation, brings forward two Prâksit passages, introducing them with the words: tatha cha tan [read tathd ch=aiva] Kalakdcharyah "and thus (saya) also Kalakacharya," In the first of these passages the term éadandia, i.e., ékadandin, "(an ascetic) carrying one staff" instead of the usual triple staff) is used for Ajirika and in the second a longer explanation is given, which Utpala renders by Késapamdrga-dikshitah Késapabhaktah Bhagarata ity=arthah." Prof. Bühler further adds that Prof. Kern's "confidence in the statements of Utpala appears justifiable, because the latter are supported by so ancient a writer as Kalakacharys, The Kilakacharya, quoted by him, is in all probability the famous Jaina teacher, who is said to have In Jone 1902 I communicated a note on the Ajtvikas to the Jour. Bomb. As. Soc., which has been published in ito Vol. XXI, p. 399 . This paper, though it has attracted the attention of some of the reputed scholar, does pot seem to have been largely rond, I, therefore, roredit it here in slightly roonst form apd embodying the latest information available to me * Aboye, Yol. XX, p. 362, Page #291 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ DECEMBER, 1912.] AJIVIKAS 287 changed the date of the Pajjusan festival in the year 993 after Vira, or A. D. 466. The identification is suggested by the fact that Utpala's Kalakâcharya is the anthor of a work on astrology and that the Jainas ascribe to their latest Kalakackarya an innovation which presupposes the study of astronomy. If thus the author, quoted by Utpala, belongs to the fifth century, his statements deserve to be treated with all due respect." It will thus be seen that, according to Professors Kern and Bübler, the Ajivikas are Vaishnavas. This view rests on two passages from Utpala's commentary on Varábamihira's Brihajjataka. The first passage is: Ajiriku-grahanani cha Narayan-dsritanam, which Prof. Kern renders by " and the use of (the term) Ajivika refers to those who have taken refuge with Narayana." The second passage is a quotation from Kalakacharya, which Utpala renders by the Sanskrit Kesava-mélrga-dikshitah Kesara-bhaktah Bhágavata=ity=arthah and which, Prof. Kern suppores, shows that the Jaina teacher regards Ajivikas as Bhigarata8, Now, in the first place, the translation proposed by Prof. Kern for the first passage is not correct. That this is the case will be seen from the following extract from Utpala's commentary on Brihajjataka XV. 1: एकस्यैश्वसुरादिभिर्बलयुतैर्जाताः पृथग्वीर्यगैः शाक्याजीविकभिक्षवृद्धचरका निर्मन्यवन्याशनाः। माहेयज्ञगुरुक्षपाकरसितप्राभाकरीनैः क्रमात् प्रव्रज्या बलिभिः समा परिजिस्तत्स्वामिभिः प्रच्युतिः ॥ तत्रादावेव चनुरादिभिरेकस्थैर्महर्जातस्य प्रव्रज्यायोगं शार्दूलविक्रीडितेनाह ।। एकस्थैरिति । यत्र तत्र राशी पहा. अनुरादयश्चत्वारः पञ्च षट् सप्त वा एकस्थायदा भवन्ति । सर्वे बलहीनास्तदा जातस्य प्रव्रज्या न भवति। तेषां चतुरादीनां एकत्रगानां मध्यायकोऽपि बलवान्भवति तदैव प्रव्रज्याः भवन्ति । थवा बहवो बलिनस्तदा बहवः प्रव्रज्या भवन्ति । एवमेकस्यैश्चतुरादिभिर्यलयुतर्जाताः प्रव्रज्याभाजो भवन्ति । यस्मादुक्तं ॥ प्रव्रज्या बलिभिः समा || ताश्च पृथग्वीर्यगे: शाक्यादयो भवन्ति । वीर्यगैलिभिर्महै:पृथक् समस्ता भवन्ति शाक्यादीनां माहेयादयो पहा यथोक्कक्रमेण ॥ तद्यथा ॥ चतुरादीनामेकस्थानां मध्यायदा बलवान्माहेयो भवति सदा शाक्यो भवति । शाक्यी रक्तपटः । अथ चतुरादिनां मध्यायश ज्ञो बुधो बलवान्भवति तदा भाजीविको भवति । आजीविकश्चैकदण्डी । एवं जीयो बलवान्यदा भवति तदा भिक्षुर्भवति । संन्यासी ज्ञेय । यदा चन्द्रो बलवान् तदा वृद्धावको भवति । वृत्तभंगभयात् श्रावकशब्दो लुप्तो द्रष्टव्यः। वुद्धभावकः कपाली | शुक्र बलवति चरको भवति । चरको चक्रधर: । सौरे बलवति निर्मन्थः निर्मन्थी नन्नः क्षपणकः प्रावरणादिरहितः । भादित्ये बलवति वन्याशनो भवति । वने भवं वन्थं तदमातीति वन्याशनः । तपस्वी मूलफलाशनः। एवं क्रमापत्रज्यापर्यायः। एते च कालकमताव्याख्याताः। तथा च कालकाचार्यः ॥ तावसिभी दिणणाहे चंदे कावालिभंतहा भणिों । रत्तवडो भूमिसुवे सोमसुवे एभदण्डी अ ।। देवगुरुशुक्क-कोणा कवेण जई-चरम-खवणाई ।। अस्यार्थ; । तावसिभी तापसिका। विणणाहे दिननाये। चंदे चन्द्रे । कावालिभं कापालिकः । तहा भणिभं तथा भणितः । रत्तवडो रक्तपदः। भूमिसुवे भूमिसुते । सोमसुवे सोमसुते । एभवण्डी भएकदण्डी च | देवगुरुवृहस्पतिः शुक शुक्रः । कोणः शनिः । कर्वण क्रमेण | जई यतिः | चरभ चरकः । खवणाइंक्षपणकः। भत्र वृद्धश्रावकमहणं महेश्वराश्रितानां प्रत्रज्यानामुपलक्षणं | आजीविकमहणं च नारायणाश्रितानां । तथा च कालकसहितायां पश्यते । जलण-हर-मुगभ-केसव-सुइ-अम्ह-जग्ग-मग्गसु विकाणं । णाभन्या सराइ-गहा कमेण नाह गऊं ॥ अस्यायः जलण ज्वलनः | सामिक इत्यर्थः। हर ईश्वरभक्तः। भहारकः। सुगम सुगतः। बौद्ध इत्यर्थः । केसव केशवभक्तः। भागवत इत्यर्थः। सर श्रुतिमार्गरतः। मीमांसकः। ब्रम्ह ब्रह्मभक्तः। वानप्रस्थः । नग्ग नमः । क्षपणका । मग्गेस मागें । दिकाणं दीक्षानांणाभध्या ज्ञातव्याः सुराइगहा सूर्यादिमहा। कमेण क्रमेण | नाह गऊनाथ गतः। Now, with regard to the first passage Ajfvika-grahanari cha Narayan-dáritandın, it is plain that the word cha indicates that it is connected with the preceding sentence, and that consequently the words praprajydndm=upalakshanam from the latter, require to be understood after Nardyam agritándin in the former passage. Prof. Kern, however, not perceiving the force of cha takes Ajivika-grahanasin cha Narayan-diritdnam as a sentence distinct in itself. Evidently, therefore, he cannot be right in translating it by "and the use of the term) Ajivika refers to those who have taken refuge with Narayaņa." The true rendering of the passage ought to be : "and (the term) Another reading: भिक्षुत्रिदण्डी यतिः' • Another reading: चकरस्त्रिः . Page #292 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 288 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (DECKY BÉR, 1912. Ajivika is ased as a mark to denote the monastic orders seeking refuge with Narayana." Hero the most important word is upalakshana, which Prof. Kero has entirely lost sight of. Upalakshana means a mark indicative of something that the word itself does not actually express. Sanskrit commentators often employ the word upalakshanı, when they want a certain Word or expression in the original to denote things, not, truly speaking, signified by that word or expression. And precisely the same practice is followed here by Utpals. To understand this fully and also the real significance of the two passages, on the misinterpretation of which Prof. Kern's view is based, it is necessary to comprehend the gist of Varahamihira's stanza and Utpala's commentary thereon, quoted above. According to Varábamihira, a man turns a recluse when four or more planets are elustered together in one and the sam) zodiacal division at the time of his birth and at least one of them is powerful. And according as this powerful planet is the Sun, Moon, Mars, Mercury, Jupiter, Venus or Saturn, he becomes a vanyajána, Vșiddha(sråvaka], Sâkya, Ajivika, bhikshu, Charaka or Nirgratha. Utpala tells us that Varaha nibira has made this enumeration on the authority of Kalakacharya. The latter's verse Tdcasio diņaņdhe, etc., is thon cited, which tells us that a man becomes a Tậpasika, Kâpâliks, raktapata, Ekadaşı, yați, Charaka or Kshapanaka when the predominant planet is Surya, Chan Ira, etc. The Tåpasika, Kâpâlika, etc., of this versc are taken by Utpala to correspond to the vanydsdna, Viddha-érâvaka, etc., of Varahamihira. How far this procedure of Utpala is justifiable I leave it to scholars to determine. But certain it is that he would have us take Vriddha-srayaka and Ajivika to mean K&palika and Ekadandi. Now, there is another verse of Kalakacharya, which also informs us wbat kind of recluse a man becomes under precisely these astrological conditions. The list of ascetic denominations mentioned in this rerse agrees with that previously given except in two points. These exceptions are llarabhakta or Mahesvar-dárita and Kesavabhakta or Nardyan dirita, and, as this second verse of Kalakacharya saye, a man becomes one of these according as the powerful planet is Chandra or Budha. But it has been just stated above that in the same astrological conditions he becomes Vriddha gravaka (Kâpâlika) or Ajtvika (Ekadaņdi). Hence arises the necessity, says Utpala, of understanding Vșiddha-bravaka and Ajirika of the original stanza as marks (upalakshana) denoting Mahesvar-Asrita and Når dyan-ágrita. Thus, according to Utpala, Ajtvika does not signify Narayan-dorita, - Kosava-bhakta, or Bhagavata, as Prof. Kern supposes, but simply indicates it; and it is equally incontrovertible that Kalakacharya also nover held such a view. The theory propounded by Prof. Kern and upheld by Bühler that the Ajfvikas are Vaishnavas bas, therefore, no grounds at all to stand apon. It will not be out of place, I think, if a short account of these Ajirikas 18 given with a view to point out who they were. My work here will be principally that of bringing some of the scattered rays to a focus. The founders of this monastic order were Nanda-Vachchha, Kisa-Sakichchba, And Makkhali Gosála, of whom the last is by far the most famous, as he is one of the six wellknown teachers mentioned in Buddhist scriptures. Baddhag bosha tells us that an Âjivika is nagga-pabbajito, Ajfvikas are also described as achela", i.e., unclothed. And, in confirmation of this, there are at least two stories forthcoming from the Vinaya-pitaka. According to the first, which is in the Maharagga,' while the Buddha and the Bhikshus were once staying in the Anathapiņdikasrama in Jetavana at Srävasti, it began to rain all over the world. The Buddha informed the Bhikshas that that was the last nighty storm over the whole world, and consequently asked them to let themselves be rained down upon. The Bhikshus accordingly divested themselves of their robes, and exposed their bodies to rain. On that very day, Visakha, mother of Migira, was engaged in preparations for a feast to the Buddha and his Bhiksbus. When the preparations were over, she sent her maid-servant to the Buddha to intimate that dinner was ready. • Jour, R. 41. Soc. for 1998, p. 197. • Jdlaka I. 300. X. VIII. 15, 8-6. Page #293 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ Don , 1912.) AJIVIKAS 289 When the maid-servant approached the Anâtbapiņdikáérams, she saw the naked Bhikshus, bet concluded from their being naked that they were Ajivikas. The other story, which is from tho Nissaggiya, is, that, while « few Bhikshas left Saketa for Sravasta, they were waylaid by robbers, who deprived them of their robes. Being forbidden by the Buddha to ask for another garment, they wont naked to Srävast to meet the other Bhikshus there. But the latter instead of recognising them as mendicants of their order, misteek them for Ajfvikas as they were unclotbed. The Ailvikas covered their bodies with dust, and ate the ordure of a calf. They were noted for Ascetic practices of the most rigorous kind. Some of the austerities they practiced are mentioned in one Jataka to have been "painful squatting on heels, swinging in the air like bats, reclining on thorns, and scorching themselves with fire fires.lo Again, as first pointed out by Prof. Bühler, they branded the hands of their novice with a heated ball.11 Their doctrine has been admirably cummed up by the Buddha in the words s-atthi kammanh n-atthi kiriyanı n-atthi viriyanti13 They were thus complete fatalino. The Ajivikas appear to have been in éxistence long before the rise of Buddhism. The most celebrated exponent of their doctrines in the time of the Buddha was Makkhali Gosala. But ho was only the third of their teachers, the two preceding ones being Nanda Vachchba and Kiss Samkichchhs. They seem to have been of some consequence during the Maurya period. The Barabar and Nâgârjanf cave inscriptions's show that these caves had been excavated and dedicated specially to them by Asoka and his grandson Dasaratha. The Ajfvikas are also mentioned in Aboka's Pillar-edict VII, in connection with the religious sects which the Dharma-maha mdtras had been instructed by him to concern themselves with. Then we do not hear of the Ajfvikas till the time of Varahamihira (circa A.D. 525) who, as we have seen above, refers to them in his Brihajjdtaka. An allusion to them also occurs in the Janaki-harana of Kumaradása (A. D. 725). In chap. X, v. 76, Ravaga is represented to have approached $itâ in the guise of an Ajivika monk. Some inscriptions15, found in the Madras, Presidency and belonging to the first half of the thirteenth century, speak of a tax on the Ájivikas which it appears to have been castomary in those days to imposo on them. It is not clear why they were so much looked down upon. Prof. Hultzsch, who has edited the inscriptions, considers them to be Jainas, but specifies no grounds in support of his position. He is probably led to hold this view because he thinks that there is no ovidence to show that the Âjivikas were existing so late as the 13th century. But, as has been recently shown by Prof. Pathak, 16 they were well-known to the Digambara Jaina authors of the later Chalukya and Yadava periods and are mentioned as living chiefly on käinji. They, however, mistook them to be a sect of Buddhist Bhikshas. The Buddhists, in their turn, have mistaken them for Nirgranthas, for the latter have actually been once called Ajtvikas in the Dwydvadána.17 The truth of the matter appears to be that they were neither Buddhists nor Jainas even in the later times, but formed a distinct seot. · N. VI. . Jat. I. 990; the reading vachchhaka notioed in the footnote is obviously the correct one, and not machchhaka adopted in the text. 1. Ibid. I. 493; other ascetio praoticon to which they resorted, have been set forth in the Mathima-Nikdy L. 338, and Digha-Nikaya. For the translation of this passage, 16 Rhy Davids' Dialogues of the Buddha, I. 827 . 11 Jat. III. 519. 11 Allguttara-Nikdya, Vol. I, p. 286, o al. BlyDavids' Dialogue of the Buddha, Vol. I, p.71 ff, and Höernlo's Uvdeaga-dasdo, Appendix II. 13 Anto, Vol. XX. Pp. 169 and 884. Ep Ind. Vol. II, p. 272. 1. South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. 1, pp. 88, 89, 92 and 198. Asto, Vol. ILI, P. 89. "Divydraduna, by Cowell and Nail, p. 347. Page #294 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 290 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [DECEMBER, 1919. The Amarakoshals speaks of five kinds of sainydsins, among whom Maskarins are mentioned. It is worth noting that the word maskarin occurs also in Pâņini's sútra ; *-***17 atatan : (VI. 1. 154). According to Pâņini, Maskarin was thus a Parivrâjaka. Patañjali's gloss on this sitra is as follows: REUSESTERI A ct oftaran: fokafe I ATT For # ra hifr of: Auercurerat * grat : 11 On the same sutra, the Kafika has the following: परिव्राजकेऽपि माइन्युपपदे करोतेस्ताच्छील्य इनिनिपात्यते। माडो इस्वत्वं सह च तथैक। माकरणालो मस्करी कर्मापवादित्वात्परिव्राजक उच्यते । स वेवमाह । मा कुरुत कर्माणि शान्तिीः श्रेयसीति ।। Kaiyata's Pradipa on Patañjali's Mah ibhashya gives the following: # T afat AT $ 7. मा कृतेत्युपक्रम्य शान्तितः काम्यकर्नपरिहाणियुष्माकं श्रेयसीत्युपदेष्टा मस्करीत्युच्यते। माइपूर्वाकरोतेरिन TAI ATGT FTV Panga 11 Thus, according to Patañjali, a Maskarin was called Maskarin, because he said A matrifor etc. i.e., "don't perform actions, don't perform actions ; quietisna (alone) is desirable to you." Now the only sect of ascetics who believed in the inefficacy of action was the Âjivikes. Their precept: n=atthi kaminai n=atthi kiriyan n=atthi viriyam has been quoted above. The same doctrine has been set forth at greater length in Samañña-phala sutta of the Digha-Nikdya, from which the following may be cited : "The attainment of any given condition, of any character, does not depend either on one's own acts, or on the acts of another, or on human effort. There is no such thing as power or energy, or human strength or buman vigour." 19 It will thus be seen that the Maskarins as described by Patañjali can be no other than Âjivakas. This receives confirmation from two sources. First, Gogala, one of the founders of the Âjivaka sect, is in the Buddhist texts called Makk bali, wbich undoubtedly is the Pali form of Maskarin. Secondly, the verse from the Janaki-harana, to which allusion has been made above, runs thus : दम्भाजीविकमुत्तुङ्गजटामाण्डितमस्तकम्। , कश्चिन्मस्करिणं सीता ददर्शाश्रममागतम् ।। Here Ravana who approaches Sitâ in a disguised form is called both Ajirika and Maskarin; which must, therefore, be taken to be synonymous terms. In the Bhatti-kdvyaalso Ravaya is represented to have come to Sîtå in the garb of a Maskarin. Among the various cheracteristics mentioned, that of his being a silhin is specified. From this the commentator Mallinâtba argues that he was a Tridaņdin, and not an Ekadandin, as the latter has no matted hair. But this docs not agree with what Utpala says, for, as we have seen above, he gives Ekadaņdin as a synonym of Ajirika. The word dikhin of the Bhatti-levya, however, agrees with the uttunga-jard of the Janaki-harana, and as the latter calls an Ajtvika a Maskarin, it appears that an Äjivika was really # Tridaņdin, and not an Ekadandin as Utpala supposes. THE ADITYAS. BY R. SHAMASASTRY, B.A., M.R.A.S.; BANGALORE. The Adityag play an important paft in the Vedic sacrifices and seem to occupy the foremost rank among the Vedio gods. Their exact nature is, however, little understood. Sometimes they are said to be six' in number, and at other times seven? or eights, the eighth being described as 'hall-born.' In the Brāhmaṇas they are said to be twelve month-godak. Whether six, seven, or eight, they are undoubtedly very ancient Vedic gods, for some of them, Mitra, Varuņa, and Indra, for example, go as far back as the Indo-Iranian period, and are the gods of the Zend. Avesta. Hence an attempt to find out their exact nature will not be useless. Canto V. v. 61-63. 1. Cap. VII. v. 42. ' Rhys Davids' Dialogues of the Buddha, Vol. I, p. 71 ff. 12. V. ii. 27, 1. : E. V. IX, 114, 8. IB. V. X, 72, 8, 9; Tai. Be I. 1, 9, 1. Sat. Br. XI, 6, 8, 8. Page #295 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ DECEMBER, 1912.] THE ADITYAS 291 The conception of their being month-gods does not seem to be unfounded. Bat the months, of which they are said to be lords, are not ordinary consecutive months, but intercalary months of the five-years cycle. To prove this it is necessary to kuow the nature of the five-years cycle, as explained in the Maitrayantya Sashhita itself. The passage (I, 10, 8) in which it is described runs as follows: प्राणेभ्यो वे ताः प्रजाः पाजायंत. प्राणा वा एतानि नव हवींषि. नव हि प्राणाः आस्मा देवता ततः प्रजायते. नव प्रयाजा नवानुबाजा हा आज्यभागा अष्टी हवींष्यग्नये समवयति. वाजिनो यजति. तचिंशत् शिवक्षरा विराद विराजेव प्रतितिष्ठति. विराजो वै बोनेः प्रजापतिः प्रजा असृजत. विराजी वा एतयोनेर्यजमानः प्रजायते. शिचिंचरात्रयो मासः, यो मासः स संवत्सरः. सवत्सरः प्रजापतिः. तस्मजापतेश्च वा एस द्विराजदच योनेर्मिधुनायजमानः प्रजावता. एकैकया वा आहुत्या बादश द्वादह रात्रीरवत. ता यावती: संख्याने सावतीः संवत्सरस्व रात्रयः संवत्सरमेव भातृष्याववते. वैश्वदेवेन चतुरो मासो-युवत. वरुणप्रघासः परांश्चतुरः. साकमेधः परांश्चतुरः, तानेव भ्रातृव्यायुवत. ऋतुवाजी वा अन्यश्चार्नुमास्यवाज्यन्यः. यो वसंतोऽभूत्मावडभू शरदभूदिति यजते स ऋतुयाजी. अय यस्त्रयोदशं मासं संपादयति चयोदशं मासमभियजते स चातुर्मास्थयाजी. ऋतस्वीनिष्ठा चतुर्थमुत्सृजेत. ऋजू दशै परा इष्वा तृतीयमुत्सृजेत. ये व त्रयस्संवत्सरास्तेषां पर्टिशत्पूर्णमासाः. यौ नौ सयोश्चनुर्विशतिः. तोऽमी पढूिंशत्यधि तानस्यां चतुर्विशत्यामुपसंपादयति एष वाव स बयोदशो मास: तमेवेनस्संपादयति. तमभियजते. वैश्वदेवेन येजेत पशुकामः न वरुणप्रघासैर्न साकमेधैः. सर्वो वै पुरुषः साहस्री जायते यावत्तरसं स्वेवेति. प्रजननं वा एतद्धवियश्वदेवं. यवैश्वदेवेन यजते प्रजननाय वा एतचजते स्वां मानां गच्छानीत. 'स यवा सहसं पशून्गन्छेत्थ वरुणप्रपासर्यजते. बेरवादः सहस्रमगंस्तस्येनवहोऽवयजाते. M.S. 1, 10,8.. "From vital breaths are those creatures born. Vital breaths are these nine oblations, for nine are the Vital breaths. Atma [the inner man] is the deity. From him (the deity) is (the sacrificer) born. Nine fore-offerings, nine after-offerings, two butter Fortions, and eight oblations, ho puts together for Agni. He makes the oblation of curdled milk (vajina). That amounts to thirty. The Virat metre consists of thirty syllables. By means of the Virit, he has a firm footing; for Prajapati created the creatures from the womb of Virit. From this womb of Virat is algo the sacrificer born. Thirty and thirty nights are a month. That which is the month is the year. Prajapati is the year. From the womb of the couple, Prajapati and Virat, is the sacrificer born. With each oblation he inserts twelve and twelve nights. There are, when counted, as inany oblation's as there are nights in a year. He separates the year from the enemy. With the Vaišvadêva sacrifice he inserts four months; with the Varuņapraghaba sacrifice, the next four months; with the Så kamêdha sacrifice, the next four. These are the months which he has separated from the enemy. He who sacrifices for the seasons is one, while he who sacrifices for the four-months is another : he who sacrifices for the reason that that which was the spring has become the rains, and that which was the rainy season has become the autumn, is a sacrificer for the seasons. Bat he who gains a thirteenth month, and sacrifices for that thirteenth month, is the one who sacrifices for the four-months. Having sacrificed for three regular (months), he should omit the fourth; and then having sacrificed for the next two regular (months), be should omit the third, What are counted as three years, there are in them thirty-six full moons; what are counted as the next two, there are in them twenty-fonr. Those (days) which exceed (am intercalary month) in thirty-six full moons, he puts in (the next) twenty-four full moons. This is, verily, that thirteenth month. This is what he gains and sacrifices for. He who is desirous of cattle should observe the Vaibvadêra sacrifice, but neither the Varuņapraghasa nor the S&kamedha. All the Purusha amounts to a thousand when counted together as far as the flesh-oblation (Tarasa). The oblation made in the Vaišvadêva sacrifice is, verily, the birth of Creatures). The reason for which he eacrifices with the Vaiávadêva is the birth of creatures, for which he sacrifices with the thought • It is only twenty-eight or twenty-nine if milk is included. The Tai Brahmana (I, 6,8) counts two Aghoras, portions of olarified butter to make up thirty. • Tho root 'yu' moana both midrapa and amikrana, insertion' and 'noparation.' Page #296 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 292 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [DECEMBER, 1912. that he may attain his own measure. When he comes by a thousand cattle, then he should sacrifice with the Varoņapraghâss. When he comes by a thousand of this, then he gets rid of his sin by means of sacrifice." Omitting the sacrificial technicalities with which the above passage abounds, we may confine our attention to that portion of the passage where a distinction is drawn between the Season-sacrificer and the Four-monthly sacrificer, and where the nature of the three Four-monthly sacrifices, the Vai vadova, the Varnaapraghaga, and the Sakamêdha is clearly defined. It is clear from this passage that during the Vedio period there were two important schools of priestly astronomers, the Season-sacrificers and the Four-monthly sacrificers. Of these two schools, one seems to have been observing the lunar year of 854 days without adjusting it to the solar or sidereal year, and to bave allowed it to fall back by 113 or 12 days in every year and to regain its original initial point at the close of 32 or 30 years, making a full rotation through the seasons. This is what is mesnt by the expression that what was the spring became the summer, and that what was the summer became the autumn. The priests who were sacrificing for such rotating seasons are called Ritu-yajins, Season-sacrificers'. The other school of sacrificers called the Châturmâsyâyâjins, • Four-monthly sacrificers', did not like the Season-sacrificers, allow the your to fall back for want of intercalation, but adjusted their ludar year of 354 days to the sidereal year of 366 days by adding two months in five years or four months in ten years. From the reference made to twelve days in the beginning of the passage, it is clear that it is the sidereal year of 366 days that is taken for adjustment with the lunar year of 354 days. Accordingly the extra days in three lunar years amount to thirty-six days, i.e., one month and six days. These six days, says the author, are to be added to the twenty-four days of the subsequent twenty-four full-moons or two years. From the statement that whoever gains a thirteenth month is a Four-monthly sacrificer, it is clear that the three Ohatarmasyas or Four-months are undoubtedly threo intercalary periods of four months each. I have pointed out in my Vedic Calendar how the vedio poets regarded the intercalary days or months as enemies and as sinful periods infested with demons. This is what the writer means when he says that the sacrificer has to separate tbe Châtarmasyas, the Foor-months, from the enemy. The meaning of a thousand cattle seems to be this :-In ten sidereal years of 366 days each there are 120 months of 30 days each and fonr intercalary months of 30 days. Each ordinary month was made to consist of five week-periods of six days each. The days in each such week, except the last in each month, were called 96. jyhtis, Ayus, Ayus, go, and jyotis. Of these names, the word go means & Cow, i.e., 'cattle.' Since there are two cows in each week,' there are eight cows or cattle in each month. Hence the namber of cattle in 120 ordinary months will be 120 X 8 = 960. In the intercalary months even the last week' appears to be counted, as well as the first four weeks. Accordingly, in the four intercalary months there are 4 X 10 = 40 cow-days. Hence the number of cow-days or cattle in ten years, when the Vaisradeva or first Four-montbly sacrifice was performed, amounts 960 + 40 = 1000. This appears to be the meaning of the expression that wben the sacrificer counts a thousand cattle after the Vaišvadeva period, he has to perform the Varuņapraghasa. What is meant by the expression that Parosha amounts to a thousand will be explained later on. It appears that when the three Four-monthly periods were got rid of by intercalation, the Vedic poets used to renew their sacred fire by churning anew. This idea is conveyed in the following passage of the Maitrûyanîya Sanhita (I. 10, 7):-- धाविहितानि चातुर्मास्यानि. संवत्सरं चातुर्मास्यानि. संवत्सरेणाग्निं मंथलि. Three are the Four-monthly sacrifices to be performed. To a year (amount the three) Fourmonthly periods. In such a year [s.e., once in thirty years) the sacrificer churns the fire [i..., sota up the sacrificial fire again)." Page #297 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ DECEMBER, 1912.) THE ADITYAS 293 It is not to be understood that the Vedio poets were adjusting the lunar year to the sideread year by intercalating four months once in ten years alone. Since a thirteenth month is frequently mentioned in the Vedas, we may believe that they were adjusting the years once in two and a half years, when one intercalary month occurs. It is, therefore, likely that whenever a thirteenth month is mentioned, half a cycle of five luni-solar years is meant. The following passage of the Maitráyaniya Samhit& (I. 5, 6) refers to a thirteenth month and the form of the sacrifice performed in it: जीयति वा एष भाहितः पशुर्यग्निः तदेतान्वेवाग्न्बाधेयस्य हवींषि संवत्सरे संवत्सरे निपेत. तेन वा एष न जीर्यति सेनेनं पुनर्णवं करोति. तन्न सूक्ष्यम्. एताभिरेवाग्नेयपावमानीभिः भग्न्याधयस्य बाज्यानुवाक्याभिरूपस्थेयः, तेन वा एप न जीर्यति. तेनेनं पुनर्णवं करोति. हादशभिरुपतिष्टते हारश मासाः संवत्सरः संवत्सरमवाप्स्वावधे. भग्नीषोमीयवा पयोदयुपस्थेयोऽस्ति मासस्त्रयोदशः तमे वे तयाप्त्वावधे. "When once set up, he becomes old; for Agni is (like) a beast. Hence he should offer, year after year, these oblations of the Agnyâd hêya rite. He does not thereby grow old. The sacrificer renews him thereby. This way of renewing the fire) is not well-considered. The sacrificer should simply praise the fire with the YÂjya and Anavákya hymns called âgnéya-pâvamani, used in the Agnyâdhêya rite. Thereby he does not become old. Thereby the sacrificer renews him. The sacrificer praises him with twelve verses, for there are twelve months in the year. Thus he catches hold of the year and keeps it. He is to be praised with a thirteenth verse dedicated to Agni and Soma, for there is the thirteenth month also. With this verse he catches hold of that month and keeps it." The last line of the passage given above leaves no doubt that there was also the custom of observing or intercalating a single month. I presume that the Darśa and Purņamasa or ner and fall moon sacrifices, desoribed in the beginning of the Yajurvéda, are no other than sacrifices performed during an intercalary month, for the gods worshipped in those sacrifices are the gods that are worshipped during the intercalary month. The following passage of the Maitráyaniya Sanhita (I. 5, 7) confirms this view - अग्नीषोमीवया पर्वपक्ष उपस्थेयः अग्नीषोमीयो वै पूर्वपक्षः अपरपक्षावन परिददाति. ऐद्राग्न्यापरपक्ष उपस्येयः ऐंद्रामो वा अपर पक्षः पूर्वपक्षायैवेनं परिददाति. "The light half of the month is to be worshipped with the verse dedicated to Agni and Somn, for the light half of the month belongs to Agni and Sôma. Thereby he transfers the light half to the dark hall of the month. With the verse dedicated to Indra and Agni the dark half of the month is to be worshipped; for the dark half belongs to Indra and Agni. Thereby he transfers the dark half to the light half of the month." According to the passage of the Maitrdyaniya Sahitd (I. 5, 6) previously quoted above, Agni and Sôms are the chief gods in the sacrifice of a thirteenth month. According to this other passage (1.5, 7) Agni and Sôma are the gods in light half, and Indra and Agni in the dark half of the month. It follows, therefore, that the month referred to in the above passage must be one of an intercalary nature. Since the same are the gods in the new and full moon sacrifices, we may take these also to be sacrifices performed during an intercalary month. Since the Atharvavêda (V.6, 4) assigns the thirteenth month to Indra ( A TRE TRY)" the thirteenth month is the home of Indra"), we shall not be wrong in considering Indra also as one of the chief deities worshipped in a thirteenth month. The following passage of the Maitráyaniya Samhita (II. 1, 8) furnishes additional evidence about the same fact अग्नीषोमाभ्यां वै पार्येणेद्रो वृत्रमहन्. स भीजसा वीर्येण व्याधत. स एतमैद्राग्नमपश्यत् तेन भीजो वीर्य मात्मन्नधत्त. Son Asvaldyana Srauta Setra I. 3, 9 and 10; and Sankhayane Srauta Satra I. 3, 11 and 15. Page #298 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 294 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [DECEMBER, 1912. "Indra killed Vritra with the power of Agni and Sôma. strength. He saw the power of Indra and Agni also. in himself." The connection of Vritra with Agni and Sôma, the gods of an intercalary month, will be explained later on. That intercalary months were being observed, either singly or in sets of two, three, or four months, is clear from the following passage of the Maitrayaniya Samhita (I. 11, 10): Hence he grew with brightness and Thereby he kept brightness and strength वसवस्त्रयोदशाक्षरया त्रयोदशं मांसमुदजयन् रुद्राश्चतुर्दशाक्षरथा चतुर्दशं मासमुदजयन्. आदित्याः पंचदशाक्षरया पंचदशं मासमुदजयन्. अदितिष्षोडशाक्षरया षोडशं मासमुदजयत् "The Vasus conquered the thirteenth month with a verse of thirteen syllables. The Rudras conquered the fourteenth month with a verse of fourteen syllables. The Adityas conquered the fifteenth month with a verse of fifteen syllables. Aditi conquered the sixteenth month with a verse of sixteen syllables." Since in this passage a year of 12 months is referred to before speaking of the thirteenth, fourteenth, and other months, I take them to be of an intercalary nature. There is no reason to believe that the Vedic poets were counting thirteen or sixteen ordinary months in a year, though they were acquainted with the luni-solar cycle of 5 years, as pointed out above. The following passage of the Maitrayaniya Samhita (I. 10, 5) leaves no doubt that Indra is a god of an intercalary month: देवाश्च वा असुराश्चास्मिलोके आसन्. स प्रजापतिरकामयत प्रासुरानुदेय प्रजाः सृजेयीत. स चातुर्मास्यान्यwway. wantedt disgurarger wiyalek: www squa, aw yi ferieurgicklewie w urgel gek प्र प्रजया च पशुभिश्च जायते. अग्निष्टोमाद्वैश्वदेवं यज्ञक्रतुं निर्माय प्रजापतिः प्रजा असृजत. उकथ्याद्वरुणप्रघासान्यज्ञऋतं निर्मायेमाः प्रजा वरुणेनामाहयत्. अतिरात्रात्साकमेधान्यज्ञत्र तुं निर्मायेंद्रो वृत्रमहन् सृष्टा वा अन्याः प्रजाः आसन्न सृष्टा अन्याः अथ प्रजापतिरकामयत प्रजास्सृजेयेति. संवत्सरो वै यज्ञो यज्ञः प्रजापतिः स एते पयसी आत्मनधत्तोधन्यं च बाह्यं च अयैताभ्यो देवताभ्या एतानि हवींषि भागं निरवपत् तैः प्रजा असृजत ऋतुभ्यो वै ताः प्रजाः प्राज्ञायंत. ऋतवो वा एतानि पंच हवींषि M. S. I. 10, 5. "The Devas and the Asuras were in this world together. Prajapati desired that he might drive out the Asuras and create children. He looked to the Four-months;' for it is by the Fourmonths that he drove out the Asuras and created children. Whoever, knowing thus, performs the sacrifice of Four-months,' will drive out his enemy and get both children and cattle. "Creating the Vaisvadêva sacrifice on the model of the Agnishtôma, Prajapati created children; and creating the Varuna-praghasa sacrifice on the model of the Ukthya, he put these children under the clutches of Varuna. Creating the Sâkamêdha sacrifice on the model of the Atirâtra sacrifice, Indra killed Vritra. The children that were created became of one kind, while those that were not created became of another. Then Prajapati desired that he might create children. The year is the sacrifice, and sacrifice is Prajapati. He kept in himself this pair, the year and the sacrifice, (like two kinds of) milk, that which is produced from the udder and that which is external. Then to these gods he offered the following oblations as a share, and created. children from them: from the seasons were those children born. The seasons are the tive oblations." From this passage we can understand the technical sense in which the words Déva, Asura, and Prajís, are commonly used in the Vedas. In the terminology of the Vedic poets. the name of the ordinary days of a year is prajaḥ, children.'s I have pointed out in my notes in the Vedic Calendar, ante, p. 52, how the Vedic poets regarded the intercalary months as Asaras, demons. It follows therefore that the word Dêva as opposed to Asura " R. V. I., 164; A. V. IX, 8. Page #299 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ DROEMBER, 1912.1 THE ADITYAS 295 must mean an ordinary month or days. Accordingly, we may interpret the conflict between the Devas and the Asuras as denoting some inconsistency between the ordinary and the intercalary months. That the words, Déva, Asura, and Prajd, have such meanings as the above, is confirmed by the above passage : We are told in the passage that Prajapati or Father Time repelled the Asuras by means of the Châturmâsyas, a period of four intercalary months, as pointed out above-and that having done so, he created children. This evidently means that Prajapati got rid of the extra months by intercalating four months in ten years, and, adjusting thereby the lunar to the sidereal year, brought the seasons and days to their usnal position which was four months behind before intercalation. We also learn that Indra is a god of an intercalary month, and that the oft-repeated destraction of Vpitra by Indra is an act of getting rid of the sinful and demon-like intercalary months through the worship of Indra and other gods; for we are told in the passage that Indra killed Vțitra by tho Sakamedha, or the sacrifice performed during the third period of the four intercalary months, i. e., at the end of 30 or 60 years. From a consideration of the passage explained above, we learn that Prajapati is Father Time, that his children are the ordinary days of the year, that the Aguras are the sinful intercalary months, and that Indra is a god of an intercalary month. We know from the story of Aditi that Indra is one of her sons. Accordingly, we may take Aditi to mean the cycle of five luni-solar years, bringing forth Indra periodically along with her other sons. The other sons also must necessarily be the gods of intercalary months. This idea is, as clearly as the sacrificial terminology of the poets could permit, conveyed in the following passage of the Maitriyankya Samita (L.6,12): यस्या राज्याः प्रातरानमाधास्यमानः स्यात्तां रात्री चतुशरावमोदन पक्का ब्राह्मणेभ्यो जीवतण्डलमिवोपहरेन. भदिति प्रजाकांमौदनमपचन्. सोशिष्टमाश्नातू. तस्या धाता चार्यमा चाजायेता. सापरमपचन्. सोशिष्टमाइनात्. सस्या मित्रश्च वरुणश्चाजायेताम्. सापरपपचत्. सोशिष्टमाइनात्. तस्या अशश्च भगवाजायेताम्. सापरमपचत्. सैक्षसोशिष्टं मेऽइनत्या द्वौ द्वौ जायेते. इतो नूनं मे श्रेयः स्याह्यत्पुरस्तादश्नीयामिति सा पुरस्तादशित्वोपाहरत. ता अंतरेव गर्भः संता भवताम् इव भविष्यावो यदादित्या इति. तस्योः आदित्या निर्हतारमैधन. ता अंशश्च भगव निरहताम् . तस्मादेती यझेन यजते. अंशमासोंऽशस्य भागधेयं जनं भगोऽगधत्. तस्मादाहुर्जनो गंतव्यः तत्र भगेन संगधत्ता इति. स वा इंद्र ऊर्ध्व एव प्राणमनूतयत मृतमितरमाण्डमवापयत. स वाव मार्ताण्डो यस्येमे मनुष्याः प्रजा. सा वा भरिति रादित्यानपाधावत. अस्त्वेव म इमाम इदं मोघे परापप्तरिति. ते ऽब्रुवन् अषोऽस्माकमेव प्रवाते न नोऽतिमन्यता इति ६ स वाव विवस्वानादित्यो यस्य मनुश्च वैवस्वती यमश्च. मनुरेवास्मिल्लोके यमोऽमुष्मिन् एते वै देवयानान्पयो गोपायंति यदादित्याः त इयक्षमाण प्रतितुदंते. यो वा एतेभ्योऽमोच्याग्निमाधत्ते तमेते स्वर्गाल्लोकात्प्रतिनुदंता उशिष्टभागा पा आदित्याः यदुशिष्टे विवर्तयित्वा समिध आवधाति तदादित्येभ्योऽग्न्याधेयं प्राह. नैनं स्वर्गाल्लोकात्प्रतिनुदंते. संवत्सरमुत्सृजेताग्निमाधास्यमानो नास्याग्निं गृहाद्धरेयुर्नान्यता आहरेयुः संवत्सरे वृद्धा गर्भाःप्रजायते प्रजातमने बजुमाधत्ते. बादश रातीरुत्सृजेत द्वादश वै रावयः संवत्सरस्य प्रतिमा, संवत्सर वृद्धा गर्भाः प्रजायंते प्रजातमेनं खुजुमाधत्ते तिस उत्सृजेत. त्रयो वा इमे लोकाः इमानेव लोकानाप्नोति. एकामृस्मृजेत एको वै प्रजापतिः. I.S. I, 8, 12. * During that night on the morrow of which he is going to set up the sacred fire, he should cook four dishes of rice and present them to Brâhtians as fresh rice. Desirous of getting children, Aditi cooked the rice. She ate the remnant of what remained after the gods parlook of the dish). Two sons, Dba tâ and Aryama, were in consequence born of her. She cooked another dish), and ate the remnant. Two sons, Mitra and Varuņa, were in consequence born of her. She cooked another (dish), and ate the remnant. Two sons, Amsa and Bhaga, were in consequence born on her. She cooked another (dish). She thought that in consequence of her eating the remnant, two Page #300 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 296 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [DECEMBER, 1912. and two sons are being born of her; and that it would indeed be to her advantage if she would eat it before presenting it to the gods). Accordingly, having previously eaten it, she offered the remnant (to the gods). The seeds, still remaining in the embryo form, said: "We shall become what the Adityas are.' The Adityas on the other hand looked for a murderer of those two. Ama and Bhags struck them. Honce sacrificers worship these two in their sacrifices. Assaprasa became the portion due to Amsa in sacrifices. Bhaga went to the people. Hence they say that if one is desirous of getting wealth, one should go to somebody among men. That Indra, however, got up and recovered his breath. The other egg appeared as dead. He is, verily, the Mârtâņda (broken egg) whose children are men. Aditi then went to the Adityas and said : Let this one be to me, but not the other which has fallen lifeless. They said : Then let it be to ourselves, as we say; do not despise us.' He is, verily, the Aditya, the Vivagvat, whose offspring are Manu, the Vaivasvata, and Yama, the Vaivasvata. Manu is in this world, and Yama in the other. These are the Adityas who guard the paths through which gods move. They drive away that sacrifieer who gets up his sacred fire without calling upon them : they drive him away from the heavens. The Adityas are, verily, the portions of the remnant. When a sacrificer pats the sacred sticks into the fire after rotating them in the remoant, then he may be taken to have spoken to the Adityas of his setting up of the sacred fire. Him they do not throw away from the heavens. He who is going to set up the sacred fire should omit a year (i. e., intercalate a year). He should not bring his fire from a household or from any other place. Embryos (due to the remnant, i. e., the twelve days at the end of the sidereal year of 366 days), developed in the course of the year are born. When the embryo is born and fully developed, the sacrificer sets it up (while setting up the sacred fire). Twelve nights he has to omit (in a year); for twelve nights are the index (pratic ma) of the year. Embryos [i. e., the twelve days] developed (in the form of monthe) in the course of the cyclic) year are born. When it is born and fully developed, he sets it up [1. e., intercalates while setting up the sacred fire]. He should omit three, for three are the worlds ; these world's he will thereby attain. He should omit one, for one is the Prajapati." (To be continued.) MISCELLANEA. A NOTE ON AJIVIKAS. the Buddhiste contain passages showing that the I read, ante, pp. 88ff, the article on Ajfvikas by origin of the Bhagavatas was traditionally believed K. B. Pathak, who opines that they are a sect of to fall in very remote times, and that this tradiBuddhist Bhikshus. D. R. B.'s bracketed note tion is supported by indications contained in Brahmanical works." at the end of this article that they are neither Buddhist Bhikshus as Mr. Pathak says, nor Jainas One such passage contained in an orthodox 18 Dr. Hultzach understands, but they form a Buddhist book, the Saddharma-Pundarfka, as showing the remoteness of the Bhagavata (i, e., distinct sect, seems to be borne out by other Ajivika) cult, is that where Masju-Sri is comevidences. We have one given, ante, Vol. XXIII, pared to Nárågana. The words run thus: p. 248, 1894 (which I have quoted in full on "..... and a body compact as N&rlyana's." page 960, Jour. R. As. Soc., October 1911), of A. GOVINDACHARYA SYAMIN, M.R.A.S., which the following extract is to the point: M.R.S.A., M.M.S. “The essentials may, however, be stated. They are (1) that the recovery of the Vaikbanasa Dhar. [Who the Ajivikas really were was shown by me ma-Sutra permits me to fully prove the correctness ten years ago in a note published in the Jour. of Professor Kern's (or rather KAla kichårya's Bomb. As. Soc., Vol. XXI, p. 399 . The same and Toala's) identification of the Ajivikas with note has been reprinted in a slightly altered form the Bhagmatas, and (2) that the sacred books of in this number on p. 286 ff.-D-R.B.) 18. J. E. Series, Vol. XVI, chap. XXIII (Gadgada Svara), translated by H. Kern, so p. 897. Page #301 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ MISCELLANEA DECEMBER, 1912.) 297 MAP3 AND ATLASES OF INDIA. A. K. Johnston, 1894. The volume measures 12 THAT We have no recent Atlas or Map of by 8t inches and the maps 9 by 12 inobes within India on & scale sufficiently large to be rendily the borders, providing for a scule of 1 to 3,225,000 useful in locating most places mentioned in or 509 miles to an inch. This larger sonlu gives history and tho daily newspapers is somewhat about twice the area for the same number of atrange. There are small maps, as accurate and names as in the preceding, and district boundaries full as the best cartographers can produce, but are well defined. The fourteen principal map on scales too small to afford satisfactory ideas of (omitting the Index map and the plans of cities) distances and areas, or to include hundreds of are not simply 'sections of country, but repreplaces to which reference may be required. sent separate provinces and groups of adjoining Among those of recent date, " Thacker's states. Reduced Survey Map of India," edited by Following this was the Map of the Indian Dr. J. G. Bartholomew, was issued in 1891. The Empire ' by the late E. G. Ravenstein, on a scale sheet measures 30 by 36 inches and is also of 1 to 5,000,000 or an inch to 79 miles nearly, available in folded form with an Index to the ten and was published by G. Philip and Sons. The thousand names appearing on it and representing sheet, with insets, measured 33 by 39 inches, and every place mentioned in the second edition of was fiuely engraved, the number of towns and the "Imperial Gazetteer of India" (1885-87). It villnges entered being considerable. The same is a fine piece of cartography to a scale of 69 publishers also insued. Philips 'Gazetteer of India miles or one degree of latitude to an inch; but (1900) by E. G. Ravenstein, containing a list of the crow.ling of so many times in so omalla abuut 13,500 names of towns, villages, railway space requires so minute etching that it often station18, Valleye, bills, tahsils, etc., with the strains the eye to locate and read them. If we approximate geographical positions only to tenths reduce the map of England to the same scale, it of a degree. This Gazetteer,' we are told was measures only 6 inches by 5, and how many of the intended as a companion to the Allas of India." place names could be entered upon it in legible Butbis prujected Atlas was given up. This map script? But much of India is more densely bas quite recently been re-issued in two sheets populated even thau England; hence the inade. with ludex of about 4,000 place names in folding quacy of so small a scale for a clear and satisfuc- case, as one of Messrs. Pbilips' Travelling Maps. tory innp of India, yet this is one of the best Tae new edition of the "Imperial Gazetteer" of the kind published. was naturally expected to be accompinied by an Constable's Hand-Atlas of India", published Alla planne on a scale more adapted to the area 1893, together with some forty-two small maps of so populous a territory. Sir W. W. Hunter's of physical, ethnological, meteorological and other "Statistical Account of Bengal" was accomfeatures, and plans of towns, prepared by Dr.1 panied by nineteen district mape-some of Bartholomew, give the foregoing map in eighteen double size-on a uniform scale of ld miles to an sections, together with the Index adapted to inch. As many maps on hall the scale would them. These sectional maps mensure little over have supplied an atlas of all India, showing most by 8 inches each, so that, on the scale of by towns of importance or historical interest. But miles to an inch, each of them represents an area instead of such a boon, and simply to make the of about 560 by 420 miles, or 235,000 square miles. Atlis range in beigbt with the octavo volumes an area that would include the maps of both of the Gazetteer, the eighteen provincial maps are England and Ireland on the like scale. This on a scale of 63.1 miles to un inch or one to volune is so compact and full of valuable details 4.000,000 and measure only 9 by 71 inches. To that it is the best as yet available to the studeut; Avoid overcrowding, the names on these eighteen and the Hand Gazetteer of the same publishers and a map of Afghanistan are reduced to scarcely supplies the geographical positions of over seven ,700,-or haruly two thirds of the number in teen thousand place-naines. the Gazetteer. With the twenty-eight small In the "xxth Orntury Citizen's Atlas", the same physical and other general maps and sixteen map is again utilized in three sections and a plane of towns, no fault is found they are map of Further India, each map measuring 16 by admirably executed and serve their various pur 12 inches. poses instructively. It is the general maps that An Atlas of India" containing sixteen maps are altogether disappointing. As map of and an Iudex of nearly ten thousand names England on this srule would measure 65 by 51 appearing on the maps, with an Introduction by inches and proportionately might contain only Sir W. W. Hunter, was next published by W. and about 200 place names, it would be comparatively Page #302 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 298 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [DECEMBER, 1912. seless.-of what general utility can a mup of degree of la:itude is similarly inconvenient, India be on so very small a scale ? whilst it is slightly inaccurate, since there degree. For so vast a territory, a very large scale map vary with the distance from the equator-from or series of mape is not here advocated. For 68-7 tu 694 statute miles, inost European ountries, maps on scale of! It is now understood that the Indian Survey between 30 aod 35 miles to an inch are most bas agreed to proceed in preparing & map, or satisfactory. And so long ago 18 1838 the Suciety series of sheets covering India, on a scale of onefor the Promotion of Useful Knowledge had millionth, that is of 15 miles 6 furlongs 67! published on a scale of 34+ miles to an inch- yards to an inch. But this will take years to India in eleven parts with an Index Mup." Complete, and though most valuable for certain These were sectional' mapa, engraved by the purposes, it will fill sixty sheets or thereabouts brothers James and Charles Walker, and were uf 20 by 16 inches and rather expensive and beautifully clear and useful. The work seems tu cun brous for general use. Menn while a less have been well received, for & revised edition was launbitious but practically neeful werk je mnoh issued by E. Stanford, 1812-45, coutaining some wanted in the library and at the desk-for the twenty maps-including surrounding countries; general reader, the traveller, the secretary and and again, a last and carefully corrected and the district official. improved edition, containing twenty-six mape Now such an atlas could be constructed on a was published by the same film in 1861. This cale of 32 miles to an inch; the maps would be useful work continued long in use, and it is to bu on the scheme of Johnston's and the Gazetteer regretted that such a work was not kept up to atlas,-not mere sectional, mape, but of provinces Ante and reproduced. The inaps varied little in or halves of such in some cases. They would size froin 13 by 10 inches inside borders, and so fill only eighteen or nineteen double page mape had double the area of those in the new Gazetteer of a size that would bind in a volume about 11 Atlas: and the thin bound volume was about 14 | by 16 inches. The space for names, etc.. would inches high by 9" wide. be double that on Joboston's and four times Decimal sculus aru now the faehion for maps, that on the Gazetteer maps, thus providing for a but with our npits of the inch and mile, they very large increase of their numbers. The work afford no facilities for estimating distances. might be accompanied by useful small mapa of The Indian Great Trigonometrical Survey beets physical, meteorological, ethnograpbical, and are on a 4 miles to the inch scale, and any map other features, plans of towns, etc., of which the on this scale, or its subdivisions o? 8, 16, etc., largest would go two on & page. Shall we see iniles, affords a ready means of catimating dis such an Atlus ? tances. Making the scales as measures of a J. B. BUOK-NOTICE. HISTORY OF BENGALI LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE| One striking feature that he discloses is that by DINRER CHANDRA 9XN. Printed by the Caloutta the early literature was not the expression of Vaiversity, 1911. poetical ideas by the then cultured classes, nor This is a large work of more than a thousand was it composed by them for the people at large, pages, based on the lectures delivered by the because those classe8 were enthralled by Sanskrit author as Reader in Bengali Language and learning and fell afterwards under the influence Literature at the Oaloutta University during the of the Arabio and Persian literature of their months January to April 1909, and deals with Mohammedan patrons; but it was the welling up the literature of Bengal and the language in its of the poetic feelings that swayed the hearts and literary aspect down to the middle of last cen. minds of the populace, feelings that did not flow tury. It is clear on every page that the work has within classical channels, but arose generally been one of great devotion on the author's part, from and mirrored home life and daily interests. and he has made diligent enquiries to trace out in the first chapter the earliest conditions in All particulars, whether great or sinull, that might Bengal are idealised in the belief that pre-bistorie help to increase or elucidate our knowledge of the Bengal was Aryan, a belief for which the author's literature, devotion may merit pardon. Ancient Bengal 1 Sosles in millionths are related to the motrioal system, the metro being supposed to be exactly the tex millionth part of the quadrant from the Eqnator to the Polo. This is now found to be very nearly 10,001,776 metres, so that the metro is shorter than was intended. Page #303 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ DECEMBER, 1912.] MISCELLANEA 299 really came but partially within the pale of tion; and the Brabmans inculcated also the Aryan influence, and that was no doubt the res- importance of caste. This great change the son why it was treated us foreign in Manu's Code, autbur calls the Puranic Renaissance, because it and its language regarded as # Paisach Prakrit expressed itself in the revival of Epic and unfit for literary use. The author shows that it Puranio stories recast in new pooms composed in was largely through the interest evinced by the verorcular tongue to suit populur taste. Muhammadan rulers that the great Sanskrit epics Such preins were recited throngh the country by were translated and appeared in Bengali verse professional singers, the Mangal.gyaks, who in the 17th century. It was not to Brahmans a nplified them at times with their uwn verses. nor to Hindus versed in Sanskrit classics tbat From this period, it seems, may be really dated Bengali was inilebted for ourly favours, but the the rise of Bengali literature. earliest Bengali compositions are attributed to The Il.im iyana with its story of Rama and the zeal of Tantrie Buddhists to popularise tbeir Sita, and the Mahabharata with those of the ereed in the 10th and 11th centuries, and they Pandavas and Krishni, were of course the trea. enunciate homely proverbial philosophy in Bud sure houses; and those stries were thrown dhistic form. afresh into Bengali verse in many poems from Among early compositions are the Dharma the 14th century onwards. The poets, while hand. mangal poems, songs recounting the exploits of ling their themes correctly, yet narrated them Lau Sen and extolling the god Dharma, who with new vitality and embellished them with derepresented originally the popular idea of scriptions and comparisons borrowed from their Buddba; but when those songs achieved a wide own land and associations. Among auch versions popularity, Brahminism, after it overcamo Pud. of the Rimciyana the most famous were Kritti. dhism, recast them so thoroughly that they v&sa's and Raghunandan's poems, while Sanjaya's appear now to be devoted to the Salta colt. The and Kasi Ram's compositions best reproduced high moral discipline of Buddbism gradually the Mah lbharata. Two other Sanskrit books degenerated into general ball-sceptical sell-indul. freely drawn upon were the Bhagavata Purana geuce, and indulgence when stimulateil by which described the exploits and majesty of Vaishnava views of religious love turned to Krisbna as an incarnation of Vishnu, and the extravagant courses of licentiousness. This Chandi-m.htmya in the Mirkanduya-Purána phase in its idealistic and spiritual aspect is which excited the admiration of those who illustrated in the poems of Chandi Des (end of revered Chandi. Sira did not attain the same 14th centary) which express homely fervour in prominence as Vishnu, because, as the author pastoral guiso, and in those of Vidy&pati in explains, the popular conception of this steru Behår in the 15th century. On the other hand, deity did not credit him with any keen interest Mabaganism oonduced to the worship of local in his worshippers personally, and in the poems deities, and popular feeling turned towards the that extolled him be appeared rather with peaminor deities and especially goddesses, that were sant traits amid rural home life. en teemed locally, from about the 9th century, so that tbeir worship soon grew i popularity and The author narrates all these stories and gives extracts from the chief poems with English found expression in songs that sprang from the people themselves. Muny poems were composed translations, which being in prose naturally lose the spirit of the ola Bengali, for the old poetry in their honour in and after the 12th century Chief among those deities were Manara, the composed in short rbyming lines often carried enake-goddess, who is extolled in the touching terseness to an extreme. He also adds valuable story of Bebull in tbe Manasd-mangal composed notes, explaining how the Puragic Renaissance by Haridatta; and Chandi Devi, to whose power enriched the old Bengali by introducing and two well-known stories bore testimony, which vernacularising many Sanskrit words, and were narrated in many forms and especially in poinning out grammatical peculiarities and word: the 16th century poem, the Chandi-mangal, by that have since become obsolete. Much of that Mukunda RAW, whose poetry vividly portrays old literature fell into neglect and often MSS. the domestic life of rural Bengal. were lost or perished; still many poems bave Brabmanism sided that revulsion from Bad- boen rescued from oblivion and published by the abist degeneracy by adopting those local deities, Battala Press. and stimulai d it by reviving the old stories of It is remarkable how closely the old literature the ancient rishis and kings with their glamour is bound up with religion, for it followed and of semi-divine ideals. The two Puranic gode, expressed popular religious sentiments as they Vishnu and Siva, tbus regained popular adora- varied through the centuries, and indeed the Page #304 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 300 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [DECEMBER, 1912. author ola-sifies it mainly according to its reli- and that of Raja Rajballabh of Bikrampar near gious aspect. Thus he paseea next to the Dacca; but at both poetry fell under the control Vaishgavus, who exercised a widespread and of courtiers and schoolmen who imitated San. deep influence among the people, for MHhAyAniem skrit and Persian models, and it became highly encouraged religious devotion and facilitated | artificial with ornate diction and elaborate conthe conversion of many to the worship of Vishnu, ceits. Bharat Chandra obtained great fame with and Vaisbnavism infused new vigour into the his Annada-mangal, in which the old-time story doctrine of bhakti or loving faith. Chaitanya of prince Sundara was retold in depraved taste. was the great exponent of this in the early part JaynArAyan and his accomplisbed niece Anandaof the 16th century, and it involved a revoltmayi were distinguished at Bikrampar; and the against the strict system and oppressive ritual Muhammadan poet AIAS, who worked mainly in which Brahman ascendancy bad imposed the field of translation, gsined the applause of Puranic ideals lost ground and bhakti became Muhammadans as well as Hindus in bis poem, the great vivifying influence. He inspired suchPadmibati, notwithstanding its strong Hindu veneration in his followers, that many accounts proclivities. of his life were written in prose, which were the Rural poetry is discussed in its four divisions, first biographies in Bengali; and among them the kirtan songs, the songs of the kaviwilis, the greatest was the Chaitanya-charitimrita by which grew out of simple episodes in the yitriis, Krishna-dås. His teachings with Krishna as the religious sougs about Krishna and others, their subject were popularised in the parlas or and the songs of the yarás or popular drama. wongs of the Vuislınavns, which purtray bumun The ani hor this reaches the period of English uctions, feelings and even questionable passions rulu and discusses the influences, which affected and yet often suggest a spiritual import. The Bengal, directly from the Government and greatest composer of padas was Gobindu-das in missi inaries, and indirectly by its contact with the 16. h century, and he wrote in the Brujabu.i the West, and the cte that have been produced dialect, which holds a middle position be.ween thereby in the elaboration of the language, the Hindi and Bengali, and in which vernacular altered outlook of the leading writers and the words were preferred to strict Sanskrit forms The later writers of the Puraaic Renaissance many-sideil character and tendencies of tbe books marred the freedom of their poetry with classical written. He has endeavoured to weigh all these Sanskrit phrases, but the new poets gave utter matters without prejudice and impartially. ance to natural feelings in simple Bengali, with | This book is the outcome of great research and which they were more familiar thun some of the study, for which the author deserves the warmest older writers, and capivated the ear of the peo- prise. He has explained the literature and the ple with their new Manoharaabi tune. This subjects treated in it with such fullness and in leads the author to discuss the origin and history such detail as to make the whole plain to any of the kirtan songs, and the gre.t importance of reader; and the book would probably gain in the kuth ka or professional reciters who have existed in India from the earliest times. Their usefulness by some compression. The folk-literecitations could give a poem wide publicity and ruture, the structure and style of the language, permanent fawe, and created also a demand for metre and rhyme, and many moiscellaneous points written copies even among rustic folk, are discussed in valuable notes; and specimens Vaishnava freedom was adverse to Brahmanic of old decorated book-covers and handwriting of old decorated bo formularism and permeated the people with and some portraits are displayed in coloured subversive ideas; yet its influence is found in all plates The tone is calm and the judgmenta the literutare after Chaitanya's time and even in appear to be generally fair, though it is well-nigh the later conceptions of Sivisin and Såklism. impossible to estimate aright the period of EngVaisbpavism, however, declined in purity the lish influence, since the changes bave been vasmore it overspread the country, because the pas- ter aud profounder than in any earlier age and sionate expressions used in the songs could arouse are still in progress. One noticeable blemish human nature without imparting # spiritual appears in the trunsliteration of Sanskrit and mening; and in the reaction against im moral Bengali words and numes; no uniform system is tendencies Brahmauism re-asserted itself when the Muhammadan power decayed in the 18tb observed and the same word even is not alwayı oentury. Learning tuen found patronaga nt two transcribed in the same way. Courta, that of Raja Krishnachandra of Nadiya F. LP. Page #305 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ G. F. refers to pages of the Folklore Notes from Gujarat and the Konkan, in the Appendix. 15 155 ... ... Abdu'l-Aziz, and Shah Jahan... 15, f. | Akbar and the study of Sanskrit abhiplava, unit of six days, 50-57, 77, 120, 122, f. aladrá vow 75, f. Alamkára writers aborigines, Hinduization of Abhira tribe Alarakåra Literature, Outlines of the History of, Section I.-The Development of AlamAba, Chandravati ... ... 196; G. F. 43, 45 karasastra, 124, ff; II.-Meaning of the Achæmenide, Buddhist title... Áchârasára, a work by Viranandi, and Budword Alamkara, III.-Position of the Figures of Speech, 204, f.; IV.-Basis of dhism in S. India Division as regards Figures of Speech, 206; V.-Number of Sabdalamkaras, Historical Treatment of a Few, 207; VI.-Number of Athalamkaras, VII.-Basis of Division... 208 Alol, author of the Padmabatt ... 300 86 34, 159 159 215 ... Alhana, name in Manglânâ inscription Amara, writer, date... Amarakosa, the... Amarakosha, Sanskrit lexicon, book notice Ambasamudram inscription of VaragunaMaharaja ... ... ... ... ... www ... Achyuta-kalpa, a heaven *** 247 Adhai-din-ka Jhonpra, in Ajmer Adhirajêndradeva, Chôla k. 218, ff., kantha.. Adhyatmaramayana, the Adhibharata, the MS. of Aditi, goddess Adityas, Vedic gods Advaita, sect to which the Sesha family belonged Aftab, Sarya, the Great Light Agastya, Sage, and Marut worship ted founder of the Tamil lang Aghori-bavas, man-eating recluses âgneya, Aryan line of march into S. India... 228 228; 293, f. Agni, g. Agnishtôms, form of sacrifice... 78 and n.; 79 Agnisvâmin, and the Vedic calendar 52 n.; 78, 81, 82 ...100 and n. 230; repu232; G. F. 45 G. F. 46 293 ... ... *** *** *** *** ... INDEX *** ... ... ... ... Krimi233, ff. ...273 ... 158 295, f. 290, ff. 89 89 182 ... www *** Agnyâdhêya, rite Agra, and G. Broughton Ahaba Pir 114, f. G. F. 61 G. F. 54 Ahalya, wife of Gautama 80 and D., 119 ahina, sacrifices... Ahobala, author of the Sam-gita-pârijáta, 157, 160 Ahoms of Assam, Hindus amisa, misd, words in Aśoka edicts... Amsa, son of Aditi Amtalikita, Antalkidas. anagh, anagodha, ceremony Anahilapâṭaka, the modern Anâvâdâ Anaimalai inscription ... Ananda, disciple of Sankara Anandagiri 34, or Anandajñâna Anandamayi, authoress Anandavardhana, and Alamkara literature, Anantadeva, k., grant of Anantamati, Jaina nun, copyist Ananta Sesha, commentator Anantavarma, k., grant of AnAvada stone inscription of Sarangadeva the Aiyanger, Mr. Krishnaswami, and (Vikrama) Samvat 1348 Ch0]as ... 218, 224, ff. Ancient Hindu Music, contribution to the 196 Ajari, in Sirohi State, inscription found in study of 157-164; 185-195; 254-265 Ajayadeva and Somaladevi, coins of... 209-211 229 Andhras, suggested origin of... 183 Ajayapala, and Ajmer... G. F. 54 Anjani, mother of Hanuman 183 Anjediva, near Bombay, and the English 74, f 175, f. 195 G. F. 61 ... 76 *** Ajayaraja, and Ajmer 88-90 Ajivikas, sect of Buddhist Bhikshus" Ajivikas ... Ajtvikas, a note on 296 ... Ajmer, c., a Guide to, book notice, 182, f.; ancient Sapadalaksha 195, f.; founded by Ajayadeva 209, ff.; museum and inscriptions 85, 201 286, ff. anjuman, (Persian) and Hanjamana Anna, Raja of Sapádalaksha annakút, an offering Annam Bhatta, or Vaidyanatha Payagunde 12; 247, 251 Antalkidas, Amtilikita ... 14 ... ... ... *** *** ... .4, 9 G. F. 48 12, 236 *** ... 24 ... 170 295, f. 14 G. F. 6 20 23, f. ... 35 35 300 204, ff. 173, f. ... 89 252 217, f. ... ... ... 20 Page #306 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 302 INDEX antara-gindhára, note in music ... 263, f. | Babada, son of Udayana, adopted by SiddhaAntarvedi Kingdom, genealogy of kings raja-Jayasimha ... ... ... ... 195 252 and n. Bahrim, Mangal, Manishram, planet, temple Antialkidas Nikephoros, date of .. ... 272 of ... ... ... ... ... 99 and n. Åpastamba, and the Vedic calendar 28; home bâklan, an offering ... .... ... G. F. 47 of ... ... ... ... ... ... 230 Baladitya, Narasimhagupta, k., and Vasuaparajita, Aryan, for unconquered lands 228 n. bandhu ... ... .. .. . 2, 3 Aparakakadi or Kakhadi, vil. in Nasik cave io Balagâmve inscrip. ... ... ... ... 201 scription, perhaps the modern Avalakheda, 166 Balavarma, k., not identified, supposed conapunya, sin ... ... ... ... ... 171 temporary of Sankaracharya ... 200 árati ceremony ... ... ... G. F. 62, 65 Balkh, Balucke, in Afghan Turkistan 115. f. Archaeological Series of Travancore... 21, f. Ballkla, k. of Ujjain ... ... ... 195, f. Arikesaridevarkja, k., grant of ... ... 173 Ballala Sena, k. of Bengal ... ...168 and n. Arjun, Mahavir... ... ... ... G. F. 69 Bana, writer ... ... ... ... 127, f. Arnoraja, k. of Sapadalaksha, at war with Banerjee, Babu Kakhaldas, on Lakshmaņa Kumarapala ... .. ... .. ... . 195, f. | 195, 1. Sena .. ... ... ... ... 167, f. Arthalar kåras, number of ... ... ... 208 B&newAr plates of Bbojadeva ... 201, f. Aryama, son of Aditi ... ... ... ... 295 | Barábar cave inscrips, and the Ajtvikne 286, 289 Åryans, 18; and caste, 103, f., 108, A.; of Başla, N. E. of Jodhpur, inserip. found at ... 203 India 129, ff.; immigrate to S. India 227, Barnes, friend of G. Broughton .... 115, f. ff.; influence in Bengal ... ... 298, t. Basark, ancient Vaisali, clay seals discovered Aryavarta, India. 18; Hinduized ... ... 76 at .. ... ... . ... ... 3 Asalat Khan, attended by G. Broughton 115, 1. Baudhayana, odtrakára ... ... ... ... 230 Asht&vasue, deities, .. .. G. F. 58 and n. Beadala, Vadaulay, port in Vijayanagara ... 241 Asika, Asi, probably H&nsi ... ... 17, f. Bellary dist., and Chola inscrips. ... ... 147 Asoka, inscrips. 13, f.; Bhabra Edict and its Benares, Dakshini Pandite at 7, fl.; and the references to Tipitaka passages 37, ff.; Sesha Family 245, tf.; Kashipuri G. F. 38; 70 Pillar edict VII, and the Ajivikas 88; 286; Bengal, and English commerce 114; and 289; the Sahaaram, etc. .. ... 170, ff. Aryan influence ... ... ... 298, f. Asokavalla, insorips. of ... ... 167, f Bengali Language and Literature, History Asuras ... ... ... ... ... 293, ff. of, (book-notice) ... . ... 298, ff. Ašvaghosha, and metre ... ... ... 127 Berar, Chedi ... ... ... 142 Asvala yana, and the Vedic Calendar... 117 and n. Bhabra Edict of Asoka... 37, 4. Atharvavêda, and the Vedic Calendar ... 30 Bhadrab&bu, guru of Chandragupta... 281, f. Athens, marriage in ... . .. ... 111 Bhadrasoms, riv. ... .. G. F. 46 Atirátra, days ... 77, 117, ft;"sacrifice 294 Bhaga, son of Aditi ... ... ... 295, f. Atits, a sect . ... ... G. F. 66, f., 64 atlases and maps of India Bhagavata, earliest mention of the word 272; g. ... ... 297, f. and the Ajivikas ... ... Atma, the inner man ...287, f.; 296 ... ... ... ... 291 avagati, degraded conditions of ancestors Bhakti School, origin of ... ... 13, f. G. F. $8,40 Bhâmaha, and Dandi 90, 4.; and Alankara Avalakheda, perhaps the ancient Aparakakadi 166 literature 204, 206, t.; and Dandin... 232, 1. Avanti, Ujjain in Malwa ... ... ... 146 Bhandarkar, Dr., and Vikramaditya 1; Dr. Ayanas or Sattras, sessional sacrifices 83, f. R. G, and the origin of the Bhakti School 13 Ayodhya, tn., and Vasubandhu 2; home of Bhandap, near Thána, Silkåra grant found Vijayaditya ... 146; 275 n.; 281, f.; G. F. 46 near ... .. ... ... ... ... 193 Bhanuji Dikshita, Sosha, Sanskrit author 247 n., 251 n. Bharata, and Alarkâra literature 127, 205, ff.; Bactria, Vahlika-desa ... 1 158; and music 157, ff., 164, 188, 193, 259, f. Badari, Borli, vil. mentioned in grant ... 203 Bharata, Bilar, a sage ... .... ... ... 156 Badrinarayan, place of pilgrimage ... G. F. 45 | Bharat Chandra, author ... ... ... 300 Page #307 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ INDEX 303 Bhdratúya-natya-santra, oldest Sanskrit work bronzes, Indian and Ceylonese .... ... 128 on music 157, ff.; notes on ... ... ... 263 Broughton, Gabriel, (mentioned in Vol. XL, Bh&ravi, early writer, and Alankara literature 208 p. 247, ff.;) more about ... ... 114, f. Bhahrut tope ... ... ... ... ... 40 Buckarrath, Bokhara ... ... ... ... 116 Bhartrihari commentator, date of 237; called Buddha 38, ff.; relics near Peshawar 156; 170, f.; Tikåkåra ... ... ... ... 245 and n. 288, f.; 299 Bhasa, poet, works attributed to him ... 141 Buddha-charita, a work by Aśvaghosla, date Bhatta Bhaskara, commentator ... ... 47 of Bhatta-bhattas, title of the Seaha family 247, 1. Buddba-Gayà inscrips. .. ... ... 167 Bhatta, Narayan, Pandit ... ... ...7, ff. Buddhaghosha, commentator ... 39, f. Bhatta-nyaka, author, and Alamkara litera Buddhamitra, tutor of Vasubaudhu ... 244; 267 ture .. ... ... ... .. .. 206 Baddhism, and Vikramiditya 2; in S. India Bhatti, writer, and Alamkâra literature ... 208 88, ff.; 231; and caste 134; Chinese 155, f.; Bhattoji Dikshita, commentator 234, f.; 247 and Brahmanism ... ... 244; 299 and n.; 251 Buddhist, Bhikshus, the Ajivikas 88, ff.; 286, Bhavabhuti, and the Ramdyana etc. ... 143; 158 288, ff., 296 Bbaveni, goddess, legend of ... .. G. F. 65 Bühler, Prof, and the Ajivikas ... 286, f. Bhikshus, Buddhist, the Âjivikas ... 88, it. Burma, food from ... ... ... ... 149 Bhima, a Pandava G. F. 44 and 0.; 56, called Burmese, Bramas ... ... ... ... 238 Vayusuta ... ... ... ... ... 57 Burnell, Dr. A. O., on Hindu Music... ... 103 Bhishma, legends of ... ... ... G. F. 58 Bhitari seal inscrip. ... ... ... ... 2 Bhoja, Paramára k., his Banswärå plates ... 201 Bhajn, writer and Alankara literature 207, l. Bhopatiya, name in Manglaņa inscrip. ... 86 caixa, cash, kas, a coin ... ... ... 239 and n. Bhatirája, commentator ... ... ... 237 Calendar, the Vedic 26, ff.; 45, 14., 77, ff., 117, #. Biânâ, near Agra, and G. Broughton ... ... 114 Cambodia, inscrips. in ... ... ... ... 156 Bihlang, writer ... ... caristia, Roman repasta ... ... ... 112 Bijapur, Vidyanagara ... Carnatic, the, and the Aryans... ... ... 231 Bijolia inscrip. . ... Caste, and Gågå Bhatta ... ... ... 12 Bilar, Bharata, sage .. Castes in India, Ch. III. The Origins 101; I. Bilsad inscrip. . ... Systems of Explanation 102, f.; II. ProfesBindu, sacred lake ... ... G. F. 42 sion as the Foundation of Caste 104, ff.; Bireśvara Sesha ... ... ... ... 253 Race as the Foundation 108, f.; Caste and Bisnega, Vijayanagar ... ... 233, ff. the Aryan Constitution of the Family 110, Black Art, ... ... ... G. F. 50, 55, 70 ff.; 7. The Genesis of the Indian Caste Block, Dr. found the clay seals at Basarh ... 3 129, ff.; VI. Caste and the Indian Mind 135, ff. Bokkara, Buckarratt ... ... ... 116 and n. cattle diseases ... ... ... G. F. 68, 88. Bombay, first governor of .. ... 73, ff. catur, small war ship .. .. ... 241 and 1!. Borll, Badari ... ... ... ... ... 203 Cave inscrips., Nasik ... ... ... 165, f. Bosanquest, Mr. R. H. M., on music 190, ff., 255 Ceylon, bronzes, and Indian 128; foodstuff Brahmagiri Edict of Asoka ... .. 170, f. from ... ... ... .. ... ... 149 Brahma-kalpa, a heaven ... ... ... 89 Chabaris Emporium, mentioned by Ptolemy, Brahman immigration into S. India ... 227, . said to refer to Kavirrippumpattinam ... 144 Brůhmanas, and the Vedic Calendar 26, 31, 32, 48 Chaitanya, Bhakti leader ... ... ... 300 Brahmanical theory of caste 102, f., 109, f. 112, f. Chakrakotta, Sakkaróttam ... ... 119, 126, f. Brahmanism and Buddhism ... ...241, 299, f. Chakrapani Sesha, Sanskrit author 251 and n.; 258 Brahmans, feeding of 10; or Brahmins, and Chalukyas, W., in S. India 146, f.; and Chojas caste 102, f., 105, ff., 109, f., 112, f., 132,ff., 217, ff. 137, ff. Chandala, Namaḥcudra Caste ... 75, f. Bramas, Burmese ... ... ... 238 Ohandi Dås, Bengali poet ... ...... 299 Brihaspati, and Sanskrit ... ... ... 245 Chandi Devi, goddess ... ... ... ... 299 Page #308 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 304 INDEX Chandragupta II., Vikramaditya 1, f.; 15; corn, as an offering ... ... ... G. F. 61 and Devagupta ... ... .... 215, f. Covenanters, the ... ... ... ... 78 Chandaprakasa, k. ... ... ... 2, 15 Crane, Sir F., and G. Boughton ... ... 118 Chandravati. Abd ... ... ... .. ... 196 | Ouddapah dist., Chola grants from ... . 190 Uuddapan dist., Uhole grants ir ... 147 chante, Saman ... .. ... ... 263 Cunningham, Gen. Sir A., and Ajayadeva's Charadwa, vil., temples, eto, in ... G. F. 62 coins ... ... .. ... ... 209, ff. Charitrapura, tn., and Kåvirippumpattinam 144 Chåritravardhana, writer ... ... ... 267 Charles, I., and II., and the Shipman family 78,4. Châturmasyay&jis, astronomical school 124 n., 292 Char, Oxus rir. ... ... Dabistán, a work published in 1815 ... ... ... G. F. 46 ... 99 Chedi, Chedidesa, Berar, etc., and the Kala Daçaratha, Dasaratha 275 n., 276, 4., 282, 285 Dadhicha, Dahiya fainily, to which Jayatra churis ... ... ... ... ... ... 142 chelan, meaning of ... .. G. F. 70 and n. simha belonged ... .. .. 85, f. chhakadi, an offering ... ... ... G. F. 68 Dåksbiņâtya Brahmaņas to which the Seshas .. ... belonged 173, f. ... Chhittaråjadeva, k., grant of... ... ... ... 247 Chidambaram, Chitrakata ... ... 220, 225 Dakahini Pandits at Benares ... ... 7, f. Chintamani, Sesha, Sanskrit scholar 249, f., 253 Daņdi and Bhamaha ... ... ... 90, ff. chiranjiva, an immortal ... ... G. F. 54 Dandin, author, and Alam kåra literature 204, Chitor, Chitrakuta, inscrip. ... ... ... 196 1.; 207, f.; The Nyåsak&ra, and Bhamaba 232, ff. Chitrakața, Chitos inscrip. 196; or Chidam diravi, stringed instruments ... ... 184, f. baram, shrine, destroyed ... ... 220, 225 Darsa sacrifice.. ... ... ... ... 293 Chola, kings, names of 23; and Pallavas 145, Dasaratba, k., and the Ajivikas ... 88, 286 f.; and Chalukyas' in the 11th. cen. 217, ff.; Dastur Aspendiarji Kamdin 175 and n; or Chôlis, Dasyus ... ... ... 275 n. 276, ff., 282, 285 Daçaratha ... ... ... 229 Christ and Krishna .. .. ... 229 .. Dasyus, thieves, applied to the Cholas .. 15 churama, a sweet preparation... ... G. F. 56 Dattatraya, sage ... ... ... G. F. 44 ... Davalehah Pir, shrine ... city, and caste ... ... ... G. F. 62 ... 138, f. ... Cochin, tn., and A. de Souza ... 238, 241, f. Davids, Prof. Rhys, and Asoka Edicte 37, ff. Cohala, bard, wrote a treatise on music ... 185 Day, Capt., on music 157, 161, 187,189 n., 191 coins, in Ajmer 183; of Ajayadeva and Soma and n. Deccan, the, Pâriyâtra... ladevi ... ... ... ... ... ... 209, #. ... ... 228 colours, and music ... ... ... ... 195 Delhi, the Siwâlik pillar inscrip, in, 18; Jogini comets ... ... ... ... ... G. P.53 or Yoginipura... ... .. ... 85, f commerce, English in Bengal 114; and Karikala 148 Devadhara, name in the ManglAna inscrip.... 86 Comorin c. ... ... ... 141 and n., 142 Devaladevi, q. to Arņoraja ... ... ... 196 Contributions to Panjabi Lexicography, Devapala of Dhård, his HarsaudA inscrip.... 20 Series III., contd. from Vol. XL, p. 310 Devanandin, Pajyapada, author ... ... 233 41, ff.; 92, ff.; 150, ft; 176, ff.; 197, ff.; Devas and Asuras ... ... ... 194, f. 212, f.; 242, f.; 267, f. Dhananjapya, author ... ... ... 77, 79, 119 Contributions to the Study of Ancient Hindu Dhara Araba, Dhårdvarsba, a Sinda 219 and a. Music ... ... ... 157,8., 185, 11., 254, 1. Dbari Jaganatha plundered Vengi ... 217, f. Cooke, H., Vice-governor of Bombay under Dharasena kings ... ... Charles II. ... ... 128 ... ... .... . ... 76 Coorg, sandalwood from ... ... ... 149 Dharma and Buddha ... ... ... ... 299 copper-plate grants, from Haidarabad 72; Dharmamangal, poems ... ... ... ... 299 Telegu-Chôda ... ... ... .. ... 146 dharmartha, for charity ... 85 Correa, Gaspar, author of the Lendas da Dharma-Sátra, the, and the Ajivikas ... 296 India ... ... ... ... ... 238, f. Dhary& Pir .. .. .. . G. F. 40 Page #309 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 305 INDEX = Dhåtå, son of Aditi ... ... ... ... 295 Fire, domestic ... ... ... ... .. 113 Dhhank, c. legend of ... ... ...G. F, 58, f. Firoz, Saseanian k., and the HÀņas ... ... 267 ... ... dhodh, cow's mouth, stream G. F. 40 Fochu, Pucho, Oxus riv. ... ... ... 266 Dhundhalimal, a recluse of Dhhank... G. F. 58 Folklore Notes from Gujarat and the Konkan, ... ... 3 Appendix ... ... Dhruvadevi, Dhruvasvâmini, q. . .. 37-72 family, Aryan Constitution of, and caste 110, fr. Dhvanyaloka, treatise on Alamkâra liter. funeral, repasts 112, f.; customs of the Hanas 267 ature ... ... ... ... ... 205, ff. Dhvany Alokalochana' writer ... ... 141 and n. Digoaga, author, date of 244; contemporary with Kalidasa ... ... ... ... ... 257 dikah, initiation day ... ... 46, 58 n., 80, ff. Gadhivamkanucharitam, a work by Sarkara diseases of cattle ... .. ... G. F. 68, 4. G. F. 68. ff. Bhatta ... ... ... ... ... 7,8 Divyastricharita, a work which treats of the Gaga, Visvesvara Bhatta, Pandit ... ... 12 Cholas ... ... ... ... ... 220, ff. gagarbedium, a charm ... ... ... G. F. 69 ... ... 18 Gandika, riv. Dode, Dodias, Paramâra clan... ... ... ... ... G. F. 37 Gandh&ra, co., and music . .. .. 164 Dom João III., k. of Portugal ... 238, 241 gandhåra, gandhara-grama musical terms Dravidas, in S. India 228, f.; and Aryans 230, f. 254, 264, f. dramas, on the Ramayana, list of ... 140, ff. ganeshio, burglar's instrument ... G. F. 51 Drona, mt. ... ... ... ... G, F. 56 Gangaikondacholapuram, c. and Vikramaditya Durgaprasad, Mahamahopadhyaya, Pandit, VI. 218 and the poet Mayaraja .. . 139, 4. Ganges, riv. ... ... ... G. F. 37, ff., 46 Durgar&ja, k. ... ... ... ... ... 183 Gangetic region, wealth from ... ... ... 149 Durvinita. k. and Devanandin .. . 233 Ganpati, g. . ... ... ... G. F. 71 Dvadsaha sacrifice ... 46, 48, 53 n. 77, 79 günthids, an offering ... ... ... G. F. 69 Dvåraka, tn., and Rameśvara ... ... ... 9 Gargyanarayana, commentator ... 117 and n. Dwarka, holy c. ... ... ... G. F. 38, 42, 62 Gauri-pujan, holiday kept by women G. F. 49 Gautama and sacrifices 77, 80; 122; and the Godavari ... ... ... ... G. F. 37 Gautamiputra Satakarni k. ... ... ... 166 Gavam Ayana, general name for the Vedic Calendar 47, ff, 53 n., 78, ff.; 83, f.; JyotiEdicts of Asoka ... ... ... 37, ff.; 170, f. sbtôma ... ... ... ... ...117, ff., 123 Edinburgh, and Ab, Shipman... Gay& inscrip. ... ... ... ... ... ... 167 73, f. Gebalash& Pir, Shrine ... ... ... G. F. 61 Egypt and caste ... ... ... ... 135 genealogical tables, of the Sesha family 247 Ekadandi=Ajivika ... ... ... 288, 290 n., 253; of the kings of Antarvedi... 252 n. Ekántika-dharma, religion, rise of ... ... 14ghánis, measures ... ... C.F. 57 and n. Ekatrika, Sama verses ... ... ... 52 and n. Ghatiyâld inscrip. ... ... ... ... 183 English commerce in Bengal.... ... ... 114 ghosts .. ... ... G. F. 40 and n.; 43 Epigraphic Notes and Questions, contd. from Giridhara, contemporary of Krishga Sesha... 252 Vol. XL, p. 240-XII. Sahasram-Rapn&th- Girnår, inscrip. 126; 207; kunds G. F. 89, 42, Brahmagiri Edict of Asoka 170, t.; XIII. #., 46 A New Kshatrapa Inscrip. ... ... ... 173 go, cow=intercalary days. 48, 49 and n.; Era of Lakshmana Sena, k. of Bengal 187, ff. cattle ... ... ... ... . .. 292 fairs ... ... ... ... 300 ... ... Gobinda-d&s, pada writer ... ...G. F. 63, #. goblins ... .. . ... G. F. 40 and n. famine in Hindustan ... ... ... 281, f. Godavari, riv. and Gautama ... G. F. 37, 1., 45 Foll, Capt., and the Hånsf stone inscrip. of Godlinge, heroic... ... ... G. F. 54, ff. Prithviraja ... ... ... ... ... 17 Gopinatha, Sesha, Sanskrit scholar... 251, 253 figures of speech in Alankara literature 204, ff. Gorakhdev, g. ... ... ... ... G. F. 70 Page #310 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 306 INDEX - 267 goranis, unmarried girls, and married women Himalayas, sacred mts. ... G. F. 43, 45 G. F. 49, surasanis . ... ... 72 and n. Hinda music, ancient, contributions to the Govardhan, mt.... ... .. .. G. F. 44 study of ... ... 157, ff., 185, ff., 254, ff; Govindrachandra, k, of Tandava 247, f., 251, f. Hindu Pantheon, Moor's ... ... ... 44 Govindagupta, k., and Chandragupta ... 3 Hinduization of the Aborigines : swelling Govinda, Sesha, commentator ... 248, 252 of the Chandalla caste ... ... 75, f. graha-shanti, odstun ceremony . G. F. 68 Hindus, and pilgrim tax 11; 1; and Mahamgrama, village ... ... ... ... ... 131 madans 18; and custo 102, ff; 134, f., gráma, musical term . 254, f., 203, 264, f. 139.; 230, and Jains ... ... ... ... 231 Grammar, Persian, in Sanskrit ... ... 4, ff. Hindustan, and the Aryans 227; and the Greeks, and caste ... 112, 114, 185, 138 Dravidians 229, f.; famine in ... ... 231 Grosset, M., J. and Hindu music 157, 158 n., Hipkins, Mr., on ancient Hindu musio 187, 188 n. 191, f., 257, ff., 261 gujakalpa, nargudikalpa, medicinal prepara- Hiuen Tạiang, in S. India ... ... 144; 229 tion ... ... ... ... ... G. F. 52 | History of Alankara Literature 124, ff., 204, ff. Gurjaras, Gojars, and Khasas ... ... 181 Hoernle, Dr., on the Guptas ... ... 1, ., 15, f. Gujarat and the Konkan, the Folklore of, homa ceremony ... ... ... G. F. 47, 68, 70 Appendix .. . ... ... 87-72 Hormuzd, Bhşihaspati, planet, temple of ... 99 Gupta, kings 2; and the Hanas ... Haltzsch, Prof., on inscrips, 23, on the ChoGupta-Vakataka copper-plate grant ... ... 214 las 218, 219 n., 226; and the Ajfvikas 289, 296 Hona, Gadhia, coins ... ... ... ... 211 Hanas of the Oxus Valley ... ... 265, # Husen-per shrine ... ... ... G. F. 59 Hadoti, in Rajputând, and the Dode... ... Haidaråbåd, copper-plate grant from ... 72 Haliddavasana, tn. of the Koliyane.. .. Hamjamana, Hanjamana, tn. referred to in throe Silahâra grants of the 10th, 11th, Ibbetson, Sir D., on Caste 101, 106 and 12th centuries ... ... ... 173, f. and n., ... ... ... ... ... 107, 113 Hansi, Asika, stone inscrip. of Prithvirkja Iconography, Planetary, of the Sipasians, according to the Dabistan ... ... 99, f. (Vikrama] Samvat 1224 ... ... 17, ff.; 183 Iļasjeţchepni, Ilažjepni or Iļaiyon, father Hanuman, g legends of, etc. G. F. 44,54-56, of Karikâla ... ... ... ... 147 59-63 immigration, Brahman, into S. India 227, ff. Haradatta, author of the Pañamañjari . 246 India, and Sanskrit literature 7; S., and Hårå, Rao Ratan Singh, Raja of Bandi, Buddhism eto, 88, 90-92; The Castes in and Sir F. Crane ... ... in ... 116 101, ff., 129, ff.; bronzes from 128; visited Haridatta, author of the Manasa-mangal 299 by Hiuen Tsiang 144, 229; S., and the W. Hari Dikshita, commentator ... . Chilukyas 146, f; Progress Report of the Harshacharita, the ... ... ... Linguistio Survey of, up to the year 1911 Harsaudâ stone inscrip. of Devapala... 179, .; Brahman immigration into 227, ff.; Hebbar plate inscrips. ... ... ... ... 233 8., the Temples of 288, ff; invaded by the Helårdja, commentator... ... ... .. 237 Anas 267; Maps and Atlases of ... 297, f. Heliodorus, Greek ambassador, mentioned in Indra, g. 26, ff.; 31; an Aditya ...290, 293, 295, 1. Indramahotsava, Ujjani, festival ... G. F. 47 inscrip. ... ... ... ... ... ... 13 Heliodorus, son of Dion of Takshasild, a Inscriptions, some unpublished, --contd, from Vol. XL., p. 176— 3 The Hånaf Stone Bhagavata ... ... ... ... ... 273 Inscription of Prithviraja [Vikrama ]Hemachandra, on Kumarapala .. .. 195 Samvat 1224 17, ff; 4. Anâvâdà Stone, Herodotus, on caste in Egypt... ... ... 135 of Sarangadeva 20, f; 5. The Banswara Hidimba, giantess ... .. G. F. 44 and n. Plates of Bhojadeva 201; 6 Nadol Plates hijadás, eunuche... ... ... ... G. F. 56 of Pratápasimha ... ... ... 202, f. Page #311 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ Inscription, the Manglânâ stone of Jayatra ... ... 85, ff. simha Inscriptions, Gupta 2, 3; 214, ff.; Asoka 13, f; Venad 21, ff.; of S. India 90; f.; Girnår 126, 207; Chôla, etc. 145; in Cambodia 156; Nasik Cave 165, f.; of Asokavalla 167, ff.; Sahasrâm etc. 170, ff.; a new Kshatrapa 173; of Durgaraja, in Ajmer 182, f.; Chitor etc. 196; in Dhod temple 209, ff.; E. Chalukya 217, ff.; 226, f.; Sravana Belgola 231, f.; Mysore etc. 233; at Mankuwar 244; and the word 'Bhagavata' 272; and the Ajtvikas Iranians, and the Planets Irungové dynasty isha, food Italy, and the Aryans ... Jetavana o. Jhâmpadi, goddess Jagannatha, rhetorician, and Alamkåra literature 206, 208 Jaina, faith, and the Ajivikas 88-90, 286, ff, 296; and Caste 135; and Buddhism 231; temples, grants to 203; Prakrits, grammar of 249; shrines G. F. 45 85, f. 86 4 G. F. 41 ... Jaitrasimha, Jayatrasimha Jajaya, named in Manglânâ inscrip. Jalalu'ddin, title of Akbar I... jalotsava, water festival janas and jati ... ... jangades, temple guards... jati, caste... *** 130 ... 241 and n., 242 129, f. Jațilavarman, inscrip. of 23 Jayachandra, Rathor of Kahauj ... 209 Jayadeva, author of the Gita Govinda 20 Jayadeva, reputed founder of Ajmer ... 183 Jayangonda-Chôla, surname of two kings... 23 Jayantabhaṭṭa, author of the Tattvachandra 250 Jayasimba, Chalukya k., and Bhoja the *** ... *** ... INDEX 100 ... Paramara 201 Jayatrasimha, his Manglânâ stone inscrip, 85, ff. Jaynarayan, Bengali author ... ... 300 39 G. F. 51 *** 286, 289 99 *** ... 149 ... 47 ... 138 ****** ... Jinamandana, writer, on Kumarapala Jinendrabuddhi, and Bhâmaha Jogini, c. Delhi 196 234; 246 85 Jones, Sir Wm., and Hindu music ...157, 195, ff. Jumna, Yamuna, riv. G. F. 37, 38, 43 Jyotisham-Ayana, year with intercalary period 83 Jyotishtôma, the Gavâm-Ayana 77, 83, 117, ff. Kachharis of Kachhar, Hindu tribe... Kadab grant of Govinda III Kadambari, by P. V. Kane, book-notice Kadaram, captured by Rajendrachôla II. Kailasa, mt, 76 200 ...244 226, f. G. F. 45 99 ... 166 ... Kaivaa, Sani, planet, temple of Kakhadi, Aparakakhaḍi Kalachuri, princes of Chedi 142; or Kalacuris of Mabakopala, Haihayas of Ratnapura, coins of ... ... *** ... 210, f. G. F. 70, 71 Kal-bhairav, g; legend of Kalakacharya, probably the famous Jaina teacher, and the Ajivikas Kalidasa, and Kamandaki 286, ff., 296 156 Kalidasa and the Hanas of the Oxus Valley 265, ff. Kalidasa, on music 158, f.; and Alamkara literature 207, f.; and Sankaracharya, solicisms of 214; date of... Kalika hill, near Girnår Kalinga, and the Aryanised Dravidas Kallinatha, commentator 163, 164 and n.; on music kalpa vriksha, magic tree 262 n. G. F. 46 Kalyana, K, of Antarvedi, patron of Krishna Sesha 252 & n. 252 222 n. G. F. 63 156 Kamalakara, Sesha, commentator Kamalâlaya, Sk., Tiruvarur... *** 307 *** kâman, an evil art Kamandaki and Kalidasa Kanarese practice of using place names as surnames Kanarese co., and Buddhism... Kanchanadevi, wife of Armorija K&fichi and Karikala 146; and Râmânuja 227; Dravida cap. 229; or Koil Kanêt tribe Kaphahii, vil. in the Nasik cave inscrip., and the modern Kavņai Kanyakumari, tn., inscrip. from Kapila, sage Karikala and His Times Karnatik system of music karsha, measure of one tola ... Kartikey, g. Kasatia, g. Kâshi, Kashipuri, Benares Kashmir, home of Vallabha Kasi, tn., and Râmesvara Kasi Bâm, author ... *** ... 216 G. F. 46 ... 230 ... 168 23 G. F. 37 144, ff. 157 .. 85 G. F. 50 G. F. 48 ... G. F. 38, 70 ... 266 72 89 196 ... 231 180,f ... ... 9 *** 299 Page #312 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 808 INDEX Katyayana and Vararuchi' suggested iden- Krittivisa, poet ... ... ... ... ... 299 tity of ... . .. ... ... ... 125 Kshatrapa inscrip., a new one ... ... 173 Kaveri, Ponni, riv. ... ... ... 144, ff. Kshatriyas, Dahiva ... .. 87; 103, 107 Kavirippampattinam, ancient Pugår ... 144 Kshomendra and Panini ... ... 125, 256, f. kavirálds, songs ... .. 300 kudi, kudiyanapan, household, family, eto.... 72 Kavnai, the ancient Kanbahini ... ... 166 kulera, an offering ... ... .. G. F. 69 Kávydsharta, date of ... ... ... ... 237 Kulottungachola I., allas of Rájendrachôla Kávydlankára-sútra-vritti, a work by V&mana 1 II. ... ... ... ... 218, 220, 224, ff. Kavyalankára, a work by Bhåmaba ... 90, 92 Kumaradása, author of the Jánakf-harana, Kavyaprakása, book notice ... ... ... 16 and the Ajfvikas ... ... ... ... 289 kerges, vultures ... ... ... ..99 p. Kum&ragupta and BAAditya 2, 3; patron of Kern, Prof., on the Ajfvikas ... Vasubandhu ... ... ... ... 15, 244 Khandavana, forest, burnt ... ... ... 231 Kamarapala, k. of Anhilwårå, at war with kharavá, cattle disease... ... G. F. 69 Arporaja 195, f., Kumarapaladeva... ... 203 Khas, ancient Khasa tribe kumbi, kutumbi, occupational term ... 180, f. ... ... 72 Khát, khát-muhurt, ceremony... ...G. F. 41, 68 kundalan, cirole ... .. G. F. 55 and n. Khetola, cobra g. kunds, sacred ... ... G. F. 61 ... ... ... .. G. F. 39 "* Khodiar Natả temple ... ... G. P. 67 Kuntala, Kondala, co., and Vikramaditya VI. 226Khojas of Keshod ... ... G. P. 59, 60 KarattAlvån and R&mannja ... ... 221, f. Khorasaan, home of the Parsees kutapa, band of musicians ... ... ... 159 ... ... 175 khuristar, temple refectory ... ... ... 100 kutumbi, a family man, and kumbi, kudi. G. F. 72 Khusbro Noshirwan, Shah, the Sassanian ... 156 lakes, sacred .. ... .. ... G. F. 42 Khwaja Mu'au'ddin Chisti of Ajmer ... 182 Lakkad Pir, shrine of ... ... G. 3. 60 Kielhorn, Dr. and the Jena Kings ... 167, ff. Lakshmana. ... ... 275 n., 277, 279, 282, ff. Kilhana, Gohilauta k... ... ... 17, f. Lakshmana Sena, K. of Bengal, and his Era. kirtan, songs ... ... ... ... ... 800 167, ff. Kisa--Sankichchha a founder of the Ajivi- laman-divo, a lamp ... ... G. F. 50 and n. kas ... ... ... ... ... 288, f. Lanka, Ceylon 18; and Sita 277, 283; G. F. Kissa-i-Sanján, Persian poem ... ... 174, f. 43, f., 54, 56 Kodolin, in Gujarat, Hanuman temple at G. F. 55' lapsi, an offering ... ... ... G. F. 48 Kohala, writer on music ... ... 160 and n. Laty&yana, and the Vedic Calendar ... 48, 51, 4. Kondala, Kuntals ... ... ... ... 226 - 77, ., 83 Kongu dyn. ... ... ... .. 232 Lau Sen, hero ... ... ... ... ... 299 Konkan, find of Sildhåra grants in 170; and Laukikanyayanjali 81, ff.; a note on it ... 213 Bhojn the Paramara ... ... ... ... 201 | Lavandadi, unidentified vil., mentioned in . Konkan and Gujaratee folklore notes, appen 1 grant .. ... ... .. ... ... 203 dix ... ... ... ... ... ... 37-72 Levi, M. Sylvain, works by 155; on Asoka korada, term for several kinds of grain 85, f. Edicts ... ... ... ... ....... 170 kori, garment, or earthen jar ... ... 60 and n. Lexicography Panjabi,contributions to, contd. Korumilli inscrip. of Rajaraja Narendra ... 217 from Vol. XL, 310. 41, #; 92, ff. ; 150, ff., koshthakas, granaries ... ... ... ... 17 176, t.; 197, ff; 212, f.; 242, f.; 267, f. Krimikantha, nickname applied to a Chola Ley, 3rd Earl of Marlborough, in Bombay... 74 . 223, 1r. Leyden plate inscrips. ... ... ... 146, # Krishna and Christ 15; temple of 18; 299, Lilapur, vil. legend of ... ... ... G. F. 65 f; ... ... ... ... ... G. F. 44 Linguistic Survey of India, Progress Report Krishnachandra, KAjå of Nadiya, patron of of, up to the year 1911 ... ... 179, 4. learning ... . ... .. ... 300 Literature, Alara kara q. v. ... 124, ff.; 204, ff. Krishna-das, poet ... ... .. 800 Literature, Sanskrit, maxims current in 33, ff. Krishna Sesha, Sanskrit Scholar ... 246, ff. Lohara, name in Manglânâ inscrip. ... ... 86 Krishnaśrama' Sri, mahant ... ... ... 8 lubdho rehah, desired ascent ... ... ... 118 Krishna Yajurvéda, the quoted . 81; 120, f. Lucas, Sir Gervase, Gov. of Bombay 75 Page #313 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ ... Lunar years Lavaria, vil., legend of 57, ff.; 61, ff.; 71, 77, 79, ff. Mankuwar, Buddha image at ... Mân-sarovar, sacred lake Manu, the world G. F. 62 maps and atlases of India Marañjaḍaiyan, k. Marathas and Rajputs Mâravarman, Pandya name... marjana, and múrchhand, musical terms marriage, and caste 109, ff., 113; G. F. 37 n., 50, 61, 66, 71 296 ... 230 290 299 www *** ... madder, cultivated at Malvern Chase Madhuria, co., Marudia madhyama, madhyamagráma, musical term 162, f.; 189 n.; 192, 193 and n.; 254, ff.; 259, 263, ff. ... Madura, and the Brahmanas Magadi, and Vengi Magas, Sakadvipi Brahmans Magha, early writer and Alanikâra literature ... ... ... ... www *** ... 000 0.0 ... ... ... www ture Mahishmati, Maheśvar, cap. of Chedi Maḥmad Sultan, raided Sanjan Maitreya-rakshita, commentator Maitrayaniya-Samhita, quoted Majjhamik, seige of Makkhali Gosåla, a founder of the Ajivikas ... ... *** ... ... ... Mághanandi-érávakâchára, and the Buddhists MAh, Chandramas, planet, temple of Mahabharata' age of 126; and Aryan im migration 228; 230; 299 Mahad-uktha, great Litany of Rigvedic hymns Mahakali Mâtâ, goddess Mathura, Ajayadeva coins in ... Maharashtra Brahmans, at Benares... 7, 12, 13 Maurya period and the Ajivikas Mahavir, Arjun, names of maxims, popular, current in Sanskrit literature www 48 G. F. 44 G. F. 69 120, 123 2 Mahavrata day Mahendraditya, Bâlâditya Mahesa Thakkur, scholar of the 16th cen. Maheśvar, ancient Mâhishmati Mahimabhatta, writer, and Alamkara litera INDEX ... 208; 232 89 100 Malavas, and Uttamabhadras... Malhans, his grant 288, ff. 182, f. 183 210 maliddd. a sweet preparation... G. F. 56 Malika-i-Maghfira Anjahâni, posthumous Malhar inscrip. title of 4. Victoria 72 Mallin&tha, on music... 158, f.; 266, f. Malvern Chase, and the Cultivation of madder 73 Malwa confederacy and Jayasimha ... 201 Mammata, rhetorician and Alamkara litera206, ff. ... 299 ... ture Manasâ, snake goddess Mandalik, author of the Upôdghata ... 7, 8, 10, 13 Mandasor inscrip. Mangal-gayaks, singers Mangalsha Pir, shrine of Manishram, Bahram *** 207 299 G. F. 60 99 n. 73 230 ... 231 232 183 ... 206 ... 142 ... 175 246 124 n. 272 www ... *** 9 142 ... *** Martanda, broken egg ... Marudia, Dravidian g. and Marut Maskarins, and Ajivikas Masulipatam, Masoli, and the Cholas Matâ, Mâtâs Matrikâs G. F. 44, f.; 63, 65, f. 70, ff. Matanga, writer, on music 158, 160, 193 and n., 260 ... Movaiya, vil. legends of mss., numerous, at Benares Matanga-bharatam, a work by LakshmanaBhaskara *** ...244 G. F. 39, 42, 60 296 297, f. 24, f. 72 23, f. ... 159 *** *** mayá, illusion Mayaraja, Sanskrit poet Mazhanada, Brahmana section Medantaka, Meṛtâ, near Ajmer Medhâtithi, author of the Manu-bhashya, on Hindus... ... ... ... Moslems, and the Zenana system mountains, sacred ... 76 224, 231 ... 209 272 149; G. F. 45, f. 195 183 Mêlkôṭa, in Tirunârâyanapuram. Menal, in Mewâr, inscrip. at Menander invaded India Mêru, mt., gold from... Merutunga, writer, on Kumarapala Merta, Medantaka *** meteors, origin of G. F. 52, f. Minhaj-ud-Din Saraj, author of the Tabaqat i-Naşiri ... 33, ff. G. F. 58 and n. 139, ff. ... 231 183 ... 309 ... ... ... ... 167, ff. misâ, amisá, words in Aśoka edicts, note on 170 Mithila, tn. 275 n. 290, 295 76 Mitra, an Aditya... Mlechchhas, barbarians, as Hindus Mohammedans, in Sanjân 175; and learning in Bengal 298, ff; G. F. 50 ... 240 and n. 231, f. 44 mohan, form of black art moio, a measure... Molaga, Brahmana section Moor's Hindu Pantheon ... ... 158 ... 209 ... 289 ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 155 ...G. F. 43, ff. G. F. 66 ...7, 11 Page #314 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 310 INDEX Muhammad Bakht yAr raided Nadia... 167, 1. Nariyana Sosha, Sanskrit scholar, 240, author Muhammadans and Hindus ... ... ... 18 of the Sukti-ratndkara 250; two men of the Makunda Ram, author of the Chandi-mangal 299 name ... ... ... ... ... 252, f. Mulla Firaz, Parat scholar ... ... ... 99 Narayan Bhatta, Pandit 7, 11; his pupils 10, fr. Murári, poet ... ... ... 141 and n., 143 Narbada, riv. ... ... ... ... G. F. 37 Morti-Nayanar, Saiva devotee, and Pandya k. 147 nargudikalpa, gujakalpa, a medicine G. P. 52 Musio, Ancient Hinda, Contributions to the Narottama, k. of Tandava, patron of Krishna study of ... ... 157, ff., 185, ff., 254, R. Sesha ... ... ... ... .. .. 252 Mussulmans and Hindus ... ... ... 113 Narsinha Mehta, saint ... ... .. G. F. 47 Mysore, Dravidian centre 228; 332; inscrip. NAsik Cave Inscriptions, four villages men 233, f. tioned in 165, f.; and the town of Pushkar. 182 Nátrayatas, the Dahiva Kshatriyas ... ... 87 navamuthium, preparation of wheat ... G. F. 49 Nesfield, Mr., on caste.... ... 101, 104, f. Nadia, raided by Muhammad Bakht-yar Nidana-Satra, and the Vedic Calendar 48, 167, t. 4., 52, 77, 80 and n., 81, 84, 123. n, 117, ff. Nádol plate inscrip. of Prat&prasimba 202 f. Nils-Pir, sbrine of ... ... ... G. F. 60 Nadadagika, Nadal, vil. mentioned in Nilgiris, and other sacred mte. ...G. F. 43, 45 grant ... ... ... ... ... ... 203 Nirgranthas, the Ajivikas 90; ascetica 286, 288, f. Nagabhata II., and NAbad råv ... ... 189 nirriti, destruction ... .. .. ... 228 Nagapanchami, religious holiday G. F. 49 and n. Nirvana Era ... ... ... 168, 169 and n. Nagari, where the Silaprakár a originally was Nripatunga, author ... .. ... 236 and n. 13 n. Ny@sakára, the, and Dandin q.v. .. 232, 4. Nagari, characters, in the Hanst stone, and other inseripe. ... ... 17; 20; 201, f. Nagarjuni cave inscrips., and the Ajivikas 286, 289 Oddhras, and Andhras.. ... ... ... 299 Naga Sesha, commentator ... ... ... 252 Ojha, P., Gauri-Shanker, found the Ajári NAgojf Bhatta, Pandit 12; author of the inscrip. ... ... ... ... ... 196 Sabdendulekhara ... ... ... 247 and n. Oldenberg, M. and Asoka edicta ... ... 37 Náhad-rfv, Padihår k., a leper, perhaps Naga Oshama hill, Gondal dist., famous for tem bhata II, or Nagabhata, a Pratihara feuda ples .. ... ... ... G. F. 44 tory .. .. .. .. .. 183 Oxus, Vanku, Vankaho, Valley, and the Nahid, Sukra, planet, temple of ... ... 100 Häņas 265, ff; or Chax ... ... G. P. 49 Nairrtya, from Nirriti,=the S. West ... 228 nakshatras .. ... ... 50, 51 and n. Nalaks ... ... .. . ... ... 40 Namaboddra ChandAla caste ... ... ... 76 Pâchapattana, tn. on the Sutlej; and PathNanda-Vachchha, a founder of the Ajivikas chapura .. ... ... .... 18 288, f. Padmaprabha, writer, and the Ajfvikas ... 89 Nandi-bharata, the ... ... ... ... 158 Pabari languages ... ... ... ... 180 Nannayabhatta, Telugu poet ... ... ... 217 Paikaristan, image temples ... . .. 99 Narada, writer, on musio ... ... 264, 264 Paithan, Pratishthana, tn. .. ... ... 8 Náradi-Sikahd, a work on music . 162, 1., 194 Paleacate, Pulicat and Af. deSouzs ... 238, 241 Narasimha Sesha, author of the Govindarnaval Palitâna, mt., and Bhima ... ... G. F. 57 217, 8., 253 Pallavanisvaram, temple in KåvirippampattiNarasim hagupta, or BAAditya 2; and Vasu Dam ... ... . .. ... 144, 1. bandhu... ... ... ... ... ... 244 Pallavas, in S. India, 91, f.; 229; and Cholna Narasimhbavarma IL, Pallava k, Rajasthha 145, fr varma ... ... ... ... ... 92 Pathchapura, 17, and Pachapattana... 18 and n. Narasimhavarman I., Pallava k. ... ... 148 Pampa, sacred lake ... .. G. F. 42 and n, Narayana, g, and the Ajfvikas... 286, #.; 296 Panchardtra system, or Vasudeva religion ... 14 Page #315 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ INDEX 311 ... 17 PanditarAja Jagannatba, Sanskrit scholar 247,251 | Plutarch, and marriago ... 110 Pandita Sesba, commentator ... ... ... 252 Pochu, Fochu, tbe Vasku or Oxus riv. ... 266 Pandits, Dakshini, at Benares .. 7, ff, poets, who refer to Kåvirippumpattinam ... 14 Pandya kinge ... .. ... .. 23, 1. Polonnarewa, bronzes from ... .. .. 128 Pagini, grammarian, as a poet 125 and n, 127 Ponni, Kávéri riv. !!!, Saveri riv. ... ... 144 n. and n.; 223, ff.; and Patañjali 237; 245 posthumous titles .. .. ... ... 72 and n.; commentaries on... 2446, 249; 290 Prabandha-Chintamani, a work by Moru. Panis, the Dravidas ... .. ... ... 229 tunga, mentions Kumarâpåla ... ... 195 Panjaba Shah, fakir leader ... ... ... 182 Prajapati ... 26, 28; 46; 82, f ; 291, 293, ff. Panjabi Lexicography, Contributions to, Pråkpit, dialects, origin of, 230; Jaina gram Series III., contd. from Vol. XL; P. 310 mar ... ... ... ... ... ... 219 41, ff., 92, 8., 150, F.; 176, 11.; 197 tk., 212,.; Pratậpasimha, feudatory prince, his Nadol 242, 1., 287, ff. plate inscrip. ... ... ... ... 202, f. panoti, evil influence ... .. G. F. 56 and n. Pratibarenduraja, commentator' and Alamparikrama, strenuous exertion ... 170, f. kira literature ... ... ... ... 206 Paramâra inscrips. ... ... ... 2.1 | Pratishthana, Paithan, tn on the Gödāvari, Paramartha, and the Guptas ... ... ... 2,3 site of Ramesvara's College .. .. 89 Párusf-prakába, three treatises of the name... 4 pratoll, pol, gateway ... ... . pardao, a coin ... ... 240 and n., 241, 1. pregnancy, legend G. F. 63; customs ... 72 Pärivátra, ancient name for the Deccan 228 | priests, and caste ... 102, 1., 109, 136, f. Parsees, settled at Sanjân ... ... 174, ff. Prinsep, on Ajayadeva's coins 209, 210 and n. Patañjali. commentator 125, f.; and Pagani Prithivipati II., Ganga-Bana k, inscrips. of 145 237; 245; his Mahábhoshya 292; and the Prithviraja, Chåhamana k., bis Hansi Stone Maskarins 290 Inscription of [Vikrama) Sarhvat 1224 Pagbak, Prof. K. B., and the Guptas. 1,2; 15 17, ff.; 86 Paterson, J. D., and Hindu music 157, 161, Prithwi Raj, Cholan k., legend of ... G. F. 62 187, 189 n., 192 prot'ession as the foundation of caste 104, ff., 109 Patrabhuna, cap. of Antarvedi ... ... 252 Prytanies, Greek repasts ... ... ... 112 Pattinappali, quoted ... ... ... ... 148 Ptolemy, supposed reference to K&virippumPåvaiyá sect ... ... ... ... G. F. 60 pattinam ... ... ... ... 146, f. payas, celestial preparation ... ... G. F. 54 Pugár, Kavirippumpattinam... ... 144; 149 perideipnon, Greek funeral repast ... ... 112 Pajvapada, name of Devanandin ... 233, 235 Periyanambi, tator to Ramanuja ... 221, f. Pulakesin II., Chalukya prince ... ... 72 Persian, Grammar in Sanskrit 4, 6., customs 112 Pulicat, Paleacate ... ... .. ... 233 Perubhatta, Sanskrit Scholar ... ... 250 punya, spiritual merit ... ... ... 170, . Peshawar, Pissore 116 n.; and Buddha relics 156 purachchéri, the quarter outside the town ... 149 Pea kelaotis, Pushkalâvati, tn. ... ... 266 Puragupta, k. ... ... . Phirinda, a patron of Narayana Sesha ... 252 Parnamasa sacrifice ... ... .. ... 293 Piláji, a patron of Krishna Sesha ... ... 252 purohit, domestio chaplain ... ... ... 103 pilgrimage, places of ... ... .. G. F. 45 purohita, Agni ... ... ... ... .. Pillai, Prof. Sundaram, of Travancore ... 21 Purushottama Sesha, Sanskrit scholar 251, 253 Pillar-edict VII. of Asoka, and the Ajivikas Pushkalavati, tn., the Greek Penkelaốtis ... 200 286, 289 Pushkar, w. of Ajmer, sacred Hindu town, Pir shrines ... ... ...G. F. 59, f.; 64, f. 182; three places of the name ... ... 183 Piškcba languages ... ... ... 179, tt. Pythagoras, and music ... ... ... 163 Pisajipadaka, Sanskrit, Pisachi padraka, mo dern Sanjegaon, vil. in Nasik cave inscrip. 165 Pissore, Peshawar .. .. ... 116 place names as surnames, a Kanarese practice 27 race, as the foundation of caste ... 208, . Planetary iconography of the Sipasians, Raghavabhatta, author... ... ... ... 158 according to the Dabistán ... .. 99, f. Raga vibodha, Sanskrit work, and music 157, 170 Plato ... .. . .. ... . ... . ... 185 . Raghu, and the Hunas -. ... ... ... 26 Page #316 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 312 INDEX 180 Raghunandan, poet ... ... ... ... 299 Rayyaka, writer, and Alankára literature 206, 208 Rai Lakhmaniah of Nadia ... ... 167, f. Religion of the Iranian Peoples, book notice 215 rrin, rains, G. F. 48, ff.; 52 and n., 53, 59, 63, Retushadaha, period ... ... ... ... 80 67, f. rezes, beasts of pasture ... ... ... 240 Rajadhiraja I. surnamed Jayangonda Chola Rig Veda, and Aryan immigration ... 227, 229 23, t. Rishi-panchani, religious holiday kept by Rajakesarivarmnn Rajarajadêva, k., identified women ... ... ... ... ... G. F. 49 with Rajaraja II. ... ... ... 23, f Risley, Sir H., on enste ... ... 101, 103, f. Rijavaka Alluța, completed the Kavyaprokića 16 rites, performed by men ... ... G. F. 50 Rajnaja I., surnamed Jayangonda-Chola ... 23 Ritnyajib, astronomical school 121 n.; RituRajaraja I., Kalinga k. .. ... 217, 1. påjins ... ... ... ... ... ... 292 Rajarajacho lagonja, k., inscrip. of ...218, f.; 226 Romans, and marringe ... ... ... 110, it taarija Narendra of Rajamundry k.... 217, f. Rudrabhisheka, Jalijatra ceremony... G. F. 47 Rijasekhara, poet ... ... ...140, f., 113 Rudradi nan, his Girnar inscrip. ... ... 207 Rajasinha varma, Pallava k., identified with Rudrasitaha, a Kohtrapa, inscrip. of... ... 173 Rajavarma ... ... ... ... .. 92 Rudrata, author, and Alatkâra, literature 125 ajasthani language . and n., 204, 206, ff. Rajbâi, female suint ... ... ...G. F. 62, f. Rupska, metaphor ... ... 124 n., 126, 127 Rajballabb, Raja of Bikrampur, 18th century, Rupnagar, ancient Vasera ... ... ... 132 patron of learning ... ... ... ... 300 Rapnath Edict of Asoka ... ... 170, ff. Rajendrachůl, I., Gangaikonda k. ...217, f., 227 Rapsimha, Kishangarh dyn., and Rupnagar... 182 Rajendrachola II., alias of Kulôttangachola I. ... ... ... ... 218, ff., 224, ff. Rajputana, home of the Malavas 183 ; Ajaya. Sabdalárnkaras, number, and historical treatdeva coins in 209, and Haņa coins . 211 Rajputs and Marathas ... ment of... ... ... ... 207, . ... ... .. ... 72 Rakrilagomin, father of Bbamaba ... ... 235 sadavrata, tax to provide food ... ... 86 ... Rama ... ... ... ... ... 299 ... G, F. 55 sådhan, magic ... ... ... ... Sadhyas, and the Vedic Calendar 143 n. Rimabhadradikshita, dramatist ... 82, f. Ramachandra, author 247, f.; two of the Sahasran-Rūpnåth-Brahmagiri Edict of Aboka ... name ... ... ... ... 170, t. ... ... ... . 249; 253 *** *** Rimacharitamanasa, and the Ramayana 278, ff. Sahasrara-kalpa, a heaven ... ... ... 89 Ramakrishna Bhatta, Pandit ... ... 10, 12 sajáta, relative, ete. ... ... ... ... 130 Ramakrishna Sesha, commentator ... ... 252 SAkadvipi Brahman, Magas, in Pashkar ... 183 Ramanuja, sage, and the Cholas ...220, ff.; 227 Sakamedha sacrifices ... 194 n., 291, 1., 294, 1. Rumdyana and the Ramacharitamiinuse 278, ff. Såketa, beseiged by Menander ... ... 272 Ramiyana, age of 126; dramas 140, 142, 1.; édkhas, branches... ... ... ... ... 47 and Aryan immigration 228; 230; 299; and Sakkarakottam, Chakrakotta ... ... 219, 226 Haruman . ... .. 82,, 117, f. G. F. 54 G..39 Saktyas, and the Vedic Calendar Râ ma Sesha, Sanskrit author ... ... 251, 253 Salankayanins, astronomical school ... ... 77 Rameavara Bhatta, Pandit 8, his students ... 9, 13 Salmalipadra, Samalpada ... ... ... 165 Raņa tipundi, grant of Vimaladitya ... ... 217 samadhi, religious suicide ... ... G. F. 41 Randal, goddess ... ... ... G. F. 49, 72 Samalipada, Saunalipada, sk. Samalipadra, Rangacharya, Prof., and the Kuvyilankára 90, ff. modern Såmanagaon, vil. in Nasik cave Rao, Mr. Gopinatha, and the Travancore inscrip.. .. . .. . .. .. 165 Series ... ... ... ... ... 21, ff. Eaman chants ... ... ... Rapson, Prof. on coins... ... ... ... 210 Samanagaon, ancient Samalipada ... rishtras, districts ... ... ... ... 174 Samghams, Tamil, the first and third... 229; 282 Rathors (GAhasvals) of Kansuj, their coins... 209 Samgita-darpana, quoted .. ... .. 190 Ratnakara Sesba, a commentator .. 252 Samgita-Narayana, a work on music ... ... 157 ritri-satira-nyaya, a session ... .. ... 120 | Samgita-pirijdta, Sanskrit work, and music Ravana 279, f.; 283, f.; as an Åjivika .. 289, f. 157, 160 and a. Page #317 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ INDEX 313 ... 3 Sashgita-ratnákara, Sanskrit work and music Sen, Guru Prashad, and caste... ... ... 108 157, 159 Sena kings in Bengal ... ... ... 167, f. Sarikaracharya, date of 200 ; solecisms in ... 214 Senart, Ernile, on Asoka edicts 37, 38 and n., Sampaditmaja, Selvappillai ... .. ... 224 172, f. sariuadri, Telugu, family man ... ... ... 72 Saraman Veruscheral Åthan, Obera k., desavusthå, forms or rites feated by Karika a .. . .. ... 147 Samthar, sacred lake ... ... G. F. 42 Sesha, of Benares ... ... ... 13, 245, ff. Samudragupta, as a composer... ... ... 126 Sesha-saila, Tirupati hill ... ... ... 225 San vatsara, true year ... settlement foundation ceremonies ...G. F. 67, f. Sanchi inscrip. ... ... shadja, note .. ... ... 162, f., 186 n. Sanjan, Parsee colony, and Hanjamana Shadja-gráma 187, 189 n., 254, ff., 259, f., 262, Sasijaya, author ... ... ... ... ... 299 263 and n., 265 Sånjegaon, ancient Pisajipadaka ... 165, f. Shadja-sadharana ... ... ... 263, f. Sankara, philosopher, and caste ... ... 103 Shah Jahan, translated King John 44; and Sankara Bhatta, Pandit ... .. ... 13 G. Broughton 115 Sankhâyana, commentator .... ... ... 84 Shamsud-Din Altamsh, k. of Delbi... 85, f. Sanskrit, Persian Grammar in 4, ft; litera- Shastri, Haraprasad ... ... ... ... 1 ture, and Benares 7, 12; in the Hânsi Sherring Mr. on caste ... ... ... 102 n., 103 stone inscrip. 17; in the Anâvâdå 20; litera- Shetrunja, Shatrunjaya, mt., Jain shrines in tare, popular maxims current in 33, ff.; in G. F. 45 the Manglana inscrip. 85; poems 125; prose Shidistån, temples of the planets ... .. 99 126; treatises on music 157, f.; 185, ff., 190 Shihåbu d-Din Ghur, conquured Prithviraja 18 and n.; 255, 259, 265; in the Banswara Shili-nátem, holiday kept by women ... G. F. 49 plates of Bhojadeva 201; in the Nadol plate Shipman, Sir Ab., first governor of Bombay of Pratap simba 202; lang, the study of 73, ff. 245, f; text of the Ramayana, eto, 279, Sbítala, goddess of smallpox ... G. F. 66, 69 ff.; 281; learning in Bengali literature 298, ff. Shitaliipujan, holidays kept by women G. F. 49 Santinátha temple, Cambay, Ms. in ... ... 40. shraddha ceremonies ... ... G. F. 37, 38, 40 São Thomo, and A, de Souza ... ... ... 238 shrines, Jain, in mt. Shetrunja ... G. F. 45 Sapadalaksha, modern Ajmer... 180, 1., 195, 1. side real lunar year . 57, ., 65, ff. 71 Sarangadeva, his Anå vada inscrip. ... ... 20 SilAhâra grants, three, mention the town of Sariputta ... ... ... ... ... 38, 40 Hamjamana ... ... ... ... 173, ff. Śårngadeva, on music ...254, 257, 259, 260 and n. sil&pråkara, půjd stone wall ... ... ... 13 Sarngadhara Sosha, commentator ... ... 252 silicernium, Roman funeral repast ... ... 112 satiras or ayanas, sessional sacrifices 83,1., 119, f. SimbabhQpala, on music ... 194, ., 262 n. Satvatas, Sourasonoi, Yadava tribe, and the Singba, perhape Singhana, supposed Andhrak, Ekantika-dharma ... .. .. ... 14 159 n. Satyavrata Samaśrami, Vedic scholar, and Sinnamantr plate inscrip. ... ... 23 Maxins .. .. ... ... ... 33- Sinhastha year, auspicious for marriages Savana year ... ... ... 53, ff., 71, 77, 8. G. P. 37 n. Sayans and the Vedic calendar ... ... 30 Sipasians, the planetary iconography of 99, f. scale, musical, European 255, ., Indian, etc. Sita 275, ff., 280 n., 282, 289, f., 299; riv. G. F. 46 258, 262 n., 263, 265 Siva in Bengali literature ... ... ... 299 Scarrington, in Nottingham, seat of the Siva-Bhagavata, in Patanjali's Mahabhashya, Shipman family ... .. * * - 79 book-notice ... ... ... ... ... 272 Schroeder, Mr. von, on caste ... ... ... 103 | Siva DewAlA at Polonnaruwa, bronzes from... 128 seals, the Bhitari, and others, found at Sivaji, Maratha, and Gaga Bhatta ... ... 12 Basarh ... ... ... .. .. ...1, f. Skandagupta, Vikra miditya 2; and VasuBeasons, change of ... ... .. G. F. 46 bandhu 214; expelled the Hunas ... ... 267 sef, a measure of fifteen seers ... .. 85 flesha, a pun . . ... ... 127, f. Selvappillai, Saxipadatmaja, temple built by small-pox ... ... ... ... G. F. 66, 69, f. Ramanuja ... ... .. ... 228, f. solar sidereal year . 65, ft., 71, 77, 80, ff. Page #318 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 814 solecisms, in Samkaracharya and Kâlidâsa. 214 Sôma, g. ....26, 28, 29, 32, 45, 293, f. Soma, Somanâtha, and music 157, 160; 185, 187 and n. Somaladevi, coins of 183; and those of Ajayadeva Sôma-vikrayin, thirteenth priest Sômêsvara II, W. Chalukya k. Sourasenoi, Saurasenas, Satvatas 209, ff. 45 ... 226 14 Souza, Martim Afonso, de, 12th Governor of Portuguese India, An Account of the Expedition to the Temples of S. India, undertaken by him 238, ff. speech, figures of, in Alamakâra literature' 204, . 9, f., 112, f. 231, f. 288, f. 85 éråddha, ceremony Sravana Belgola inscrip. Sravasti, tn., and Buddha Sri-kevaya-mata, goddess Srinarayanapura, Tiranarayanapura, tn.; and R&mânuja ... ... érinkhalábandha, figure of speech Srirangam, tn, and Râmânuja.. érutis, svaras, musical terms 164 ... ... ... ... 224 127 www ... 221, 1., 227, 231 and n. 185, ... to ff. 254, 256, ff. stambhan, form of black art ... G. F. 50 stars, origin of ... G. F. 52 Study of ancient Hindu music, Contributions ... 157, ff.; 185, ff.; 254, ff. Subandhu (cha), Brahmanic poet, and Vasubandhu 1, 2; and Vastubandhu and Dinnaga 15; on figures of speech Sadras 105; and marriage eto. 111, f.; settled in Tonḍai-Mandalam ... ... 146 suktimuktávali, work which mentions the poet ... Mâyúrája 139, f. Súktiratnákara, rare Sanskrit work, by Narayana Sesha 250 ton ... *** 200 *** Surânis, goranis ... G. F. 72 n. Surat, and the English 74, F.; and G. Brough114, ff. surnames, Kanarese practice of using place names as such... 72 Sürya, Aftab 100 n. Sátrálamkára, a work criticised by prof, S.. Levi www 155 26, 48 59 164 170, f. 74 INDEX sútras and the Vedic calendar suttees, temple to, G, F. svaras, and srutis, musical terms avarga, a heaven wally, near Surat, and the English ** ... ... ... ... ... ... 127 ... Swargaroh, bill.. synodic lunar year ... ... ... Tabagât-i-Nagiri and Lakshmana Sena ... 167 Tagara, Ter 72 Tagore, R4jA S. M. and ancient Hindu music 157, 161, 187, ff., 191, f., 195, 255 n Tailapa, murdered Vakpati-Muffja Takakusu, Dr., and the Guptas Takshasila, Ta-cha-Shi-lo, tn.... Tamil, literature and K&virippampattinam 144; 146; co., and the Chalukya-Chôļas 224; inscrips, etc. 226, f.; language, of the first and third Sanghams... 229, 231, f. Tandava, unidentified tn., 247, f., 251, genealogical table of its kings 252 and n. Tapaschits, astronomical school 84, 117 and n., 118, 123 155 *** 33 ... ... ... Târâ, g. Taranatha, and maxims Temples, of S. India, an expedition to, undertaken by M. A. de Souza 239, ff; G F. 44, ff. Ter, Tagara, in the Sholapur dist., tn. mentioned in inscrip. ... ... ... 72 Tevur, Tripura ... 142 Thana, Silahara grant found near 173, f. Thomas, Dr. F. W., on Asoka Edicts 170, f. Tikakara, name applied to Bhartrihari ... 245 Tinnevelly dist., bronzes from *** ... 128 Tir, Temiâm, Budha, 'Utarid, planet, temple of 100 and n. Tirabhukhti, dist., coal from... *** 3 Tirumala, temple, or Tremelle, in Tirupati... 239 Tirunarayanapuram, or Milkôta, tn., and Ramanuja 221, 223, Yadavagiri, Śrinaraya. papura 224,231 Tirupati, visited by Râmânuja 224, f.; famous for its temple... Tirupparangunram, inscrip. Tiruvalangaḍu grant Tiruvarur, sk., Kamalalaya Tiruvidhi fostivals .... ... ... ... ... G. F. 45 61, ff., 71 *** ... ... 201 2,15 266,272 *** 239 23, ff. 146 ... 222 n., 223 *** 225 72 *** titles, posthumous Tod, Lieut. Col., and the Hansi Stone inscrip. of Prithviraja Tondai-Mandalam, Sudra settlement Tondanûr, Tonnur, tn, and Râmânuja totems trade, and commerce under Karikåla *** 17, f. ...146 224, f. 132, f. ... 148 Page #319 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ INDEX 315 Travancore Archeological Series ... 21, ff. Vajrashchi, a work dealing with caste ... 134 Tromella temple, raided 238; or Tirumala | vakkal, vakkaládapar, (Mysore,) household, 239, 241 householder ... ... ... ... ... 72 Trevandrum Museum, inscrip, in ... 23, f. Vâk pati-Mulja, uncle to Jayasinha, mur Trikadruka, period ... ... 50 and n., 51, 120 dered . .. ... ... ... ... 201 Trilochana-Pallava, and Karikála ... ... 146 Vallabha, writer... ... .. 266 and n., 267 Tripura, Tevar, later Chedi cap. ... ... 142 Vallanadeva, a Chabamina, grandson of Trisanku, and VisvAmitra ... ... ... 292 Prithviraja, Lord of Ranthambhor... 85, #. Tulasi Das, author of the Ramacharitamanasa VAlmiki, author of the Ramayana ... 273, ft 278, ff. Vamana, author of the Kdoyålankdra-sútraTyagaraja, 8. . .. ... ... ... 223 vritti ... ... 1, 11, 127, 204, f., 207, f; 232 Vamanasthali, modern Vanthalt ... ... 173 Vanapati, Kalinga minister, inscrip. of ... 217 uchchátan, form of black art ... ... G. F. 50 Vanaushadhidarpana, the Ayurvedic Materia Udayêndiram plate inscrips.... ... ... 145 Medica, book rotice ... ... ... ... 184 Udbhata, writer, and Alankara literature Vanku, Vankeha, Oxus riv.... 266 and n., 267 204, 206, tt. Vanthali P ancient Vamanasthalt, in JundUjáni festival ... ... ... ...G. F. 68, . gadh, Kshatrapa inscrip. found at ... ... 173 Ujjain, to, in Malwa, Avanti 148; charter uansiapana, barrennese ... ... ... G. F. 58 201 ; tn., and Bhadrabahu ... ... ... 231 Vaqas, isl. off 8. India ... ... ... ... 241 Ujjani, Indramahotsava, festival ... G. T. 47 | Vardhamihira, contemporary of Kalidasa ukardi, earth ... ... ... G.F. 50 and n.! 156; 207; and the Ajivikas ... 286, ff. ukthya, form of sacrifice 52 and n., 78 and Vararuchi, and Katyayana, suggested identi., 79, 294 ty of ... .. ... ... 125 and n.; 245 Umarkhed, vil. in Parbhånt dist., and the varga, group, class ... ... ... 49 n. family name Umbarakheda .. .. 72 varnas, ... ... ... ... ... 102, 108 pama, simile, earliest definition of ... 127, t. Varuņa, an Aditya ... ... ...290, 294, f. upasad, vow of fasting ... ... 46, 49 n., 82, 84 Varuņapraghasa sacrifices 124 n., 291, f. 294 Uraiyar, ancient Chola cap. ... ... ... 145 vashikaran, form of black art ... ... G. F. 50 Urandai, ancient Chola cap. ... ... ... 149 Vasialtha, eage ... .. ... .. G. F. 43 urdhudyana, lengthened year .. .. ... 117 odstu ceremony ... .. ... .. G. F. 41 Urga-Pandya, and the Aryans ... .... 229 Vastubandhu and Subandhu ... ... ... 15 urja, strength ... ... ... ... ... 47 vdatun, grahashanti ceremony ... G. F. 68 Ushavad&ta, Kshatrapa... ... ... 182, 1. Vasu, Mr., Nagendranath, and the LakshUtpals, on the Ajivikas... ... 286, 8., 290, 296 mana Sena era ... ... . . .. 109 utpreksha, figure of speech .. ... 127, 1. Vasubandhu, who was his patron ... ...1, f. Uttamabhadras, and the Malavas ... ... 182 VAsudova, or Patcharitra religion ... 14, 1. Uttamaśladava, k. ... ... ... ... 22 Vasus, gods ... ... ... ... ... 293 Vatapadraka, vil. mentioned in the Banswara inscrip.... .. .. .. .. .. 201 VachhdA-solanki, vil., legend of ... G. F. 64 odtki, cap... udtki, cap ... ... ... ... G. F. 66 vadan, an offering .. ... G. F. 48, 56, 70 Vatteluttu, inscrip. ... ... .. 23, f. Vadaulay, Beadala ... ... ... ..241 Vavera, Vavveras, modern Rupnagar ... 182 Váhadadeva, minister of Kumrapaladeva ... 203 Vayirdgaram, Vajrákara, tn., and Odbirodhlíka, saffron ... ... .. . ... 256 jendra ... ... ... ... ... 219, 226, f. Vahlika-desa, Baotria . .. ... ... 266 Valjasuta, Bhima, g. ... . ... G. F. 57 Vaidyantha Payagunde, Annam Bhatta . 12 VedAngarfyn, author of the Parasi-prakába, Vaisalt, modern Basarh... ... ... .. 3 an astronomical work ... ... ... 4 Vaishnavainn in Bengal ... ... ... 300 Vedas, the, and caste ... ... ... ... 109 Vaišvadeya sacrifices ... ... 124 n., 201, + Vedic Calendar, The Intercalary Month 26, Vaisvaswat Manu, the first man ... G.F. 46 1.; 45, 4.; II. The Calendar 48, ff., 77, 1.; Vaisyas . .. ... ... ... ... 105 III. The Ayanas or Sattras... 83, ., 117, f. Page #320 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- ________________ 316 INDEX 232 239 VIRAL N 10000 Vedic, hymns 13, and caste, etc. 130, f., 138; Vishnu-bhagavatas ... ... ... ... 272 literature, and figures of speech 124; gods, | Vishnu Sesha, scholar ... ... ... 247, f., 253 etc., and the Adityas ... ... ... 290, 293 Vishnuvardhana, Vitthala, converted by Venad kings, inscrips. of ... ... ... 21 Ramanuja ... ... ... ... ... 224 Vengi, and the Chalukyas, etc. 217, 8.; 226 Visishtba... ... ... 275 n., 276, 279, 282 f; and Magadi... ... ... ... visvajit day ... 71, 78, 120, f. Venkatisvara, g.... .. 222, f. | Visvamitra, sage, Vicvamitra, and Trisanku Venkateswaraswami, g. in the Tirumala tem the Chandala ... ... 232; 275 n., 276, 279, 285 ple ... .. ... | Visvanath Narayan Rao Sabib, and the Bhatta Vennil, battle at ... 146, f. Narayan family ... . ... ... 7 Verachoda, inscrip. of ... 219, ff. Visvassiks, school of astronomers 82, 2., 118, 124 Vibhishana, lord of the demons 17, f. Visvavasa, writer on music ... ... ... 16+ vicas, relations ... ... ... ... ... 130 Vitthala, Vishnavardhana ... ... 244, f. Victoria, 9. her posthumous title ... 72 vivutha, vivasa, words in an Asoka inscrip.... 172 Viccamitra, Visvamitra...275 and n., 276, 279, 285 Vodana, Rajput clan ... ... ... ... 203 Vidyanagara, Bijapur... ... po 248 vows, women's ... ... ... ... G. F. 48 Vidyanidhi Kavindra, Pandit ... 10, ff. | Vriddbasravakas, ascetics ... ... 286, 288 Vidyanivasa, Paudit ... ... ... Vrikodara, wolf-bellied, title of Bhima G. F. 57 Vidyapati, poet ... | u?indabhedah, musical term ... ... ... .., 159 Vigraharaja, alias Visaledava k. ... 182 Vsitra, g. ... ... ... ... 293, 295 Vibari -Sri-Ksishnadasa-Misra, author of Vyakarana-sastra the, and the Sesha family . the Parasi-prakasa ... ... ... ... 4 247, f. Vijayaditya, W. Chalukya k., date of ... 146 Vyasa, sage ... ... ... ... G. F. 71 Vijayaditya, W. Chalukya pu se ... 217, ff. Vijayaditya, E. Chalukya k. ... ... 217, ff. Vijayanagar, Bisnega ... ... 238, 240, 241 n. wells, curative ... ... ... .... G. F. 42 Vikramaditya and Chandragupta II. etc. ), White Huns, Hunas ... ... ... 266 and n. F: 16; and Brahmanism ... ... ... 244 Vikramaditya II., contemporary with Kali. dasa ... ... ... ... ... ... 267 Yadavagiri, tn., Tirunarayanapura ... ... 224 Vikramaditya II., W. Chalukya ke ...217, 4., 226 Yama, the other world.... ... ... ... 296 Vikramapura, birthplace of Lakshmana Sena : yamaka, figure of speech ... 127, f, 206, f 188. EUR Yamya dik, yama dik, S. India .... ... 228 Vikramasimba, Paramara Raja of Aha ha Parmara Raja of Abo .. 196 198 | Yaska, author of the Nirukta ... ... ... 127 vikrita, changing notes... ... ... ... 191 Yasodhavala, k. of Chandravati ... 196 villages, four, in Nasik cave inscrips... 165, ff. Yasovarman, poet king ... ... 141 and n. Vimaladitya, E. Chalukya k., mentioned in in ] yatras, songs of ... ... ... ... 300 the Kadab grant ... ... ... 200: 217 | years, various kinds 45, 48, ff.; Savana 53 ff.: Vindhyas, Sacred mts.... .... G. F. 43, 45 sidereal lunar 57, ff; synodic lunar 61, ff.; Vindhyavasa, Brahman scholar, and Buddha. sidereal solar ... ... ... 65, ff.; 71; 77 mitra ... ... ... ... ... Yoginfpura, Jogini, Delbi... ... 244 ... ... 86 Viranandi, author of the Acharasara .. 88 f. Virarkijindra, Chola k. ... ... 217, ff., 226 Viresvara Sesha, Sanskrit scholar 247 and n., Zalzal, 8th. cen., musician ... ... ... 265 250, f., 253 Zenana system and the Moslems Moslems . ... .. 155 Visaladeva, Chabamana k. ... ... ... 18 Zinzuwada, vil., well and shrine at, G. F. 39, 63, f. Visaladeva, bbohan k., alias of Vigrahardja... 182 Zodiac, signs of ... ... . ... G. F. 46 f. Vishnu, in Bengali literature ... ... 299 Zunza, Saint ... ... ... ... G, F. 63