Indian Antiquary Vol 44

Author(s): Richard Carnac Temple, Devadatta Ramkrishna Bhandarkar
Publisher: Swati Publications
Catalog link: https://jainqq.org/explore/032536/1

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY A JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH IN ARCHAEOLOGY, EPIGRAPHY, ETHNOLOGY, GEOGRAPHY, HISTORY, FOLKLORE, LANGUAGES, LITERATURE, NUMISMATICS, PHILOSOPHY, RELIGION, &r., &c. EDITED BY SIR RICHARD CARNAC TEMPLE, BART., C.I.E., HON. FELLOW, TRIN. HALL, CAMBRIDGE. FORMERLY LIEUT.-COLONEL, INDIAN ARMY, AND DEV ADATTA RAMKRISHNA BHANDARKAR, MA VOL XLIV.--1915. Swati Publications: Delhi 1985

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Published by Swati Publications, 34, Central Market, Ashok Vihar, Delhi-110052 Ph. 7113395 and Printed by S.K. Mehra at Mehra Offset Press, Delhi.

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CONTENTS PAGE PAGE MISS LAVINIA MARY ANSTEY:- . Peor. V. RANGACHARI, M.A., L.T.: SOME ANGLO INDIAN WORTHIES OF THE THE HISTORY OF THE NAIX KINGDOM OF SEVENTEENTH CENTURY .. .. 12, 25 MADURA .. .. .. 37, 59, 69, 113 G. J. AGASHE: LEWIS RICE, C.I.E. :WHO WROTE THE DASAKUMARACHARITA Y .. 67 KOLLIPAKA. .. .. .. .. .. 213 K. A. C. CRESWELL : H. L. SHUTTLEWORTH:THE HISTORY AND EVOLUTION OF THE DOME NOTE ON THE ROCK-HEWN VAISHNAVA IN PERSIA . . . . . . . . . 133 TEMPLE AT MABRUR DERA TAHSIL KANGRA N. B. DIVATIA: DISTRIOT, PANJAB .. .. .. .. 19 A NOTE ON SOME SPECIAL TEATURES OF PRO- VINCENT A. SMITH:NUNCIATION, ETO., IN THE GUZERATI CHAMARS AS GUARDIANS OF TREASURE .. 88 LANGUAGE .. .. .. .. 16, 106 ARCHITECTURE AND SOULPTURE IN MYSORE; R. E. ENTHOVEN, C...E., I.C.S. THE HOYSALA STYLE .. .. 89 FOLKLORE OF THE KONKAN, SUPPLEMENT .. THE DATE OF AEBAR'S BIRTH .. .. 233 25, 33, 49, 53, 68, 73, 85 ROBERT SEWELL: FOLKLORE OF GUZERAT, SUPPLEMENT .. THE CHRONOLOGY OF THE PANDYA MONARCHY 73, 81, 93, 101 (MR. SWAMIKANNU PILLAI'S THEORY) .. GOVINDA DAS: 166, 189, 245 THE DATE OF THE YOGA BHABYA OF VYASA. 24 A CORRECTION IN THE INDIAN CALENDAR .. 280 GOPINATHA RAO, M.A. : DR. L. P. TESSITORI: A BAUDDHA VESTIGES IN KANCHIPURA .. 127 NOTES ON THE GRAMMAR OF THE OLD WESSIR GEORGE A. GRIERSON, K.C.LE. TERN RAJASTHANI WITH SPECIAL REFER ENCE TO APABHRAMCA AND TO GUZARATI THE NORTH WESTERN GROUP OF THE INDO AND MARWARI.. 3, 30, 62, 74, 98, 119, 189 ARYAN VERNACULARS THE LINGUISTIO CLASSIFICATION OF KASH SIR. R. C. TEMPLE, BART, SHAHJAHAN AND JAHANARA .. .. 24, 111 MIRI .. .. .. .. .. 257 SOME RECENT RESEARCHES INTO INDIAN AND 8. KRISHNASWAMI AIYENGAR : ORIENTAL COINAGE .. .. .. .. 39 AGNISKANDHA AND THE FOURTE ROox EDIOT AN EARLY METHOD OF EXTRADITION IN OF ASOKA .. .. .. .. .. 203 INDIA .. .. .. .. .. .. 132 8. KUMAR, M.R.A.S. - A COLLECTION OF MALAY PROVERBS by TES INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKACHALLA .. 216 J. L. HUMPHREYS .. .. .. .. 250 EARLIEST SEAT OF THE SENAS .. .. 270 8. V. VENKATESWARA AIYAR: C. R. KRISHNAMACHARLU : THE ANCIENT HISTORY OF MAGADHA. 41 THE RELIGION OF THE VIJAYANAGARA THE DATE OF SANKAR ACHARYA .. .. 164 HOUSE .. .. .. .. .. .. 219 MAHAMAHOPADHYAYA SATIS CHANDRA MAJOR C. ECKFORD LUARD, M.A., L.A. - VIDYABHUSANA, M.A., PH.D. - GAZETTEER GLEANINGS IN CENTRAL INDIA.. 1 VATSYAYANA, AUTHOR OF THE NYAYA GAZETTEER GLEANINGS BHASYA .. .. .. .. .. .. 82 R. NARASIMHACHAR : V. VENKATACHALLAM IYER :KAYATHA . THE ADVENTURES OF THE GOD OF MADURA. .. ANDY .. .. .. .. .. .. 132 206, 229 Prof. K. B. PATHAK : ROBERT ZIMMERMANN :THE NYASAKARA AND THE JAINA SAKATA SOME REMARKS ON THE CHRONOLOGY OF THE YANA .. .. .. .. .. .. 275 UPANISHADS .. .. .. .. 130, 177

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CONTENTS 67 88 MISCELLANEA. PAGE The Date of the Yoga Bhasya of Vyasa by Govinda Das Who wrote the Dasakumaracharita ? by G. J. Agashe Chamars as Guardians of Treasure by Vincent A. Smith .. .. Kayaths, by R. Narasimhachar .. .. .. .. .. Shandy, by R. Narasimhachar .. . . The Date of Sankar Acharya by S. V. Venkateswara . .. NOTES AND QUERIES. Shahjahan and Jahanara by R. C. Temple. H U.. euple.. .. . . .. . .. . An Early Method of Extradition in India by R. C. Temple. 24, 111. .. .. 132 A correction in the Indian Calendar by R. Sewell .. .. .. .. .. 280 BOOK NOTICES. Some Recent Researches into Indian and Oriental Coinage by R. C. Temple .. .. .. .. 39 A collection of Malay Proverbs (by J. L. Humphreys) by R. O. Templo .. .. .. .. 280 SUPPLEMENTS. Folklore of the Konkan by R. E. Enthoven, C.I.E., L.O.S. .. .. . 25, 33, 40, 63, 65, 73, 85 Folklore of Guzerat, by R. E. Enthoven, C.I.E., I.C.S. .. .. .. .. .. 73, 81, 93, 101 PLATES. Masrur Rock Temple, Kangra .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. facing p. 23 Architecture and Sculpture .. .. . .. . .. . . p93, 95 The Dome in Persia .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. . p. 158

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY, A JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH VOLUME XLIV-1915. GAZETTEER GLEANINGS IN CENTRAL INDIA, BY MAJOR O. ECKFORD LUARD, M.A., I.A. WOMEN'S SONGS. These songs were collected in the country round Gwalior where the Braj dialoot is common. 1. A girl bride's lament. JA chadh mora baithie. The peacock perched on the tree. Utar, re mora, main chadhga; Come down, Oh peacock, I would olimb Ja chadh heron apno maeko. And see my mother's house from your seat Aggam dekho, pacham dekho; I looked south, and I looked west, Kahan na dikhe maeko. But nowhere could my bome be seen. Parab dekho, uttar dekho; I looked east and I looked north N'ek na dikhe maeko. But not one glance fell on my home. Naua dai pardes ; The barber1 gave me away to a foreign land, Naua bioharo, kya kare? But the barber is not to blame. Bamhna dai pardes : The priest consigned me to a foreign lana, Bamhna bicharo, kya kare! But the priest is nowise to blame. Babula dai pardes; My dear father gave me to a foreign land, Babula bicharo, kya kare? But my dear father is not to blame. Tahui na dihon tori je re bijania. Yet will I not give thee thy fan Ghudla chadhe, bhaujai, kakul awei, If thy uncle come on his horse, sister-in-law, Tahgi ne dihor tori je re bijanie. Yet will I not give thee thy fan. Palki chadhe, tori maia jo awe, If thy mother come in a palla Tahui na dikon, bhaujai, tori je re bijania Yet, sister-in-law, will I not give thee thy fan. Paen piade tori lahori bendul awe, But if thy young sister come, even on foot, Tori dihoi, bhaujai, bijni : I will give up thy fan : Hans deuigo, bhaujai, tori bijania. Laughingly will I then give thee thy fan, sister-in-law ! * The barber acts as go-betwoon in arranging marriages, the priest, father and uncle also bring concerned.

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Q THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JANUARY, 1915. 4. A girl asks her brother for a gift. Bahin-Ka ki, ka ki, re bira, lal kaman; Sister.-Brother who has a red bow, Kaui bhaid khelen ge gendri. And plays at ball. Ramchandra ki lal kaman; (My brother has)a red bow like Ramchandra's; Lachhman bhaia, khale gendri. My brother Lachhman plays at ball. Khelat, khelat, re bira, ho gai saijh; In playing brother, evening has come Bahnen thari hain dwar par. And thy sisters stand (begging) at the door. Bhai.Bendul mangai hoe, sci mang leo, Brother.-(sister) ask of me your request, Jo man ichchha hoe, Whatever wish is in your mind Bahin.-Bhaia jiman ko thar jo lihon, Sister. I would have the dish in which my brother eats, Bhaujai piwai ko gadwa And the water-jar from which my brother's wife drinks, 5. A girl's song. Laik-Deola de re mere ne, bhaia badbai. Girl.-Friend carpenter, give me a cradle. Bailai,-Kaho ko alan garo ? Kahe ko Carpenter.-Of what should I make the palan garo ? posts? Of what the body? Kahe ki modon kil? Of what should I fashion the nails ? Larki.-Sone ko alan garo; sone ko palan Girl.-Of gold you must make the posts, garo; and of gold the body; Rupe ki niodo kil. The nails fashion from silver. Laiki apne bhaia ko: Ya par, mere bhaia, Girl to brother.-Dear brother, lie in this ; pochio, De sir sone ko top. And wear your cap of gold, Balar se bhitar gae ki mat len; (My brother) went inside to ask his mother's advice : "Kaha jo deun biahin ko ? Kaha kuiwarii "What (says he) shall I give the married ko ? women and what to the girls ?" Mata,Kuiwariu dije chunri. Mother.- To the girls give chunris. Kakula dai pardes; Kakula bicharo, kya kare? Biran dai pardes; Biran bicharo, kya kare? Mere karam dai pardes; Karam bicharo, kya kare? Mere bhag likho pardes. Kaghaj hoe, tahe baichie ; Karam na bai che aii. Pitar hoi, tahe badaliye; Karam na badle, jaii. Kuuata hoe, tahe pati; Karam na pate jaen. My uncle gave me to a foreign land, But my uncle is not to blame. My brother gave me to a foreign land, But my brother is not to blame, My past (merit) consigned me to a foreign land, But my past is not to blame, My fate had the foreign land written in it. A written paper one may read, But one's destiny cannot be read. Even brass you can mould, But fate you cannot alter. Even a well can be filled up, But you cannot fill in your own fate.

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JANUARY, 1915.] NOTES ON GRAMMAR OF THE OLD WESTERN RAJASTHANI 3 2. A girl bride's homeslekness. Kankar kunian kakrill, Near the stone-built well. Waban base rangrej; "Amar rang chunr.2 There dwells the Dyer; "Dye my chunri with everlasting dye Raigia, aisi re rangie chunri, O dyer, so dye it, my chunri, Dhing dhing raogio sahelri; That on its back are my companion's figures; Khelat hi din jae. So that I may pass the day with them. Murhan likhio sas nanadia, On the part above my head put figures of my mother and sister-in-law, Indris dharat raig jae. That the ring on which I rest the water jar may wear them away. Laman likhio sotli, On the skirt print a figure of my co-wife, Chalat phirat rang jae. That as I walk she may fade away. Ghunghiai likhio mere biran, But on the veil print the figure of my brother, Tin dekhat nain sirken". That I may look on him and rejoice" , 3. Quarrel between a girl bride and her brother-in-law. Larki. Hari kalii ki, piri kalin ki, sakhi, Girl.-Oh playmate, I had a fan of green meri re bijanja; and yellow buds; Arosii har na prosin hari lahore; It has been stolen by my husband's young brother; Deora ne hari, sakhi, meri re bijania, No neighbour took my fan, playmate. Larka.-Hathia chadhe, bhaujai, tere babul Boy-Sister-in-law, if thy father come a well, upon an elephant, Bikhia Dakhan ko chir, To the married coloured cloth from the Deocan. Larki.-Biabi paturiar ud gato: Girl.-The married wretches have all gone; Kunwarii rahin din ohar: Even the girls stayed but a day or sc. Rah gae jhanjhan rukh. Naught is left but withered trees. Top utar lala bhaub giro : , Rah gae jhanjhan rukh, birinjan rakh. The boy took off his cap and fell- upon the ground: Naught remained but withered trees, decay ing trees. NOTES ON THE GRAMMAR OF THE OLD WESTERN RAJASTHANI WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO APABHRAMCA AND TO GUJARATI AND MARWARI, BY DR. L. P, TESSITORI, UDINE, ITALY. (Continued from Vol. XLIII p. 236.) 75. Besides the postpositions which have been enumerated above and which are gene" rally used to give the simple meaning of the several declensional cases, Old Western Rajasthani (and so all cognate vernaculars) possesses a number of other postpositions, which, as they have a more complicated meaning and perform the function of prepositions rather than of case terminations, must be classed separately. In some grammars of Neo-Indian : Chunn Cloth dyed in various colours by tying knots in it and then dipping it into the dye the tied up part being unaffected. Ring on which a jar is carried on the head.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JANUARY, 1915. vernaculars, the latter are called prepositions. They are mostly nouns in the locative and in inany cases they are identical with the locative adverbs (See $ 101). As regards their employment, they always come after the noun they govern, thereby coinciding with the postpositions proper, but differ from the latter in that the noun governed by them is very frequently put in the periphrastic genitive with nai (regularly inflected to nai, nal before postpositions in the locative), instead than in the simple genitive. In the list below I have marked by (5) postpositions which are always construed with the periphrastic genitive and by (+) postpositions which are always construed with the simple genitive or with the simple base, whilst I have left unmarked postpositions, which are capable of either construction : *antal (Ap. antahi Page #9
JANTIARY, 1916] NOTES ON GRAMMAR OF THE OLD WESTERN RAJASTHANI 5 case, but use an uninflected form in -1 throughout in declension. All the adjectival postpositions of the genitive, namely: tanau, nau, kernu, rau, kau, obey the same rule, and so also the possessivo genitives of the personal pronouns and the present and past participles. Examples for each case are : Singular. Nom. : Viveka-upiu hathiu Cil. 1, kasta-rupini sapini Kal. 5, visaya-rupiu pa i Indr. 44. ghayada-tanau cicu Kal. 3; Accus.: tapa-nu wpadeca Up. 3, mahari ara P. 509 : Instr. : ghanai adambari Adi C., & pani buddhit kari Kal. 5, aneha-nal ragii Bh., nama-ni sarikhaii Adi. 75; Obl.-Gen.: daitya-na garva-rahal Kal. 1, taharaprabhava-tai Kal. 19, marita purusanal Yog. 1, 68, diksa lidhi-pati Up. 39; Loc. : anerai dini Aci C., pachili ratai ibid., Jamuna-nac tiri P. 263, rani-ni kukat Adi. C.; Plural. Nom : saghali-i riddhi Bh. 25, motaka kuda Yog. ii, 54, ahamkara-na dhani Indr. 67, kusuma-tani mala Kal. 28, mugati-nd sukha Ja. 3; Instr. : adhe vayue Up. 182, vacana-rupini dorii, Indr. 2, cikane karme Bh. 76, narakani jvalae Adi. 38, mahisa-ne mase kari Yog. ii, 45 ; Obl.-Gen. : dina thodila-mdhi Rs., saghalt prani-nai visai Yog. ii, 20, deva-tand kusumatani vrsti Kal. 20; Loc. : ghani dese Kanh. 19, ghami digi-thi Adi. 13, sagale-hi yuddhe Adi C., taruvara-ne phulade F 562, i, 3. $77. To the general rule of the adjectives agreeing with the nouns, there is, however, one exception, which deserves notice. Sometimes, though very rarely, nouns in the instrumental have their adjectives in the oblique-genitive oase. Examples are : indriyu-rupfya core "By the thieves, the senses" (Indr. 1), sesa thakata tevisa ti (r) thamkare" By the remaining twenty-three tirthamkaras" (Adi C.), sagala-hi dukkhe rahita " Free from all pains" (Adi C.). The same construction is adopted in Modern Gujarati, when an adjective refers to a noun in the instrumental (agentive), that is the subjeot of a transitive verb. $78. When adverbially used, adjectives are capable of two constructions, viz. : they either assume the neuter singular termination and remain unchanged for all cases, or are deolined according to gender, number and case exactly like any attributive adjective. I shall call " adjectival adverbs" adjeotives in the former construction and adverbial adjectives adjectives in the latter construction. The adjectival adverbs will be dealt with in the chapter of the adverbs (see & 102). Here are some examples of adverbial adjectives : gadhai abhimani" Very much proud" (Up. 27), gadhi dohili chai " (She) is very difficult " (sast. 8), te putra ehavau sukhi "That son (of yours) is so happy!" (Adi C.), nabha-thaki nicau ataryau" (He) alighted down from the sky " (F783, 62), vani avai pachai vali" (He) goes to the forest again " (P. 263), kd avya pacha " Why did you come back I" (P. 391), vahili til vale "Peturn soon " (fem.) (P.308), aghai jai te pachai valai" After having gone forward, (he) turns back"(P. 584), pahili keha-ni puja karu" Whom should I worship first?" (Adi C.).

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JANUARY, 1915. sarpa grahiu bhalai, pani kuguru-nau sevivai rudau nahi " It is better catch hold of a snake, than resort to a bad preceptor" (fast. 38). The same practice has survived in both Gujarati and Marwati. In the latter language we have a clear example thereof in the employment of the adjectives paro, varo, ro to form a kind of verbal intensives. For the origin of these adjectives see $ 147. Instances of their employment in Old Western Rajasthani are the following: te urahau lyau" Bring it here!" (Adi C.), kanya urahi anau "Bring the maiden here!" (Adi C.), Candanabala-nu hatha parahau kidhau " (She) thrust Candanabala's hand away " Up. 34, acuci parahau kari "After having removed impurity " Up. 54. $79. In the same way as in all Neo-Indian vernaculars, in the Old Western Rajasthani too the comparative degree of the adjectives is expressed by putting the object, with which comparison is meant, in the ablative case. By such a process adjectives undergo no change. In the MS. Up., however, I have met with some instances of the double suffix -erada being added to adjectival positive bases to give a comparative sense. This appears to be the usual way in which Somasundara renders into Old Western Rajasthani the Prakrit comparatives in-lara, -yara in the original, as may be seen from the three examples following: gadheradau (Pkt. sulhuyaram)" In a greater degree ", an adjectival adverb, (Up. 110), leha-i-pahi gadheradau (Pkt. gurutaro) "Even stronger than that "(Up. 142), dasa athava adhikerada (Pkt. dasa ahava ahiyayare)" Ten (men) or more" (Up. 248). For an analogy in the cognate vernaculars, of the employment of the long form of the adjective to give the comparative meaning in Bihari (Hoernle's Gaudian Grammar, $ 388). The ablative postpositions, which are more commonly employed to make the comparative degree in Old Western Rajasthani are : pahi, pahanti and thakau, thaki, thi. Examples are : (1) tujha-nal jivya-pahi marara rulu "To thee death (is) better than life" (Dac, i, 12), eka eka-pahi adhika dipai" The one is more shining than the other" (Cal. 74), ami-rasa-pahi a thiki "Sweeter than ambrosia " (Cal. 175), caritriya-pahanti adhikau " More than the men of good conduct" (sa$t. 101), je jiva-nai sadhammi-pahanti apana badhava-putra-kalatra-mitra-upari adhikau anuraga hui" That being, who hrs for his own relations, sons, wife and friends more affection that for his co-religionists" (sast. 148). (2) samudra-na pani-thakau gadhau ghanau "Huger than the water of the sea (Bh. 48), ea pd-thaki adhikau "This one (is) greater than we" (Adi C.), guru-thaki icas asani baisai" (He) sits on a seat higher than (his) preceptor's" (Fra.), ajanya mua apadha-thi bhala" Unborn ones and dead ones (are) better than ignorants" (P. 20). It will be seen that the last way of making the comparative, viz. by the postposition thi, is likewise common to the Modern Gujarati. Of the Gujarati comparatives with karati and Marwari with si I have found no traces in the MSS. I have seen. In the two examples following, comparison is made by the comparative adjective upaharau (See $ 147) instead than by a postposition of the ablative : aj ana u pharau kdi kasta nathi " There (is) no worse calamity than ignorance" (Adi. 55), ko lako li upaharughanuu "More numerous than a hund.od of millions "(Up. 178). The superlative degree being made in much the same way as the comparative, the only

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JANUARY, 1915.) NOTES ON GRAMMAR OF THE OLD WESTERN RAJASTHANI 7 difference being in the general pronoun sahu or sovi, which is as a rule introduced in the former, no particular mention of it need be made here. Let me only produce the following instance of a superlative with the postposition mahi, which has an analogy in the superlative with me (See Kellogg's Hindi Grammar, $ 208, b) in Hindi : e apa mahi vadau " This one (is) the greatest of all 3" (Adi C.). CHAPTER V. NUMERALS. $80. Cardinals are generally used uninflected, except for the plural instrumental case, in which they assume the endinge. Quite probably the same inflection they must undergo in the plural locative case, though I have found no instances of forms in 'e with a locative meaning. The three cardinals 2, 3, 4 have no forms in e, but they have in compensation a general oblique form, which will be dealt with presently. The cardinals, of which I have met evidence, are the following 1: eka Bh., P., Up. etc. (Ap. ekka, Skt. eka, Guj. eka) S: be, bi Indr., Yog., Dac, etc. (Ap. be, Skt. dve, Guj.be) binhi, binha, banhi Cal. 15 eto. (Ap. binni, Skt.* dveni, Guj. banne) do Ro. 31, 77, P. 14, Cat. 8 (Ap. do, Skt. dvau, Marw. do) dui Cat. 10 (Pkt. duve, Skt. dve) 3: trinni P., Yog., Cra., trinhi.dic., trini Vi. 38 (Ap.tiani, Skt. trini, Guj. Irana) tinna Vi. 35, tina Adic., Cat. 6. (Ap. tinni, Skt. trini, Marw. tina) 4: cyari Yog., Ratn., Cat. etc. (Ap. cari, Skt.catvari, Guj. cara) 5: paca Yog., Indr., P. etc. (Ap., Skt. panca, Guj. paca) 6: cha Yog., Cal., Sast. etc. (Ap. cha, Skt. sa, Guj. cha) 7: sata Yog., Cal., P. etc. (Ap. sutta, Skt. sapta, Guj. sata) 8: atha Adi., Bh., Dac. etc. (Ap.attha, Skt. asta., Guj. atha) 9: nava Cat., P. etc. (Ap. nava, Skt. nava, Guj. nava) 10: dasa Yog., Ratn., Cal, etc. (Ap. dasa, Skt. daga, Guj. dasa) 11 : igyaraha Cat. 26, igyara Yog. ii, 45, agyara Up. 93 (Ap. eggaraba, Skt. ekadaca, Guj. agyara) 12: bara Yog., Adic., P. eto. (Ap. baraha, Skt. dvadaga, Guj. bara) 13 : tera Adic. (Ap. teraha, Skt. "rayadaca, Guj. tera) 14 : caudara Yog. iv, 67, 103, cauda Adi., Indr., Dd., Adic. etc. (Ap. cauddaha, Skt. caturdaca, Guj. cauda) 15: panaraha Cat. 22, panara cra., Yog. etc. (Ap. pannaraha, Skt. parcadaca, Guj pandara) 16 : sola Cal., D., Cat. etc. (Ap. solaha, Skt. solaca, Guj.sola) 17: salaraha Cat. 22, satara AdiC etc. (Ap. sattaraha, Skt. saptadaca, Guj. sattara) 18: athara Yog. i., 23, adhara Cal., P., Adic. etc. (Ap. attharaha, Skt. asladaca, Guj. adhara) 19: navara Cal. 215 (Ap. * navaraha, navadaha, Skt. navadaga) egunavisa Pr, 6 (Ap. egunavimsa, Skt. *apagunavimcati (80e Pischel's Prakrit Grammar, $ 444] Guj. oganisa) 20 : visa Pr., F580, Cat. eto. (Ap. visa, Skt. vimcati, Guj. visa), 21 : ekavisa F 722, 22: bavisa Dag., D., Adic. etc., bavisa Dd. 7, 28: trevisa F 722, 257, tevisa Adic., 24: cauvisa P., Das., Adic., Cat. etc., 25: panavisa Cra., panavisa Cat. 20, F 602, 27 : sattavisa F 663, 22, 28: atthavisa Pr. 29, atthavisa Cat. 20.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JANUARY, 1915. 30 : trisa F 580, F 602, Cat. etc. (Ap. tisa, Skt. tringat, Guj. trisa), 31 : ekatrisa Pr., F 646, 272, 32: batrisa Pr. 10, 33 : tetrisa Cat. 19, 34 : cautrisa F 580, cautisa Adi C., 35 : panatrisa Cat. 18, paitrisa Cat. 18, pastisa Adi C., patrisa Pr. 11, 36: chatrisa Pr. 11, F 722, 68, fatatrisa Cat. 17, 88: athatrisa Pr. 29, 89: egunacalisa Pr. 11. 40 : cyalisa Cat. 6, 17 (Ap. calisa, Skt. catvarimgat, Guj. calisa), 42 : bitalisa F 602, baitalisa F 602, Adi C., 43: trayalisa Cat., 16, 45 : pacitalisa F 580, 46 : chaihaitalisa F 722. 41, 47: satatalisa Up. 219, 48 : aghatalisa Adic., 49: ugunapdcasa Adic. 50 : pdcasa Cat. 5, F 722, 42, Adic., (Ap. pancasa, Skt. pancagat, Guj. pacasa) 52: bavana Pr. 29, 54: copana F 535, vii, 2, 55 : pacavana Cat. 20, 56: chappana Rs. 63, chapana Rp. 70, F 722, 57 : sattavana Cat. 14. * 60: sathi Up. 81, $a$t. 162, Cat. 4, 14 (Ap. satthi, Skt. gasti, Guj. sa!ha) 68: treschi Adi C., 84 : causathi Adi C., F 722, F 728, 8, causatthi F 758, 66: chasathi Cat. 13. 70: sattari Cat. 13 (Ap. sattari, Skt. saptati, Guj. sittera), 71 : ekotarai Ratn. 348, 72: bahattari Adic., Cat. 13, bahatari Cat. 12, bahuturi Adi. 79, buhatari Ratn. 76, buhutari Ratn. 10, 76: solotara Cat. 5, 77: sattotara Cat. 7, 78: athottari, Salibhadracaritra 501, althottara Up. 91. 80: aisi Pr. 29 (Ap. asi, Skt. agiti, Guj. egi), 81 :ikyasi Cat. 11, 84 : caurasi Adic., F 722, Cat. 2, 12, 85 : pacasi Vi. 174, 88: althasi Cat. 10 90 : Not found (Ap. *naui, Skt. navati, Guj. nevu), 93 : trana Cat. 9,95 : pdcana Cat. 3. 8, 96: chyanu Aj. 11, 98 : a thanu Adic., arthanu Up. 23,99 : navand Up. 153. 100: sau Adic., Cil., eto. (Ap. sau, Skt. catam, Guj. 80) singular, sal P., Yog., Sast. etc. (Ap. saai, Skt. catani) plural, 101: ikasau Cat. 6, 108: ekasauatha Dd. 4, 160: sausathi Sast. 162, 499 : and plcasal Up. 33, 500: pacasal Adic., Up. 33, 700 : satasai Pr. 29, 900 : navasai Pr. 29, etc. Examples of the plural instrumental inflectional case are : che pace bole" By means of these five things " (Up. 72), ksetra chahe bhagi kari " After having divided the place into six parts" (Up. 152), trise muharte eka ahoratri "Thirty muhurtas are one ahoratri " (F 602). Instances of cardinals being similarly inflected in the plural instrumental in Cehi are not wanting in the Apabhramca (See Pischel's Prakrit Grammar, 8447). The cardinal sau is a neuter substantive and it has a plural form sal, which is used both for the direct and for the oblique cases. Ex.: vighna-na saf "Hundreds of obstacles " (sast. 85), pdcasal-ni kalatra hui " (She) became the wife of (those) five hundred (thieves)" (Up. 33). $81. The cardinals 2, 3, 4 have the genitive-oblique forms: bihu, trihu, cihu, of which the first likewise occurs in the Apabhramga and the two others might either be derived from Apabhrama "tihi, *cauhu, if such forms ever existed, or be explained as having been formed after the analogy of bihu. They are used instead of the direct forms in all cases, whenever a definite meaning is required, thereby exactly coinciding in both origin and usage with the so-called " Aggregatives of Hindi (See Kellogg's Hindi Grammar, $ 223). Examples: akhi bihu-md antara kisau " Which (is) the difference between the two eyes?" (F 783, 31 kavana bihu cora" Which of the two (is) the thief ?." (P. 268), mili vata kidhi behu jane "Having met each other, the two engaged in conversation (P. 685), bihu-i vastu " Both the things " (Dac. iv),

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JANUARY, 1916.) NOTES ON GRAMMAR OF THE OLD WESTERN RAJASTHANI bihu hatha-ni dasa-i dguli " The ten fingers in both the hands" (Fra.) apopau trihu e karia " The three brought about this by themselves" (P. 270), simha-raya te trihu-nas kahai "King Lion says to those three " (P.674), cihu bhasa-tani "Of the four languages" (Dac.), masa cihi tanai anti" At the end of the four months" (R9,5), ciha disi" In the four directions " P.11, Up. 60. In opposition to these genitive-oblique fornis, the direct ones are generally used in the indefinite meaning, as in : bi gola mati-na "Two balls of earth" (Indr. 20). All other cardinals, which have no genitive-oblique form in -hu, substitute for it the emphatio enclitic -i, whene er the definite meaning is required. Thus: adhara-i lipi " The eighteen alphabets " (Adi C.), te batrisa-i bala " Those thirty-two girls" (Cal. 60), avya Jina trevisa-i "The (other) twenty-three Jinas came" (F 722, 257), te chaa-i mitra "The six friends" (Adi C.). The same emphatic - may be added, in quite the same meaning, to the direct forms of 2, 3, 4 too. Ex.: te triani-i rahai jala-thama "Those three live in the water" (P. 521), te cyara -i tenaf vani rahai " Those four ones live in the forest" (P. 574). Of multiplicatives I have noticed but one instance, to wit : trinni sata "Three times seven" (Up. 81), where apparently, sata 'is a plural neuter form. $ 82. Ordinals are as a rule formed from the cardinals by the addition of the adjactival suffix mau (fem.-mi), which is identical with the Apabhramga -mai, Skt. -mukah. Thus : egunavisamai" Ninetoenth" (Pr. 6) from egunavisa, trevisamau "Twenty-third" (Pr. 8) from trepisa, etc. They are inflected like regular adjectives throughout. The first ordinals, however, are formed in a different wey, after the mode of Sanskrit and Apabhraca, to wit : i: pahilau Yog., Up., Adic., etc., a form which is also found in the Apabhramca and which Pischel traces back to a Skt. *Prathilakah (Prakrit Grammar, $ 440). Modern Guj. pahelo. il: bijau Adi C., Yog., P. etc., from Ap. *biijjuu (cf. Malarastri) Page #14
10 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JANUARY, 1915. CHAPTER VI. PRONOUNS. $83. The first personal pronoun is mostly met under the form hd, which is but a contraction of phai 2, has adopted hi. In poetry (P. 118, 641, 650, etc.), an emphatic form hia or huya is tu bu met with. The instrumental-agentive form is mai (Kal., P., Cra., Up.) as in the Apabhramca (< Skt. maya). In the Modern Marwari, this form has come to be used as a general oblique form. For the genitive-oblique case there are two sets of forins, viz. : 1) mujha (Rs, P., F 783), majha (Ratn.) (> Guj. maja), which is from Ap. majjhu < Skt. mahyam, and 2) mi (Adic.), mo (ibid.), muha (P., Sast.), of which the two former are from Ap. * mahu Guj. ama), which is also identical with Prakrit and Apabhramcu amha, amhaha < Skt. asmakam. The Apabhramca entire form amhaha has been preserved in amha, which occurs in the MS. Adic., and is the prototype of Marwari mha. P. 489 amha is used for the accusative. The form amho, which had been hitherto known only for its being mentioned by Prakrit Grammarians, occurs twice in P., namely onco in the meaning of a genitive (546), and the other time in the meaning of a nominative (404). It-still survives in Modern Gujarati amo. The possessive genitive is amharau ( > Guj. amaro, Marw, mharo, naro), from Ap. amharau < Skt. *asmatkaryakuh, and it has a locative amharai, oral, which is used for the dative. Another dative is formed periphrastically : amha-nai (P., Adic.)

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JANUARY, 1915.] NOTES ON GRAMMAR OF THE OLD WESTERN RAJASTHANI 11 $85. The Modern Gujarati apana (ne) and Marwari apa, which are used for the first personal pronoun plural, when the person addressed is included by the speaker, are likewise found in the Old Western Rajasthani, namely the former in the MS. Ratn., where it is very frequently used for the nominative case, and the latter in the MS. AdiC., where it appears under the forms apa, ape for the nominative and apa for the genitive-oblique case. The latter form is evidently from Apabhranca *appaha, *appaha and in Modern Marwari its use has been extended to the direct cases also. In the same MS. AdiC., we meet with one instance of apanai (page 5 b), apparently used as a dative. SS 86. The second personal pronoun has forms quite parallel with those of the first personal pronoun, viz. : nominative tai (P., Up., Sast.), t, from Ap. tuhu Skt. tvakam, and tua, tuha (P., Kal., Bh.), emphatic forms, which are possibly to be explained as redundants genitives. Marwari has tu, thu(< Ap. tuhu) and Gujarati tu. The instrumental-agentive forms are ta (Kal., Bh., Adi., P., etc.), tii (Kanh. 101, 102), ti (Rs. 65), all from Ap. tal Skt. tvaya. In the MS. Kal., tai is used also for the accusative (10, 12, 23), much in the same way as it is mat in the Apabhramca (cf. Siddhahemacandra, 370., 401,, 414, 4) Like may, tai also has become a general oblique form in Marwari. The genitive-oblique forms are: tujha (Indr., Kal., Bh., P. etc.), tajha (Kal. 23), from Ap. tujjhu < Skt. *tuhyam, and ti (Adi C.), tuha (P., Adi C), from Apabhranca tuhu, tuhuha. F 795, 18 tujha is used for the accusative. The possessive genitive is taharau from Ap. tuharau< Skt. *tuhakaryakah. whereof the locative form taharai is employed for the pronominal dative (F783, 36), and tora (Rs. 65, 67). Marwari and Gujarati have tharo and taro respectively. Examples of the periphrastic forms are: tujha-nai (acc., dat., P., Bh.), tajha-rahat (dat., gen., acc., Kal.), tu-nai (dat., Adi'C.), taha-nai (dat., acc., P.). SS87. For the plural, the following forms are evidenced: nominative-accusative tumhe general form, and its derivatives tumhi (Vi., P.), tamhe (Kal. 25, Ratn., P.), tamhi (Vi.), tuhe (Adi C.). all from Ap. tumhe < Skt. *tusme; instrumental tumhe (P. 214, 261), tamhe (P. 109), from Ap. tumhehi genitive-oblique tumha, tumha (Adi C.) from Ap. tumha(ha) Page #16
12 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JANUARY, 1916. SOME ANGLO-INDIAN WORTHIES OF THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. BY LAVINIA MARY ANSTEY. (Continued from Vol. XLIII. page 255.) In January, 1674, Smith wrote from "Hugly Garden" to Edwards, a9 "I lope ere long in Cassambazar to enquire of you." He was then occupied with his own business, though there was "little trade stirring." He had bought "Ophium" of Edmund Bugden and desired a "good Rapier and Belt wrought" to be made for him. He was then meditating a return to Europe for he remarked, "feare I shall have 8000 rupees ly dead till his (Richard Mohun's or both our arrivalls in England." This hardly tallies with the story of his ruin in his letter of October 1673 to the Company. A month later, on the 13th February 1674, Smith again wrote to Edwardslo regretting that he could neither go to Kasimbazar, as he had intended, nor would Edwards' affairs allow of his coming to Hugli, where Smith was apparently acting under Clavell, for he adde, "believe Mr. Clavell and I shall be gone to Ballasore before your returne from the Spaw, 11 but hope our stay will not be long." He urged his friend to "remember by next to send Shakespeare." On the 2nd February he wrote again+announcing his immediate departure to Balasor. Meanwhile Clavell had been desired by the Agent at Fort St. George to furnish information regarding Smith's complaints He replied, in May 1674,48 "For your satisfaction to the complaint of Mr. John Smith, wee referr you to the coppy of the Consultation here and to the instructions given Mr. Elwes and Hervy conoerning him, and have only to add that though there was ten dayes limited for his leaving Decoa, hee was not pressed but oame away at his own leisure, nor did wee give any order for the Seizing of his goods, nor ever heard that any of his goods were seized." There are three letters to Edwards from Smith during his stay at Balasor in May and June 1674. On the 13th May he wrote in cipher that he had "ended" his Dacoa accounts and was proceeding farther ; of its successe shall advise when know my selfe." This remark is cryptio, but may refer to his hopes of reinstatement. On the 21st June, to urged Edwards, if he had "resigned up the warehouse," to "come downe, which you may by writing the least word to W[alter] Clavell]." Two days later, he desired his friend to send him two pieces of "Taffaties."48 On the 18th August, 1674, Sunith returned to Hugls. On the 19th he wrote to Edwards +7 begging him to meet him there, and urging him to "make more baste, being I cannot assure you of my Long stay, ooming on my owne business, and as soon as that done must boe gone." Shortly after, he was attacked by fever and incapacitated for a fortnight.48 His stay at Hugli seemed to occasion surprise among the Company's servants and was 99 0. O. No. 3927. 400. O. No. 5337. 41 The spa to which Edwards had retired, with Messrs. Vinoont and Naylor, W "Bucklesore," no doubt identical with Bakreswar, a group of hot sulphur springs in Birbhum District, some 80 miles from Kasim Aur. In letter of the 12th March 1674 (0. O. No. 3948) Edward Knipc condoled with Edwards for being compelled to drink "stinking water" instead of "punch." The allusion to the apa ia teresting M no other contemporary reference has been found to this "Bath" of Bengal. 40. O. No 3942. 15 Factory Records, Hugli, Vol. 4. 0. O. No. 3984. 40. O. No. 3976. * 0. 0. No. 8974. EUR 0. O. No. 3986. 40. O. No. 3996.

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JANUARY, 1915.] SOME ANGLO-INDIAN WORTHIES OF THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. 13 commented on by Thomas Pace and Edward Reade in August and September.19 All this time he had failed to arrange a meeting with his friend Edwards, 50 whose regard for him had evidently lessened since his dismissal from Dacca. On the 17th October, Clavell wrote peremptorily to Hugli summoning Smith back to Balasor.51 "It will be needful that Mr. John Smith take bis passage of the first of the Company's sloops that comes this way, to be assisting here, and we order him so to doe." In compliance with these orders, Smith left Hugli on the 29th October.52 On his arrival at Balasor he probably found the relations between Clavell and himself to be extremely strained. He, therefore, without permission, went off in a "country ship" to Fort St. George to make out a case for himself with the Council there.53 On the 28th December 1674 Clavell wrote to the Agent, 5 "These may also informe you that Mr. John Smith, against our order, is proceeded on the ship Nossa Sentusa de Monte, whereof Mr. Richard Naplis is Pilot, upon pretence, as wee are informed, that he may recover some debts which he pretends are due unto him on the Coast, but wee can informe you that if any such Debts are, they are long since assignd to perticular persons to whome he is considerably indebted, and therefore wee presume his Clandestine departure hath been to evade the disquisition of what he Maliciously wrote to the right worshipfull Agent the 4th of May last." Clavell further remarked that Smith, if innocent, could have cleared himself at Balasor, "where witnesses were present" and an enquiry could have been held. He went on to accuse him of charging the Company with his own debts, of securing himself against legal demands made on him in Dacca, and of mortgaging unsold goods belonging to the Company to persons to whom he was indebted. The Council at "the Bay" urged the Agent at "the Fort" to send Commissioners to impartially investigate the case of Smith and also that of Joseph Hall, another thorn in their side. The sympathies of the Agent and Council at Fort St. George were evidently with the malcontents. At a Consultation held at Fort St. George on the 18th February, 1675,55 reference was made to "the endless debates and mutuall asperpersions in and from the Bay between the Chief and Factors there, and their displacing of Mr. Joseph Hall and Mr. John Smith from their places of Second of Hughley and Ballasore and Chief of Dacca, without orders from hence, there appearing unto the Agent and Councell to be much of private matter in their cases, these feuds having now continued many years ... to the great disturbance of our Honoble. Employers and their affaires and of this Agency who have laboured thus long to reconcile them and remove these scandalls and offences but hitherto in vaine." It was decided to be useless to send commissioners to investigate the matter until definite orders were received from the Company, and therefore the Council contented themselves with ordering John Smith "to be restored to his Chiefship at Dacca" and Elwes to be sent as second to Patna. They further directed that, for the future, no Chiefs of subordinate factories should be displaced without orders from "the Fort." These recommendations were not carried out, for in May, 1675, Smith was once more at Hagli and at variance with Clavell.50 On the 22nd he apologised to Edwards for not having "writ" since his "arrivall from the Coast," but pleaded want of time and "some differences created by Mr. Clavell not obeying the Agents orders." He added that he was 49 O. C. Nos. 3993 and 3999. 51 Factory Records, Hugli, Vol. 4. 53 Factory Records, Hugli, Vol. 4. 55 Factory Records, Fort St. George, Vol. I. 50 O. O. No. 4018. 20. C. No. 4026, 54 Factory Records, Hugli, Vol. 4. 56 0.0. No. 4091.

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14 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JANUARY, 1915. "resolved by next shipps for the Fort, God willing, and I shall want money to adjust with some creditors, which they made a great crime my last Voyage; therefore pray use yonr utmost endeavours speedily to send mee what you ow mee..."57 Smith's intentions to proceed to Fort St. George were frustrated, and in consequence he made common cause with Joseph Hall, who temporarily usurped Walter Clavell's position at Balasor, where both factors contrived to make themselves exceedingly obnoxious to their fellows.68 Finding himself baulked in his hopes of recovering the Chiefship of Dacca, Smith sent a written statement of his grievances to the Council at Fort St. George, in January, 1676, as follows:"I was in hopes to have waited upon your worship In Councell with Mr. Clavell and Mar sball, but Mr. Clavell was not pleased to admit or beare of any such thing, by which you may judge how things have been carryed. Mr. Robert Elwes hath been dead about a moneth, yet it was not knowne here till within 3 dayes. I suppose it was kept so private that the Ships might not carry home the newse this yeare from any but themselves, A:1d now Mr. Marshall pretends to the Place, which suppose is the reason of the Present Voyage to the Fort, but I hope, Since am detained, you will be pleased to see that I have my right and which you were formerly pleased to order me. And now Mr Clavell will be prea sent I humbly intreate that you will end that dispute, that so afterwards you may heare no more of it. Their designe in removing Mr. Marshall from Cassambuzar, where he hath had four yeares experience, and me from Decca, where I have had no less, certainly cannot be Immagined for the Companys Interest, But rather in removing Mr. Marshall to Decus there is way made for Brother Littleton59 to be 2d of Cassambuzar, which I heare is the present resolve; and Mr. Clavell in this yeares List to the Company of their Servants hath sett his Brother Littleton and Mr. Harvey before mee, and whether or noe this is the encoridgment and order the Company Intend amongst their Servants 1 humbly appeal to your Worship and address my selfe to you for Justice as well in this as other matters. I humbly take leave and Subscribe &c. John Smith."00 This letter was no sooner despatched than Smith decided to follow it in person, and ar cordingly, in defiance of Clavell's orders, sailed to Fort St. George. There he appears to have met with but little support. The quarrels among the Company's servants in the Bay' were referred to Major Willialu Puckle, sent out by the Court to inspect their factories in Madras and Bengal, and with him Smith returned to Balasor in March of 1676.61 Puckle at once began his attempt to pacify the grumblers by a general redistribution of offices, in which arrangement Smith was relegated to Patna as second, was admitted to a seat in the Council, and ranked as "9th in the Bay." If Packle thought he had thus gucceeded in " reconciling animosities" he was quickly disa bused, for Smith immediately brought a "charge containing 27 articles" against Walter Clavell. The document is not extant, but it was evidently a lengthy one, as it occupied "one booke intire" in the list of Puckle's papers.03 This "charge " was examined at Hoglt in June, 1676. No details are forthcoming and no verdict was given at the time, but the evidence was apparently in favour of Clavell, who, in his turn, promised to produce "& paper apart" of Smith's "Miscarriadges." 57 0. O. No. 4091. 58 Factory Records, Port St. George, Vol. 28. 52 Edward Littleton was brother-in-law to Walter Clavell's second wife, Martha Woodruff. * Factory Records, Fort St. George, Vol. 28, a Factory Records, Fort St. George, Vol. 18. & Factory Records, Fort St. George, Vol. 28. Ibid.

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JANUARY, 1916) SOME ANGLO-INDIAN WORTHIES OF THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY 15 Meanwhile, Puckle and the Bengal Council proceeded to Kasimbazar, where, on the 1st September, Clavell handed in seventeen accusations against Smith. Action in the case was deferred until the arrival of Streynsham Master, the Company's newly appointed Agent and Supervisor, whose powers were more extensive than those granted to Major Puckle. Before dealing with the counter charge, Master, however, directed the Council to find a verdict in the case of Smith versus Clavell. On the 18th October 1676, after long debateing," they acquitted Clavell of unfaithfulness towards the Company.c1 The following day, 19th October, the examination of the proofes of Mr. Clavell's charge against Mr. John Smith" was begun, and the proceedings lasted a full week. After Zmith had replied to the various counts of the charge, Clavell and his two witnesses, Samuel Hervy and Edward Reade, made their depositions. The charges chiefly concerned alleged frauds committed on the Company between 1669 and 1675. To these were added Smith's unwarranted dismiesal of James Price, formerly noted, and his frequent absences without leave. An account of the case is given in The Diaries of Streynsham Master, recently edited by Sir Richard Temple, where a summary of the affair with an analysis of the counts and the evidence for conviction is to be found.65 The Council decided that Smith had "binn unfaithfull in his trust and Imployment in the Honourable Companyes service," especially as regarded six of the seventeen charges. On the 2nd November 1676 their verdict was given. It was agreed that since Smith had been found guilty of disloyalty, he should hold "noe charge or trust" nor be "admitted to Councell" until further orders were received from Fort St. George. He was moreover desired to repair to, and remain at Hugli "untill the Agent and Councells pleasure be known." Smith, however, appears to have stayed on at Kasim bazar after Master's departure in November, 1676, for he is mentionod as being in that place in January, 1677.90 By the end of 1676, his complaints of ill treatment in Bengal had reached England. In their letter to Fort St. George of the 10th December, the Court of Committees wrote: "Inclosed you have Copy of a Letter from Mr. John Smith full of Complaints, which wee would have you cause to be examined."07 Meanwhile the Council at the Fort carefully abstained from acting on the verdict against Smith. At a Consultation held on the 3rd February, 1677,68 the affair was taken into consideration and it was decided that in view of the authority vested in Mr. Master and the regularity of the proceedings," nothing remained to be done but to leave it to the Company to ratify or reverse the decision arrived at in Bengal. The opinion of the Court of Committees on the verdict was entirely in accordance with Master's finding to "Wee observe the result of the Examination of the charge against Mr. Hallio and Mr. Smith and approve of your proceedings therein. Their Sallaries are to cease on the arrivall of these ships, and send home their Accompts, but if they desire to remaine in the Countrey, and will remove to and reside at the Fort, and be conformable to our Orders there, you may permit them for one yeer for the recovery of their Estates and Debts.... Wee have written to you in a former paragraph about Mr. Hall and Mr Smith, but therein omitted to give directions how to prodeed with them. Our Order is, if they shall desire to retire to the Fort, you may permit them to remain there a yeer or two, provided They comport themselves so as to give no disturbance to our affaires and conforme to our Rules. Butt if after the Triall for one yeer, Our Agent and Councell shall finde their longer abode there to be prejuduciall to our affaires, you are then to send them home, And if they do not desire to 64 Diaries of Streynsham Master, ed. Temple, I. 410. 65 See Diaries of Streynsham Master, ed. Temple, I. 156-164, 411-449, and 504-506. 66 0. C. No. 4251. 67 Letter Blok Vol. 5. 66 Factory Records, Fort St. George, Vol. 1. 69 Letter Book Vol. 5 pp. 504,511. 70 Joseph Hall had also been found guilty of malpractices.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JANUARY, 1915. remaine at the Fort but persist to continue in the Bay, you are to send them for England by these ships to render us an accompt of their transactions according to their Covenants." Smith was by this time a disappointed and embittered man. His hopes of accumulating riches were almost all frustrated. He had sustained " vast losses" in a cargo sent to Persia in 1676,71 and he had now but little chance of mending his fortunes. His rancour vented itself in 1677) in attacks on his late companions, and he was called upon to prove charges of atheism against Samuel Hervy and of "unseemly speeches" against Edmund Bugden. But although Smith persisted that he had heard Hervy declare there was "noe God or Divell", and that Bugden had slighted his superiors, both were acquitted, after examination, by the Hugli Council,72 In 1678 Smith was still at Balasor, although the year allowed him to settle his affairs had already expired. He had made up his quarrel with Bugden and was living on friendly terms with his old comrade Richard Edwards, then chief of that factory.73 In October, however, Bugden had fresh cause of complaint against Smith, who sized his share of the cargo of the Maldiva Merchant, a venture in which Smith, Bugden and Edwards were equally interested. Bugden was at Hogli and could not fight his own battles, so he appealed to Matthias Vincent, Clavell's successor as Chief in Bengal. Vincent wrote to Edwards (14th October, 1678) on Bugden's behalf and informed him that he, as part owner of the cargo, was suspected of being instrumental in assisting Mr. Smith."74 (To be continued.) A NOTE ON SOME SPECIAL FEATURES OF PRONUNCIATION, Ero.. IN THE GUJARATI LANGUAGE. BY N. B. DIVATIA, B. A.; BANDRA. I WELCOME with keen appreciation Dr. Tessitori's valuable Notes on Old Western Rajasthani, begun in this Journal, February 1914. I have special and personal reasons for according this welcome. Dr. Tessitori's theory about the language which was ourrent all over Gujarat and Rajaputana during the post-Apabhra nga period is so lucidly and ably expounded, that it clears up many dark points in the history and origin of the Gujarati language. Recently I had occasion to write a series of articles in a Gujarati monthly on this subject of the origin of the Gujarati language, and in the course of these articles I hinted that between the 12th and 15th centuries of the Christian Era a universal language (whicb I termed latest apabhranca) was ourront in the whole tract named above, and it was not till after the 15th century that this language gradually split up into Gujarati, Marwadi and kindred vernaculars. What I merely hinted at has been independently and ably elaborated by Dr. Tessitori, and it is with a spirit of sinoere gratefulness that I welcome this authoritative support unconsciously given to me by him. I express this feeling specially because there are some who hold the simple belief that Gujarati as at present spoken existed even during Narasinha Mehta's and Mirabai's times, and there are some who fondly imagine that the language of the land which the Parsis adopted after they landed at Sanjan about the close of the 8th century A. D. was the same as the Gujarati of the present day ! But this limited class of persons can be safely neglected, when we find amongst them one who naively asserts that Kanhadade Prabandha (the well known epic written by Padmanabha of Jalor relating the valorous deeds of Kanhadadeva) was written by Kanhadadeva! 110. O. No, 4206.." Factory Records, Hugli, Vol. I. 70.0, No. 4463. 10. O. No. 4502.

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JANUARY, 1915.] I must now come to the special subject of this Note. The theory propounded by Dr. Tessitori regarding the existence of Old Western Rajasthani and its final splitting up into Gujarati on the one hand and Marwadi on the other, is supported by a detailed examination, undertaken by him, of the peculiar features of these languages. It is not my purpose here to deal with all the details. I wish to dwell on two or three items which appeal to me as of special significance from my point of view. These items are the following features in Gujarati, as noted by Dr. Tessitori: A NOTE ON GUJARATI PRONUNCIATION (a) contraction of the vocalic groups ai, au into e, 6; and (b) elision of h between vowels or after nasals. Regarding (b) Dr. Tessitori remarks: "It is, however, to be observed that in most of such cases the h-sound, though disappeared in writing, is still slightly heard in pronunciation." What I wish here to emphasize regarding this h-sound is (1) That its elision (in writing only) was the result of an artificial system started by the Educational Department some 50 years ago; Sanskrit. nayanaM (2) That, in spite of this system, the h-sound is now revived in writing by a considerable number of writers, in consequence of a protest raised over 25 years ago and an agitation continued since; as a result, this h in writing has now come to stay; and (3) That its being slightly heard is due to the fact that it is not the strong h-sound of Sanskrit, but a weak sound, which I call g As regards (a) also attempts have been made to insist that some distinguishing sign must be used to denote this broad pronunciation. It used to be denoted in old Mss. by an inverted matra, thus:- fet (the wood-apple tree), as distinguished from art - a big jar); as distinguished from (round), (-appearance) as distinguished from(a bucket). Some writers denote this sound by putting a semi-circular mark above the letter, with or without the matra, thus:- -afat or fat. It would interest some to note that this sound is peculiar to Gujarati alone. Thus where Marathi has, maile, cauyeM (cavarSe ), and Hindi too would have cauthA, mailA, baiThA, peThA, &oa, Gujarati has vara, f, wit, f, 48, &ca. The phonetic genesis of this broad sound is interesting. It may be noted that in addition to the ai and au sounds, aya and ava also are changed into e and 8 in Gujarati; e. g. vacanaM rajanI waffer gavAkSaH 17 Prakrit. nayaNaM vayaNaM ravaNI kaTTibhA gavakkho Gujarati. ffor For For antat after 1 Sir George Grierson gives a list of words containing this broad sound at pp. 344 ff. of his Volume on Gujarati and Rajasthani (Linguistic Survey of India). I notice, however, that wrong words have crept in occasionally; e. g., dhol (a drum); this is really never sounded with a broad o.

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pAvalI 18 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JANUARY, 1915. = Now, both these sets of changes can be reduced to a common principle. By a certain phonetic process the medial and 7 in a word in the Prakrit and intermediate stages become respectively 4 and 7 in Gujarati in some cases; thus: Sanskrit. Prakrit. Gujarati ain: koilo kAyala devakulam deulaM devaLa (Desya) TT patharDa (+7 termination) teret &ca., &ca. The ai and ai sounds, then, really pass through the aya and ava stage before assuming the form of broad e and 8; thus - assumes the sound and we becomes greut before they finally settle down into fit and is. A close study of these sounds as they reach the ear: leads one to accept this theory. It must be further noted that before the broad sound is finally reached, the final a of aya and ava is dropped, under the operation of another phonetic principle whereby a GR (very quickly pronounoed) a is dropped, e.g., Sanskcit. Prakrit or A pabhrana. Gujarati. ahaM kaTakaM kaDoM et cetera. Thus the stages are :-- - FOR - frei - - The above a. lysis of the phonetic history of the broad sound of e and o receives a strong support from the fact that certain words having the vocalic group az in them in A pabhraica are actually seen to pass through the anti-samprasarana stage at a certain period of the Gujarati language, e. g. Apabhraica Old W. Rajasthani pahasAra (abstract noun from paisA pathasAra Sanskrit pravizati) vara (Sanskrit vaira) vayara Kraft (Sansktit croft) vabarAgI Dr. Tessitori has found the first two instances in Panchakhyana, 246 and 503, and the last one in Florentine MSS. 616, 126. (See SS 4 (5) under Chapter II of his Notes (Ante, April 1914, pp. 57-58). It may thus be safely inferred that this anti-samprasarana process had its share in the case of au as well as a group, and, whether all words passed through this process in actual language or not, the phonetic origin of the broade and o as traced here may be safely accepted as indicating the underlying principle. Some may contend that the better theory would be to hold that the 2 and 3 of words like TYT, YT, TU, o, pass through the wy and stage by the samprasarana process before reaching the broad sound of e and o. But I am not inclined to abandon the theory advanced by * This process is the reverse of Samprasarana which also occurs in the formation of Gujarati words, ..., - - ; -feat-try; *- *) , 255; et cetera. 3 This will be cloar when we try to sound and he and see that the broad sound of 4 is in closer affinity with the 244 than with the sound ; almilarly with art and 78. This process of broadening and docurs also in the case of Persian and Arabio words adopted into Gujardt, . ., Afor, affer, wia, funt, et cetera. sfru.

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JANUARY, 1915.) MASRUR ROCK TEMPLE, KANGRA 19 me, because whereas there are some instances in actual language (e. g., at &ca in Panchakhyana &ca) which indicate the anti-samprasarana process, there are no actual instances of the sta of words like Ta etc. having changed into ; and where, in some cases, the bhava has changed to bhA; (as in cataka-sava(ka)-saikuM) the sound has either stopped short at ai or become in Gujarati,and not been broadened into e. Additional reasons for adhering to my theory are already indicated above. Furthermore, this broadening of e and o sounds occurs even when the vowel group (az or au) ends a word ; thus :Prakrit, A pabhrama. Gujarati. eto. ant bhanA 879 vI karI ghoDara ghoDA In fact the final e in the prosent tense third personal singular form of Gujarati verbs, and the final o in the nominative singular masculine of Gujarati words ending in o, are really broadish in sound. However, I make this distinction between this final sound and the sound of the medial e and o; viz., that in the case of the latter the broad pronunciation is strongly marked and may therefore be termed erat, while in the case of the former it is slightly faintly perceptible owing to the faot that the sound is final and thus not very audible, and may therefore be termed fry. Consequently I do not demand any distinctive mark for the final sound, as I do in the case of the medial e and o. (To be continued. NOTE ON THE ROCK-HEWN VAISHNAVA TEMPLE AT MASRUR DEXA TAHSIL, KANGRA DISTRICT, PANJAB. BY H. L. SHUTTLEWORTH Esq., HOSHIARPUR. THOUGH rock temples of various types are fairly common in central and southern India, it has not till recently been known that the Panjab sub-Himalayan district of Kangra possesses one, remarkable alike on account of its position, elaborate structural design and carved details. There is no evidence that it had been seen by any European, prior to my first visit in April 1913, though local rumour has it that it was seen by Mr. Barnes, Settlement Officer of Kangra, in the early fifties. Brief allusions am made to it in the lists ct places of archaeological Monuments in the Panjab, published in 1875 and 1891, but they are misleading, in that they do not convey the impression that the temple is hewn from the live rock. Native subc-dinates of the Arobaeological Department have seen it on two occasions, but it was not until October 1913, that it was scientifically examined by 4 Sir George Grierson designates the gate a short and the o broad. He says "Gujarati hans short as well as a long e." It has no short o, but, on the other hand, in some words o is pronounced broadly, like the a in all." (Introduction to the Gujardit Language, Linguistio Survey of India, IX, Part II, p. 329). I suspoot there is some confusion hero. Both and o, are either broad and narrow, or short and long.

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20 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JANUARY, 1915. Mr. Hargreaves, Officiating Superintendent of Hindu and Buddhist Monumenta, Northern Circle of the Archaeological Department. His visit, was, I venture to say, largely induced by the photographs and details, which my visit in April enabled me to forward to him The present note, with its photographs, is the result of my April visit, followed by a second visit in November, which was made with the object of drawing up a rough plan and of supplementing the photographs, previously taken by me. I am indebted for certain information to Mr. Hargreaves and also to Mr. Vincent Smith, author of Early History of India and of History of Fine Art in India and Ceylon, with whom I have been in correspondence. The position of the temple on the summit of a sand stone range of hills, here some 2500 feet in elevation, is one commanding fine vistas of the snow capped Dhaula Dhar to the north-east and of the Beas valley to the west. While by path only some 8 miles from the small, but ancient town of Haripur, visited by Vigne in 1839, and some 12 miles from the historical Kot Kangra, rough inter-hamlet hill tracks provide the solo access to it. Its inaccessibility explains why it has escaped notice for so long. On the approach from Haripur, the temple first comes into view, when the visitor surmounts the smaller parallel ridge to the south-west. In the distance the temple can scarcely be distinguished from the adjacent rock, as on this side it is sadly weather worn, if indeed it was ever quite completed. From nearer, the deep outs that separate each end of the temple from the rest of the sandstone ridge, some of the bikharas and doorways become visible. But it is not till one bas passed through the south-east cut and viewed the temple from the other side that the true character and size of the temple begin to manifest themselves. Even thon at first it seems an extravagant and confused mass of spires, doorways and ornament. The perfect symmetry of the design, all centering in the one supreme spire, immediately over the small main cella, which together form the vimana, can only be realised after & careful examination of each part in relation to the other. This difficulty is chiefly due to the destruction of several of the spires, the blocking up of the almost perfect east corner by mean hute, and the intruding trees and vegetation, that in places are helping to disintegrate the temple itself. If the visitor stands by the Garuda (photo. No. 2) facing the large door to the colla, (photo. No. 3), on each side of him are the ruinous remains of two miniature cruciform shrines. Beyond them, right and left, in a straight line and in front of the corner, were two larger detached outflanking bikhara shrines, resembling spires of the main temple. That to the right is still partly extant, but its fellow to the east is represented only by remains of its base. The survivor contains an exceptionally fire sculptured lintel on its outsido face. (See photos. Nos. 5 and 6). Behind the visitor's back is the large rectangular tank, hollowed out of the rock, shown in the foreground of photo. No. 1. Advancing towards the cells, one enters a square court, immediately in front of the door of the colla. It is now open to the sky, but was once probably covered by & portioo or mandapa, supported on carved pillars, the remains of three of which are still to be seen the base of one in situ in the south corner of the court (Plan, B), part of another, or perhaps of the first, supporting the later Garuda (Plan, A and photo. No. 2.), and part of a third recumbent on the ground and defaced with rough

Page #25
JANUARY, 1915.) MASRUR ROCK TEMPLE, KANGRA designs of Hanuman etc., (Plan, C). The fine large doorway, lavishly covered with carving, in places on inlaid panels, (photo: No. 7) leads to the central shrine, little more than 4 yards square, which contains three black stone images of Rama, Sita and Lakshmana? (vide infra). The shrine is plain, but for its roof, once adorned by circular, possibly floral designs, now nearly destroyed by the percolation of water from above. By the same agency the lower parts of the sides of the carved doorway have been eaten away. From the flat roof of the temple immediately over the cella springs the lofty central spire, the 28 sided base of which occupies not quite the full breadth of the roof which is some 15 yards (photo No. 4, Plan, No. 7). It is supported right and left by two smaller attendant spires of a similar design (Plan, Nos. 8 and 9). Access to the flat roof from the court is or was given by two staircases, inside two small spires, flanking the doorway of the cella, (Plan, Nos. 5 and 6). Probably, to judge from some fallen fragments, there were two similar counterbalancing spires on the other side of the temple (Plan, Nos. 14 and 15). Now only that to the left or south-east of the sanctuary doorway is intact, steps and all. The flat roof of the temple is about 50 yards in length; each of its corners is provided with a small bikhara, (Plan, Nos. 10, 11, 12, and 13) the pair at each end, being, as described previously, in line with one of the detached pair, (Plan, Nos. 3 and 4). The roof, between each pair of corner spires forms a porch, the lintels and sides of which, as of those of all the other doorways, are carved. The faces of all the sikharas are or were covered with carved designs, as the photos. Nos. 4 and 12 show. On each side of the temple between each of the corner and staircase spires, would be an interval of empty wall were not each such space filled in by a low, broad, but thin pyramidical structure crowning another door, (Plan, Nos. 16, 17, 18, and 19). Photo No. 4 shows No. 16. These structures Mr. Hargreaves compares to Dravidian Gopuras. On the ground level the total number of doorways or porches, most of them incompletely excavated, was probably 28. On the roof there were 11 complete sikharnis, which with the detached four make 15 in all. In addition there were the four Gopuras, mentioned in the last paragraph. The elaborate, yet symmetrical, general design can be best appreciated by reference to the rough index plan, which only aims at indicating the relative position of the various parts of the temple on the ground and roof level. The plan is to a large extent a restoration, as the parts indicated by broken lines now no longer exist, and many of the others are ruined in varying degrees. For exact measurements, Mr. Hargreaves' note should be referred to. The abundance and richness of the deep-cut carvings round the doorways and on the faces of the bikharas are remarkable. Some of them are wonderfully well preserved by being to some extent protected from the weather by being overhung by projections. The high level of the execution is equalled in no other early temple in these parts. This will be best seen from the photos. Nos. 5, 6, 7, 8, 9 and 10 of the various carved lintels, that have suffered little injury as yet. The flower-pot design (photo. No. 11) is fairly common elsewhere. There is a specimen of it on a pillar in the Lahore Museum of a Kanga temple (Baijnath ?). The animal representations, such as the tigers in photo. No. 9, the pair of geuse to the top of photo. No. 10 and the ram to the right of the same 1. Rama the epic hero regarded as a complete reincarnation of Vishnu', Sita his wife, Lakshmana Rama's half brother (Barnett's Antiquities pp. 25-29.)

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22 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JANUARY, 1915. photo, are very realistic, while the figures of the Hindu deities, among whom Vishnu, Ganesa, Siva and Durga can be recognised, the Saktis, attendants and especially the dancing piper at the left of No. 5 are equally well executed. The shrine is known as Thakurdvara, the temple of Vishnu, though it actually contains, as noted above, images of the Rama reincarnation of Vishyu, and his wife and half-brother, all principal actors in the Ramayana epic. Mr. Hargreaves has conjectured that the temple may have once been dedicated to Siva. But for many years the worship of Siva has been spreading at the expense of that of Vishnu. The features of the face on the recurring sets of three medallions on the bikharas (photo. No. 12) are not unlike other admitted representations of Vishnu. Inscriptions at Kaniara, near Dharmsala, show that Ktishra worship had established itself in this district centuries before the hewing of this temple (Kangra Gazetteer, page 258). The Garuda (photo. No. 2) may be recent but there are no traces at all of Siva's bull, Nandi, that almost invariably faces that god's shrines. However, the intimate connection of Saiva and Vaishnava worship at a certain stage of religious development makes this a difficult question, which excavation may possibly solve. * The pujari and people attribute the excavation and decoration of the temple to the exiled Pandava brothers, those Cyclopes of India, to whom other ancient marvels of architecture, such as Martanda in Kashmir and the Mamallapuram Rathas, are also assigned. The local legend, as told me, is that the work was all but finished in one night and its non-completion was due to the appearance of a Telin, who emerged from her house just before dawn. Upon seeing her, the architects, abandoning their almost complete work, fled, as recognition meant extension of their period of exile. But the work must have taken years and in date it is at least somewhat later than the structural temples of the same epoch. The perfection of the handicraft and the elaboration of the designstriking contrast to the usual simple one-spireu temple consisting of one little cella, with perhaps a pro-cella and porch show that it was made at a fairly late stage of architectural development. Mr. Vincent Smith from an examination of my photos, thinks it belongs to the 7th century A. D. Mr. Hargreaves puts it in the 8th century. Thus it belongs to the same period of architectural activity as the far distant Mamallapuram Rathas (7th century), Martanda (A. D. 750 ) and the Elura Kailasa (late eighth century). These dates are taken from Barnett's Antiquities of India pp. 242-3. There is no exact evidence from inscriptions or elsewhere to enable the date to be fixed more precisely. During its long existence the action of the heavy rainfall of these parts has done immense damage. Huge slices of the still surviving carved spires, or of the sides of the doors, have fallen. The south-west side has suffered most. Perhaps some of this damage is due to earthquakes, either in 1905 or earlier. Fortunately no alien iconoclast seems to have penetrated here. Now that this long neglected temple, little known except to the inhabitants of the immediately surrounding hamlets, has been notified as a protected monument, it is hoped that the proposals of the Archaeological Superintendent for its preservation will soon be carried out under skilled supervision. For these proposals, as well as for technical details reference should be made to the inspection and conservation notes, drawn up by Mr. Hargreaves, who made exact measurements and had large scale photos, taken. The present general description claims no pretension to give

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PLATE 1 MASRUR Rock TXPL, Indian Antior N1 No. No. 2 NO. 3 No. 5 No. 6

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PLATE IT. MASRUR Rook TEMPLE. Indian Antiguary No. 7 No. 10 No. 9 No. 9 No. 11 No. 12

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JANUARY, 1915.] MASRUR ROCK TEMPLE, KANGRA 23 more than the impressions of an interested visitor, who, however, has had the fortune to aid in the virtual discovery of this striking monument of medieval Hindu devotion.2 Masrur Temple. Rough Index Plan. Rock 6 ! TANK Notes.-With the exception of spires Nos, 7, 8, & 9, the others are represented as square : they, except Nos. 16, 17, 18, and 19, are cruciform at their bases. The broken lines indicate parts of the temple that have disappeared. A. Garuda pillar. B. Portico pillar in sitre. C. Fallen pillar. D. Court yard. E. Doorway to cella. F. Colla and altar. G. Staircase to roof. Nos. 1-15 spires. Nos. 16-19 half-spires. (Gopuras). 2 Since writing this article, I have come across the following cases in other temples, in which the Flower Pot' design, shown in photo: No. 11, occurs : (1) In the Sakti Devf temple at Chatrari, between Chamba and Barmaur, some 15 miles in a straight line north of Dharmala, which is itself about the same distance from Masrur, vide, Vogel's article p. 240 I. Archaological Report, 1902-3, plate 34-b. This temple is Ascribed to circa A. D. 700. The design on the plate referred to is identical with that in photo. No. 11. Both may be assigned to the same period. An image of Vishnu-Surya is amongst the carvings of this temple. (2) In Ajanta cave No. 24, see p. 56 of Fergusson's Rock-cut Temples of India, 1864. (3) At Ellora caves (a) Visvakarma-Fergusson Op. cit pp. 63-4. (b) Viha ra p. 65. (o) Tin Tal P. 66. These are Buddhist of about the 7th and 8th centuries, (d) Das Avatara pp. 67-8 circa 800. The last temple cave, which ie Brahmanical, is of interest, as showing how Vaishnava and Saive worship was sometimes combined. Probably the same was at one time the case at the MArwar temple of Manor where finally give ousted Vishnu. The features of the face in the Medallion photo. 12 resemble those of the Vishnu face of the Elephanta Trimurti, depicted in plato 33 of Coorraraswamy's Arts and Crafts of India. They also resemble those in the Vaishnava sculpture in Chaitya No. 19 at Ajanta. This particular medallion is, I consider, meant to represent Vishnu. However, the fact that these medallions, most of them much weatherworn, are } in sets of three, sursesta that each set may have represented the Brahma, Vishnu and Siva trinity.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JANUARY, 1915. MISCELLANEA. THE DATE OF THE YOGA-BHASHYA OF VYASA. Since Raja Dr. Rajendralal Mitra's Introduction to his translation of the Bhoja-voitti on the Satras, in which he decried the Yoga-bhashya and questioned its genuineness, it has suffered a great deal of unmerited obloquy at the hands of the Sans- kritists. The subject was generally unfashionablo. There was no guruparampara, available to unravel its intricacies, and so it was easier to ignore the work than tackle it seriously. That the work is fairly old-Bo old that it is hard to interpret--as the Shastris say, its Shaili is altogether too different from that of the later bhashyas to allow of always accurate interpretation is borne out incontestably by the fact of its being quoted in the Nyayabhashya. One passage e. g. is atsa fall 24tarapauta nityatvapratiSedhAt which the vartika of Uddyotakara reads as an art etc. It occurs in Yoga-bhashya on S. 13. ch. III. This shows that the work has to be assigned to the 1st or 2nd century A. D. at the latest. GOVINDA DAS. BENARES. NOTES AND QUERIES. SHAHJAHAN AND JAHANARA REVERTING to Mr. Vincent Smith's interesting account of De Laet's De Imperio Magni Mogolis (ante, Vol. XLIII, p. 223) and the scandalous story he spread regarding Shahjahan's alleged incestuous relations with his daughter Jahandra, at p. 203 of my Edition of Vol. II. of Peter Mundy's Travels (Hak. Soc. issues for 1914) the following version thereof will be found: "This Shawe Jehan amonge the rest bath one Chiminy Beagum, a verie beautifull creature by report, with whome (it was openly bruited and talked of in Agra) hoe committed incest, being verie familiar with him many times in boyes apparrell, in great favours, and a great moanes allowed her." Chamant Begam was the third of Shahjahan's daughters, the other two being Jahanard and Raushankra. She died in 1816. Peter Mundy travelled to and from India between 1628 and 1634, keeping an invaluable Journal divided into "Relations." He left Surat overland for Agra in November 1630, and arrived in January 1631. In August 1632 he went to Patna, returning to Agra in December. In March 1633 he started back by a different route for Surat. He gives & special "Relation about "the Great Mogoll Shawo Jehan," in the course of which ooours the above note. He clearly means Jahanara by "Chi. miny Beagum," but I am not aware of any evidence showing that Jahanara was ever known to the Court by her sister's name after her sister's death. I look upon the story as an instance of the scandalous gossip about those in high places, which has only too often been handed down as Indian history: in this case, to account for the great favours publicly showered on Jahanara by her fond and notoriously ill-regulated father; having its root in the common knowledge that the Mughal Emperors' d. ughters were not allowed to marry for reasons of State. Later on the tremendous rivalry between Jahanard and Rauabanara, and the jealousies of the opposing factions of Shahjahan and Aurangzeb, which they respectively joined, would be quite enough to perpetuate the scandal with acrimonious additions. R. C. TEMPLE.

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FEBRUARY, 1915.) SOME ANGLO-INDIAN WORTHIES OF THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY 25 SOME ANGLO-INDIAN WORTHIES OF THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. BY LAVINIA MARY ANSTEY. (Continued from page 16) Meanwhile, in accordance with the Company's letter of December 1677, Smith was ordered to repair to Fort St. George in readiness to embark for England. He professed himself willing to comply, but his apparent submission was only a blind. The seizure of Bugden's share of the Maldiva Merchant's cargo was part of his plan to realize what he could before escaping from the area of the Company's rule, leaving his debts behind him. He was apparently unable to meet his obligations, for in December 1678 Matthias Vincent, wrote to Edward Reade at Balasor:76 "Mr. John Smith Oweing Mr. Wynn and Mr. Clavell money and not Comoing to any Accompt or not takeing Care to pay the Ballance, wee order you to take Security of him for said, and if he does not give to Satisfaction we order you to acquaint the merchant to whome he has sold the Ava Merchant that he doe not allow the Sale till Mr. Smith payes what he owes on her." This order seems to have frightened Smith and to have accelerated his departure. On the 22nd December 1678 news of his flight reached Haglf:77 "From Ballasore we had a Generall Letter advising us that Mr. John Smith, after having desired and obtained order for his passage and shipping his necessaries aboard of the Williamson, in reference to his going to the Fort according to the Honourable Companys orders this yeer received, rann away in a small vessel as they thought to Achin, carrying with him two men, the one a midshipman belonging to the Williamson." The Council at Hugli suspected the factors at Balasor, and especially Richard Edwards, of connivance at Smith's flight. On the 24th December 1678, they wrote:78 "Wee admire Mr. John Smith should be able under your Noses to Carry his business soe slyly as not to be taken Notice of that he intended thus as you write to slip away. He has uncased him. self and suppose our Masters and the Agency will look upon him accordingly." The Good Hope, the vessel in which Smith escaped, belonged to Thomas Pitt, a freeman who had been summoned home by the Company in 1676, but who had defied their orders A letter from Pitt to Smith of the 15th December 1678 is extant.79 In it he remarked, "I am sorry to hear the damn'd roguery you meet withall." He enclosed sailing orders to George Johnson to take the Good Hope to Masulipatam under Smith's orders and requested Smith to leave him a list of what goods he was empowered to demand on his account. He was then busy "makeing ready the ship against the full [tide]." The Council at Hugli continued to be much perturbed that Smith should have effected his escape so easily. On the 4th January 1679 they wrote to Balasor :80 "We are sorry.. ... that Mr. Smith should be able to procure a vessel laden with Rice, Buttor &c. and to Slip away without being Perceived by any man whose duty it was, if he were any waies acquainted there with or had reason to ghess it, to take Cognizance or advise of such practises to prevent them. [It) is a great riddle to us and we believe will not be so slightly passed over." 75 Factory Records, Hugli, VOL 1. 16 Factory Records, Hugli, Vol. 5. TT Factory Records, Hugli, Vol. 2. 78 Factory Records, Hugli, Vol. 5. 19 Factory Records, Fort St. George, Vol. 28. 20 Factory Records, Hugli, Vol. 5. .

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (FEBRUARY, 1915. Again, on the 9th February 1679 Matthias Vincent wrote privately to Richard Edwards,81 * The sale of John Smith's ship [the Maldiva Merchant] will certainly ly at your door, it not being to be made firm without your concurrence and your Secureing Mr. Bugden's part without order or any thing of Consent from him demonstrates that you engaged you[r] selfe too much on Mr. Smiths Side... I fear you will be a great sufferer in your credit by John Smiths flight, it being in my opinion impossible but ere he went you knew of it or might though (sic) suspect it, in which case you ought to have discovered it." The authorities at Fort St. George were also indignant at Smith's evasion, and directed the factors in Bengal to use the Companys orders" concerning him if he came within their power,"82 For some months no news was heard of the runaway. It was supposed that he had gone to Sumatra, but in June 1679 Edmund Bugden reported that his brother, John, and Clement Jordan, both free merchants trading at Achin, stated that Smith had not arrived there," so hope he made a good voyadge at Mallacca and so to Syam," where suppose he is gone." A far different fate had, however, befallen the late chief of Dacca. The first news of his untimely end, at the hands of the captain of the Good Hope, reached Fort St. George in a letter from Clement Jordan dated at Queda the 29th August 1679, entitled "of Clement Jordan and John Bugden's seizure upon Mr. Smiths vessell, he being murthered." Jordan wrote as follows:83 "Honble. Streynsham Master etca. Councell: Wee having this opertunity Per the ship Adventure doe make bold to salute you with these few lines, for to acquaint your Honours etca, of our takeing Mr. John Smith's vessell in the road of Atchin, being we had intelligence from 6 Dutch, who were cast away upon the back of Sumatra, told us there was an English Ketch at Padam (Padang) and a Hamburgo the Pilott; and they had tooke in water and refreshing and were gone some few daies, when there came Mr. Coates and Grigory back to Padam in a small Pro prow], and complained there to the Dutch how they were served by the Hanburgo, namely George Johnson; and not long after there was news that the said George Johnson had murthered Mr. Smith and that he was run away with the vessell, which above 16 daies after came into the road of Atchin, and there vapoured with his Flagg at the topmast head, and in the night about eleven of the clock came up the river without the Queens chop (chhap, seal), which never used by any English soe to doe, and stole off a boat of water, which the country people tooke very ill, and askt us the reason of it. Our answear was, we would better sattisfie them to morrow, which accordingly made good our promise, being we tooke the said Ketch, and brought George Johnson ashoar and was made apear before the great men that he was a rogue and had murdered his Merchant, soe that they were well sattisfied and thanked us for what we had done. The next day brought him aboard and put him in Irons, and in them is like to continue till please God we come to Madrass, which as soon as the vessell is repair'd intend by God's Permission to proceed towards you the latter end of October, which is the subject of what offers, only our very humble service to your Honour etca, presented: take leave and remaine, Honourable Sir etca., Your most humble servants to Command. CLEMENT JORDAN JOHN BUGDEN." 81 0. C. No. 4576. 20. C. No. 4581. * Factory Records, Fort St. George, Vol. 28, pp. 40-41,

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FEBRUARY, 1916.) SOME ANGLO-INDIAN WORTHIES OF THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY 27 With this letter was enclosed - Derick Onderhill's Declaration concerning the murther of Mr. John Smith," which showed that the unhappy factor had been a prisoner and was practically starved before he was murdered. The attestation runs as follows:84 "To all people to whom this present writing shall come or may concerne, that I the subscribed have hereby upon the reasonable request of Clement Jordan doe acknowledge and declare the truth of what I heard and that was spoaken by John Lopis one of the Good Hope's Laskars which came in her from Bengall, that George Johnson and Peter (by his order) struck Mr. John Smith over the head with a swabstick, and John Lopis seeing that run behind the Cookroom and hid himselfe, and when came out found noe Mr. Smith living or dead, but afterwards was told that he was throwne over board before he was quite dead, and that the said Mr. Smith was barr'd up a great many daies before with a Gun against the Cabin door and the windows nailed fast without side, and all that time gave him neither victualls nor water, which is all I know or heard of, and to the truth of the above mentioned I doe hereunto set my hand this 21st day of August 1679: Derick Onderhill oft Onderbergh. Acknowledged the above mentioned before us, Allexander Ogilvy; Francis Barnes. Clement Jordan reached Fort St. George in December 1679, and on his arrival declaped his willingness to be examined regarding his seizure of the Good Hops and the murder of John Smith. At a Consultation on the 22nd December there is the entry :85 Mr. Clement Jordan, Freeman, who sayled the last yeare in a small Vessell of Mr. Edward Bugdens from Ballasoro in [into] Quedah, where he disposed of the Cargo, and sold the Vessell, and arriving here the last Night, in the Good Hope, a small Vessell of Mr. John Smiths, who instead of repairing to this place in December last, in conformity to the Honble. Company's order, sayled with this said Vessell to the Southward, and there was murdered by his Men, of which Mr. Jordan promiseth to give the Relation under his hand. . Jordan's "Relation" was handed to the Council two days later, on the 24th December 1679. Copie of Mr. Jordan, Mr. Bugden and Hart, their Relation of the seizing of a Keteh, belonging unto Mr. John Smith murdered. 86 * TO MR. JOSEPH HYNMERS ETC. COUNCELL. This sheweth that we do hereby upon his Worship's command and order now appeare, and give in our Declaration concerning the barbarous amurdering of Mr. John Smith, late Resident in Bengale and Chief of Dacca, and also upon, and on what account, we the Subscribers siezed on the Ketch Good Hope, in the road of Acheen, Vizt. In June Anno 1679 the 11 day was taken Prisoners in Acheen 6 Dutchmen, which was in a small sloope, come from Padom [Padang], and was bound to Paris (Barus), which is a place upon the Sumatra shore, that the Dutch hath a Factory, which two daies after Mr. Bugden and Clement Jordan went to see, and enquired what news abroad. They told us that there was two Englishmen came ashore in a small Pro from a sloope that came from Bengale, named John Coates and Gregory, who were [?went) to the Dutch Chief [and] complained of an Hamburgo which was Pilott, how that this Hamburgo, named George Johnson, had told Mr. John Smith, the Merchant and Owner of the Ketch, that they two were minded to kill the said Mr. Smith, upon which the said Coates hearing Mr. Smith threatning him very much, desired of Mr. Smith to spare him the small Pro, which was granted him, and a Compass, but had no Victuals nor Water, although Mr. Smith spoke to this George Johnson to give them what necessary, but he replyed there was but little Water and ProviM Puctory Records, Fort St. George, Vol. 28, p. 44. 85 Mackenzie MSS., Vol. LII. p. 23. #6 Mackenzie MSS., Vol. LII, pp. 24-5.

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28 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [FEBRUARY, 1915 sions aboard, therefore would not spare them any. And presently [immediately] after hapned a great Sumatra or Storme,87 which had almost sunok them, but with Gods Providence they got safe there, and embarked at Padom in a Dutch Fly Boat for Batavia; and about 10 deies afterward there came a Pro from Molacca and in the way met with the Ketch Good Hope, and the Noccada [nakhuda, skipper) of the Pro, and some men of his went aboard, and was told by two of the Laskars that the Pilot, George Johnson, had murdered his Master, and they thought he would run away with the Vessell. This news was brought to Padom, and six Dutchmen declared this to us in Acheen, the 13th day of June 1679. And on the 2nd July following the said George Johnson came into the road of Acheen, which John Bugden and Clement Jordan went aboard, and enquired of him where was Mr. Smith, Coates and Gregory. He replyed that Smith had sent them in a Pro, and after that Mr. Smith dyed mad. We asked who was his owner of the Sloope. He answered He knew not, and at 10 a' Clock at night he comes into the River of Acheen, and steales off a Butt of Water in that unseasonable time, without having paid for the Queens Chop, which made the Country people to come and demand of us the reason of his so doing, and under English Colours. Our answer was, we would satisfye them further the next day, which accordingly we did, being in the Morning, John Bugden and Clement Jordan went on Board of our Ketch Sarah and carryed our Arms along with us, well fixt and loden, intending and resolved, as we are the King of Golcondahs Subjects, to seize upon this rogue, George Johnson, and the Vessell, and bring him to Fort St. George, for to answer for the murder he had committed, which upon suspition, and the intelligence we had, could do no less than to Bieze upon the Vessell and that rogue George Johnson; which when we had taken possession, examined the Laskars, which there was two Men that then belonged to the Vessell, declared how Mr. Smith was murdered; which after that we had this confirmation from the two Laskars, we put him into Irons, and therein rotted and dyed the 18th December 1679 in the way from Acheen hither, where we intended for this Place, for to answer for what he had done; of which we writt a Generall to the Governour and Councell from Quedah by Mr. Barnes concerning our proceedings, Copies of which is already delivered to your Wor. ship &c. Councell, and also an Inventory of what we received in the said Ketch, but the charges which we have been at since, we shall deliver also, upon your demand, which we hope will be allowed and accepted of from, Worshipfull Sir &c., Your very humble Servants, CLEMENT JORDAN; JOHN BUGDEN; JOHN HART. Given under our hands this 24th of December 1679 in Fort St. George." The hint regarding the refunding of "charges" incurred in bringing the Good Hope to Fort St. George met with no response. Therefore Jordan and his partners again addressed the Council on the 30th December - Cople of the Papers delivered and signed by Clement Jordan, John Bugden and John Hart.88 "Worshipfull Gentlemen; we are daily in expectation of an answer to a Declaration given by us already about the murthering of Mr. John Smith, and also of our siezing the Ketch Good Hope in which the murder was done, and also the Person named George Johnson, We were bringing him hither to this place in Irons for Justice, according to our English Laws, but Gods Judgment lay upon him, and he dyed the Eighteenth day of December, three dayes before our arrivall, miserably eaten up with the Pox. Therefore we entreat of your Worship and Councell for to put to a period, and give us what Justice (as we are the King of Englands Subjects) that is our due, and belongs to us in this circumspect. 57 "Sumatra, sudden squalls... which are common in the narrow sea between the Malay Peninsula and the island of Sumatra," Yule and Burnell, Hobson-Jobson, 8. v. Sumatra. 88 Mackenzie MSS., Vol LII, p. 28.

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FEBRUARY, 1915.] SOME ANGLO-INDIAN WORTHIES OF THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY 29 Wee are now at great charges, which we cannot prevent untill that you please to call and examine all the Laskars which belongs now to the Vessell; which will be much better satisfaction to your Worship and Councell of their confirming what Descriptions we have already given about the said Mr. John Smith and his said Ketch; which is the subject of what offers from them, who are his Masters most faithfull Subjects, and your Worships &c. Councells very humble Servants, CLEMENT JORDAN; JOHN BUGDEN; JOHN HART. Dated in Fort St. George the 30th of December 1679." Accordingly, on the 1st January 1680 the witnesses were examined "touching the murder of Mr. Smith"so and on the 5th the Council took into consideration Jordan's claim for reimbursement of expenses. Clement Jordan, John Bugden, and John Hart their Account of Expences on the Good Hope of Mr. John Smith read. 90 "5 January 1679/80. At a Consultation at Fort St. George. This day was read in Consultation an Account of Expences which Clement Jordan, John Bugden and John Hart have signed, and say that they have disbursed on the Ship Good Hope of John Smith murdered, Amounting to Ryalls of Eight 13341: The Councell understands not that John Smith his Estate is lyable to the said extravagant Expence, but on the contrary, that the 1161 Royalls of Eight found in the said Vessell, which they have acknowledged under their hands, ought to have been reserved by them in specie, and the said Vessell to have been sold for the most she would have yielded, and brought to the Credit of John Smith deceased, and by them (in the Vessell belonging to Mr. Edmond Bugden) to have been transported for the Coast or Bay, and there to be surrendered up to the Honble. Company's Factors; but it appears on the contrary, that to avoyd 6 or 7 Months Expence upon Mr. Bugdens Ship, which they sould in Quedah, thay have unwarrantably brought all the charges on Mr. Smith's Vessell; the farther decysion thereof is to be referred to the Agent and Councell's consideration. " Streynsham Master, Agent and Governor of Fort St. George, was then at Masulipatam, and the Council referred the matter of the charge on Smith's estate to him. On the 9th January 1680 they wrote as follows: 91 <Page #36
30 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [FEBRUARY, 1918. NOTES ON THE GRAMMAR OF THE OLD WESTERN RAJASTHANI WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO APABHRAMCA AND TO GUJARATI AND MARWARI. BY DR. L. P. TESBITORI, UDINE, ITALY. (Continued from p. 11.) $89. The demonstrative pronouns may be grouped under the two stems e and a, which are the same as in Modern Gujarati. There is no great difference in their meaning, as both indicate proximity, only a in a greater degree. The former is from Skt. eta-, and the latter from Skt, ada- or from aya-(Cf. Pischel's Prakt. Gr., $429), but some forms in the declension of the former have been borrowed from the Sanskrit pronominal base ena-, and in accordance with it the latter has shaped its locative anai. The following is a table of all the forms I have met with : Case Apabhramca Old Western Rajasthan Apabhramga Old Western Raj. Nom. -acc. eu, ehu, eha, ehau aa Instr. enaz aena cha, e enaf (P. 418), inaf eni f. (P. 327) eni, ini (Cra.) iht (Vi. 38, P. 427, etc.) Singular *eaha ehd and (Cal., P.) ahd Gen. eaho *eho, *eha - obl. eha, e aaho Loc. aahi *eahi *enahi eht (Adi C.) enaf, enai, inai eni, ini (Kanh., Dd., F 783) ahl (P. 553) anai (P. 26, 487) Plural Nom. ei kai (neut.) -acc. (eha) Instr ehe ( loc.) *enehi ene (P. 495) Gen. *eaha iya (Sast. 83), id (Adi C.). - obl. *eha eha No instances are available of plural forms from the a base. Notice that in poetry the e in the first pronoun is quantitatively anceps in all cases of the declension. The forms e, eha are of common gender and they are used both for the direct and for the oblique singular and plural alike, thereby perfectly agreeing with the relative and correlative pronouns. The ablative forms ihs, iha, aha, ahd and so the locative form ahl are used only adverbially and they will be found classed also amongst the pronominal adverbs (898). The singular meaning of the form e has gone lost in Modern Marwari, and the form a has been confined to the feminine singular. Modern Gujarati, on the contrary, has adopted e and a as general forms for all cases, numbers and genders. The instrumental-agentive engl has passed into Gujarati 48 ene and its weak form ini has become a general oblique form in Marwari. Again, in the

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latter language, the plural genitive iya, ia has given ya. Of the remote demonstrative pronoun a, vo of Marwari, Eastern Rajasthani and Western Hindi, I have found no traces. For the so-called demonstratives olo and pelo of Gujarati, see SS 144. FEBRUARY, 1915] NOTES ON THE GRAMMAR OF THE OLD WESTERN RAJASTHANI 31 SS 90. The declension of the relative and correlative pronouns is on the whole quite parallel with that of the demonstrative ones. It is evident that all the four have shaped their declension in harmony with each another. Thus, after the forms enai etc., which the demonstrative e borrowed from the pronominal stem ena-, the demonstrative a has built anai, and, quite accordingly, the relative and correlative pronouns have built jenai and teai.27 Their mutual agreement will be better seen from the table following: Singular. Plural. Case Apabhramca Nom. jo, ju, ja -acc. jehu, (=yadr cah, Siddh., iv, 402) Instr. jini (? Pingala) Abl. ja, jaha jau Gen. jassu, jau, -obl. jasu *jehaha Loo. jaht, jahi Nom. je, ji -aco. jeha Gen. -obl. Instr. jehahi (-Joo.) johahd Relative Old Western Rajasthani jo (P. 138), ju (F 663), ja (Kal. 32, Up.) jeha, je, ji. [-ko] (Adi C., Yog., Up.) jenal, jinal, jenii, jinai, jini *jeniyaf f. ja, jiha jau, ju jasa, jasa, jasu jeha, jiha, je jahl (Sast. 129), jihe (F 715, 15) jenai, jinai, jeni, jini Apabhramca jeha, jika, jehl (Up.) je, *jia, * jiya 80, 8u lehu(=tadr= cah, Siddh., iv, 402) ta, taha tai tassu, tasu, tasu taho, tahu *tehaha tahl, tahi *tahi f. je, jea emphatic (Cal. 31) te jeha jehe, jie, jiye jene, jine (also jenat, jinal) jeunoi (Ku.28) teha tehahi tehaha Correlative Old Western Rajasthani so-i, soya emphatic (P., F 715) su (Mu.), sa f. (F 728, 8) teha, te, tideg [-ko] (Adi C, Up) tenai, tinal tenii, tinai, tini leniyal i. (P. 337) ta, tiha tai, tu tasa, tasa, tasu taha (Kanh. 46) teha, tiha, te tahl (Kanh. 7, 17) tahi (Kanh. 13) tenai, tinai, teni, tini te, tea, emphatic (Cal. 31) teha tehe, tie, tiye (Sast. 86, Adi C.) tene, tine (also tenal, tinai) teu noi (Ku. 28) teha, tiha, teha (Up.) te, tid, tiya (Sast. 41, 63, Adi C.) Cf. the forms jind, tind, kind, kino etc. in the Prakrit (Siddhahemacandra, iii, 68, 69). This refers to a balavabodha to Manikyasundara's Kummiputtakahe, contained in the M8. Weber 1977, in the Kon. Bibliothek at Berlin.

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32 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (FEBRUARY, 1915. Here also the e is quantitatively coinmon in both the pronouns. Quite interesting are the plural instrumentals jeunoi, teunoi, which occur in Ku., a comparatively modern MS. They probably are from two bases jeuna- and teuna-bearing to je and te the same relation as kaunato ka-. The forms ja, jiha, ja, ju, jahi, jihi and the corresponding ones in the paradigm of the correlative are used only adverbially. Modern Gujarati has retained only the forms je, te (general forms), jene, tene (agentive) and jenie, tenie (agentive f.), besides a few adverbial forms, which will be quoted $ 98. Marwari presents a larger range of forms, of which the most characteristic are: jo, 80 and ji-ko, ti-ko for the direct singular and plural, jina, tina (<0. W. Rajasthani jini, tini, an original instrumental) for the oblique singular, and jyd, tyd (<0. W. Rajasthani jia, tia) for the oblique plural. The compound forms ji-ko, ti-ko are made up by combining the relative and correlative pronouns with the indefinite ko. In Modern Marwari they are inflected through all cases like any simple pronoun, e.g. -Singular: direct jiko, jika 1.), agentive jikana, jikai, oblique jikara ; Plural: direct jika, jikai, agentive jika, oblique jika. $91. The interrogative and indefinite pronouns having on the whole the very same forms, the chiet difference between the two being simply in the emphatic appendage which is added to the latter, they may well be treated of together. Their paradigm is made up with forms borrowed from several stems, to wit : ka-, ki-, kavana-, kina-, keha-. In the table below, forms that have been found used only in the interrogative or in the indefinite meaning are marked by int, and ind. respectively, and consequently all forms that are left unmarked are to be understood as being common to both the pronouns. Case Apabhrama Old Western Rajasthan Nom. kavanu kavawa, kauna (Up.), kauna, kuna, kuna (int.) acc. ko (Adi., Rs. P.) ko-i, ko-vi (ind.) ko-i (P., Dac.), ko-i, ko-vi (F 725) (ind.) koja (ind.) (poetical) kai (neut.) idi (Adi C.), kai Instr. kavanae kaunai, kaunii, kunat (int.) (Pkt. kina) kiNGal, (Yog. F 725), kanai, kani (Cra., F 602) *kehae kiyai, (Adi C.) (ind.) Abl. ka, kaha (int.) kiht (int.) Glen. kavanaha kunaha (Vi. 121, Dac. 1, 5, $art. 29) (ind.) -obl. kaho, lahu kaha (Fra.) (int.) (PK. kino) kina (F 725) (int.), (Adi C.) (ind.) keha(ha) keha (Adi C.) kahi (Dac. P., Up., Sast.) Loc. leavanaha lounaf (Up.), kunahai (2), kahi kahi, kaht-i ind.) *Linahi kinai (Vi. 51) (int.) kehahi kehai (P. 458) (int.) Ico Singular Nom. - 800. ke-i, ke-vi (ind.) keha ! ke-2, ke-i, ke-vi (F 715) (ind.) keha Plural Instr. -loc. kavarahi kehahi kune (Vi. 59) (ind.) kehe (Up.) (int.), sie, kiye (Ku. 15) keha (Up.), keha, * kia kehaha Gen. - obl. % This form is also used for the instrumental singular.

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FEBRUARY, 1915.] NOTES ON THE GRAMMAR OF THE OLD WESTERN RAJASTHANI 33 The ablative forms ka, kiha and the locative form kaht are used only adverbially, and the neuter form kai is often used as an interrogative particle, much after the habit common to both Sanskrit and Apabhramca. In the same way as kehau, the pronominal adjectives kisau, sau and ketalai are also commonly substituted for the forms of the pronouns proper, both in the interrogative and in the indefinite meaning. They will be treated of further on under the head of the pronominal adjectives (SS 94). For the indefinite compounds with eka, see SS 97, b. The Modern Gujaratt interrogative has the forms: kona for the direct singular and plural, kone, kene for the agentive singular, and kona (< O. W. Raj. kaunaha), ko, ke (<0. W. Raj. keha) for the oblique both singular and plural. The indefinite forms are koi, kai. Marwari has: kuna, kana for the direct singular and plural of the interrogative, kuna, kina, kana, kuni (<0. W. Raj. kunat, an original instrumental) for the oblique singular, kuna, kina, kand for the oblique plural, and koi, kai for the direct of the indefinite. SS 92. The reflexive pronoun has the following bases: apa-, apana-, apanapa-, apopa-, pota-, which are all derived from Sanskrit atman, through Apabhranca appa- and appana-, The base apana- is used both adjectively (in the formation of the possessive genitive) and pronominally (as a substitute for the first personal pronoun plural). The bases apanapa-, apopa-, pota- are evidently intensives, the first one having come from Apabhramca *appanappa-, the second from Apabhramca * appahu-appa-,30 and the last one, if I am right, being but a curtailment of the second, brought about by apheresis of the initial vowel, according to SS 2, (4), and the common change of p into t (SS 25) to obviate the harsh sound of the two proximate p. The declension of this pronoun runs as follows:-Singular: nominative: apa (P. 406, Adi C.), accusative: apanapaus1 (Sast. 47, 74), apanapa (Dac. i, 2, xi), apanapu (Rs., Bh., Cil., Yog., Indr.), instrumental: apanapai, potal (F 497), both used adverbially, genitive-oblique: apanapa (Indr. 80, Sast. 140), locative-dative: apanapat (Cra.) Plural: nominative: apa, ape (Adi C.), apana (Ratn.), used in substitution for the first personal pronoun plural (SS 85), genitive-oblique: apa (Adi C.), also used for the first personal pronoun. Possessive genitive: apanai (Kal., P., Up., Adi C., etc.), apa-apanai (P. 656) intensive form, locative-dative: apanai (Adi C.), used for the dative of the first personal pronoun plural. Adverbial forms are: apahani, ni "Of one's own accord, spontaneously," which occur Dac. i, 3, iv, and are apparently instrumental forms, and apopau, which is used P. 270 as an adverbial neuter in the sense of " By one's self". The former still survive in the aphanie of Modern Gujarati, and so the latter in Modern Gujarati apopul. SS 93. The pronominal adjectives naturally fall into three groups, according to their denoting: i) quantity, ii) quality, or iii) location. The quantitative pronominal adjectives are represented by the three sets following: (1) etau, jeta, tetau, ketau (Vi., P., Cal., Yog., Adi C. etc.), from Ap. ettiu, jettiu, tettiu, kettiu (cf. Siddhahemacandra, iv, 341) Skt. *ayattyah, *yayattyah etc. (see Pischel's Prakr. Gr., SS 153). Cf. Modern Gujarati keto. (2) etala, jetala, tetalai, ketalau (P., Yog., Indr., Adi. etc.), from Ap. ettulau, jettulau etc. (Siddhahem., iv, 435), whence Modern Gujarati etalo, jetalo, etc. (Cf. Marwari itaro, jitaro etc.). (3) evadau, jevadau, teradau, kevadau (Cal., P., Yog., Up. etc.), from Ap. evadau, jevadau etc. (Siddhahem., iv, 407, 8) < Skt. *ayavadrakah, yayavadrakah etc. (see Pischel's Op. cit., SS 434). Modern Gujarati evado, jevado etc. All the three sets above are equivalent in meaning with Sanskrit iyat, yavat, tavat, kiyat, and they are regularly inflected like any strong adjective, e.g.: eti (Vi. 65), feminine from etau, kete (Vi. 11, 15), locative plural from ketau, tetala! (P. 523), locative singular from tetalai, etc. The singular locative forms etai, jetai etc. (Adi C.) and etalai, jetalai etc. 30 A formation possibly akin to hatho-hatha, maho-madhi, eto. 81 Cf. the identical form apanapaul of the Old Baiswari.

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34 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [FEBRUARY, 1918. (P., Vi., Adi C., Dd, etc.) are commonly used in the function of adverbs of time and, more rarely, of place (see $ 98, (2),) $94. The qualitative pronominal adjectives are represented by the five sets following: (1) isait (asai), jisai, tisau, kisau (P., Cal., Adi., Dd., F 663 etc.), isiu (asiu), jisiu, tisiu, kisiu (P., Ratn., Pr., F 535, F 715 etc.), isyau jisyau, tisyau, kisyau (Dac., Indr., Pr., F 728, etc.), which all are from Ap., aisau, jaisau, taisau, kaisau, (Siddhahem., iv, 403) < Skt. yadrca, tadrga, (see Pischel's Prakr. Gr., $S 81, 121). Of these the interrogative form kisau, kisiu, kisyau is particularly important, for it is quite commonly substituted for the interrogative and indefinite simple pronouns and it has a curtailed form sai, siu, syai, to which the interrogative co of the Modern Gujarati owes its origin and to which the indefinite sau of the Western Hindi is also cognate. This curtailed form exactly coincides in meaning as well as in declension with its entire form kisau; it is inflected into si (sast. 155) in the feminine, into sya (P., Dag., Up. etc.), syaha (redundant form, F 588) in the genitive-oblique, and into sai (P. 675) in the locative case. Its neuter form siu, syu, as well as the entire form kisiu, are very frequently employed in the function of a mere interrogative particle. (2) ehau, jehau, tehau, kehau (Kal., P., Yog., Pr., Adi. etc.)32, strong forms of the Ap. ehu, jehu eto. (Siddhahem., iv, 402), which Pischel assumes to be equivalent with the forms aisu, jaisu etc. of the foregoing set (Prakr. Gr., $262). These forms have been already met with in the paradigms of the pronouns proper, and here it will be sufficient to remark that, when they are used pronominally, they mostly remain apparently uninflected : (e.g. : eha, jeha etc.), whereas, when they are used adjectively, they are as a rule inflected according to gender, number, and case (e.g.: kehi, kehau, keha, kehe, etc.) Derivatives of this set are the three following: (3) ehavau, jehavau, tehavau, kehava (P., Yog., Adi., Indr., Cra. etc.) and ehvau, jehvau, tehvau, kehvau (Up), whence Modern Gujarati evo, jevo eto. R. 49 reads havau for ehavau. (4) *ehavadai, *jehavadau, * tehavadau, * kehava laii, which are formed from the foregoing set and, as far as I know, do not occur except in the ablative havada, hivada (from *ehavada) and in the locative hava lai (from *ehavalai), which are used adverbially (see 898, (2)). (5) ehadau, *jeha dau, *tehadau, *kehadau, which likewise seem not to have been much in use, as I have found but one single instance of the first of them in the MS. Cal. 23. All the five sets, when used adjectivally, bear much the same meaning as Sanskrit idrcah, yirgah, eto. For their locative adverbial forms, see $ 98, (2). Connected with them in meaning is the half-tatsama amukau" Such and such " (Bat. 73). 05. The locative pronominal adjectives are : *ethau (athai), jethau, tethau, kethau (Mu., Cal., Kenh.). No traces of the use of any adjective of this kind are extant in the evidence hitherto available for the Apabhranca, but they are liable to be easily connected with the Apabhramca pronominal adverbs of place etthu, jetthu, tetthu, ketthu (Siddhahem., iv., 405), whereof they are adjectival derivatives by kah svarthe. In the Mu. they are given as equivalents of "Facing in this direction, etc.", but it is clear that their general meaning is "Of this place, situated here, etc.", as in the examples : te lila kethi gai "Where has that sporting gone?" (Cal. 166), and : kethau karyl trigula "Where hast thou kept thy trident ?" (Kenh. 102). The evidence of such forms as ketha and kethe, which are recorded in Belsare's Gujarati Dictionary (p. 280) as having the sense of "Where?" and "Somewhere," and which are an ablative and a locative respectively, proves that the ablative and locative of these pronominal adjectives were employed adverbially, quite in the same way as it was the case 32 In some M8S., like Indr., Adi, etc., f is often substituted for the e in the first syllable of the forms jehau, tehau, kehau (of. SS 7, (2)).

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FEBRUARY, 1916.) NOTES ON THE GRAMMAR OF THE OLD WESTERN RAJASTHANI 35 with the ablative and locative of most of the pronouns. This entitles us to postulate a set of adverbial locatives ethai, * jethai etc., which would be the Old Western Rajasthani forms cognate to Panjabi and Sindhi itthe, jitthe etc., and to Marathi yethe, jethe eto. To the same locative origin is to be traced the Old Western Rajasthani pronominal adverb anethi (Cal. 12, P. 524) "Elsewhere", which is but the weak form of anethai, the locative from *anethau Page #42
36 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBRUARY, 1915. (2) Indefinite compounds are: Singular, m.f. ko-1-eka (Dd. 5), ko-i-ka (P. 379), ko-ika (Dd. 5), neut. kdi-eka (Adi C.), plural m. f. ke-eka (Dac. iii, 14), ke-ika (Dac. V, 95), ke-i-eka (Sast. 72, 73 etc.); and the adjectival ones : ketalau-eka (Adi C.), plur. ketala-eka (Das). (3) General compounds, namely compounds that have the general pronouns for their antecedent member, are : sahu-ko (P. 476), sahi-ko-i (Vi. 65, 67), sahi-i-ko (Up. 98) "Everyone, all ", used for the direct, and savi-kahi (Kenh. 6), used for the oblique case. $98. Most of the pronominal adverbs have already been met with, whilst dealing with the pronouns and pronominal adjectives. Looking at their origin, I she divide them into : ablative, locative and undeclined adverbs. (1) Ablative adverbs are the following: iha (iha), aha (aha), jiha, tiha, kiha (Kal., Vi., Cal. Yog., Bh. etc.) from Ap. *eaha, Haaha, jaha, taha, kaht < Pkt. *eamha, *aamha, jamha, tamha, kamha > C4. the form timhi-ja, which in Adi C. is commonly used by the side of tima-hi-ja.

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FEBRUARY, 1916.) THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA 37 THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA. By V. RANGACHARI, M.A., L.T., MADRAS (Continued from p. 246). CHAPTER III. The Naik Settlement. SECTION I. Completion of the Conquest. THE first work of Visvanatha after his elevation to the viceregal dignity was to complete the conquest of the Peninsula and to make the whole of South India from the Kaveri to the Cape a united kingdom. The Five Pandyas. It was not an easy task, as he had a number of formidable enemies to deal with. The greatest opponents in his way were 'certain rebels' in the province of Tinnevelly, who called themselves "the Five Pandyas," and resisted, with the combined strength of patriotism and self-interest, the advancing tide of the northern invaders. It is a question of doubt and controversy among scholars as to who these Five Paudyas were. But a knowledge of the inscriptions and chronicles will clear all doubt and prevent in consequence a resort to speculation. If we are to believe the inscriptions and medieval travellers, "the Five Pandyas" were an ancient institution, going back to the 11th century A. D. They were, in other words, co-rulers with the kings of Madura ; and later on when the Pandyans proper left Madura in charge of the Vanada Rayars and established themselves at Tenkasi, their own relations and dependents, it seems, held the posi. tions of the old viceregal chiefs at Kayattar, Tinnevelly, Alvar-Tirunagari, etc. The Five Pandyas of Tinnevelly, then, were the relations or dependents of Tirunelveli Kulasekhara Peruma! who, as we have already mentioned, came to the throne in 1543. It is not improbable that Kulasekhara became jealous of the Baduga domination, turned an adversary, and together with his colleagues at Kayattar and elsewhere, set up the standard of independenoe2. Whatever it was, whether the Five Pandyans were the Tenkasi king and his lieutenants, or whether they were, as the Chronicles3 say, the descendants of Chandrasekhara's grand-father-perhaps a vague word for ancestorby a mistress, there is no question that they were no despicable enemies. They had courage, self-confidence and justice on their side. They had excellent fortresses which they could well defend. They above all had perhaps the sympathy of the people. These reasons enabled them not only to withstand the onsets of the Badugas, but to take the offensive and drive them back towards Madura. The great soldier and veteran Aryanatha himself could not prevail against them, and Visvanatha had to take the command in person. Proceeding to the seat of contest, he made, we are told, fieroe war for six months ; but all his valour was not equal to the skill of his adversaries. The Polygar memoirs tell indeed of the victories of individuals, --of Polygars over individual Pandyans. Chinna Kadir Naik of Kanni Vadi, for instance, claims to have killed the chief 1 See the Madr. Ep. Reports, which contain ample references to "the Five Pandyans." Dewan Bahadur Swamikannu Pillai has for the first time drawn a tentative list of the five lines of Pandyas t based entirely on inscriptions. See Ind. Ant. 1913. Marco Polo and the Mahavamsa refer to the five brothers, who governed the Pandya Kingdom. See Madura Gazr. p. 36. That Kulasekhara played the rebel for some time seems to be proved by the casual mention of his name as guch in the History of the Palayam of Emakald puram. (Appendix IV.) 3 E. g. The MS. History of the Ramapadra Ndiks of Perialulam. See Appendix IV, Section 17 and Rais catal. III, 377. It will be seen that this Chronicle attributes the abdication of the throne tasekhara Pandya in favour of Nagama to the disaffection of the Five Pandyas of Tinnevelly. Cf, the History of the Palayam of Sukkampalli

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (FEBRUARY, 1916. of Tinne velly and placed his head at the feet of Visvanatha. But these claims are evidently myths. The Pandyan valour was so guided by prudence and resource that when six months elapsed, and thousands of lives had been lost on both sides, Visvanatha was not an inch nearer his goal. The friends and admirers of Visvanatha have, at this stage, veiled his lack of victory under a superfluity of romance. Highly aggrieved, it is said, by the loss of co much blood and the sacrifice of so many souls for his sake, Visvanatha proposed at the instance of the Kannivadi chief, if we are to believe in the MS. history of that Palayam-to his opponents that the fate of the war should be decided by a personal combat, that the defeated party should give up the claim and the struggle for royalty, and become perpetual exiles, They agreed, and in the extensive arena between the two armies, on which stood & pillar to which a copy of the proposed agreement was attached, the Baduga Viceroy and the Tamil chiefs were, it was resolved, to measure their strength in a hand-to-hand fight. The duel was about to begin when, we are informed, a singular controversy took place between the antagoniste,-a controversy which gives & vivid picture of the chivalry of those days. The Five Pandyas said that it was against the law of war that five should fight against one, and that they would therefore select one of themselves as their champion. His success or failure, they said, was to mean their own success or failure. Visvanatha gave the characteristic answer that, as he desired to deprive all the five of their lands and realms, it was but equitable to meet all of them. His adversaries, however, were obstinately noble ; and the duel began between their champion and Visvanatha. The chronicles describe the combat in detail; but it is sufficient for us to note that the Baduga royal athlete was more than a match for his Tamil opponent; and the latter, in spite of three chances which his generous antagonist gave him for offensive action, was slain. The rest of the Pandyans, therefore, we are told, surrendered their arms and their lands, and became perpetual exiles to their country and their power. One imaginative chronicle adds that the Gods were so much struck with their noble adherence to truth that they showered flowers on them in the field of combat; and the Five Pandyans had to console themselves with the agreeable and philosophic reflection that, if they became poor in wealth and power, they became rich in glory; if they became exiles to their kingdom, they ensured their entry into heaven; and that if they were humiliated by men, they obtained the admiring veneration of the Gods ! Pandyan Dynasty not extinct.- Ativira-Rama-Pandya's accession. So ended the last of the Pandyans, and, if we are to believe the chronicles, the Baduga rulers were secure in future from troubles in that quarter. Inscriptions however clearly disprove this version. They point out clearly that the Pandyan dynasty did not become extinct. They might have been, indeed they were, defeated ; and some of them perhaps became exiles. But there is no doubt whatever that the Tenkasi dynasty continued to rule. Their defeat or exile, if there was any, must have been a temporary misfortune. For we actually know that, in 1563 or 1564, the son of Tirunelveliperuma! Kulasekhara, the celebrated Ati-Vira-Rama Pandya? whose name is well-known in the history of Tamil Literature, came 16 According to one MS, on which Wilson based his article in J. A. R. S. III, Visvanatha died of wound in this duel. I have not found this stated in any MS. I have seen. Wheeler takes this version. & History of the Karnataka Govre. 7 The actual date of his coronation was Monday, 20th of Chitrai, of year RaktAkshi, S. 1486. His coronation title was Sivala.vel (Trav. Arch., 106). According to ono version he was the elder son, the younger son being one "Bri-Vallabhs." It is this younger son, Sri Vallabha, that is considered by Mr. Gopinatha Rao to be the joint donor of the Pudukko, 41 plates in 1683. But Mr. Krishna Sastri says that Ati-Vira-Rama himself, who was also called Sri Vallabha, was the donor. See Trav. Arch. Series, p. 57. Madr. Manu. attributes him wrongly to the 11th century. (1, p. 67 and 121).

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THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA FARRUARY, 1916.) RA 39 to the throne. Ati Vira Kama built, in his father's memory, the Sive temple of Kulasekharamudayar at Tenkasi, and another of Vishnu in its vicinity. A great poet and scholar, he perpetuated the memory of his name by his classical Epio Naishadham. The royal poet had a Brahmin teacher, Rama Krishna8 by name, whose erudition and skill in expounding the Sanskrit original must have had a large infinance in the making of his illustrious pupil's mind. Ati-Vira-Rama wrote certain other works-for example, the Kurma Puranam, the Tirukkaruvai Artadis, a Tamil version of the Skandhapurana, and above all, & collection of aphorisms called Vetri Vergaio, etc., but it is his grand work on the romance of Nale, and Damayanti that gives him a high place in the roll of Tamil literary luminaries. The date of Ati-Vira-Rama's death is uncertain. According to the Pudukkottai plates issued in 1583 by his brother Sri-Vallabha and his cousin Varatuiga Rama, it seems he was already dead; but there is incontrovertible evidence to prove that he lived at least till 160510 A. D. if not till 1610.11 It will be now quite clear that the statement of the chronicles that the Pandyan dynasty became extinct after Visvanatha's campaign in the neighbourhood of Kayattar is a mistake. It only resulted in the probable defeat of Kulasekhara, followed a few years later by his death and the accession of his son Ati-Vira-Rama Pandya. But if the old Peadyan dynasty continued to rule, it ruled under different circumstances. It could not be in future so proud as not "to acknowledge any earthly superior." It had to be contented with a very subordinate position to the Naik at Madura. The Pandyans in fact became more or less Polygars, and had to wait, like vassals, on the proud Telugu Kartas. There were indeed times when the Pandyans asserted their individuality and endeavoured to obtain comparative freedom from control; but such occasions were rare, and ended invariably in defeat and discomfiture. At the same time, if they lost in status, they gained in security. For, their conques: seems to have been followed by the acceptance of the Madura supremacy by the Raja of Travancore ; and as the Pandyan was an equally feudal vassal, entitled to the suzerain's protection, Travancore hardly dared in future to oppress his neighbour or encroach on to his land, (To be continued.) BOOK NOTICE. SOME RECENT RESEARCHES INTO INDIAN drawings, the British Museum Volume 1 an AND ORIENTAL COINAGE. elaborate catalogue beautifully printed with splenMODERN COPPER COINS OF THE MUHAMMADAN did mechanical illustrations. Mr. Valentine's STATES, by W. H. Valentine. London, Spink work is, however, peculiarly meritorious as it has & Co., 1911. been performed from sheer love of the subject, in THE COPPER COINS OF INDIA, part I, by W. H. the scanty leisure hours of a man hard worked all VALENTINE. London, Spink & Co., 1914. day in other directions. CATALOGUE OF THE COINS OF THE GUPTA His first book touches on the copper issues of DYNASTIES AND OF SASANKA, KING OF GAUDA, Turkey, Egypt, Tunis, Algiers, Tripoli, Morocco, by John Allan, London, British Museum, 1914. East Afrioa, Arabia, Muhammadan Russia, Persia, The books under the present notice are very Afghanistan inoluding Balkh, Kabul, Kandahar, different in form and quality. Mr. Valentine's Herst, Russia in Asia and Chinese Turkestan. works are facsimiles of his MB, descriptions and The modest preface relates that "the book was # Ibid, 58 and 85. He was one of the donees of the Pudukkottai grant, where he is called Naishadham Ramakrishna. See Taylor's 0. H. MSS. II, appendix for some sayings of his. 10 An Inscn. of Kutralam. See Caldwell's Tinnevelly, Sewell's Antiquities II, 224. Seshagiri Sastriar says that Varatunga was Ati-Vira-Rama's brother. This is wrong. 11 Caldwell says that he was informed by Burnell that he had seen # copper plate grant be. longing to a Matt, saying that Ati-Vira-Rama died in 1610 and was suooooded by a Sundara Pandya. ,

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40 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY called into being through my inability to ascribe the small coin figured on the title page. For this purpose I visited the medal room at the British Museum, thinking to locate the mint and rule with very little trouble, but to my surprise I found it by no means an easy task. Every facility was granted me by the sympathetic custodians, to enable me to compare my coins with other coins and various engravings, but all to no purpose. Many Numismatic friends, too, from time to time have seen it, but the attribution of the little coin up to the present remains an unsolved problem, and must remain so until a similar one comes to light bearing the missing part of the inscription. During this period I was most forcibly struck with the meagre amount of information published on Muhammadan copper coins, and the still smaller number of engravings of them !" The inability to ascribe the little unknown coin is the more aggravating as one seems to read what there is of the obverse pretty easily as the Ja ta'ala 'Umar Sultan, and on the reverse at any rate [] fulu[8]. An hexagon in the centre of both sides seems to show that it is an African coin, possibly Moroccan. The primary object of Mr. Valentine's book is to provide a text book for collectors and in this he has undoubtedly succeeded. The point is explained in his preface somewhat quaintly. "Two of the Oriental Catalogues of the British Museum certainly touch on this subject, but they are almost too scientific to understand unless one happens to be studying Arabic, especially when the reading on the coin differs from the book, and the illustrations are few and far between. There are not many English collectors who would care to learn Arabic in order to decipher these inscriptions, therefore, for a book on this subject to be of much use, overy coin in it should be illustrated and efficient description given. With these facts, thrust as it were before me, the idea occurred to me to make a handy little text book for the use of myself and all numismatic friends who might be interested, but like myself are unable to locate his coins when they bore the inscriptions in Arabic." an Following out this idea Mr. Valentine gives all sorts of useful information, such as the meanings of Oriental Numismatic terms found on coins, the Arabic alphabet and numerals, the meaning of terms for fractions, a brief historical sketch of each country with its type of coinage, lists of its rulers with dates. The whole forms a meritorious work on an obscure subject, most useful to collectors. [FEBRUARY, 1915. This book on its appearance was well received and induced the writer to follow it up with a comprehensive work on Indian copper coins,-a tremendous and most obscure subject, which Mr. Valentine has tackled with his accustomed patience and vigour. It ie to be divided into seven sections; Bengal, United Provinces, Panjab, Bombay, Rajputana with Central India, Madras, Southern India with Ceylon. Of these, Part I containing the first two sections (Bengal and the United Provinces) has been issued. This new work is prefaced by an extraordinarily useful little sketch of Indian history in its various phases, alphabets of Hindustani and Nagari, numerals in both Persian and Nagari, numismatio terms, notes on some common couplets found on Muhammadan coins and on the principal Indian eras, and a comparative chronology (Muhammadan and South Indian). Going further into details there is under Bengal an account of Bengal, Burma, Kuch Biher, Sikkim and Nepal, and under the United Provinces are accounts of Agra, Oudh, Jaunpur and Garhwal. Very few Burmese specimens are given, showing the present writer the importance of producing in print his own notes and illustrations of Burmese coinage made now more than 20 years ago. One cannot help looking forward to the sections of the work still awaiting publication. has produced a thoroughly scholarly work worthy In the third book under notice Mr. John Allan of the British Museum, bringing our knowledge of the Gupta coinage up to date, with all the resour oes of the great Museum at his back. Nothing more need be said here to bring the work to the notice of our readers. In the Introduction there is a slip on page xii mixing up the present writer with his cousin Mr. J. H. Rivett-Carnac, who both contributed to the present general knowledge of the Gupta coins. We appear as one individual, and an impossible personage" Mr. (now Sir) Richard RivettCarnac," and this reminds the writer of these notes of the advance made since those days, now about 25 years ago, when the Guptas he collected were presented to the Museum. One of the coins offered was of Prakasaditya Gupta, and as it was a duplicate it was returned, and finally fixed on a pivot in a bracelet inscribed with the king's name and date ss between 400 and 500 A. D. That was as near as one could go then. His date is still uncertain, but was certainly after 560 A. D. R. C. TEMPLE.

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MAROH, 1915] THE ANCIENT HISTORY OF MAGADHA THE ANCIENT HISTORY OF MAGADHA. BY 8. V, VENKATESWARA AIYAR, M. A., L T., LECTURER, GOVT. COLLEGE, KUMBAKONAM. The SaisonAga Dynasty. BEFORE the sixth century B.C. India has no political history worth the name. The great D desideratum in ancient Indian history is chronology, and the different strata of composition in the sacred books of the Hindus have baffled attempts at chronological arrangements of any historical accuracy. For the earliest period it is difficult to distinguish the mythical from the historical, and actual facts from clover conjectures. No such difficulty existe from the sixth century. Then a great kingdom was in its full bloom. The religious movements of the time were intimately associated with the imperial dynasty of Magadha. Both from the Buddhists and the Jainas we have traditional accounts of the reputed founders of their faiths and their contemporary kings and dynasties. These are preserved in the Jatakas, the Dipavasa, the Mahipa sa, the Divydvadina, the Kalpadruma-Kalka, the Rajdvali, the Theravali, and other works of lesser renown. From the Hindus, too, we have in the Puranas, mixed up with the creation and ordering of cosmic systems, dry annals, mostly names and dates, of those who held sway over portions of Indian soil. Of the Puranas, the Malaya, the Vishnu, the V dy, the Brahmanda and the Bhdgavala are of the highest value for historical purposes. The dates of their composition, or rather compilation, are uncertain, but it is admitted on all hands that they embody ancient tradition. They contain lists of kings and the periods of their rule, with a reference here and there to the acts of important kings or the happenings in their times. There are, besides, some pieces of secular tradition preserved in the dramatic works of Bhasa, and in the Brihadlathi and the Mudrd-Rakshasa. The closing scene in the dynasty of the Saisunagas was the usurpation of the throne by Chandragupta backed up by the diplomatic zeal of Chanakya. The Greek accounts of the usurpation are fragmentary and conflicting; they may be dismissed as useless but for their chronological value. The deaths of Gautama and Mahavira and the advent of Alexander are th great historical landmarks from which the chronological details have to be made up. The main source of history for this period is tradition:-Hindu tradition as recorded in the Puranas, and preserved by Bhisa, Bana and other writers, and Buddhist and Jaina tradition as recorded in the Pali and preserved in later works. Opinions have differed, and must always differ, as to value of tradition in the reconstruction of the early history of India. It was believed by the early generation of critics that the legends of ancient India congist mostly of cook and bull stories and are of no value for historical purposes. But the evidence of epigraphy on the life-history of Asoka has demonstrated the importance of Indian legend if judiciously employed. As M. Senart1 puts it, "the legends have preserved of our Piyadasi recollections sufficiently exact, not only to allow a substantial agreement to appear, but even to contribute usefully to the intelligence of obscure passages in our monuments." Prof. Rhys Davids and Dr. Fleet also plead for a critical examination of the early legends. One must, of course, be on one's guard not to distort the version of a legend or to read his own meanings into it. Nor oan a statement in one school of tradition, say the Purdnas or the Dipavansa, be looked upon as history in the absence of corroborative evidence from another direction. But, where more than one distinct streams of legend converge to the same conclusion, and this oonolusion is not inconsistent with established facts and does not suggest any inherent improbability or absurdity, it may be accepted as historical. And, ouriously enough, these legends, Hindu, Buddhist, and Jaina, disclose profound similarities, in spite of a flagrant disregard of chron.logy and occasional differences in detail. * Inscriptions de Pyadasi, 2. 231

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THE PRADYOTA DYNASTY Brahmanda. P. Sudyota, 23 PAlaka. 24 Visakhayupa 100. Bhagavata P. Pradyota. Palaka. Visakhayupa. * Vishpu-Purina, (1) Pradyotana. (2) Palaka or Gopalaka. (3) Visakhayapa. (In some MSS. or p instead of y.) (4) Janaka. (5) Nandivardhana. Total 6 rulers 138 or 128 years. VAu P. Matsya P. Pradyota. Balaka. Palaka 24. Palaka 28 or Tilaka. Visakhayupa 50. Visakhayupa 53. (In some MSS. dh or instead of y.) Ajaka 21. Suryaka 21 Vartivardhana 20. Nandivardhana. 30. 138 yrs. 152 yrs. THE 'SAL'SUNAGA DYNASTY. Ajaka 21. Rajaka. Nandivardhana 20. Nandivardhana. 138 yrs. special reference to the points at issue : Buddhist and Jains records. We shall then examine these data, with The data of the Purayas may be suiamed up in tabular form, and those of the THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (1) 'Sisunaga. (1) 'Sisunaka 40. Sisunaka 40. Sisunkka. Sisunaka. (2) Kakavarna. (2) 'Sakavarna 36. Kakavarna 36 or 26. KAkavaroa. Kakavarna. (3) Kshemadharman. (3) Kshemadharman or Kshe. Kshemadharman 36 Kshemadharman 20. Kshetravarman. mavarman 20 or Kshemakarman. Kshemavit 24, Kahema(4) Kshattraujas. (5) Kshattrajaus 40. jit 36,or Kshemarchis Kshattraujas 40. Kshetrajna. 40. (5) Vidmisara or Vidhisara. (6) Bimbigara 28. Bindusena or Vindhyasena Viddhisira 28. Vidhisara. (6) Ajatasatru. (4) Ajatasatru 25 (8) Ajatasatry 27. Ajatasatru 35 Ajatasatru. (7) Darbhaka. (7) Harshaka or 25 Darbaka (9) Vamsaka 24 or 46. Dasaka 35. Darbhaka. Udayin or Udaya 33. (8) Udayaswa or Udayana. Nandivardhana 42 Udibhi 33, Udambhin or Udasin 28 Ajays. Udasin. (9) Nandivardhana. Mahanandin 43. (11) Nandivardhana 40. Nandivardhana 42. Nandivardhana. (10) Mahanandin. (12) Mahinandin 43, Mahinandin 43, Mahinandin. Total 362. 362. 360 or 354. 362. 360. Mabkpadma. Mahapadma 88. Mahapadma 88. Mahapadma 88. Mahapadmapati Sumilya or Sumatya. Sumalya. Sukula or Kusila. Sabalya, alias Nanda. Kautilya. Kautilya. Kautilya. Sukalpa. N.B.-The numbers given in brackets above show the order assigned to the ruler in the dynastio list, The other numbers donote the number of years ruled by the king. 28. (MARCH, 1915

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MARCH, 1915] Kalpadruma-Kalika. 'Srenika Kunika Udaya 17 name 'Nanda'). Nava Nanda (9 of the Chandragupta. THE ANCIENT HISTORY OF MAGADHA Mahavansa. Bimbisara. 52. Ajatasatru. 32. Udayabhadraka. 16. Aniruddha "} Munda. 18. Nagadasaka. 24. Susanaga, 18. Kalasoka. 28. 10 Sons 22. 9 others 22. Chandragupta. Divyavadana. 43 Bimbisara. Ajitaiatru. Udayibhadra. Munda. Kakavargin. Sahalin. Tulakuchi or (Bhulekuchi in some MSS.) Mahamandala. Prasenajit. Nanda. Vindusara. Susima. (1) The Predecessors of Bibunaga. The Puranas are certainly wrong in making the Saisunagas the successors of the Pradyotas. For Hindu, Buddhist and Jaina traditions agree in making Pradyota a contemporary of the Buddha; and, therefore, of Bimbisara. Chinese Buddhist tradition says that Pradyota was born on the same day as Bimbisara and Udayana of Kausambi. Jaina tradition3 followed by Merutunga makes Chanda Pradyota the contemporary of Bimbisara, and father of Palaka. The Buddhist records also know Pradyota as Chanda Pajjota because of his cruelty, and the Puranas agree that he was the father of Palaka. The relations between Pradyota and Udayana have passed into folk-lore. It may therefore be established that (Chanda) Pradyota, Udayana, and Bimbisara were contemporaries of the great Buddha. The Jatakas seem to know a good many rulers of Kasi (Benares) and some of their names are familiar names of Magadha kings. Perhaps this may be a coincidence, but the early Buddhists seem to have known a great deal more about Kasi than about any other country. The Kasi district was no doubt the bone of contention between Magadha and Kosala. Bimbisara was given a grant of the revenues of a village there for his wife's bath and perfume money.' Ajatasatru got the grant confirmed and married the Kosala princess Vajira. Perhaps the city of Benares was already a part of Magadha, and the disputes were 2 Rockhill,-Life of the Buddha, (citing DulvaXI). The Chullavagga (XI. 1. 11) says that Udayana of Kausambi presented 500 robes to Ananda. 3 See Literary Remains of Dr. Bhau Daji, page 130, 131. " pradyotasya priyaduhitaraM vatsarAjo'tra jar3e " etc. * SZIKRIBLEPEar infeamgaer," etc. 6 Jatakas 239 and 283. (See Cambridge Translation Vol. II, pp. 162, 275.) Jataka No. 522 (See Cambridge translation Vol. V page 71). Mahavagga VIII, I. The latter mentions his cure from jaundice effected by Jivaka, the physician of Bimbisara. 5 Kalidasa, for instance, refers to the story in his Meghadata, Part I:

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44 THE KIDIAN ANTIQUARY (MARCH, 1915 only about certain villages in the Kabi district. Anyhow we find Benares an integral part of the empire of the Mauryas, and we nowhere find mention of its conquest by the Magadha kings. The Puranic details also lead us to the same conclusion: havA teSAm yazaH kRtsnam vibhunAko bhaviSyati vArANasyAM satastasya saMmAsyati girivrajam (Vayu-Purana) vAraNarayAm sutaM sthApya adhyAsthati girivrajam (Matsya-Pura na) Sisunaga was evidently the ruler of Kabi before he conquered Magadha. There is further no scrap of evidence to show that he succeeded the Avanti line or that Ujjain was a part of his kingdom. On the other hand, as pointed out already, Ujjain was under the independent dynasty of the Pradyotas. (2) The number of the rulers. * The Matsya speaks of the "twelve sons of Sisunaga", but the Vishnu and Vayu name only ten rulers. The Matsya interpolates two names which are not found in the other Puranas, Kanvayana and Bhumimitra. That these are interpolations is proved by the same names occurring in the list of the Kanwa dynasty, both in the Matsya and in other Puranas. But the fact that the compiler of the Purana felt the need to interpolate perhaps shows that the tradition was strong that there were twelve rulers in the dynasty. Of all the Puranas of value to us here the Matsya seems to be the earliest, judging both from its style, its clumsy arrangements and confusions in detail. All the Pura nas agree that there were two more generations of rulers, whom the Vishnu and the Bhagavata call the Nandas. So that there were (10+2) 12 generations from the first Saisunaga to the last of the Nandas (inclusive). The Dipavassa and Mahava-isa agree that there were seven generations after Bimbisara. But the former has the last generation consist of '10 brothers of Sisunaga who ruled collectively for 22 years', while the latter makes one Kalasoka the seventh in descent from Bim bisara, and puts after him ten sons of Kalasoka and nine other rulers. The Divyavadana knows only nine rulers on the whole, while the Mongol tradition as embodied in the Foekoekeis knows one more. We may pin our faith on the comparative reliability of the Dipavainsa, it being the oldest of these works. Its seven generations after Bimbisara fall into line with the Puranic data on the subject. The Jaina Kalpadruma-kalika has twelve rulers before Chandragupta, though it, of course, begins the list with Bimbisara. This tradition is used by the Jaina Scholars, Hemachandra and Merutunga. Other Jain records make it clear that there were seven generations from Bim bisara to Chandragupta. The Kalpasutra mentions Stholabhadra as the 7th in succession from Mahavira). And Sthulabhadra was the mantrin of the 9th Nanda, i. e., of the predecessor of Chandragupta.. Thus it is established in the light of all our records, Brahman, Buddhist, and Jaina, that (1) there were twelve generations of rulers known before Chandragupta, (2) that seven of these came after Bimbisara, and (3) that the last nine rulers formed a special set, known in the Puranic and Jaina tradition as the Nandas. TOT TATT: (Matsya-P.); agarT TET (Vayu-P.) * Page 230. Cited by Wilson: Vishnu-Purana, p. 186 note. 9 Jacobi: Jaina Satras, p. 287, 289; Ante, Vol. XI, p. 246.

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MARCH, 1915) THE ANCIENT HISTORY OF MAGADHA (3) Names of the Rulers. And the twelve rulers have almost the same or similar names in all the lists. The names in the Puranas are always the same, or at any time, variants of the same name. In the Dipavainsa, we have Bimbisara, Ajatasatru, Udaya, and Sisunaga; and Nagadasaka is perhaps the same as (Naga) Darsaka or Harshaka of the Puranas. Kalafoka of the Mahava isa is practically the same as Kakavarna (Raven-Black),20 The names Nandivardhana and Sahalin (Sabalya or Sumalya) also occur in the Mahavainsa beside a crowd of other curious names, for which there is absolutely no foundation aywhere else 11 The name Mahapadma has the same meaning as Mahamandala or Ugrasena, and the Puranic Kshatrajit has its Buddhistic counterpart in Prasenajit. Thus the only name peculiar to the Puranic list is that of Mahanandin, by whom hangs the tale of the beginning of a separate Nanda dynasty; while the name Mundo stands alone, both in the Divyavadana and the Mahavainsa. Perhaps it may be possible to identify the one name with the other, especially as the name Munda appears as Mahasamuda in the Rajaratnakari. It is therefore clear that in the various legends the same twelve names stand out, in spite of confusions, imperfections, and spurious additions, Prof. Geiger denies the historicity of Darsaka on the authority of the Mahavamsa. But Bhasa in his Svapnc-Vasavadatta mentions him by name as the Maharaja of Magadha and brother in law of Udayana, the Vatsa Raja. The tradition embodied by Bhasa is confirmed by the Divyavadana, which mentions the burning of arafork and the Kausambi minister Yaugandharayana 12 Bana in the Harshacharita13 gives the king of Avanti the same name as Bhasa gives him, viz., Mahasena. So Darsaka must be accepted as a historical personage. But the references in Bhasa seem to depict him as a very young man during Udayana's marriage with his sister Padmavati. The latter is introduced as 16 Baratara herra fuff 14 Further, the Maharaja does not appear at all in the Svapna-Vidavadata. The letter work15 mention Gopalaka Balaka (the same name as in the Purasda) as Mahasena's son and about the same age as Udayana. It is not therefore unlikely that Darsaka was two generations younger than Ajatasatru, Pradyota and the Buddha, i.e., that he came after Udays. This view is further supported by the Dipwa isa tradition 10 that Darsaka (Nagadasaka) ascended the throne 46 years after the Nirvana of Gautama Buddha. 4 The Order of the Rulers. We may now discuss the place of each ruler in chronological sequence. The Puranas distinctly declare Sisunaga to be the founder of the dynasty, while the Buddhist and Jaina records seem to agree that Sisunaga, Kakavarra and the rest woro rulers of the dynasty after Bimbisara, the contemporary and friend of the Buddha and Mahavira, The Puranas 10 Duncker, following Laagen, regards the two as identical (se History of Antiquity.--India, p. 880). 11 Turnour: Mahdvarhea, Vol. II, p. 81. [The Mahavarisa (Turnoc Vol. I, p. 28 et seq.) actually mention 19 rulers after Kalaboka-Baddasonah, Corandowarne, Mangureya, Barvatnoga, Jalka, Uboon, Batoheya, Corawa, Nandi Vardhana, Pantoho Wokeya. After them, Ugrana.Nandoya, Puduoat.Nandoyah, Panddoagah. Nandeya, BhQpala-Nandoya, Rattopala Nanda, Govisanah Nanda, Dasanittion Nanda, Dhanapala Nanda ;-two generations of 22 years each. The names deserve no comment, but some appear to be borrowings from Hindu sourcos-Nandi Vardhana, Ugrasenah (Mahapadma). The first is the name of a sijunaga King. Dhanapala is probably another form of Hirayyagupta, while Dagasittioa rominds one of Sarvardha-Siddhi of the Mudrarakshasa tradition.] 11 Divydvadana XXXVI. 13 Harshacharita, Chap. VI p. 221. 14 Swapna-Vasavadatta (Trivandrum) p. 4. 15 Ibid p. 69. 18 Dipavamsa V. 77, 78

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46 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MARCH, 1915 name the dynasty Saisunaga, apparently after its founder. It is indeed possible to suppose that the dynasty might have been named not after the first ruler but after the most famous. Such a supposition, however, is untenable in this case, as none of the authorities knows anything of Sisunaga beyond what the Puranas tell us--that he founded the dynasty 'supplanting the renown of the Pradyotas, '17 The question may be set at rest by appealing to other Buddhist and Jaina traditions than the ones hitherto considered. The Jain tradition followed by Hemachandra 18 males Bimbisara (Srenika) a successor of Prasenajit, king of Magadha, who resided at Rajagliha. The Tibetan chronicle 19 makes Bimbisara, son of Mahapadma, king of Magadha. The Avadana has both these names in the list. It is thus clear that both the Buddhists and the Jainas know of the (royal) ancestors of Bimbisara; so that Bimbisara was not the founder of the dynasty. The confusions and contradictions are due to their huddling together the names of the predecessors and the BUCO 880rs of Bimbisara. The Puranic version may therefore be accepted. Sisunaga should top the list and Kakavarna be placed next to him, for both the Mahavansa and the Puranas agree that he or his variant Kalasoka came after Sisunaga. We have, according to all accounts, two more generations to take us to Bimbisara According to Buddhist or Jaina tradition, these should be Mahapadma and Prasenajit, while, according to the Puranas, the places belong to Kshetravarman and Kshatrajit Curiously enough, all these names have very much the same meaning-Mahapadma, or more properly Mahapadmapati, means the lord of a huge host 20 and Prasenajit the conqueror of a huge host.' So too, Kshetravarman would mean "valorous in the field" and Kshatrajit the conqueror of warriors. It is therefore easy to identify these rulers of Buddhist and Jaina tradition with the ones menticned in the Puranas, because these traditions know Prasenajit and Mahapadma, and they also tell us that the latter was the father of Bimbisara. We may therefore take it that Mahapadma was son of Prasenajit. Bimbisara, and Ajatasntru present no difficulty whatsover, as they stand in the same order everywhere. Some manuscripts of the Vayu-Purana arrange the names in the order, Kshema-Varman, Ajatasatru, Kshatraujas, Bimbisara; but this is obviously wrong, as it makes Ajatasatru, the well-known son of Bimbisara, his grand-father. The Buddhist records place Udaya after Ajatasatru, but all the Puranas agree in introducing a Harshaka or Darsaka between them. A certain variant of the latter name is, as we have seen, not unknown to the Mahavainsa;21 and we may therefore consider him an historical personage. It may, of course, be contended that the Buddhist records, which tell us so much about Bimbisera, Ajatasatru, and Udaya, ignore his existence altogether; and this would be 11caragi 23: Hi TT faufa' (Vayu-P.) The Burmese Buddhist legend knows Bifunaga as the son of Naga 'whom Udaya discovered in the wilds, etc. But this tradition is very late and extraordinary (Bigandet: Legend of Gaudama, Vol. II, p. 115.) 18 Hema Chandra : Mahavira-charita. 19 Dulva XI. (Rockhill, op. cit. p. 16). This Mahapadma must not be confused with Nanda Mahapadma under whom the Buddhist council is said to have been held 137 A, B. (See Ibid, p. 186). 20 Sridhara in his gloss on the Bhagavata Purdna. XII. 1. It may also be remarked that Kshatravarman and Kshattraujas are most probably surnames. We have a parallel in the Yadava names Kpitavarman and Kritaujas in the Vayu Purana. (Book IV. Chap. XI). I may also mention that the Kdrma-Purana gives Kritadharman as & variant for Ksitavarman, 21 The Mahavarisa calls him Naga-dasake, "-evidently one of the Saifun&gas. (See Turnour, Vol. I, p. 28).

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MARCH, 1915) THE ANCIENT HISTORY OF MAGADHA improbable if Darsaka had come between the two last named kings in the list. The difficulty would disappear if we consider him as the successor, not the predecessor of Udaya. The Buddhist accounts tell us little about the successor of Udaya, but have retained his name in the general confusion in which the period is involved. The next rulers, according to the Puranas, are Nandivardhana and Mahanandin. The Buddhists have Nandivardhana and Mahasamudha or Munda. It may therefore be inferred that they were historical characters. The only ones known after these are Mahapadma and Sumalya or Sahalya, who are constituted by the Vishnu and Bhagavata Puranas into a separate dynasty. The Mahava isa names, Kalasoka, his ten sons and their nine successors may be rejected as spurious and conjectural, as there is no confirmatory evidence of any kind, and as the names are not in the original Dipavarisa. As I have already pointed out, the Puranic Kakavarna may have suggested the Buddhist Kalasoka of the Mahavainsa genealogy and Kakavarnin of the Avadana. The last of the Nandas is a favourite hero of legend, but we shall consider the whole question of the Nandas separately. All traditions are agreed that Chandragupta was the direct successor of the Nandas. For example, the Mudra-Rakshasa assumes the fact, and it is mentioned in the Brihad katha. The Puranas must therefore be wrong in interposing a century of Chanakya's rule between the last of the Nandas and Chandragupta. I shall try to show that this was probably due to the chronological exigencies of the Puranas. (5) Chronology. The main difficulty is one of chronology. For we have but confused statements in the Puranas, and we are worse confounded by the apparently absurd dates given by the Buddhists and the Jainas. The Puranas give 360 or 362 years for the whole dynasty, and at the same time throw out a vague suggestion that their dates are wrong; for the periods allotted to the individual reigns do not always make up the sum total of 360 or 362. Again, we have a hundred years more given to Mahapadma and his son, and an extra hundred to Chanakya23 who is alleged to have ruled independently before handing over the reins of power to Chandragupta. The Jainas give a hundred and fifty-five years to the Nandas alone, whom the Puranas confine to two generations. The Maharansa says that 162 years elapsed between the death of the Buddha and the accession of Chandragupta. According to Hemachandra the accession of Chandragupta was 155 years after the Nirvana of Mahavira. The two accounts, therefore, nearly agree. The latter is, no doubt, out of accord with the rest of Jaina tradition, but it must have been thought out by such an erudite scholar as Hemachandra, and even Merutunga says that24 his statement is worthy of carefnl consideration. It agrees also with the Puranio *zizunAgasya putro bhazoko tadA Asi mahIpati pATalIputra nagarahiranaM karesi khattiyo / (Dipavarisa, V. 25.) . uddhariSyati kauTilyaH samAH hAdazabhistu vAn bhuktvA mahIM varSazataM tato mauryAnU gamiSyati (Matsya-P.) The Vayu and Brahmanda give the same story. In the Vayu P. (Bombay text) we find the epithet : applied to Kautilya. This is absurd. The correct reading is certainly as I find in an old MS. of the Purkna in the Oriental MSS. Library, Madras. Kautilya was the fire which consumed the family of the Nandas.' # Bhau Daji op. cit, pp. 130, 131.

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48 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MARCH, 1915 tradition. It is well known that the Puranas give 100 yeare to the nine Nandas, but it is not so well known that most of them give an extra hundred to Kautilya. The point is that they recognise two centuries to have elapsed between the first of the Nandas and the first of the Mauryas. It appears to me that the Puranas are not wrong in the period assigned, but that they are wrong in confining the Nandas to two generations. I shall presently go to the considerations which incline me to this view. My theory is that Mahapadma, the first of the Nanda dynasty, is not the successor of Nandivardhana, but the father of Bimbisara, the Kshatrajit of the Puranas. In the light of this view the nine Nandas are the last nine rulers of the Saisunaga dynasty. There is nothing absurd in giving two centuries to nine generations of rulers. It is easy enough to fix the date of the beginning of the Baisunaga dynasty. It is almost certain that the Buddha attained Nirvana between 487 and 477 B. C. According to the Buddhists, this event took place in the eighth year of Ajatasatru's reign. The Puranas are agreed that Bimbisara reigned 28 years. There were four generations before Bimbisara, and we may assign 22 years to each generation. This accords with the average duration of reigns in European history. The Mahavarisa itself assigns 22 years only to each of two generations (of nine and ten rulers respectively) immediately preceding Chandragupta. The Puranic data also fall into line if we refer the total 362 years to the Saisunagas and Nandas put together (19 rulers). In this way we get, counting backwards, 477 + 7 + 28 + 88 (4 X 22) -- C. 600 B. C. as the most probable date of the beginning of the rule of the Saisunaga dynasty. The probable duration of each reign may now be worked out. The data of the Puranas have to be viewed critically. They have considered contemporary dynasties and rulers as having come one after another. I have already referred to the mistake as regards the Pradyotas of Avanti, who are the contemporaries of the Saisunagas, but are considered by the Puranas as their predecessors. To come to individual rulers, the Vishnu-Purana mentions, among the rulers of Kosala, Prasenajit, son of Rahula, son of Sakya Buddha, whereas we know from the Buddhist records that Prasenajit was the son of king Aranemi Brahmadatta of Srivasti and a contemporary of the Buddha 25 The years assigned by the Puranas, moreover, are not mutually exclusive in most cases. Therefore it is that the totals given for individual reigns do not agree with the total for the whole dynasty. From Parikshit to Nanda, for instance, we have 1115 years given in the Bhagavata-Purana, whereas the details of reigns come up to 1500 when added. Commentator Sridhara notices the fact, but attempts no explanation. Again, the Puranas give 137 years to the ten Mauryas, which figure does not agree with the details given. As a matter of fact, the overlapping of reigns was more usual than exceptional. This was due to the custom of the reigning kings getting their heirs recognised even in their own lifetime. The same difficulty appears in dealing with the Theravali also. An old Sthavira has been known to ordain the foremost of his disciples long before his demise.26 The difficulties of the Puranas are, moreover, due to their confusions in genealcgy affecting their system of chronology. They are thus led to allow abnormally long reigns for rulers in some cases and compress a series of reigns into a few years in other cases. Sisunaga is given 40 years of reign by the Puranas, and 18 by the Mahavainsa. He was already king of Benares before he conquered Magadha, and he may have ruled a * Dulva X1. (Rockhill op. cit.) 25 See, for instance, Diparasit sa IV. 41.

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MARCH, 1916) THE ANCIENT HISTORY OF MAGADHA 49 score of years previously. In any case, 18 years seem to be a more reasonable period for him than 40. Kakavarna is assigned 36 years, but some copies of the Matsya-Purana give only 26 years, and this may be accepted as it nearly tallies with the Buddhist date for Kalasoka or Kakavarnin. According to Hindu tradition7 not recorded in the Puranas but current certainly in Bana's day (7th cent. A. D.) Kakavarna was baheaded in the precincts of the capital city. The next ruler is. Kshetravarman, to whom also the Puranas give 36 years; but some MSS. of the Vayu and the Brahmanda agree in giving him only 20 years. The lowest period for Kshattraujas alias Mahapadma, father of Bimbisara, is 24 years given in some MSS. of the Matsya. Our authorities are agreed2s in assigning 28 years to Bimbisara alias Srenika. For Ajatasatru the Vayu-P. gives 25. Matsya 27, while the Brahmanda gives 35 and the Buddhist records 32. The Buddhists knew him intimately, and their date may be accepted. A longer period than usual may be allowed for one who is said to have ascended the throne long before his natural time. The Buddhists give Udaya 16 years, 20 and this seems to fit in with the Jaina story of his career having been cut short by assassination. Darsaka is given 24 in the Puranas, the same period of reign as the Mahavainsa gives to Naga Dasaka. Nandivardhana may be allowed 22 years and MahaNandin 28 years. The latter corresponds in time to the Buddhist Kalasoka, who is reported to have reigned 28 years. Rejecting the impossible 88 years for Mahapadma we may allow him 28 years according to the Vayu-Purana. The Matsya-Purana assigns 12 years to Sabalya, and another 12 for the subjugation of the eight sons of Mahapadma', while the Vayu-Purana allows 16 years for the latter event. The Mahavarisa allows 22 years for the generation preceding Chandragupta. It is possible that Sahalya ruled 16 or 22 years, or that he ruled 12 years and that the civil war continued for several years after him. The latter supposition may explain the Puranic rule of Kautilya, for he was the hero of the interregnum. 6 The Nandas. The Puranas say that Mahapadmawill be the annihilator of the Kshatriya race' and that after him the kings will be Sadra-born.'80 They also credit him and his eight sons with a century of rule. The Vishnu-Purana adds for Mahapadma an appellation Nanda', but the Malaya, Vayu and Brahmayda say nothing of Nanda. The commentary on the 27 Bana's Harsha charita, Uchchadaa VI. (Bombay Text, p. 199). " to: tarf: Tis o far na farasta." Prof. Cowell in his translation Corrects igarh into garft but, curiously enough, takes *** with the previous sentence, thus making tgart and to two different kings (See Trans, p. 193). The Text shows clearly however, that area is only an epithet of Kakavarna. 2 Eavopting only the Maharashea which give him 52 years, Diparamsa, IV. 38. 'mahApacapatiHkazcit mandaH sabavinAzakRt zAsaviSyati mahApacaH dvitIya va bhArgavaH' (Bhagavata-P.) utpatsvate mahApatraH sarvakSacAnsako nRpaH bhakhila macAntakArI bhavitA sarvakSatrAntako nRpaH Even the saibunigas are called both by the Vayu and Malaya W perhaps why Buddhaghosha places Bimbiadra in the third onto (Vainya). (Vayu-P.). (Vishnu-P.) (Mataya-P.) T This explains P

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50 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MARCH, 1915 Bhagavata explains Mahapadmapati as lord of an immense host31 or of countless wealth, mahapadma in Sanskrit denoting 100,000 millions. The Buddhist records know nothing of a separate Nanda dynasty, but say that the nine last rulers were of the same dynasty as Bimbisara. The Dipavarsa does not mention the Nandas, but says that Sisunaga had ten brothers, who reigned after him. The Divyaradana knows no distinction between Nanda and Saisunaga rulers, whom it mixes up together in the same dynasty. Jaina tradition makes the nine Nandas the nine rulers after Udaya and assigns them nine generations. Even the Puranas agree with Jaina tradition, that the nine Nandas ruled one after another and were not joint rulers.82 It is highly improbable that nine kings ruled, eight of them brothers, too, in two generations. It seems almost certain in the light of the facts that the Nandas were simply the later rulers of the Saisunaga dynasty. The chronological data available to us point also to the same conclusion. The Jaina Theravali of Merutunga assigns 155 years to the Nandas, on the strength of some old Gath is. Hemachandra tells us in the Parisishta-parvan that Chandragupta's accession came 155 years after the Nirvana of Mahavira. Though this is not in accord with other Jaina traditions, it deserves notice as coming from so eminent a scholar in Praksit. And it accords with the most probable dates of Gautama Buddha and Mahavira. In this view all the Saisunagas from Mahavira's, i. e., Bimbisara's time (the two being contemporaries) were themselves Nandas. It has been already pointed out that the break of 200 years, which the Puranas allow between the first of the Nandas and Chandragupta, requires nine generations of rulers instead of two as stated in the Puranas. The very names of some of the rulers seem to suggest this view. We have in the Saisunaga list such names as Nandivardhana and Maha-Nandin. In one Buddhist list that in the Divyavadana-we have Kakavarna and Mahamandala among the rulers after Udaya. Nanda and Upananda33 are familiar to us as Naga kings in the Buddhist Jalakas and as saints in the Theravali of the Jainas. There is a strong Buddhist tradition that the council of Vesalish was held under the presidency of Mahapadma Nanda, 100 years after the Nirvana ; and another that it was held under a Saisunaga king, whom they name Kalasoka. The Nandas have no separate place in the Rajput Vanavalis given by Tod.85 Prof. Jacobi 36 says of Ajatasatru that he laid the foundation of the empire of the Nandas and Mauryas. There is thus some confusion in our authorities of Saisunagas and Nandas. 31 queer is explained in Manu, VII. 187, 188, Chanakya's Artha sastra and the Vaddhaki-sabaraJataka (No. 283). - mahApadyasya paryAve bhaviSyanti nRpAH kramAt / Matsya Purana (Bombay Text, p. 272.) 33. 4444.' in the Sarabhanga Jataka (No. 622). See also the Saddharma Pundarika (8. B. E. XXI, 6). 34 Soe Poussin on the first two Buddhist Councils Ante, Vol. 1908. The oldest account of the council is in the Chulla-tagga, Bk. XII. It makes no mention of KAlboka. For the tradition that it was held under Kaldboka, 800 Mahdud hea, and Dr. Fleet's article in Ind Emp. Vol. II (Epigraphy). Prof. Rhys Davids holds that it was held under Nanda, and Rockhill's tradition associates whe Nanda with Mahapadma' (Life of the Buddha, p. 186). TAranatha tries to reconcile the two traditions by saying that the council was held under Asoka, but that the brothren wore fed by Nanda ! 36 Tod: Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan Vol. I. (See geneaological table.) 36 Introduction to the Jaina Sairas, pp. XIV to XVI.

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MARCH, 1915] THE ANCIENT HISTORY OF MAGADHA 51 But the tradition of nine Nandas seems to have been so widely spread as to be unhesitatingly accepted by various schools of tradition. It is likely to be true, therefore, that there were nine rulers who bore the name of Nanda, called Nava-Nanda37 for this reason. The Mahavamsa tells us that these were the sons of the successor of Kalasoka, whom we have identified with Kakavarna. Thus we come to the father of Bimbisara, whom the Buddhists call Mahapadma. He has eight successors in the dynasty. Now, according to the Puranas, Mahapadma is the first of the nine Nandas. Both the Buddhist and Puranic stories are reconciled if by sons we understand successors, or descendants of Mahapadma the son of Kshetravarman. The mistakes in the Puranas seem to be due to their having confused Mahapadma alias Kshatrajit, son of Kshetravarman, with Mahapadma, son of Mahanandin. (7) The last of the Nandas. " Mr. V. A. Smith says that Mahapadma was the son of the queen of Maha-Nandin by a barber paramour. There is nothing said in the early records of the Buddhists and the Jainas about the servile origin of the predecessors of Chandragupta. Merutunga asserts that Nanda was born of a barber prostitute', perhaps translating the word for of the Puranas. But this word means simply r (prostitute), and in this sense it is used in the Harivansa, Mr. Smith seems to have based his statement on what Greek writers have said of the ruler of the Gangaridae-that he was the son of the queen by a barber paramour, who supplanted the rightful king upon the throne. But to the Greek Magadha was not the land of the Gangaridae but of the Prasii,38 and the name of the king mentioned by Quintus Curtius and Diodorus Siculus is Xandrames or Agrammes, not Nanda. If so, the Mauryas, not the Nandas, would seem to have a servile origin, and even this on the assumption that Chandragupta was ruler of the Gangaridae before he became ruler of the Prasii. The Puranas speak not of the queen's paramour (as the Greek story would have it), but of the king's son by a Stdra concubine as having succeeded the king without a revolution. The Divyavadana39 contains a tradition that a Brahman lady of Champa acted as barber to a Maurya king (Bindusara) and was finally married by him and became the mother of his son Asoka. Her name Janapadakalyani is exactly the same as that given in the Sangama-vachara-Jataka to the wife of Prince Nanda, a half-brother of Gautama Buddha. It is thus seen that our accounts in some way associate Nanda, or Janapadakalyani, with menial service or extraction, in Magadha or some country near it; but it is impossible to say definitely what country or in what way. According to the Mud a-Rakshasa tradition, Chandragupta Maurya, who succeeded the Nandas, was of the same family as the Nandas, 10 According to the Mahvansa, Chandragupta belonged to the Sakya family of Kapilavastu. The Atthakatha says that his father was the last king of Mayurapura or Dehli (Indraprastha).41 The Jativiveka, probably a 37 In the Sthaviravali-charita of Hemachandra and the Kalpadruma-kalika of Lakshmivallabha. 38 See McCrindle: Megasthenes, pp. 66, 135. The map and the footnote regarding 'Prasii. 39 Divyavadana, (Edited by Cowell and Neill) p. 369. 40 They were all descended from Sarvartha-Siddhi (Mackenzie MS. preface to the Mudra-Rakshasa). The Brihatkatha, however, says Chanakya displaced Hiranyagupta, the son of Nanda's wife, by a Brahman (paramour) Indradatta. The tradition in the Brihatkatha is so full of supernatural details that it may be left out of account altogether. The Divyavadana styles Chandragupta alone as Nanda. 41 Journal of the Buddhist Text Society, 1895.

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52 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (MARCH, 1916 later work, explains * Maurya' as the offspring of a barber and a Sadra woman, or of a barber and a female slave.2 This meaning is hardly more than a malicious conjecture. The Sabda-kalpadruma is somewhat milder; it explains the word as equal to A (= raftw), not of noble extraction'. If Buddhist traditions are to be believed, Mauryas were princes at Pippalavana 13 when Buddha died. That no infaxay attached to the meaning of the word is clear from the mention of Sthavira Mauryaputra oi the Kasyapa gotra in the Jaina Kalpa-Satra, 11 as one of the Sthaviras in apostolic descent from Mahavira. (To be continued.) NOTES ON THE GRAMMAR OF THE OLD WESTERN RAJASTHANI WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO APABHRAMCA AND TO GUJARATI AND MARWARI. BY DR. L. P. TESSITORI, UDINE, ITALY, (Continued from p. 28.) CHAPTER VII. ADV2RBS. $99. According to their origin, adverbs may be divided into : instrumental, locative, adjectival and undeclined. It will be seen that this historical division almost exactly corresponds with the different classes they fall into according to their meaning also. In fact instrumental adverbs involve the idea of manner, locative adverbs the idea of place and time (often, indeed, both meanings go together, as in pachai), adjectival adverbs the idea of quantity or degree, as a modification of the idea of manner, whereas undeclined adverbs, as they have no common origin, have no common meaning either. It is among the last that the adverbs of negation are included. Many instrumental and locative adverbs, the latter especially, are postpositions at the same time. $ 100. Instrumental adverbs in Old Western Rajasthani are generally employed as adverbs of manner, much in the same way as in Sanskrit and all the Prakcit dialects. The following is a list of the commonest amongst them : adal P. 683 " Across " (Guj. ade) kastal P. 321 " With pain or difficulty" (Skt. kastena) jodilai Adi C. "Unitely" (Skt. Vjud) dohilal P. 444, Dag. "With difficulty " (Ap. dullahae Page #59
MARCH, 1915] NOTES ON GRAMMAR OF THE OLD WESTERN RAJASTHANI harasi Rs. 140 "With joy" (Skt. harsena). The following are adverbial phrases: enal prakaral Kal. 43, Dac. "In this way, thus " isi parii Sast. 162 "Ditto." (See SSSS 3, 53) ini vidhai Adi C. Ditto." 53 kisii kerani Dac. v, 92 "For which reason wherefore?" : SS 101. Locative adverbs are either of place, or of time, or both of place and time. A good many of them are adjectives in -ilau, -alau in the locative (see SS 145). (1) Examples of locative adverbs of place are: anethi, anethii Cal. 12, P. 524, Up. 167 "Elsewhere" (Ap. * annetthae, see SS 95) anerai Up. 97" Ditto." (Ap. arai parai Dac. X "Near and see SS 147) asai pasai Adi C. "On all sides, all around" (Ap. pasae Page #60
54 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MARCH, 1915 form of adjectives to make adverbs, mostly of manner, can be traced back to the Sanskrit. For the Apabhramca, I may quote the example vahillau (=Skt. cighram), which is found Siddhahem., iv, 422, 1. Here are a few examples for the Old Western Rajasthani : ghanu Adi. 76, Dac. iv "Greatly" thodu Dac. iv "Little" pahild Dac. iv "Firstly" rudai Adi. 85 " Well" valatai Vi. 26 "In reply" bhukhiu ghanai "Very hungry" (P. 162) socai mani ghanai " (He) greatly grieves within (his) heart" (P. 690) rija-kuari valati bhanai << The princess says in reply ..." (Vi. 26) joi nicu janani-nai kahai " Looking downwards (she) says to (her) mother" (P. 351). For the adverbial adjectives, see $. 78. $103. Undeclined adverbs, viz. adverbs that have not originated from any inflected form, are: aji Adi C. "As yet to this time" (*aja-i < Ap. aija-i < Skt. adyapi) ati-hi Dac., Cra, eto. "Greatly, excessively, very" (Skt. ati, see $104) heva P. 184, an expletive used in poetry to strengthen the idea expressed by any word, "Exactly, just, certainly, indeed, etc." (Skt. eva, see $38) sahi Vi., Cal., P. etc. "Ditto.", and the adverbs of negation, which are the following: nahi ( < Ap. nahi, hi < Skt. na-hi), which comes, as a rule, after the verb34 and very often involves in itself the meaning of the substantive verb. Examples: hatha halavai naht nirarthaka" (He) does not stir his hands unnecessarily" (Adi C.) sakati nahi mujha tehavi"I have not such a power" (F 783, 6) nahi vidya vyakarana samana "There is no lore like grammar" (P. 23). (Modern Gujarati has nahi and Marwati naht); nai, which is but a contracted form from the former, as commonly met with in Modern Marwati. Ex.: stri-tanai vasi nal-ji jai "strinam vacam na ca' pi gaochet" (Dac. ix); na (Ap. na < Skt. na), which is placed before the verb proclitioally and even compounded with any such verbs as begin by do. Ex. nanai (na-anai) "Does not bring" (P. 284, Sast. 45) nanivau (na-anivau) "Is not to be brought " (Adi C., Sast. 16) napat (na-apal) "Does not give" (Sast. 40) napyau (na-apyau)" Was not given" (F 783, 68) navai (na-avai) "Does not come" (Kal., Rs., Yog., P. etc.) naviu (na-aviu) "Did not come" (Ratn. 215); and lastly: navi (Ap. navi < Skt, na'pi), which also comes before the verb. Ex. cudamani pagi navi dharai "( One) does not put a frontal gem on (his) foot" (P. 105) carama-sariri navi maraf "He who is in his last existence does not die (before the time)" (F 783, 57). * In the following example from Up. 26, naht is put before the verb: nahi ilu "I will not go".

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MARCH, 1915] NOTES ON GRAMMAR OF THE OLD WESTERN RAJASTHANI 55 The imperative negative adverb is ma, mi (Bh. 76), as in Sanskrit, or, more commonly, ma. The latter is often reduplicated to give more force, as in: ma ma bihau "Do not be afraid I" (P. 191). In Adi C. (page 15 a) wa find also the Western Hindi negative mata, a form which is quite strange to Gujarati and may well by ragarded here as a Marwari peculiarity : hathiara mata vahai - Do not make use of weapons." Of adverbs being identical with the conjunctive participle, I can quote but the single nstance of vali " Again". 104. Lastly, under the head of the adverbs we may reckon the emphatio particles, vhich are appended enclitically to the words, whereof the meaning is to be emphasized. in Old Western Rajasthani the commonest emphatic particles are i and ji (ja), both of which likewise occur in the Apabhra ca, the former having derived from Sanskrit api, and the latter from Sanskrit eva, through Prakrit jeva (see Pischel's Prakr. Gr., SS. 336). Examples of their employment are : adhara-i lipi "The eighteen alphabets" (Adi C.) avya jina trevisa-i "All the twenty-three Jinas came" (F 722, 257) saghala-i jiva jiviva vichar "All individuals wish to live" (Dac.) saghalau-i vamsu "The whole family" (fast. 78) kiha-i " Skt. kutra'pi" (Dac., passim) leimha-i "Skt. katham-api" (Bh., Adi.) kahi-i "Skt. kada' pi" (Yog., Bh., Sast.) ko-i. ke-i "Sist, ko'pi, ko'pi" (see $. 91) aja-j-lagai "Even now" (Indr. 10) nilaja-i hilail " However much shameless " (Kal. 3) panigrahara na kara 7-1 "I will not marry at all" (Up. 48) etalu-ji "Only this much" (Yog. I, 28) navai-ji "Does not come at all" (Kal. 35) hi karesi-ji "I will certainly do (it)" (Dac.) vitaraga-ii ja nai "The vijaraga only knows (it)" (Indr. 48) teha ja "That very thing" (P. 173) sala-ja "Only seven" (F 655). Often both i and ji are combined together, as in: sukhi-i-ji" Quite easily " (Cil, 34) eka-i-ji "One only " (sast. 151) dalidra-i-ji hui "Becomes quite poor" (sast. 26). When the word to be emphasized is a noun, adjective or pronoun in construction with a postposition, emphatio particles aro always insorted between the word and the postposition: Examples: gura-i-nal "Even to the teachers" (Indr. 49) saghall-i-nal teha-nal "To all of them " (Bh. 76) tujha-i-ji-rahal "Skt. tavai'va" (Kal. 25) yaksa-i-ji-nu "Of that very yaksa" (Up. 44). Other emphatic particles are the following: -, which in my opinion has a double origin, i, e. when attached to interrogative pronouus ang adverbs to render them indefinite, is from Ap. - Page #62
56 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (MARCH, 1915 as a general emphatic particle after any other word, is from -hi quoted below. Examples for each of the two cases are : ko-i, ke-1" Skt. kac-cid, ke-cid" (see $91) be-i "Both " (Adi C.) sagale-i [desara) sabhali " All heard the sermon" (ibid.) In the MS. Up., -e is commonly written for- (of. $ 7, (2)) as in the following: jnani-e-ji "Only those who are endowed with knowledge" (Up. 205) madhyahne-e " At noor too" (Up. 230); -u (-), which is identical with Ap., Skt. -u. Examples: be-u "Both" (P. 105) amhe-u "We too" (Up. 177) tau-u "Even then" (Up. 232) sahu te-u-ja "All these things" (Up. 64). When appended to a word ending in ea, -u (-u) may contract with that vowel into . Examples : eku (eka-u) "One only" (Up. 24) ehu-ja (eha-u-ja) "This very one" (Up. 46) karara-ja (karana-u-ja) "The very reason" (Up. 77); -hi, which is possibly to be connected with Sanskrit -hi, which was also capable of being used in the moaning of the emphatic particle -hi. Examples: tima-hi-ja "In this very way" (Adi C.) kadi-hi "Never" (ibid.) ima karala-hi" By doing so" (ibid.) tau-hi "In that very occasion " (sast. 40) te-hi-ji "They only " (sast. 80) e trini-hi bola "These three things" (F 753, 1); Of the emphatic particle -hi (-hi), I can quote for the Old Western Rajasthani only one instance, to wit : ati-hi, ati-hi "Exceedingly" (see $ 103). In the following phrase from Sast. 46, -hi stands for -hi : ini-hi-ji karani "Out of this very reason". CHAPTER VIII. CONJUNCTIONS. $ 105. According to their meaning, conjunctions may be divided into: 1) ocpulative, 2) adversative. 3) disjunctive, 4) conditional, 5) concessive, 6) causal, 7) explicative, and 8) comparative conjunctions. 106. The general copulative is anat "and," from Apabhramca anwal < Sanskrit anyani, often uurtailed into nal according to $ 2, (4). It is a plural neuter in origin and meaning perfootly corresponding to the Greek adversative da. It has a weak form ani, ni, ni, which occasionally occurs in poetry (Kenh., 47 etc.) and, more rarely, in prose (D1, 5). Other copulatives are pani (P., D., F 783 etc.), pina, pini (Adi C:) " also, even", which is to be connected with the Sanskrit punar, and vali, which has been already explained 103. The latter is used either alone in the sense of again, further, then", mostly to incroduce a new subject, as in the example: vali guru-nal svarupa -kahai "Next comes the description of the guru" (sast. 104). or pleonastically after anai, as in:

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MARCH, 1916) NOTES ON GRAMMAR OF THE OLD WESTERN RAJASTHANI 57 jogi nai vali raya " The ascetic and the king" (P. 132). Examples of the use of anal and pani are: Anai bhavi anai paraloke-e "In this existence and in the other world" (Up. 185) amha-nai pina kai-eka dyau "Give something oven to us" (Adi C.) Modern Gujarati has ne, para, vali and Marwari nai, pina, vale. $ 107. The adversative conjunctions are: puna (Indr., Up. eto.), pani (Indr., P., Adi C., Dd. etc.), ping, pini (Adi C.), identical with the copulative (106); para (Dd. Adi C.) from Sanskrit paran (920); and the tatsamas paramtu and kimtu (Adi C.), Examples: thala dekhai puna tira pami na sakai "[He] sees the firm earth, but cannot reach the shore" (Indr. 60) vari aparu jivitavya chidiu, na puna guru-nau parabhava na sahiu " [Ho] chose to loose his life, but did not bear an offence to [his] teacher". (Up. 100) gho la hatha vina sarai,-pina ahara vina na sarai "One can dispense with horses and elephants, but not with food" (Adi C.) para elalau vigena" But there is this difference" (Adi C.) 108. The general disjunctive conjunction is kal, kai " Or", which has survived in Modern Gujarati ke. I am inclined to look upon it as being & shortened form from Apabhramca kii < Skt. kani, but possibly it might also be explained as a strong form of the disjunctive li, which is found in most of the cognate vernaculars and is derived from Sanskrit kim. It is used both in positive and interrogative sentences. Examples: rupi kari Rambha jimi kai Urvusi samana * Like Rambhe in beauty, or equal to Urvaci" (F 715, ii, 10) sacau kai boliu ala "Is this true, or did you speak in joke?" (P. 244) kai mal soki-lama sula marya kai mai inda phodyd re "Did I ever kick the sons of [my] co-wives, or did I ever destroy eggs?" (F 783, 74). The conditional disjunctives are: nahi-tau, tu (RR., Up., Sra., Adi C.) and nahl-lari (P., Up. eto.)" if not, otherwise, else". Their second e' inents are derived from Sanskrit tatas and tarhi respectively. Their Modern Gujarati representatives are nahi-lo and nahitara. For examples of their employment see $ 109. 100. The conditional conjunctions are jai and jail (ju), whence Modern Gujarati je jo. The former is from Apabhram ca jai < Skt, yadi, and the latter from Apabhramca jau < Ekt. yatas. Both are indiscriminately used in the protasis and govern the correlative tau (tu) in the apodosis. Examples: jai eha jaga-mahi raga-dvera na huta, taa kauna jiva dulcha pamata "If in this world there were not the passions of] attachment and hatred, then which living being would undergo sufferings?" (Up. 129) ju lahu, tau liu, nahl-tau na liu "If I obtain [it], I will take [it], if not, I will not take [it] " (Up. 218). Noi unfrequently jai, jau are omitted in the protasis, and the conditional sense of the lause is left to be understood from the tail in the apodosis, Examples: kahisyai, tau yuddha karisya. "[If he] will tell [us to do so], then we will fight " (Adi C.) jivi vya magai, tai jivitavya-i dijai "Were he to ask [our] life, we should give [him] even our life" (Up. 265)

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58 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MARCH, 1915 bahari bhiksa lahau, tai liu, nahi-tara nahi "If I get alms outside [the village], then I will take [it], otherwise not" (Up. 108). SS 110. The commonest form of the concessive conjunction is tuha. (Rs., P., F 577 etc.) "yet, nevertheless" which, as I explain it, is derived from tau-hi (< Skt. tato-hi) through metathesis of the a (SS 50). It is therefore made up of the conditional or illative tau and an emphatic enclitic, quite after the analogy of Sanskrit tatha'pi, Braja tau-hu etc. Sast. 86 this conjunction occurs under the form tai-hi, which is the parent of Marwari to-hi. To give more force, puna, pani is added to tuhai in much the same function of an emphatic particle, as in tuhai puna (Rs. 209) and to-hi pani (F 555) [from tau-hi pani], from the latter of which Gujarati and Marwari to pana has derived. Sast. 157 we find also pani tau-hi. In the Up. we come across two forms, te-u and ta-u, both used in the meaning of "notwithstanding, in spite of that." The former I explain as being made up by combining the correlative pronoun te with the emphatic particle u (see SS 104), and the latter as being derived from the former by e being weakened to a, unless, indeed, it is to be written tau and to be explained as a contraction from tau-4. SS III. Under the head of causal conjunctions I include, besides the causal proper, the illative and final also. All the three classes are closely connected with one another and generally formed from the pronouns. I have noticed the following: jeni.... teni "Because. . . . therefore" tinai, tini, tini bhani "Therefore" jeha bhani.... teha bhani "Because . . . . therefore" tau "Then, therefore" jima "So that, in order that." Examples of their use are: tini bhani hivai grihsabhacaritra kahiai chai "Therefore the life of the Venerable Rsabha is now being related" (Adi C.) jini karani e kala dharma rahita chai teha bhani "For the reason that this [present] age is destitute of religiousness" (Sast. 160) tau te kusneha-nai dhikkara huu " Therefore let that pernicious love be cursed" (111) tumhe rahai dur [a]i gaja-raya | jima svami-nai lahau pasaya "Stand aside you noble elephant, so that I may obtain the favour of the king" (P. 496). A final prohibitive is rakhe, rakhe, which is an optative-imperative singular form from the verb rakhai < Ap. rakkhai < Skt. raksati, and is used in the meaning of "lest" or "beware," as in : rakhe ko dekhai "Let no one see [me]" (Up. 22) thodi-i vela rakhe pramada karaa "Beware not to indulge in negligence, even for a very short time" (Up. 123) rakhe nivari karata teha Beware not to keep him off" (P. 100). SS 111a. The explicative conjunctions are ja and je, the former identical with Apabhramca ja, jam < Skt. yad, and the latter identical with the Old Western Rajasthani relative pronoun (SS 90). They are used in much the same function of English "that", to introduce a clause employed as the object of the preceding verb, or as the subject or predicate nominative of a verb. Examples: (To be continued.)

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MARCH, 1915) THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA 59 THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA, By V. RANGACHARI, M.A., LT., MADRAS. (Continued from p. 31). Visvanatha's other conquests. Visvanatha also established his power in the other parts of the peninsula. The Polygar memoirs of Coimbatore and Tinne velly clearly say that the local chiefs of those regions waited on him, acknowledged his supremacy, and agreed to pay tribute. The Polygars of the western hills from the Anaimalais to the Cape paid similar obeisance and tribute ; some of them indeed resisted, but their arms were hardly equal to the task of vanquishing the great general. The MS. chronicle of the Ramabhadra 12 Naiks of Vacagarai says that Visvanatha had to oppose in the west certain Chola chiefs who had taken possession of the hill fortress of Kambam, but the loyal heroism of Ramabhadra saved the situation and ensured the Naik supremacy in that quarter. In the east, the fierce Maravas of the coast naturally resisted the northern invaders. Their great chief, the Setupati, says the Pand yamandala-chola mandala-Tondamandala-Rajakkal, 14 had been the master of the whole country from Valkonca 16 to Ramesvaram, and in the pride of power, withheld the payment of tribute to the Rays. It attributes the invasion of Visvanatha to this fact and says that " with 1,000 troops he reached Valkona, took it by surprise, defeated the forces which came against him from Trichinopoly (which, the MS. says, had been fortified by the Setupati), and reinforced by fresh troops from the north, conquered the whole region of Madura and Tinnevelly." The MS. is indeed wrong in saying that, at the time of Visvanatha's invasion, the Setupati was the undisputed master of the basins of the Kaveri, the Vaigai and the Tambraparni; but it is right in its attributing a great power in this period to the Marava lord, and a general victory to Visvanatha. The most significant fact in it however, is its statement that Visvanatha's conquests extended in the north as far as Valkonda. The region from Valkonda to the Cape, we understand, was exactly 16 the country which was ruled by the Madura NAiks in the height of their prosperity; and yet this was the region conquered by Visvanatha. It shews clearly that the first of the Ndik monarchs carried the Naik arms to the farthest limit they ever reached, and that his successors had only to keep their dominions intact. They had no need to engage in offensive operations. Their skill had to be devoted to the maintenance of the dominions they inherited and not to the acquisition of new ones. That Visvanatha's kingdom extended as far as Valkonda in the north is proved by other authorities also. The chronicles of Kadirmalai7 Muttu Madar Naiks of Dhammappatti, of Turaiyar18, and of Ariyalur19 leave no doubt as to the fact that Visvanatha was recognized as the karta in the lands north of the Kaveri and the Coleroon. Valkonda was the frontier outpost on this side and served here the purpose which Satyamangalam and Attur played in Kongu proper. 11 See Appendix IV, Section 17. 13 For the early history of the Setupatis, see Chapter V. 14 For a translation of this important MS. by me, see the Journal of the South Indian Associa. tion, March 1915. "15 This is called in Valikandapuram, i.e., the village where Vali was seen (by Rama). It is & miles N. N. E. of Perambalor, a Taluk centre in the Triohinopoly district. It is the Valoonda of the historian Orme. Near it is the famous Ranjang of frequent engagements between the English and the French in the Carnatio wars. The Saiva temple of the place was partly demolished, some say, by Haidar and Tippu, and others say, by the Jagirdar of Ranjangudi for the building of the fort there in the 18th century. Madura Naiks evidently built Tort hare the ruins of which can be seen. For & detailed dosoription of the history and antiquities of the village see, Trichi, Gax. 307-8; Sewell's Antiquitiea I, 263-4 and Ind. Ant. IV. 16 See Appendix I. 17 See Appendix VII. 18 See Appendix II. ents between some say, by in the 18th Lorcription ofad. Ant. IV. 19 Ibid.

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ME INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MARCH, 1915 The extent of his realm. From what has been said an idea of the extent of Visvanatha's kingdom can be gained. The high uplands north of the strategic town of Satyamangalam divided it from Mysore. Further east, across the Keveri, the hills of Baramahal served the same purpose. Still further east, a few miles from Attur, a southern bend of the frontier brought it to the northeastern brows of the Pachchaimalais. A line from these hills across the country to the Coleroon, passing between Udayarpalayam and Ariyalur, marked the boundary on this side. Along the Coleroon it then extended as far as Trichinopoly, from where a route going direct to Vallam, and from Vallam to the coastal neighbourhood of Muttupettai and Ati-ViraRaman-pattanam, divided the northern dominions of the new kingdom of Madura from the southern districts of Tanjore. In the west, the mountains of the Nilgiris, the Anaimalais, the Palnis and the Travancore hills formed a series of mountain-barriers, which, while protecting the Naik kingdom from the incursions of foreigners, enabled it at the same time to erect forts of its own that could serve as centres of offensive operations against a troublesome king of Travancore or a savage tribe of the forests. SECTION II. The difficulties of Visvanatha. With the completion of the conquest of the peninsula, Visvanatha was able to devote bimself to the work of pacification and settlement. It is in this work that we see his real greatness. The historian will join the chroniclers and praise, without hesitation and without limitation, his work as a ruler and administrator. Both in the method and the spirit of his settlement, in the organization of the governmental machinery and the formulation of the principles of administration, he furnishes--the most critical historian will acknowledge the subject of a free panegyric. The difficulties that confronted him at the outset were difficulties which would have baffled any statesman. The problems to be solved, the difficulties to be overcome, and the clash of interests to be reconciled, were such as to tax the capacity and engage the energy of the most capable and energetic politician. He had in the first place to provide for the military security of the kingdom. Secondly, he had to consider a strangely complex situation in which political, social and even racial questions conflicted with each other. Politically, he had to gratify the soldiers and the men who had left their distant homes and followed him with unswerving loyalty in expectation of rewards in the form of lands, riches and offices. There was a wild, though natural, clamour among them for favours. The Telugu chiefs. We have already seen in the first chapter who were the Telugu chiefs that followed him and had colonised the country in the 15th century. The latter naturally supposed that their co-operation, allegiance and services were as valuable as those of the captains and lieutenants who came directly from the Telugu country. How far could the respective claims and clamours of these be satisfied ? The Tamil chiefs. But it was not the scramble for favours among his countrymen alone that Visvanatha had to satisfy. There were the indigenous chiefs of the country, the Tamilian magnates, sullen and discontented, proud though conquered, most of whom traced their ancestry and their history to the early days of the Pandyan rule. Weak and disunited as they were, they were too influential a class to be ignored. There were in the first place the Vanada Reyars and the Pandyans. There was the Setupati, the head of all the Maravas, who could muster thousands of hardy soldiers and daring fighters at a nod, and was universally

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MARCH, 1915] THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA 61 considered the first of the minor rulers of the land. There was again the Tondaman of Pudukkottai. In the neighbourhood of Madura were the Kavunda chiefs of KavundanKo tai and Vellayakundam. The former20 of these claimed to be a descendant of Sri Krishna and of Immudi Vallavadu Achyuta Rama Kavundan, who lived and distinguished himself in the Raya's service about S. 800! Kanaka Raya Kavundan of Vellayakundam was hardly less extravagant in his claims. He also traced his ancestry to Krishna, and to Anupparasa, a servant of the Raya21 in S. 626! It was in Tinnevelly that the indigenous chiefs were most numerous and influential. The chiefs of Elayirampangi and Sivagiri whose legendary history has been already given. Tennambi Andukondar (the 11th of his dynastic line,) and Varaguna Rama Pandya Vannian, (the 91st of the Sivagiri chiefs)-waited on Visvanatha for confirmation and favour. Farther south there were the valiant Udaya Talaivan of Talaivan Kottai; the ambitious Valangai Puli Teva of Chokkampatti; and the daring Puli Kurrala Teva of Naduva Kuruchchi. Even more important was the fierce "tiger of the south", the chief of Singampatti who claimed to be the descendant of one Apadodharana Teva, a Marava of Ramnad, who about 1,100, became the servant of "Kalita Pandyan," and in that capacity conquered, it is said, a Canarese raider named Sirdar Sanjayan, and got the lands around Singampatti as his reward. Similar was the position of Marudappa Teva of Uttumalai, the chief of Urkadu, etc. In the Province of Coimbatore also there were an equal number of old chiefs, whom the policy and wisdom of Visvanatha had to conciliate and satisfy. But here the vast majority were, as we have already seen, Kavun cans or Vellalas. Their mutual conciliation. Such were the indigenous chiefs, who had to be considered by Visvanatha in his settlement of the kingdom. Hardy and turbulent, they were not likely to be satisfied with a status inferior to that of the Naiks or Tottiyans. To gratify them was a difficult and delicate business. Their suspicion and hatred of the foreigners had to be removed, and in its place there had to be created a feeling of trust and fellowship, of confidence and equality. They should be made to feel less as the conquered than the favoured; that under the new regime they might not have the old scope for disloyalty and disaffection, but were sure to have a new security and a new strength. The Tamil and Telugu chiefs, in short, must be made to feel one responsibility, one interest and one principle of loyalty. The question thus was not one of pure politics. It was racial and national. The solution undoubtedly involved sacrifice on all sides. The Telugu and Canarese followers of the new king were foreigners in another land. Imbued with the idea of conquerors, they had naturally a contempt for the conquered, which the differences of custom and language were likely to increase rather than decrease. This gulf, Visvanatha had the penetration to see, must be bridged. The pride of conquest should on the one hand be changed into the responsibility of administration, and the sullen discontent of the conquered, on the contrary, into the happy loyalty of dutiful subjects. The love of power and the expectation of rewards which inspired the Telugu adventurers must be gratified; but at the same time, their ambition should be restrained, and they should be made to respect the beliefs and feelings of his new subjects. The investment of power should not mean increased room for the violation of peace or the oppression of the many; and the high position of his Telugu lieutenants must be combined with a high sense of duty, their strength with sympathy, and their ambition with absolute loyalty to 21 Ibid. 20 See Appendix IV. The MS. is of course absurd in its dates,

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62 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MARCH, 1915 their suzerain. Visvanatha's work, in brief, was not only one of pacification and settlement, of efficiency and strong government, but of union and conciliation, of racial integration and mutual understandings. Administrative Problems, Over and above this racial and political question, Visvanatha had to solve the problem of actual administrative improvement. The country had long been subject to the evils and hardships of wars, and all security of person and property had gone, Owing to the lack of efficient government, the local chiefs had degenerated from the position of governors into tyrants or robbers. A regular and efficient police had to be established, on a definite and easily workable understanding with the local authorities. Forests were, in spite of the colonisations of recent Telugus and Canarese, abundant still, and had to be cleared. Cultivation which had received a set-back had to be revived, deserted villages to be re-inhabited, roads to be constructed, temples revived, travel made safe and irrigation works opened. "There is nothing" says Gibbon, " perhaps more adverse to nature and reason than to hold in obedience remote countries and foreign nations, in opposition to their in lination and interest. A torrent of barberians may pass over the earth, but an extensive empire must be supported by a refined system of policy and oppression : in the centre, an absolute power, prompt in action and rich in resources; a swift and easy communication with the extreme parts ; fortifications to check the first effort of rebellion and regular administration to protect and punish; and a well disciplined army to inspire fear, without provoking discontent and despair." What Visvanatha did was complete in every one of these remedies. SECTION III. AryanAtha Mudali.22 Such were the difficulties which Visvanatha had to surmount and the remedies which he had to provide. And it is admirable how efficiently and thoroughly he set himself to his work. A warrior as well as statesman, he had the further advantage of the precepts and counsels of a remarkable minister and companion, natha. No king has ever had an abler or a more faithful lieutenant and no master ever been or with a greater devotion or a more genuine feeling of loyalty. But Aryanatha was not a mere devoted servant. He was much more. He was an uncommonly prudent and orderly minded statesman with a keen eye for practical organization and administration. Among the many rulers, generals and public men that fit across the pages of Indian History and vanish into darkness as soon as their meteoric career is over, there are comparatively few substantial statesmen whose wisdom, foresight and zeal were such as to introduce a new institution or policy which became an enduring factor in the history of their country. But even such rare individuals have, either owing to the scarcity of materials or ignorance of historians, been thrown into undeserved oblivion. Of these real but unrecognized makers of history, Aryanatha Mudali is one. A contemporary of Akbar and Todarmal, a trusted lieutenant of Vijayanagar and Visvanatha, he has left, as monuments of his genius, institutions which have not died to the present day. A profound scholar, it is said, in the sciences of astrology and mathematics, a good general and a farseeing statesman, Aryanatha was a versatile genius, and could acquit himself with as much felicity in the field as in the court. He took, as we have already seen. a prominent part in the establishment of the Naik dynasty of Madura, and now co-operated with its founder, Visvanatha, in the government of the kingdom, the evolution of order in place of confusion, and good government in place of anarchy. For more than half a century 22 All the MS. histories which give an account of Aryanatha's life can be seen in Appendix I.

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MARCH, 1916) THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA 63 after Visvanatha's death, as we shall see presently, he was the pilot of the infant kingdom, the trusted minister and adviser--thanks to the amiability of his manners, the moderation of his counsels and his tact in managing men of different moods, desires and temperaments, of three successive rulers of Madura ; 80 that, when he died about 1600, he left it a strong and well-defended state, with sound finances, an efficient army, and a wholesome policy to be pursued by his successors. His early life. A few words may not be considered unnecessary in regard to his earlier life and career. Born of poor Vel]Ala parents, somewhere in the 2nd or 3rd decade of the 16th century, in a small hamlet called Maipedu, near the historic town of Conjeevaram, Aryanatha, it is said, had certain experiences in his youth which foreshadowed his future greatness. A story, not uncommon in the case of many other Indians, who rose from similar obscurity to conspicuous stations and dignities in life, is narrated of his boyhood. When he was twelve years of age, we are informed, he went into a field where, owing to exhaustion, he fell asleep. The sun shone directly on his face, and his sleep was disturbed. Just at that time, a cobra, it is said, emerged from a neighbouring hole, and spread its hood, in purenta) solicitude, over the bright and handsome face of the unconscious boy. A priest of a local Ganeba temple, who happened to witness this extraordinary spectacle, surmised, with the penetrative instinct of a Brahman, the greatness in store for the boy. He awakened him, fore-told his coming greatness; and when Aryanatha naturally evinced a feeling of suspicion, he emphasised his prophecy, took the youth home, entertained him at a feast, and exacted from him & written promise to the effect that, in case he became a great and wealthy man and made his mark in the world, he would give half his wealth to him. His interest centred in the welfare of the boy, the Nambi, we may be certain, undertook, from this time onward, his education. Endowed by nature with the choicest gifts of mind and body, Aryanatha became, when these were cultivated by a sound education, an intellectual prodigy. He attained considerable proficiency in mathematics, for which he had a natural aptitude, in the allied science of astrology, and in the military occupations of fencing, wrestling and archery. When about twenty, Aryanatha resolved, at the instance of his Brahman preceptor and benefactor, to try his fortunes in Vijayanagar, then the resort of all men of talents and adventure. He first, we are told, entered the service of a nobleman of the court, Penja Mudali by name, the elder brother of an agent in the employ of the great Nagama Naik. It was, we can hardly doubt, at this time that Aryanatha first saw his later friend, companion and master, Visvanatha Naik, and laid the foundation of that close friendship which was to thicken with time and grow with age and vicissitudes. Nor can we be surprised at their mutual attraction. Both were men of culture and capacity, of romantic temperament and adventurous spirit. Both were men of great penetration, of organizing genius. Equal23 in ambition and intellect, in hardy physical valour as well as intellectual vigour, in the potential capacity for political organization and the potential talents of statesmanship, they seem to have had from the beginning a feeling of mutual esteem, cordiality and confidence. It is said, that the entry of Aryanatha into Penja Mudali's service was signalised and followed by & very suspicous occurrence in the career of his master. Penja Mudali had, we are told, the honour of receiving the privilege of a royal palanquin. Attributing his fortune to the auspicious advent of the young hero, Penja entertained a tender regard for him and became inspired by a zeal to elevate him. He therefore commended his virtues and his talents to Nagama Naik, who promptly introduced him into the imperial presence. Tradition has it that, >> Aryanatha must have been about 20 years younger than Visvanatha..

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64 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MARCH, 1915 when Aryanatha was presented before the emperor for an appointment, he found the ministers. who were engaged in the adjustment of the budget accounts, unable to calculate them correctly, and that he, untutored villager as he was, pointed out the mistake committed by the royal accountants, and audited the account to their satisfaction. The genius of the young adventurer attracted the emperor's attention, which ripened into favour and confidence when Aryanatha investigated the emperor's horoscope, and expounded his career in such a way as to dazzle the best astrologers of the court. These services gained for Aryanatha the office of a royal accountant, in which capacity he so conducted himself as to be considered an excellent officer, equal to any important trust. But the emperor soon had occasion to thank Aryanatha as a public benefactor and a trustworthy friend of his house. In our sketch of the early life of Visvanitha Naik, we have already seen how he is said to have distinguished himself above his contemporaries by his success in killing the sacrificial buffalo during the Navaratri festival. The MS.24 which records the life of Aryanatha Mudaliar, it is curious to observe, attributes the honour of the achievement, to Aryanatha and not. his friend. It says that when the emperor, courtiers and people were in despair as to the efficacy of the sacrifice, Aryanatha came to the rescue, and so adjusted the posture of the buffalo and the direction of the axe that it was easy for the 'executioner ' to perform his task. It is difficult to say which of the chronicles is true; but we may believe with Mr. Taylor that both Visvanatha and Aryanatha must have acted together and accomplished the task. However it was, the service of Aryanatha did not go unrewarded. The grateful emperor declared him his special favourite, and bestowed on him, together with the title of Mudaliar, the rare honour and privilege of a state palanquin. It was not long before the emperor further honoured him, after a victorious contest with a wrestler of great renown and valour, by investing him with the command of a section of the imperial army. In the summit of his glory, the great Vellala aventurer did not forget his people. As a sign of his prosperity and a reminder of his old occupation, he sent, it is said, a plough and an ox-goad of gold to his sister. And when, shortly after, his marriage took place, he spent ten lacs of mohars, fed 40,000 relations and caste men, bestowed dresses and ornaments to whoever came to him, and celebrated at his own expense the marriages of many of his poor relatives and dependents. It was soon after this rise in Aryanatha's fortunes that the war between the Pancya and the Chola took place, and that Nagama Naik, who was despatched to restore order, turned traitor. One of the Mirtanjiya MSS. tells us that when ChandraSekhara came to Vijayanagar to appeal to the emperor, Aryanatha attached himself to his cause, procured the Raya's interview with the ex-chief, and arranged for the punitive expedition of Visvanatha Naik. Aryanatha, we are further told, served as the lieutenant of Visvanatha in the campaign, and distinguished himself by his feats of valour. And when Visvanatha returned with his captive father to the imperial court, he left Aryanatha, as we have already seen, in Madura as his representative, with a view to co-operate with ChandraSekhara in the restoration of order and good government. In the subsequent events which ended in the elevation of Visvanatha to the sole and undisputed rule of Madura, Aryanatha played a no mean part in securing that end; and it is not surprising that when the Naik chief proceeded to pacify and settle the kingdom, the sword as well as the advice of Aryanatha was at his disposal. And Visvanatha displayed his gratitude and his regard by adorning him with the seal-rings of both the offices of Dalavai and Pradhani; and alike in the camp and in the council-room Visvanatha found in his lieutenant a devoted servant and an indispensable officer. The Mirtanjiyu MS. ii.

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MAROE, 1918] THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA 65 SECTION IV. The Fortifications of Visvanatha. The first work of Visvanatha and his minister was to provide for the defence and secu. rity of the realm. Their general scheme was to erect a chain of forts along the frontier and in the interior, so that external invasions and internal commotions could be easily checked. The Forts on the northern frontier. With regard to the frontier forts, the most important were in the north and northwest ; for it was in this quarter that the kingdom was, on account of the sleepless ambition of the Mysoreans, who aspired to recover the districts of Salem and Coimbatore, most seriously open to the danger of invasions. A glance at the map will show that there are two lines of march from Mysore into the plains of Coimbatore, namely the courses of the Kaveri and of the Moyar-Bhavani; through the two respective passes of Kaveripuram and Gazelhatti. Visvanatha's task was to erect as many as 24 forts from the thresholds of these passes all along the routes. On the first of these, that is, the K&veripuram route, the principal forts were at Kaveripuram, 34 miles north-east of Bhavani, the extreme limit of the Naik kingdon. in this side ;25 at Samapalli, 26 32 miles north of Bhavani;97 at Bhavani itself and at Andiyur,28 12 miles north-west of it. It will be seen that all these forts were in the modern Bhavani Taluk; and beyond, in the Taluk of Kollegal, the Naik of Madura had no footing. On the Gazelhatti route, the principal forts were at Talamalai, 29 at the head of the pass ; at Gazelhatti30, 10 miles east of the junotion of the Moyar and the Bhavani; at Danai-Naiken-31 Kottai, and at Satyamangalam, situated near the southern end of the pass, and therefore commanding a most strategic situations. It was for this reason that, throughout the Naik period, Satyamangalam was the seat of a deputy governor, whose loyalty or bravery was always a matter of special concern to the king. It came, as we shall see later on, into the hands of the Mysore rulers in the latter part of the 17th century. > The walls of this fort stood in 1859. Kaveripuram has a Saiva temple with many inscriptions. It has a large number of resident Kanarese Brahmans. > Spelt sometimes Chambali, Sambali, eto. The walls of the fort had been constructed of brick and stone. The bricks were sold about 1856 to the Iron Company and the walls were then demolished. Mad. Journ. VI (new series). 27 Bhavani is famous for its sanctity and its Sangamekvara temple, an extensive resort of pilgrims. It is 7 miles N. N. E. of Erode railway station. The Sangamekvara temple has a Vaishnava shrine also. The legend is that the god appeared here in the form of a linga to confer wealth on Kubera. The nectar-pot is also said to have overflowed and joined the Kaveri here. Here also the Asurds were overcome by Kali in the four corners of the town. The temple has only one entrance in the north. It was repaired by the Arch. Dept. in 1909. (See Mad. Arch. Rep. 1910). The walls of the fort are still standing in ruins. See Coimbatore Manual 441-2. Ind. Ant. I, 215. An incomplete legend of the place in detail is given in one of the Mack. MSS. See also Mad. Jour. XXII, 112 and Buchanan I, 429. 2 The ruins of the stone fort are still seen. A finely sculptured old Saiva temple is here. * The fort is now in ruins. 5 miles N. of this, at Hanuma Malai, there is another fort. 30 Ton miles east of the junction of the Moyer and the Bhaveni. It is the gate of the most important pass between Mysore and Coimbatore. 31 Its large mud and stone-fort is practically demolished. There is a Saiva temple horo. 32 The Satyamangalam fort was standing in its entirety in 1868 and played a most important part in the frontier wars between Madura and Mysore, and later on, in the Anglo-Mysorian wars. For details, see Imp. Gaz. Madras, II p. 95.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MARCA, 1995 In the North-west. Such were the forts established by Visvanatha between Mysore and Coimbatore. A similar chain of forts were erected against the hill tribes who lived in the mountains to the west of Coimbatore province. The northernmost of these was at Attilturai33, 26 miles N. W. of Satyamangalam. Constructed on a lofty isolated hill 1,500 feet high, this strong and almost inaccessible fort commanded the valley of the Moyar, and so formed the most strategic hill fortress of the Naiks. Immediately south of it, in the southern face of the Nilgiri hills, which are situated in the duab between the Moyar and the Bhavani, are the two forts of Bhagesvaran-Kottai and Malai-Kottai. Farther south, beyond the Palghat gap, two similar forts were constructed on the Anaimalais. The forts of Kongu Proper. While the Coimbatore Province was guarded on its frontiers by the fortifications on the passes, on the one hand, and the western hills on the other, the interior parts of it were not neglected. Hero, in the semi-circular bend made by the Bhavani and the Kaveri, occupied by the two modern taluks of Coimbatore and Erode, were the forts of Coimbatore in the west, guarding the early course of the Noyyal river, of Erode and of Perundurai in continuation of the Kaveri forts. Coming to the south, the course of the Amaravati, we find it guarded by Dharapuram and Karur forts, while the region between the early course of the Amaravati and the Palghat gap was defended by the fort at Pollachchi. Part of the Kongu provincest was the southern part of the distriet of Salem, and the description of the military system of the former cannot be complete without a description of that of the latter. A survey of the geography of the modern district of Salem will shew that it is naturally divisible into three distinct tracts of country. On the north is the Hosur Taluk, known as the Balaghat, situated on the Mysore table-land and forming the most elevated portion of the district. Immediately south and east of it is the extensive plateau covered by the Taluks of Krishnagiri, Dharmapuri, Tirupattur and Uttangarai, known to history as the Baramahal, and divided from the southern parts of the district by the chain of hills which lie around the central Shevarkys. These hills, broken only at four places, the historic passes of Kottappatti, Manjavadi, Morurpatti and Toppur, formed the barriers of the Naik kingdom in this quarter. The region to the south of them, the third and the southern most geographical division of the Salem district, the well-known Talaghat, comprising the four taluks of Salem, Attur, Namakkal and Tiruchchengodu, was distinctly within the Naik territory. From time immemorial this region had remained politically separate from the Baramahal and the Balaghat, and formed with Coimbatore the Koigu country, and now it became, with Coimbatore, the Kongu province of the Madura Naik kingdom. And Visvanatha, with his usual policy, consolidated the region by the construction of a number of forts. The MS. chronicles inform us that these forts were at Salem, 35 Attur,38 p. 200. Attar on the the pass frolliar, who 33 See Mad. Journ. VI, the article on the Architectural Remains of the Madras Presidency. 34 For the history of the province before and during the Vijayanagar supremacy see the Kongudesa Rajakkal in Taylor's Rest. Mack. MSS., Vol. II and Salem Manual, Vol. I. 36 Salem fort is now no longer existing. The western side of the oity comprised the fort. ** Though never a place of any military strength, its position in a much-contestod district has made it the scene of frequent fighting." For details see Mad. Manu, III, p. 780 ; Sewell's Antiquities II, 38 Attar on the Vasishlanadi and 3 miles from the Kalvayan hills, is Taluk headquarters, As it commanded the pass from Salem to Tyagadurg, it was of great military importance. The fort was built by a Ghoqi Mudaliar, who was Visvanatha's foudatory, though tradition attributes it to a later chief of the line. The story goes that, while once a hunting, Ghetti Mudalier saw a hare start from a bush, and on examining the spot, discovered seven pots full of gold pieces with which he built the fort. For an elaborate description of the fort, 800 Salem Manu, II, p. 84 and Mad. Manu III, 13-14. In the former of these Le Fanu gives very interesting informaation about the buildings in the fort, the gold pieces that Ghecti Mudaliar found, etc.

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MARCH, 1915) MISCELLANEA 67 Omalar,37 Sendamangalam, 38 Anandagiri,38 Paramatti, Moganar,1 Namakkal,"% Tiruch - chengodu, and Sankaridurg". Many of these forts, now in ruins, were built on striking, isolated and picturesque rocks, which had a commanding view of the surrounding plains and & religious sanctity in the eyes of the people by being the site of some god or goddess. The great fortress of Namakkal, for instance, crowned a great, white, rounded mass of gneiss about 200 feet high, at the foot of which was situated the celebrated shrine of Namagiri Amman, the tutelary goddess of the place. The Sankaridurg hill again had similar religious associations and over all its granaries and storehouses, its suffocationhalls and subterranean cells, the temples of Vishnu shone in full pride and glory. (To be continued) MISCELLANEA. WHO WROTE THE DASAKUMARACHARITA! (1) Among the merits of a good poem the IT is certainly very late in the day to raise the author of the Kdvyddarsa mentions the absence question of the authorship of the Dayakumara- of vulgarity or indecency (R a zar charita, when no less than twelve editions of the TAVU aferat TA) (K. D. II. 292.) work, (in England, 3 in Caloutta and 8 in Bombay), (2) Among the demerits of poetic composition have passed through the Press under the he lays particular stress on indecency (P ha lava nartlar raiteditorship of distinguished Orientalists like H. H. Fanyen fear (K. D. I. 63). How Wilson, Buhler and Peterson, and Sanskrit severe the author's sense of propriety was is scholars such as Bysack and Taranath in Bengal best seen in the illustrations, which he has and Parab, Godbole and Kale in Bombay. given in the work itself. For instance, he will Having had an occasion to examine the work not tolerate even a comparatively harmless somewhat closely in the light of the precepts sentence like this: " #A TA #WT laid down by the author of the Kavyddarsa who is also known as Dandin, I have come to doubt TAYY " (K. D. I. 63). In his denunciathe soundness of the hypothesis ascribing both tion of indecency, he proceeds to say that even a the Dajakumara-charita and the Kdvyddarsa to single word may have a taint of vulgarity by one and the same author. Without venturing suggesting what is not proper"zabne'pi mAmyatAstyeva to express an opinion one way or the other, I T a tara" (K. D. I. 65). Not satisfied will proceed to state the results of my investi. with strictly prohibiting the uso of indecent words, gation of the question, leaving the issue to the the author has gone the length of proscribing whatmaturer judgment of riper scholars. ever is suggestive of impropriety even by the trick 37 Omalor is 10 miles N. W. of Salem, on the Sarabha iganadi. The fort here, necording to one version, dates " from time anterior to the establishment of the Maisor dynasty about A. D. 1399" Sewell's Antiquities I, p. 200. 38 This is seven miles N.E. of Namakkal, the Taluk headqunrters. It is the seat of a Zamindari. The only things of antiquity there are two old Saiva and Vaishnava temples. 39 This is the name given by one MS. Another Ms. gives it as Anantagiri. The latter seems to be the correct one, os there is no place of the name of Anandagiri. But Anantagiri is only another narne for Attor, and I don't know why the chronicles mention it, while inentioning Attar immedi. ately after. For the identification of Attur with Anantagiri, sce Sewell's Antiguities, I, p. 201 under the heading of Attur. 40 This village is 9 miles W. S. W. of Namakkal. Sewell mentions only two Saiva and Vaishnave temples as its antiquities. So also is the case with the Mad. Mart. III, 651.2. 41 This is 12 miles south of Namakkal, on the Kaveri. An old Saiva temple is the only ancient thing there. Tho Sanskrit name of the place is Bilvadripura. See Mal. Manu. III, 560-1. 12 See Imp. Gas. Madras II, 61. According to some the fortress here was built by Ramachandra Naik, the Polygar of Sendamangalam and according to others by Lakshmi Narasayya, a Mysore officer. For other details see Salem Manual and Sewell's Antiquities I, 204. 43 See Sewell's Antiquities 1, 203. The place is very important both for its arts and its histo. rical associations. 14 Also called Bankagiri-durgem. It is 8 miles N. by W. of Tiruchengodu. There is a fine hill-fort here and this must have been constructed in the time or Visvanatha. Its ancient Siva temple is a very famous place of pilgrimage. See Sewell's Antiquities, I. 202, Madras Journal of Lite, 1878, p. 165 ff ; and J.A.S.B., xiv, 708-9 where there is reference to the numismatie finds in this place.

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68 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MARCE, 1915 of joining two contiguous words or by their implied might have been avoided. Such ambiguous and meaning: " TRUTT TURUNT : unfelioitous sentences as TT of gewelfara' " (K. D. I. 67). Even an g ry gear aftur ...... innuendo convoying impropriety is sternly con. A TOTA : (Pt. I. p. 64 1. 6) are to demned. "TATT AF Arafata total "(K.D. be found all through the work. I, 67). With those diota of the Kdvyddarsa before | In some places such as mantrisUnavIyathA un, let us glanco a little into the contents of the g arage, (Pt. I, p. 2, 1, 2) or form: Dasakumdracharita. Not to mer.tion the tiresome prafata terpancanar (Pt. I, p. 69 1. 11) description and reiteration of what in the author's or qarata e f u Taring either time were considered feminine charms, we have the object or the verb is omitted. There are explicit mention of sexual intercourse in no fewer than ten places in the Da sakumdracharita. One lapse of minor importance such as 47 of these ten passages is so outrageously obscene freerae: (Pt I, 3, 17) 18 goala that it cannot but bring a blush to the cheek of ( P) : (Pt. I, p. 7, 1. 6); ratas every cultured reader. Now, I venture to ask Er** gleza (evidently for yes sig if it is conceivable that an author, who, as an fo ); fafea : (Pt. II, p. 24. 1. 8) authority on Rhetorio, wrote like an angel of QUAT faftu (Pt. II, p. 37, 1. 9). May righwousness, should or could, 4.8 & poet, have been & veritable devil rolling in the mire of not one ask if he who wrote this was also the obsoonity! Is it possible that a teacher of Rhetorio author of the Kdvyddarsa ! Such unusual oxshould or could have so far forgot himself as to pressions as T V (II, 22, 5) and violate in practice what he taught in theory ! E T TI in calling on a Princo to recount But this is not all. In the matter of refine- his adventures are also evidences of oarelessness. ment of diction, the author of the Kdvyddarta Besides laying down rules enjoining good taste condemns the use of words which are hard and grammatioal socuracy, the author of the to pronounce and oitos "F T MEGT: TH: Kavydilarda has given a long catalogue of the HTTO ATOR" M an Istration of his demerits of a poetioal composition in the following point. How many passages can be quoted from two verses :the Dalakumara charita like arrate apAya vyarthamekArtha sasaMzayamapakramam / saudaryahapaniravayarUpa: In taot nearly the whole of Toru afar we fwyafa (III. 126) the seventh Ucchhudoa, deliberately composed T atararafering without the use of a single labial, is a practical da Tat: okrag aftft: (III. 126) violation of the teaching of the Kavyddarsa, If we apply these ten tests in an examination inasmuch as the unwieldy and jawbreaking of the Dasa-kumara.charita, it is possible that we compounds therein used are such as to tax the may be able to collect much more material to con. vocal powers of even a practised reader. I venture to repeat my question as to whether firm doubts as to the identity of the authorship of these works. For instance, if we begin culling the Dandin of the Kavyddar fa could have been elec out compounds containing words having the same the author of the Dafa-kumdra-charita. But I have yet to finish my examination of meaning (Caru), there is every likelihood of the Daja-kumara charita. The author of the Kdvyd being able to point out many instances of the darja in his exhaustive and comprehensive view of mere heaping of words such as zaradindu+kunda+ the whole domain of poetic composition, has not ye+alert +re +C a r +fre omitted to notice grammatical faults. "Any ext reta OTTETE+ME+ &o. proasion of thought which transgressee the rules of To conclude, I am humbly of opinion that the Grammar" says ho, "is not elegant." "af quest after the three books referred to by RajaseHaifa U raraferi ff." (K. D. I. khara has perhaps led to the mistaken identity of 76). Buch forms as a the authorship of these two works. May it not be (Part I-84-7) that Dandin the poet has been confounded with and bhAlijayitum, bhAvoci and zAsan and such Dandin the Rhetorician ? constructions as ERNAHTAY POONA, rarar, even if they do not show ignorance of 4th Juno 1014. grammar, are yet instances of slovenliness which G. J. AGASEE.

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APRIL, 1915.) THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA 69 THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA. By V. RANGACHARI, M.A., L.T., MADRAS. (Continued from p. 67.) TT will be now clear what trouble the Naik monarch took to strengthen his northern fron tier. From the wild Anaimalais to the picturesque Pachaimalais north of Turaiyur, achain of mountains, pierced by occasional passes and river valleys, formed a formidable barrier, which the Mysore kings had to break through for a successful incursion into the Madura kingdom. The strength of the hills was seconded by the labours of man, and every inch of ground which was likely to afford soope for incursion was fortified and guarded. The cities of the chief rivers, doubly important on account of their situation and their holiness, were placed in defence, and strategic rocks were made into skilful defence-works. Nowhere else do we fir such a remarkable series of fortifications constructed with such gigantic labour and enterprise. These were indeed not the personal works of Visvanatha. Many of them were the works of his deputies or of the local chiefs who paid him tributo and obeyed his mandates. In Satyamangalam, in Bhavani, in Salem, in almost every place there was some local chief or governor, on whom devolved the duty of looking after the defence of the land. Other frontier forts. The principle of fortification is strongly exemplified not only in the Madura-Mysore frontier, but also in the Tanjore and Travancore frontiers. Travancore formed, indeed, in theory, part of the Naik kingdom, but for practical purposes it was independent; and os the kings of Travancore were not unoften rebels, the Western Ghats, the dividing line between the two kingdoms proper, were carefully guarded, especially where there was room for ingress and egress. The Tottiya chieftains, who owned the Palayams which lay scattered along these hills, were allotted that task, and even to-day the forts which they constructed, chiefly of mud, but sometimes of stone, can be seen either in entirety or ruins. The forts within the kingdom, Madura, ete. But it was not the frontiers alone that were thus kept in vigilant defence. All the im portant seats of local government throughout the kingdom as well as temples of celebrity 15 were fortified. Every Polygar or Naik, every Viceroy or Governor, lived in a fortified city. The fort was sometimes of mud, and sometimes of stone,-that depending on the importance of the locality, the status of the ruler, and the value of the services he rendered to the State. A distinguished service in the field tunder the suzerain's standard, or some notable exploit on behalf of the State, was very often rewarded with the privilege of erecting & stone fort. As a rule, the Polygar forts were of mud, and the royal ones of stone. It is scarcely necessary to describe in detail the situation and architecture of these. It is sufficient to state that, as in the Korgu Province, stray and isolated rocks were used for martial works as at Dindigul46 and Alagar Malai-and that the central government took care to see that the forts . g. Alagar Malai. The fort was repaired by the archaeological department in 1907-08. There are, besides the fort, Tirumal NAik's palace and a templo with two tanks, in this place. 4 The Dindigul rook is 280 foot high, and is inaccessible. It was therefore the key of Madura on the northern side, and naturally strengthened by fortification. Alagarmalai is 12 miles north of Madurs and has a height of 1,000 feet. Five miles north of Madurs is the famous elephant-rook, a solid block two miles long and one-fourth of a mile broad, on one side of which is a rock-cut templo. The other isolated rocks are Rangamalai, 20 miles north of Dindigul, (seven miles in circumference) Skandamalsi and Pasumalsi, four miles from Madura.

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70 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [APRIL, 1915 were not made centres of disaffection and disloyalty by turbulent chiefs or unscrupulous governors. The fortification of Madura, however, deserves to be treated in detail, as it was the capital city and as Visvanatha personally undertook its construction. He demolished the small Pandyan fort which surrounded the temple, and constructed a new, more spacious and double-walled fort, which encompassed the whole city and defended its people from raiders or invaders. The fort had 72 bastions. Each of these bastions was placed under the defence of a particular Polygar, who was to maintain in Madura for this purpose a certain number of troops. It seems that the maintenance of the bastion troops was insisted on even in times of peace. It is unnecessary to point out which bastions were defended by which Polygars. A glance at the Polygar memoirs in the appendices will enlighten the enquirer on the point. The important point to be noticed is that this system always kept the relations between the King and the Polygars intimate, and made the detection of disloyalty easy for the central government. The Polygar troops of the bastion were more or less hostages of their master's good conduct. The troops of the respective Polygars were, in all probability, commanded by officers of their own choice. The nature of the relations betweenthese military officers and the sthanapatis or ambassadors, whom each Polygar stationed at the court, is not known. The sthanapati was primarily a civil officer who represented his master's interests in the Naik court, and formed the official channel of communication between the central government and the Palayam; but it is not improbable that he had some control over his military colleague's movements. The acquisition of Trichinopoly. It was perhaps the same military purpose that made Visvanatha endeavour, with success, for the acquisition of the city of Trichinopoly, then in the possession of the Tanjore Naik.47 He had, it is true, not a military policy alone in view. He saw that the crowds of pious pilgrims, who went to the shrine of Srirangam, were subject to w told difficulties, the danger of internecine wars, the ravages of robbers, the want of roads, the scarcity of rest houses, and the discomforts of practically a forest journey. Visvanatha obtained, in return for the cession of the fortress of Vallam, the town of Trichinopoly from the king of Tanjore. It was an exchange of immense advantage to both the parties. The possession of Vallam so near Tanjore by a foreign power had naturally been a source of anxiety and alarm to Sevappa Naik. It had given rise to constant disputes and petty controversies between the two powers. The Naik of Madura used to trouble his brother chief with frequent claims of compensation for alleged losses, which his own subjects sustained from the more turbulent or greedy of the Tanjore subjects. Visvanatha maintained that many evil men of Tanjore committed theft in his town of Vallam, that this was due to the defective police arrangements at Tanjore and so demanded from the latter the repair of the damages. The court of Tanjore was not backward in its grumblings and its demands. It did not only refuse compensation, but denied the need for it, and positively put forward counter-demands on similar grounds. This fertile source of ill-feeling was removed by the exchange of Trichinopoly for Vallam. Tanjore was rid of a thorn by its side, and Madura gained an important centre of commerce and pilgrimage. Visvanatha promptly replaced the old and ruined fort of Trichinopoly by a strong and double-walled one as in Madura. He introduced the copious waters of the 47 Some MSS. attribute the transfer of Trichinopoly to the reign of Virappa, the predecessor of Tirumal Naik and some to that of Tirumal himself. Both the versions to which Wilson refers are wrong. See J. R. A. S. IV p. 230.

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April, 1915) THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA. 71 Kaveri into the ditches that encompassed the walls, constructed streets, excavated the Teppakulam, cleared the thick and dangerous forests which covered the banks of the Kaveri and had made travel extremely unsafe ; established villages and temples in the region thus cleared, and stationed a vigilant police on the road to Srirangam in order to secure the safety of the person and property of the pilgrims. The result of these salutary measures was seen in the colossal growth of the wealth and prosperity of Trichinopoly, which, from this time onward, became one of the most important cities of South India. So prosperous did it become that the Madura Naiks gave up Madura and chose the city on the Kaveri for their residence. Situated in a highly fertile, well-watered and picturesque region every inch of which was associated by the people with some historic or legendary event, Trichinopoly had the further merit of being nearer the northern confines of the kingdom, and in consequence a convenient centre from which the movements of the rival princes of Tanjore and Mysore could be easily watched. Strategically it was, with its rock citadel and the double-walled fortifications of Visvanatha Naik, what nature and art could combine to strengthen, while commercially, its situation was an almost ideal one. It becomes the capital. Madura, on the other hand, possessed few of these advantages.. Situated in a level, sandy, saline tract, the monotony of which is not relieved by any fertile fields or fine rivers, easy of attack and difficult of defence, Madura had not one good feature, except the halo of ancient tradition and historic greatness, that commended it as the agreeable residence of a monarch. A barren country, a hot withering climate, a desolate and uninteresting neighbourhood, made it not only weak, but disagreeably hot and unhealthy. True, Visvanatha instituted the feudal aristocracy of the Polygars and entrusted the defence of Madura to them in case of invasions from outside, but the arrangement had the dangers of a doubleedged sword, in as much as the Polygars themselves were notorious for their lack of loyalty and fidelity. It was for these reasons that the Naik kings, though invariably crowned at Madura in the shrine of Minikshi, always honoured the city of Trichinopoly with their presence. With the accession of Tirumal Naik in 1623 Madura became, as we shall see later on, once again the seat of government, but it was only for a short time. Chokkanitha once again removed it to Trichinopoly, and it was there that the last Naik monarch, the illfated Minakshi, succumbed in the 18th century to Mussalman greed and domination. SECTION V. THE POLYGAR SYSTEM. Having considered the details of the conquest of the peninsula and the measures taken for the maintenance of its military security, I shall now proceed to describe the manner in which Visvanatha and his great minister tackled the political and racial problems with which they were, as I have mentioned, confronted at the beginning of their administrative career. Their plan for the distribution of rewards to those who shared the risks, the hardships and the glory of their expedition was to set up a class of military aristocracy, a Jandownership based on military tenure and administrative service known as the Polygar system,-a system which, except in regard to the gradations of tenantry and sub-tenantry, had a great resemblance to the mediaeval feudalism of Europe. A number of palayams or estates were created throughout the kingdom, and each of these was bestowed ou a distinguished follower, Telugu or Tamilian. Traditionally there were 72 such estates, but

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [APRIL, 1915 actually there were, as a reference to the appendices will shew, even more18. The head of each estate, the Polygar' as he was called, was more or less & petty king. In the internal affairs of his estate, he was practically a despot. In theory, indeed, the suzerain could interfere, regulate or control; but in practice he seldom interfered in purely domestic concerns. The Polygar's political duties. The Polygar had, in the first place, to pay tribute, generally a third of his income, to the king, or karta as he was generally termed. He had secondly to maintain, in proportion to the income of his palayam, a certain number of troops for the central government and present himself, at their head, before the king, whenever summoned on a military undertaking. The number of troops he had to maintain depended, as we have already said, on the size of his estate and the amount of his revenues. It also perhaps depended on the status or rank of the holder. The polygar had, in his military capacity, to defend one of the bastions of the new Mautura fort and keep a certain number of men there even in times of peace for that purpose. He was also to station permanently an agent of his, Sthanapati as he was called, to represent his interests in the court. Within his palayam, the Polygar had onerous duties and responsibilities. On him devolved the entire task of looking after the welfare of the people living in his fief. He had to administer justice, to clear forests, to found villages, to settle people in unpeopled regions, to extend cultivation, to erect temples, to construct irrigation works, to keep a vigilant police,-in short to rule his people as king. He was thus an extremely powerful individual, but it ought not to be supposed that the multifarious nature of his duties made his position too burdensome. The palayam was, after all, a very small division. Normally it consisted of a dozen villages, and extended from north to Bouth and east to west hardly more than a dozen miles. There was never in all probability more than 10,000 people in a single fief, and in moet fiefs, especially of the wild and mountainous parts, the population did not perhaps rise above a few hundreds. The Polygar as a Policeman or Ka valgar. The Polygar was not only the absolute master of his palayam, but the policeman of the king's territory in his neighbourhood. He was in other words, not only responsible for the good government of his estate, but for the security of person and property of the people who lived in the king's villages in the vicinity of his estate. The Polygar was thus invariably the Kavalgar of the neighbouring region, but he was not necessarily be a Kavalgar. His duties might be confined solely to his palayam and people ; but as between every two palayams there were invariably some villages of the king, he was in most cases a Kavalgar. It was an arrangement at once ingenious and advantageous. It did not only curb the Polygar from an unscrupulous raid into the king's lands, but made him positively responsible for their security. The Polygar was not without remuneration for his kival duties. He was given either a right to collect certain dues from the people in all the villages which were subject to his kelval, or a piece of land in one or more villages to be enjoyed hereditarily. The Kaval lands thus bestowed on the Polygar were of course in the government villages, and for these he was exempted from taxation. The Polygar in the capacity of Kavalgar had to make his own arrangement for the efficient discharge of his duties. Generally he appointed talayiris or policemen in every village in his jurisdiction and detectives to guard the roads from one village to another. These talayaris were, as arule, Maravas, or Kallans, but there was no rule as to the castes from which they were recruited. The jurisdiction # The number was subject to perpetual fluctuation and "increased or diminished with the absence or existence of any one preponderating power." (Wilson, J. R 4. S. III).

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APRIL, 1915] of each talayari was, in case there were no special road wardens, as far as the boundary of the neighbouring village, and according to the establishel law and custom of the day, they were responsible to the Kavalgar for the security of person and property in their sphere of authority. Property lost had to be restored by them at any cost, and in case the thief remained free and the property unrecovered, they had to pay the cost to the loser; for the idea then was that, as the owner of property sustained a loss in consequence of a lack of police vigilance, the police must pay the penalty and repair his loss. It would appear, however, that in towns the police arrangements were entirely different and under the direct control of the government and not the Polygars. THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA. 73 Such was the arrangement which Visvanatha made in order to satisfy his Telugu and Canarese lieutenants, as well as the Tamil chiefs whom it was policy and wisdom to conciliate and to gratify. They became petty chiefs with much scope for the exercise of powers good and bad; and they indeed acquitted themselves, if we are to give credence to the panegyri. cal records of the Polygar families, with remarkable distinction as rulers, builders, statesmen, and patrons of literary culture. Memoir after memoir speaks of the temples erected by them, the roads constructed by them, their clearing of forests, their endowments to Brahmans, their founding of villages, their irrigation works, their choultries and charities, and so on. Their merits and defects. And there can be no doubt that, though many of the Polygar memoirs are myths and exaggerations, are the interested statements of admirers and dependent chroniclers, yet they did valuable service to the country in the extension of cultivation and the exploitation of its resources. Their service in the 16th century can in fact hardly be over-estimated. They were the clearers of forests in an age when the major portion of the country was covered by forests. They were a terror to the wild beasts which roamed freely in the country and devoured men and animals in unexpected moments and unexpected places. They were the saviours of men from the pest of robbers, more numerous and more cruel than the wild beasts. They were the cultivators of many waste lands and the civilizers of many barbarous mountain tribes. No place there was, however unhealthy in its climate and however disagreeable in its wildness, which did not witness the enterprise and the labour of these chiefs. The Palnis, the Anaimalais, the Travancore Hills, the Sirumalais, came to be really exploited for the first time by them. They in short introduced civilization in out of the way places, settled government where tribal anarchy had prevailed. Politically, materially and socially their work was invaluable. They were indeed not without defects. They were grim hardy men that knew not the softer sentiments of the heart. They were reckless and merciless in their wars. Above all, like the feudal barons of Europe, they had, thanks to their training and opportunity, their habitation in the midst of mild and inaccessible regions, too much spirit of independence to be absolutely loyal to the central government. To Visvanatha the new landed aristocracy might be obedient, loyal and grateful; but they could not be expected to be equally subservient to his successors, especially if they happened to be feeble and incompetent. We read of many occasions when the Polygars set up their will against a ruler who was unable to inflict his stern will or keep a vigorous vigilance over them. There was thus in the Polygar system a tendency towards disunion and division of interests, which necessarily weakened the central government. The separatist tendency so far outweighed the unifying that, in the long run, Madura had to tear more her feudal barous than her external enemies. Nevertheless the system has on the whole done good, and the credit of organising and systematising it will always be a sound criterion and lasting monument of the statesmanship of Visvanatha and his great minister. (To be continued.)

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (APRIL, 1013 NOTES ON THE GRAMMAR OF THE OLD WESTERN RAJASTHANI WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO APABHRAMCA AND TO GUJARATI AND MARWARI. BY DR. L. P. TESSITORI, UDINE, ITALY. (Continued from p. 58.) isin na janai ja e maha-hathiya dika-i jiva-hral vinaga karai "[The she-tiger] does not think this Coub of mine) is destroying (many) living beings like huge elephants, etc." (Up. 83). loka na janai je kisi bhiksa dijai "The people does not know which alms is to be given " (Adi C.) ja samyaktva na iahal .... te doja raga-dvesa-nu "That [men] do not obtain faith, is a fault of the two passions of] attachment and hatred " (Up. 124). 11. As I have done for rakhe ( 111), I would likewise explain as an optativeimperative form jdne, which in Old Western Rajasthani is frequently used as a comparative conjunction in the sense of "as if, as it were." It is obviously from the verb janai < Ap. janai < Skt. janati, and is practically the singular form of Braja janahu, janau. Examples of its employment are : jane kupiu Kala "Like Kala incensed, as it were " (Kenh, 74) raja karai puhavii narinda jane jogi avatariu Inda "The king rules on the earth, as it were Indra descended on the world" (F 646, 5) gala-nai visai jane kati vahai chai "It is as if [he] wore a knife on [his] neck" (Indr. 74). CHAPTER IX. VERBS. 113Before entering into the consideration of conjugation in general, it will be necessary to give the conjugation of the substantive and auxiliary verb. This is chiefly formed from the Sanskrit roots bhu (OWR, hovau) and rech (OWR. achavad), the negative form nathi only being from as. The tenses which are formed from bha are the following: SIMPLE PRESENT: 3rd sing. hui (general form) and hoi, hoya (poetical form), both from Ap. hoi < Skt. bhavati; also havai (Vi. 18, Ja, 10, 13) and huvai, which were already found in Prakrit (Pischel, 475) and apparently still survive in Marwari huvai, vhai,35 3rd plur. hui (general form), hui (Adi. 65, Cil, 104), hoi (Dac, iv), hoi (P.), huvai (Adi C.) ('OMPOUND PRESENT: is regularly formed by combining with the simple present the present tense of the auxiliary verb (a)chavai (S. 114, 118): 3rd sing. hui chai " becomes" (Up. 2). IMPERATIVE: 3rd sing. huu (Sast. 53, 111) from Ap. hou < Skt. bhavatu; also haji (Cra., Up. 59, Saxt. 61, 110) with weakening of u to a according to $5 (1), hu (Cra., Cil. Dac.), and havau (Adi C.) PRECATIVE: 1st sing. hujii (Up. 54); 2nd sing. hoije (Kal. 42); 3rd sing. luye (Dac. i. 12); 2nd plur. hoyo (P. 416), hujyo (sast. 158), hayyo (P. 96). For the derivation of these forms see SS 120. FUTURE: 2nd sing. hoisi (Dac., Bh. 91), huesi (Ci! 96), nuisii (F 663, 38). hosi (Dac. i. 10) from Ap. " hoe88ahi (si) < Skt. bhavisyasi and Ap. hos8ahi (si) < Skt. *bhosyasi; 3rd sing. husau (Dag.) regular form from Ap. hosai (Siddhahem., iv, 388, 418, 4) < Skt. ** bloryati ( = bhavisyati); also husii (Up. 149, Cil. 95), husi (Ratn. 184), husyal (F 647), hosii (P. 166, 201, 213, 245, 428), hosyai (F 535, ii. 17); hasii (P. 381); 3rd plur, hoisyal (Saxt. 57), hasii (P. 522). 35 I believe Marwari huvoi is from huai (hui), by insertion of euphonic v.

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APRIL, 1915] NOTES ON GRAMMAR OF THE OLD WESTERN RAJASTHANI 75 PRESENT PARTICIPLE : hitau (Kal., Bh., Adi. etc.), hilu (Mu., Yog.), hutai (Mu., Up. 103), hatau (Cal. 14), huta (Up. 129), huata (Up. 29), hoyala (Dac. xi, 8). Of these forms the one most commonly used in the ordinary sense of a present participle is hitai, which is obviously from Ap. hontau (through #huntau according to $45) < Skt. bhavantakah. To the same origin I trace also hatau, which is used only in the meaning of the imperfect tense, the intermediate steps in the derivation being formed by hutau > hutai. Since the common origin of hutai and hatru, and consequently of Modern Gujarati hota and halo , High Hindi hota and thi etc., has remained unrecognised to the present day, I think it will not be unprofitable briefly to dwell here on this point, with a view to showing their identity. How the Apabhrainca present participle came to partake of the character of the imperfect tense in Neo-Indian vernaculars, I shall explain 123. Here it will suffice to remark that instances of hatau used in the meaning of the imperfect tense are not wanting in the Up., as : tu upari eva lai sneha hitai "So great was [his] love for thee" (Up. 149) je u parjiu hutai karma "The karman, which had ben acquirad" (Up. 165) etc. 30 Now, the passing of hutau into hatau being evidenced by the existence of the intermediate forms hitai and hutau, and the imperfect msaning of halaii being traceable to hutai itself, we need no other proof to identify the one with the other. It remains to show the origin of the Modern Rajasthani and Hindi forms tho (cho) and tha, which are commonly traced to Sanskrit * sthitakah. In favour of this derivation there is no doubt the evidence of the Himalayan dialects, which exhibit som form , like the thayo, thiyo of Garhwali and Naipali, which seem clearly to point out sthita- as their origin. But, on the other hand, if we come to the vernaculars of Gujarat and Rajputana, we find the two forms hato and tho, which are often used the one by the side of the other (f. Kanauji), so that there can hardly be any doubt as to their identity. Indsed the form thau for ordinary halau is already found P. 70. To the tendency of the present participle to be curtailed when used for the imperfect, we have another testimony in the form tau, which also occurs P. 681 and has an analogy in Bundeli, where to is commonly used by the side of the entire form hato. The same derivation applies to High Hinli thi, which I look upon as a contraction from * hala s hota. That it cannot ba from sthita- is born out also by the consideration that in such a case it would be impossible to explain how sthita- came to be used as an auxiliary, i. e. as a principal verb, in a vernacular which p338888es no traces of a verb like thana, whilst on the contrary it was superseded by halo in Gujarati, where thava is of quite common use. The three forms huta, huata and hoyata are uninflected and are used only for the conditional tense (8 123). PAST PARTICIPLE: hau, general form, from Ap. huai (19) < Skt. bhitakal; also huau (Cra.), huyau (Sart. 103), hallu (Up. 196 ; see $ 50), and huyaii (P. 322). The radical vowel u is commonly shortened when the terminal vowel following is long, thus : hri fem. (Up. 33, Bh. 65, 66), hua masc. plur. (Cil, 87) etc. CONJUNCTIVE PARTICIPLE: hui (Up., 44); hui-nal (sast. 77) from * huii < *higi (see SS 131); also hoi-nai (sast. 78). INFINITIVE: hoivu (Indr. 30), weak form from Ap. hoevvai < Skt. " bhaveyyakam. NOUN OF AGENCY : hunahara (Up. 179), hunahru (Up. 101), huraru (ibid.), all from Apabhrampca * honaha-kara ($ 135). 36 Up. 44 we have hutau "it was," and Up. 227 nula "they were."

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76 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [APRIL, 2015 This verb generally admits of the substantive meaning only, except for the participial forms, which are also capable of being employed in the auxiliary function. An exception is found in the following passage from F 644, where a present tense form is used as an auxiliary in connection with a past participle : viradhana hui hui "An offence has been made". $14. The other verb, to wit achavai, is capable of both the substantive and the auxiliary meaning. It is from Ap. acchai < Skt. rcchali, for which see Pischel's Prakrit Gramm., $$ 57, 480. According to $ 2, (4) the initial a is commonly dropped. The following forms from this verb are evidenced : SIMPLE PRESENT : 1st sing. chau (Bh. 39, P. 342), chu (P. 417, 11, (4)); 2nd sing. achai (F 728, 20), chai (P. 342); 3rd sing. achai (Kal. 43, P. 7, 415, F 646, 7), chai (Kal., Yog., P.); 1st. plur, chi (Ratn. 173) ; 2nd plur. achai (Kal. 41), chau (Kal. 29, 40), used in substitution for the 2nd singular (cf. SS 117): 3rd plur. achai (Kal. 5), chal (Adi. 68), chi (Yog. iv, 119). PRESENT PARTICIPLE: chatait (Yog. iii, 66, Cal. 18, Sast. 75) from Ap. acchantai Page #83
Arrir, 1916) NOTES ON GRAMMAR OF THE OLD WESTERN RAJASTHANI 77 A A Iu some cases, however, vocal roots too may optionally take a (preceded by y or v) before the -i termination, as in the examples: ja-ya-i (P. 208) for ja-i < Ap. jai kari karu 2nd sing. : kar-a-hi kar-a-7 > kare karai (kar-a-si kar-a-81) 3rd sing. : kar-a-i. kar-a-z kare karai 1st plur. : kar-a-hu kar-a-1 kar-1 kara 2nd plur. : kar-a-hu kar-a-u karo karo 3rd plur.: kar-a-hi kar-a-1 > kare , kurai The above synopsis, which exhibits only standard forms, is to be completed by the remarks following: IST SINGULAR: The ending oa-u is often either weakened into ($11. (1), as in bol-(Dac. iv), dhar-u (Cal. 10), or contracted into * ($ 11, (4), as in kar- (Cra.), lah-a (Cal.)"In the MS. Dag. ix, there is an instance of a-u turned into i-u, to wit: bol-3-77 " I say ". 2ND SINGULAR: The -i termination is sometimes irrationally nasalized, thus kar-a-1 (Up. 208). The forms in si are very rare and, as I have met them only in bulavabodhas on Jain works in Prakrit, it may be that they are somehow due to an influence of this language. Before -si, thematic a is optionally substituted by i ore. Examples are : sahra-si (Bh. 71), anubhav-3-si (Bh. 28), kar-e-8i (Bh. 52,77), lah-e-si (Bh. 52. Cil. 88) rac-e-si (Indr. 76), whereof the last ones seem to be coinciding with the corresponding forms of the e- conjugation in the Prakrit. In the MSS. Kal. and Up. there are many instances of forms ending in a-u, a-3, a. Of these, the forms in a-1 are in prevalence in Kal., which is the older of the two MSS., whereas Up., which is dated in the year Samvat 1567, has no forms in a-u, but only in a-a, a. Examples are : from Kal.: nasad-a-u (16), cobh-a-u (27), ch-a-u (29, 39), pal-a-u ch-a-1 (30), tar-a-a (29), ch-4 (30); from Up.: dekh-a ch-a (34), samacar-a-i ch-a-a (51), bais-a-i ch-a-a (54), nigam-a-a ch-a-a (61) etc. Sporadic forms in a are also found in other texts, as : kar-d and vas-4 ocourring in the Vasantavilasa, 42, 83, and vdch-a occurring Dac. i, 12. I explain all these forms as 2nd plurals nasalized, V V V V V V V V A

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78 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [APRIL, 1915 used in substitution for the singalar. Instances of the plural having supsrse 19d the singular are quite common in Old Western Rajastha ni, and in all oth or vernaculars generally. For the change ai > aa see SS 11, (5). 3RD SINGULAR: Agreeably to $ 10,(1), the en ling'a-i is often weakened into . as in the examples: ch-i (Yog., passim), ap-i, rah-i, mag-i (Cal.), kah-i (P. 188), lah-i, rahi (Rs. 2). F 646, 3a-i is contracted into oi (610, (3)): bhan-1. Not unfrequently the plural termination mi is substituted for the singular, as in: di-i (Kal. 1, Cra.), kha-i (Dac., F 535, iv, 3). Isolated forms are: ch-a-a (Kal. 1) and puch-e-a (P. 597), the latter occurring at the end of a verse. 1ST PLURAL: As in the case of the 1st singular, the ending "a-u is liable to be both contracted into oa, and simplified into oi. Ex.: jaya (Ratn. 161), laht (Dac. i, 4). The use of the ending o2 is apparently confined to the two MSS. Adi C. and Sas!., which have been shown to be representatives of the Eastern tendency and to be of a comparatively recent date. Two instances of 1st plurals in oa, however, occur already in the Vasantavilasa, a MS. which is dated in the year Samyal 1503. I have no difficulty in explaining the ending & as a derivation from a-6, through the terminal ou being weakened to a ($ 11, (5)). We have just seen that for the 2nd singular Kal. employs both the a-u and the oa-termination. The same must have been the case here. Certain it is that the forms in & are more recent than those in a-#, and their use has becom: peculiar of Marwati. Possibly the reason that lead to adopt the unusual contraction in deg is that of making a distinction betwaen the 1st and 2nd person plural, which in standard Old Western Rajasthani are identical, but for the form or baing nasalized. This is also born out by the analogy of Gujarati, which appears to have completely abandoned the proper termination Ra-, and substituted "i-e (the ending of the 3rd sing. present passive) for it. (See SS 137). 3RD PLURAL: Nasalisation is very commonly omitted, as in Modern Gujarati and Marwari. In poetry the Sanskrit ending a-ni is not rarely met with, ex.: kar-a-nti (Rs. 31, vi. 40), vas-a-nti (Vi. 49), bh29-a-nti, jar-a-nli, (Vi. 18), hu-nti "They become" (Rs. 31), pam-a-nti (P. 76). The Old Western Rajasthani simple prezent generally retains its original indicative present meaning, and only occasionally is employed to give the meaning of the conjunctive or of the future. Examples of the latter employment are : jima svami-nau lahai pasaya "So that I may obtain the favour of the lord " (P. 496) raya apamina Dinlila-nai karai | teha upaya mal karivait "I must achieve that means [by which) the king should slight Dantila" (P. 239) mujha-sit kisit karai te dosa" How could he find fault with me?" (P. 215) visa del kai manau gastra "Should I poison [him] or kill [him] with the sword ?" (P. 284) dei dukha asamina "I will cause [him] an incomparable pain" (F 783, 54). $118. The compound or definite present is formed by adding to the simple present the present tense of the auxiliary verb (a)chavai (S. 114). Examples are: 1ST SINGULAR : ja i chau "I am going " (P. 296) ugha di chi .I am opening " (Adi C.) 2ND SINGULAR : kahai chai "Thou art saying " (Fra.) joi chai "Thou keepest looking " (Sant. 71) 3RD SINGULAR: bhamai chai "He is wandering about " (Dd. 1)

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APRIL, 1915.] NOTES ON GRAMMAR OF THE OLD WESTERN RAJASTHANI 79 IST PLURAL: jat chad amhe "We are going " (P. 649) amhe karai chau We are doing" (Sast. 115) etc. Modern Gujarati adopts the game form and so also Marwari, except that it changes che, chai into ha, hai eto. $ 119. The imparativa tenso is made up purtly of the old potential, partly of the old imperative, and partly of the present indioative. IST SINGULAR : Does nowhere occur in the pure imperative meaning, but is obviously formed from the 1st singular present indicative. In the last of the examples quoted at the end of $ 117, der may be caid red as an imparative as well. 2ND SINGULAR : Ends in i as in Apabhranca (s, c, sea Pischel's Prak. Gr., 461). Ex.: sevi Bh, 102, Indr. 100), virami (Bh. 25, Indr. 13), kari (Kal. 39, Adi O., P. etc). With roots ending in a the i termination contracts with this vowel ($ 14), as in the examples: tha (Indr. 100), ja (P. 217), kayara tha me mu "Do not be a coward !" (P. 193). In poetry. e is often substituted for i, ex.: kare (P. 250, 255), migi (P. 223, 233), ghale (Kanh, 73), bole (F 722, 4) etc. Quite exceptional are forms in oe in prose, like kahe and thaye which occur in Adic. When used in poetry, the ending e is no doubt introduced only to suit the exigencies of prozody, when a long quantity is required. I would explain it either as a survival of an intermdiate form between Sanskrit eh and Apabhramca and Old Western Rajasthani e, oi, or-which is practically the same as a lengthening of the latter vowels. For comparison's sako let my quote Old Western Rajasthani joe (P. 358), which is identioal with Apabhrauca joi (Sid thahem., iv, 364, 368), from Sanskrit dyoteh (Pischel, 461). In P. there occur thros instances of forms in * ai, namely rahai (P. 430, 826) and kzhzi (P. 533), which are possibly but strong forms of rahi, kahi according 1 4, (2). 3RD SINGULAR: Ends in au (weak formou, SS 11, (1)) as in the Apabhramca, from Sanskrit atu. Examples: chau (Kal. 7, 19), haii (F 644). IST PLURAL: Is apparently identical with the lst plural of the present indicative, as in the Apabhraica. The two examples, however, which I have met with in Dag. are not nasalized : ma thau "Let us not become !" (Doc. i, 13), amhs lahu "Let us take !" (Dac. i, 4). 2ND PLURAL: Takes the termination au (ou), from Apabhramca ahu < Skt.atha. Examples are: karau (Bh. 9), sunau (P. 29), jou (Bh. 15, 74, P. 291), avau (Adi C.), diu (P. 294) etc. The ending au is sometimes, though very rarely, changed to iu, as in: padikkhasiu (Bh. 3), bhanaviu (P. 25). 3RD PLURAL: The regular ending ought to be al (i) as in the present indicative, from Apabhramca ahi. The only instance of this form I have come across is Indr. 76, where the MS. in Florence (F 579) reads padai, and that in the India Office Library (S. 1561, c.) padau. The prohibitive imperative is formed by the aid of the prohibitive adverbs, for which gee & 103. For the prohibitive-imperative future see ( 121. $ 120. Of the procative tense or, as it is commonly, though improperly, termed, respectful imperative, Old Western Rajasthan presents more evidence than any of the modern cognate vernaculars. Whilst in the latter the use of this tense is confined to the 2nd person singular and plural, in Old Western Rajagthan traces are still surviving of the use of other persons also, namely of the 1st and 3rd singular. From this we may gather that in origin this tense was rogularly conjugated through all persons and numbers. The terminations for the persons that are evidenced are the following:

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80 ' TUE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [APLIC, '1015 IST SINGULAR : ijit > "aji, 2ND AND 3RD SINGULAR: degije > "aje, 2ND PLURAL : ijo > ajo orijyo > ajyo. Observe that y is often substituted for j, according to $ 22, and after vocal roots the i initial in the termination is commonly dropped, or rather absorbed into the foregoing vowel ( $ 14). Illustrations of the various forms are : sous forms are: IST SINGULAR: hujan (Up. 54) 2ND SINGULAR: karije (Bh. 44), janije (Bh. 21, P. 564), joje (P. 251), hoije (Kal. 42) 3RD SINGULAR: huye ( Sanskrit bastu, Dac. i, 12), joe je (P. 167, 312; cf. Marathi, pahije and Gujarati joie) 2ND PLURAL: surijo, jyo (P. 629, F 783, 68, F 715, i, 7), karajyo (Bh. 3, F 724), ja jyo (P. 553), sabhalayo (F 635, ix, 2, F 783, 63), padayo (P. 553), hoyo (P. 416), hayyo (P. 96), thayyo (P. 317). Modern Gujarati hasaje; ajo and Marwari ajai, ijai. ajye; ajo, ijo, ajyo. Lassen was the first, I believe, to assume the Sanskrit prccative as the origin of these respectful imperative forms (Inst. Ling. Pracr., 357), but his theory was afterwards refuted by Dr. Hoernle, who advanced the opinion that the so-called respectfal imperatite is but "& regularly conjugated passive verb, which has assumed an active sense" (Gaudian Gramm., 499). I do not think this is exactly correct. In my opinion, we should rather say that it is an old precative, which has assumed the terminations of the present indicative tense. This seems to have already been the case with the Prakrit, since Prakrit Grammarians testify to the existence of forms like hojjai, hojjasi (Kjama disvara iv, 29), dejjahi (Hemacandra, iv, 383, 3) ete. Thus I trace Old Western Rajasthani huju to Apabhranca hojjai, a fcrm equivalent with hojjami, which occurs in the Ardhamagadhi and Jainamaharastri (Leumann's Dasareyaliyasutta, 621, 43; Jacobi's Maharastra Erzahlungen 29, 19); and similarly Old Western Rajasthanf hoije to Apabhramca "hoejjahi, and Old Western Rajasthani karijyo to Apabhran sa karejjahu. That hoije and karijyo are not passive forms is shown by the short vowel ---, which points out that ije is not from ijali, in which case we ought to have jai as in the passive, but from ejali. Another feature, which distinguishes the precative from the passive in Old Western Rajasthari, is that ai, ai are always contracted into "e, o in the former, never in the latter. This practically means that for the precative the contraction of the vowels took place during the period of transition of Apalhrar ca into Old Western Rajasthani, whilst for the passive it took place only afterwards. 191. In Old Western Rajasthani the simple future is formed in the sigmatic way as in Apabhramca. In the latter language the following sigmatic forms are evidenced : 1st sing. karisu (Siddhahem., iv, 396, 4), pavisu (Ibid.), phullisu (Siddhahem., iv, 422, 12), rusesu (Siddhaheni., iv, 414, 4), 3rd sing. hosai (Siddhahem., iv, 388, 418, 4), esi (Siddhahem., iv, 414, 4). These 'few Apabhraca forms exactly coinciding in their terminations with the corresponding ones of the Old Western Rajasthani, we are entitled to conclude that the sigmatic future is conjugated on quite the same paradigm in Apa bhramca as well as in Old Western Rajasthani. I give below the complete table of the terminations occurring in the latter. IsT SINGULAR : i-u, insi, nein, s-syu (a-su, a-si, a-sin, ay isa 2ND AND 3RD SINGULAR : i-si, s-sii, i-syai, s-sai, deg s-si (a-si, a-sii, oq-ovai etc.) degisai

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ATRII, 1916) NOTES ON GRAMMAR OF THE OLD WESTERN RAJASTHANI 81 1ST PLURAL: 1-8iu, i-syau, i-sya (a-siu etc.) 2ND PLURAL: deg i-siu, s-syau (a-siu etc.). 3RD PLURAL: deg -81, -si7, i-syai, o i-sal (a-si etc.) o i-sai. Illustrations of the various forms are the following: 1ST SINGULAR: jaisu (Up. 105), boliou (Pr. 1, Cil. 1, P 7), karisi (P. 427), dharisiu (P. 178), thunusyu (F 636, 1), kahisa (F 783, 8); 2ND SINGULAR : jaisi (Up. 105, Bh. 31), huisii (F 663, 58); 3RD SINGULAR: kahisii (Fra.), desii (Up. 93), milisyai (Adi C.), karisai (Dac. iv), lahasis (P. 174), janisi (Adi C.); Ist PLURAL: bolisi (Dac.), pamist (Up. 56), karisyau (Up. 56), marisyau (sast. 110) u pajisya (Adi C.); 2ND PLURAL: thaisiu (Adi C.), jipisyau (Ibid.); 3RD PLURAL: kahisi (Rs. 206), dharasyal (F 535, ii, 21), avisai (P 524). Vocal roots may optionally loose the initial in the terminations, as in the examples: lesii (Rs. 28), hosi (Cal. 61), thasii (P. 684), jasiu (Up. 179), jasi (Yog. ii, 38). Cf. Apabhramca hosai (Pischel's Materialien z. Kenn. d. Apabhr., 388, 418, 4), which is used by the side of hoisai (Ibid., 395, 2). Instead of the thematic vowel i, e is not unfrequently found between the root and the terminations. Ex.: karesiu (P. 118), bolesi (Cil. 1), puchesar (P. 141). "hoesi (Bh. 93), jaesi (Up. 105), karesya (Rs. 207), dharesiu (Vi. 6), karesii (P. 524). No doubt such form) are to be explained as pertaining to the e- conjugation of Prakrit and Apabhramca. Cf. Prakrit karehii (Hala, 724) and Apabhrarca rusesu (Siddhahem., iv, 414, 4). The forms with thematic a are derived from those with i, according to $ 4, (1). In Modern Gujarati and Marwari the former are of general use. The Gujarati terminations iga, age, ace, igallagu), aco, age are derived from the Old Western Rajasthani forms with sya, according to the particular process mentioned in the Introduction amongst tho features of Gujarati. The 1st person only is from Old Western Rajasthani isa ( < Apabhrapca isu), and has g to agree with the remaining forms. In Marwari the sigmatic future has been superseded by that with h, and nowadays it is used only in the singular. But Jaipui has retained it, and exbibits the following terminations : asyi, asi, asi, asya, asyo, asi. Observe the contractions i, o, which are peculiar of Marwati and Eastern Rajasthani, Gujarati having e, o (weak form) in their stead. As seen above, forms like janisi and upajisyd already occur in Aldi C. The 2nd person singular and plural of the sigmatic future is often nsed with ma ($ 103) to give the meaning of the prohibitive imperative. This construction, which I would call future-imperative, may be traced as back as Prakrit and Apabhraca, since an instance thereof, possibly derived from the Apabhrapca, is already found in the Jainamaharasti of Dharmadasa's Uvaesamala, to wit: ma kahisi (gatbe 123). Old Western Rajasthani examples are: ma karisi (P. 485, 537), ma rahisi (vi. 8), ma padisi (Kanh. 73). ma karisiu (Up. 18, P. 295), karasyo md (F 606), ma desi (Indr. 3). Of the periphrastic future with -lau ( > -lo), which is nowadays extant in Jaipuri, have found two instances, the one occurring in P. and the other in Up. Here they are: na bolai - li (3rd sing. fem.)"[If thou wilt not speak" (P. 310), and anhe pachai karu-la (1st plur. masc.)" We will do (lt) afterwards" (Ur. 288). (To be continued.)

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82 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (APRIL, 1915 VATSYAYANA, AUTHOR OF THE NYAYABHASYA. BY Mahamahopadhyaya SATIS CHANDRA VIDYABHUSANA, M. A., PE.D., M.R.A.S., F.A.S.B. Vatsy&yana procedod Dignaga. 110 Vatsyayana, author of the Nyayabhasya, must have flourished before Dignage as the latter oriticises him. Vateyayana observes - Manasaica indriyabhavan-na vacyam laksanantaraniti. Tantrantarasamacaraccaitat pratyetavyamiti paramatamapratisiddham anumatamiti ai tantrayuktih. (Nyayabhasya 1-1-4). "A different definition (of perception) is not given since the mind is a sense organ. This is to be deduced from the declaration of another system (the Vaisesika which acknowledges the mind to be a sense-organ); and it is an axiom of philosophy that if I do not oppose a theory of my opponent, it is to be understood that I accept it'" Dignaga criticises the above observation in a verse of the Pramanasamuccaya, the Tibetan version of which is quoted below : Bde-sogs gehal-bya min-pa-ham Dwai-po gshan yod yid-dwai-po Bkag-pa-med-phyir thob-co-na Dwai-po gshan-gyi sgra-don-med (The Tibetan version of Pramanasamuccaya called Tshad-ma-kun-las-btus-pa, Chap. 1, contained in Tangyur, Mdo, volume Co). The original Sanskrit text of the verse is quoted by Vacaspati Misra thus - Na sukhadi prameyam va Mano vastindriyantaram Anigedhadupattam oeten Anyendriya-rutam vrtha. Il (Pramanasamuccaya, Vacaspati Mtora in his Nyayapartika-tat paryatika 1-1-4). "Pleasure eto. are not a distinct object of Knowledge ; nor is the mind a separate sense-organ; if non-opposition signified acceptance it was useless to enumerate other sense-organs". Vatsyayana preceded perhaps Vasubandhu too. Vasubandhu, a Buddhist logician, controverts the theory of syllogism as expounded in the Nyayasutra by maintaining that a syllogism consists of two parts (avayava), viz. a proposition (pratijna) and a reason (hetu) and that the example (udaharana) does not form & necessary part of it. Udyotakara, author of the Nyayavartika, while defending the Nyayasutra from this attack of Vasubandhu refers to the Buddhist logician by the term "anye" (others) thus - Siddho distanta ityanye (Nyayavartika 1-1-37) "Others say that the example is superfluous". Vacampati Mibra in his Nyayavartika Tatparyatika says that the term "anye" refers to Vasubandhu whose view he quotes as follows >

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APRIL, 1915) VATSYAYANA, AUTHOR OF THE NYAYABHASYA 83 Atra Vasubandhuna pratijiadayah trayo avayavah durvihita Akrapada lak anena ityuklam (Nyayavartikata paryacika 1-1-37). "Here Vasubandhu observes that the three parts of a syllogism as defined by Ak apada (author of the Nyiyasutra) are disingenious" 1 Vatsyayana ia his Nyayabhasya gives an elaborate exposition of the three parts of a syllogism, but does not oppose, nay even refer to the antagonistic view of Vasubandhu. This shows that Vasubandhu lived before Udyotakara and Vacaspati Misra but after Vatsyayana. Vatsya yana quotes the Arthabastra. "Anviksiki" which is used in the sense of philosophy comprising the Samkhya, Yoga and L kayata, is extolled in a verse of the Arthasastra (Chapter on "Vidyasamuddesi" or enumeration of sciences) thus : Pradipah sarva-vidyanam upayah sarvakarmanam! Abrayah sarva-dharmanan kasvadanviks iki mata 11 (Arthasastra, Chap. II). "The Anviksiki (Philosophy) is known always to be the lamp of all sciences, the means of all actions and the support of all virtues ". Vatsyayana, who takes Anviksiki in the restricted sense of Logic (Nyaya) quotes, in his Nyayabhasya (1-1-1), the above verse with a little modification thus : Seyam Anviksiki pramanadi-padarthair vibhajyamana Pradipah sarva-vidyanam upayah sarvakarmanam Lirayah sarvadharmanin vidyoddeie prakirtita II (Nyayabhasya 1-1-1) "The same Anviksiki divided into sections on Pramana eto, has been described in the Chapter on Vidyoddesa (enumeration of sciences) as the lamp of all sciences, the means of all actions and the support of all virtues". Now the Arthajastra, from which the verse has been quoted is supposed by some scholars to be the work of Kautilya (better known as Camakya), Primo minister of Candragupta who reigned about 326 B. c. Vatsyayana who quotes the Artha sastra cannot therefore be older than the 4th century B. C. Vatsyayana knew the Mahabhasya. Vatsvavana in his Nyayabhasya 5-2-10 gives as an example of "the incoherent " (a parthaka) a sentence which seems to have been taken verbatim from the Mahabhasya of Patanjali. The sentence runs thus Daba-da-limani sadapupah Kundam aja jinam palalapindah (Mahabhasya 1-13, and Nyayabhasya 5-1-10). "Ten pomegranates, six cakes, a bowl, goat's skin and a lump of sweets." 1 The Jaina Logician Siddhasona Divakara, who flourished about 833 A.D., refors in his Nydydvatdra probably to Vasubandhu when he says that according to some experts in Logio antarvy ipli, the internal inseparable connection or the connection between the middle torm ( hu) and the major torm (addhya) is quite enough in establishing a thesis and the example (drs! Ansa) cited from outside is altogether useless. Siddhagens Divakara writes : Antarvyd plyaiva sadhyasya siddhor bahiruddhrin Vyarth sydd todasdbhdusa pyeva Nydya vido vidul 11 (Nyayavatars of Siddhagens Divakara, varje 20, edited by Satis Chandra Vidyabhusans and published by the Indian Renoarch Society of Calcutta). "Experts in Logie (suohm Vasubandhu) maintain that an examplo from outsido is useless because thosis can be established by the internal inseparable connection alone, and because the DIAmplo even if dited serve no purpose if there is no such internal inseparablo connection."

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84 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [APRIL, 1915 As Patanjali lived about 150 B. C., Vatsyayana, author of the Nyayabhasya, must have flourished after that date. Vatsyayana was posterior to Nagarjuna. The Nyayasutra contains certain aphorisms which refer to the doctrines expounded in some well-known Buddhist works. These aphorisms do not constitute an essential part of the Nyayasutra, and were evidently interpolated into it before or during the time of Vatsyayana who wrote commentary on them. Hence Vatsyayana must have flourished. after the composition of the Buddhist works, the doctrines of which are referred to and criticised in the Nyayasutra. Certain passages of the Nyayasutra together with their corresponding passages from a Buddhist work called the Madhyamika-Satra are quoted below to show that Vatsyayana lived after Nagarjuna the author of the Buddhist work 1. Na svabhavasiddhirspeksikatvat (Nya- 1. Na hi svabhavo bhavanam pratyayadisu ya-sitra 4-1-39). vidyate (Madhyamika sutra, Chap. I.) " Things cannot be self-existent owing to There is no self-existence of things owing their inter-relations." to their mutual relationship !" Vatsyayana commenting on this sulra [The doctrine of relation is explained in says that a thing is long in relation to an- the Madhyamika satra, chapter I, entitled other thing which is short and Vice-versa. the Pratyaya-farik,d]. There is not found any thing which is long or short by itself, and hence" na svabhavasiddhir bhavandm"-there is no self-existence of things (Nydyabharya 4-1-39). 2 Na san nisan na sadasad asatsator2. Na san nisan na sadasan dharmo nirvaidharmyat (Nydyasutra 4-1-48). varlale yada (Madhamika sutra, Chap. VII). "A thing is neither existent nor non-exis- "There cannot be production of a thing tent nor both owing to the mutual incongrui- which is existent, non-existent or both." ty of existence and non-existence." Vatsyayana explains this sutra as follows: A thing cannot, prior to its production, (The doctrine of production, wtpada, is be existent inasmuch as it is absurd for & explained in the Madhyamika-sutra, Chapter thing which is already existent to come into VII called the Samskrtapariksd.) existence; it can neither be non-existent because there must be some material from which a thing is produced ; and similarly it cannot be both existent and non-existent owing to the mutual incongruity of these two sonditions. Prdi ni patter nispatlidhar. makam nasat etc. (Nyayabhas ya 4-1-48). 3. Na pradipa-prakasavat tatsiddheh. 3. Pradipah 'svaparalmanoh samprakasa(Nyaya-sutra 2-1-19). yita yatha. (Madhyamika-estra Chap. VII.) No, it occurs like the lumination of a " Just as & lamp illumines itself as well lamp." as other objeets."

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APRIL, 1916 ) VATNYAYANA, AUTHOR OF THE NYAYABHASYA $5 Vatsyayana in explaining this sutra remarks as follows - Yatha prada pa-prakaiah pradipantara-prakajam antarena g!hyte, tatha pramanioni pramdndntaram antarena grhyantaiti. (Nyayabhasya 2-1-19.) "Just as the lumination of a lamp is apprehended without the lumination of another lamp, so an evidence of right knowledge is accepted without a further evidence." 4. Maya-gandharva-nagara- mga-trnika- 4. Yutha maya yathe scapro gandharvavad-ud. nagaram yathi Tathotpadaslathi athanam tatha (Nyayas itra 4-2-32). bhanga udahrtam. (Madhyamika-sutra, Chap. VII). " The concept of things is like a jugglery, "The origination, continuance and cessathe city of the celestial quiristers or a tion of a thing are said to be like a jugglery, mirage." a dream or the city of the celestial quiris ters." 6. Vartamanabhavah patatah patita patita- 5. Gatam na gamyate tavat vya-kellopapattek. Ayalam naiva gamyate (Nydyasutra 2-1-37). Galagatavinirmuktan Gamyamanam na gamyate. Il (Madhyamika-sutra, Chap. II). << The present time is non-existent because " We are not passing a path which has the falling down of an object relates to the already been passed, nor are we passing time during which the object fell down and that which is yet to be passed; the existence to the time during which it will fall down." of a path, which has neither been passed nor is yet to be passerl, is beyond compre hension." (Vatayayana commenting on this sutra says that the path traversed is the portion which has already been passed over and the time related to it is the past time; the path to be traversed is the one which has not yet been passed over and the time related thereto is the future time-there is no third path which is being traversed nor is there any time which is called vartam ana the present). v tsyayana was posterior to the author of the Lanka vata ra-satra There are passages in the Ny yasutra which were evidently interpolated into it froin the Lankdvalira-sutra. Vatsyayana, who explains them in his Nydyabha ya, must have been posterior to the author of the Lankavatara-sutra from which they were taken. Some of the passages are cited blow: 1. Buddhya vivecanat tu bhavanan yatha- 1. Buldhya rivicyamananim svabhavo naImyanupalabdhih. adharyate. (Nydya-sutra 4-2-26). (Laika vatra-sutra, Chap. II and Chap. X)

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (APRIL, 1916 There is no essence in things inasmuch as they are discerned by our intellect." (This refers probably to Vijanavada). "We cannot ascertain the essence of things which are discerned by our intellect." (This is a verse propounding Vijnanava da). 2. Sphatikeapi aparaparotpatteh kxamikat- 2.Nirvyaparam k anikam vid vyaktinam ahetuh. viviktam k ayavarjitam! (Nyayasatra 3-2-11). Anutpattinca dharmanam Notpattivinasakiranopalabdheh (Nya ya- Karikarthan vadamyaham | sutra 3-2-13). Utpattyanantaram bhangam na vai desemi valikah.Il (Lankavatara-sutra, Chap. VI). "Even in the case of a crystal there is no "A momentary thing is that which is cause for the production of one after an- devoid of function, is distinct and not liable other, because all individuals are momen- to destruction. By saying that a thing is tary.' momentary I mean that it is not produced. This is, we reply, not so because we do I do not, 0 dull people, teach destruction perceive the cause of production and deg. after production." truction." Vatsyayana in explaining the Buddhist (According to the Lankavatara (Chapter view of aphorism 8-2-11 says that if we VI-Kanika-parivarta) thing which is suppose all things to be momentary, the momentary (Kamika) is neither produced crystal which is produced cannot be the nor destroyed but is devoid of all functions. same one which is destroyed. In explaining Vatsyayana controverts this view by supNyaya view in aphorism 3-2-13 Vatsyayana porting his Naiyyika predecessors that says that we do perceive one and the same things are not momentary inasmuch as crystal undergoing production and destruc- they undergo production and destruction by tion by the increase and decrease of its the increase and decrease of their parts.). parts. Date of Vatsya yana. From the extraots cited above it is evident that Vatsyayana flourished before Dignaga and possibly also before Vasubandhu, and as these two Buddhist logicians lived about A.D. 500 and A. D. 480 respectively the latest date that can be assigned to Vatsyayana is about A. D. 450. The quotations from the Arthaiastra and the Mahabha ya show that Vatsyayana lived after 150 B.C., while the extracts from the Madhyamika-Sutra and the Larkivatara-Sutra leave no room for doubt that the authors of these two works preceded Vatsyayana. Hence the earliest limit of his age is A.D. 300', when the addhyamika-8utra and the Lankavatara-sutra are supposed to have been composed. Taking the mean between the earliest and latest dates we may approximately place Vatsyayana at about A.D. 400, when Maitreyanatha the founder of the Yogacara school of the Buddhist philosophy lived and farished. The Abhisamayalankara-sutra, which is one of the principal works of the * Vide my History of the Medieval School of Indian Logic, pp. 75, 80. * Op. cit., pp. 68, 72.

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APRIL, 1915.) ATSYAYANA, AUTHOR OF THE NYAYABHASYA 87 Yogacara School is a summary of teachings of the Prajnaparamita-sutra. Similarly the Madhyamika-sutra which is the first work of the Madhyamika School is based on the Prajna piiramita-sutra. It is therefore from one and the same source that Nagarjuna evolved the Madhyamika doctrine and Maitreyanatha the Yogacara system. The Mabavana Buddhism arose in the 1st. century A.D., and its development into four schools of the Midhyamika, Yogacara, Sautrantika and Vaibhasika cannot be supposed to have taken place earlier than the 3rd century. A.D. 300 would not therefore be a too late date for such highly specialised works as the Madhyamika-sutra, the Lankiratara-sutra, etc. The Yogacara system which arose about A.D. 400 was in a nebulous state when VAtsyayana wrote his Nydyabha ya, in which there is only a passing glance at the doctrine of ksam kavdda (the doctrine of momentary existence), and perhaps also at that of vijnanavida (the doctrine of the reality of cognition alone), whereas the principal doctrines of the Madhyainika system, which is dated about A.D. 300 and is therefore older than the Yogacara system, received a comparatively full treatment at his hands. The doctrines of Kanikavada and Vijnanavada, which are discussed in the Nyaya-sutra-bhasya already referred to have been taken from the Laikivatira-sutra which, though it professes to teach the doctrine of nziratmyz (unyati), may be regarded as a work introductory to the Yogacara system. Different names of Vatsyayana. In the Vyaya-Vartika, the author of the Nyayabha ya is called Vatsyayana : Yadak-apadapratimo bhasyam Vatsyayano jagau Akari mahatastasya Bharadvajena Vartikam (Nyayavartika, Book V, Chap. II. last line). Vacaspati Misra, author of the Nyayavarlikatat paryarika, calls him by the name of Paksila-Srami : " Atha bhagavata Ak apadena nihereyasahetau sastre pranite vyutpadite ca bhagavata Paknila svamin i kimipiram avztiryate yadarthan vartikarambha iti." (Nyayavartikutatparyalika, opening line). The Jaina Hemicandra, who in his Abhidhanacintamaris mentions together the authors of the Arthz 11stra, the Kami-sira and the Nyayabha ya probably because they all belong to the same clan, calls Vatsyayana by the name of Paksila Svami and Dramila. Vatsyayana's birth-place. Dramila is evidently the same as Dravida, and Vatsyayana was in all probability a native of Dcavila (the Deocan) of which the capital was at Kancipura, modern Conjee The Abhisumayala ikdra-satra cons.sts of eight chapters of which the seventh is called Abhi sama viia kare Prajndpiramitopadesa jastre akak;a ncbhisannsyld hikira saptamal. The doctrine of moment. ariness and other allied doctrines Are thus referred to in the Abhinay laikara-8 stres, Chapter VII. . Suapnopameru dharme u sthitvi danadichiryaya Alaksanatoa dharmand kanondikena vindati Svapna-taddarsinaicaiva dvayayogena nekate Dharmindmadvaya tattu kanenaikeni pasyuti." (Asiatic Society of Bengal MSS. 5 Vatay iyano Nallanaga), Kawilyas Cuwkitonajo Dramila Paksila-Svami Vinnuguptoaigula goa 83911 (Abhidhana-Cintamaxi) 6 Kanci was the capital of the ancient Kingdom of Dravida, whose ago is at present undecided, Hwen-thoang would make it as old as Buddha, for he states that Buddha himsulf converted the people. that Dharmapala was born at Kance, and that Asoka built many etapas in the neighbourhood. One of the Kadamba kings claims to have defented the Pallava king and slain him. The insoription, in which this is mentioned, is dated, in Dr. Floet's estimation, in the fifth century A.D.; and the slain monarch was, he thinks, probably Vignugopavarma._ (Vide Beal's Buddhist Record-, Vol. II, pp. 228-230.) (Ante. 5, 50; 6. 30. Sewell's Antiquities, Madras, P. 176-177).

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY veram. The title Svami appended to Paksila in the name Pak ila-Suami also points to his birth-place having been in Davida. We may add that Kanci was a centre not only of Brahmanic learning but also of Buddhistic culture, and it was here that Dignaga (about A. D. 500), Dharmapala (about A, D, 600) and other Buddhist logicians lived and flourished. It may be of some interest to note in this connection that Vatsya yana should make a reference in the Nyayabha ya (2-1-40) to the boiling of rice which is the staple food of the people of Dravida. We may therefore conclude that Vatsyayana, author of the Nydyabhaya, was a native of Dravica (Kanci) who flourished at about A.D. 400, when Chandra-Gupta II called Vikramaditya, was king of Magadha. This Vatsyayana should not be confounded with the sage of that name who compiled the Arthaidatra or the Kamasutra. 88 MISCELLANEA. CHAMARS AS GUARDIANS OF TREASURE. WHEN reading recently J. Baillie Fraser's Military Memoir of Lieut. Col. James Skinner, C. B., (London, 2 Vols. 1851), I came on a statement regarding the function of the despised Chamaes, or skinners and tanners, as guardians of hidden treasure, which is new to me. The author (vol. II, pp. 184 seqq.) tells us that the riches as well as the strength of the fort at Bhurtpore (Bharathpur) were celebrated, and were much talked of after Lord Lake's repulses in 1805. During the siege by Lord Lake, it is said that the Raja, when in need of cash, consulted the headman of the Chamars, who pointed out "a certain spot, where, on dig. ging, they found a store of three lakhs of gold mohurs (equal to PS600,000 sterling) and a number of brass guns." The headman when pressed told the Raja that he might reckon on a supply of a lakh of rupees a day for two years, if necessary. !APRIL, 1915 "It may be thought strange that when these Chamars are so well known to be the depositors of so much hidden treasure, the chiefs or kings of the -country should not by some means force the secret from them. But such is their fortitude and pecu. liar point of honour, that when this has been attempted they have always suffered torture and death in preference to betraying their ancestral trust, which, in fact, has something of a religious sacredness attached to it; and on one occasion Lo less than fourteen Chamars were thus put to death. "It is said that Diaram, the Rajah of Hattra succeeded by a stratagem in obtaining some money from the Chamars of that fortress, and in cheating them out of their customary fee. They had agreed to furnish him with a small sum, on his paying them their due and grenting them his protection; and this he in the first instance honestly per. formed. But on the next application a larger sum was pointed out to him, when he refused to part with a shilling of it to them. We believe they foretold his ruin from this piece of perfidy." According to Fraser," the only occasions on which they were permitted to discover and make use of this ancient treasure, wero in cases of great state difficulties," such as the siege of Bhurtpere. Although I have made some search I cannot find any other reference to the alleged control of the Chamars over hidden treasure. Can any reader give illustrations of Frasor's statements ? Hathras (Hattrass), now a considerable and grow The author affirms that it was a regular practice to entrust the secret of buried treasure to the outcasting town in the 'Alfgarh District of the United Chamars, who would be incapable of using the cash by reason of their degraded position. He continues: Provinces, used to possess a fort, considered to be among the strongest in Upper India. After the British annexation in 1803, the t'alukdar, Daya Ram (Diaram) often gave trouble. In 1817 an expedition under the command of Major-General Marshall was sent against him. "After a short siege, terminated by a heavy cannonade, a maga. zine within the fort blew up and destroyed half the garrison. Daya Ram himself made his escape under cover of the night, and the remainder of the garrison surrendered at discretion" (Imp. Gaz., 1908). VINCENT A. SMITH.

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MAY, 1915) ARCHITECTURE AND SCULPTURE IN MYSORE 89 ARCHITECTURE AND SCULPTURE IN MYSORE; THE HOYSALA STYLE. BY VINCENT A. SMITH. THE Reports of Mr. R. Narasimhaohar, the officer in charge of Archaeological Researches in Mysore, published annually from 1907-8 until 1913-14, contain a wonderful amount of novel information on all sorts of subjects, including history, epigraphy, folklore, local customs, religion, numismatics, architecture, and sculpture, and would furnish material for & score of articles. I do not propose on this occasion to attempt any general review of Mr. Narasimhachar's work, or to discuss the majority of the subjects treated in his Reports, which deserve greater publicity than they are likely to attain. But I think some brief observations on the extraordinary wealth of the artistic products of Mysore as disclosed by the Reports may be of interest, and that possibly such notice as I can give may stimulate Mr. Narasimhachar, aided by the liberal patronage of the Mysore Government, to produce in due course after adequate study, a separate work dealing with the achievements of the Mysore school of artists in the domain of architecture and sculpture. The sculpture is mainly arohitectural decoration, but good metal work also exists. I. shall confine myself almost exclusively to buildings and soulptures in the distinctive Hoysala style. In 1911 when my History of Fine Art in India and Ceylon was sent to press, I wag acquainted with what Fergusson had written concerning the temples built in the style named by him Chalukyan, but more suitably designated as the Hoysala style, the most characteristic examples having been erected during the twelfth and thirteenth centurios in the dominions of the kings of the Hoysala dynasty. Fergusson had described and illustrated to some extent the temples at Halebid and other places in his History of Indian and Eastern Architecture (Book iv, chap. 1, ed. 1910, with photographs not included in the original edition), and also published a sumptuous volume entitled Architecture in Dharwar and Mysore illustrated by large plates of the exterior of the temples. In my book two fresh photographs were reproduced, one (fig. 14) representing the Somnathpur temple already illustrated by Fergusson, the other (Plate x) depicting the fine temple at Nuggihalli, not previously published. Mr. Narasimhachar kindly supplied me with that photograph, as well as with others which I was then unable to use. Various temples are also illustrated in Mr. and Mrs. Workman's book Through Town and Jungle (1904), and in the works of Mr. Rice. Mr. Narasimhachar's well-illustrated reports add largely to the information concerning the Hoysala temples contained in the works cited, and furnish an immense amount of entirely new matter descriptive of the sculpture. In my History (pp. 44,226) the interesting fact was noted that many of the individual statues decorating the temples are signed by the artists, but at that time examples of such statues were not available. I further observed that the artists who designed such enormous sheets of rich sculpture (as are seen at Halebid, Plate xi) aimed at producing an imposing effect by the splendour of a mass of carvings of the highest complexity, rather than by inviting attention to individual figures. Novertheless, the individual figures will bear examination in detail, the elephants especially being exquisitely true to nature. The gods and human figures are less satisfactory.' Mr. A. Roa in Ohalukyan Architecture (Madras, 1806; being VOL XXI of the New Imp. Series of the Archaeol, Survey of India), discusses the local style prevalent during the twelfth century in the Bellary District, which is distinot from the Hoynala style.

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90 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MAY, 1915 Mr. Narasimhachar has now published many examples of the signed statues, and has been good enough to supply me with some photographs of them. In the light of the fuller knowledge thus acquired it must be confessed that the remarks made in 1911 are inadequate and fail to do justice to the subject. If a new edition of my book should ever be called for, a separate section would be required for the discussion of the Hoysala sculpture, and a more favourable verdict on its merits would have to be recorded Before proceeding farther, the attention of the reader may be invited to two recently published important works dealing with matters closely connected with the subject of this article. Both are full of unfamiliar information and are deserving of attentive study. They are (1) Archeologie du Sud de l'Inde, by G. Jouveau-Dubreuil, Professor at the College of Pondicherry, 2 vols., large 8vo (Geuthner, Paris, 1914, being vol. xxvi of the Annales du Musee Guimet, Bibliotheque d'etudes); (2) Elements of Hindu Iconography, vol. I, by T. A. Gopinatha Rao, Superintendent of Archaeclogy, Travancore State (The Law Printing House, Madras, 1914, published under the patronage of H. H. the Maharaja of Travancore). The first volume of the French author's work deals with Dravidian architecture, and does not treat directly of the Chalukya or Hoysala style, but, inasmuch as that style may be regarded as a variety of the Dravidian, the learned professor's discussion is relevant in a certain degree to the subject of this paper. The second volume is devoted to iconography, which, of course, is essentially much the same in Madras and in Mysore, although there are many differences in details. Mr. Gopinatha Rao's book is more directly relevant. The early copies, with one of which I have been favoured, were issued in the very inconvenient form of a huge volume 4 inches thick with seven different pagings. In that form the book is apt to frighten even a sturdy student, but there is reason to expect that it will be re-issued in a handier shape. This first volume, the only one yet published, deals with the Valshnava deities, and is to be followed by a similar treatise on the Saiva gods and goddesses. The work is based on extensive personal investigations in Southern India combined with the study of a large number of Sanskrit MSS. previously unknown to scholars. The contents seem to be nearly all novel, and the illustrations are excellent. They include some soulptures in the Hoysala style. The student making use of Mr. Gopinatha Rao's big book will be able to identify and name almost any image among the multitudinous sculptures of the Hoysala period. No European could possibly have written such a book. In Appendix B. the author gives a detailed description of the Uttama-daya-tala measure to be used in the making of images,' and shows that the formal, apparently mechanical rules for construction followed by Indian artists work out in practice as the adequate expression of aesthetic principles. The same subject has been treated on broader lines in Ostasiatische Zeitschrift, April-June, 1914 (vol. II, No. 1) in an article entitled 'Some Hindu Silpa "Shastras in their relation to South Indian Seulpture,' by Mr. W. S. Hadaway, who is himself a worker in metal, with practical knowledge of the application of the rules. The war, unfortunately, has prevented the author from continuing his valuable study, as he had hoped to do. The Hindu Image maker or sculptor,' Mr. Hadaway observes, does not work from life, as is the usual practice among Europeans, but he has, in place of the living model, a

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MAY, 1915] ARCHITECTURE AND SCULPTURE IN MYSORE 91 most elaborate and beautiful system of proportions, which he uses constantly, combining these with close observation and study of natural detail. It is, in fact, a seriesof anatomical rules and formulae, of infinitely more practical use than any European system which I know of, for the Indian one treats of the actual proportion and of the surface form, rather than the more " scientific "attachments of muscles and the articulation of bones. There is in the Hindu system nothing complicated or difficult to understand or remember, but, like every other canon of artistic proportion, these methods are no more capable of producing" works of art" in unskilled hands than are any other aids or methods. ..... These adstras are the common property of Hindu artisans, whether of northern or southern India.' Mr. Hadaway consulted many MSS., but found one from the Palace Library at Trevandrum to be specially instructive. Five different principal sets of proportions are in use, one being that expounded by Mr. Gopinatha Rao. There are also some minor variations recognized. The Mysore sculptors, it need hardly be said, used the same canons as those followed in other parts of India, and they certainly knew how to illuminate the dry rules by the fire of individual genius. The three treatises above described not being yet widely known or easily accessible, some readers of the Indian Antiquary may be glad to hear of their existence and even willing to procure copies of the books. The study of Indian art is only beginning and offers room for any number of workers. Notwithstanding all the ravages of time and iconoclasts many noble monuments still remain. The older archaeological books concerned themselves usually with architecture alone. Mr. Narasimhachar's recent reports make a new departure by the devotion of considerable space and liberal illustration to Individual works of art, which are of special interest in Mysor, by reason of the artists' signatures o frequently affixed. The Hoysala style of temple architecture is characterized by a richly carved base nr plinth, supporting the temple, which is polygonal, star-shaped in plan, and roofed by & low pyramidal tower, often surmounted by a vase-shaped ornament. In many cases there are either two or three towers, so that the temple may be described as being either double or triple. The Somnathpur temple is the most familiar example of the triple form. Silver smiths have frequently utilized models of it in designs for caskets. The whole of a Hoysala building is generally treated as the background for an extraordinary mass of complicated sculpture, sometimes occurring in great sheets of bas-reliefs and generally comprising many statues and statuettes, almost or wholly detached. The temples at Halebid are the best known, as having been illustrated by Fergusson and me, but there are several, perhaps it might be said, many others equally or almost equally ornate. A few examples of notable buildings may be cited from the last four reports of Mr. Narasimhachar. (1) The Chen nakebava Temple at Hullikere, situated in a small village about nine miles to the west of Konehalli, a railway station on the Bangalore and Poona line, was built in A. D. 1163 in the reign of Narasimha I Hoysala. It is rather small and stands in the middle of a cloistered courtyard. The outer walls are not profusely sculptured, nor are there horizontal rows of animals, etc., in succession, as in the temples at Halebid, Basaral, Nuggihalli, etc.; but instead there are five figures of Vishnu alternating with well-executed turrets and pilasters, with

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92 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MAY, 1915 the names inscribed at the base, such as Narayana, Vamana, Damodara, Sankarshana, Aniruddha, Achyuta, etc. The labels are effaced on some of the figures, of which there appear to be 24 in all, representing the 24 mortis or forms of Vishnu. The temple has a fine tower, in front of which we have the usual Sala and the tiger. Sala's figure is well carved and richly ornamented. In a niche on the east face of the tower, which resembles that at the Bachesvara temple at Koramangala, Hassan Taluk, is a richly carved figure of Kesava flanked by chauri-bearers (see Plate I). The plate referred to represents a very elegant and attractive composition, crowned by a characteristic example of the vase ornament (Report for 1910-11, page 2, Plate I). The twenty-four images of Vishuu are the subject of a special chapter in Mr. Gopinatha Rao's book on iconography (pp. 227-244 of text with three plates). All the images depicted belong to a Hoysala temple at Belur (A. D. 1117). A second labelled set of the 24 images is to be seen at Panthia near Mandbata in the Central Provinces (H. F. A., p. 206 note), and others exist. (2) Another notable temple described in the same report (page 5) is that of Lakshminarasimha at Javagal, erected about the middle of the thirteenth century. On the outer walls, beginning from the bottom, we have these usual rows of sculptures -(1) Elephants, (2) horsemen, (3) scroll work, (4) Puratic scenes, (5) vyalis or ardulas, () swans, (7) large images with canopies, (8) cornice, (9) turrets, and (10) eaves.' A variant list of similar rows of sculptures at Halebid is given on page 7, and other variations occur elsewhere. The elephants seem to be always at the bottom. The Hoysalesvara temple at Halebid was built or completed in the reign of Narasimha I (A.D. 1141-73) (page 8). (3) Temple of Kobava at Belar. This temple was built about A. D. 1117 by the famous Hoysala king Bittiga or Vishnuvardhana, but the door-frames, door-lintels, and perforated screens were added by his grandson, Ballala II (1173-1220). The temple is remarkable for the variety and high quality of the sculpture. It would take too much space to copy the full description, but a few sentences may be quoted : The perforated screens are twenty in number. Ten of them are sculptured, the two at the sides of the east doorway representing the darbar of a Hoysala king, probably Ballala II, and the others various Puranic scenes. The pillars at the sides of every screen have on their capitals figures standing out supporting the eaves. These Madanakai figures, as they are called in Kannada, which are mostly female, are wonderful works of art. Once there were forty of them round the temple. It is fortunate that only two are now missing. Two of them represent Durga. Three are huntresses, one bearing a bow and the others shooting birds with arrows. The pose of the latter is imposing though perfectly natural. Most of the other figures are either dancing or playing on musical instruments or dressing or decorating themselves. Several of these are represented as wearing breeches. The majority of the madanakai figures also occur in the 6th row in miniature... The last madanakai figure to the left of the north doorway, which represents a huntress, is flanked by two small figures, of which the one to the left is represented as carrying a baniboo lathi to the ends of which are tied a deer and a crane shot in the chase; while the other gets a thorn removed from the leg by a seated figure which u888 a needle for the purpose. The second figure to the right of the east doorway holds in its hand betel leaves which are true to nature, while the small figure at its left side spirte scented water with & syringe. In the creeper-like canopy of the figure to the left of the north doorway is

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PLATE 1 MYSORE ARCHITECTURE AND SCULPTURE Indian Antiquary. Chenua-Keava Teuple at Belir; southeastern perforated screen (c. A.D. 1200) with w enakuti figures,

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PLATE II MYSORE ARCHITECTURE AND SCULPTURE. [ Indian Antiquary. Hoysalesvara Temple, Halebid. Frieze by Revoja.

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May, 1915] ARCHITECTURE AND SCULPTURE IN MYSORE 93 sculptured on a fruit a fly, perfect in every detail, on which a lizard is preparing to pounce.' (Same Report, pages 12,13). Plate I shows the perforated screen on the south-east of the temple, with two excellent madanakai figures. The one on the left is a huntress. The figure on the right represents & woman plucking away her cloth from a mischievous monkey which has seized it with his teeth. (4) The temples at Belgami are remarkable for their early age, having been erected in the latter part of the eleventh century, before the Hoysala dynasty became independent. An inscription definitely dates the Tripurantakesvara Temple in A. D. 1070. That temple has a curious frieze illustrating several stories from the Panchatantra, including The swans and the tortoise,' and others (Same Report, pp. 16,17). (5) The Amfitesvara temple at Amfitapura in the Tarikere Taluk, described and illustrated in the Report for 1911-12 (pp. 24-26 and frontispiece), is a building of exceptional beauty, presenting various, peculiarities of construction, and full of choice sculpture. It dates from A. D. 1196. Mr. Gopinatha Rao considers it to be by no means inferior to the temple at Halebid,' and urges the necessity of measures for its conservation. The sculptures illustrato with great fulness the Bhagavata Pura na, and the Mahabharata, as well as the whole of the Ramayana. The stone prakara or compound wall is now in ruins. It had on the top all round thick stone discs, about 6 feet in diameter, with rectangular bases, both in one piece, the outer faces being sculptured with fine figures of flowers, animals, gods, etc., in relief. This is another special feature of this temple. A few of the discs are in position, though most of them have fallen down. The prakara must have once presented the appearance of a veritable art gallery, seeing that the artistically carved figures are of various kinds and designs. About a dozen varieties were observed in flowers alone, some standing by themselves, and some enclosed in fine geometrical figures such as squares and circles. The same was the case with the figures of animals.' So far as I know, such a screen of sculpture surrounding the grounds of a Hindu temple is unique. (6) Nuggihalli possesses two fine Hoysala temples, namely, (1) that of LakshmiNarasimha, of which I have published a photograph (H. F. A. Pl.x), and (2) the Somesvara temple. The first has the three-towered or triple form, and is full of elaborate sculpture. The second has only one tower and is less ornate. Both were erected about the middle of the thirteenth century, and are described in the Report for 1912-13 (pp. 2, 3). (7) The same Report (p. 8) describes a ruined Jain temple in the Hoysala style, with some good sculptures. This case adds one more to the many proofs that Fergusson was mistaken in assuming the existence of a Jain style, the truth being that the adherents of all religions used the artistic style prevailing in their country and time. The temple described is at Hale-Belgola near Sravana-Belgola. Another Jain temple in the Hoysala style at Chikka Hanasoge is described on p. 18. (8) The latest Report, that for 1913-14 (p. 8), mentions an old temple in Hoysala style called Kallesvara at Channagiri. It has two cells and towers. Having given a summary account of the most notable temples in the Hoysala style recorded in the Reports, I digress from my special subject to draw attention to the wonderful temple in Dravidian style at Nandi, which dates from the eighth century and

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94 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [Mar, 1916 appears to be the finest and most ornate of the temples in Dravidian style to be found in Mysore (Report, 1913-14, pp. 12-15, Plates IV, V). It is a double temple, measuring 370 by 250 feet, and is crowded with magnificent sculptures, differing, of course, in style from those of the much later Hoysala period. Whenever the history of art in Mysore shall come to be written in detail, the discussion of the architecture and sculpture of the Nandi temple will require a chapter to itself. Mr. Narasimhachar observes that in the detached building, called Kalyana-Mantapa, built of black stone, the pillars (Plate IV, 4) are beautifully carved from top to bottom. The delicacy of work and the elaboration of details are simply marvellous. Nowhere else is such exquisite workmanship to be seen, not even in the fine Chalukyan [scil. Hoysala] temples of the State. Birds, beasts, foliage, and human figures are perfectly chiselled. Not even an inch of space is left vacant.' A specially interesting statuette about three feet high is traditionally supposed to represent a Chola king seated bare headed in the posture of meditation (Pl. IV, 2). The temple would seem to deserve a monograph devoted to it alone. I now leave the teinples and proceed to offer some remarks on the rich store of Hoysala sculpture. All students of Indian art are familiar with the fact that, as a rule, the sculptures and paintings are anonymous, the artists being apparently indifferent to personal fame. But the Mysore sculptors, especially those of the Hoysala period in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, took great pains to preserve their own names by writing them in neat Kanarese characters below their several works. Even before the Hoysala age we find traces of the fame of individual artists. A newly discovered inscription on a rook at Sravana-Belgola mentions a sculptor named Bidigoja, with the honorary prefix Srimart, somewhere about A. D. 900 (Report, 1908-9, p. 15, para 60); and two other records at the same place, of date unspecified, mention Chandraditya and Nagavarma as having carved Jinas, animals, and other figures for the Jains (Report 1912-13, p. 32). The earliest records of the Hoysala sculptors seem to be those on the Amfitesvara temple at Ampitapura, built in A. D. 1196. The 15 signatures comprise Mallitamma or Malitama, and Mali, each four times; and Padumanna, Baluga, Malaya, Subujaga, Padumaya and Mulana, each once. The last named signs in the Nagari character, an indication that he came from the north. The most prolife of the seulptors was Mallitamma II, perhaps grandson of the artist of the same name at Amtitapura. We find his work at the Lakshmi-narasimha temple of Nuggihalli A. D. 1249, where he did the figures on the north-wall; ten times at the Lakshmi-narasimha temple of Javagal; and 40 times at the Kesava temple of Somnathpur. He does not assume any titles, but his colleague, Baichoja of Nandi, who executed the figures on the south wall at Nuggihalli, calls himself 'a thunder-bolt to the mountain of hostile titled sculptors' and a spear to the head of titled architects.' It would seem that in the thirteenth century there was much professional jealousy among the artistic architects. Of course, in India the architects have never formed a distinct profession. The temples, no matter how elaborate, were designed and built by headmen among the workers, and the same person, no doubt, often attended to both building and sculpture. At the Hoysalesvara temple of Halebid we find no less than 36 names of sculptors recorded, 32 on the walls, and four more on the basement. Only two names, those of Dasoja and Birana, agree with those in the list of the Kesava Temple of Belar

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PLATE III MYSORE ARCHITECTURES AND SCULPTURE. 3002CCAS/ Hoysalesvara Temple, Halebid. Frieze; left panel by Maba, son of Machanna; central panel by Macaya, son of Kavoja; right punel by Maba. [ Indian Antiquary.

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PLATE IV MYSORE ARCHITECTURE AND SCULPTURE. [ Indian Antiquary. Hoysalesvara Temple, Halebid, Frieze; Battle between Karna and Arjuna. Soldier on left supposed to be using a telescope.

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MAY, 1915) ARCHITECTURE AND SCULPTURE IN MYSORE 95 It would be tiresome to give further lists of forgotten names. Mr. Narasimhachar has enabled critics to differentiate between the workmanship of different artists by publishing, at my request, several plates of signed images in his last two Reports. Plate II of 1912-13 gives four examples of Mallitamma and Plate III gives three of his colleague Baichoja from Nuggehalli, while in the Report for 1913-14, we are given in Plate II two more images by Mallitamma II, and in Plate III, illustrations of the work of seven sculptors, namely Masanitamma, Nanjaya, Chaudeya, Baleya, Lohite, Yalamasaya, and Bamaya, all from Somnathpur. At present, I do not feel sufficiently familiar with the style to attempt liscrimination between the achievements of the several artists. At first sight, all seemn so be very much alike, but no doubt differences exist, which could be detected by an eye sufficiently trained. The style of all is extraordinarily ornate, and most minute care has been bestowed on the crnaments and accessories of the figures. The partly conventionalized foliage is beautifully executed. I admire particularly a Lakshmi by Mallitamma II (Report, 1912-13, PL. II, 3); and a Para-vasudeva by Baichoja (ibid., Pl. III, 3), but the taste of other people might prefer different figures. The kindness of Mr. Narasimhachar enables me to present two unpublished photographs illustrating the work at the Hoysalesvara temple of Halebid by four sculptors, viz., Revoja, Maba, Machanna father of Maba, and Masana son of Kavoja. The composition by Revoja, is supposed doubtfully to represent the fight between Bhima and Brihadratha. (See Plate II] The subjects of the other frieze [ See Plate III) are more certainly identified as : Central panel-Uma and Mahesvara, by Maba son of Machanna ; Left panel-Brahma, Vishnu, Shanmukha, and Ganesa, by Masana, son of Kavoja; and Right panel-Siva dancing, by Maba. When I was studying the Report for 1910-11 (p. 8, para 19), a passage in the description of the sculptures of the Hoysalesvara temple at Halebid, reading as-" to the left of the 6th niche, in the battle between Karna and Arjuna, a soldier using a telescope"struck me as being curious and needing explanation. In the Report for 1912-13 (p. 58, para. 132), Mr. Narasimhachar says that the sculpture may be taken as dating from about the middle of the twelfth century, and quotes my comment as follows: "The telescope is a surprise. The principle of the instrument was known in Europe to Roger Bacon, who died about 1294, but the instrument was not in practical use until 1608, in Holland (Encycl. Brit., latest edition). You might follow out the hint given by the sculpture. Is there any mention of the subject in Sanskrit literature ?" I have often examined the photograph and shown it to other people, without satisfactory result. At first sight it looks as if the man were really using a telescope, but I can hardly believe that such an instrument was used in India in the twelfth century. Moreover, what would be the need of it in a conflict where the parties were fighting in close contact? I think that the object which looks so like a telescope must really be intended for a club. (Every reader can judge for himself by examining Plate IV ]. It would be easy to write much more, but it is time to stop, and I conclude by noting that several passages in the Reports show that artists of considerable merit still exist in the Mysore State. The notice of the family of sculptors living at Devanhalli, the birth-place of Tippu Sulgan, is particularly interesting, because the members of the family use a Sanskrit treatise on their art entitled Sakaladhikara and are acquainted with other works on the subject (Report, 1913-14, p. 18). The title Sakaladhikara is not included in the list of treatises used by Mr. Gopinatha Rao for his work on Iconography.

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196 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MAY, 1915 NOTES ON THE GRAMMAR OF THE OLD WESTERN RAJASTHANI WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO APABHRAMCA AND TO GUJARATI AND MARWARI. BY DR. L. P. TESSITORI, UDINE, ITALY. (Continued from p. 81.) For the simple future the present indicative is sometimes substituted, as in the example: hu nahi mari I shall not die " (Bh. 41). $132. The present participle ends in a-tau (masc.), a-ti (fem.), a-tau (neut.),37 from Ap. a-ntai, a-nti, a-ntau < Skt. a-ntakah, a-ntaki, a-ntakam. The elision of the nasal in this case is common to all Neo-Indian vernaculars, with a few exceptions chiefly formed by Sindhi and Panjabi, which also differ in having d instead of t. Possibly the dental nasal had already been weakened into anunasika in some case in the Apabhramca, as it may be guessed from the examples karatu, quoted by Hemacandra Siddhahem., iv, 388, and jata occurring Prakrtapaingala, i, 132. In Old Western Rajasthani poetry, however, as well as in Old Hindi), instances are not wanting of present participles in antai as: calantu (Vi. 9), dharantu (Vi. 84), bihantii (instrum., Vi. 8), phiranta (Vi. 12), karanti (Rs. 55), mahamahanti (Rs. 56), etc. In the case of hatau, the present participle of the substantive verb ( $ 113), the nasal has been retained probably under the influence of , but here also it was regularly lost in the cognate form hatau, used for the imperfect tense. In the MS. Up. we meet with a few instances of present participles in itau, as: vada karitau (Up. 131). The present participle is inflected according to number, gender and case, like any other adjective. Ex.: janatu (masc. sing., Yog. ii, 23), anachati (fem. sing., Cal. 18), thakatau (neut. sing., Sast. 92, 104, 105), chadata (masc. plur., Bh. 78), Agatai (loc, sing., Adi C.), etc. Very often, chiefly after present participles used adjectively or absolutely, hitau is added pleonastically. Ex.: jotai hitai (Bh. 9), cocatai hutai (Bh. 81), jagatau hatai (Das, iv), bhamatai hitai (Adi. 46), padhii hatai (Dac. iv), etc. More rarely, after present participles used adjectively, thakau is added instead of hitai as in: bhamatau thikai (P. 665). In the following passage from Up., karatai is used in the same pleonastic function of ordinary hutau: isi dekhatau karatau ka na bujhai " Seing this, why doost thou not wake?" (Up. 208). Absolute locatives are very frequent. 123. Like in most of the cognate vernaculars, in Old Western Rajasthani too the present participle is capable of being used as a finite form to give the meaning of the imperfect and past conditional tense. The latter was already the case with the Prakrit, as is testified by Hemacandra, sutra iii, 180 of his Prakrit grammar. In Old Western Rajasthani the participial form doing function for the imperfect is distinguished from that doing function for the past conditional in that the former is inflected and the latter uninflected. I explain this difference as being due to a different position of the accent in each case. From the fact that participial imperfects always end in a strong termination, and in the particular case of hatau > thau, tau ( $ 113) contract or drop the initial 37 Of course, vocal roots do not take thematic a before the terminations. Ex.: jo-tai (Cra.), le-au (Dac. v, 94), etc.

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MAY, 1916) NOTES ON GRAMMAR OF THE OLD WESTERN RAJASTHANI 97 syllable, we are entitled to conclude that they are accented on their last syllable; whereas participial conditionals, which have come to loose every termination distinctive of gender and number, must obviously be accented on their radical syllable. As for the development of the imperfect meaning from the present participle, this is but a natural consequence of the continuative idea, which the latter involves. A verbal construction, which certainly contributed to the coming into use of the participial imperfect, is the absolute locative construction of the present participle, which is very common in Old Western Rajasthani, In rendering such absolute locatives into English, we are obliged to use the imperfect tense. Take the example following: bhagavantai rajya-lila bhogavatai " While the Reverend One was enjoying [his) kingplay" (Adi C). In the example above, we need but change the locative forms bhagavantai and bhogavatai into the nominative bhagavantai and bhogavatau, and introduce some relative temporal adverb like ji-varai, to transform the absolute phrase into a finite sentence with the verh in the imperfect. Illustrations of the use of the participial imperfect in Old Western Rajasthani are: ji-varai Rsabha kulaga[ra]panai varttata, tada jugalia sagala-hi kandahara, mulahara, pat[i]rahara, puspahara, phaldhara karata" When (Lord) Rsabha was living in the state of & kulakara, then the yugalins were all eating bulbs, roots, leaves, Howers and fruits" (Adi C). [Marudevi] Bharatha-nai dinam-prati olambhau deti" (Marudevi ] every day kept reproaching Bharatha" (Ibid). raiya leva va chatait" (He) wanted to take possession of the kingdom" (Dd. 3). apanai mukhi ghatatari " (He) used to put [it] in his mouth" (Up. 149). The Old Western Rajasthani participial conditional is used not only for the past, but also for the present, when the condition expressed by the protasis is such as cannot come into existence. Examples are: jau evadu tapa karata, tai moksi-i-ji pamata "Had [he] performed such a penance, [he] would have reached emancipation " (Up. 81). jai tetalau purau aukhu huata, taii moksi-ji jaata "If such a period of life were completed, [they would reach emancipation" (Up. 29). jai raga-dvesa na huta, tai kaina jiva duh kha pamata "If there were not [the two passions of ] attachment and batred, which living being would undergo suffering ?" (Up. 129). In the following instance the participial conditional is exceptionally inflected: jai te Pradeci-raya-nai Kega-nu samyoga na hutai, tac naragi-i-ji jatai - If that king Pradecin had not met Kecin, he would have gone just to the hell" (Up. 103). 124. The so-called adverbial present participle is formed by infleeting into the present participle. Thus from karatai, we have karata, from hdla, hata. In the same way as present participles (9 122), adverbial participles too may optionally retain the dental nusal, when used in poetry. Ex.: karanta (Vi. 87), bhanants (F 535, vii 1), jhuranta (Rs. 12). This adverbial participle has survived in both Gujarati and Marwari, and is also found in Marathi. I explain it as an absolute plural genitive contracted from Apabhramca : antahd, or antaha. Instances of absolute genitives are comparatively not scanty in the Apabhramca. Cf. cintantaha, which is quoted by Hemacandra (Siddh., iv, 362) and is used

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [May, 1915 absolutely much in the same way as the Old Western Rajasthani adverbial participle. A positive testimony to the correctness of my derivation, is in the following Old Western Rajasthani adverbial phrase, in which the adverbial participle is made to agree with a plural genitive : tumha jamai chat: " You being (my) son-in-law " (P. 357). Cf. also : majha-rahal bolatd hata tamhe sabhalait "mama vadatah yuyam crnuta" (Dac. v). Another testimony is in the very form bolatd hatd occurring in the example above, where we notice the same pleonastic use of hitai, that has been shown to be common after the present participle ( $ 122). Cl. also jott hadd occurring in Adi o. The adverbial participle is frequently used idiomatically in connection with adjectives having the general meaning of " difficult ". Ex.: minu yapanari pamatd dohilai "The human condition is diffioult to be attained" (Dd. 1). teha-naf virati avata dohili chai "To him disgust is difficult to come" (sast. 8). $125. With the present participle compound tenses are formed, as in most of the cognate vernaculars. I have noticed the following: PRESENT: nasata chal "[They ) are flying away " (Kal. 9). savih 7-8 il vada karitari chai "Keeps quarrelling with everybody" (Up. 131). udega pamatu nathi "[He] does not get anxious" (Dac. v, 90). rati divasa rahi jhurati" (She) is keeping grieving day and night " (F 783, 59). nirantara rudana karati rahai" (She) is keeping crying incessantly" (Adi C.). With the two last examples of the so-called continuatives of Hindi (Kellogg's Hindi Gr., $$ 442, 754 d. FUTURE: mahard samsariy! avata husii "My relatives will be coming (here] " (Up. 167). PAST: nakhatari gayai "[He] threw away" (Dd. 5). sangrahatau gayai "[He] picked up" (Ibid.). joto havo (for jotail havait) " (He) took to consider" (Karmaputrakatha, 38 25)." puchati havi" (She) asked" (Ditto, 16). bolata hava "[They] said " (Ditto, 43). The tengo evidenced by the three last examples exactly corresponds to the so-called "inceptive imperfect" of Braia and Old Baiswari, for which see Kellogg, Op. cit., $$ 491, 550. IMPERFECT : jatai thau "He was going" (P. 70). kiht jati hati "Where wast thou going ?" (P. 301). je uparjid hitau karma (Up. 167), see $ 113. $126. I shall group Old Western Rajasthani past participles under four heads according to their terminations and origin. (1) Past participles ending in iu, (yu); (iai), yau. This is by far the widest class in Old Western Rajasthani. Theo iu termination is from Apabhramca i < Skt. itah, and in the early period of the language this is the ruling termination. Its 'strong form iau ( < Skt. itakah) is of very rare occurrence, except under the form yau, which seems at first to have been used only after vocal roots, though subsequently 38 This refers to a MS. in the Kgl. Bibliothek of Berlin (Weber 1977), containing a comparatively recent commentary on the Kummd puttakahd, written in a slightly anti quated form of Gujarati,

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MAY, 1916) NOTES ON GRAMMAR OF THE OLD WESTERN RAJASTHANI 99 its usage went spreading on to such an extent as to completely supersede the former. Nowadays "yo syavi) is the common past participle termination in all the dialects of Gujarat and Rajputana. Old Western Rajasthani examples are : kar-ju (P., F 715) from kar-a-i. From kah-iu (Yog., Cil., Adi, etc.) from kah-a-i. wahrig von consonantal roots. ad-iu (P. 341) from ud-a-i. Lap-iu (P. 264) from ap-a-i. sdhya-yau (Kal. 17) from dhya-ya-i. From Jjo-yau (P. 212) from jo-i. vocal roots. tha-yai (P., Adi. 37, Indr. 30, Adi C., etc.,) from tha-i. Chu-yau (P. 633) from hu-i. Practically the same yail termination also occurs in past participles derived from the passive voice in 2-ya-i ( 137), as : di-yau (P.) from di-ya-i passive of di-i, api-yai (P. 324) from api-ya-i passive of ap-a-i, avi-yai (P. 323) from avi-ya-i passive-reflexive of av-a-i, eto. The iu termination anomalously occurs in the following two forms of past participles from vocal roots, to wit: diu (Fra.) from di-i, and liu (Rs. 35) from li-i, which possibly are built after the analogy of kiu (R$ 35, Kenh, 87) from Ap. kai or *kiu < Skt. krtah, giu (Kal. 44, Cal. 9, P. 252, Up. 62, Dac.) from Ap. gails Skt. gatah, thiu (Vi., Cal. 5, P. 478, 542) from Ap. thiu < Skt. sthitah( $ 2 (1). In poetry deg iu is occasionally written for it, as in: dar-iu (F 715, i, 34), av-iu (F 783, 26), diu (ibid.), atham-iu (P. 52). The same peculiarity is also found in the Apabhramea of the Pralertapaingala. The only instances of the use of the jai termination I have noticed are in the two forms jan-iaii and puj-iai, whereof the former is found Dd. 7 and the latter in Adi C. Examples of the yait termination being affixed to consonantel roots are: phul-yau, phal-yau (F 535, ii, 2), avatar-yau (F 783, 35 ), vyatikram-yati (Adi C.), all of which are from denominative verbs. Noticeable are the past participles following: gazu (Cal. 10, 86, 87) s Ap. gazu < Skt. gatikah. cau (Bh. 48) < Ap. cuai ( $ 18) < Skt. cuutakah. muu (Yog. ii, 97, Adi. 35, Up. 33) < Ap. muau (818) < Skt. mrtakah, huu (SS 113) < Ap. huai ( 19) < Skt. bhatakah. (2) Past participles ending in Anau. These being chiefly used in the passive meaning, it would appear that they are derived from the potential passive in a ( 140 ), and are connected with Sindhi past participles like ubhano, ujhano, khano, vikano, etc., which are from the passivo verb in amanu (Cf. Trumpp, Sindhi Grammar, 45). Instances of past participles in ana, however, are not wanting in the Jainamaharastri -- cf. paldna, which occurs four times in Jacobi's Maharastri Erzahlungen -; and in the Ardhamagadhi a na is sometimes substituted for mana (See Pischel's Prakr. Gramm. S 562).30 Again, past participles in dno, ana are not rare in the Old Baiswart of Tulasi Dasa, as : phirdno risana, haragane, eto. (See Kellogg's Hindi Grammar, 560, b). Old Western Rajasthant examples are : ulhanai "Extinguished " Up. 118. kriyanau " Bought " P. 47. 59 Of. the two parallel forms katanu and haldmanu in Gujarati (Bolsare's, Etymological Gujarat English Dictionary, p. 198).

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100 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY ksobhanau"Frightened" P. 197. capanai "Crushed " P. 75. chetaranai "Deceived" Adi. 76. mukanau "Set free, discharged " Bh. 13, F 633 murchani (fem.) "Fainted away " F 783, 69. ranganai "Dyed" P. 444. risanai Incensed " Vi. 7. [MAY, 1915 vancani (fem.) " Bereft" F 783, 69. vilakhani (fem.) "Disconcerted" F 783, 65. sadhanai "Completed " Dd. 7. This form of past participles has survived in Gujaratf and is still in use in the colloquial of north Gujarat (Grierson's LS I., vol. ix, Pt. ii, p. 343). 0 (3) Past participles ending in dhai. These are confined to the six instances following: kidhai "Done" connected with karai, (Kal. 26, P., Rs. 30, Adi., Bh., Adi C. etc.). khadhai "Eaten " connected with khai, (P. 255, Yog. iii, 32, 39). didhai "Given" connected with dii (Yog. ii, 41, Indr. 3, Pr. 17, P., Adi., Adi C., etc.).. pidhai "Drunk" connected with pii (Kal. 11, P. 428, F 706). *bidhai "Frightened" connected with bihai (Cf. Modern. Gujarati bidho). lidhai "Taken" connected with lii (Cal. 34, Up., etc.). * * * These forms are still surviving in Modern Gujarati and Marwarf and have already attracted the attention of students of comparated Neo-Indian vernaculars, but have never been satisfactorily explained. After a long consideration of the question, I have finally persuaded myself that dhau has derived from nhau, through insertion of an euphonic d. The process is somewhat akin to the well known case of Apabhramca pannaraha (< Skt. pancadacan), which in Old Western Rajasthani gives panara (SS 80), but in Gujarati and Marwari pandara, Panjabi pandard, Sindhi pandaraha and pandhra, Marathi pandhara. Professor Pischel has shown that the Prakrit past participle dinna is from *did-na (Prakrit Gramm., SS 566), and, on the other hand, evidence is not wanting that in Prakrit the past participle suffix -na is much more largely used than in Sanskrit. It is to hypothetical forms in -na, like krn-na> krna, khad-na > khanna, did-na > * dinna, *pip-na, bibh-na, * lin-na, that these Old Western Rajasthani past participles in dha(u) are to be traced. The intermediate steps (with kah svarthe) are Apabhramca kinnau, * khannau, dinnau (dihai), pinnau, binhai (?), linnau (linhai), from which, according to SS 41, Old Western Rajasthani makes: kinhau, khanhau, dinhai, pinhau, binhau, linhai and subsequently, euphonic d being inserted in the place of n: kidhai, khadhai, didhai, bidhai, lidhau. A case perfectly analogous with this is Prakrit cindha, which is fromcinha Skt. cihna (Cf. Pischel's Prakr. Gramm., SS 267). The set kinhai, dinhai, linhai occurs in Eastern Rajasthani and further on in Braja, and is also found in the Old Baiswari of Tulasi Dasa. Of bidhai I have found no instances in my Old Western Rajasthani materials, but it is safe to postulate it fror the evidence of Modern Gujarati. Old Western Rajasthani has in its stead bihanai (P. 227, 451), which is the parent of Modern Gujarati bino and is probably derived from the * binhai of the nha- set above. Quite exceptional is the occurrence of the dhai- termination in vajadhya, a past participle neuter plural from vajavai (Kanh. 78). The case of ladhai "Obtained" (Adi..29, Bh. 53, Adi C.) has nothing to do with the past participles in dhau, it being regularly derived from * *

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MAY, 1916) NOTES ON GRAMMAR OF THE OLD WESTERN RAJASTHANI 101 Apabhramca laddhau < Skt. labdhakah. The same remark applies to sidhau, pratibudhail and others which will be found recorded in the following paragraph. (4) Past participles derived from original Sanskrit participles in ta or na from oonsonantal roots. The two elements of the conjunct formed by the union of the final consonant of the root with the affix in Sanskrit, were assimilated in Apabhramca and subsequently simplified, according to 40, in Old Western Rajasthani. Examples are : GUTTURALS: bhagai (P. 299, 517) < Ap. bhaggail < Skt. bhagnakah. lagai (Da. 8) Ap. laggau < Skt. lagnakah. CEREBRALS: chatau (P. 324) < Ap. Khuttau (? Cf. Hemacandra's Decinamamala, u, 74) < Skt. * ksuttakah ( kesud). trutau (Adi C.) < Ap. tuttau (31) < Skt. *rutlakah( trut). dichau (P., Yog., Bh. 4, Dd. etc.) < Ap. ditthait < Skt. drs!akah. nathau (P. 195,582, Dd. 1) Ap. narthau < Skt. naslakah. pailhau, paithau (Rs. 55, Adi. 17) < Ap. paitthau < Skt. pravis!akak. baithau (F 535, iii, 2) < Ap. uvail!hau ($ 5, (3)) < Skt. upavi takah. rathau (P. 349) < Ap. rutthai < Skt. rustakah. budai (F 616, 21 ) < Ap. buddau < Skt. brudnakah. DENTALS: khutau (P. 53, Dac., Indr. 61, Sast. 80) < Ap. khuttau < Skt. kesuptakah. vitau (Indr. 4) < Ap. * jittau (Cf. Jainamaharastri jitta, in Jacobi's Mah. Erz., 13. 6. and Pischel's Prakr. Gramm., 194) < Skt. jitakah. pahutai, puhutau (P. 165, 168, Up. 105, Adi C., etc.) < Ap. *pahuttau r and then into l. Such an explanation met with two diffisulties: first that in Prakrit the change of d to d is a very doubtful one except in a few cases registered by Hemacandra under sutras i, 217-8 of his Siddha', in most of which d is initial, and anyhow it is not probable that a Prakrit dental consonant first passed into a cerebral and then back again into a dental; and secondly that in Gujarati original d does not give 1, but !, as in the example sola from Ap. solaha < Skt. sodaca. Dr. Hoernle (Compar. Grammar, $ 306) had tried to obviate the former difficulty by deriving 1 directly from d, but here again the change d > l is very

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102 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MAY, 1915 rare in Prakrit and in some of the cases, where it apparently occurs, it is doubtful whether l represents the pure dental, or the cerebral !, derived from d through d. Tho above derivation appeared therefore to be strongly improbable, a fact which had already occurred, indeed, to the Rev. Kellogg in the first edition of his Hindi Grammar (1875), and a few years after to Mr. Beames, who, in the third volume (1879) of his Comparative Grammar, advanced the opinion that the Neo-Indian participle in I might be somehow connected with the Slavonic preterites in 1, and possibly represent the survival of an ancient form not preserved in classical Sanskrit nor in the written Prakrits, which was in existence before the separation of the various members of the Indo-European family. The right explanation, however, was much more simple. The first who came near to the truth was Sir Charles Lyall, who in his Sketch of the Hindustani Language (1880) suggested that the I was a diminutive suffix. Next to him Mr. R. G. Bhandarkar, in his Wilson Lectures, pointed out the Prakrit suffix illa as the prototype of modern l. but it was not till 1902 that Professor Sten Konow, in his Note on the Past Tense in Marathi (J.R.A.S., xxxiv, p. 417 ff.), clearly showed the above derivation to be the correct one. Sir George Grierson had previously come to the same opinion. That modern l must have derived from Prakrit Il is clearly evidenced not only by the Old Western Rajasthani forms in illa quoted above, but also by the corresponding suffixes -elo, -ela of Modern Gujarati. where l being dental, is necessarily referable to original Il. Wemust think of the Prakrit taddhita suffix -illa (-ella ), which in the Jainamaharastri is capable of being appended not only to nouns and adjectives, but also to past participles. Examples are very common in the Avagyaka tales : agaelliya "Come" fem. (Leumann's edition, p. 27), varelliya "Betrothed " fem. (ibid., p. 29), chaddiellayam" Spilt" (ibid.. p. 44, n.), etc., and sporadic traces are not wanting in other texts, e.g. laddhilliyam " Obtained " fem. accus., occurring in the Jainamaharamtri of Dharmadasa's Uvaesamala, 292. and anilliya-"Brought" occurring in the Ardhamagadhi of the Vivahapannatti, 961. The scantity of such participial forms in literary Jainamaharastri texts, and their being comparatively very common in the language of the Avagyakas, which represents for us the most uncultivated and ancient form of Jainamaharastri we have documents of, is a good testimony to the employment of Prakrit past participles in -illa being confined to the vulgar speech, and consequently to their being widely spread in the ordinary use. Now the Prakrit taddhita guffix-illu, -illaa, -illia passes into Old Western Rajasthani as -ila, -ilaa, -ilia or -ala, -alaa, -alia (see $$ 144, 145 )-the very suffixes contained in the Old Western Rajasthani past participle sunilla (poetical form for sunild) and kidhalu quoted above. The Modern Gujarati form in elo can be easily explained as having originated from an amplification of a or i to ai, whence e. CF. $$ 2, (3), and 4, (2). The Old Western Rajasthani past participles, to whichever of the five classes they may belong, are inflected according to gender, number and case, like any regular adjective. In poetry an uninflected form in (i)a is sometimes used for all genders and numbers. Thus : Rs. 3, 14, we find karia for karin, Rs. 30 lobhia for lobhiu and avia for avir, Ry. 55 paitha for paithi, P. 448 didha, kidha for didhi, kidhaii, etc. 127. The Old Western Rajasthani past participle is used a) as a verb, b) 28 a neuter verbal noun, and c) as an adjective or substantive. When used as a verb, it admits of all the three constructions, namely: (1) The ACTIVE (karlari prayoga), as in the examples : had bolige " I said " (P. 230).

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MAY, 1915] NOTES ON GRAMMAR OF THE OLD WESTERN RAJASTHANI 103 karahau bhaniu "The camel spoke" (P. 496), Vrahmadatta rajya pamyai "Brahmadatta obtained the kingdom" (Dd. 1), kuna mujha-ne lavyo che "Who did carry me (here] ? " (Kurmaputra katha 28 40); (2) The PERSONAL PASSIVE (karmani prayoga), as in the examples : rajakanya mal dithi " I saw the princess" (P. 337) mai didhau dana "I have granted [him) the gift [of life]" (P. 232) ti ... janamya cri Jinaraja "Thou hast given birth to the Venerable king of the Jinas" (Rs. 65). Maladevai Devadatta tedavi, patara ni kidhi "Maladeva had Devadatta summoned, {and] made her head-queen" (Dd. 6). devatae devadundubhi vajavi " The deities sounded the divine drums" (Adi C.); (3) The IMPERSONAL PASSIVE (bhavi prayoga), as in the examples following, which are all taken from Adi C.: loke harsita thake Creyamsa-nai puchyari "The people, being delighted, asked Creyamsa ..." vanapalake jai Bahubali-nai vinavyau "The wood men went [and] told Bahubali ..." Sundari-nai Bharathai rakhi " Bharatha detained Sundari." It will be seen that in all these three examples the verb is attracted into the gender of the object, as in Modern Gujarati. In the example quoted by Sir George A. Grierson from the Mu. (L.S.I., Vol. ix, Part ii, p. 360), however, the participle is in the neuter, and so it is also in the following passage from P. 314 : te pumsali bandhavid vali " [She] tied that unchaste one again." Of the three verbal constructions of the past participle, the second is by far the commonest in Old Western Rajasthani. $ 128. When used as a verbal noun, the past participle is inflected in the neuter (-masculine) form. No instances occur of the nominative. It admits of two constructions to wit : (1) The oblique construction governed by a postposition. Examples : punya karya vina " Without having performed meritorious acts" (F 722, 63). Settumja-gira sevya vyand "Without having worshipped the Catrumjaya mountain" (ibid., 64). nisarya pachi "After having gone out " (Adi. 16). Ujeni-thi Muladeva calya pachi "After Muladeva's having started from Ujjain" (Dd. 6). civya puthai " After having decayed " (Adi C.). (2) The absolute construction, in which the past participle is put in the locative, instrumental or plural genitive case. The first one seems to have been the most frequent case and it is from it that the conjunctive participle in i has originated as will be shown subsequently ( 131). Examples: madya pidhai gahildi karait "Having drunk wine, you behave like a mad" (P. 302). e janamyal desyu nama Vardhamana-kumara "Once he will be born, I will give [him) the name of Vardhamana-kumara" (F 535, iv, 2). vivadi upanaj hltaj "Altercation having arisen " (Sasst. 52). jai papa jasa lidhai nami "Sins are destroyed at uttering the name whereof." (Cal. 34). 40 See note 38, to SS 126.

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104 . THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY sosa karyal syu thaya "By grieving what profit is made?" (F 535, iv, 7). In the last of the examples above, one would be at a loss to decide whether karyal is a form in the locative or rather in the instrumental. Of the plural genitive form I have noticed the instances following: rahijyo baitha ghari "Remain sitting in the house!" (P. 296). hu aviu hutai rota sunt "I have come, from having heard [you] crying" (P. 535) natha jaya "[They] are flying away" (Kanh. 49) agi samipi rahya "Fire being near" (Indr. 42) yauvana-nai visai rahy While in the young age" (Indr. 98). 16 It is unnecessary to remark that here also-like in the case of the so-called adverbial present participle (SS 124) is contracted from Apabhramca aha (aha), the plural genitive termination. From the analogy with the adverbial present participles, we might call these absolute genitive forms adverbial past participles. These also have survived in both Modern Gujarati and Marwari. giu hutai" Gone" (v, 2). Incensed." [MAY, 1915 SS 129. When used as an adjective, the past participle is very frequently followed by hatai, the present participle of the auxiliary verb. (Cf. the analogous case of the present participle, SS 122). Take the two examples following, both from Dac.: ruthai hatai Instead of hutai, thakai (thikai) is also found; as in: baithi thaki "Being seated" fem. (Adi C.) harsiu thikai" Glad" (Up. 6). For an analogous employment of thakkiu in Apabhramca, see Prakrtapaingala, i, 190. In the two following passages from P., the past participle is used with rahai in much the same way as the so-called continuatives of Hindi (Cf. Kellogg's Hindi Grammar, SSSS 442, 754, d): aja svami sahu bhukhya rahai "To-day, O Sir, all are hungry" (P. 483) anaboliu rahiu "[He] remained silent" (P. 484). Examples of past participles used as substantives are: kahit navi karii "[You] have not done what [I] had told [you]" (P. 551). jai kahiu karai "If [you will] do what I am going to tell [you]" (P. 552). $130. From the past participle the following compound tenses are evidenced: PERFECT: aviu chi iha "I have come here" (P. 417). nidra-vasi hui chai bala, "The girl has been overcome by sleep" (P. 341). avya chi amhe "We have come" (Ratn. 175). mikya chi" [They] have been abandoned" (Yog. iv, 119). agai vakhani chai "It is described further on" (Cra.) loka bhela thaya chai "People have assembled " (Adi C.). PLUPERFECT: kahin tau" It had been said" (P. 681) kahya hata tehava te karya "He made them such as they had been told" (P. 37) je vrahmana samghatai atavi laghi hati "The brahman in whose company [he] had crossed the forest" (Dd. 6).. gaya hata "[They] had gone" (Adi C.). PAST CONDITIONAL: aja-layal ha acarya huu hoyata, jai kimha-i na sidhu-yogya dik a-nat visai ramiu hoyata "By this time I would have become a preceptor, if I had taken any pleasure in the initiation which is fit for the holy men" (Dac. xi, 8).

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MAY, 1015) NOTES ON GRAMMAR OF THE OLD WESTERN RAJASTHANI 105 $ 131. The conjunctive participle is formed in two ways in Old Western Rajasthani, to wit: (1) By adding to the root the termination -evi, which is identical with Apabhrazaca -evi (Pischel's Prakr. Gramm., 588) from Sanskrit -tvi, an old locative. This form of the conjunctive participle is very rarely used in Old Western Rajasthani and chiefly confined to poetry. It is clearly but an Apabhramaca survival that is fast dying out. Examples are : bhanevi, dharevi VI. 27. jodevi Rp. 77. paramevi Cal. 1. panamevia Rs. 1. vandevi F 715, i, 2. jolevi kari F646, 1. (2) By adding to the root the termination -i. This is the general form for the conjunctive participle in Old Western Rajasthani, and it has survived unchanged in Modern Gujarati and in some dialects of Modern Rajasthani like Malvi (Grierson's L.S.I., Vol. ix, Part ii. p. 57). I shall first give some illustrations, and then enter into the discussion of its origin: nami Cil. 1. lei P., Yog. iv, 25, Adi C., etc. vistari Kal. 5. jui P., Cal. 12, 16, F 535, ii, 5. vaulavi P. 678. In poetry -1 is often followed by pleonastic a ($ 2, (6)). Examples: palia Rs. 15. mariya Vi. 7. chilia Rs. 59. panamiya Vi, 1, F 715, i, 20. variya Ja. 4. In both poetry and prose, the conjunctive participle in -i is very frequently enforced by appending to it pleonastically the postposition nai, as in: kari-nai Rs. 8, P. 276. mehali-nai Kanh. 97, Bh. 70. vici-nai Vi. 20. jani-nai Bh. 92. thai-nai P. 275. chadi-nai Adi. 7. milia-nai Rs. 63. bhogavi-nai Indr. 23. or the postposition kari, as in: tedavi-kari P. 172. dekhi-kari Adi C. bhogavi-kari Cil. 4. It is evident that the last but one form of the Old Western Rajasthani conjunctive participle is the parent of Gujarati o i-ne, whereas the last one is but the strong form of Marwati a-kara (from 'i-kari), Panjabfi-kara, Braja o i-kari, etc. Students of Neo-Indian vernaculars have hitherto been maintaining that the i termination of the Gujarati conjunctive participle has derived from Apabhracao i < Skt. ya. Now, this is strongly improbable as there are no possible reasons to account for an Apabhramca final i being turned into i in any vernacular in a similar case. Nor on the other hand are we entitled to assume the Prakrit termination ia to have been occurring in the Apabhramca, when there is no safe evidence to rely upon and such a termination is ignored by Prakrit Grammariang. Again, had the vernacular conjunctive participle come down from Sanskrit ya, namely from an old instrumontal which since the Vedic age has lost its original case meaning, it would be most extraordinary on the part of the modern vernaculars to have recovered the notion that that form originally was a declensional case, and have consequently combined it with case postpositions. (To be continued.)

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106 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MAY, 1916 A NOTE ON SOME SPECIAL FEATURES OF PRONUNCIATION, Ero., IN THE GUJARATI LANGUAGE. BY. N. B. DIVATIA, B. A; BANDRA. mahAn hamArUM (Continued from p. 19.) To come to item (b) again ;-the presence of the h-sound in certain words. A few instances will put the matter in a clear light. Take the words , , , , , 5476. It will be seen that an h-sound is heard in all these words, and its presence is traceable etymologically to an existing h in the intermediate Prakrit or Apabhranca stage; thus - Sanskrit. Prakrit or Apabhramca. Gujarati. bhaginI bahiNI TNT: bahiro mharo mahanto (intermediate stages - mhoTo HET, TET.) lakSNam kaphoNiH kahogI kahogI, karaNI bhasmada (base) majhe asmAkam adyAraM (Desya) pahilaM Instances can be multiplied in great variety. But these will suffice as types. Now the following features as regards this h-sound deserve special notice : (1) The h-sound is weak (grea) in Gujarati; and (2) The tendency of this h-sound is to move towards and mingle with the initial syllable in a word. The truth about (1) will be perceived if we remember (a) that this sound is weak in certain Gujarati words where the h is written even by those who advocate the dropping of h in words of the type named above, e. g. ( I). (now); ft (-still); TUTH (-a barber); $( light); etc.; and (b) that even in Prakrit and Apabhranca this h is very often weakly sounded as is decidedly indicated by metrical values; e. g. Peter WUTTI (RT.. <-/-ray) The h in MUTT here is obviously weak : otherwise the preceding would possess two matras and spoil the metre. The advocates against I forget this essential fact and distort the sound in toto. by sounding it strongly. As regards (2), an accurate observation of the sound is the best test. However, clear indication of the tendency pointed out by me is furnished by certain words where

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May, 1915) A NOTE ON GUJARATI PRONUNCIATION 107 pIma the mingles so thoroughly with the initial consonant as to give a class aspirate as a resultant sounds; e. g. Sanskrit Prakcit or Apabhranca Gujarati gabhIram gahIraM gheI gRhItaH gahelo calo godhA gohA godhUmaH gohUmo gharDa mahaNam maharSa gharaNa saMgraha saMpaho saMgharo bhISmaH gihamI (Noto: This result is due to the fact that the rint and as of and are aimost identical, with a few exceptions, whereas in the case of , , etc. they are so different as to prevent the formation into , &ca). A further independent indication is furnished by the fact that in Hindi we always write , #, GATT, though it must be noted that the h-sound is strong in Hindi - an effect of the strong lung power of the sturdy races of Upper India. This brief analysis will be enough to justify the spelling of words of this class with an h rather than without it. Dr. Tessitori refers to the list of words quoted by Sir George Grierson at pp. 347 ff. of his volume on Gujarati in the Linguistic Survey of India. The list is necessarily faulty occasionally; e. g. dahya (wise, prudent) is given as a word in which the h-sound is not written; but in fact, nobody even amongst the advocates of dropping the h writes daya; similarly jehr or jher ( poison) given in the list is always written with an aspirate, most commonly jher (with the class aspirate); on the other hand, tehtris (-thirty-three) is wrongly given as possessing an h-sound. This by the way; what I wish to accentuato is the fact that this I-sound must be, and is now being, shown in writing in our Gujarati language. To substantiate this statement I am reluctantly compelled to briefly go into the history of the agitation for phonetic spelling which I hinted at in my opening paras in this Note, and in which I took the main share. Those who know this history will remember that until the Educational Department introduced an arbitrary and artificial system of spelling over 40 years ago, this h-sound was represented in actual writing in some manner or other, as is evidenoed by books published before that period and private letters and other writings. The inconsistencies and errors of the Departmental books attracted the attention of the late Mr. Navalram Lakshmiram, a sound Gujarati scholar, who, wrote an able discussion in his Gujarat-Sala * This process has a beginning oven in the Prakrit stage in some cas; . 9., Sanskrit un Prakrit . The Prakerit grammarians give as the ready-made Adehaol for the sake of brevity and convenience; but the word really preges silently through the following phonetis stages : T. TCE, TE, gi. . True, this system was adopted under the advice of a Committee of "experts of the day. But the Committee laboured under certain disadvantages. It is not possible to go into the whole history. But it may be pointed out that while some of the errors of the Committee were disapproved of by much mon as the late Saatri Vrajalal Kalidas, the sound: elements in its recommendations, on the other hand, were not corrootly understood, or were not properly followed, in the editing of the schoolbooks of the day.

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108 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MAY, 1915 Patra in 1872 A. D. He pointed out, amongst other things, that'the h-sound could not be left unrepresented in writing, though the position he assigned to it in the body of a word was not quite correct. His efforts proved futile. Then after a lull of sixteen years, the subject was revived by me in a small treatise on Gujarati Spelling in which I pleaded for the adoption of a phonetic system of writing Gujarati words, on the two-fold ground that our vernacular languages, being evolved out of Sanskrit (an essentially phonetic language) possessed a special phonetic aptitude and their genius was suited, unlike English, to such a system, and that the philological history of the words in our language justified and facilitated the adoption of that system. I wrote to the Director of Public Instruction forwarding a copy of my treatise, and suggesting an inquiry into this question with a view to reform the existing system (or want of system) of spelling. Nothing came out of it. Later on about the year 1904 A. D. when a committee was appointed by the Educational Department to revise the Vernacular Text Books, I made a fresh effort and brought the subject to the notice of the President of the Committee, but with an equal want of success. T It may be noted in passing that between the year 1888 (when my first treatise appeared) and 1904 A. D. the agitation for phonetic spelling was kept up by me by articles in Gujarati magazines and by putting into practice my system in all my writings. It succeeded to some extent in influencing the method of spelling in the case of several books written by private persons unconnected with the Educational Department. Before the First Gujarati Sahitya Parishad in 1905. A. D. I read a paper on Gujarati spelling wherein I reviewed the whole history of the question, and discussed all the moot points and offered my viows and suggestions. The result of all this agitation is that my efforts have borne fruit through their very feiure. For it must be remembered that outside the limits of the Departmental Literature there exists a wide field, and, while the Educational Department and some of its devotees have stuck to the orthodox system of unscientific and historically untrue spelling, a number of present day writers and others have accepted the rational system and are freely using this h in the words in which it is really sounded, as a glance at any recent book or monthly magazine will show; thus pointing to the signs of the times and leaving no doubt that this h has come to stay, as has been admitted to me even by the adherents of the orthodox school. I must not omit to mention the name of the late Mr. Madhavlal H. Desai, Principal of the Ahmedabad Training College, who, as Editor of the Gujarat-Sala Patra and in other T I must frankly state here that the composition of this Committee was far from representative, as it mainly consisted of gentlemen wedded to the existing system, and the results of their labours practically showed that they adhered to the policy of clinging to the existing departmental practice, and where any changes were introduced they made matters worse, instead of improving them. 8 I have in view especially the admission of some of the members of the Spelling Committee appointed at my Instance by the First Gujarati Sahitya Parishad, who finished their deliberations and submitted their report to the Fourth Parishad. I was one of the members. Our report was necessarily inconclusive, in the face of certain strong views held by sevoral members, and our recommendations were therefore on the lines of & non-committal policy. As regards the h sound we all admitted its existence, but in view of the divergence of opinions held by the members, we refrained from stating how it was to be represented. This was but an official statement. But as a matter of fact the h-sound is now freely used in writing in our every day literature by a number of writers,

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MAY, 1915] A NOTE ON GUJARATI PRONUNCIATION 109 capacities, advocated and adopted to some extent the phonetic system of spelling. This brief review of the history of this agitation and its result in the practical writing of the day, will show that it is incorrect to say that the h- sound is dropped in writing; it does not accord with the exact state of things in Gujarati literature. Sir G. Grierson's statement to this effect was naturally influenced by the authorities to which alone he had access; these obviously ignored the existing phase in the history of Gujarati spelling, and perhaps minimized its value and significance. I must now touch two out of the several important linguistic features dealt with by Dr. Tessitori. The first is the postposition rahal () which he notices as one of the characteristics of the Marwari tendency in later Old Western Rajasthani. The use of this dative post position to express the sense of the genitive is regarded by the learned doctor as a Marwari tendency. I am not in a position to call into question the correctness of this view. But I shall place one particular fact regarding this postposition and its genitive use, which is likely to influence him in coming to a definite conclusion. The Mugdhavabodha-Auktikas, no doubt, is free in its use of this rahat in a genitive as well as dative sense. But there is another set of works which I have come across and in which this postposition is used in the genitive sense with equal liberality. I allude to certain Parsi religious and other works translated into Sanskrit by Mobed Neriosang Dhaval, who is believed to have flourished in the 12th or 13th century of the Christian Era. These Sanskrit translations have been further rendered into Gujarati (i. e. the language of the period prevailing in Gujarat) by cther Mobeds later on some time about the 14th or the first half of the 15th century A. D., as I conclude from the nature of the language. It is in these old Gujarati translations that the postposition is found used with great frequency, 10 A few instances will be not without interest : (1) ghAtaka durAcArI rahiM ghAta kara uttamarahiM uttama vibhUti 9 I may be permitted to point out incidentally that the name of the work is Auktika and not Mauktika. Sir George Grierson has repeatedly called it Mauktika. (Vide pp. 353 and 359 of his Linguistic Survey of India, Vol. IX, Part II). Dr. Fleet in an editorial foot-note at the opening page of my review of that work, (vide Ante. February 1892, p. 52), has deliberately come to the conolusion that the name is Mauktika and not Auktika, on the basis of the evidence given by him which, as a matter of fact, leads to an opposite conclusion. This mistake seems to have arisen out of the fact that the whole name mugdhAvabodhamauktikam can be separated in two ways mugdhAvabodham + auktikam _and_mugdhAvabodha+mauktikam, and also out of the fact that H. H. Dhruva called this edition of the work, of a series contemplated by him. But it is clear that the true name is auktikam, 1st because mauktikaM as appended in this name makes no proper sense, 2ndly because auktikaM has a reference to the expression uktInAM - (AmnAya ) saMgraha in the opening verse of the work, and 3rdly and mainly because in the concluding colophon the author himself distinctly calls it auktikam : auktikaM vyadhita mugdhakRte zrIdeSacandaragurukamareSu // Auktika was evidently a common designation for treatises of this kind. There is one such, called Vakyaprakasa Auktika written in V. S. 1507; its opening verse says: devadevaM namaskRtya jinaM trijagadIzvaram / saMkSepAdauktikaM vakSye bAlAnAM hitabuddhaye || (This work is listed in Prof. Buhler's Catalogue at No. iii 18, also in Dr. Aufrecht's Catalogus Catalogorum). 10 These works have been published under the patronage of the Parsi Panchayat of Bombay under the able and learned editorship of Ervad Sheriarji Bharucha.

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110 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MAY, 1915 (Ijisni, Notes, p. 15, col. 1). (2) (8) (Ibid, Notes, P. 14, col. 1). (4) anerA purUSa tathI ramI athavA bhatArahita nArI ra9rSa kAmArthya tathaI viSaI su ha (Khurd-Avastarthah, Notes, P. 15) puNyamayI gAthAu tajhorahiM namaskAra ha suMdara te bhalo biharahiM kesalAI manuSyanu zubha kalyANa varta Another work called Arda Gvird (or Arda Viraf) is translated into Sanskrit and then into Gujarats. A manuscript copy of this written in v. s. 1507 (-A. D. 1451) was shown to me by Mr. Behramgor Anklesaria. I find therein the following: jINa pApa karI AtmArahiM isau dohilau nimahaH kIjadda achi / Now, what I may place for Dr. Tessitori's consideration is the fact that these Parsis in the 14th and 15th centuries A. D. could hardly have themselves come under a Marwadi influence, as they had not travelled then beyond Cambay, Div and parts of Central Gujarat. I do not forget that the Old Western Rajasthani was the prevalent language, and it did not split up into Gujarati and Marwadi till after the 15th century, and that all that is intended by Dr. Tessitori is the silent Marwadi tendency, indicated by features peculiar to Marwadi and dropped by Gujarati. Still I submit these data for such use as he may wish to make of them. The second point is that touched at p. 24 of the February (1914 A. D.) number of this Journal under item 6. It refers to the existence in Marwadi and Gujarati of separate words to express the plural of the first personal pronoun, when the addressee is included, and when he is excluded. Gujaratt has hame () when the person addressed is excluded and apane (sq) when he is included. I wish to point out that this peculiarity is not general amongst the vernaculars of India. Gujarati is one of the few exceptions, which also include the Dravidian (and also the Munda) dialects. (Vide Extract from the Manual of the Administration of the Madras Presidency, taken by Sir George Grierson in his article on Languages in the Imperial Gazetteer of India (new Edition), Vol. I, (A. D. 1907) p. 380). I cannot go into the voluminous details of phonetics so studiously collected by Dr. Tessitori. It is neither necessary nor within the purpose and scope of the present Note to do so. But I may take this occasion and make a suggestion with due deference. It is about the advisability of classifying the several heads under this chapter on phonetics so as to bring several diverse features under a possible common principle. I would cite the instances under SS 2 (4), SS 5 (3) and SS 7 (3). These refer to the dropping of the initial a, initial u, and initial e. If the several instances falling under these heads are studied together, it will be seen that they fall under the common principle which governs the rule that an unaccented initial syllable is generally dropped. This phonetic rule has been indicated by Dr. Sir P. G. Bhandarkar in one of his Wilson Philological Lectures. (Vide Journal Bombay Asiatic Society, Vol. XVII, Part II A. D. 1889, P. 145). However, it is perhaps necessary for Dr. Tessitori to deal with each head separately under the system of analysis adopted by him.

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May, 1918] MISCELLANEA 111 MISCELLANEA. KAYATHA. Ante, p. 20 K, P. T., in his attempt to find out the ethnic origin of the writer-caste Kdyaatha, states that the original form of the word sooms to be Kayatha, and that if Kdyatha or Kayathan, which he is told meang 'papers, records,' in Telugu, is a native Dravidian word, the question of the othnic origin of Kayatha will be set at rost. He also desires some one from the Madras Presidency to enlighten him on the philology of Kdyathan. The word for peper in Telugu is kapita or kaleita or hagida, and not lodyatha or Madyathan. The other Dravidian languages also use the same word in & slightly altered form -Tamil kagidam; Malayalam kayitam; and Kannada kdgada. In Urdu it is kdgas and in Hindi kagad. All these forms are evidently modifloations of the Arabio word for paper, kdgadh. According to Buhler1 the use of paper in India was introduoed by the Muhammadans after the 12th century A. D. It is true that paper was an invention of the Chinese, who are mid to have first made a properly felted paper of vegetable Abre in A. D. 106. But it does not seem to have been largely used in India until the Mughal period. It is said that the Arabs began to manufacture paper in A. D. 761, and that they learned the art from the Chinese and communicated it to Europe.? It will thus be seen that the word for paper in the Dravidian languages is clearly a loan-word and consequently it is not likely to afford much help to K. P, T, in setting the question of the ethnic origin of Kayastha at regt. As several Purdnas contain accounts of the origin of the Kayasthas, the caste is certainly muoh older than the 12th century, after which, it is said, the use of paper was introduoed into India by the Muhammadans. BANGALORE, 19th October 1914. R. NARASIMHACKAR. NOTES AND QUERIES, SHAHJAHAN AND JAHANARA. story told by Finch in 1810 (Purchas, vol. IV. p.67, Ix vol. xlii, p.223, and ante, p.18, reforences are Macleoso ed.), when describing Lahor. Finoh's made to a scandalous tale told by De Lasst about story runs thus:-" Past the Sugar Gong [gdon, ShAhjahan and his daughter Jahanara, which was village, market) is a faire Meskite (masjid, mosque) repeated by Peter Mundy. Mundy had a similar built by Shecke Fereed (Shekh Farid); beyond it tale to tell about Narmahal: (without the Towne, in the way to the [Shalamar) "The King (Jahangir] being incensed against Gardens) is a faire monument for Don Sha (Sultan him [Prince Khurram, afterwards Shahjahan) on Daniyalj, his mother, one of Acabar (Akbar] his some occasions (and as they say, for haveingo too wives, with whom it is said Sha Selim (Shah Salim, secrett familiaritie with Nooromoholl), hee flodd afterwards Jahangfr) had to do (her name was and stood out in Rebellion to the day of the Kings Immacqua Kelle (Anarkali), or Pomgranate kerdeath" (vol. II. p. 106, ed. Temple). Mundy was nell), upon notion of which the King caused her writing in 1632 and was evidently repeating a to be inclosed quicke (alive) within a wall in her 1 Indian Palcography, 8 37 ft. Antiquities of India by L. D. Barnett, pp. 220 and 230. 1 His mother was, however, the daughter of Raja Bihari Mal Kachhwahl and certainly not Anarkall

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112 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [MAY, 1916 Moholl [mahal, palace), where shoo dyed: and the King in token of his love commands a sumptuous Tombe to be built of stone in the midst of a foure- square Garden richly walled, with a gate, and divers roomes over it: the convexity of the Tombe ho hath willed to be wrought in workes of gold, with a large faire Jounter (chaunerd, chabdird, garden-pavilion, summer-house) with roomes overhoad. Note that most of these monuments which I mention, are of such largenesse, that if they were otherwise contrived, would have roome to entertain a very good man, with his whole house. hold." The tomb of the unfortunate Anarkali has become famous in modern times as the pro-Cathedral of the Christians at Lahor after the British occupation. The note in the Gazetteer of the Lahore District, 1883-4, p. 187, runs thus: "Anarkulli's tomb, now the station church and pro-Cathedral derives its name from Anarkall, the title given to Nadira Begam or Sharifu'n-nised, a favourite slave girl of the Emperor Akbar, who, being suspected of the offence of returning a smile from Jahangir, his son, was buried alive. The edifice was erected by Jahangir [fAkbar) in A.D. 1600, and the marble tomb, which ono stood beneath the central dome, but is now in a side chamber, bears the following Persian inscription: Ah/ gar man baz binam rde ydr-e-khesh rd, Ta qayamat shulr gayam Kindigar khesh rd. Ah! could I behold the face of my beloved once more, I would give thanks unto my God unto the day of resurrection." Jahangir died at Rajaurt in Kashmir in 1827, expressing a wish to be buried at Lahor, which was religiously carried out by Normahal. She erected a mausoleum to him at Shahdara, near Lahor, in 1637, close to which she was herself buried in 1648. Her name was therefore intimately connected with the neighbourhood. Wo can now see what happened. Finch writing from Lahor in 1810, when Anarkalt's story was fresh, got it more or loss right, but by Mundy's time, in Agra, 1632, the story had been embellished until it became truly scandalous and attributed to a lady of still greater fame in the next generation and closely connected with Lahor. It is quite possible that the scandal told of Shahjahan and his daughters, usually of Jahanara, the most famous, but also, as Mundy's statement proves (vol. II. p.203), of Chamani Begam, is a mere passing on of a well known tale to a third generation. I may add that when I was in the Panjab about thirty years ago the story of Anarkalf was reforred to the days of Ranjit Singh in the early years of the 19th century, and as ordinarily told was to the effect that during a procession she was seen to smile at a man in the crowd. This was reported to the great Sikh ruler, who had her immurod alivo then and there. A sebrch for the male culprit revealed him as her brother, whereon Ranjit Singh in great remorse built the magnificent tomb to her memory which is now the pro-Cathedral at Lahor. And this in spite of the tomb being obviously Muhammadan and about three centuries old. The Lahore Gazetteer version of the story of Anarkali identifying her with Nadira Begam and the vague title Sharffu'n-nissa (Chief among women) seems to drag in yet another imperial lady of the time, closely connected with Lahor. She was the daughter of Sultan Parviz, a son of Jahangir, and was married to her first cousin, Dara Shikoh, the eldest son of ShAhjahan, also a son of Jahangir. She was buried by the tomb of Mian Mir, near Lahor, in 1659. All these considerations seem to point to extremo caution being necessary in accepting scandalous tales about the great ones of Indian history, R. C. TEMPLE II am inclined to believe with Beale, Oriental Biographical Dictionary, that Anarkall was some slave of one of the Emperors, who came to a tragical end in a fashion not uncommon in Mughal days.

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JUNE, 1915) THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA 113 THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA. JY V. RANGACHARI, M.A., L.T., MADRAS. (Continued from page 73.) CHAPTER III. SECTION VI. The Naik Administrative System. W HILE Visvanatha and his minister placed the Polygar system on a definite basis, they were also statesmanlike enough to organize a system of strong and efficient central administrative machinery. In this work of organizing a central government, they were indeed not original. They did not interfere, for example, with the absolutism of the monarch, or rather of his representative, the Naik ; but they seem to have succeeded to a very large exter.t in establishing such a system as to impress on the ruler a certain amount of moral, if not legal, responsibility. He was, for instance, to place himself under the advice of able ministers and the influence of public opinion. He was to exercise his powers through six ministers or departmental heads, who held their offices for life, unless their conduct provoked the displeasure of their monarch with the loss of their office. These were the Mantri or Prime Minister, the Dalavai 40 or Commander-in-Chief, the Pradhani or Finance Minister, the Rayasam or Private Secretary of the King, the Kanakkan or Accountant-General, and the Sthanapati or Head of the Diplomatic Department. The Mantri, says the Manavala Narayana Satakam, was to advise the king on all affairs of State, on the proceedings to be issued and the proclamations to be made. As Mr. Nelson says, the two offices of Mantri and Dalavai remained originally distinct, but in the time of Visvanatha I. they were amalgamated51 into one office. The great statesman Aryanatha Mudali was, as has been already mentioned, invested with the seals and rings of both these offices. The Dalavai thereby became the supreme civil and military officer of the State. Next to the king he was the greatest man in the country ; his voice in consequence had great weight with the king, and though the latter was not legally bonnd by his counsels, he rarely went against them. It seems that the office of Dalavai, the most coveted in the State, was generally, though not universally, held by Brahmans. At the beginning of the Naik history, it was indeed held by the great statesman and soldier Aryanatha Mudali, but the majority of his successors were Brahmans. We do not know who succeeded Aryanatha Mudali in his exalted office, on his death in 1600. For thirty years there is a blank. Then emerges, in the reign of Tirumal Naik, that great and dominant figure, the gallant R&mappaiya, the ideal soldier, the second builder of the Setu, the subjugator of the Setupati, the conqueror of Mysore, the friend of the Raya, the favourite of the Naik, the hero of the Brahmans. On his death about 1655 his mantle fell on his unworthy son, Siva Ramaiya, who, not wanting in the capacity of his father, lacked his fidelity to the king, and was consequently deservedly disgraced and, we may be sure, dismissed. The next Dalavai, Linganna Naik, was, as his name shews, a Tottiya. A very troublesome and ambitious individual, he was the source of every domestic plot and the instigator of every foreign invasion in the early part of 49 Dal (Canarese)Farmy. Dalavdi therefore means General. But the word, points out Wilks, is gometimes translated as Minister, Regent, etc. See Wilk's Mysore, I, p. XI foot-note. 50 See the O.H. MSS. Vol. II, appendix for some extracts from this work. There is a very cheap Tamil edition available in the bazears for a penny. See also Rais. Catal., Vol. III and Nadura Manual. 51 See his Madura Nanual.

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114 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JUNE, 1915 Chokkanatha's reign, and his fidelity had to be secured by his daughter's marriage with the king. His successor Veikata Krishnaiya, the hero of the Tanjore War and the des troyer of the Tanjore Naik Dynasty, was a Brahman : 80 also was his successor, the acute Govindappaiya, whose diplomacy rescued Chokkanatha from his Mussalman oppressor Rustam Khan, though his valour could not prevent the foreign dominance over the land and the consequent dismemberment of the kingdom. Proceeding to the regency of Maugammal, we find that she had for her Dalavai, the Brahman Narasappaiya, whose strong administration and sound policy have extorted the reluctant admiration of the Jesuits themselves. His successor Achchaya, the alleged lover and ruiner of the queen, was also a Brahman. The Dalavais of Vijayaraiga Chokkanatha, a succession of dishonest and unscrupulous men, who took advantage of the king's religious tendency to deceive him and enrich themselves, were all members of the Brahmanical caste,--the unjust and cruel Kastari Raiga, the avaricious Naravappaiya who appropriated the pay of the army, and the greedy Veukata Raghavacharya, who acquired untold riches, and who, in the reign of Minakshi, upset the balance of parties by joining Bangaru Tirumala and thus precipitated the destruction of the Naike and the advent of the Musalmans. After the expulsion of the Naiks from Madura, the exiled Bangaru Tirumala and his son once again chose for the honourable, but now barren, post of Dalavai, from the descendants of the great Aryanatha Mudaliars, the Dalavai Mudaliars of the later Carnatic history, whose opulence and influence in the Tinnevelly districts have not died out even to-day. It will be thus seen that the vast majority of the Dalavais were Brahmans. It was Brahmanioal valour that mainly saved the kingdom from internal raids and external dangers. It was the Brahmanical statesmanship that ensured the efficiency of administration and the security of the people. It was unfortunately the want of Brahmanical support or loyalty, again, that led to the growth of factions and the conquest of the country by the Muhammadans. The Dalavai thus was the most responsible officer in the State. In many respects he was its pivot. On his vigilance depended the smooth administration of the kingdom, and on his bravery its security from invasion or rebellion. All the affairs of State, internal and external, were under his general control or direction. Questions of war and peace, of the issue of customary laws, of official honours and privileges, he discussed with the king. The author of the Madura Manual surmises that the Mantri or Dalavai was purely an advisory officer, and had no share in the actual administration of the realm. According to him, the Dalavai's power depended more on the wisdom of his counsels and the force of his per. sonality than on the actual amount of executive power constitutionally or customarily attached to his office. He was a general supervising officer--the officer who laid down the general policy of the State, and had no charge of any definite department of administration. Nor is it difficult to explain this. The Dalavai was the supreme military officer of the realm and had to be frequently away from the capital. He could not, in consequence, take a direct part in the administration. Nevertheless, as the king's general adviser, he could exert his influence from anywhere in the kingdom, and his stay in the camp could not have resulted, in case he was a strong man, in the decline of his authority in the court. The Pradhanis2 was the head of the department of finance, looking after the incidence and collection of revenue. It is difficult to define the exact nature of his relation with the Kanakkan or Accountant. The latter was, most probably, only engaged in the 03 I have in vain tried to frame a sucoession list of the Pradhania in the Naik period, or that of any other minister.

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JUNE, 1915 ] THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA 115 Darrow and technical business of keeping the accounts of the incomings and outgoings of the royal treasury. On the Pradhani devolved the difficult and important duties of determining the sources of revenue, securing the proper incidence of taxation, and organizing the machinery for its collection; while the duties of the Kanakkan were confined to the narrow task of checking accounts and maintaining the balance-sheet. The one had necessarily to be a statesman, soquainted with the social and economic conditions of the country, the movement of prices, the nature of the season, the character of the harvest, and the enduring power of the people. The other was merely a mathematician, skilful in the manipulation of figures and the maintenance of statistics. The Sthanapati was a highly important officer, and had the charge of foreign affairs. As a rule he stayed in the capital, but on emergencies he used to lead any embassy to foreign courts. The qualifications of the Sthanapati were indeed numerous. He had to be a careful observer, & fine speaker, a skilful diplomatist, a student of customs and etiquette, a man of polished behaviour and enticing personality. He had, under his control, an army of spies and agents, detective officers and confidential reporters, who communicated matters of political, military or other significance, transpiring in the courts or camps of foreign kings, of the viceroys and governors, and of the Polygars and vassal chiefs. It was through the spies that the king became acquainted with events of his kingdom, and the regular reports of the officers played a less important part than the communications of these secret agents. It was & system, of course, hardly conducive to that strict confidence which should exist between the king and his deputies or vassals. An atmosphere of distrust and suspicion thus pervaded the whole administration, and while it was successful in keeping the timid in the paths of honesty and duty, it rightly wounded the self-respect, and excited the displeasure, of many an honest servant of the king. But a despotism without an extensive system of espionage is, as the world's history shows, an impossible phenomenon. The kingdom was divided, for administrative purposes, into provinces which were ruled by governors appointed by the Karta. It is difficult to say whether the governors held their offices for life or for a period. Evidently there was no rule on the subject and the duration of a governor's tenure of power depended on the Karta's will. At any rate no governor, even though he might have been governor for life, seems to bevo been able to legally transfer his authority to his descendants, though the hercditary principle was not without its influence. The Governor was also the commander-in-chief of the Province or Simai, thus combining in his hands both civil and military powers. The importance, area and resources of the provinces were not the same throughout the kingdom. Some had by their situation, their riches or their population, a special importance, and had rulers, in consequence, who were invested with special dignity and rank. The exact number of the Provinces or Simais into which the kingdom was divided is not known, but it is certain that there were at least seven Ef them. These were Satyamaigalam in the northern frontier, Boimbatore, Dirigul, Trichinopoly or rather Mapapparai, Madura, Srivilliputtur or Nadumandalam, and Tinnevelly. Of these, Madura and Trichinnopoly were the nominal and real capitals of the kingdom and seem to have been under the direct administration of the king, guided by an officer named Sarvadhikari. Of the other provinces the governors of the turbulent district of Tinnevelly and the frontier district of Satyamangalam seem to have occupied a comparatively high rank. Just as a modern province is divided, for the sake of efficient administration into districts, taluks

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116 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JUNE, 1915 and villages, so the Simai or Province of the Naik kingdom was divided into Nadus, and the Na us into gramas or villages. The villages were distinguished by the various terminations of ur, pasti, kudi, kuruchchi, mangalam, etc. An aggregate of villages formed a Naju, and an aggregate of Nagus a Simai. At the head of each of these was a royal officer who looked after the collection of the revenue, watched perhaps the movements of the Polygars, and watched over the other local interests of the Karta. The revenue officer of the villages was under the control of the officer of the Nadu and the latter in his turn under the Provincial Governor. Most probably the Governor was under the direct control of the Pradhani, the finance minister. The head of each political division was not only a revenue officer, but had perhaps to look after other things,-for example the muster of the local levies at the instance of the governor, the supervision of temple affairs, the supervision of the police arrangements in the villages and roads made by the kavalgars or royal servants, and so on. At the bottom of the political divisions was of course the village. It was the smallest administrative unit, and was an independent, miniature state, leading an isolated, self-sufficient existence. The Karta's officers rarely interfered in it, except in times of wa, and of harvest, when the Ambalaharan collected the tax through the Kanakkupillai or Village Accountant. The officers of a Grama-the Matiakar or Patel, the Accountant, the Talayari, and others were elected by the agsembled people--the Mahajana assembly of the village which thus enjoyed a form of selfgovernment as simple as it was effective, Just as a modern Presidency has in its midst, native states, the Naik Simai had, in the midst of government territory, indigenous kingdoms. The rulers of these paid their tribute either to the governor of the province or to the Karta direct. In the vast majority of cases they seem to have paid it to the Kanakkan, probably with Pradhani's knowledge, at the time of the New-year, or the Maha navami 53 festival, when they had necessarily to attend the Karta's kolu, in the capital. The indigenous kings seem to have been, in military matters, entirely subordinate to the Governor. For it was at his instance that they had to muster their troops. They had to accompany him as his lieutenants during distant campaigns. In regard to their correspondence with the central government I am unable to say whether they had to proceed through the Governor, or had the power to send their despatches direct. But all the chronicles clearly say that they had Sthanapatis to repre. sent them in Madura or Trichinopoly, and it is not improbable that, in some matters at least, they dealt directly with the central government. Unfortunately we are unable to say, owing to want of materials, in what respects they had direct dealings with the government at Madura and in what respects with the provincial governors. As a whole, the relations between the Karta or his provincial representative and the vassal chiefs were cordial. The frequent mention of the Karta's grants in the territory of the latter, or of grants by the chief himself for the merit of the Karta, of hunting excursions in which both took part, and of similar events, proves that ordinarily there was a relation of harmony and mutual good-will Next in dignity to the indigenous kings were the Polygars, whose duties and responsibili. ties have been already described. It is sufficient to say that they, so far as they had to do 53 This was at any rate the case in Vijayanagar. It is highly probable that the Naik kings of Madura adopted the same plan.

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JUNE, 1915 ] THE HISTORY OF THE NAIK KINGDOM OF MADURA 117 with the people who lived in their estates, did not differ in any respect from the Karta himself. They were called by their people Raja. Their residence was styled palace. Their court was also dignified by the name of kolu. They could, like the Karta at Madura convene a kolu on ceremonial occasions, and receive small gifts from the people. They lived, as a rule, in fortified villages. They had the dignities and paraphernalia of royalty. In short, in their estates they were all in all. It seems they had even the power of life-and-death. The chief judge, the supreme revenue manager, the commander, and the administrator of the Palayam, the Polygar was truly a miniature king. As the policeman of the neighbouring royal territory he had an even greater influence. In relation to the Karta at Madura, he was a tributary chief. It seems he paid one-third of his revenue as tribute, besides contributing a quota of troops in accordance with his dignity and rank among the Polygars. For, different Polygars had different areas of land and so different degrees of power. Some could construct, as I have already pointed out, stone forts, while others could not. Some had more imposing paraphernalia. Some might be placed above their brother chiefs in recognition of their service to the State. The chief of Kaanivadi, for example, 5+ was the head of the 18 Polygars of Dindigul Simai; and as such he had the right of leading the van in the royal army. Real service was sometimes rewarded with the honour of being the bodyguard of the Karta. Manuscripts say that the Polygars had their own officers for the internal administration of their estates. They seem to have had a Sarvidhikari or Diwin; a Karwar; etc. to help them in the collection of revenue, the maintenance of the police, and so on. In their estates also, as in royal territory, the village was self-sufficient and independent. From all this it is evident that the Naik kingdom was divided into Simais, petty kingdoms and Palayam, Nalus, Magnas (a collection of a few villages) and villages. There was thus a certain plan or organization of the administrative system. But there was a fatal weakness in it. There was a lamentable lack of efficiency. As Wilks points out, the central authority was weak and provincial chieftains always tended to become independent kings. The strength of imperial unity (Madura, in fact, seemed to be an Empire rather than a kingdom,) depending more on the character of the monarch or Karta than on the system of government. If he was a strong man the vassals were willing, for their own sakes, to pay allegiance; if not, they flouted the royal viceroy or representative, withheld tribute, oppressed their subjects with impunity, and warred with their neighbours without check. And yet the central government was far more attracted by the barren laurels of foreign wars than by the safer and even more indispensable work of internal organization. Foolish and presumptuous, the Kartas cared more for a showy and enterprising armed engagement with a foreign power than for a strong, sound constitution based on popular welfare and imperial responsibility. Even Vijayanagar suffered under this defect. "The external appearance," says Wilks," of the general government was brilliant and imposing; its internal organization feeble and irregular; foreign conquest was a more fashionable theme than domestic finance at the court of Vijayanagar."55 The Naik kingdom suffered from the same cause of weakness. Again and again the State was engaged in wars with Mysore, with Tanjore, with the Muhammadans and so on. The MS, histories are full of these wars, as we have already seen ; but they are completely silent in 54 See the Genealogical Account of the Kanniva di Chiefe. 55 Wilks, Vol. I, p. 13.

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118 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JUNE, 1916 regard to the governmental machinery or system of administration. Where they speak of internal politics, they speak only of Polygar risings, and these are eloquent testimony of the want of system in the then administration. Another source of weakness was the doubtful system of inheritance which then prevailed. "The Hindoo system of policy, jurisprudence and religion, affects still more strongly than any European code, the rights of hereditary succession ; but the sons are all co-heirs; and the faint distinction in favour of the eldest son is limited by the express condition, that he shall be worthy of the charge. But unbappily there is nothing so difficult to determine as the relative worth of opposing claimants; and in the pretensions to royalty, the double question of divine favour and superior merit must, in spite of reason, be decided by the sword."56 Hence the frequent disputes and wars of succession. In the Naik kingdom the problem of fraternal jealousy and ambition was evidently as pressing as in the more ancient Hindu State ; but it seems that an earnest and sincere attempt to solve it was made, and with a fair degree of success, by the Naik kings. They generally appointed their brothers or rivals to responsible offices in the empire, and reserved the dignified station of Chinna Dorai, or second in power, to the immediately younger brother. That is why we find some of the MSS. mentioning two rulers at once. It is also evident that sometimes both the rulers had the same status, that is, jointly inherited the throne. The position of the dual kings who immediately followed Kumara Krishtappa seems to have been of this nature. But as a rule, there was only one Karta ; the Chinna Dorai was his younger brother, not necessarily his heir ; and he could ascend the throne only in case his elder brother left no son to inherit his crown and title. This arrangement had a wholesome result. It gratified the ambition of a strong brother by enabling him to serve the State faithfully. It ensured the loyalty of a dangerous person, & poesible centre of intrigues and a source of succession plots. But the arrangement was not always a success, as it did not sometimes gatisfy the ambition of a brother, and as it gave rise to two other difficulties. Was the Chinna Dorai the heir to the throne when the reigning king left an illegitimate son, or was he not? Again, was his claim valid when the king's widow adopted a son and supported his candidature ? Both these questions arose in the Naik history. On the death of Tirumal Naik, for instance, there 'was a dispute between his younger brother, the Chinna Dorai Kumara Muttu, and his illegitimate son Muttu Alakadri. The courtiers were in favour of the latter and eventually secured the allegiance of the late Chinna Dorai by the gift of a large tract of land. The second question arose after Vijaya Ranga Chokkanatha's death in 1731. His queen Minakshi adopted a boy and crowned him, but he was opposed by Baigaru Tirumala, her husband's cousin and second in power. It was this dispute that led, as we shall see, to Muhammadan interference and the extinction of the Naik dynasty itself, The indefinite nature of the law of inheritance thus caused civil wars or dangerous plots, and eventually ruined the dynasty itself. (To be continued.) 5 Wilks, Vol. I, p. 17, 23, etc The history of Mysore is full of disputed successions for the throne. The same was the ongo, though to a smaller extent, in Madura.

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JUNE, 1915] NOTES ON THE GRAMMAR OF THE OLD WESTERN RAJASTHANI 119 NOTES ON THE GRAMMAR OF THE OLD WESTERN RAJASTHANI WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO APABHRAMCA AND TO GUJARATI AND MARWARI. BY DR. L. P. TESSITORI, UDINE, ITALY. (Continued from p. 105.) The clue to the right explanation is given by the absolute construction of the past participle, which has been dealt with under SS 128, (2). Past participles used absolutely in the locative case are very frequent in Apabhramca. The same practice has been retained by the Old Western Rajasthani and by most of the cognate vernaculars. It is from such locative absolute participles that the Old Western Rajasthani conjunctive participle in i has derived, through i-i being contracted into 'i, much in the same way as in the case of instrumental forms in deg (See SSSS 10, (3), 53, 59). Thus from kari-i (the locative from kariu), the conjunctive participle kari was originated, 41 By comparing the examples of absolute locative past participles given under SS 128, (2), with the examples of conjunctive participles given under the present head, one cannot fail to notice that the latter are formed from past participles iniu, whereas the former are formed either from past participles in yau or from past participles in au that are not derived from the stem of the present. This possibly explains why the ones were contracted into oi and the others were not, ii possessing a stronger tendency towards contraction than ai. Thus, in the following examples from Adi C., ii, to avoid contraction, was turned into ai: 0 pacai ahara karau "Having cooked, eat!" (p. Sb). varasa purai thayai " An year having been completed" (p. 106). (Cf. the case of singular feminine locatives and instrumentals in ai (from deg ii), like mugatai from mugati, vidhai from idhi, etc.). The correctness of my view is further corroborated: (1) By the locative postpositions nai, kari (from kari-i) being added to the conjunctive participle, a fact which cannot be explained unless by admitting that the latter is also a locative form. It is noteworthy that in some modern vernaculars the entire form kanai (from which, according to my derivation (SS 71, (2), nai is a curtailment) has survived as an appendage to the conjunctive participle. Cf. Mewari -kne (Kellogg, Hindi Grammar, SS 498), Baghelkhandi kanai and Naipali kana; (2) By the analogy of the cognate vernaculars, which also use the past participle absolutely to give the meaning of the conjunctive participle. To confine myself to a single but very comprehensive case, I may cite the example of Hindi, where absolute participles inflected in e (Page #130
120 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY saraya cuke puni ka pachitane "Once the proper time is over, what is the use of regretting?" (Ibid., i, 261); [JUNE, 1915 (5) By the evidence of such Naipali conjunctive participles as gai (-kana) from janu "To go," and bhai (-kana) from hunu "To be " (Kellogg, Op. cit., SS 521), which afford the most positive proof, if possible, that the conjunctive participle is originally formed from the past participle and not from the verbal root. SS 132. The conjunctive participle is used in combination with verbs like sakavau "To be able," java "To go," nakhavau "To throw away," rahavad "To remain," etc., to form potentials and intensives. Such a construction of the conjunctive participle is common to most of the Neo-Indian vernaculars and, in the case of potentials, it can be traced as back as the Prakrit, sundry instances of potentials with the conjunctive participle in una occurring in the Jaina Maharastri of Dharmadasa's Uvacsamala. To account for the Old Western Rajasthani employing the conjunctive participle in (an original locative) in this connection, we need but refer to the Sanskrit, where the verb Vcak is very frequently construed with verbal nouns in the locative. Examples of potentials are: navi nisari sakai "Cannot come out " (P. 53) hal kima jai sakau "How could I go " (P. 501) boli na sakai Cannot speak" (Yog. iii, 70) sakii agi nivari "Fire can be averted" (Indr. 9), in which last example sakavau is used passively exactly like cakyate in Sanskrit. Examples of intensives are: trati jai "Goes to pieces" (Bh. 74) aneka varasa vahi gaya "Many years passed away" (Dd. 5) te chidra mili gayai "The hole close up" (Dd. 8) diso-disai udali nakhyau "Was blown up into all directions" (Dd. 9) joi rahiu "Remained looking on " (P. 289) ekendri saghala loka-mahi vyapi rahya chai" Ekendriyas are spread over all the worlds" ( 602, 1) SS 133. The gerundive is formed by adding to the verbal root the termination - ivai > -uvai. Apabhranca has - evvai, -ievvai and possibly also * - evau (cf. - eva), from Sanskrit - eyyakah (See Pischel's Prakr. Gramm., SSSS 254, 570). It is a real participium necessitatis and is used like an adjective in agreement with the subject. Examples are: eka karivai upaya "A means must be adopted" (P. 18) mahurai aparadha khamivai "Let my offence be forgiven" (Adi C.) himsa na karavi " Injury should not be done" (Yog. ii, 21) aneri kalatra varjavi " Another's wife should be avoided (Ibid., ii, 76) asatyapani cha liv "Falsehood is to be abandoned" (Ibid., ii, 56) yatna karivi "One must strive" (Indr. 4) te dhira subhata janiva "They are to be regarded as strong warriors" (Ibid., 44) In poetry -evai is often written for -ivai; as in: kaia karev[a] "One should act" (P. 96) thami dhareva be-u "Both should be kept at their [proper] place" (Ibid., 105). SS 134. The infinitive is formed in two different ways in Old Western Rajasthani, viz.: (1) by the termination -ivat > -ava; (2) by the termination -ana.

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JUNA, 1016) NOTES ON THE GRAMMAR OF THE OLD WESTERN RAJASTHANI 121 I need spend nu words to show that the infinitive in -ival is but the neuter of the gerundive, used substantively. It is infleoted into -ival in the instrumental, -iva in the oblique-genitive, and ivai in, the locative case, and instances are also found of its being inflected in the plural accusative and instrumental. Examples of the various cases are : Nom. SING. : pachai valivau "To turn back" (Dag. iv) data-na dhoivul "The cleaning of the teeth" (Ibid., iii, 3). INSTR. SING.: avar avada bolaval "By speaking ill of " (Adi. 45), sdcai jamivat kari" cuddha-joanena" (sast. 68). GEN.-OBL. SING. (governed by postpositions): ga niva-tanal karani naht samartha hui" Is not able to number" (Kal. 3) ratri jimava-tu "In consequence of eating by night" (Yog. iii, 67) teha-mahi avivd-ni anujni " Permission to enter therein " (Fra.) dekhava-nimattaf" In order to see" (Dd. 7) khaiva-ni vicha "Desire of eating" (Adi C.) Loc. SING.: kriya karivai " In doing an action " (Mu.) artha-nai dharivai tapa nirarthaka thai "When property is kept, penance becomes unfruitful" (Up. 51) . Aoc. PLUR. : cikhya -na devd sahaf "They bear instruction-impartings [by others] " (Ibid. 154). INSTR. PLUR. : ehve kareve tapa jai " By such doings, penance is destroyed " (Ibid., 115), aneka vikatha'dika-ne bolave" By several ways of talking, such as improper speech, etc." (Ibid., 224). Besides being used in connection with postpositions, as shown above, the genitive oblique form in -ivd is also commonly employed as an object to verbs like lagavau, devau, pamavad, vachaval to form inchoatives, permissives, acquisitives and desideratives. Examples : INCHOATIVE: ghara pa leva laga" [They] began to demolish the building" (Kanh. 96), cttaviva lagai " He) began to reflect" (Adi C.) PERMISSIVE: svami bhavya-jiva-nai dharma-thaki cakava na dit << The Lord does not allow the pious to deviate from religion" (Fra.) ACQUISITIVE : paisiva na pamal "(He) cannot obtain entrance" (Dd. 1) calava ko navi lahi "No one can succeed in walking" (Rs. 2) DESIDERATIVE : olhavava vichai "Wishes to extinguish " (Yog. ii, 82) Jipava vichai." Wishes to conquer" (Vog. iii, 134)12 In the following passage from Cil. 107, the genitive-oblique form in -iva is also used to form the potential : bhajiva na sakai " Cannot break." According to the statement in the Mu. (Grierson's L. 8. I., Vol. ix, Pt. ii, p. 362) - which in the same is not evidenced by any example, however, the genitive-oblique form in -iva may be used as an infinitive of purpose. Instances thereof are frequent enough in Old Western Rajasthani texts. Let me quote but a few ones, chiefly from P.: ad being substituted for the genitive-oblique * Dac. v an instance occurs of the accusative in form in iod, to wit: marina na vcho "[They] do not wish to die".

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122 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JUNE, 1915 hai tujha 3 milava aviu "I have come to meet thee" (P. 343). rani avya joiva "The queen went to see" (P. 350) jana jova dhaya "The people ran to see " (P. 397) jimava baithai "[He] sat down to eat" (Cal. 26). In the following, the genitive-oblique of purpose is actually governed by the postposi tion for the dative: savi kahiva-nai gayau "[He] went to tell every on." (P. 544) The infinitive in -ana seems to have been very rare in the Old Western Rajasthani. The only instances thereof I have met with are: raksana kaji "To take care of [him]" (P. 57) 33 telana gaya "[They] went to summon (F 535, iii, 6) moha jipana hetal " For the purpose of conquering delusion" (F 535, iv, 3) dukhii phatana lag[i] hir" From distress [their] heart began to break" (Cal. 209). In the two examples following, instead of the weak form in -ana, a strong form in -anal is used: carira-nai ugatan (for -na)" gatrasyo' dvarttanam" (Dac., iii, 5) simghasara melhi baisanai "A seat was given for sitting" (Cal. 109). The Old Western Rajasthani infinitive in -ana is identical with Apabhramca -ara < Skt. -ana, namely a substantive by origin. As it has not survived in Modern Gujarati, it may practically be considered as a Rajasthani peculiarity. SS 135. The noun of agency is obtained by adding -hara to the infinitive in -ana, or what is practically the same-by adding -anahara to the root. Thus from karana (inf.) karanahara (Indr. 13), from dena (inf.) denahara (Yog. ii, 20) It is generally used uninflected, especially when in the masculine. Example: cihu gali-na anta-nau karanahara (Sing. masc.) "Causer of the end of the four conditions of life" (Cra.) mok a-padavi-na denuhara (Plur. masc.) "Granters of the station of final emancipation" (F 580). "Ex.: When in the feminine, however, it is as a rule inflected into - (-i). jovanahari Looker" (Indr. 99) kalesa-ni karanahari "Causer of trouble" (Ibid. 38). The noun of agency is generally construed as a substantive, viz.) with the genitive. In the following example from Yog., it seems to be exceptionally used as a verb, viz., governing the accusative case : hita-nal karanahari hitakarini" (Yog. ii, 50). In the same MS. Yog., beside -anahara, we meet also with the terminations: (-anahara), anahara, anhara, which are the intermediate forms between the former and Modern Gujarati -anira. In Up., after vocalic roots, we have also: -nhara, -nahra, -nara, as in: denhara Up. 268, from the verbal root de, hunahru, hundru Up. 101, from the verbal root hu. I explain the termination -anahara as having arisen from a contraction of the genitive form of the infinitive in ana with the noun kara, meaning "Doer". Thus from Apabhranca" palanaha kara "Causer of protection ", we have palanahara "Protector" (Cra.), by elision of k, quite in the same way as from Apabhramca maha karai (see SS 83, 43 Here tujha is sufficient to show that milavt is practically considered as a substantive 44 MS..jipana.

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JUNE, 1916 ] NOTES ON THE GRAMMAR OF THE OLD WESTERN RAJASTHANI 123 and cf. Pischel's Prakr. Qramm., 434) we have maharau "My". The same may be shown to be the case with the cognate vernaculars. Tus the termination -aneharau, -anehara, which is common to Braja and High Hindi, is from * -anahi kara, namely from the obliquegenitive in -ahi, which is peculiar of the above-mentioned dialects. Ex.: Ap. * dharanahi karai > * dharanahi(k)arau > *dharanadharau > Braja dharaneharau. To the same oblique-genitive in -ahi is to be traced the termination -anevalau, -anevala, which also occurs in both Braja and High Hindi, the only difference being in h being elided, instead of transposed, and v being inserted to avoid hiatus. Ex.: Ap. challanahi karaii > chadanearau > Braja chadanevdrau > chalanevalau. Insertion of euphonic v likewise took place in Marwari, which possesses two forms of the noun of agency, to wit: a ravalo and avava!o, the former from the infinitive in -anau, and the latter from the infinitive in -avai. $ 136. The passive voice is formed by adding ij, (y) to the root. The former of the two affixes is by far the less common in use, it being chiefly confined to the three verbs karavau, devau and leval and to a few other cases; but it seems to be the older, and it is possibly from it that the latter has derived. In the materials hitherto available for the Apabhramca, the passive affix jj is the only occurring, and even in the Prakrta-Pai gala, where ijj is turnod into ij (800 Introduction), no traces are found of the affix i. The only exception I know of, would be made by paviai (-Skt. prapyate, Siddhahem., iv, 366), provided it is from paviai. The absence of passives in -iai'in the Apabhramca is the best argument in favour of my viewing the i(y) affix of the Old Western Rajasthini as having arisen from uj > ij. and therefore having no connection with the i affix of Sauraseni and Magadhi. We have seen that in Old Western Rijasth ini j is not unfrequently changed to y ($ 22), and in the terminations of the precative : aje > aye ; ajo > ayo ($ 120), we have an illustration which is very analogous to the ijaz > iyai of the passive. Possibly, at the time of y being substituted for j in the writing, there was not a great difference in the pronunciation of the two souads, and afterwards y came to loose its force 88 & consonant and to be employed much in the same function of the yasruti of Jaina Prakrit. This explains how the 3rd sing. present passive termination -iyai was curtailed into -ii, y having lost its force and a baing absorbed by the preceding i (CF. 17). No doubt MSS. often write-fy, when they mean -ij, and so it is not always possible safely to distinguish one termination from the other. Adi C. optionally shortens i to i. Modern Gujarati has i only in -ie, & 3rd sing. present passive form which is used in a reflexive sense as a substitute for the 1st plur, active (860 9 117, 137), and in all other cases substitutes the potential passive in a ($ 140). Modern Marwari has ij. $ 137. From the passive root in ij, i(y), various tenses are formed by the same terminations as in the regular active voice. Three tenses are evidenced, viz., present, future, and present participle. Examples of the present passive are: :1 in -ijai: kijaz Mu., P., &dic. < Ap. kijjac < Skt, kriyate dijai Mu., P. 488 < Ap, dijjai < Skt, diyate lijai Mu., Kal. 18. Adi. 11, Pr. 3 < Ap. lijai < Skt. *liyate pijac Up. 96 < Ap. pijjai < Skt. piyate kahijai Adi. C. < Ap. lahijjai < Skt. kathyate pamijai Cal. 80 < Ap. pavijjai < Skt. prapyas

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124 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JUNE, 1916 bhogavijai Yog., iv, 69. mukijaz P. 525. In the two following, we have -aj, -aj from Ap. ajj : khajai Bh. 7 (CF, khajali, $ 139) < Ap. Ihajjac < Skt, khadyale nipajai F 535 < Ap. nippajjai < Skt. nispadyate 2 in -iyai (-iai): diyai, liyai P. < dijai, lijai (See the foregoing paragraph) kariyai P. 590, Sra., Dd. 5 < karijai < Ap, karijjni < Skt. Kriyale kahiyai Sra., F 627 < kahijai (See the foregoing paragraph) jaiyai P. 590, e17 < jaijai < Ap. jaijjai < Skt. *yayate " Itur" joiai Adi C. < joijai Page #135
JUNE, 1916) NOTES ON THE GRAMMAR OF THE OLD WESTERN RAJASTHANI 125 calau jaiyai "Come, let us go !" (P. 617) Now, this employment of the impersonal passive to give the meaning of the 1st plural of the active, is particularly important inasmuch as it is therefrom that the hitherto unexplained Gujarati termination for the 1st plural present indicative (800 $ 117) has originated. Only contract apiyai into apie in the last-but-onu quotation above, and you will practically see how easily Gujarati could substitute the impersonal passive for the 1st plural of the present active. Probably, the chief reason that lead to the substitution is the necessity of establishing & visible distinction between the terminations of the let and 2nd persons plural, which in Old Western Rajasthani differ only in that the former is nasalized and the latter not, and which in Modern Gujarati, if they were both regularly contracted into -, could no more be distinguished from one another. It is out of the same reason, I think, that Marwari contracte -ai into - ($ 11 (6), 117), and Gujarati for the 1st person plural of the future employs the weak form - instead of the strong *o. Examples of the Old Western Rajasthani impersonal passive, used in substitution for other persons than the 1st plural, are : ramiyai dati divasa nai rati " I indulge in game day and night" (P. 244) siu kariyai keind jaiyai havai "What am I to do [and] where am I to go now"? (P. 590) te dhurata-nai diyai dikha "To that rascal [he] gives the initiation " (P. 280) dekhi sasau dayai bahu gali "Having seen the hare, [the lion] reviles [him] much " (P. 407) tedi da diyai chai mana "Having summoned the camel, [they] honour [him] " (P. 479). $ 188. Examples of the future passive are : 1 in ij: lajasi "It will be done" (Adi 6.) jaijasi "Ibitur" (Ibid.) lijisyaz " It will be taken(Ibid.) 2 in 1 : kahisyai, kahisii "It will be said " (F 565, Cra.) bolisii "It will be told " (Dac. V, 100) vakhanisyai " It will be described " (Fra) parabhavisiu " You will be overcome" (Up. 18) pamisyal "They will be obtained " (gast 96). In the two examples following the 3rd singular form is used in the impersonal construction, quite in the same way as the 3rd singular present passive : marisii " [Every one] shall have to die " (Up. 206) mind kima jidisii kahaji "0 uncle ! tell [us] how we shall live !" (P. 383) $189. Examples of the present participle passive are : 1 in ij : lijatai "Being talen" ($asst. 55) sevijatai "Being attended upon " (Adi C.) pijrtai heiat "Being drunk" (Up. 96)

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126 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JUNE, 1915 The following is in aj, from Apabhra'yca ajj : khajati "Being eaten up" < Ap. *khajjanti (=Skt, khadyamand) 2 in i: avalokitu "Being gazed upon" (Indr. 36) janitaji hitau " Being known " (Sart. 81) nakhitu hutu "Being fully surrounded by..." (Dac. X) pilitu "Being tormented" (Yog. ii, 79) maritu hutu "Being beaten" (Yog, u, 26) musitaii " Being stolen " ($a$t. 5) A survival of the present participle passive in Gujarati is joitu, from joie < OWR. joiyai < joijac (See SS 137) $140. The potential passive has since long been recognized as a causative that has assumed a reflexive or passive meaning. See the arguments and illustrationsproduced by Dr. Hoernle, 484 of his Gaudian Grammar. In Old Wostern Rajasthani, the potential passive root is obtained by adding a to the root of the active verb, and it is conjugated in exactly the same way as the latter. An important feature of this passive is that it generally implies a potential sense, though in the course of time it has gone gradually loosing its original peculiar meaning, and nowadays Gujarati employs it simply in the ordinary passive sense. The development of the potential meaning from the causative may be explained easily, and is well illustrated by the example following: chetarai nahi pariksa-nai jana (Adi C.) "He, who is skilled in the art of testing (gold), does not allow himself to be deceived [by brags) > .. cannot be deceived [by brass]." Other illustrations of the use of the potential passive in Old Western Rajasthani are : PRESENT : samudra pasti dohilu purai "The ses can difficultly be filled with water" (Indr. 62) sarva papa-malu-thaka mukai "[They) can be (or are) released from all impurity of sin " (F 576, 67) tumhi abhaks[y]a -mihi lahivaya "You are reckoned amongst [those animals, whose flesh) is not to be eaten" (P. 493) thir garadhaii na[vi] hanai mina "(He) has grown old and can no [longer] kill fishes" (P. 379), in which last example hanai is used impersonally, much after the way of the passive proper. FUTURE : naraka-tupiy[a] vaicvanara-mahi pacaisi "[Thou] wilt be roasted in the fire of hell" (Indr. 76) PRESENT PARTICIPLE: vijaya-sukha aja-i lagai mlkata nathi "Sensual enjoyments cannot yet be discarded " (Indr. 10). $141. Causals may be divided into four classes, to wit : 1. Causals formed by lengthening the radical vowel. Looking at their general meaning, these would be better called transitives", but, since they have originated from the Sanskrit habit of lengthening the radical vowel to form the causal, terming them as caurais is more correct from the point of view of historical grammar. They are formed from intransitives. Ex.: starai"Lays down" (Adi C.), from ularai " Alights padai Throws down" (Up. 180, Dd. 2), from padat "Falls." (To be continued.)

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JONE, 1915 ] BAUDDHA VESTIGES IN KANCHIPURA 127 BAUDDHA VESTIGES IN KANCHIPURA BY T. A. GOPINATHA RAO, M. A.; TRIVANDRUM. Kanchipura (Conjeevaram) is one of the seven most ancient and famous cities of India; it is mentioned in the Mahabhashya of Patanjali, whose age is placed by scholars somewhere about the middle of the 4th century before the Christian era. Besides being remarkable as a beautiful city, Kanchipura was always a great seat of learning. In it dwelt men of various religious persuasions and schools of different systems of philosophies. The Vedic professors lived side by side with the professors of non-Vedic philosophies, such as the Jaina and the Bauddha. That all these religions were equally treated by the ancient kings may be inferred from the fact that the early Pallava rulers of the Tondai-mandalam assumed such names as Buddhavarman, Skandavarman and Paramesvaravarman-names which perhaps indicated the sects to which they individually belonged. We are at present concerned with the period of Bauddha dominancy at Kanchipura, and therefore let us confine our attention to Buddhism and the Bauddha vestiges found in and around Kanchipura. Yuan Chwang states that, when he visited Kan-chi-pu-lo (Kanchipura), it was about thirty li in circuit. "The region had a rich fertile scil; it abounded in fruits and flowers and yielded precious substances. The people were courageous, thoroughly trustworthy, and public-spirited, and they esteemed great learning; in their written and spoken language they differed from Mid-India. There were more than 100 Buddhist monasteries with above 10,000 Brethren all of the Sthavira School. The Deva Temples were 80, and the majority belonged to the Digambaras. This country had been frequently visited by the Buddha, and king Asoka had erected topes at the various spots where the Buddha had preached and admitted members into his order. The capital [KAnchipura, of the Ta-lo-pi-tu or Dravida country] was the birth-place of Dharmapala Pasal, who was the eldest son of the high official of the city. .. . Not far from the south of the capital was a large monastery which was a rendezvous for the most eminent men of the country. It had an Asoka tope above 100 feet high, where the Buddha had once defeated Tirthakas by preaching, and had received many into his communion. Near it were traces of a sitting-place and exercise-walk of the four Past Buddhas,"2 Thus we gather from the testimony of this eye-witness that Kanchipura not only had a large Buddha population but many places of public worship in the 7th century A. D. The statements of the Chinese pilgrim are borne out by the descriptions we meet with in the Manimekhalai, one of the five famous epic poems of the Tamil Classic Period. We are here told that the heroine Manimekhalai was advised by her grandfather to assume the form of a young monk and to sesk instruction in their respective philosophies from the learned in the Vaidika, Saiva, Vaishnava, Ajivaka, Nirgrantha, Saukhya, Vaiseshika and Lokayatika religions at Kanchipura, and to embrace that one which satisfied her best. While there, she visited the Buddhist Chaitya erected by Killi, a Chola prince. On her arrival being made known to the then reigning king of Kanchi, he paid a visit to her with all his ministers and showed her the grove and tank which he had caused to be made in imitation of those in the island of Manipallavam; and at her request the king erected a seat for Buddha and temples for the goddesses Dipa-tilakai and Maaimekhalai. 1 He was a Hinayanist monk, who appears to have been converted to Mahayanism when he went to N. India. He was a professor in the famous University of NAlanda at the time Yuan Chwang visited that place. ? Watter's Translation, Vol. II., P. 226.

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128 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JUNE, 1915 That the Bauddhas were in existence at Kanchi in the days of the Saiva saint Tirujnana - sambandha, that is, in the middle of the seventh century A. D. appears to be certain; for he refers to them by the names Bodhiyar (the worshippers of the bodhi tree) Theras, as also by the description of their monks as the wearers of mats for their garments. Then again there is the tradition that Sankaracharya, the great Vedentic teacher, vanquished the Bauddhas in a religious wrangle and drove them out of Kanchi. A similar tradi. tion exists in connection with the Jaina priest Akalaika, who is said to have challenged before king Himasitala of Kanchi the Bauddhas residing in that city to a religious dispute, and to have won a complete victory over them. Thus a large number of accounts, both historical and legendary, exists in proof of the predominance of the Bauddha influence and the existence of Bauddha places and objects of worship in Kanchipura, even so late as the 9th century A. D. The question thus naturally arises, that while the Jaina temples are still in existence. what became of the places and objects of worship of the Bauddhas ? Modern scholars, who have written on the antiquities of Kanchipura, the Pallava supremacy in Kanchi, and on other similar subjects, have all uniformly deplored the paucity of sculptural and architectural materials to corroborate the truth of the statements made by Yuan Chwang and others concerning the Bauddha occupation of Conjeevaram. It may be stated without fear of contradiction that most of these authors have done little or nothing in the direction of tracing vectiges of Buddhism in Kanchipura. Unfortunately the official archaeologists do not also appear to have paid that amount of attention which this most interesting place deserves. In the course of a twelve hours active search, I came upon no less than five images of Buddha within a radius of half a mile from the famous temple of Kamakshidevi. I was also told that two other megalithic images of Buddha lie buried in a garden adjoining the same temple. I give below a short description of the images and the places where they are found. The first and the most remarkable of these five figures is a standing image of Buddha Fig. 1. It is found in the first prakara of the Kamakshidevi's temple, at the place marked A on the ground plan of that temple, a sketch of which is separately given. The total height of the image, including the pedestal, is 7 feet 10 inches, and the detailed measurements are as follows: Height of the image without the pedestal, ... 7 feet. Height of the pedestal alone, ... ... 10 inches. Width across the shoulders, ... 2 feet. Length of the face, ... 9 inches, 3 Breadth of the face, ... 8 inches. Height of the neck, ... ... 21 in hes. Its two hands are broken; wherefore it is not possible to state definiti'y what they carried; presumably the right hand was held in the abhaya pose and the left carried an alms-bowl. The nose of the image is much worn; otherwise the image is in an excellent state of preservation. The long flowing robes descending from the left hand and the folds of the same over the right thigh are exquisitely worked out. The present position of the image with respect to the temple of Kamakshi can be explained by two plausible hypotheses, namely, (1) that the image did certainly occupy some important place in the very temple itself; or (2) that it was brought in there by some one for safe custody. Let us consider the second hypothesis first, for, if its untenability is proved the possibility of the first becomes patent. If it is to be believed that the huge stone image was * Hence it is evident that the image is made according to the uttama-data-lila mouro. See Ap. pendix B, in my "Elements of Hindu Iconography," Vol. I.

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14 B 13. SKETCH PLAN OF THE TEMPLE OF KAMAKSHIDEVI AT CONJEEVERAN [Indian Antiquary. 15. 16 D Ri 13. Kottay-mandapa. 15. Garden. 7. 7. Palliyarai (Bed-room). 9. Sculptured Mandapa. 11. Kitchen. EXC 17. Flag-Staff. 19. Dhvajarohanamandapa. 17. F3 DO 6. 01 T 21. 8. 18. 1. Central Shrine of the Kamakshi Temple. 2. Shrine of the Utsava-Vigraha. 3. Bhangaru-Kamakshi Shrine. 4. Sankaracharya Shrine. 5. Sarasvati Shrine. 6. Store-room. 8. Tank. 10. Siv Shrine. 12. Navaratri-mandapa 14. Temple Office. 16. Well, 18. Bali-pitha. 20. Kattu-mandapa. 21. Vishnu Shrine in three storeys. 11. 10 20. 12. 807

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IMAGE OF BUDDHA, CONJERVERAM. [Indian Antiquary. Fig. 1. Found in the innermost prakara of the Kamakshidevi Temple. Height 7' 10".

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IMAGE OF BUDDHA, CONJEEVERAN. [Indian Antiquary. Fig. 3. Found in a garden adjoining the Kamakshidevi Temple. Height about 5' 6".

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IMAGE OF BUDDHA, CONJEEVERAM. [Indian Antiquary Fig. 2. Found in the second prakara of the Kamakshidevi Temple. Height about 3' 6".

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IMAGE OF BUDDHA, CONJEEVERAM. [Indian Antiquary. Fig. 5. Found in the Karukkil-amanda-amman Temple. Height about 3' 9".

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IMAGE OY BUDDHA, CONJEEVERAM. [Indian Antiquary. Fig. 4. Found in the Karukkil-amamda-amman Temple. Height about 2'6".

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JUNE, 1915) BAUDDHA VESTIGES IN KANCHIPURA 129 deposited in its present position by some well-intentioned man, the questions which remain to be answered are (1) where could it have lain before it was brought into the temple ? and (2) a man of what religious persuasion could have brought it in? It may have been lying at some distance from the temple, or near it, or within its compound. In the first two cases, it must indeed hav, been a herculean task to have carried the image, weighing some tons, over a long distance and lifted it to a height of about seven feet in order to deposit it in its present position. In its transit into the temple no less than two or three gateways have to be crossed. And why, after all, should it have been taken in ? If it was for preservation, it could have been set up in a well-illuminated place in, say, the outermost prakara, which would not have involved so much trouble and labour as carrying it to the innermost placc of the temple. On the other hand, it is easier to believe that the image was in some place very near its present position and was removed from its original soat and just set down where it is at present. Again, who was the person who took the trouble to put the image into the innermost prakara of the temple, a Hindu or a Buddhist? If it was a Hindu who removed it into the temple and was so considerate towards this image, why did he not extend his sympathy also towards the other images lying near the temple? It is quite unlikely that a Hindu would have taken all the trouble to have brought the image for safe custody in a Hindu temple. On the other hand, he could have easily removed it from some important place occupied by it in the same temple and placed it in its present position. If, on the other hand, it is to be said that a Buddhist brought it from outside and deposited it in the Hindu temple, that would be a patent absurdity, for no Hindu would allow a Buddhist to'place a Bauddha image in safe custody in his temple. Thus then it is impossible that the image was lying outside the Hindu temple of Kamakshi and brought into it for safe custody; rather, the probability is that the temple itself or at least a portion of it was a Buddhistic one. The temple of Kamakshi was, in all probability, originally a temple of Taradevi and, as with many other temples of alien faith, converted into a Hindu temple in later times. The second image, whose head is broken and lost, is found in the second prakara. It was covered with debris and with some trouble the image was unearthed for photographing. Its position is market B on the ground plan of the temple. Both the hands of the image lie on its lap in the yoga-mudra pose. See Fig. 2. The third image is to be found in a garden situated near the temple of Kamakslidevi. It is also seated in the yoga attitude, with the hands in the yogi-mudra pose. The jvalu on the head, the upper cloth and other minor features declcre it to be an image of Buddha. I heard that in the same garden there are lying buried two more very large seated images of Buddha. It would be interesting if these could be excavated and exposed by the Archaeological Department. See Fig. 3." The fourth and the fifth images are kept in safe custody in the Karukkil-amarndaamman temple on the way to Vishnu-Kasschi. I was told that a pious man.collected all stone images lying round this goddess's temple and set them up in their present position. It is worshipped now by the Hindus who visit the temple. One of these has its right hand, in the bhusparia-mura, while the two hands of the other are in the yoga-mudra, attitude. See Figs. 4 and 5. I am inclined to believe that if a vigourous and earnest search for more Bauddha vestiges is made, many more pieces of sculpture and architecture are likely to be discovered. It is to be hoped that the enthusiastic and energetio Archeologist with the Government of Madras will turn his attention to this interesting field of investigation.

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130 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JUNE, 1915 SOME REMARKS ON THE CHRONOLOGY OF THE UPANISHADS. BY ROBERT ZIMMERMANN, S. J., BOMBAY. It has become almost a common place with scholars that it is next to, if not wholly, impossible to arrive at a satisfactory chronology of the Upanishads. Even F. Max Muller, whose genius seldom felt baffled at a question, says: " Though it is easy to see that these Upanishads belong to very different periods of Indian thought, any attempt to fix their rc'ative age seems to me for the present almost hopeless."1 A. Bartha and A. E. Gough3 speak nearly in the same strain. And yet as early as 1852 Albrecht Weber had, with reference to the whole Sanskrit literature, expressed the hope of establishing an internal, relative chronology-"the only chronology that is possible," --though the inquiry into the saine might be completely checked for a lengthened period. This was only too true st a time when a great many of the Upanishads were known to European scholars merely by their titles, and every year added not a few new names to the "canon" of this section of sacred literature. Acting upon the principle of internal chronology, L. von Schroeders classed the Atharva veda Upanishads in three roughly outlined categories. Any attempt, indeed, at constructing an absolute historical chronology would in most cases be doomed to fail from the very outset for want of external historical data. Nor are we, in general, to expect external data even for a relative chronology. We are thus thrown back upon internal criteria, such as grammar, style, metre, ideas religious and philosophical, quotations from one another, a. 8. f. Keeping then within the limits of possibility,--that is to say, aiming for the time only at internal relative chronology,--the question is not whether we can, but how we are to arrive at the resuit desired. In other words, the problem reduces itself to a question of the proper critical method. And, indeed, it would seem extremely strange, if in the whole compass of Upanishad literature, we were not to find a footing from which to get on to some historical ground, in order to determine the absolute age of a good many, if not all, Upanishads with satisfactory certainty and accuracy. Some of these principles have been hinted at by E. W. Hopkins with reference to the different classes of sacred literature, and have been applied, in a few cases, by P. Deussen. True, it must be frankly admitted that one or other internal criterion applied by itself alone may lead to no, or even contradictory, results; thus, M. Muller and P. Deussen have come to different conclusions about the age of the Maitrayana Upanishad.10 But if we take them collectively and, in case of diverging results, balance their respective weight against one another, these criteria ought to be the proper means of ascertaining what has been, and, in all likelihood, will ever be denied to a more direct way of research. 1 Sacred Books of the East, Vol. I, p. LXIX. The Religions of India by A. Barth. Authorised Translation by Rev. F. Wood, London 1906, p. 187-188. The Philosophy of the Upanishada and Ancient Indian Metaphysics. By Archibald Edward Gough, M.A. Third Ed., London 1903, p. VII ff. Akademische Vorlesungen uber indische Literaturgeschichte. Berlin 1862, pp. iii and 6. 6 Indiens Litteratur und Cultur in historischer Entwicklung, Von Dr. Leopold von Schroeder, Leipzig 1889, p. 191. 6 The Religions of India by Edward Washburn Hopkins. Boston (1894), pp. 3-4. Sechzig (panishad'a des Veda, aus dem Sanskrit uberadzt.... von Dr. Paul Deusden, Pro. tessor an der Universitat Kiel, 2. Aufl., Leipz g 1905. 8 8. B. E. Vol. XV, p. xlvii. 9 Sechzig Upanishad's p. 312. 10 In a good many, especially the older, Upanishads we are to distinguish between the original teaching of the Upanishad handed down from one generation to another and the final wording of the tenet deposited in the version of the manuscripts we happen to have. In such cases the result will, as a matter of course, be a seemingly contradictory one, the contents being older than the form in which it has come down to us.

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JUNA, 1915) SOME REMARKS ON THE CHRONOLOGY OF THE UPANISHADS. 131 Chronological data of the Maha narayana-Upanishad. The method propounded above has already to some extent been applied to the Mahanarayana-Upanishad, the results of the inquiry into the quotations from other texte, and into the thoughts which make up its contents, being published elsewhere. 11 In the following we proceed to examine the condition of metre in the same text. A further instalment may contain some remarks upon the grammar of the Upanishad and draw the final conclusion concerning its absolute and relative position in literary history. The lines of the Mahanarayana-Upanishad 2 (MNU) belong either to the Irishubhjagati or the anushubh-gayatri family. The two types are to be examined separately. 1. The Lines of the Trishiubh-Jagati Family. There are to be considered about 50 padas in all : 1. 1 abc, 2 c d, 3--6 ; 2. 3c; 10.5, 7; 13.2 : all the padas of 16. 4 except d. 7 ; 17, 6: ware ; 22. 1 4', 747', '23. 1: ATTA. Ainong this number are not counted those lines which either without change, or in a corrupt state, have been taken from the Sanhitas, the Brahmayas, or the avowedly older Upanishads. The line 10.5 has been included, though it be also in Kaivalya-Upanishad 2 be, 3 ab, because there is good reason to believe that it has been taken from the MNU.13 Moreover we comprise in our list the line fragments of 11 or 12 syllables, scattered over khandas 13. 22. 23. Cases that, for some reason or another, appear doubtful have been omitted. Now it is a well-known fact that the Vedic trishtubh-jagati line has, roughly speaking, 14 developed into the indravajra (upendravajra) and the varhiastha (indrarasna) of the classic15 period of literature. Their forms are : - -- - trishtubh... ... ... .. vurucu indravajra (upendravajra) -- ) )! DINI DDDDD) jagati. ... ... .. ) vamsastha (indravamsk)... - - 11 Die Quellen der Mahanarayana- panisad und dus rhalinis der verschiedenen Rezensionen zu einander von Dr. Robert Zimmermann. Leipzig 1913. (Berlin Dissertation). 12 The quotations in this essay refer to tho khand as and mantras of the Atharvana-Recension of the MNU., published by Col. G. A. Jacob. Bombay 1888. B. 8. S. XXXV. u See "Die Quellen ..."p. 40 f. 24 For further information on the shape of Vedic and classic metres and the change of the former into the latter see: ZDMG. XXXV, p. 181 ff: Bemerkungen zur Theorie des Gloka, von H. Oldenberg ZDMG, XXXVII. p. 54 ff: Das alt indische Akhyana mit besonderer Rucksicht auf das Supardkhyana, by the same; ZDMG. XXXVIII p. 690 ff: Ueber die Entwicklung der indischen Metrik in nach:edischer Zeit, von Hermann Jacobi; Indische Studien, Vol. XVII, p. 442f8: Zur Lehre vom, sloka von Hormann Jacobi; Gurupajakaumudi, Leipzig 1896, p. 50 ff: Ueber den Sloka in Mahabharata, by the same; P 9 : Hermann Oldenborg, Zur Chronologie der indischen Metrik; Die Triubh-Jagats Familia. Ihre rhythmische Beschaffenheit und Entwicklung, von Dr. Richard Kuhnau, Gottingen 1886, p. 27 ff. 95 In this essay we use the word "classic" instead of artificial" as a designation of the later non-vedic literature.

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132 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JUNE, 1916 The distinctive features, then, of the trish/ubh (jagati) as compared with the indravajra (vamiastha) type are, besides the more or less changeable beginning of the pada10, first the existence of the caesura and its position after the fourth or fifth syllable, and second the number of matras of the syllables 5, 6, and 7, if the caesura is after the fourth, or of the syllables 6, 7, s.nd 8, if the caesura occurs after the fifth syllable. In order to fix the chronological position of a book with the help of metre we have, therefore, to inquire into these characteristics, since they show whether the writer--fashioning of course his verse according to the form then in vogue-wrote closer to the vedic or the classic period. (To be continued.) MISCELLANEA SHANDY. The Karydala-Saldanugdaana, grammar written in A. D. 1604, makes a similar statement Dr. E. Hulteach has given a very interesting noten dira 149 whleh runs thus (ante. Vol. XLIV, p. 195) on the words shandy and Satram ! Sasthi. shindy. He quite correctly derivee shandy from Vittin ll sakaraya bahulam lub bhavati the Tamil word sandai, a weekly market. But in thakare pare. giving sanhidhd as the Sanskrit original of the Tamil Prayogah Il salutherante, sthansetana, sthitis jandai he does not seem to be quite correct. The titi, sthandila-standila, avasthe-avate. other Dravidian languages have likewise the same Vyakhya 11 eka-pada-vishayam idam yatra word in a slightly modified form for a weekly sthani-nimitte bhinna-pada-gate na tatra market, Cl. Telugu santa and Kannada sante. The lopah 11 mbhas hutanam, Berasthdam old grammars of the Kannada language derive ity-4dau tad-abhavat | the word santo from the Sanskrit saath and not We have therefore to tako sarath as the Sanskrit maihdhd. equivalent of the Tamil fandai, the Telugu santa and the Kannada sange. The occurrence of sonante Satra 267 of the Sabdamagidarpasa, Kannads in Tamil in place of the surds of the sister langrammar composed in about A. D. 1260, states guages is a well-known dialectic peculiarity. Sabethat stha of Sanskrit words becomes ta in Kannada thd is certainly * more appropriate word for (astva-misram appa thakaram bareyum takkram weekly market than agridhd. akkum) and gives these examples : vasthe-avate, R. NARASINCELACHAR. sthQlam-toain, sthanam-tanam, samatheante, BANGALORE, sthapanetapane. 19th October, 1914, NOTES AND QUERIES. AN EARLY METHOD OF EXTRADITION Inhabitant of Bombay, is sent to the Inquisition IN INDIA. Goe, which proceedings will discourage the In"Upon a dream of a Negro girl of Mahim that habitants. Wherefore the Generall is desired to there was a Mine of Tromure, who being over heard are proclamation to reclaim him, and if not relating it, Domingo Alvares and some others went restored in 20 days, no Roman Catholic Worship t to the place and Sacrificed a Cock and dugg the be allowed in the Island." Bombay General Lotter ground, but found nothing. They go to Bundara to the Court of Directors dated. 17 March 1907. at Balaott, where disagreeing the Goveriment (Bombay Abatracle 1-78). . there take notice of the same, and one of them, an R. C. TEMPLE. * On the varieties of prosody at the beginning of the anushtubh and trishtubh pada se: Dis Hymnen des Rigveda. Herausgegeben von Hermann Oldenberg. Metrische und lexigeachichtliche Prolog mena, Berlin 1888, p. 13 ff., 48 ff., and the same ZDMG. XXXVII., P. 66 ft.

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M . THE HISTORY AND EVOLUTION OF THE DOME IN PERSIA, BY K. A. C. CRESWELL. IT is my intention in this article to trace the history and evolution of the dome in 1 Persia from the earliest times to the present day, and I hope to show at the same time the very important part played by Persia in the evolution of domed construction, which I believe has never been pointed out before. Before I can do this, however, I must first briefly review the dome in antiquity. There was a time when it was thought that the dome was not of really great antiquity, but this opinion can no longer be held. In ancient Egypt the dome was known at a very early date. This may sound strange, since we are accustomed to think of Egyptian architecture as a style of columns and architraves and walls of finely wrought masonry; yet side by side with this monumental form of construction there existed vaults and domes in small and unimportant buildings. At Hieraconpolis several domed shuna or store pits of about 6 feet in diameter have been found, which seemed to have belonged to houses of the pre-pyramid age. Some foundations of isolated circular buildings, probably granaries, were also discovered. In the 12th Dynasty, domes were fornied over the circular chamber within the pyramids of that age; built, however, in horizontal pourses, Fig. 1. like the beehive tomb at Mycenae. A model of a house of the 10th Dynasty found at Rifeh, (Fig. 1) shows a terrace roof with three little rounded cupolas just emerging through it, exactly like a style of house found at the present day in many parts of the East.1 The use of little domes for granaries was quite general. According to Porrot and Chipiez, "the granaries, barns and storehouses were almost always dome-shaped. Thos which had flat roofs seem to have been very fow indeed,"2 In Chaldaea and Assyria, also, the dome was known from very early times. Figure 2 shows a basrelief found by Layard in the palace of Sennacherib at Nineveh, (705-681 B. C.) Here we see building, some with hemispherical cupolas, and somo with tall domes approximating to cones in shape. These undoubtadly represent peasants' houses which are constructed in the same way at the present day in many villages of Upper Syria and Mesopotamia. Note the eye left in the centre of the dome to admit light; we shall notice this feature again. Fig. 2. 1 Lathaby (W. R.), Architecture, London, (1912). p. 58, fig. 13. * Perrot (Georges, And Chipier (Charles), History of Art in Ancioni Egypt, London, 1883, Vol. II, p. 37. 3 Soo Ewald Bange: Die Gubdb Hutten Nordoyriens und Nordon-Mesopotamiens : Orientalisches Archio, Jahrg. II. pp. 173-179

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134 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY {JULY, 1915 In Rome the dome appears to have been known some centuries before our era. It seems to have been introduced as a feature in bath-building, and the only domes known to Vitruvius, who wrote about the beginning of the 1st century, were those required for the hot chamber of the bath. The ruined cupola of the bath at Pompeii is a concreted shell of rubble, very conical, just like those shown on Layard's bas-relief. Now there is one thing common to all these domes, they are all small and used in buildings of secondary importance. In Egypt this is always the case, while in Chaldaea and Assyria the great palaces of Sargon and Sennacherib appear to have been built without domes. Strabo, who died A. D. 25, and who did not visit Mesopotamia, but who describes Asia from the Taurus to India, by the aid of contemporary writings, mentions the vaulted narrow rooms. He says, "We may add that all the houses were vaulted, in consequence of the absence of wood." Strabo's remarks were confirmed by Place who found curved segments of vaulting some 4 feet by 6 amongst the debris in the rooms of the palace of Khorsabad. He even found rollers of limestone, weighing from 2 to 3 cwt. pierced at each end with a square hole into which wooden spindles were inserted. Similar rollers are used to this day in the East after iain, to roll the flat terraces on top of the vaulted roofs of sunburnt clay. This roller closes the cracks, kills the weeds and makes he surface firm. Place found that in nearly every chamber (a fact which Strabo comments on the length was at least twice the breadth and in many cases four, five or even seven times as great. This precludes the idea of a dome. In the palace of Sargon out of 184 rooms scarcely any are square," and there is nothing to show that these were covered with domes-they may quite well have been vaulted. So that we may say that in palace architecture the dome played no part at all, or next to none. Now what is the explanation of the fact that the nations of antiquity which I have mentioned, although they could construct domes, never used them in buildings of the first importance? Why do we find the dome relegated to small and inferior buildings? I think the reason is this. It must be obvious to everyone that supposing you possess the art of building a dome, it will not be of much use to you, unless you have also devised a means whereby you can set it o r square chamber. A circular granary is all very well, but when it comes to a complex building, an aggregation of cells, like a palace for instance, you cannot compose it of circulat rooms, and unless you can devise a method of setting the domes over square rooms, you must abandon them in favour of vaults. All the domes that I have mentioned hitherto are either set over circular spaces, like the granaries in Egypt or the baths at Pompeii, or else they are set over a square space by a makeshift pendentive which could not be trusted on a large scale. Regarding Egypt, Prof. Petrie says "Egyptian doming of construction chambers is irregular, the sides contracting inwards while the corner increasingly rounds. For open chambers I think the angles in each case are truncated by placing bricks across them." In Rome likewise the domes mentioned by Vitruvius for the hot-chamber of the baths are set over a circular space. Even at a considerably later date this is the case with the dome of the Pantheon. In this huge dome, 140 feet in diameter, which still remains the 4 Strabo, Bk. LXVI. o.1, . 5. Place (Victor), Ninive, plates UJI VII. Lothaby, op. cit., p. 58.

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JULY, 1915) THE DOME IN PERSIA 135 largest in the world, Roman dome construction reached its zenith and then almost died out. Few are the domes in Roman architecture, and as Fergusson remarks "So far as I know all the domed buildings erected by the Romans up to the time of Constantine, and indeed long afterwards, were circular in the interior, though, like the temple built by Diocletian at Spalatro, they were sometimes octagonal externally." One thing, a satisfactory pendentive, was warted, before domed construction could come to its own. In the case of the domes on the bas-relief found by Layard, which I have already mentioned, the setting at the angles was no doubt as unsatisfactory as in the Egyptian examples referred to by Prof. Petrie, and quite impossible on a large scale. Now it seems to me that the Persians, who were the first people to solve this problem, and devise a satisfactory pendentive, played for this reason a very important, in fact vital, part in the evolution of domical construction. We will now consider the two earliest domed buildings in Persia, namely the palaces of Firuzabad and Sarvistan. I put Firuzabad first, contrary to the usual order, for reasons which I shall give later. At Firuzabad we see the dome applied on a large scale for the first time, this dome being 45 feet in diameter, and we see also the means by which this setting of a really large dome over a square space became possible, viz: by means of a squinch, a device wholly Persian. By the squinch, which here consists of a series of concentric arches, thrown across the angle, and advancing one over the other, the square is reduced to an octagon, upon which it is easy to set a dome (Fig. 3). It is impossible to overrate the importance of this discovery, which did for the East what the Byzantine pendentive did for the Wesu. By it Persia, so to speak, ennobled the dome, raising it to the very front Fig. 3. rank as a method of roofing, a position it has kept in Persia ever since. In fact I think I may make this generalization, that Persia is the land of the dome, whereas Mesopotamia is the land of the vault. Thus while in Persia we have these two palaces in which the dome plays a conspicuous part, in Mesopotamia we have the palaces of Al Hadra (or Hatra) and Tak Kisra where the vault alone is found. Later in the palace of Mashita, in the 8th century palace of Ukhaidir and at Kasr Kharaneh this is also the case and even in the 9th century Bait-ul-Khalifah at Rakka. In all these buildings the vault is employed to the complete exclusion of the dome. These two palaces Firuzabad and Sarvistan, are attributed to the Sasanian period by all authorities on the subject with the single exception of Dieulafoy, who, in his work, "L'Art antique de la Perse", attributes them to the Achaemenian age. * Ferguson (James), Handbook of Architecture, London, 1859, p. 346. cunsi lain arte

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136 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JULY, 1915 I I give here a plan of Firuzabad, (Fig. 4.) striking for its noble simplicity. It measures 170 feet by 320 and is therefore a really large building. All the spaces shown are covered by elliptical barrel vaults, except the open court and the three square rooms which are covered by elliptical domes set on squinches. These three domes, being each 45 feet in diameter are much larger than any COURT we have hitherto met with in Egypt or Chaldaea. The stability of the vaults is ensured, either by adjacent structures or by large voids in the thickness of the walls spanned by barrel vaulting. Dieulafoy calls these discharging chambers. (Plate 1, A.) An interesting feature in this palace is the stucco decoration, a good deal of which remains. That on the outside recalis the method used in Chaldaea, Khorsabad for example and consists of reed-like pilasters of semicircular section with panellings between. (Fig. 5.) The great archeddocrways are set in frames surmounted with the Egyptian reed cornice, which recalls those used in the Achaemenian palaces at Persepolis and Susa. (Fig. 6.) They are, however, Fig. 5. executed in stucco being applied to the face of the wall, whereas in Achaemenian work they are always carved in the ZEN stone. In addition to this the reed cornice, instead of commencing with a vertical rise spreads out, thus showing a later and decadent form of composition. The entire fabric is of broken stone or rubble, bound by a good mortar of lime mixed with sand. . Fig. 6.

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JULY, 1915] THE DOME IN PERSIA 137 I will now briefly describe Sarvistan. It measures 120 feet by 140, and has three domes which are shown here in plan and in section. (Figs. 7 and 8) The OPEN walls are built of stone, the domes being of brick, but practically all the stucco decoration has disappeared. A great advance in scientific knowledge is shown in the vaulting arrangements. In order to lessen the thrust of the elliptical barrel vaults, and to avoid very thick side walls, piers were built within the Fig. 7. walls, thus forming a series of recesses. (Plate I, B.) These recesses, be it specially noticed, are nothing more than a development of the method employed at Firuzabad, by which the hollow spaces left in the thickness of the walls in the former building, are here utilised to add to the floor-space of the hall itself. Fig. 4 These piers do not carry transverse arches, but support instead either semidomes or barrel vaults over the recesses between them, above which rises the central elliptical vault, its span being reduced by this arrangement from 26 feet (the extreme width of the hall) to about 17. (Fig. 9). The lower portion of these piers is carried on coupled columns, which give increased space; so that the builders must have recognised the fact that, the thrust being resisted, the actual weight can be borne by supports of less superficial area than the piers themselves. As the recesses are of course rectangular, squinches are used in the angles to carry the semi-domes over them. 0 . . . A Fig.

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138 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JULY, 1915 I must mention here that while the domes of Firuza bad have an eye in the centre to admit light (similar to those on Layard's bas-relief) at Sarvistan we find the domes as well as the vaults pierced for the same purpose by hollow terracotta pots, (Fig. 10) built in at regular intervals, as may be seen in (Fig. 9) It will now be easy for me to give my reasons for considering Firuzabad to be earlier than Sarvistan. Firstly I would point out the highly evolved vaulting system of the latter compared with the simple planning of the former. Piers similar to those at Sarvistan are used in one of the halls at Ukhai, ir, (Plate I, C) (0.750 A.D.) to support arches carrying a barrel vault, which, however, now takes a pointed, instead of an elliptical form. Piers are used also at Qsair 'Amrah (c. 711-750) 8 and Kasr Kharaneh, only the vaulting system they support is much more complicated. At Kasr Kharaneh (Plate I, D), we see at the end of the hall a semi-dome on squinches which is exactly like what we find in the recesses at Sarvistan. Further, the Egyptian reed-cornice at viruzabad though decadent still shows strony affinities with the palaces at Persepolis and Susa (Perrot and Chipiez, though attacking Dieulafoy; admit the force of this argument,) and the reed-like pilasters recall the still earlier Chaldaean palaces at Khorsabad and elsewhere. To put it briefly, while Sarvistan looks forward and is the prototype of 7th and Fig. 10. 8th century buildings, all the affinities of Firozabad' are with the past. The manner already alluded to whereby the hollows in the walls of Firuzabad are, thrown so to speak, into the main hall at Sarvistan must obviously belong to a later development. Regarding the actual dates of these two palaces, Dieulafoy attributed them, as I have said, to the Achaemenian age, seeing in them Persian palaces, built in the style of the country in the 6th century B. C., the palaces at Persepolis and Susa being in the governmental style introduced from foreign nations during the great conquests of the Achaemenians. Every other writer on the subject is against this view ; Flandin and Coste who discovered them, Fergusson, Perrot and Chipiez, and more recently Prof. Phene Spiers, all attribute them to the Sasanian dynasty. Perrot and Chipiez, however, are willing to put these two palaces in the late Parthian or Arsacid period.9 Recently Dieulafoy has modified his view and now admits Sarvistan to belong to the Sasanian period, though still standing out for an early date for Firuzabad. Medio tutissimus ibis is a very sound motto in archaeology as in most other things, and I think that we shall be safe in concluding that Firuzabad was built not later than 240 A. D.10 and possibly considerably 8 It was built between the years 711 and 750, when the house of Umayyah came to an end, the earlier date being determined by the presence among the frescoes of a representation of Roderick, the last king of the West Goths, who came first into contact with the Arabs at the battle of Xeres in 711. G. S. Bell, Ukhaidir, p. 112. Prof. Max van Borchern on very convincing grounds has narrowed down the period to A.D. 712-715. Journal des Savants, 1909, pp. 363-372. 9 History of Art in Persia, London, 1892, p. 188. 10 It is certainly not safe to attribute it to Firuz (A. D. 458.482) as has been done, (by Prof. Phene Spiers : Sassanian Period, in Russell Sturgis's Dictionary of Architecture) since the name Firuzabad only dates from the 10th century when it was given to the place by A83d-ad-Dauleh, one of the rulers of the Buyah dynasty of Fars and Iraq. Curzon, Persia, II, 228.

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Indian Antiquary THE DOME IN PERSIA Plate L A. Discharging Chambers, Firuzabad. B. Side of Hall at Sarvistan. D. Kasr Kharanah, piers and semi-cupola. C. The Great Hall, Ukhaidir. E. Domed huts, village of Chupunun. F. Street in Musgum, German Kameruns W. GRIGGS & SONS, LTO, COLL. K. A. C. CRESWELL.

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JULY, 1915] THE DOME IN PERSIA 139 earlier as it is so strongly differentiated from Sarvistan, but nevertheless not earlier than very late Achaemenian (c. B. C. 340) owing to the decadent quality of its Persepolitan decoration shown in the door-frames with the Egyptian reed-cornice. I really do not see how it can be fixed within much narrower limits. As for Sarvistan we are on firmer ground and I think we may date it between A.D. 350 and A.D. 380, which is the latest date I have seen assigned to it, although, on account of its affinities with the buildings mentioned I should be quite willing to put it even a century later. So far I have said nothing as to the origin of the dome, although we have seen the antiquity of this method of construction. Now domes are built by the most primitive people with practically no appliances, all over the Near and Middle East at the present day. Layard gives a vivid description of one he saw built in Kurdistan which was just like those on the bas-relief. Innumerable travellers in Persia have remarked firstly on the immense tracts which are absolutely treeless and secondly that wherever there is a lack of timber, there the houses are vaulted and domed with sun-baked clay. In Eastern Persia. especially is this the case. (Plate I, E,) shows a typical mud domed village. Sven Hedin, from whose book I have taken this photograph, says that each "house is a low, long rectangle of mud, and over each room rises a cupola-shaped roof of sundried bricks, for here at the margin of the desert there is no timber to make a flat roof."11 Domed huts existed in B.C. 700 in Mesopotamia as we see from Layard's basrelief, and no doubt they did also in Persia, like conditions producing like effects. Quintus Curtius who wrote in the 1st century describes the dwellings of the inhabitants of the Paropanisus (the region north of Herat) as being very similar to these, he says "their form, broadest at bottom, gradually contracts as the structure rises, till it terminates in the fashion of a ship's keel, with an aperture in the centre to admit the light."12 It therefore seems probable to me that the dome was developed more or less independently in those regions where wood was lacking and necessity forced the invention of this sort of roofing, and far from thinking the domes of Firuzabad and Sarvistan to be derived from Mesopotamia I think they were simply a development of indigenous construction. Lest an independent origin of the dome should seem improbable I would call attention to these domes of sun-baked clay, 20 feet in diameter and 30 feet high, found by Miss Macleod in the German Kameruns. 13 (Plate I, F, and Plate II, A.) Here we see this feature used by the most primitive people and strange to say in a most scientific form. The shells are extraordinarily thin, but it should be noted that they are formed to almost perfect parabolic curves, which according to Waldram, 14 a recent writer on the mathematical theory of domes, eliminates all ring tensions due to the weight of the material. Of course I am not suggesting that these natives know anything about conic sections, but, merely, that working with plastic clay, they have, by experiment, found out a particularly safe shape. We now come to the romance of the dome which is ushered in with the advent of Islam. The earliest Muhammadan dome known to me is that of the great Mosque at Kum. This was built by Abu Sadaim Husain bin 'Ali al-Ash'ari in A. H. 265 (878) and is 80 feet in height. The next dome, also at Kum, is that of the tomb of Muhammad bin Musa, who died A. H. 296. The dome over his grave was built in A. H. 366 (976). I regret that 11 Overland to India, I, 195, 12Bk, L, ii, c. 3. 13 Macleod (Olive), Chiefs and Cities of Central Africa, London, 1912, pp. 114-116. 14 Waldram (Percy), Structural Mechanics, London, [1912.] 325-6.

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140 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JULY, 1915 I cannot give illustrations of these two domes, but in reply to my enquiry Sir Albert HoutumSchindler--to whose book Eastern Persian Irak, I am indebted for their dates--has very kindly informed me that so far as he can remember they are of a more or less hemispherical shape." This sounds as though the Sasanian form still persisted. In the 12th century we have the tomb of Sultan Sanjar at old Merv. (Plate II, B.) Sultan Sanjar reigned from D. 1117 to 1157, and this mausoleum was built during his lifetime. So great was its solidity that he gave it the name of Dar-ul-Akhirat, "the Abode of Eternity." Nevertheless it was damaged and disfigured by Tulai Khan, the son of Chingiz, at the wack of Merv in d. D. 1221. The drum of the dome appears to be strengthened by buttresses at four points. This view of the interior (Plate II, D.) is taken from a Russian work by Zhukovski on the ruins of old Merv. It is, I am sorry to say, rather blackened and unsatisfactory, but no doubt it was a very difficult exposure. However, it shows, sufficiently plainly, the squinches at the angles, a feature which might almost have been predicted with certainty. O'Donovan, 16 who visited this mausoleum about 30 years ago, says that it cannot be less than 60 feet to the summit of its cupola," and that "its greatest diameter is at least forty feet." The Jabal-i-Sang at Kerman is said to be the oldest building there. Although I cannot date it, I give a view of it (Plate II, C), because early Muhammadan domes are scarce. This illustration is due to the kindness of Col. P. M. Sykes; it is unpublished and is quite new material architecturally. This building is further interesting as providing a very clear prototype of the numerous domes of the Pathin period at Delhi, which hitherto have been alinost a type apart. In comparison with the tomb of Firoz Shah, (Plate III, E.) built in 138917 it will be seen that the shape of these domes is strikingly similar, and they both stand on octagonal plinths, the former on a double one. The building shown (Fig. 11) was built in 1307 by Muhammad Khudabunda at Sultanieh. He was the first Persian sovereign publicly to declare himself of the Shi'a sect of Muhammadans, and with a view to establish it more firmly in the minds of his subjects he entertained the project of transporting hither the remains of 'Ali and Husain from Najaf and Kerbela, hoping thus to render it a place of pilgrimage. He did not live to complete his object and the building became, instead, his own mausoleum.is The building is octagonal in plan and the slight transition from the octagon to the circle on which the dome rests is effected by m stalactite pendentives. The Fig. 11. dome is 84 feet in diameter, and is therefore a really large one, the largest in fact, in Persia. A vaulted gallery runs round the base of the dome and the stability of the structure is further ensured by eight minarets, one at each of the angles. The whole building was corered 15 Skrine and Rost, Heart of Asia, p. 143. 16 The Merv Oasis, p. 250. 1: Stephen (Carr.), archeology of Delhi, p. 157. 18 Ker Porter, Travels in Georgia, Persia, &c. T. 976-81. SUCHE

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A. Ruined hut, Musgum. C. Jabal-i-Sang, Kerman. THE DOME IN PERSIA. E. Jama Masjid, Veramin. K. A. C. CRESWELL. Indian Antiquary Plate II. B. Mausoleum of Sultan Sanjar, Merv. D. Mausoleum of Sultan Sanjar. Interio:. F. Jama Masjid, Veramin, interior of dome. W. GRIGGS & SONS, LTD., COLL.

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JULY, 1915] THE DOME IN PERSIA with Persian tiles, some magnificent strips of which remain; it had doors of Indian steel which existed down to 1671 when they were seen and described by Struys,19 and both in planning and decoration, it would appear to have been the greatest masterpiece of Persian architecture. This is borne out by the universal chorus of praise showered on it by almost every traveller who has visited it. Morier, writing in 1810, in an age when few could see beauty outside the classical styles, said: "... of any description, and in any place, I do not recollect a building which could have surpassed this in its original state20." I would invite special attention to the shape of this dome. Contrary to what is usually the case in the West, its beautiful outline is not obscured by the piling up of material on its haunches. This feature is typical of the general ignorance prevailing in Europe in regard to dome construction. Fergusson, with his knowledge of Eastern domes, was the first to shed a ray of light on the problem in 1855,21 when he made an attempt to point out one of the chief fallacies to be found in European theories of dome construction. Up till then the dome had been considered simply as a circular vault, and like a vault requiring a great amount of abutment. This error goes back to Roman times, as can be seen from the Pantheon, where perfectly unnecessary masses of material are piled up on the. haunches of the dome giving it a very ugly exterior outline (Fig. 12). Fergusson pointed out that while any given section of a vault was of the same breadth throughout, and therefore of the same weight, in a dome the lower rings are much heavier than the crown as they contain far more material. This is of course, in accordance with the curious mathematical theorem that the weights of the sections of a hemispherical dome are in proportion to their heights. Thus, as is shown in Fig. 13, the weight of section A BCD is twice that of Section B C F because it is twice the height. Fergusson concluded therefore, that the weight of this lower ring constituted ample abutment, and that such a dome would be stable; in fact, as Fergusson expressed it, "It is almost as easy to build a dome that will stand, as it is to build a vault that will fall". Fig. 12. 141 Fig. 13. It was reserved, however, for E. B. Denison (afterwards Lord Grimthorpe) to give a full, complete and mathematical demonstration of the theory of the dome, when in February 1871, he read before the Royal Institute of British Architects a paper on "The Mathematical Theory of Domes", in which he brought the highest mathematical attainments to bear upon this problem. This use of the higher mathematics was rendered necessary by the fact that the actual thickness of the dome itself, interferes with the geometrical and trignometrical considerations involved in the problem, and so deranges all the natural relations of sines and cosines, that the formulae soon become unmanageable for any direct solution and render necessary a free use of the integral and differential calculus. I cannot here go into all the interesting results obtained by him, 19 Struys (J), Travels and Voyages, (trans.) London, 1684, r. 302. John Bell of Antermony who visited it in 1717 speaks of "a brass gate of lattice-work, seemingly of great antiquity." Travels from St. Petersburg, &c. London, 1788, I. 99. 20 Morier (James), A Journey through Persia, London, 1812, p. 258. 21 op. cit. pp. 441-3.

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142 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JULY, 1915 although I must remark in this connection that he found pointed domes considerably superior to hemispherical ones. This superior stability of a pointed dome is interesting as almost all domes in the East are pointed, but of course this superior shape must have been found by long experience and not by calculation beforehand, as Newton only invented the calculus in 1665, and without it the problem is insoluble. Of course, all domes in the East are unnecessarily thick, tremendously so, in fact, though some are of wonderfully scientific shape, for instance, this one at Sultanieh, which I think is also one of the most beautiful, as indeed it should be since it satisfies the eye mechanically. Its internal construction, however, though peculiar and original, is not so scientific. According to Dieulafoy, it is made with an inner and outer lining, each a brick and a half thick, with a sort of cellular webbing between made by intersecting ribs following the lines of latitude and longitude, so to speak, the hollow cells left being nearly square in shape. This construction is, I believe, unique as far as Persia is concerned, but a similar device is found in the domo of St. Peter's at Rome and in the Cathedral at Florence where it is useful in taking a firmer hold of the lantern to prevent it being turned over by the wind. Except for this possible advantage where the dome carries a lantern I say, on the authority of the Paper I have just referred to (where this problem is treated in detail) that this kind of construction is not scientific, and is not to be commended, because it is not the best disposition of a given amount of material; strange as it may seem, the dome would be stronger if the inner and outer layers were brought together and welded into one without the intervening cellular work. The problem of the dome is radically different from that of the vault and the girder, and one cannot look upon a dome as cut up into a series of vertical sections forming cantilevers. However, its shape is, as I have said, ideal. Although it does not quite fall within the title of this article, I cannot leave this beautiful mausoleum without referring to one extraordinary feature, which no doubt accounts for the intense sense of harmonious proportion so many observers have felt on looking at it. Dieulafoy, who published in 1883 detailed study of this building, in Cesar Daly's Revue d'Architecture et des travaux publiques, found that the interior and exterior elevations were set out in a framework of squares and equilateral triangles, the intersections of which gave all the chief fixed points such as the width and height of the doorway, the level of the upper gallery, height of cornice and so forth, so that the size of every part was related to every other part in some definite proportion. Mauss has ehown 22 that in two other domed buildings-the church of the Holy Sepulchre and the Dome of the Rock at Jerusalem--the plan must have been set out on similar lines, equilateral triangles governing the former and right-angled triangles with equal sides the latter. Mauss's plan of the Dome of the Rock is given here (Fig. 14) showing the geometrical skeleton which governs the design. In this building again, as might be expected, the extraordinary harmony of its interior is the first thing to strike the observer. I quote Prof. Hayter Lewis 23 :- . Fig. 14. Mauss (C), Note sur la m ode employee pour tracer le plan de la mosqude d'Omar et de la rotonde du Saint-Sepulchre a Jerusalem : Revue archeologique, I11. serie, tome XII, pp. 1.31. 2 Lewis (T. Hayter), The Holy Places of Jerusalem, London, 1888, pp. 126-7. ! TOR

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JULY, 1915] THE DOME IN PERSIA 143 It is undoubtedly one of the most beautiful buildings existing, and I cordially agree with these eloquent words of Mr. Fergusson: "The one thing I was least prepared for was the extreme beauty of the interior of the building. I remember perfectly the effect of the Taj Mahal and other great imperial tombs at Agra and Delhi. . . . But so far as my knowledge extends, the dome of the Rock surpasses them all. There is an elegance of proportion. . . which does not exist in any other building I am acquainted with." I believe this is the only other instance in Muhammadan architecture where anything of this sort has been discovered, but it might well be found in other buildings were it looked for, since the idea itself, although its existence was not dreamt of sixty years ago, is constantly being found over a wider and wider field. Prof. Phene Spiers states that in the design of Gothic Cathedrals there is reason to believe that proportions based on the equilateral triangle were used in the setting out.24 Babin has shown by numerous examples that a system of triangulation was used in fixing the proportions of Greek temples, the height of the facade, the depth of the entablature, and the spacing of the columns all conforming to it.25 He has since found the same thing in Persian architecture of the Achaemenian period.26 Ram Raz mentions the rules of proportion in his Architecture of the Hindus, which he compiled from the Silpa Sastras, a collection of writings of uncertain age and origin, of which he collected fragments in the Carnatic where he was born. All the proportions laid down by him are, however, simple arithmetical ratios. This was the case, also, with the Bhavnagar House-Front at the Delhi Exibition of 1903, which was specially made by the head carpenter of the State according to the traditional rules of bis craft. (Sir George Watt, Indian Art at Delhi, pp. 124-5 and plate 28). It appears, therefore, that in India less subtle ratios obtained. That this idea is extremely ancient cannot be denied, since various relationships of this sort are found in the Great Pyramid, where, amongst other things, the height bears to the circumference of the base the same relationship as the diameter of a circle bears to its circumference. That literature contains no reference to this remarkable system goes for nothing, as craft secrets of this sort were, no doubt, only imparted under vows of secrecy. Under a scheme of this sort, whereby the size of every part is related to every other part in some definite proportion, as pointed out above, a building instead of being a collection of odd notes, became a harmonious chord in stone, a sort of living crystal; and after all it really is not strange that harmonies of this sort should appeal to us through our sight, just as chords in music appeal to us through our hearing. Some of the ratios involved above, such as the square root of two, and especially that which the diameter of a circle bears to its circulaterence, which enters into the equation of movement of everything in space, nay further, into the equation of movement of the very electrons of the atom itself, are fundamentals in time and space, they go right down to the very basis of our own nature and of the physical universe in which we live and move and have our being, and may well appeal to us sub-consciously. The Masjid-i-Jama at Veramin is another example of a great building of the golden age of Persian architecture. According to an inscription over the main entrance it was built A. H. 722 (1322) by Sultan Abu Said, the son and successor of Khudabunda. The form of the dome is less pointed than that at Sultanieh (Plate II, E.) and recalls somewhat those of Sarvistan in outline. The interior arrangement is as follows: The inner chamber, 24 Encyclopaedia Britannica, 11th edition, art. Architecture, II, p. 370... 25 Babin (C.), Note sur l'emploi des triangles dans la mise en proportion des monuments grecs: Revue archeologique, IIIe serie, tome XVI, pp. 82-106. 26 Note sur la metrologie et les proportions dans les monuments achemenides de la Perse: Revue archeologique, IIIe serie, tome XVII, pp. 347-79.

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144 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY LJULY, 1915 square on plan, is converted into an octagon by squinches thrown across the angles. On this stands an octagonal drum, with narrow windows in each face, a new feature of which this is the earliest example known to me with one exception, Imamzadeh Yahia, also at Veramin, built in the 12th century according to Dr. Sarre.27 The eight sides of the drum are converted into sixteen by a series of beautifully finished squinches, and on these rests the dome itself. (Plate II, F). On examining the plate, it will be seen that the dome instead of being either set back or carried across the sixteen angles, has the internal rim of its spherical surface distorted almost imperceptibly to fit its support, the distortion soon merging in the true hemisphere as the dome rises. This separation of parts-pendentives, drum, dome-recalls the similar separation of structural elements to be found in Byzantine architecture of the 10th century,28 in which, however, squinches are replaced by spherical triangles. The interior of this dome is decorated with tile mosaic, with a magnificent rosette in the centre; beyond this may be seen a network of interlacing curves, in the interstices of which are square plaques containing ornamental devices in highly conventionalized Kufic, & somewhat uncommon decorative feature. It is, however, found in the Blue Mosque at Tabriz (1437-68),29 and in a few mosques at Cairo, examples of which have been published by Innes and Rogers. I give here (Fig. 15) an example from the mosque of Hasan (1356) published by the former, 30 of which he gives the following reading in French style : "La Ilah illa Allah, Mohamed rasoul Allah" : There is no god but God, Mohamed is the Apostle of God. Fig. 15. The mausoleum at Sultanich and the highly articulated and well finished interior of this dome, together with Prof. Sarre's fine plates of the main entrance and mihrab, enable one to realize the splendour of Persian architecture in the 13th and 14th centuries. We now approach the Timuri age when a great change is witnessed in the style of dome used in Persia. Up to this point all the domes met with are simple structures and we have no example of the bulbous double dome. The only apparent exception to this is the double dome of the shrine of Imam Riza, at Meshed, sometimes stated to have been built by Suri, governor of Nisha pur in 103731 ; but this is incorrect, as this early dome was destroyed by an earthquake in the 17th century and rebuilt and gilded by Shah Sulaiman in 1672, according to Chardin, who was an eye-witness of the work, 12 17 Sarre (F.), Denkmaler persischer Baukunst, fig. 65. >> Choisy (A), L'Art de batir chez lo Byzantines, p. 96, 8. Bardias at Saloniks being one of the earliest dated examples >> Texier (C.), Description de l'Armenie la Perse, eto, pl. 47, 49. 30 Innes (Walter), Inscriptions arabes en caracteres carro: Bulletin de l'Institutoyplim, III serie, No. 1, pp. 61-7. 31 Yate, (C.E.) Khurasan and Sistan, p. 316. 32 Chardin, ed. Langles, Vol. III. p. 228.

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JULY, 1915) THE DOME IN PERSIA 115 Now, however, a new type appears which consists of the former type of dome, covered over by a slightly bulbous shell, which is superimposed on it, leaving a large space between. This type only appears towards the end of Timur's reign, his early buildings not having this feature. In 1371 he built, at Samarkand, the Mausoleum of his sister Chachuk (Tchouchouck) Bika in the group of buildings known as the Shah Zindeh or Living Saint, so called from the grave of Kasim ibn 'Abbas, who is supposed to be still living, and whose shrine forms the chief building in the group. Both these buildings have single domes, fluted externally, but, when we come to the Mausoleum of his wife Bibi Khanum, (Plate III, A,) commenced, according to Schubert von Soldern 38 in 1399, and finished in 140334 and his own Mausoleum (Plate III, B.) known as the Gur Amir, we for the first time meet with the double dome with slightly swelling outline, a type of dome which henceforth became a constant feature in Persian architecture. The mosque-mausoleum, built at Hazrat-i-Turkistan over the tomb of Hazrat Khwaja Ahmad Yesevi by Timur, which was commenced in 1397 and finished in 1404,35 has a huge dome, similar in shape to that at Sultanieh, 30 but the double dome soon became general, No explanation of the origin of this peculiarity is to be found suggested in Fergusson's History of Architecture, nor does Russell Sturgis in his recent History of Architecture (1908) make any comment on it. The same remark applies to Texier, who thought the double dome with entasis was the rule in Persia with the single exception known to him, at Sultanieh, although when speaking of the Masjid-i-Shah at Isfahan, he says that one is led to 802 Fig. 16. Fig. 17. >> Die Baudenkmaler von Samarland. 1 Saladin, Manuel d'art Musulman, Vol. I, p. 434 35 Mir-salik-Boktobourin, Description de la Mosque de Hazrol, in A. P. Khoroohkino, Itindraires de l'Asie Centrale pp. 247-66. * E. Schuyler, 7'urkestan 1. 70-73, and photograph in F. von Schwarz, Turkestan, p. 200

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146 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JULY, 1915 believe it was introduced from India by the Mogul rulers of Persia. P. Coste in Monuments Modernes de la Perse states (p. 59 and pl. 71) that it was introduced during the 16th century and calls the dome at Sultanieh the "Arab" form! (p. 46.) A Gosset in Les Cupoles d'Orient et d'Occident describes the feature without comment, while A. Choisy in his Histoire de l'Architecture, Paris, 1889, follows Coste in stating that it only became the rule in Persia towards the end of the 16th century, but I have shown that it occurs much earlier. He, like Texier, suggests an Indian origin, viz that it was an imitation of certain bulbous topes to be seen there. He apparently had in mind structures such as those at Ajanta, shown in figures 16 and 17. Now as Timur was in India shortly before the building of the Bibi Khanum and the Gur Amir, we must consider the possibility of this Indian origin. In the first place these topes are solid structures and not examples of roofing, and the few which are bulbous such as those shown, are quite small and not the conspicuous and striking buildings likely to be noticed even by a conqueror in his meteoric flight through the country. But could he have seen any double domes with slightly swelling outline? No! for not one of the domed buildings which were standing in the North-West of India in the time of Timur, of which remains have come down to us, have this feature. I have compiled a list of these buildings from Carr Stephen's Archaeology of Delhi, and Fanshawe's Delhi, Past and Present, and find that there are seventeen of them. They comprise the group of buildings classed by Fergusson as Early, Middle, and Late Pathan. Amongst them are the tombs of Shams-ud-din Altamsh, Rukn-ud-din Firoz Shah, Ghiasud-din Tughlak Shah, the Jama Masjid of Firazabad, the Kalan Masjid and the buildings attributed to 'Khan Jahan. I give as a typical example the tomb of Firoz Shah, built A. D. 1389. (Plate III, E.) All the domes found in these buildings are pointed in shape but low in elevation, and built in horizontal courses. Carr Stephen speaking of them remarks that" domes, the stones of which are held together by the wonderful adhesive qualities of the lime used in those days, without any keystone, have been before remarked on and are another characteristic of the Mohammedan Indian buildings of the 14th century."37 These domes have not a single feature in common with the Gur Amir and Bibi Khanum, yet as they are all of one type they are conclusive evidence as to the style of the period and completely refute the theory that the double dome had an Indian origin. Regarding the theory of the Indian origin of the double dome, Saladin's apparently follows Choisy, and in addition suggests that it has also certain mechanical advantages viz: that it tends to the stability of the dome by constituting additional abutment.39 A more extraordinary statement it is difficult to conceive, since it is obvious that it must act outwardly in the same direction as the thrust of the upper part of tho dome itself. Figure 18 shows a section of the dome of the Gar Amir. The dotted line produced from C shows the extent of the projecting part. Now the centre of gravity of the A B -about projecting part is roughly at B, and this part therefore will act with leverage A C 37 Archaeology of Delhi, p. 154. 38 Op. cit., p. 360. 39 Professor Phene Spiers in Architecture East and West, p. 20, also makes a similar statement, but only as a surmise.

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JULY, 1915] THE DOME IN PERSIA 147 x " the turning point C, in direction A. D. Now the thrust K of the upper part E is in the same direction more or less, and thus the projecting part adds to the difficulty instead of helping matters. This is shown when it comes to practical work by the interior construction of this dome, which has a series of tie-bars T, fixed at their extremities in the lower part of the sides of the dome and meeting in the centre, where they are carried by a pile of masonry M.40 They are an imperative necessity to neutralise the unscientific shape chosen for the construotion of the dome, and by their very existance refute Saladin's theory that "la forme bulbeuse presente alors l'avantage de conserver sensiblement, a l'aplomb de l'arc du mur du tambour, la projection du centre de gravite du segment le plus important de la cupole, donc de ramener la poussee a l'interieur du mur." (p. 365). It is now clear to us that the shapes of the domet of the Bibi Khanam and Gur Amir could not have sprung from constructive necessities in brick or stone. When we find this to be the case with other features in architecture, we usually find that the feature in question is a copy of Fig. 18. construction in wood, e. g., the mortised joints of the stone rail round the Sanchi Tope, 11 also the metopes and triglyphs of the Doric order, the Lycian tombs in the British Museum, eto. Can it be so in the case of the bulbous double domes? Is there, or was there, anywhere in the Moslem world known to Timur, a double dome with swelling outline? Yes! at one place, and at one place only, and that was at Damascus, where stood the great Umayyad Mosque built by the Khalif Walid in A. D. 705-13, the dome of which in Timur's time was double and of wood. The following details concerning this mosque are taken from Professor Phene Spiers' " Architecture East and West."43 In plan it was as shown in (Fig. 19 ) It consists of three aisles and a transept at the intersection of which there was a dome B, which was called the Kubbat-anNasr (the vulture dome); the dome was considered as the head, the aisle below as the breast, while the lofty transept roofs, high above the rest, were likened to Fig. 10. outspread wings. The sides of the square around B measure 39 feet 6 inches. The angles of this square are vaulted over with squinch pendentives, and the drum resting upon the octagon thus formed is set back 2 feet so that the dome resting upon it has an internal diameter of 43 feet 6 inches. There is a range of windows in the present drum and a second range in the dome, which is built of stone and covered with lead. This is as things were before the fire of 1893, and the above dome was built at some date subsequent to the burning of the mosque at the sacking of Damascus by Timur in 1400. Descriptions of the mosque at various dates previous to this are to be found in the diaries of the various Arab geographers who visited it between the 9th and 14th centuries. A 40 Saladin, op. cit. p. 361. Fergusson, Indian Architecture, Vol. I, p. 111. 2 pp. 213-44.

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148 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY The description from which I propose to quote is that of the Spanish Arab, Ibn Jubair, who visited Damascus in 1184. The part of his description most interesting for our purpose is that which refers to the central dome. Mukaddasi speaks of one dome only, but Ibn Jubair, 200 years later, descants on the immense height of the great dome which broods over the void." He describes also how that it consisted of an external and internal dome, and rested on a drum. From this it may be assumed that Al Walid's dome succumbed in the fire of 1069. The following is the description given by Ibn Jubair of that which succeeded it, probably built between 1069 and 1082: [JULY, 1915 "A central nave is below it (viz., the transept) going from the Mihrab to the court; and over this nave (as seen from the interior) are three domes-namely, the dome which is close to the mosque wall towards the court (dome over space A in plan), the dome which is over and adjacent to the Mihrab 'dome over space C in plan), and the dome which is below (forming the inner of lower cupola of) the Kubbat-ar-Rasas (the dome of lead) rising between the other two." He describes his visit to the interior of the latter: "Verily the entrance to the same, and into the interior where is the inner dome-like a sphere within a larger sphere43 is from the mosque. We went up by a ladder in the western colonnade that goes round the court, and walked over the flat roof. The roof is covered with large sheets of lead, the length of each sheet being four spans and the width three. After passing over the flat roof we came to the Dome, and mounted into it by a ladder set there; and doing so it almost happened that we had all been seized with dizziness. We went into the round gangway (this was round the outside of the lead dome), which is of lead, and its width is but six spans, so that we could not stand there, fearing to fall over. Then we hastened on to the entrance into the interior of the dome, passing through one of the grated windows which opened in the lead-work; and before us was a wondrous sight. We passed on over the planking of great wood beams. which go all round the inner and smaller dome, which is inside the outer Leaden Dome, as aforesaid, and there are here two arched windows, through which you look down into the Mosque below. From here the men who are down in the Mosque look as though they were small children. This dome is round like a sphere, and its structure is made of planks strengthened with tout ribs of wood, bound with bands of iron. The ribs. curve over the dome aud meet at the summit in a round circle of wood. The inner dome, which is that soen from the interior of the Mosque, is inlaid with wooden panels. They are all gilt in the most beautiful manner, and ornamented with colour and carving. The Great Leaden Dome covers this inner dome that has just been described. It also is strengthened by wooden ribs bound with iron bands. The number of these ribs is forty-eight, and between each rib is a space of four spans. The ribs converge above, and unite in a centre-piece of wood. The Great Double Dome rests on a circular base... One of the wonders of the place is that we saw no spiders in the framework of the domes, and they say there are none here at all.44" 43 It would almost follow from this that the larger one must have been bulbous, since they both sprang from the same drum. 44 G. le Strange, Palestine under the Moslems, pp. 255-7.

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JULY, 1915] THE DOME IN PERSIA 149 One cannot help being struck by the close resemblance of the above description to the dome of the Bibi Khanam and Gur Amir, with the sole difference that these two are built of brick covered with enamelled tiles. The correspondence is close throughout; there is a drum in each case, the peculiar feature of an inner and outer shell occurs in all, while the shape must have been very similar, No one accustomed to see domes would describe one as "round like a sphere " unless it were more or less bulbous. That it was actually so there cannot be a shadow of doubt. Ibn Jubair says that the length of the Mosque from east to west (which we know to be 455 ft.) was 200 paces; a pace would therefore he just under 27 ins. He says later on that the circumference of the dome of lead was 80 paces, i. e., 182 feet; its diameter, therefore, was 58 feet. Now the interior diameter of the base, still existing, of the drum on which it stood is 43 feet 6 inches, while the exterior diameter, from Fig. 100 in "Architecture, East and West," would appear to be about 52 feet. The dome of lead, therefore, must have overhung its base by 3 feet all round. The dome of the Gur Amir has sixty-four ribs against forty-eight in the dome at Damascus, and I once thought that this feature was copied also; however, such was not the case, as this feature is found already in the Oxus region at an earlier date. In later times in the Oxus region these ribs wore reduced in number and thickened, till in the Shir Dar (1648) we have the so-called melon-dome in its most pronounced form. (Plate III, D). Timur appeared before Damascus on Saturday 8th January 1400, and the next day negotiations were opened with him by the citizens, and, on his guaranteeing their safety, the Bab Saghin was opened to him on Tuesday morning. After nearly two months spent in bargaining and extracting a ransom the place was finally sacked, and on the 4th March all the population that remained, men, women and children were bound and dragged off. On the 17th March, Timur ordered the city to be set on fire, and, sparks from the burning city lighting on the Umayyad Mosque, it was burnt, "till all that was left standing was a wall with no roof, nor door nor marble." We thus see that Timur had the great Umayyad Mosque constantly in his view for two months and nine days, and cannot fail to have been impressed, keenly appreciating architecture as he did, with this great building, in his day the largest and most splendid mosque in Islam, and, according to Yakut, writing in the century previous to Timur, one of the Four Wonders of the World of Medieval Islam,45 He was far more likely to have some of its most striking features reproduced for him at Samarkand than he was to copy, or even to notice, an obscure Tope (as suggested by Choisy) during his meteoric career through the North-Western Provinces of India. Now it may seem an anomaly that a great conqueror like Timur, steeped as he was in blood, to an extent perhaps only equalled by Chingiz Khan, should have had any feeling for, or interest in, architecture; nevertheless such was actually the case. He was greatly impressed by the Jama Masjid at Firazabad (Old Delhi) built by Firoz Shah in 1354, and took a model of it home to have it reproduced at Samarkand,46 and Fanshawe states (p. 264) that he also greatly admired the Kutb Minar, and carried off workmen to construct a similar one in his capital, which intention, however, was never carried out. 45 The other three were: the Sanjah bridge built by Heraclius on a tributary of the Upper Euphrates, with a span of 150 feet, the dome of the Christian church at Edessa, and the Pharos at Alexandria. G. Le Strange, Lands of the Eastern Caliphate, pp. 123-124. 46 Carr Stephens, ibid, p. 128.

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150 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [JULY, 1915 Further, Don Ruy Gonzales de Clavijo in his account of his embassy to. Timur, in 1404,47 states that Timur, looked after the execution of his buildings personally, and was carried every day in a litter to the spot, and, if not satisfied, he sometimes caused to be torn down already finished buildings, and then caused them to be re-erected according to his instructions. The same thing has been related by Timur's biographer Sharaf-ud-din 'Ali. It is also stated in the Institutes of Timur (Ed. of 1787, p. 103), that "The workmen who were spared from the sack of Damascus, and brought to Tartary were ordered to build a palace at Samarkand, which they did with much intelligence." Here is an actual importation of craftsmen from Damascus, who might well have copied the dome of their own great mosque in working on the Gur Amir and Bibi Khanum, even supposing Timur had given no special directions on the subject, and they would have been led to execute it in brick too, as timber is very scarce in this region. Lastly, one more point in favour of my theory We saw above that the interior diameter of the dome at Damascus was 43 ft. 6 in. Now, according to Schubert v. Soldern, the diameter of the dome of the Bibi Khanum, the first building erected by Timur after his visit to Damascus, is 13.5 metres (44 ft. 3 in.), a difference practically negligible in domes of such a size. I therefore think that I have shown, as nearly as such a thing can be shown, short of a direct contemporary historical statement to that effect, that the double slightly swelling Persian dome was first copied in brick by Timur after his stay at Damascus from a wooden one of the same shape that he saw there, and was employed in his subsequent buildings, viz., the Bibi Khanum and the Gur Amir at Samarkand. Ibn Jubair (1184) remarks, and his statement is repeated by Ibn Batutah (1326): "From whatever quarter you approach the city you see this dome, high above all else, as though suspended in the air "49; it was probably for the sake of its external effect that this form was devised, and came to be adopted elsewhere. Before I leave the subject of the wooden dome at Damascus, I must add that I think it has not been without its influence elsewhere. I shall give two instances. The famous mosque of Hasan at Cairo, built in 1356-62 now has an ordinary pointed dome erected in the 17th century. (Plate III, F). This replaced one which according to Pietro della Valle who visited Cairo about 1610, was bulbous. He says: "especially do I like the dome the shape of which I have never seen the like of before in that it commences vertically, then swells out, and then contracts to a point like the egg of a hen. "50 According to Saladin (p. 127 f.) Khalil Zahiri relates that Sultan Hasan brought together architects from all countries to design what he intended to be the greatest building in the world. Amongst other things he caused to be copied (on a modified scale) the great vaulted hall of Chosroes at Ctesiphon which accounts for the four great vaulted liwans on each side of the main court. When Saladin says that the influence of Damascus, is also apparent everywhere in the decoration, etc., it certainly seems to me that the admittedly eclectic Sultan must have gone there for his dome too. 47 Translated for the Hakluyt Society, 1852. 48 Die Baudenkmaler von Samarkand, p. 28. 49 G. Le Strange, Palestine under the Moslems, p. 244. 50 Saladin, op. cit. quoting Herz Bey, La Mosquee du Sultan Hasan au Caire.

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THE DOME IN PERSIA. A. Bibi Khanum, Samarkand. C. Mausoleum of Shah Rukh, Herat. E. Mausoleum of Firoz Shah, Delhi. K. A. C. CRESWELL. Indian Antiquary Plate III. B. Gur Amir, Samarkand. D. Shir Dar Madrassah, Samarkand. F. Mosque of Sultan Hasan, Cairo. W. GRIGGS & SONS, LTD., COLL.

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JULY, 1915] THE DOME IN PERSIA 151 STAPAN WW I NSAN The other instance is S. Mark's at Venice. This building, Byzantine in planning and construction, was roofed until the 13th century, with the lower c ) inner domes only. (Fig. 20.) In this respect it resembled most MAT other Byzantine build LAN 1741V ings, but, in the 13th /11 11 Alle 1B $$$$ 1.00u 001000W century, the huge BOM outer domes of wood SH!"170EUR8819 LA covered . with . lead, were added. It has been suggested to me AARON | I mam that this was done in T H AI MAITI main consequence of the raising of the Gothic facade which was ad L2__1_1 _ PM Fig. 20. ded about this time and which hid the low domes, and that to restore their external effect the outer wooden ones were added. Quite so, but whence came this desire for external effect in dome construction ? Not from Byzantine architecture. In this style the domes are never designed for external effect and are frequently lower than a hemisphere. It is true that in the 10th century under the Macedonian Emperors a high drum, pierced with windows was interposed between the pendentives and the dome, 51 but the dome itself remained as shallow as ever, while here we have the drum untouched and the dome made the conspicuous feature. I suggest that it came from Damascus. Venics was a state whose outlook was almost entirely towards the East, with wbich she traded direct, to the great economic detriment of Constantinople in the 13th and 14th centuries, and the Great Ummayad mosque must have been as familiar to many Venetians as, say, the Taj Mahal is to many English people to-day. After Timur's death in 1405 the double dome passed from Samarkand to Khurasan, over which it was spread by the Timurides then ruling at Herat. In the mosque built at Meshed in A. D. 1418 (according to Khanikoff) by Gawhar Shad, the wife of Shah Rukh, the son of Timur; the dome according to O'Donovan,52 " has something of a bulbous shape, "and is, I conclude, double. Later, the mosque and mausoleum in the Musalla at Herat, built by Sultan Husain Mirza (A. D. 1487-1506), are, Vambery$3 remarks, "an imitation of the monuments at Samarkand," and he adds in a footnote," the sepulchre particularly has much resemblance to that of Timour." Wishing for confirmation on this point I wrote to Colonel C. E. Yate, one of the few people who have seen this group of buildings before they were levelled in 1885, and he very kindly informed me that while unable to speak regarding the Musalla, he was able to confirm my idea as to the Mausoleum, from a photograph in his possession taken from a painting by Sir Edward Durand which he has kindly allowed me to reproduce here (Plate III, C.) This mausoleum is commonly attributed to Shah Rukh, but as Colonel Yate has pointed out, 54 it probably took its name from a tombstone bearing the following 51 Choisy, L'art de batir chez les Byzantines, p. 96. 52 The Meru Oasis, I, p. 497. Travels in Central Asia, p. 283-4. 51 Northern Afghanistan, p. 31.

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152 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (JULY, 1916 DIC inscription "Shah Rukh Sultan, son of Allah-u'd Dowlah, son of Baisanghar, son of Shah Rukh, son of Amir Taimur, A. H. 863 [1459] ': Dating midway between these two is the Blue Mosque at Tabriz, built by Jahan Shah (1437-68), which Texier states had a double dome, according to Chardin and Tavernier, who visited it in the 17th century before it was wrecked by an earthquake. Now, although I am not quite satisfied, from the descriptions quoted, that such was actually the onse, yet I will mention what may prove to be a very interesting connecting link. Colonel C. E. Yatek states that Gauhar Shad was the sister of Kara Yusuf Turkoman. Now as Jahan Shah, the builder of the Blue Mosque, was the son of the latter, it follows that he was the nephew of Gauhar Shad, and may very well have had the dome of her mosque at Meshed copied in his own mosque at Tabriz, supposing it really was a double bulbous one as Texier states. Fig. 21. There is about the plan of this mosque, (Fig. 21), however, something which Fergusson calls Byzantine. I cannot quite see this myself, although the three domes in a row in front of the main dome-chamber, seem very unusual. The nearest approach to this plan that I can find in Byzantine architecture is that of Panhagia Lycodemo at Athens. Should this plan, however, really show Byzantine influence, it is tempting to try to put its date forward a few years so that it falls into the reign of Uzun Hasan, Jahan Shah's successor, in which case I could suggest an explanation. Whether this can be done I cannot say, as I am unable to find the ultimate authority on which the attribution of it to Jahan Shah rests. However, could it be attributed to his successor, my explanation would be this. Uzun Hasan, was Baiendari of the Akkuyunlu or White Sheep dynasty of Turcomans and he defeated and killed Jahan Shah in 1468. Uzun Hasan, who ruled at Tabriz, married Despina, the daughter of Calo Johannes, one of the last Comneni Emperors of Trebizond, which startling alliance was the outcome of the desire of the Christian Princes of Europe to unite with the Persians against the growing power of the Turks whose advance they were viewing with dismay. It is easy to conceive a Byzantine influence being introduced under such auspices, especially as the relations with the West were so close at this time that there was a Venetian ambassador, Caterino Zeno, at Uzun Hasan's court, at whose instance he invaded Asia Minor, but was defeated by Sultan Muhammad II.59 Although I do not hold definite views as to the plan of the Blue Mosque, it nevertheless seems to me that there is here scope for interesting research. The building shown (Plate IV, A.) is at Tas 15 miles N. W. of Meshed but its date is not known. The dome is very interesting on account of the way in which the base is pierced with windows, a new feature. The nearest approach to this hitherto is at Veramin where we saw narrow slit-like windows pierced in the octagonal drum on which the dome stood. Here, however, the idea is much more boldly applied, the base of the dome itself being pierced, and to neutralize the weakening effect of this it % Northern Afghanistan, p. 31. * Sykes, Ten Thousand Miles in Persia, p. 65.

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JULY, 1915] THE DOME IN PERSIA. has been built with a massive stepped lower part. According to O'Donovan57, its internal height cannot be much under 70 feet. He also states that a gallery "seems to have run round the interior of the dome if one may judge by the remains of wood beams and the spaces sunk in the walls." I believe the only writer who has attempted to date this building is Prof. Jackson, who, in his recent book "From Constantinople to the Homo of Omar Khayyam," suggests the middle of the 12th century as its probable date (p. 288), thinking it may possibly be the mausoleum of Hamid Ibn Kahtabah mentioned by Yakut in 1216. His choice, however, is apparently limited by his statement (p. 278) regarding Tus " that finally the Mongols crushed it never to rise again from the dust in which it lies to-day," a mistake made by Fraser. As a matter of fact Ibn Batuta visited it a century later and describes it as one of the most famous towns of Khurasan, In 1381 Timur occupied it and took possession of the province. In 1387 Haji Beg Jani Kurbani, one of Timur's nobles, rebelled at Tus, strengthened the town, and struck coins in his own name, whereupon Timur sent his youngest son Miran Shah against it, who took it after a siege of several months. Yet this was not the end of it as Mirkhond gives an account of a visit Shah Rukh made to it in 822 (1419). Khanikoff's found a tablet there dated 983 (1575), and he adds that Tus does not disappear from the list of places engraved on the tablets of Persian astrolabes until after 1100 (1685). The object in giving the geographical positions of important places is, of course, to help in the casting of horoscopes, and the position of an uninhabited place would scarcely be found there, so it is evident that the present desertion of Tas only dates from the commencement of the 18th century. It is therefore futile to attempt to date this building from any considerations of this sort, and in the absence of other evidence we must fall back on its degree of architectural development to help us. Personally, from the feature I have called attention to, viz: the window at the base of the dome, I would suggest the first half of the 15th century for this part, at least, of the building; but my chief reason for showing it is that I seem to see in it the prototype of the dome of the mosque in the Parana Kila of Sher Shah at Delhi, built 1541. This illustration (Plate IV, B) is taken from Russell Sturgis's History of Architectures as it shows the windows round its base, so clearly. Most photographs show the top of the gateway restored, which effectually conceals the windows. In the 16th and 17th centuries we find the double dome with slightly swelling outline in general use for all important buildings. Plate IV, C, shows the dome of the Royal Mosque at Isfahan built by Shah 'Abbas in 1612. It is brilliant with glistening tile-work, one of the most striking features of Persian domes. Notice the windows round its base. 153 Most important domes in Persia are covered with faience, but those belonging to sacred shrines are generally gilded, Meshed and Kum possessing well-known examples. In August 1673 the dome of the shrine of Imam Riza, at Meshed, was entirely thrown. down by an earthquake, although the rest of the building "remain'd as was said, pretty entire "0. It was rebuilt by Shah Suleiman, and covered with gilt plates. It is of similar shape to that of the Royal mosque at Isfahan except for the absence of windows round 57 ibid, II, p. 15. 58 Khanikoff (N), Memoire sur la partee meridionale de l'Asie centrale, p. 31. 59 By kind permission of Messrs. Batsford. 60 Cardin, "Travels in Persia" (Lloyd's trans.) Vol. I, p. 131.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY = the base. Chardin, who was in Isfahan at the time, saw these plates being made, and the following is his account as it stands in Lloyd's translation: 184 "On the 9th [of October] I went to the House of the King's Goldsmith which is in the Royal Palace, to see them make some Gilt Plates in the Form of Tiles, which were to cover the dome of the mosque of Imam Reza, at Metched, which an earthquake had flung down, as I before related. A thousand men, as was said, were employ'd in repairing this Mosque; and they work'd at it with so much Diligence and application, that it was to be finish'd by the latter end of December. These plates were of brass [no-cuivre, i. e., copper] and square. Ten Inches in Breadth and Sixteen in Length, and of the Thickness of two Crown-pieces. Underneath were Two Barrs three Inches broad, solder'd on Cross-wise, to sink into the Parget, and so serve as Cramp-Irons to fasten the Tiles. The upper part was gilt so thick, that one would have taken the Tile to have been Massif Gold: Each Tile took up the weight of three Ducates and a quarter of Gilding, and came to about ten Crowns Value. They were ordered to make Three thousand at first, as I was told by the Chief Goldsmith who was Overseer of the work.61 [JULY, 1915 I think that the previous dome was probably covered with blue tiles on account of the couplet, "Samarkand is the face of the earth: Bukhara is the marrow of Islam: were there not in Meshed an azure dome, the whole world would be merely a ditch for ablution". According to Schuyler this couplet was probably written about A. D. 1500.62 I shall now attempt to show that the use of gilt-plates for the dome of Imam Riza's mausoleum was an innovation. Five other gilt-domes exist at the present day, viz:(1) The shrine of Fatima at Kum. (2) The shrine of 'Ali at Najaf. (3) The shrine of Husain at Kerbela. (4) The shrine of Imam Musa at Kazimain. (5) The shrine of Imam Mahdi at Samarra. All the e are later than the example at Meshed. The shrine of Fatima at Kum was gilded by Fath 'Ali Shah, in consequence of a vow made by him to embellish the shrine, should he ever succeed to the crown. According to Morier, c3 writing in 1809, "he covered the cupola of the tomb itself with gold plates (instead of the lacquered tiles which he removed)." This must have been done about 1805 (he ascended the throne in 1797) as Johnson, writing in 1817 says, the gilt cupola was added to this structure about twelve years ago by the reigning monarch." The work, apparently, is inferior to that at Meshed as Fraser remarks, "the plates are so thinly gilt that the whole value of the precious metal employed, according to my information, does not exceed two thousand tomauns."es That, previous to this, the dome was covered with ordinary glazed tiles, there can be no doubt. Chardin gives a drawings of the shrine showing a dome covered with arabesques and he states in the text that it was overlaid 66 with large square Tiles of Cheney" in gold and azure. 61 pp. 236-7. 62 Schuyler (E.), Turkestan, Vol. I. p. 240. 63 Morier (G.), A Journey through Persia. p. 180. 64 Johnson (J.), Journey from India to England, p. 146. 65 Fraser (J. B.), Narrative of a Journey into Khordean, p. 141. 66 Travels into Persia, etc. (Trans.), Vol. I, plate 14.

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Indian Antiquary THE DOME IN PERSIA. Plate IV. B. Mosque of Sher Shah, Delhi, A. Dome at Tus C. Masjid-i-Shah, Isfahan. D. Shrine of Ali, Najaf. E. Madrassah-i-Shah Husain, Isfahan. E. Mausoleum of Humayan, Delhi. K. A. C. CRESWELL W. GRIGGS & SONS, LTD. COLL.

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JULY, 1915] THE DOME IN PERSIA. 155 Niebuhr states that the dome of the shrine of 'Ali at Najaf was gilded by Nadir Shah.47 The plates used in this instance, according to Loftus, are said to have cost two tumans (PSl sterling) each.cs The dome of the shrine of Husein at Kerbela was also gilded by Nadir Shah, according to Kinneiro and Ker Porter.70 The two domes of the shrine of Imam Musa at Kazimein, according to Fraser were " gilt by Nadir Shah, who appears to have resorted to this mode of decorating the tombs of saints as an expiation for his other enormities."71 Rousseau, however, in his book published in 180979, states that it had been gilt nine years previously by order, and at the expense, of Aghi Muhammad Khan. As Rouss au was more nearly contemporary with the event, having had the advantage of Fraser by nearly twenty years in this respect, besides residing on the spot for some time as French Consul, it is his version that we must accept. This is confirmed by Niebuhr who describes it in 1764, as covered with * pierres vernies," which were gradually falling off.73 In the case of the shrine of Imam Mahdi at Samarra, the question is not so easily settled. A gilt dome existed here as early as 1872, when it was seen by Baron von Thielmann.74 Commander J. F. Jones writing in 1846 states that it had recently been repaired, and was he believed "formerly covered with gold similar to the cupolas of Kathemein, K@rbella, and Nejef, but is now perfectly white, the present funds not being sufficient to give it its former splendour. "15 This I think must be an error as Kinneir in 1814 wrote as follows "... the tomb and sanctuary of Imaum Mahomed-ul-Mohadi, who was burried at Samara ...... is a handsome brick building, with two cupolas and minarets, ornamented with glazed tiles. "76 These tiles having all fallen off at the time of Commander Jones's visit thirty year later, it appears to me that he jumped to the .conclusion, from analogy with other shrines, that the dome had once been gilt. I therefore conclude that the idea of covering the dome of a sacred shrine with gilt tiles was an innovation of the luxurious and extravagant reign of Shah Sulaiman. Perhaps I ought rather to say a revival, as the idea was not altogether new in Islam, though it was so in Persia. The Dome of the Rock (Kubbat as Sakhra), at Jerusalem, wae at one time decorated in this fashion. This gilt covering is mentioned c. A. D. 913 by Ibn 'Abdar-Rabbih, who writes "Tho dome is covered by means of 3392 sheets of lead, over which are placed plates of brass, gilded, which number 10,210."77 As there is some doubt as to whether Ibn 'Abdar-Rabbih actually visited Jerusalem, I may add that the gilt covering is mentioned by Mukaddasi in A. D. 985,78 Ibn al Athir relates that an earthquake in A. H. 407 (1016) caused the dome to fall in, and an inscription records its restoration which was completed by the Fatimite Adh Dhahir A. H. 413 (1022). Its glory however was not revived and Nasir-i-Khusrau, who .saw it in A. D. 1047 states that the new dome was covered with lead.79 I will now offer a suggestion as to the origin of this very novel feature, Clermont Ganneau has shown so that there once stood in the church of the Holy Sepulchre at Jerusalem, a great ciborium covering an altar or some spot specially venerated, and that the enigmatic hemisphere of which Eusebius speaks was identioal with the absida. 6 Voyage en Arabie, tome II, p. 210, quoting Mohammed Mahedi Khan's History of Nadir Shah. 3 Loftus (W. K.), Chaldaea and Susiana, p. 52. 6 Kinnair (Sir G. M.), A Geographical Memoir of the Persian Empire, p. 283. TO Travels in Koordistan, Mesopotamia etc., Vol. I, p. 352. 71 Fourney in the Caucasus, Persia, eto., Vol. II, p. 139. 2 M*** (i. e., J. B. L. J. Rousseau), Description du pachalik de Bagdad, 1809, p. 18. 13 Op. cit., tome II, p. 247. 74 Travels in the Caucasus, Persia, etc. Vol. II, p. 139. 75 Memoirs : Records of the Bombay Government, Naw Series, No. XLIII, p. 12, 76 Journey through Asia Minor, etc., p. 471. 17 G. Le Strange, Palestine under the Moslems, p. 162. 78 ibid, p. 124. 19 ibid, p. 129. 50 Recueil d'archeologie orientale, tome II, p. 353.

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JULY, 1915] of Brevarius and subsequent pilgrims. Brevarius writes "intranti in ecclesiam Sancti Constantini magna ob occidente est absida." That this has nothing to do with an apse, but is on the contrary the same as the hemisphere of which Eusebrius speaks is proved by the characteristic detail given by both writers that the object in question rested on twelve columns disposed in a circle and surmounted by Silver Hydrae. Ciboria frequently had hemispherical cupolas and one of this type is shown on the mosaic of church of Saint George at Thessalonica. In a subsequent articles1 he gives an interesting quotation from Eutychius (d. 940) to the effect that the Khalif Walid carried off a dome of brass gilt (in which description he recognizes another ciboria) from the church at Baalbek, in order to cover the Sakhra (rock) at Jerusalem, where it was no doubt placed like a baldachino over the sacred spot, in emulation of the Christian practice. It seems to me that the sight of this dome of gilt brass standing under the great wooden dome, may well have prompted the real idea of covering the latter also with plates of brass gilt. 156 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY Plate IV E. shows the Madrassah-i-Shah Husain, at Isfahan, built between 1700 and 1710 by Shah Husain. It is covered with a fine coating of coloured tiles and the original. plate in Coste's work from which this illustration is taken, being coloured, gi es an excellent idea of the splendour of this sort of decoration. This type of dome also spread into India where it first appears in the Mausoleum of Humayan built 1556-65.82 (Plate IV, F.) Humayun succeeded to the throne in 1530, but in 1539 was defeated at Kanauj by Sher Shah Sur, who eventually drove him out of India. He took refuge in Persia at the court of Shah Tahmasp, by whose aid he eventually recovered his Kingdom from Sher Shah's successor, sixteen years later, in 1555. It is not surprising that surrounded by a Persian Army, a Persian Court, (the Governor of Delhi was a Persian, Shihabu-ud-din Ahmad, Nishapuri), and no doubt Persian craftsmen, his, Mausoleum should have the double dome which was rapidly becoming general in Persia. This building is said to have been the prototype of the Taj, (Plate V, B.) which ADD:O Section of Taj Mahal, Agra. Scale 110 ft. to 1 in. Fig. 22. Fig. 23. is similar in planning and arrangement (Figs. 22 and 23) and which was commenced in. 1632, i. e., about 75 years later. 51 Receuil d'archeologie orientale, tome III, pp. 88-90. 82 Carr Stephen, op. cit., p. 203.

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JULY, 1915) THE DOME IN PERSIA. 157 GO Here, however, (Plate V, A.) we see a mausoleum which was only built six years before the Taj, i. e., in 1626. It is the mausoleum of Khan Khanan the son of Humayun's general Bairam Khan, who won back the Mogul Empire for him at the battle of Sirhind, and conquered again for Akbar at Panipat Khan Khanen himself stood high in Akbar's favour and held important commands under him. He died in 1626 and his mausoleum has a double dome, the distance between the crown of the inner and outer shell being 25 feet.83 This building which has been ignored in this connection by almust every writer, seems to me to be the real model on which the Taj was based. It resembles the Taj much more closely than does the mausoleum of Humayun, its whole framework being more drawn together while its dome is practically identical in shape. The kiosks at the corners too, as also the doorways, which are flush with the facade instead of being recessed, bear this out. To return to Persia, this form of dome under 18th century decadence takes an increasingly bulbous form, in fact as Saladin says, the greater the swelling of the dome the later the date at which it has been constructed. This swelling form culminates in the mosque of Jalala'ddin at Shiraz, (Plate V, D.) and in the dome of the Shah Chiragh which may date from the time of Kirim Khan, (18th cent.) but which is probably subsequent to the great earthquake of 1824, which according to J. E. Alexander, 84 who was there shortly afterwards, left "not a single dome or minaret standing." It follows exactly the same course in India during and after the reign of Aurangzib, the most pronounced and best known example being perhaps the mausoleum of Safdar Jang at Delhi. (Plate V, C). For present-day practice a good account may be found in Langenegger's Die Baukunst des Iraq Here is a diagram Huse une Heppel (Fig. 24). given by him of a recent dome Korstruktin with double shell; the outer being one brick thick covered with a layer of modern tiles. Ho expressly remarks that it could not stand without the tie-bars shown, which supports the view I took earlier in TI this IIIIII paper as to this unscientific shape, contrary to the opinion held by several French MITIM writers on the subject. MILITIMI TOH This (Fig. 25), is another section given HU by him for more massive construction in which the whole outer shell is supported on a trussed frame. On the other hand we TDI have this example, (Fig. 26) which may be called jerry-building in excelsis. The rods shown radiate from a centre and project through the outer shell until it is finished, when they are cut off level, but I ought to add that Dr. Langenegger says this style of a Wolbung: thing is stronger than perhaps might be intermauerung. expected. kugstangen Fig. 24. 83 Carr Stephen, op. cit. p. 215. 14 Travels from India to England, p. 125 11 ILEX 11 IIIIII TIT TOTTI RUPT MILI ) T elli O US Wwwww

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158 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY JULY, 1915) BE SITU TITIS CE TIA Fig. 25. Fig. 26. The framework referred to above is only required in consequence of the outward bulge of the dome, as stated. The inner shell of these domes as well as all ordinary (single shell) domes in Persia are constructed without centreing, a most important point in a country where wood is extremely scarce. Chardin, 85 C'Donova1,86 Biddulph,87 M@rsh, 8 Ferrier,$9 and Fowler90 have described this feature, which is the rule in Persia from the dome of a peasant's hut (Plate I. E.) to the large dome at the intersection of two galleries in the bazaar (Chahr Su), and the inner shell of the chief dome in a mosque.3fter the completion of the pendentives, the successive rings of the dome are completed one by one, and as they set rapidly the workmen have no hesitation in leaning on them almost immediately, reaching over and plastering the interior as far as they can. The exterior is plastered also, and as no scaffolding is used as a rule, half bricks are omitted at intervals, into which the bricklayers insert their feet and climb about as they wish. Dome construction without contreing is not confined to Persia, but is found pretty nearly all over Islam. Egypt is no exception, and Mr. Somers Clarke in his recent book, 01 describes the construction by two men of a dome of a house he had built. This dome rested on an octagon pierced by windows, one in each face, and after the completion of the octagor (which itself rested on pendentives over a square room), a punt pole was borrowed from a neighbouring dahabeah and laid diagonally across. A centre point was found by taking a piece of string the full diameter of the octagon and doubling it. To this centre point the string was tied, and a knot at each end of it established the radius. Each workman took one end, which fixed the outline of the dome, except the apex which approximated to a conical form. Mr. Somers Clarke concludes: "There are in Egypt hundreds of domes built in the manner above described and many of them are several hundred years old, but it would be difficult to find a builder in Europe who did not require for the work 85 Travels, (Lloyd's translation) II, p. 278. 86 O'Donovan (E.), The Merv Oasis, I, p. 476. 87 Biddulph (C. E.), Four Months in Persia, p. 59. ** Marsh (H. C.), A Ride through Islam, p. 89. 19 Ferrier (J. P.), Caravan Journeys, p. 174. 90 Fowler (G.), Three Years in Persia, I, p. 82. 91 Christian Antiquities in the Nile Valley, pp. 28-30.

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Indian Antiquary THE DOME IN PERSIA. Plate V. A. Mausoleum of Khan Khanan, Delhi 1. Taj Mahal, Agra C. Mausoleum of Safdar Jang, Deini. D Mosque of Jalaluddin, Shiraz. E. Imam al Horr, Kerbela F. Dome of Mosque, Teheran. K. A. C. CRESWELL. W. GRIGGS & SONS, LTD., COLL.

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JULY, 19151 NOTES ON THE GRAMMAR OF THE OLD WESTERN RAJASTHANI 159 timber 'centres,' ladders, and many things which he looks on as a matter of course and as absolute necessities." In Turkey similar methods are, or were, used. Eton 2 over a oentury ago described the practice there. Instead of a knotted rope, two poles were used, pivoted at the centre of the dome, the shorter describing the interior surface, the longer one the exterior. No scaffolding whatever was used, except at the extreme apex of the dome. The only instance of the use of this method in the West, so far as I know, is at Malta, where the great domo of the church at Mousta was constructed in this fashion about fifty years ago. Stone is the material employed, and the whole work was carried out by the local master-mason, Angelo Gatt. It was he who insisted on building the dome without scaffolding, and showed how it could be done by simply notching each course on to the one below. As this dome is over 120 feet in diameter, it might well be called one of the most remarkable in the world.93 As an example of the most extreme form of this style of dome I may cite the dome of the shrine of Imam al Horr at Kerbela, (Plate V, E), and of the mosque ut Teheran (Plate V, F.) To sum up. Persian domes may be divided into three groups : 1st:--The pre-Muhammadan domes of elliptical shape, which we see at Firuzabad and Sarvistan. 2nd The domes of the Muhammadan period down to 1400, which, gradually changing from the earlier style become pointed, the dome at Sultanieh being the finest example. 3rd -The double dome introduced by Timur after his stay at Damascus, which though only of very slightly swelling outline for three centuries, gradually became fuller about 1700, a tendency which culminated in the course of the last hundred years, till it attained at Shiraz an extremely bulbous form. Note.--In addition to acknowledgments already made in the text, I am also indebted to M. le colonel Dieulafoy for permission to use photographs, and to Sir Coloridge Kennard, Bart., for Plate II., E and F. As part of the above Paper has appeared in the Burlington Magazine, I must thank the Editors for permission to make use of it.. NOTES ON THE GRAMMAR OF THE OLD WESTERN RAJASTRANT WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO APABHRAMCA AND TO GUJRATI AND MARWARI. BY DR. L. P. TESSITORI, UDINE, ITALY, (Continued from p. 128.) marar "Kills" (F 783, 74), from marai " Dies" melai "Brings together" (P. 338), from milai" Meets ", eto. 2. Causals formed by adding to the root the causative affix av, from Apabhramot ava, ave < Sanskrit &-pay. In the last language, the affix proper is pay, and a is the terminal vowel of the roots in a, to which the use of the afore-said affix is oonfined. Prakerit and Apabhramca take apay as a general affix and employ it to derive causals from * Eton (W), Survey of the Turbish Empire, London, 1798, p. 229. Fergusson, Modern Styles, I, pp. 46-47..

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160 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY JULY, 1915) any root. Before the av affix, a radical long vowel of the Old Western Rajasthani is generally, though not always, shortened. Ex.: upavai " Causes to give" (P. 656), from apai" Gives" bolavai "Calls" (P. 342), from bolai "Speaks" minavai " Causes to obey" (Dd. 6), from manai " Obeys" lyavai " Brings" (Adic.), from lii " Takes ", etc. Occasionally, and chiefly with verbs having a radical long vowel, the shortened forn. av of the affix is used instead of av, and the radical vowel is allowed to remain long. Ex.: vinavai "Informs" (P. 348) [< Ap. vinnavai < Skt. vijfapayati] pathavai "Despatches" (P. 445) bholavai "Cajoles" (P. 409) melavai "Brings together" (P. 339) sikhavaz "Instructs" (Dac. ix) 80savai "Dries up" (P. 546). This is by no means a peculiarity of the Old Western Rajasthani, but is widely spread in both Prakrit and Apa bhramca. Take only the following examples from Hemacandra, being the Prakrit originals of four of the Old Western Rajasthani verbs given above : patthavai Siddh, iv, 37 vinnavai Siddh, iv, 38 melavai Siddh, iv, 28 80savai Siddh, iii, 150. In the Old Western Rajasthani, as already in the Apabhra yca, the same av affix is used to derive denominatives (see $ 142), which sometimes makes it difficult to decide whether a form in -avai is to be considered as a causal or denominative. (3) Causals formed by the affixes : ad, dr, (). The existence of the first affix may be traced back to the Prakrit, as it occurs in the verb bhamddai, recorded by Hemacandra, sutra iv, 30 of his Siddh., and in two or three others. I have no difficulty to explain d as a mere euphonic or pleonastic element inserted in the place of usual v to avoid contraction of the a of the causal root with the termination, and therefore practically bearing an analogy to the pleonastic affix, which is dealt with under 146. The two other affixes ar and al are obviously derived from ad (Cf. 29). Examples are : (a) in ad : udadai " Causes to fly " Dd. 10 jagadai " Awakes (trans.) "Dac. nasadai "Puts to flight" Kal. 16, P. 587, Indr. 67 dekhadai "Shows" P. 317, 393, Ratn. 108, Yog. iv, 40, Cra., D., F 715 baisadai "Causes to sit" Adi C. pamadai "Causes to obtain, prooures" Dac. lagadai "Applies" cra. (6) in ar: ghatarai "Lessens (trans.) " Adi C. divarai "Causus to give " Vi. 60 baisarai " Causes to sit " Dac. iv, F 715, ii, 11, Adi C. livarai " Causes to take " Up. 182 suarai "Causes to sleep " Dac. iv

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JULY, 1916) NOTES ON THE GRAMMAR OF THE OLD WESTERN RAJASTHANI 161 (c) in al: dikhalai "Shows" Adi C. Causals in r, I are also found in Sindhi, Panjabi and Hindi. In the two Marwari causals diravai and liravac (" To cauge to give" and "to cause to take") has been transposed. Their original forms are divaraz and livarai, both of which have been quoted amongst the Old Western Rajasthani examples given above to illustrate causals in dr. The same transposition of will be noticed in the double causals under the next head. An instance of a potential passive from a causal in ar is gavaraya (F 535, iv, 12), from gavarai " Causes to sing." (4.) Double causals. These are formed by the addition of both the affixes av and a? > ar, combined into avdd, avir. Examples: melavadai Cal. 31, from milai kahavarai Adi C., from kahai, In the particular case of vocal roots, the affix arav is used instead of avar. I explain it as being derived from the latter, by being transposed to obviate the concurrence of the v in the affix with the euphoric v (8 116) inserted between the terminal vowel in the root and the initial a in the affix. Thus from the root di "To give" , we have first the regular double causal *di-y-avir-a-i, and then, by metathesis of r, di-v-arav-2-7 (P. 223, 355, Dac. iv, Adi C.) Other examples aro: khavaravai Up. 149, from khai (1:1--:--) jovarnvai Up. 113, from joi (jo---) livaravac Dac. iv, from lii (lc-l-(-). Exceptionally the same affix of the vocal roots is used after a root in h, in the example : sahavaravac Up. 256, from sahai. Cf, the case of Marathi, where roots in h, as a rule, form the causal with the affix avuvi (Hoernle, Gaudian Grammar, $ 476). Passive forms are: kahivardi "Is called " (Up. 227), simple present kahavarai chai "Is being called " (Adi C.), compound present kahavardya "Mentioned" (Ibid), past participle nominative plural masculine. An anomalous causal is : pai "Causes to drink" (Dac. x, DI. 2), which is from Sanskrit payayati, through Apabhramaca * paei, paui. $142. Denominatives are derived from substantives either directly or by means of the causal affix av (never av). Both ways are common to Prakrit and Apabhramci also. Old Wostern Rajasthani examples are : (1.) Denominatives formed from substantives directly : anandiu "Rejoiced" (Rs. 35), from ananda < Skt. anandajanmyaji "Was born" (Dd. 1), from Skt. janman vyatikramyaii " Passed over" (Adi C.), from Skt. vyalikramamutrii " It was urinated " (Up. 149), from Skt. matrajilai, jipai " Wins" (Dd. 2), from the past participle jita- < Ap. jitta- < Skt. jita mukai "Leaves" (Cra., Dd., etc.), from the past participle *muka- < Ap. mukka> Skt. mukta-.

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162 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY JULY, 1915] (2.) Denominatives formed from substantives by the affix av: bhogavai "Enjoys" (P. 347, 178, F 783, 35 etc.), from Skt. bhogasacavai "Watches" (P. 297) < Ap. saccavai (Siddhahem, iv, 181).< Skt, satyapayari gopavai "Conceals" (P. 286), from Skt. gopayati citava "Reflects" (P., Adi C.), from Skt, cintayati varnavai "Describes" (F 783, 5, Sast 96), from Skt. varnayati. Observe that in most of the last examples, the formation of the denominative is traceable to the Sanskrit, and therefore here v does apparently the function of a mere euphonic consonant inserted in the place of Sanskrit y. CHAPTER X. DERIVATIVE SUFFIXES. $143. The object of the present chapter is to treat only of a few derivative suffixes, which either because of their having not yet been properly explained, or because of their bearing on the origin of some adverbs, pronouns and verbal forms, deserve special attention. To the latter class belong chiefly adjectives formed with the pleonastic suffixes and, and as this is by far more comprehensive than the former class, I shall describe it first, $144. Suffixes, whereof the chief element is 7, have a very large application in Old Western Rajasthani. They may be distinguished into: (a) suffixes in -ila and (b) suffixes in-alaii. The suffix -ilaii is from Apabhranca -illaii < Skt. -ilakah (Cf. Pischel, Prakr. Gramm., SSSS 194, 595), and is chiefly used to derive adverbial adjectives, i.e., adjectives expressive of place or time. Examples are: agilaii "First" (Sast. 156) aggillaii < Skt. *agrilakah chehilai "Last" (cf. SS 38) < Ap. cheillai Skt. * chedilakah dhurilaii "Initial" (Sast., Indr.) < Ap. *dhurillai < Skt. *dhurilakah purvilai "Former, previous" (Adi C.), half-tatsama bahirila "Outward" (Ibid.) < Ap. bahirillai (cf. Ardhamagadhi bahirilla) < Skt. *bahirilakah mahilai "Inward" (P. 437, Up. 197) < Ap. majjhillai < Skt. *madhyilakah vicilaii "Medial" (Adi C.) < Ap. *viccillai (cf. vici, SS 75). It is amongst these adverbial adjectives that the parents of the so-called demonstrative pronouns olo and pelo of the Modern Gujarati, are to be classed. I derive the former from Sanskrit *aparilakah, through Apabhramca *avarillai > *orillaii > Old Western Rajasthani *orilau, whence, by intervocalic r being elided (SS 30), *oilai oliu. The last form is evidenced by the Mu. Similarly, I derive pelo from Sanskrit *parilakah (or possibly parilakah), through Apabhramca *parillai, whence Old Western Rajasthani *parilai pailai, which last form is also recorded in the Mu. and is also met with in the MS. Adi C. In Modern Gujarati olc and pelo are generally used indiscriminately in the sense of the demonstrative pronoun "That", but their Old Western Rajasthani originals have preserved the difference in their respective meanings, as is born out by the evidence of the Mu., where oliu is introduced to give the meaning of "Facing towards one," and paila of "Facing away from one." Now, these two meanings are quite in accordance with "aparilakah "Situated on this side," and *parilakah (or possibly *parilakah) "Situated on the other side", which I have pointed out as the ultimate sources of olo

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JULY, 1915) NOTES ON GRAMMAR OF THE OLD WESTERN RAJASTHANI 163 and pelo. To the same Sanskrit origin are to be traced the adverbial adjectives urali on ulli (taraf) "On this side ", and parali or palli (taraf) "On that side ", quoted by Kellogg, 6645, (2), a of his Hindi Grammar, as being in use in the colloquial of the Upper Doab, and Bibari parala "Ulterior", quoted by Hoernle, y 105 of his Gaudian Grammar. An instance of the suffix -ilaii used in the pleonastic or diminutive function is thodilaii "Scanty," oocurring Rs. 194 and East. 116. Lastly the suffix -ilaii is employed as a pleonastic appendage after past participles. This usage seems to have been very rare in Old Western Rajasthani, if we are to judge from the extant evidence, though in Modern Gujarati the suffix -elo appears to be very largely spread at the present day. Past participles with 7 being on the whole peculiar of the languages of the Eastern and Southern portion of the Neo-Indian area, it would seem that Old Western Rajasthani borrowed them from the latter, or, to be more correct, inherited them from the old language of the Outer Circle which was originally spoken throughout the Old Western Rajasthani area (Cf. Grierson, LSI., Vol. ix, Part u. p. 327). As regards the Prakrit stage, the use of the suffix illiya after past participles is amply evidenced by the Jaina Maharaetri. The few Old Western Rajasthani examples that are available, have been given $ 126, (4), where the subject has been particularly discussed. $145. The suffix -alaii is from Apabhramca -alau, *-allaii < Skt. *-alaka), and in the Old Western Rajasthani it is chiefly employed as a pleonastic or diminutive suffix after both nouns and adjectives. Examples: kidalai" Worm " (Dac. iv, 11) patangalau Moth" (Ibid.) bagalau " Crow" (P. 376, 378, etc.) bedali "Boat" (F 783, 7) [< Skt. veda] adhalai "Blind " (Fra.) [< Pkt. andhala-, 'lla-) ekalai "Alone" (P. 204, 281, 282) [< Ap. ekala-] kidhali "Done" (Re. 148) [See $ 126, (4) ). In some cases, however, Old Western Rajasthani -alaii is not from Apabhramca -alai, -allaii, but from Apabhramca -illai, and is therefore identical with -laii, the substitution of a for i being simply directed to avoid consonanoy with another in the syllable immediately preceding or following. Such is probably the case with all adverbial locatives in ali ( 101, (1) ), which I am inclined to explain as having derived from -ili, namely from adverbial adjectives in -ila in the locative (See $ 4, (1)). The form vicali, however, which cours P. 602 as an equivalent of vici, seems to point out that the employment of the suffix -ala, alla in the same adverbial meaning as -illa had already begun in the Apabbraica. In the Old Western Rajasthani commentary contained in the MS. F 647, there occur some instances of mathalal "Upon ", which is also referable to an Apabhram ca suffix -ala, -alla, the Apabhramca original form being matthaalahi or matthaallahi < Skt. *mastakalakasmin. Incidentally, let me remark that I identify the form mathalal explained above, with the looative postposition malai of Modern Eastern Rajasthani (See Grierson, LSI., Vol. ix, Part ii, p 36). The intermediate form is *mahalai, by weakening of th to R, quite analogously to the case of jh in the Old Western Rajasthani postposition mahi from majhi ($ 74, (7)). (To be continued.)

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164 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY JULY, 19151 MISCELLANEA. THE DATE OF SANKARACHARYA III. regarded as probably correct if there was absolute We have seen already (ante.) that Sankaracharya Agreement as to details among writers who have is posterior to the Saiva saint Tirujnana Samban. preserved the astronomical data regarding the dha. He is posterior also to the faiva saint lives of their Gurus. Fortunately for us, our Sundara-Murti Nayanar, who, according to Tamil authorities are in agreement as to the date of tradition, is a contemporary of Cheraman, the Tirumangai Alvar's birth : Kpittika Sukla 15, Karlast of the Peruma!s of Kerala. Malayalam tradi- tikai Nakshatra, Thursday-which works up to tion places the Acharya's reforms in Kerala after 31st October 776. And this date agrees with the the departure of the last Peruma to Meccs. epigraphical evidence available. (See Ep. Ind.. (825 A. D.).1 Vol. VIII, p. 294). According to tradition, Tiru. An examination of Vaishnava tradition yields mangai Asvar was later than otakopa Nammalvar. us the same chronological results. The early The latter must have lived in the first half of the Vaishnava saints and sages do not refer to 8th century if he be the father of Mathura-Kavi? Sankara or his advaita doctrines, while they (6.). as is most probably the case. For Satakopa Satagopa And Tirumangai Ajvars) condemn Saiva, calls himself Mapan son of Kari in his pealms. Sankhya, Sakya and other schools of thought. And we have an inscription of Mathura-Kavi3 The religious songs of these Alvars are said to alias Karison of Maran probably the same as have been brought together into a collection by Satakdpa (See Epigraphist's Report for 1908, Madras, Nathamuni. This is known as the 4,000 songs p. 69). According to Vaishnava tradition Mathura. (Naldyira.prabandham), the vernacular Bible of the Kavi was the publisher of the work of Satakopa Vaishnavas. NAthamuni and his apostolic suc- (Tiruviymoli). As regards Nathanuni he was a censora attack Sankara's doctrines. The former contemporary of the Chola king Raja Narayan attacks him in his Nyaya-tattva referred to by alias Porantaka (19th century). Here again Sri RamainusAcharya in his Satra-bhashya. The Vawhnava tradition can be reconciled with known second in succession from Nathamuni was Yamuna facts. For it places Nathamuni four generations Acharya (alias Alavandar) who mentons Sankara Ar) who mentons Sankara before Ramanuja ( b. 4 April 1018). It is true in his Sindhi-traya. And Yamuna was the Parama that it speaks of the former (wrongly, of course) Guru Guru's Guru) of Sri-Ramanujacharya. It as of the second generation from Satakopa, but it is clear that Sankara must have lived before suggests that there was something of a break in Nathamuni. It is also probable that he lived the Guruparampard by stating that the work of after the Vaishnava Alvars. Satakopa published by Mathura-Kavi had fallen Wo are in a position to fix the dates of the into desuetudo long before Nathamuni's time. Vaishnava Alvars and Acharyas in the light of It is, therefore, likely that Sankaracharya lived astronomical, epigraphical and traditional evi. in the 9th century, between Tirumangai Alvar and dence. The astronomical data would indeed have Mathura-Kavi (8th century) on the one hand and been conclusive had they been found in the Nathamuni (10th century) on the other. writings of the authors themselves. Where this is S. V. VENKATESWARA. not the case, one has to look for them in the KUMBAKONAM, works of later writers. But results could be 186 October 1914. } Mr. L. D. Swamikannu Pillai informs me that there is no other date which corresponds to these data for centuries earlier or later. The late Mr. Venkayys was of opinion that Mathura-Kavi was an elder contemporary, perhaps the father, of Batakopa (Madras Epigraphiet'. Report for 1908, p. 69). There is no need to falsify the Vaishnava tradition, however, as he has done. It is more than possible that Kari was the name both of Maran's father and his son, the grandchild being usually named after the grandfather. 3 Mathura-Kavi was great Sanskrit scholar and poet. The Vojvikuli Grant style him daraud (well-verned in the Sdstrae), Kavi (poet) and rigms (able debator). It is, therefore, significant that ho is not known to have referred to or attacked Bankaracharya. The Anamalai cave insoriptions imply that the death of Mathura-Kavi had taken place before 770 A. D.

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AUGUST, 1915] THE CHRONOLOGY OF THE PANDYA MONARCHY 165 THE CHRONOLOGY OF THE PANDYA MONARCHY. (MR. SWAMIKANNU PILLAI'S THEORY.1) BY ROBERT SEWELL. Prefatory Remarks. THE HE lost history of Southern India can only, at the present day, be reconstructed after careful and prolonged investigation of the inscriptions and literary remains that in large number await critical examination. A few of these have been fully published with translation and notes by Professor E. Hultzsch; and it is upon these; together with the information given in the Annual Reports on Epigraphy issued by the Government of Madras, that the European scholar has at first to depend when attempting to collect materials for a work on the subject. The labours of the late Professor Kielhorn of Gottingen were mostly confined to an examination of the dates of inscriptions, from which. by advancing slowly and with extreme caution, he was enabled to determine, within definite limits, consisting of a few months in some cases, a few days in others, the times of accession. to the throne of a certain number of sovereigns. All this work has been of immense value. With some as yet unbridged intervals, hereafter no doubt to be successfully filled in, we are now in possession of the general outlines, and in course of time the whole story will become plain. But it will never become plain if at the present very critical period workers are not particularly cautious in their methods. Deductions put forward or statements confidently made by an author who is recognized as an authority on the subject may, if these are perhaps based on insufficient evidence, have the unfortunate result of seriously clouding the issue and raising great difficulties for the student in after years. An assertion so made is apt to be accepted as an historic truth. This cautious advance which I venture to advocate is peculiarly necessary in dealing with the history of the Padya kings of the extreme south of the peninsula for several reasons; not the least of which is that a large number of these Paya kings seem to have borne the same name, and these are liable to be confused one with another. Another reason is that when we examine the dates of the various reigns we find some overlappings, or what appears to be such; and this requires explanation. We should neither generalize too freely just at present, nor place before our readers conclusions derived from too scanty materials. We should by all means progress, but progress slowly and very carefully." 1 Ante. Vol. XLII. pp. 163 ff., 221 f. 2 1 append an illustration to shew how careful we ought to be in not propounding overhasty solutions to these problems of the dates of kings. Mr. Swamikannu Pillai has determined. and asks us to accept as the result of his calculations, the reign of a new and previously unheard of king called Maravarman Srivallabha Deva with accession hetween 4 and 10 September A. D. 1257, on the strength of three records, 110 of 1900, 539 of 1904, and an inscription at Pudukota. The first is, as I have admitted below (p. 196 of next issue of this journal), a regular date corresponding to 25 June 1278; he has to make two drastic alterations in the second date to make it support the former; and the last date agress with it only if we accept his ruling that we may consider a date regular whether or no the nakshatra ended on the day to which the tithi conforms or on the following day. In this last case he accepts the date in full and uses it to determine the latest possible day of the king's accession, though the nakshatra by ordinary custom belonged to the day following that predicated by the rest of the details given. In the end he has no hesitation in declaring this reign, beginning in A. D. 1257, quite certain, and as such he includes in his List. But these three dates may be so treated as to lead to a different result.. No. 110 of 1900 would be regular for Saturday 13 June 1271 A. D. on Mr, Swamikannu Pillai's ruling, the given nakshatra. Magha, ending next day. No. 539 of 1904 would be regular for Wednesday, 22 August, A. D. 1285, on the same ruling (the given nakshatra ending next day), if we suppose that "sukla 5 is an error for krisha 5 in the original. A Sukla 5 in solar Simha in combination with Krittika is impossible. The Pudukota date would be perfectly regular for Tuesday, 26 September, A. D 1284, all the details agreeing for that date. We might suppose "Monday" in the original to be a mistake. These three dates taken together would prove Maravarman Sri Vallabha's accession to have taken place on a day between 23 August and 26 September, A. D. 1250, seven years earlier than Mr. Swamikannu Pillai's date. Which result is to be accepted as historically certain? In the second date I have only made one serious change. He has made two. In the third date I make one change. That make us equal in the His dates are no better than matter of supposed original errors. For the rest I follow his own rule. mine, and there can therefore be no certainty about the date of accession.

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166 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [AUGUST, 1913 I venture to give utterance to this warning after having finished an examination into the calculations, assignments of dates and deductions as to the reigns of kinge put forward by Dewan Bahadur L. D. Swamikannu Pillai in his two papers on "Some new dates of Pandya kings in the 13th century A. D.", published in the Indian Antiquary for 1913, pp. 163 ff., and 291 ff.). And before proceeding I hope to be pardoned both by that author and my readers if I make a short personal appeal. I wish it to be clearly understood that the following paper has been put together and is now laid before the public in no spirit of antagonism to the author. On the contrary I feel that Mr. Swamikannu Pillai's attempt to throw light on the intricate chronology of the Pandya kingdom is cleserving of warm welcome and support; and it is to be hoped that he will continue the good work. My sole reason for entering the lists with him is to be found in the fact that, believing that in some cases his enthusiasm has led him to be rather too positive in his assertions and too hasty in his deductions, I fear lest these should meet with such general acceptance as to render any future alteration or correction a matter of great difficulty. Wo meet on purely scientific ground; and, whether I am right or wrong in my criticism of his results, nothing but good can result so long as personal relations remain undisturbed and the conflict of opinion is kept free from acrimony. Indeed I hope that after perusing my remarks Mr. Swamikannu Pillai will come to agree with me in some of my conclusions: All that I ask is that he should give each case careful reconsideration, and that the responsible government Epigraphists and the public should for the present refrain from accepting all his results as historical facts. I will begin by a fow remarks on matters regarding which I find myself entirely in accord with the author. (1) On p. 165 Mr. Swamikannu Pillai requests the government Epigraphist, in his notes on inscriptions published in the "Annual Reports", to give us some more extended information. I have long ago found the want of this. We ought to have, and I hope that in future we shall have, for every inscription where such details are available, (a) full details of the date,--not only the Saka or cyclic or regnal year; (b) a statement by the Epigraphist, based on the characters of the record, giving his opinion as to the apparent limits of the period within which it must have been engraved, this statement to be such as the author has suggested, viz: "about 13th century," "end of 12th or beginning of 13th century","loter than 14th century ", it being manifest that without this information investigators who have no access to the originals or squeezes or tracings from them, are all at sea ; (c) the opening words of the official introduction contained given in the original and not translated, seeing that these words are often characteristic and are confined to particular sovereigns, e. 8., Samasta-jagad-adhara, which points to a record of the reign of the Pandya Jatavarman Sundara whose accession took place in A.D 1251, Irandakalam-edutla which shews that the inscription was one of Ja ilavarman Srivallabha whose accession was in A. D. 1534 ; (d) A translation of any notable historical allusion contained in the inscription, such as is sometimes to be found amongst the king's titles or birudas or his boasts of victories gained e. g., "who took Ilam, Kongu and Solamandalam, and performed the anointment of heroes at Perumbautu-puliyur," & phrase which would at once guide us to king Jatavarman Vira Papdya whose reign began in A, D 1253,-or such an allusion as is contained in the body of the record, e.g., a reference to the Muhammadan raid of the early 14th century, mention of the Singhalese invader Laikapura (12 cent.), and so on.

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AUGUST, 1916) THE CHRONOLOGY OF THE PANDYA MONARCHY 167 (11) The Epigraphist's official list of inscriptions copied during the year under report should contain, in separate columns, the names of (a) the distriot, (6) the Taluk or division, (c) the town to which each record belongs. This is very necessary, for at present only the name of the town is given ; and since very often there are many towns of the same name in the south of India, the enquirer has to search elsewhere to ascertain the provenance of the document-a tedious process which wastes valuable time. (ili) Mr. Swamikannu Pillai, on p. 165 note 2, proposes that in future we should altogether abandon the practice of giving numbers to the names of kings. I trust that this proposal will be carried out by all writers. Up to the present certain Paqdya kings have been described as " Jatavarman Sundara Pandya I", or "II", as the case may be. But so many Sundara Pandyas are now known to have lived that these numbers will inevitably have hereafter to be changed, and great confusion may result. The only safe course to adopt is to append to the name the known date of the king's accession. I would henceforth describe the kings just mentioned as "Jatavarman, (or, for short "Ja av :" or even "Jat:") Sundara Pandya (aco: 1251) " and "Jatavarman Sundara Pandya (acc : 1276)". Where the date of accession is not known as yet some other clue may be stated in brackets such as " (about 13th cent.) ", " (time of Rajaraja Chola I)", " (Vijayanagar period)", and so on. I now proceed with a few remarks before entering on the main discussion regarding Mr. Swamikannu Pillai's settlement of the Pandya dates published by him. Kshaya Tithis. . In preparing his portion of the treatise on Hindu chronology, which afterwards was published in the Indian Calendar, the late Mr. S. Balkrishna Dikshit wrote ( 32 p. 18) that "day on which no tilhi ends, or on which two tithis end, is regarded as inauspicious". Is this correct? If it is so then may it not be assumed that a royal grant or a private grant would probably not be made on such a day? I put this question because in some instances it will be found that Mr. Swamikannu Pillai has decided that the date of an inscription corresponds with such a day, the inscription actually quoting the expunged tithi, which would make the case still more remarkable 3 No. 62 of 1905, on which he relies for establishing the date of a hitherto unknown Paqdya king whom he calls Jatavarman Kulasekhara II (p. 168), is one of these. And there are others. The author's method of calculation gives him the ending moment of the tithi and not the beginning (unless he chooses to work this out), and one who works by this method is apt to let the beginning moment of the tithi in question escape him. Moreover the interval between each of the author's unite, -his ephemerie dealing only with two decimals of a day,- is as much as 14m, 248., and that alone will often cause the occurrence of a kshaya tithi to pass unnoticed. I feel safer with the Indian Calendar method, of which the unit is only 4fm., than with Mr. Swamikannu Pillai's Table X, and of course still safer with Prof. Jacobi's Special Tables". The Table X mentioned is however very useful for other purposes, 3 Similarly I have been led to believe that a civil day during which the moon touobes three nakshatra, or only one-in other words when a nakshatra falls altogether within the period of two stootva sunrisen, or is current at two sucesive Runriseis an unlucky day. (See Ind. Chronography p. 44, $426).

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168 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (AUGUST, 1913 " Prool" of a king's existence. Mr. Swamikannu Pillai is, if I may be pardoned for saying so, rather too dogmatic in his assertions in many places. Writing purely as a chronologist he congratulates himself (p. 164) or the accuracy of the results presented to epigraphists" in his article, and the positive resalts" at which he has arrived; he states that he has proved " some points and is able to show" others; and by adding a dozen new names" is able to remove the "obscurity" hitherto existing in which Pandya history has been involved. If readers are able to wado through the paper which I have drawn up they will, I think, conclude that some at least of the results alluded to are, viewed as verifications of dates, unfounded ; that in some cases proof is altogether wanting ; that of the dozen new names we can only feel fairly sure of three or four (though we must recognize as regards these the service he has done); and that so far from removing obscurity his article, by suggesting possible reigns on somewhat questionable evidence, rather increases it. Setting aside the case of an inscription which contains such historical statements or allusions as themselves oonstitute proof, and considering solely the dates of records devoid of such contents, we should, I think, do well to follow in the footsteps of the late Prof. Kielhorn who with laudable caution declined to proclaim decisively the existence and reign of a king until he had before him at least two perfect and regular dates taken from evidently contemporary documents and agreeing with one another. As for instance in the case of Jatavarman Vira Pandya (accession A. D. 1253). Prof. Kielhorn had before him his date No. 31 (Epig: Ind :, VII, pp. 10, 11), which was in itself perfect and regular, and which, if he had considered that one such date was sufficient to establish conclusively the reign of a king of whose existence nothing as yet was known, he would have at once published. But he was not so rash. He waited, and after sone time was rewarded by the discovery of a dato (No. 32) in another inscription, equally perfect and regular and confirmatory of the first. Then he was satisfied, and be published the two together. Had his life been spared he would have been gratified by the discovery of a third, similar, viz: my No. 69 (op. cit : X p. 139). In my humble opinion this caution was exemplary and should be imitated by all eagaza 1 in chronological work (of which alone I speak). It will be seen hereafter that Mr. Swamikannu Pillai does not entertain this view of the matter. He has in one case considered a reign as conclusively proved when the only evidence adduced by him consists of two dates, each in itself defective and one stating a regnal year which contradicts the other. This is his Jatavarman Vira Pandya (acon. 1189-90), the first of his list on p. 165. In another case he has included in his list of proved reigns (p. 166) the name of a king contained in a solitary inscription, as to whose date he himself is so doubtful that he has given two possible renderings of it separated by an interval of 27 years, and for either of which renderings the quoted solar month is inapplicable. This is his Jatavarman 41 call an inscription "perfect when it contains the regnal year, the solar month, the number and fortnight of the tithi, the day of the week and the nakshatra. If in addition to these details it also states the number of the day of the solar month it is "exceptionally perfect." When one or more of the first mentioned five details are wanting it is claseed as imperfect". When all the details are found on examination to correctly correspond to the astronomical requirements of the civil day the dato is classed a "regular". If it is fonnd on examination that some slight mistake has been made by the original computer or by the engraver which does not entirely vitiate the sournoy of the whole. and which may be corrected without danger, the date is set down as "not quite regular". If the details are found not to correspond the date is said to be "irregular."

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AUGUST, 1915) THE CHRONOLOGY OF THE PANDYA MONARCHY 169 Tribhuvana Vikrama Pandya, whose accession he states to have taken place "circa 1280." I do not quarrel with his opinion that a king (or may be a prince) lived at the period of inscription. That is a matter for the historian. I am only considering the case, as he did, from the point of view of chronology One very good reason why a solitary date, although perfect and regular in itself, should not be accepted as conclusive proof of a reign will be better understood after a short explanation. Unless the number of the solar day of the month is stated, and it is not as a rule stated, all the ordinary details of a Chola or Paudya date will be found often to correspond with about three different days in a century. Thus in the case last mentioned Mr. Swamikannu Pillai shews that the elements of the date and surely also its palaeographic character) would equally suit Thurs. 30th June 1278, or Thurs, 1st July A. D. 1305). Hence in almost all cases, even though the details of the date are found to be perfect and regular for a certain civil day, it has to be steadily borne in mind that the same details will equally suit another day about 30 or 35 years earlier or later, and that paleography will rarely be of any assistance in coming to decision. When, however, the first date is confirmed by another, equally good, the doubt is of course at once removed. Correction of errors in the original inscription. Those who have engaged themselves in this special line of research constantly have to deal with dates in inscriptions were mistakes appear to have been made either by the original framgr or by the engraver. If, for instance, we find a record belonging to the reign of a known king, of which the calendar-portion (day, week-day, tithi and nakshatra) works out perfectly correctly, but which quotes (gay) the 6th instead of the 7th regnal year as current at the time we should accept it as genuine and as actually appertaining to the given reign, but we should note the error and the fact that the date is not entirely regular. But when we find a mistake in the date-portion itself we have to be careful and to exercise sound judgment. It is often found that a mistake has been carelessly made in describing the lunar fortnight, the other details being correct; the numeral of the tithi is sometimes wrongly copied, or wrongly calculated ; and so on. A careful chronologist like Prof. Kielhorn will in such circumstances note the defect and state his reason for accepting the date. But it is manifest that much greater caution has to be observed in the case of a record which cannot be assigned to the reign of any known king, and which is desired by the computer to establish the reign of a king of whom hitherto nothing has been heard. In such case it is clearly dangerous to correct the original and then build up a theory on the result. Again, it seems hardly safe to alter more than one of the details given in the dive and then to build history upon it. Even if it were allowed in the case of a known reign, such a date should never be accepted as a sound basis for finally entering a new and previously unheard-of ruler on the historic list of kings. Let me give a few instances. If the date of an inscription belonging apparently to the reign of a known king and certified by the Epigraphist to be approximately of that period, mentions the 3rd regnal year when the 2nd or 4th regnal year was current ; or if a dark fortnight is quoted instead of a light one; or if (say) a 6th tithi is quoted when by all known practise a 5th or a 7th tithi was the correct ono; or if a solar month should be quoted which is one place wrong; or the same with the position of the moon in the nakshatras; or with the week-day-if one such error occurs in a date otherwise satisfactory and regular we may assume a computer's or a copyist's or an engraver's error, and pass the date

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170 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (AUGUST, 1915 as acceptable with a note of explanation. And similarly in the case of probable mistakes of omission, such as "2" for "12," or those due to similarity of names. But we should be rather more doubtful if, for instance, a "10th " regnal year was quoted when the date would have fallen in the 2nd year, or if for a 5th tithi a "14th" was quoted, or if for weekday Wednesday a "Sunday" was stated, or if the given nakshatra was instead of (22) Sravana, quoted as (6) "Ardra." In such case the error is so great that, unless it could be accounted for by a similarity in the written names, the date could scarcely be accepted a regular. Still less could a date be accepted if two or more errors were found in the five usnal details. Again if instead of those five details only three or four are given in the original date then it becomes still more hazardous to alter it with a view of acceptance. We must not try to build history on any but a solid foundation, and though an Inscription with a bad date may legitimately be used for its contents, we should not try to utilize a bad date for a purely chronological purpose by making radical alterations in it. It must also be remembered that some of the details, standing by themselves, afford insufficient proof. Thus one or other of the lunar tithis and one or other of the nakshatras is by the calendar connected with each civil day of a solar month. Now if an inscription mentions a king's name whose accession-date is not known, and states only the regnal year, the number and fortnight of the lunar tithi and the solar month by name-i.e. without giving the number of the day of that month-it is impossible to assign the record to any particu-- lar year because that combination must occur in every year. If, however, the week-day is given, we can look for a year where such a combination occurred; but must remember that it recurs every half dozen years, and therefore that it is useless to make guesses. If, in addition to the week-day the nakshatra also is stated we are on safer ground, but even then we have to remember that the same combination recurs about three times in a century. It is only when the number of the day of the solar month is stated, in addition to all the above details that we can be perfectly certain, because in such a case the given combination cannot recur for a long time so long that the characters of the record will afford a conclusive guide. The Nakshatra of the day. There can be no question but that the regular practice of the Hindus, at any rate in Southern India, has always been to associate in their calendars each civil day with the tithi actually current at sunrise and with the nakshatra in which the moon stood at sunrise, even though such tithi expired and the moon passed out of such a nakshatra very shortly after sunrise. The nakshatra at sunrise actually gave its name to the day, which was called "the day of Hasta," "the day of Aovini" etc., even though the moon stood in a different nakshatra for almost the whole day. This was the rule. It is exemplified in the panchanga extract given on p. 14 of the Indian Calendar, where it will be seen that Thursday 13th September A. D. 1894 was, in the Hindu calendar connected with the 13th tithi of the bright fortnight though that tithi expired little more than half an hour (1 gh. 23 pa.) after sunrise ; and that Tuesday 11th September was called the day of the nakshatra Uttara Ashadha though the moon passed out of it less than two hours (4 gh. 35 pa.) after sunrise. 5 Mr. Swamikannu Pillai's valuable notes on this subject in his " Hints to workers in South Indian Chronology" should be road in connection. I refer to his $8 24 to 28, pp. 13 to 17.

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AUGUST, 1915] THE CHRONOLOGY OF THE PANDYA MONARCHY 171 But in his "Hints to workers in South-Indian Chronology" (p. 18) Mr. Swamikannu Pillai tells us that "it is not necessary that a tithi and nakshatra should be joined at the same moment on a particular day, since we have many cases in which the nakshatra of the moment and the tithi of the day are joined in a citation." I should like some further explanation of his meaning. The "moment "he speaks of certainly does not mean the moment of sunrise, because he will, I am sure, confirm my statement above as to the regular rule. What I understand him to mean is that, supposing an inscription to commemorate some special event which occurred (say) during the afternoon of a certain civil day, then the record-date might legitimately state the day as connected with the tithi current at sunrise, though that had expired long before midday, and might legitimately mention not the nakshatra in which the moon stood at sunrise but the one in which she stood at the moment of the occurrence of the event commemorated. I concur in this view, with the reservation that the event commemorated in such case must have been some special occurrence; for the date was not the almanack-date of the day. There must be a reason for such departure from rule; for by all the panchangas which the framer of the record might have consulted the day was certainly named according to rule. It is inconceivable that a panchanga should depart from the rule to the extent of actually calling the day after a nakshatra into which the moon passed perhaps late in the day. The day itself always received the name of the sunrise-nakshatra. I take at random some dates in Prof. Kielhorn's last article on dates of Pandya Kings (Ep. Ind. IX. 224). The civil day 5th July A. D. 1298 was called "Rohini-nal," or " the day of Rohini;" the 4th Feb. 1369 was called Uttaradattu-nal, or the day of Uttarashadha." If an inscription of either of those two days mentioned the nakshatra Mrigasiras as connected with 5th July 1298, or Sravana as connected with 4th Feb. 1369 then there was a departure from the calendarnotation of the day, and such a departure calls for explanation. It may be explained by some ceremonial reason; or the nakshatra of the day may have seen considered unlucky, and the compiler of the record may have desired to make it appear that the grant (if a grant) was made under a more auspicious asterism; or the grant may actually have been made at the time of the latter and therefore it was recorded as having been made "in" though not "on the day of" such an asterism. Otherwise the statement may have been inade through carelessness, or through use of a badly-calculated almanac (These panchangas are all local.) Mr. Swamikannu Pillai says there are " many cases "of this departure from rule. But how many? Professor Kielhorn published 160 Chola dates, and in his last paper (referred to above) he comments on a case of this kind, requiring a "special reason " for the exceptional quotation in a date of a nakshatra not current at sunrise (op. cu. p. 211 l. 16-18). In a foot note he points to five dates out of his 160 where he has noticed this departure from rule, and I observe that one of these, No. 66, has been 'included in error; which re laces the number to four. Four out of 160 cannot be called "many." 6 Even so one would not expect to find the date itself altered. The fact might be specially mentioned in the text; but surely the almanac-date would be stated as it was gathered from the almanac (or alculated). We are discussing the name of the day as given in that portion of the reoord which is confined to that purpose.

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172 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [AUGUST, 1915 The Five Pandyas." Mr. Swamikannu Pillai's Table at foot of p. 166 (Ind. Ant. June 1913) is tentatively put forward, but he is so certain of its accuracy that he says it "will make it clear (1) that five Pandyas ruled at the same time; (2) that two Maravarmans and two Jatavarmans were co-regents with a fifth Pandya who might be either a Maravarman or a Jatavarman." I can at present see no sufficient ground for concurrence in this view, which appears to me fanciful Since, however, it is a theory sufficiently romantic to seize upon the imagination of South-Indian Hindus and induce them to accept it as an historic fact; and as such acceptance may, if it is not a fact, constitute a danger to science and lead to much confusion and difficulty hereafter, it is necessary to discuss it and to examine the evidence on which it is based. And for a commencement let me state that I find in its favour no evidence at all worthy of the name, and certainly some evidence to the contrary. Southern India is saturated with the old-world legends of the Ramayana and the Mahabharata and, in connection with the latter, the story of the five Pandava brothers. In all parts of the country every ancient cave or structure, every old fortress, every group of dolmens, cromlechs or kistvaens, is ascribed to the Five Pandavas. Many hills and hill-ranges are called Pancha Pandava malai, the last word being Tamil for "hill." The principal rock-cut temples at Mahavalipuram, the "seven Pagodas," which belong to the early part of the seventh century A.D., have received the names of the five brothers and their sister Draupadi, and so have the rock-cut remains at several other places. If one asks an uneducated villager for the local legend connected with any hill-fortress he almost always replies that it was "built by the Pandavas." Indeed it is not too much to say that everything in the country whose antiquity is such that its exact origin is unknown is ascribed to the heroes of the Mahabharata and there is no doubt that popular tradition connects the Pandya Kings with the Pandava brothers of the ancient epic and has always done so. Thus the larger Sinnamanur grant, which belongs to the tenth century A. D. "one of the five"; but speaks of early Pandyan kings as bearing the title Panchavan, clearly shews that this was a mere title. Combined with the Velvikudi grant and the Madras Museum Plates, it furnishes us with a list of early Pandya sovereigns, which shews, during a period of about three centuries previous to A. D. 915, a regular succession of the crown from father to son (only in one case to a brother) for twelve generations. There is no trace here of any joint rule. The records merely shew that it pleas, the ruler and his people to perpetuate the old "Five-Pandya " legend and that the king and possibly every member of the royal family, was called "Panchavan." In no inscription with which I am acquainted is there the slightest hint of rule by any king other than the one mentioned in it. This is also the case generally with Singhalese and Chola records dealing with Pandya kings. The legend, no doubt, formed good material for the grandiose outbursts of courtiers. In two inscriptions of Kulottuiga Chola Is the king is lauded for having, shortly before A. D 1084 completely defeated "the Five Pandyas." But this is poetry. The Mahavan'a tells us that when Prince Parakrama Bahu of Ceylon, in the first half of the thirteenth 7 Lest I should be thought by European readers to exaggerate let me quote a passage in Mr. V. Rangachari's paper on the Polygars (petty chieftains) of the extreme south in the last issue of the Indian Antiquary (June, 1914, p. 118)-" Most of these Tamil chiefs of Tinnevelly claim to have ruled their estates from the time of the Mahabharata or a Sivili Rajah "a claim which he, of course, rejects as "absurd," though some of them certainly came into existence severa! centuries ago. 8 At Tirukkalakunram and Chidambaram (S. I. I. III. 144. note 4; and Ep. Ind., V., 104.)

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AUGUST, 1915) THE CHRONOLOGY OF THE PANDYA MONARCHY 173 century, was ro-calling to the minds of the priesthood the glories of ancient days he told them of how King Vattagamini had routed "the five fierce Tamil tyrants in open battle."9 This might be thought to refer to a combination of five joint Pandyas, but it does not. These tive tyrants were five successive usurping rulers of Ceylon in the first century B. C., or thereabouts 10 If it be argued that the use of the word "Pandyas" in the plural, sometimes found in inscriptions of neighbouring states, implies a joint-rule by several kings at the same time, I can only point out that these records also speak of "Cholas" "Rashtrakutas" and other royal families in the plural; just as in Europe we read in histories of " Bourbons" or "Hohenzollerns." The Pandya country was under an independent sovereignty till the end of the tenth century, and up to that date we only hear of one king ruling at a time. After this it was subject to the Cholas till the beginning of the thirteenth century though the dignity of the local royal family wag maintained. Does any conclusive evidence exist to prove that the Pandya rulers after this date ever really established the extraordinary custom of a Government by five brothers or five joint kings? Mr. Swamikannu Pillai rests his argument on the overlapping of some reigns in the thirteenth century, and would of course quote the testimony of the Muhammadan historians and Marco Polo in support of it; to these due weight must be given. First as to overlapping. Some of the reigns do overlap, but they also overlap in the Chola kingdom and no one has ever suggested that the Chola country was ruled by a sort of royal committee. I think that this overlapping can be reasonably explained by the analogy of Singhalese practice. We learn from the Mahavarnia that each king of Ceylon appointed a Sub-King, who succeeded him at his (the King's) death, and then provided for the succession by again appointing a Sub-King. If this were the practice in the Paydya realm it would be natural for each king's regnal year to be counted from the date of his appointment as Sub-king, not from that of his later anointment as Sovereign. Moreover it must not be forgotten that Hindu kings wore enjoined by their religious authorities to retire from active work even while still in possession of all their faculties, and devote themselves to asceticism and preparation for the next life. Some of them may have done so. We require to know a good deal more before we can dogmatize on this subject; and the following Table is merely put forward as a suggestion, and because it would serve to account for the overlapping of reigns at least as well as, if not better than, Mr. Swamikannu Pillai's Tentative Table of joint Five-Pandya rule in the 13th century. I am aware that there are difficulties and I do not insist on the correctness of the Table. KING. Date of accession. Last known date. Date of possible appointment of Sub-king. * Jatav: Kulasekhara ... 1190 1217 1216 Marav: Sundara 1216 1237 (1) Jatav : Kulasekhara 1237-8 (?) 1238 Marav: Sundara 1238 (?) 1255 (?) 1251 Jatay : Sundara , 1251 1264 1253 (Probably a very short reign of a" Mayav.": king.) . Mahdenisa LXXXII, v. 23. 10 Mardansa, XXXIII.

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174 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (August, 1915 KING. Date of Bocession. Last known date. Date of possible appointment of Sub-king. (1) 1268 1 Jazay: Vira ... ... ... 1253 1269 (Possibly) Marav: Srivallabha. (1) 1257 (?). 1292 (Here probably reign of a "Jajav!" : king.) Marav: Kulasekhara ... ... 1268 1308 1276 Jatay : Sundara ... ... 1276 1293 1283 (Probably) Ma:av: Vikrama... 1283 1291 (1) Jagav : Srivallabha (?) 1291 (!) 1316 (1) 1294 (?) Marav: Sundara ... ... (1) 1294 (1) 1296 Jatav: Vira ... ... ... (1) 1296-97 1342 (Here probably reign of a "Marav:": king.) (1) 1303 Jatav: Sundara ... 1303 (1) 1314 Marav: Kulasekhara ... 1314 1325 1315 Jatay: Parakrama 1315 1323 Marav: Parkkrama ... 1335 1352 Jatky: Parakrama .... 1358 1372 A co-regency of five equal rulers, if such a form of government can be imagined could by no possibility be successful except in time of profound peace; but in this very thirteenth century the whole of Southern India was violently agitatod. Early in the century the Pandya king overthrew the Chola domination and once again became independent. The Hoysalas from Mysore pressed southwards and, occupying Kannanur in force, intervened between the Pandyas and the now powerful Banas for at least a quarter of a century-completely checking any Paodya advance in that direction. The Cholas lost almost all their dominions, and the Ganapatis of Oraigal became all-powerful in the northern Chola country The powerful Pallava Perunjingadeva warred against the Chola and finally subverted that ancient kingdom by the year A. D. 1243 ; but he had to fight for his now throne, for the Pandya attacked him with at least some measure of succe88. The Pandys king also attacked the Hoysala forces at Kannanur and drove them out from that tract: but was himself repulsed by them and for a time forced to retire. There was a war between the Pandya and the Singhalese towards the end of the century which resulted in the Pandya foroes carrying off the tooth-relic from Ceylon. [It is true that the Mahavashsa (XC. v. 43) records that this act of aggression was carried out by the order of "the five brethren who governed the Pandyan kingdom", but the Mahavaria was a poetical production as well as a chronicle of events, and this allusion to the ancient legend may well be taken as an instance of poetical license and not as sober truth.] Later on the Pandya was at war with the Orangal Ganapati, and at the close of the century the bitter strife between Sundara and Vira Pandya for the throne of Madura led up to the Muhammadan raid of Malik Kafur in A, D. 1310.

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August, 1918) THE CHRONOLOGY OF THE PANDYA MONARCHY 175 If the Pandya realm was governed by five Paidya princes of equal authority what was the arrangement ? Was there an actual partition of territory, each portion subject to an independent sovereign? Was there a sort of confederation? Or was the whole united kingdom governed by a sort of committee of five kings all residing at the capital? No published inscription leads us to the conslusion that the kingdom was divided into five separate kingdoms. If this had been so we should have had distinct proof of the fact, each minor king's name being connected with his own minor kingdom, and this is not the case. Such names as have been found, e. g., Korkaian dan, l'irunelveliPeruma!, are titles of the one sovereigu, or of a prince of the royal house. The theory of five real "brothers " always ruting at one time throughout the 13th century may be set aside as an impossibility. Granted that such a state of things existed for a few years it is evident that it could not continue for long. When one of these died all the others would have had to resign in favour of name branch of the family lucky enough to possess five brothers willing to work together; and on the failure of one of these last a different group must be looked for. No kingdom could survive such shocks. If there were ever such a government of five it is oertain that bafore many years the result would have been five independent realms. And even if they were not brothers was the succession a lineal one, the eldest son of each succeeding his father? If se we have again a condition leading to the establishment of separated kingdoms. We have proof that at one time the people would have none of it, Late in his life the Maravarman Kulasekhara, probably he who came to the throne in A. D. 1268, either yielding to family strife or swayed by the tradition of ancient days, attempted to partition his kingdom, handing over portions of it to his younger brothers. But the country was in confusion and the people in distress, and realizing the futility of such a course the inhabitants began to migrate to other lande. The king thereupon gave way and resumed the supreme authority over all, when his people returned to their homes. (See Inscription No. 46 of 1906, analyzed in A. R. E, 1907 $27) If this was the king I have proposed the date of this event would be about A. D. 1301. But, it will be said, the theory is supported by the evidence of Wassaf, Marco Polo and others. Is this so? Amir Khusr 1, who died in A. D. 1325, has left a full account of Malik Kafur's expedition into Southern India, with the dates of his marches (Sir H. Elliot. Hist. of India III. 85-92). He states that there were two rival kings of Madura, Sundara and Vira Pandya, struggling for the crown of the Pandya realm. He does not mention any other brothers or relatives as partaking of sovereignty in any part. Malik Kafur arrived at Madura on 13th April A. D. 1311. Rashidud-din's Jamiut Tawarikh was finished in A. D. 1310. He mentions Sundara Pandya as having been king and says that his three brothers (three not four) had "ohtained power in different directions". But we get the particulars better from Wassaf. Wassaf, the last portion of whose work was carried down to A. D. 1328, says that the country of Malabar extended from Cape Comorin to Nellorell; he therefore includes in it most of the old Chola dominions as well as those of the Pandya. He writes of the sovereign of Malabar as the 'Dewar", in the singular number,--"A few years since the Dewar was Sundar Pandi, who had three brothers, each of whom established himself in independence in some different country". The Dewar's minister was a Muhammadan. 11 In the three volumes of Nellore inscriptions published by Messrs, Butterworth and Venugopaulchetty I can only find one Pandya record. This is Nellore Taluk No. 61 (Vol. II, p. 830). It is a grant made in the reign of Sundara Pandya, but the data is lost.

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176 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [AUGUST, 1915 In A, D. 1293 this Dewar died. (This was the Sundara Pandya whose accession took place in A. D. 1276). He was succeeded by a brother. Seventeen years later (A.D. 1310) the king was "Kalesa " (Kulasekhara) and he was murdered by his son, etc. .. The obvious meaning of these passages is that there was one, and one only, king of the Pandya country at the time mentioned, but that certain brothers of the king had set. themselves up against him and attempted to establish their independence. If there had always been a joint-rule of five co-regents the story would have been told in a different way. Marco Polo, who was only a visitor, certainly alludes to the Five-brother legend, but his description of what he calls the " Province" of "Ma'abar", equally with Wassaf's, shows that by that name he understood the whole of east coast to belong to the Pandya. He speaks of it12 as "the great province of Ma'abar, which is called India the greater." After saying "you must know that in this province are five kings who are brothers" he tells us that "at the end of this Province reigns one of those five Royal Brothers, who is a crowned king, and his name is Sonder Bandi Davar". Read without prejudice we should understand by this that the Paodya realm proper (the " end of the province ") was under the rule of one crowned king, Sundara Pandya, whose brothers, (in number four according to the old legend of which he had evidently been told) had established themselves independently in other tracts. Wassaf's Pandya brethren were, in number, four in all ; Marco Polo, acquainted with the ancient story, confused the remote past with the present, and wrote of the "five kings who were brothers". Wassaf, a Muhammadan, a contemporary of the Pandya king's Muhammadan minister, and a resident in the country, was incomparably the better witness of the two; and he tells us that, during the confusion of the time the king's three brothers had made themselves independent. In this there is nothing unusual. [That Marco Polo included the old Chola dominions in Mala bar is plain from his Chapter XVII wherein he describes the tract about the city of Madras as included in it. He treats of "the place where St. Thomas is--I mean where his body lies--which is in a certain city of the province of Malabar ", and so also in Chapter XVIII.) It seems from Colonel Yule's treatise (note to Book III, Chap. XVI.) that the " Five Pandya" legend had penetrated even to China. He tells us that Pauthier's work (which I have not seen) gives extracts from Chinese sources shewing that in A. D. 1280 or later there were five brothers who were Sultans" in Malabar. Outside the scope of local inscriptions the above seems to be the only evidence in favour of a joint-rule of five Pandyas, and it only concerns one period of a few years towards the end of the thirteenth century. Only the strangers, Marco Polo and the Chinese author, give the number five. The Muhammadan historians of the time mention only four brothers, three of them in opposition to the king. No inscription of Southern Indis ever alludes to any government by a co-regency, an inconceivable state of things if the government during the thirteenth century had always been as Mr. Swamikannu Pillai supposes. The statement of the Mahavansa stands practically alone, and can be accounted for by the fact that that chronicle was written in verse and not in prose. I think, therefore, that we must hold the evidence to be overwhelmingly in favour of a single monarchy, and that the theory of a co-regency of five kings may be altogether set aside. Such a theory presupposes a most improbable state of things and the evidence in its favour is practically nil. With the above by way of introduction I proceed to give in some detail the results of my examination of Mr. Swamikannu Pillai's published dates of Pandya kinge; taking them sovereign by sovereign in the order given by him. (To be continued.) 12 (Yuld's Edition 1903, 11. 331; Bk. 111, Ch; XVI.)

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AUGUST, 1915) SOME REMARKS ON THE CHRONOLOGY OF THE UPANISHADY 177 SOME REMARKS ON THE CHRONOLOGY OF THE UPANISHADS. BY ROBERT ZIMMERMANN, S. J., BOMBAY. (Continued from p. 182.) Position of the caesura and number of matras of the syllables 5-7 in the Mahanarayana Upanishad. Caesura after 4. syll. Nr. of padas. Caes, after 4. syll. Nr, of padas. - - 1-vu 1-v - - Caesura, after 5. syll. Nr. of padas. Caes. after 6. syll. Nr. of padas. - 2 - -| Lulu --10 syll. Hence : Caesura after : 4. syll. 5. syll. 20 26 6 5. syli. two morae : 8 23 1 5 (36) 5. syll. one mora : 12 3 1 (16) In this table the following data command our particular attention. In about one eighth of all the cases in question the caesura is pushed beyond the regular place after the fourth or fifth syllable 17 In the old metre the quantity of one matra in the sixth syllable hardly ever varies; here we see its place taken ten times by two matras. The anapaest which is usual in the syllables 5, 6, and 7 of the Vedio verse has once been replaced by an amphimacer. All this tends to prove a looser handling of the rigid Vedic form, if not faulty prosody. More important, however, appears the fact that the anapaest of the old line has given way to a dactyl in five lines with the caesura after the fourth syllable. If we now add to them the 21 dactyls in the lines with the caesura after the fifth and the two in verses with the caesurs after the sixth syllable, we arrive at the sum total of 28 dactyls in syllables 5, 6, and 7. This fact reveals & modern tendency of the verse in the MNU A comparison of our data with those of other books of the later Vedic period will on the one hand, confirm chronological facts already known and, on the other, serve at least as a test of our method. In the MNU the proportion between the long and the short fifth syllable is 36 to 16 ; in Aitareya Brahmans 20 to 12; in Satapatha Brahmana XIV, 25 to 17; in Katha Upanishad adhy. I. 107: 59.18 The average propor 17 Though this is nearly the same proportion as that found in the Dhammapada, yet we are hardly entitled to believe that the MNU. and the Dhp. are contemporary. For it may be doubted whether the evolution of metre took exaotly the same course in Brahmanic and Buddhistic literature and whether the change was completed in the same length of time. Moreover, there are other metrical faots pointing to a different age of the two books. 18 In the table ZDMG, XXXVII, p. 61, the figures of the lines " 6. Silbe kurz" and "5. Silbe lang." have changed places by an oversight. See Gurupa jakaumudi p. 11 note 9.

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178 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (AUGUST, 1915 tion of this period, as far as it is known, would be 171 to 104. Hence these texts are surpassed in the prevalence of the long over the short fifth syllable by the MNU., which does not come up, however, to the Dhammapada the figures of which are 131 : 18. This is just what we expect in the case of the two Brahmanas. For, as is well known, the oldest Recension of the MNU., bearing the name of the Dravidas, forms a kind of supplement to the Taittiriya Aranyaka. Hence it is only too natural that the Brahmanas in general should be of earlier date than our text. Thus testimony is borne to the soundness of the method, whereas the chronological question is furthered by the fact that the MNU, shows a younger type of verse than the Katha Upanishad. The priority of the latter has already been stated tentatively10 on other grounds, here we have got a metrical proof for the same. It is strange that in our book the caesura does not occur as commonly after the fourth syllable as it does after the fifth, the figures being 17 to 25. This is the inverse proportion of the texts compared above where the figures, representing the average, are 262 to 123. There is a point, then, where the modernising tendency of metre has not influenced the writer of the MNU. to an equal extent as it has the authors of other books of the same period. " A date far remote from the time when the correct verse of the Rigveda had been composed is pointed to by the careless handling of metre in many of the padas. Catalexis or hypercatalexis or even faulty prosody occurs in 1, lc, 3b, 6a, c (only in MS. A correct); in 13.2 : fani ya UT #rao; in some of the padas of 16. 4; in 22. 1 TTA ET!'; la ufag. Most of these verses could be mended by means of but slight changes. The metrical defects of 1. 6a ( instead of wo) and 22. 1 (an F : instead of agen : ) may be due to unphonetic spelling.20 The part that appears least injured is the beginning of the line, the iambic-spondaic cadence there prevailing being kept throughout, except in 13. 2 a 8;deg 22. 1 aai To, a um: 23.1 Reao. It has been pointed out above that in six cases original in the MNU. the caesura is after the sixth syllable. Hence it cuts the Vedio anapaest or the classic dacty! which is or at least ought to be, formed by the 5th, 6th, and 7th syllables. Here are the instances : 1. lc, 2d, 3c, (40 only in MS. E wrong) ; 40, 50 (?), 22, 1 agarrara. But worst of all, there are currupt lines in our text which must have been spoiled by the compiler of the MNU. himself, since they appear in the souroes from which they are taken in their correct form. This certainly proves " the great and universal confusion by which the prosody of this period is characterised." Thus in 2. lo, 10. 7a the caesura is found after the sixth syllable being removed from its proper place in the original; 2. la has obliterated the iambic cadence at the beginning; 2. 3a, 4cd, 5a, 6b are also prosodically corrupt. For these blunders we can, indeed, make only the clumsiness of the author of the MNU. responsible, as the text is otherwise in comparatively good condition and, on the part of the author, no definite plan of these changes is discernible. 11. The lines of the Anushubh-Gayatrt family. There are about 110 anushtubh and gayatri lines to be considered.21 Neither the repetitions of former passages, nor, on the whole, stray verses and padas, nor borrowings from other texts have been included. Thus we omitted 17. 4 being a repetition of 3.2; 19 Cf. Die Quellen der Mahanarayana Up. p. 40. 20 cl, Aluindische Grammatik von Jakob Wackernagel, I SS 28 78a and c. with note. 21 The affinity of the anushtubh and gayatri line will justify their joint treatment. The first two nadar of the glyatri are prosodically identical with those of the anushtubh. Moreover, oddas one and two are, wait were, enjambed, whereas pddae two and three are, so to say, end-stopped. Finally in neither type of verse is the second part of the line of such a nature as to necessitate a definite shape of the first hall line. Hence we may safely consider the first half line (two poddas) independently of the rest of the line (pdda three or pddas three and four) of both verso types, though these be of different length. In fact there are gayatris to be found only in the third khanda; the ronson why this line is used there see below, note 24.

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August, 1916.) SOME REMARKS ON THE CHRONOLOGY OF THE UPANISHADS 179 14.4 which is similar to 14. 3; 2. 9, 10, being wholly parallel with Baudhayana Dharmasastra and, in part, with Hiranya kesi Grihya iutru and Kaufikz Sutra; 4. 7a, also to be found in Vishnu Sm iti and Biudhayana Dharmasastra; 16. 6 in Hiranyakesi Grihyasutra and A pastamba Mantra patha as well. On the other hand, all the mantras of the third khawla, though partly parallel with another text, have been included, because in the original, the Maitrayzni Sanhita only sporadio padas are to be found. The following three passages are borrowings from our text and, hence, have been added : MNU, 4. 4ab which has gone over to Sauparna Purana ; 11. 1, 2, 3 which has been taken over verbally by the Maha Up., and 11. 6 which occurs, at least metrically equal, in the Vasudeva Up. It appears that about 15 lings are hypercataleotio, about 10 of them in the third khanda alone, about the same number catalectic, eight of them again in the third kchanla. Some of these faults are due to the careless condition of the text in some manuscripts and might, on the testimony of other manuscripts, easily be mended ; 5. 8 seems to be corrupt everywhere.22 Now the change of the Vedic anushtubh into the classic sloka affects chiefly the second foot of the first and third pada, the shape of which consequently shows the historical position of a book. Judged by this criterion the lines of the anushubh-gayatri family would have to be grouped as follows: Second foot of 1st and 3rd pada. A. Vedic form Number of padas : 26. B. Classic forms a. pathya >> >> >> 58. b. vipulas etc. 1. vipula II. >> >> >> 5 Gi ICICICICICICIO 10 10 4. vipula IV. >> >> 6. vipula I. 7. vipula III. oi oi ai I There are then 26 old forms against 58 new ones. This makes a proportion of nearly 1:2. The lines examined by Oldenberg in Rigveda X, and Aitareya Brahmana VII. show the proportions of 26 to 30 and 9 to 14 respectively. The anushtubh line of the MNU. is, therefore, in a more advanced state than that of certain hymns of igveda X, and Aitareya Brahmana VII.23 Some surprise might be caused by a comparison of the verses in Katha Up. adhy. I. with the verses of our text. From all we have seen so far, it follows that the Ka ha Up.is prior to the MNU. And yet the first adhyaya. of that text shows anushtubh lines of a more modern type than the MNU., there being 39 new forms against a single old one. Now this calls for a few general remarks. There can be no doubt that the metrical facts, being, as it would seem, more intrinsic to a literary composition, form a firmer basis 22 For metrical purposes we are to read : a anyhow. 23 The vipulas may safely be left out in the comparison, sinoe, as a matter of course, only the regular old Vedio form and the pathya are the decisive points to start from. The vipulas could at the utmost be taken into consideration, if the rules regulating the shape of the first foot were observed. This, however is not the case with Aitareya Brahma na VII. Moreover, the result gained from the pathy remains, As far as the Rigveda is concerned, the same, even if we include the vipulas on either sido.

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180 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [August, 1915 for the establishing of the chronology of a text than some grammatical form or sandhi rule. The latter after all may be due to a certain external bias, such as f. i. the common usage of the particular school to which the text belongs. There is, though, as far as we can see, no trace of such influence on metre. On the other hand, we must bear in mind that we are not to trust exclusively statistical figures obtained from metre which, though they be more reliable than merely grammatical evidence, yet are more subject to some chance. influence than, say, the general trend of ideas in a book. And finally the laws of logic would require that chronological conclusions drawn from metrical evidence are not to be applied to the whole book, if only part of the verse has been inquired into. For the latter reason our case is not quite so bad as it might appear at first sight. For in the second adhyaya, fourth valli of the Katha Up., there are 12 pathyas to 4 Vedic anushtubhs. A similar inequality of verse type is to be observed in the verse of Aitareya Brahmana VIII., the lines of VIII. 21. 22 approaching the modern type, those of VIII. 23 revealing a more ancient character. Whether we are to infer from this alone a different age of the verse and the text, is, of course, quite another question. Here too as in the case of the trishubh-jagati verse our Upanishad does not come up to the proportion of the Dhammapada where the Vedic form has almost wholly disappeared. Examining these metrical facts we always assume a more or less steady evolution of the Vedic metre. This granted, we draw the final conclusion that our Upanishad was composed at a time nearer to the end than the beginning of the period of transformation, considerably later than certain hymns of Rigveda X, among which is the Purushasakta, and later also than the verse of the Sunahsepa episode as related in Aitareya Brahmana VII. The anushtubh line, then, leads to the same results as the trishtubh-jagati type, and we find the common chronological order in this special case confirmed.24 The comparison between the numbers of the pathyas (58) and the feet of the vipula shape25 (12) shows that our text contains a relatively larger number of pathyas than Rigveda X, 90. 1-15 ; 97 ; 135-137, and Aitare ya Brahmaya VII. The proportions are in Rigveda 30 p. against 37 v. ; in Aitareya Brahmara 14 p. to 26 v. Almost equal relative figures as by the MNU, are shown by Katha Up. I, (39 p., 8 v.) and Sankhayana Grihyasutra (30 p., 5 v.). The author of the MNU. followed in this the fashion of his time tending towards the pathya. But in this case too it may perhaps have been a breaking away from the ordinary rigid pada and a looser handling of the metre rather than a definite plan to fashion a new type. And it would seem to be no more than a mere coincidence that his lines show almost the same proportion between pathyas and vipulas as Magha's poem does. In the frequency of the various forms of vipulas our text differs both from the Vedic texts mentioned above and the classical texts. Out of 13 vipulas only 5 observe the laws regulating the shape of the first foot, as against eight which neglect them. Nor is this surprising, for it is not likely that the rules about the combination of the first and second foot should have been definitely settled at the time of our composition, and if the author of the Taittiriya Aranyaka X. had known them at all, they must have appeared to the philosopher as a minor detail. The same remark will serve as an excuse for the amphimacer in syllables 2, 3, and 4 of the second pada in 3. 8, 15; 4. 4;26 15. 3 asma and the anapaest in 5. 3a, used against the rules of classical prosody. The scantiness of the material prevents us from drawing further conclusions ; those proposed here may perhape serve to show the possibility and applicability of a method of relative chronology in the Upanishads and prove a starting point for further research. * 2 The use of the earlier gayatri (in MNU, khanda 3) which in later times was almost altogether aupareaded by the anushtubh should not form an objection to this conclusion. The MNU. took th: chvatr metre from the Maitrdyani Sarshita after which the third khanda has been compiled. 25 The rules regulating thu shape of the first and second foot not always being kept, the term vipula is used here in a wider sense. 25 Correct only in MSS. AA BCLE

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AUGUST, 1915) GAZETTEER GLEANINGS. 181 GAZETTEER GLEANINGS. BY MAJOR C. ECKFORD LUARD M. A. (Oxon.) THE LAY OF PRINCE CHAIN SINGH. This ballad is sung all over Malwa but especially in the Bhopal Agenoy in Central India. It is a very good example of the popular method of recording history and contemporary events, which is to this day the ordinary way of disseminating a knowledge of important public matters. That these versions hold their own against our mode of acourate but scarcely as attractive accounts is not surprising. The fact on which this is founded occurred in 1824. Chain Singh was the eldest son and heir of Raja Subhag Singh of the Narsinghgarh State in the Bhopal political Charge or Agency of Central India. Succeeding in 1795 Subhang Singh became mentally unhinged in 1819, the administration being entrusted to Chain Singh, his father retiring from public life. Tod notes how he once met Subhag Singh at Jodhpur. Chain Singh, who was a man of violent temper, in 1824 murdered his own minister, Rup Ram Bohra, and Mr. Wellesley, then Resident at Indore, was instructed to remove him from the control of the State. Chain Singh, however, refused to submit when Mr. Maddock, the Political Agent, endeavoured to carry out the orders, and finally he had to make an attack on Chain Singh who had come to Sehore with a large following to protest. Chain Singh was killed in the fight and his cenotaph still stands within the limits of Sehore on the spot where he fell Subhag Singh, who had recovered somewhat, then returned to Narsinghgarh, dying three years later, If less circumstantial, the ballad is undoubtedly far more stimulating than the official account. The free translation endeavours to give something of the swing of the original. OF PRINCE CHAIN SINGH, THE HEIR OF KUNWAR CHAIN SINH NARSINHGADH K. NARSINGHGARH. Auspicious were the day and hour on which Jis din paida hua Chain Sinh ghadi nek Chain Sinh was born, din ki, When all the Brahmans of the town were Nagar bullaowa diya Biraman bulao mahal to the palace hailed, seti: And with one voice declared the youth born Min Ras ka janam Kunwar' kahta sabi seti. under Pisces sign. An elephant and palki sent his suzerain Malhar Rao-ne hathi palki dini Kunwar Malhar Rao. 1 seti. I sing the lay of Prince Chain Sinh, of Pargana likho Chain Sinh ka, Beta he SauSubhag Sinh the son. bhag Sinh ka, His grandad Hanwant Sinh, his uncle Achal Pota Hanwant Sinh ka, Bhatiya Chauhan | Sinh Chauhan, Achal Sinh ka, A Rangda chief of Narsinghgarh and lord Rangda tha Narsinbgadh ka, sarma haiga of Kothdia State, Kothdi ka, A mighty swordsman, one who ne'er had Khub kari talwar, khet nahi chhoca mardonshewn his back in fight, ka, As Sabah Chain Sinh served his lord, the Jaswant Rao Hulkar ka subah ayant, Rao kt Hollar Jashvant Rao.3 kari chakri, Kunwar Chain Sinbre. He bravely fought at Holkar's side on Mahatpur ki upar Kunwar-ne bajayi talware : Mehidpur'st lost field, And Malhar Rao an elephant and palki Malhar Raone h&thi, palki baksh diye gave in thanks. (lit. "publicly.") chaude. 1 Malhar Rao: There is some confusion here, as there was no chief of this name in 1784, which is about the date of Chain Sinh's birth. It may refer to Malhar Rao, an illegitimate son of Tukoji Rao, who was killed about 1797. 2 Xoide: A jagir in the Narsinggarh Stato. 3 Janwant Rao: The Indore chief of that name 1798-1811. * Mehidpur: Battle fought on Dec. 19, 1817 by Sir T. Hislop against Holkar. 5 Malhar, Rao (Holkar) Fler of Indore 1811-1833.

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182 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [AUGUST, 1915 I sing the lay of Prince Chain Sinh, Chain Sinh of Narsinghgarh, A mighty warrior, one who ne'er left field till fight was won. Pargana likho Chain Sinh ka Khub kari talwar, khel nahi chhoda mardon ka. One Rup Ram Bohara did the Prince as Rup Ram Bohare ko Kunwar ne rakha minister appoint, kamdari : But dazzled by such wealth and power Dekh-kar dhan daulat badal gai Boman ki his pride o'erweening grew. najre. Driven one day beyond control, the Prince Ek din jab Kunwar ko ghussa aya mari in anger rose; talware ; Out from its scabbard drew his sword and Mara kasti ka hath, tukde kardtye do chare. struck the Brahman dead. Then came his Brahman friends before the Panch sat ye milke Biraman chale kachheri Raja in his court: ko, rapot ye bole raja ko :"Hear mighty Chief our solemn prayer, "Khudawand, Maharaj, Kunwarne mara the Prince has slain our friend; Biraman ko; An you will not redress this wrong, then Tum karo hamara niyao, nahi jawe Sihor go we to Sihor." ko." I sing the lay of Prince Chain Sink: had he Pargana likho Chain Sinh ka : then ridden by, Nahi tha ghode par aswar kal kardeta kain Many I ween of those who spoke had ne'er yonka again complained, The plan was made and five or six went Panch sat ye kar mansuba chale chhaoniko straight to Sihor's camp, Where reaching Friday they their plaint Shukrwar ki roj rapot wahan bole Munsbi to the chief clerk unfold : ko: * Oh mighty one, the Prince our lord has "Khudawand, Maharaj Kunwar ne mara slain our Brahman friend : Baman ko : Do you do justice or our plaint must to Tum karo hamara niyao nahi ham jawe Calcutta go." Kalkate ko." Mendak Sah'bc hearing straight way to his Mendak Sahib ne hukum diya Sahib Munshi Munshi order gave : ko - " Chaprasis two, halkaras four, send swift to "Do chaprasi, char halkare, bhejo NarsinhNarsinghgarh. gadh ko. There seize the Prince and quick to Kahi Kunwarji-ko abhi paka ikar bhejo Kashi ko." town in exile take." This order came to Narsinghgarh just as Sawa pahara din che dha kagaj pahuncha the sun arose. Narsinhgadh ko. The minister, and his officials, read and Kamdar sab luge bachne lage pachhtane were afraid. "Oh go not Prince to Sihor's camp," they "Kunwarji, tum mat jao Sihor-ko. now repentant cried. 6 Mendak : Mr. (afterwards Sir) T, H. Maddock, Political Agent in Bhopal, 1824-28. His headquarters where st Sehore, still the headquarters of this Agency. ko.

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AUGUST, 1915) GAZETTEER GLEANINGS, 183 But to his household Chain Sinh said "This " Yahi wat ko kain mujako bhejo kamdar ko" letter! it is nought ! Kunwar Chain Sinh jawab dete bhai bandon-ko. To Kashi priests and traders go, 't would Kashi jite Brahman, Baniye; nahi lajim sore disgrace my race. hamko. A Rajput chief of purest blood and lineage Ham to Chhatri ki jat batta lage mere such as I, kul ko. My Kashi is the battlefield where you Hamari Kishi jajam par mar mare or I must fall." tuz-ko." Thus writing, swiftly to Bihor, his answer Phir to itni jawab likh-kar bheja Sihor ko. he despatched. I sing the lay of Prince Chain Sinh, Chain Pargana likho Chain Sinh kd : Sinh of Narsinghgarh. Khub kari talwar, khel ndhi chhoda mardon-ka. A mighty warrior one who ne'er left field till fight was won. Then did the Sahib his first appeal swift to Pahali arji likhi Sahib ne bheji Kalkatte Calcutta send. ko. A second letter asking aid he wrote to Daji arji likhi Sahib ne bheji Khilchipur ko. Khilchipur.? A third he to Berasia8 sped (fief of the Tiji arji likhi Sahib ne bheji Berasia ko. chief of Dhar). And yet a fourth to Bhopal town asking the Chauthi arji likhi Sahib ne bheji Bhopal ko: Begam's aid. << Hear Friend Hakim, send swift, I pray "Suno Miyin, bhejo, Hakimji, do tope two guns and a brigade. . chir paltani, bhijawo lad ne ko. The Sabah Sahib of Narsinghgarh is march- "Ye Narsinhgadh ka Sabah ata he Sihor ing on Sihor." lene ko. I write the lay of Prince Chain Sinh, Chain Pargana likho Chain Sinh kd. Sinh of Narsinghgarh. Khub kari talwar khet, ndhi chho la mardon-ka. A mighty warrior one who ne'er left field till fight was won. First the Prince his mother saw, and bade Pahli "Ram Ram" kari Kunwar ne apni her a fond farewell. Mata ko. Next to his father Subhag Sinh he paid a Daji "Ram Ram" kari Kunwar ne pita last adieu : Saubhag Sinh ko. His third farewell was made at home unto Tiji "Ram Ram " kari Kunwar ne apni his wedded wife; istri ko. His fourth to mother Kalika, famed goddess Chauthf "Ram Ram " kari Kunwar ne apni of the sword. Kalka ko. + Khilchipur: Amall Stato Do Narsinghgarh. . . Beraria: A town in the district of this name.' Till 1860 it belonged to Dhar State, but was confiscated after the mutiny and made over to the Bhopal Stato. Halten: A merober of the interesting Bourbon family of Bhopal (se Bhopdl Star Gazetteer) This partioular individual wa Balthasar Bourbon, alia, Shahzada Meath (sve infra note 16.)

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184 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [Avgust, 1915 A fifth salute to Bajrangbali, 10 lord of battle Panchwi "Ram Ram" kari Kunwar ne fields. Bajrangbali ko. Then sought he out his war stood brave and Chhat: "Ram Ram " kar Kunwar ne apne paid him reverence. ghode ko. Then called the men of Narsinghgarh, and Satwt "Ram Ram" kari mardhesab thus to them he spake it Narsinhgadh ko:"Listen Oh friends and brothers all unto my Suno Miyan, sab bhaibandon ko. words today. Who loves Chain Sinh now let him fight gibe piyana howe Chain Sinh maro mere and die along with me, sang ko But who loves better homo and base, let gise piyare balbachche ko, raho apne ghar that man stay away." ko." Eighthly the Prince appealed to Himmatii Athwi "Ram Ram" kari Kunwar ne and Bahadur Khan Himmat Khanji ko "Oh frionds, if o'er you lov'd Chain Sinh "Suno Miyan, Bahadur Khanji ko: jise stand firm now at his side." piyara howe Chain Sinh maro mero sang ko." Then Himmat and Bahadur Khan, Pathans, Himmat Khan Bahadur Khan arj kare anko : with one voice cried : " Long have we in your service ate the broad "Sir sati ki khaf naukri, of sloth and ease : Now if you want us we are here to give "jain sir dene ko; our lives for you, Let him whom fate spares, see again the Jiye bachenge anmilenge phir Narsinhgadh walls of Narsinghgarh." ko." I sing the lay of Prince Chain Sinh, Chain Pargana likho Chain Sinh kd: Sinh of Narsinghgarh. Khub kari taludt, khet ndhi chhodd mardon A mighty warrior, one who ne'er left field till kl. fight was won. Then father, mother, wedded wife entreated Mate warje, pitaja warje, warje stri unko - him to stay "Go not, O Prince of Narsinghgarh, we "Kunwarji mat jawo Sihor ko." beg thee, to Sihor." But Chain Sinh said, "Too long have I here Kunwar Chain Sinh juab dete, "Sir sate ki dwelt in sloth and ease. khai. Now in your service will I give my head Naukri ab jain sir dene ko." if so decreed." But as he saddl'd up his stood, one snoezed. Chhinkat, ghoda kass Kunwar ne, warjat "Go not," all cried, seware. Till came his mother's message brief, Do achhar mkta ne likhe, " Mors wali "Depart, I trust in God." Kartere." The Prince set out, and halted first at Pht to pahala kuach ye kiya Kugwar no, Sakanwidfia town: SAkanwit ka. 10 Bajrangbak : Hanuman, the warrion'god. 11 Himmat and Balddar Khan: The decoendete these men will hold agir in the State Dhanora. 11 Sakanat, Barkhoda basar : Village on the road.

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AUGUST, 1915] The Prince's tent was pitched, with Rajput Bhala gadha Rangdon ke, dera laga Kunwarlances planted near, jf ka. And dancing girls were suminoned to while Phir to nach thahraya kanchni ka. the night away. Marching the second halt was at Berasias Daja kanch kuja Kunwar ne mahal Bersie ka. village made. GAZETTEER. GLEANINGS Still urging forward next they stayed at Tija kanch ye kiya Kunwar-ne bazar Barkhera-bazar,12 Barkheda : Where close beside the old Pir's tomb the Dera laga Kunwarjika nishan wahan udta Prince's tent was raised. waliyon-ka. The fourth march ended at their goal, the Phir chautha kunch ye kiya Kunwar ne Sihor station of Sihor. Chhaonika. The Rajput spear butts shook the ground: Bhala gadha Rangdon ka: hosh udgaya Phirangi ka. the English paled with fear. The Prince's tent was raised; once more Dera wahan laga Kunwarji ka nach phir the dancing girls were called. thahraya kanchyi ke. I sing the lay of Prince Chain Who with sword still in hand Pargana likho Chain Sinh ka, Kargaya nasar talwar, Passed from the world as Rajput should Nam rahgaya, rahgaya Rajpute ka, leaving fair name behind A mighty swordsman, one who n'er had turned his back in fight. Mendak Sahib a letter wrote and sent to Chain Sinh's tent Chaprasis two, Halkaras four the missive to him bore, Mendak Sahib ne likh parwana bheja dere ko, Do chaprasi, char halkare pahunche dere ko. And to the Prince with folded hands their Hath bandh-kar arj karte Kunwar Chain coming they explained : Sinh ko :- "The Sahib has a letter sent to pray you come and call," But Himmat and Bahadur Khan, Pathans, just then came in, And drinking deep kusumbha draughts they girded on their swords, And forth with Prince Chain Sinh they went across to see the Sah'b. 185 For Himmat and Bahadur Khan two other chairs were set. Khub kari talwar, khet nahi chhoda mardon ka. Then to the Prince he spoke employing sweet cajoling words : "O dearest Prince," but Himmat and Bahadur Khan, Pathans, "Likh, parwana bheja he Sahib ne, bulaye bangle ko." Phir to Himmat Khan, Bahadur Khan Pathan baithe dene ko, Kusumbhi lage pine ko, kamri lage jakadne ko, The Prince arriving Mendak Sahib arose and Phir Mendak Sahib ne uthai kursi dini placed a chair; Sang liye Kunwar Chain Sinh jakar pahunch bangle ko. Kunwarji ko: Daji kursf utha Sahib ne dini Himmat Khanji ko Tiji kursi dini Sahib ne Bahadur Khanji ko Phir to mithi mithi baten karke samjhate unko : "Suno Miyan" Chain Sinh ko phir to Himmat Khan, Bahadur Khan Pathan, samaj gaye dil ko :

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186 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (AUGUST, 1915 Thought that beneath this sweetness bitter "Haiga dadh men kala: medicine must be hid, And cried, "O Prince, do you return "Kunwarji chalo dere ko." directly to your tent." Then rose the Prince in fury and turned him. Phir to Kunwar ke dil men ghussa aya, to the Sahib : kahine lage unko: "Listen friend Mendak, thou of monkey Suno Miyan, Sahib Mendak ko, to bandar ki race, dishonest one, jat, be-iman, Who think you am I to be thus with honeyed Kiya samjhata he hamko?" words cajoled?" Seeing that he was anger'd spoke more Pbir to itna ghussa dekh kar Kunwar ka pleadingly the Sahib. arj kari unko. "Listen friend Chain Sinh, think not I would "Suno Miyan Chain Sinh ko, ki Ap mat jano you to prison send, ki ham apko kaid karenge : But for this crime in Kasht's town three Apne jo khun kiya hai uske waste ap tin months you must abide, mahine ke liye Kashi ko bheje jate ho. But elephants and horses as beseems your Hathi dunga, ghoda dunga ap ko baithne rank I'll send, ko, And monthly pay one lakh that you in Kashi Lak rupai ka mabina dunga bheju Kashi pomp may keep." ko." The Prince, his ire rising, placed his hand Phir to Kunwar ko ghussa kya kahine lage upon his hilt : usko :"Hear Mendak Sah'b, my Kasbf on the field "Suno Miyan Sahib Mendak ko," jo hath of battle lies, dal talwar u par, Where we shall meet and one of us, or you Dekh hamari Kashi jajam upar mar mare or I, must fall, tuj ko : Thou man of monkey race, thou Turk, thee Are bandar mar, mare tuzko, Turkada mar will I slay and die." mare tuzko." Such rage beholding fled the Sahib his inner Itna ghussa dekh Kunwar ka bbagi kamare room within. ko. Right on the Moti bungalow13 the Prince Phir to pahala charra mara Kunwar no Moti his first shot aimed, bangle ko. While on the troops the second shot was fir'd Daja charta mara Pathanon-ne, udki paltan by the Pathans. Whereon, O friend, how swift they fled, how Suno Miyan! kati palan ko. fell beneath their swords. Back to their camp with Prince Chain Sint Sang live Kunwar Chain Sinh, the two Pathans returned. Flere turning to his men the Prince cried, so juwab dete bhafbandon ko :that all might hear :"Let him who loves his home and friends to "Jise piyara kutum kabila jawo NarsinhNarsinghgarh return." garlh ko." Then Himmat and Bahadur Khan cried :- Himmat Khan, Bahadur Khan Pathan arj karte un ko :+ Moti baungalow : Political Agent's residence. ko.

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AUGUST, 1915] GAZETTEER GLEANINGS "Hear us Oh Chain Sinh, Long have we eaten in your house the bread of sloth and ease, Now that you ask us we are here to give "Sir sati ki khai naukari aye sir dene ko. our lives for you. Let him whom fate spares see again the "Giye bachenge jaya milenge phir Narsinhtown of Narsinghgarh." gadh ko." I sing the lay of Prince Chain Sinh, Chain Pargana likho Chain Shinh ka: Khub kari talwar, khet nahi chho la mardonka, Sinh of Narsinghgarh A mighty warrior one who ne'er left field till fight was won The tents were rent and many a youth beneath them dying lay Then sat they all within the tent quaffing Sawa ser ka ghola ghuluwa baithe dere ko kusumbha strong, 1+ kusumbha lage pine ko: 14 While the dancing girls were summoned to make them song and dance, Nach tharaya dene ko Mendak Sahib now orders gave, and on the Phir to Mendak Sahib ne hukum diya sadi regiments came, phaujon ko Till round the camp on all four sides they stood in serried rank Charon taraphse ghera cal diya, ghera liya un ko: A second order Mendak gave and in pour shot and shell Diya hukum phir diya, Men ak ne sari phaujon ko. Charon tarph se golf giraph lage chalne ko: Jawan lage marne ko, dere lage une ko. Chaubdaron ne phir arj kari Kunwar Chain Sinh ko : Then came his chaubdars to the Prince and pray'd; "Sire, save us all; The bullets fly, the tents are down and we are sore beset." Then Himmat and Bahadur Khan came to the Prince's tent, Drank long deep draughts of kwsambha and girded on their swords, While to the dancing girls the Prince gave thirty golden mohars, And cried O Jamna, may we live to see fair Narsinghgarh." I write the lay of Prince Chain Sinh of Narsinghgarh Had he been mounted on his steed how many had he slain. 187 "Suno Miyan Kunwar Chain Sinh ko : A negan1s roll of opium seized and ate the Prince, for strength. Then grasping shield and sword he hurled himself upon the guns, And Himmat and Bahadur sprang like tigers to his side. "Charon taraph se goli giraph laga he chalne ko: Are Andata, charon taraph se ghera daldiya gher liye ham ko." Phir Himmat Khan Bahadur Khan, Pa han, bai:he dere ko kamre lage jakadne ko, kusumbha lage pineko, Tis ashrafi nikal Kunwar ne dini kanchni ko "Jamuna jiye bachenge an milenge phir Narsinhga h ko. Pargana likho Chain Sinh ka, Nahi chadha ghole par, kal kar deta kaikonn ka Sawa hath ki nagan banakar lili kaleje ko. Uthai dhal, talwar sidhi chhak gaye topon ko. Himmat Khan Bahadur Khan Pathan sang liye unko; sher ja pahunche topon ko. 14 Kusumbha: the well known drink made from opium used by all Rajputs. 15 Nagan roll: lit. roll like a female cobra. A large roll of opium is so called.

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188 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [AUGUST, 1915 The Subhadar, with his first strong stroke, Phir pabala hath jab mara kay diye Subthe Prince laid in the dust, hodar ko. And with the next the gunners, striving hard Duja hath jab mara kat diye golandajon ko. to load their guns. Thas all the guns were seized and Mendak Chhin kari topon ko : Mencak Sahib phir Sahib fled in fear. bhaga bangle ko. I sing the lay of Prince Chain Sinh he was 4 swordsman great The Company's troops in terror vefore his blade fled back Pargana likho Chain Sinh kd : Khub kari talwar morcha mard Kompani ka. Then Himmat and Bahadur Khan turned on Himmat Khan Bahadur Khan Pathan ne the foe their guns. tope phort paltan ko. But at this moment was the Prince sore Gola phfr laga Kunwar ji ko, wounded by a ball Fired by Hakim Shahjat Masiho Kimdar of Hakim SbAhjat Masih, Bhopal ka. Bhopal. Meanwhile the Pathans first discharge had Pahla giraf mara Pathanon ne udai paltan ko. driven back the foe. So routing them on every side that none Agli pichhli paltan kati rang he mardon ko. remained to fight. I sing the lay of Prince Chain Sinh of Paroana likho Chain Sinh kd : Narsinghgarh Khub kari talwat, khet ndhi chhoda mardon ka A mighty warrior one who ne'er left field till fight was won Then Himmat and Bahadur Khan went up Himmat Khan, Bahadur Khan, Pathan, ar | to Prince Chain Sinh: kare un ko :"Hear Prince Chain Sinh the fight is won, "Suno Miyan, Kunwar Chain Sinh ko : jits come back to Narsinghgarh." ladas, chalo Chain Sinh, Narsinhgadh ko." But turning to the two Pathans simply he Itna jawab diya Kunwar ne donon Patbanon made reply : ko: "How can I ever thus disgraced dare look on "Dag lag gaya mere tan ko. Ab kiya munh Narsinghgarh ?" dikharo Narsinhgadh ko." This answered he the two Pathans no word Itna jawab diya Kunwar ne donon Pathanon more would he say, ko; And drawing forth a dagger drove it Phir nikal kamar te katar, mard ne mari fiercely to his heart, kaloje ko. A blow 30 strong that through his back the Par hogaf sare tan ko. blade came out behind. 1 sing the lay of Prince Chain Sinh of Pargana likho Chain Sinh kd, beta he | Subag Sinh the 8m : Saubhag Sinh kd : His grand-dad Hanwant Sinh, his uncle Achal Pota Hanwant Sinh kd, bhatiya Chauhan Sinh Chauhat : Achal Sinh kd : A Rangda chief of Narsinghgarh and lord of Rangada tha Narsinagadh kd surma harga Kothdi State Kothdi kd. A mighty swordsman one who left a worthy Khib kari talar, nam rahgaya Rajputi ka. Rajput name. 16 Masih, i.e., two, a Christian; The Bhopal Bourbon descendants are Roman Catholics. They had, and still have, two names one Bourbon, the other Musalman (sce noto 9).

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SEPTEMBER, 1016) THE CHRONOLOGY OF THE PANDYA YONARCHY 189 THE CHRONOLOGY OF THE PANDYA MONARCHY. (MR. SWAMIKANNU PILLAI'S THEORY) BY ROBERT SEWELL. (Continued from p. 176.) Jatavarman Kulanokhara I (Accession, fixed by Kielhorn, 30 Mar. to 29 Nov. A. D. 1190.) (No. 103 of 1908.) 13 The only details given here, besides the king's (3rd) regnal year, are the solar month and day (5 Mithuna) and the week-day (Sunday). These tally for 30 May, A. D. 1193. As this king is known by other inscriptions to have begun to reign in A. D. 1190 the date, though wanting the tithi and nakshatra, may well be accepted. But if so his accossion took place on some day botweon 81 May and 29 Nov. 1190 A. D., to which period Mr. Swamikannu has now succeeded in reducing Kielhorn's longes limit This fact might well have been entered in his List on p. 165. Jata varman Virs Pandya. (A new king proposed by Mr. 8. Pillai.) Mr. Sw.mikannu Pillai asks us to assume the existence of a new king, never as yet heard-of, with accession on a day between 18 Aug. A. D. 1189 and 15 April 1190, on the strength of the two following inscriptions. We know of a king of that name (Kielhorn's "E") whose reign began some day between 11 November A. D. 1252 and 13 July 1253. (No. 144 of 1903). Examining the date for the reign of the latter (known) king I find that the details would suit 9 Sept. A. D. 1255 if the nakshatra had been, not, as given, No. 17 Anuradha but No. 18 Jyeshtha. Tais defect is serious because, since no week day is stated, we have nothing to go on except that the day was the 7th sukla tithi in the solar month Kanya, and in every year there must be such a combination. Consequently I should pronounce the date to be irregular,"14 unless we assume that a mistake of 12 hours had been made by accident, the 17th nakshatra being quoted instead of the 18th. Is Mr Swamikannu Pillai's date any better? He fixes it as 17 August 1192, a day on which, though the moon was certainly at mean sunrise in the given nakshatra Anuradha and the tithi was, as given, the 7th sukla the solar month was not Kanya, as stated, but Simba. This involves a mistake not of 12 hours, as in the date I have given above, but of 10 days. Mr. Swamikannu Pillai's date cannot be maintained any more than mine. Of the two mine is much the better. (No. 352 of 1906). This date quotes the 13th regnal year of Jata varman Vira Pandya, the solar month Mesha, Sunday, a tithi in the first lunar fortnight, and the moon in Uttara Phalguni. Trying it for the 13th year of the known king of that name (accension 1252-53) I find that on Sunday 29 March A. D. 1265, which was 5 Mesha, Chaitra sukla 11 was ourrent at mean sunrise. The moon was at that moment in Parva Phalguni and only passed into the given Uttara Phalguns 20 minutes before mean sunrise on Monday. If I had been publishing this date I should have accepted it as genuine, stating my belief that mistake had been made in the quotation of the nakahatra. Sukla 11 in Chaitra is 15 The members roer to the annually published catalogue of inacriptions copied by the other of the Arshwological Baperiaheadent for Lpigraphy, Government of Madras, "and inued with the Report of that Department. 14 This term is applied to say date on which all the giron details do not exactly correspond.

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190 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [SEPTEMBER, 1915 a sacred day, being the Xamada ekadasi. Mr. Swamikannu Pillai, however, thinks that the day was Sunday, 15 April A. D. 1201. On examining this date I find that it was certainly a Sunday in Mesha on which day at sunrise the 11th sukla tithi was current, but that it has a precisely similar defect to the one above; viz., the moon was in Parva Phalguni and not in the quoted Uttara Phalguni at sunrise. She passed into the latter nak shatra later in the day. Mr. Swamikannu Pillai admits this. But it has a far more serious defect than this. It flatly contradicts his own supposititious date for this new king's accession, because if such a king, with accession as he gupposes, really existed the date 15 April 1201 could not fall in his 13th regnal year, but was the first day of the 12th year. Consequently his second date, defective in itself, contradicts his first date, which was also defective. Mr. Swamikannu Pillai has noticed this also, proposing the alteration of the number of the regnal year. The dates may, as I have shewn, both belong to the reign of the Vira Pagdya who, as we know from Kielhorn's Nos. 31 and 32 and my No. 69,15 all three of them perfect and regular dates, came vo the throne in A. D. 1252-53. If it should be argued that Mr. Swamikannu Pillai's two dates ought, on epigraphic grounds, to be assigned to a date earlier than that reign I can only say, with due submission to the authority of experts, that the difference is one of only sixty years while the Madras epigraphist found a difficulty in deciding the point in one case where the difference was one of ninety-five years. (See below-remarks under "T. Kulasekhara II ") I hold the existence of this proposed now king to be totally unproved at present, Maravarman Sundara Pandya L (Accession, 25 June-4 Sept. A. D. 1216). (Nos. 362 of 1906, and 133 of 1907). I concur with the author as regards these two inscriptions. They are complete and regalar. The result is to narrow the doubtful period of accession to a day between 25 June and 4 September A, D. 1216. Mr. Swamikannu Pillai fixes the latest possible day of accession as 19 July 1216, and in two places specially marks this as a discovery of his own. He does not tell us on what it is based. No published inscription that I have yet seen confirms it, certainly not either of his two new ones. From the results of five other records Kielhorn fixed the accession as on a day between 29 March and 4 September A. D. 1216. The latest possible date must romain as 4 September, unless Mr. Swamikannu Pillal can show reason for the change. Jatavarman Kulasekhara II. (Accession between 16 June and 30 September 1237, or between 16 June 1297 and 15 June 1238 A. D.) This king's date, if he existed as is not improbable, was not one of those determined by Prof. Kielhorn. I have already suggested the possibility of the reign. (vide Epig: Ind: XI, 281). (No. 62 of 1906). Mr. Swamikannu Pillai has omitted to notice that the tithi quoted in this inscription was an expunged (Ishaya) one, and therefore not only would it never have been connected with the civil day, but that day itself was an unlucky one (See remarks above p. 167). In other respects the details certainly coincide with the date 30 September A. D. 1238. On that day the 5th krishoa tithi was current at sunrise ; the 6th, which is the inscription-tithi, began about 50 minutes after sunrise and expired before munrise next day. 1 Epigraphia Indica VII. Pp. 10-11, X. p 139,

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SEPTEMBEP, 1915) THE CHRONOLOGY OF THE PANDYA MONARCHY 191 With one correction, i. e., supposing that the nakshatra Mrigasiras had been erroneously quoted instead of the next one Ardra, the details would suit Thursday 10th October 1191, falling in the given regnal year of the earlier king of that name, and as these two dates are only separated by 47 years it would be difficult to decide on palaeographic grounds to which king the record belongs. The trained Madras Government Epigraphist informed me, in the case of the next following inscription, No. 135 of 1910 when I was doubtful whether it belonged to the year 1239 or 1334 A D. (separated by 95 years), the details of the date being correct for either of those years, that he found it difficult to decide the point after a careful examination of the characters, but inclined to the earlier date. It would probably therefore be still more difficult to decide, on epigraphic grounds alone, whether an inscription belonged to A.D. 1191 or 1238. (No. 135 of 1910). I have already published this date in Epigraphia Indica Vol. XI, p. 261. I gave the alternative dates just mentioned, viz., in A. D. 1239 and 1334, and pinted out that if, on epigraphic grounds, the former was considered the correct one we should have the name of a new Paydya king with accession between 16 June 1237 and 15 June 1238. Mr. Swamikannu Pillai has arrived at the same conclusion as myself regarding the earlier date, but does not aliude to the alternative (later) one. On the supposition that the Epigraphist has now satisfied himself that the rerord did not belong to so late a date as A. D. 1334 we may accept the date 16 June 1239 as fixed. But if any doubt remain on that point we must withhold final decision. There is an absolute coincidence of all the given de zils also with Wednesday 15 June A. D. 1334. (No. 135 of 1903). The details of this date are very meagre. Such as they are they perfestly guit.the date 9th April 1213 which fell in the given (23rd) regnal year of tha kom Jaravarma. Kulz fekbara whose accession took place in 1190. But Mr. Swamikani Pillai rejests this date on epigraphic grounds in favour of a date, 10 April 1259, which is exseedingly imperfect. We are only given the information "16 Mesha" and << Anuradhi," and for this date the details given contradict one another. For in the year which he considors to be the correct one the solar day 16 Mesha would not have been properly and by custom described as "the day of Anuradha " but "the day of Vibakba"; though the moon certainly entered Anuradha shortly before sunset. The tithi current at sunrise was the second of the dark half of Nija Chaitra. There seems to be no ceremonial reaso3 why Anuradha should be mentioned as the nakshatra of the day. As there is only an interval of 46 years between 1213 and 1259 the difficulty of settling the matter m rely by the form of the characters must be insuperable. We cannot accept this date as evidence either way, but of the two that in A. D. 1213 works out correctly while that in 259 works out incorrectly. The existence of this bow king, therefore, must still remain somewhat doubtful, though admitted to be quite possible. If the Madras Epigraphist is quite certain that No. 135 of 1910 cannot belong to so late a date as A.D. 1334. I am prepared to accept it as oertainly belonging to A. D. 1239, and in that case would accept the imperfect No. 62 of 1905 as corroboratory. But we want better proof. Miravarman Sandara Pandya II. (Accession fixed by Kielhorn 15 June A. D. 1288 to 18 Jan. A.D. 1239 Doublful period now reduced to 18 July to y Dec. A.D. 1238). This king is alraa ly known to us from other reliable inscriptions. The period within the limits of which he must on one day have ascended the throne is the only question at issue. This point I shall consider presently.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (No. 130 of 1908). This date has been published by Prof. Jacobi (Epig: Ind: XI. p. 135, No. 84), and as such I examined it and found his conclusion unimpeachable. It corresponds to 7 December 1239, and proves that the king's accession could not have occurred later than 7 December 1238. Mr. Swamikannu concurs in the fixture for the date. 192 [SKPTEMBER, 1915 (No. 169 of 1895). I find the author's conclusion for this inscription perfectly correct. The date corresponds to 6 January 1249, and the regnal year must be read "11" and not "10". The accession-date is not affected by it. (No. 616 of 1902). On the civil day fixed by Mr. Swamikannu Pillai as corresponding to the given details, viz: 12 July A. D. 1255, the given tithi, week-day and solar month certainly came together. But the moon is stated in the text to have been in the nakshatra 15 Svati, whereas it should have been given as 14 Chitra according to ordinary custom; for she was in Chitra till about 48m. before mean sunset, when sue entered Svati; and as the given 7th sukla tithi of Ashadha ended about 2h. 32m. after mean sunset, that tithi was only connected with Svati for 3h. 20m. during the middle of the 24-hour period concerned. I can see no reason why the usual custom should have been departed from in this instance. A 7th sukla tithi is specially auspicious for donatione only when it is connected with a Sunday, or a Tuesday with the moon in Revati (in the lunar months Pausha or Magha), or when the moon is in the first quarter of Hasta, or when it coincides with a samkranti, or when it belongs to one of certain lunar months in which the given unar month Asha iha is not included. Neither of these conditions was present in this case. (See Mr. S. Pillai's "Ind: Chronology," p. 48 of text). It is of course, possible that "Svati" was engraved for "Chitra" owing to a simple mistake having been made by the computer or copyist, and on that ground it may be argued that the date should be accepted. If accepted we note that the regnal year is stated as the 17th, and this proves that the king could not have begun to reign earlier than 13th July 1238; for if he had acceded to the throne as early as 12th July in that year the day of the date 12th July 1255, would have been the first day of his 18th year. Hence, instead of the limits fixed by Kielhorn from the dates examined by him, viz: 15th June 1238 to 18th January 1239, we should now have for this king's acezssion a day between 13th July and 7th December 1238, determined by the dates 616 of 1902 and 130 of 190s. Mr. Swamikannu Pillai gives us this period as 3rd July to 1st December 1238, but apparently this assertion is based on certain other inscriptions which he tells us that he has examined, but which have not yet been published. We must wait for these before we make any change. To publish, as he has done, accession-dates without having placed his proofs before the public is a course which cannot be permitted to pass without challenge. Jata varman Sundara Pandya I. (Accession, fixed by Kielhorn, 20 to 28 April A. D. 1251). (No. 260 of 1906). The date fixed by Mr. Swamikannu Pillai as corresponding to the description is doubtful in two respects. He asserts that it corresponds to 6th November A. D. 1256 but admits one error in the description; namely that that day was not in the given seventh regnal year but in the sixth. The second defect in it is that on that day, though it was a Monday and the moon was at mean sunrise in Mrigasiras, as stated in the text, the quoted 3rd krishna tithi was kshaya, or was expunged from the daily reckoning. It began about 1h. 51m. after mean sunrise and ended about 43m. before the next sunrise. The Monday therefore would have been associated with the 2nd and the Tuesday with the

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SEPTEMBER, 1915) THE CHRONOLOGY OF THE PANDYA MONARCHY 193 4th krishna tithi. If (as I have suggested above in my remarks on the date 62 of 1905 under the heading " Jajavarman Kula iekhara II ") a solar day on which occurs a kabaya tithi is unlucky, that particular day would have been avoided as a favourable time for a royal grant, and the kshaya tithi itself would not have been associated with it in the calendar. Working the given details for the seventh regnal year as stated in the text I fnd that all the details ace correct for 26th November 1257 except the nakshatra. This is in three places wrong, the moon being in Pushya and not in Mrigasiras: and this defect is so great that it cannot, in my opinion, be passed over safely. I cannot allow that a date in which the wrong regnal year is quoted and which quotes a kshaya tithi is a satisfactory one. But, accepted or not, it does not affect the known facts of this king's accession. (No. 218 of 1901). This date in the original quotes the 7th regnal year, the solar month Mesha, the 1st krishna tithi and the nakshatra Ruint. Mr. Swamikannu Pillai admits that the day which he puts forward as corresponding, viz: 27th April 1256 A. D. would have properly boon stated as in the 6th regnal year, the solar month Vpishabha and the lat sukla tithi, so that nothing remains of the original but the nakshatra Rohiqi. A solution slightly better would be 17th April 1257 A. D., which was in Mesha, with the moon in Rahini, as given in the text, the regnal year being the 6;h and not the 7th, and the wrong lunar fortnight having been stated. This involves a mistake of three days in the regnal year. The title given to the king certainly seems to show that it belongs to the reign in question, but the date appears to be irregular. At any rate the author's solution is inacceptable. (No. 278 of 1901). I concur with the author in this case. No other date will suit the description except the one given by him. (No. 322 of 1911). I also concur with him here. We may accept the correction from "sukla 11" in the original to " sukla 12". The record quotes incidentally the 15th year of the Chola King Peruajingadeva: but if, according to present information obtained from six inscriptions, this king's a scession took place between 9th May and 30th July A. D. 1243, the present date, 23rd May, 1260 actually fell in his 17th or 18th year. Is the reading " 15th " year quite certain ? This point should be examined, because the result might perhaps very considerably reduca the doubtful period of Perunjinga's accession. (No. 677 of 1909). I published this date in Epig. Ind. Vol. XI, (p. 255. No. 101), having been assured that the quoted regnal year was the 11th; and found the r@sult unsatisfactory. Mr. Swamikannu Pillai has now discovered that the original record of the regnal year should be read "13" instead of 11. Accordingly I tested the date again from that standpoint, and agree with him that, granting "Makara " to be an error for "Mina ", it corresponds to Wednesday, 5th March A. D. 1264. (No. 125 of 1908). The only available details for this date, setting aside mere conjectures, are the 7th sukla tithi in the 14th regnal year, with the moon in Punarvasu. Mr. Swamikannu Pillai fixes it as 25th March A. D. 1265. This was the day on which the Masha Sankranti occurred. It coincided certainly with the 7th sukla tithi, but the moon was in Ardra (No. 6) not in (No. 7) Punarvasu at man sunrise. She entered Punarvasu about 4h. 50m. later, and the day would have been named after Ardra. Equally suitable. perhape rather more so, would be 4th April A. D. 1264, with which dny, 11 Mesha, the 7th sukla tithi and Ponarvasu wore jointly connected. Here we should certainly have

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194 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY to change the 14th (quoted) into the (correct) 13th year of the king; but the astronomical details given suit this date exactly. As the details given are meagre the date cannot be relied on. [SEPTEMBER, 1915 I find myself in agreement with the author in three out of his six dates. The accession period remains unchanged, and as determined by Prof. Kielhorn. Vira Pandya (Kielhorn's "E"). (Accession 11th Nov. 1252-13th July 1253 A.D.). (Ja avarman Vira Pandya.) (Mr. Swamikannu Pillai's new king, with accession 15th May-19th June A. D 1254.) I take these inscriptions of Vira Paudya together, as it will be seen in the end that I cannot find any good reason for accepting Mr. Swamikannu Pillai's assertion that they prove the existence of two distinct sovereigns, one, acceding to the throne in A. D. 1253, called by the title "Maravarman" and one, acceding in A. D. 1254, called by the title "Jatavarman." It appears to me quite possible that all the inscriptions belong to one king whose title was "Jatavarman", and that the engraver of the record No. 395 of 1900 carved the title Miravarman" in error. Such a mistake is by no means unusual. Prof. Hultzsch has shewn (S. I. I. III, 204 ff.) that whereas the official title of the Chola king Rajadhi aja II was "Rajakesari" he is in four inscriptions called "Parakesari"; and the Coja king Rajaraja II, whose official title was "Parakesari" is in one inscription called "Rajakesari." (No. 395 of 1999). Prof. Kielhorn's two dates Nos. 31, 32, (Epig. Ind. VII, pp. 10, 11.) are each perfect and regular; and they prove the existence of a king named Vira Payya, whose acession took place on a day between 11th November 1252 and 13th July 1253 A. D. The inscriptions give no dynastic title. I also subsequently published (op. cit. X, p. 139, No. 69) a perfect and regular date of the 17th year of a Vira Pandya with the dynastic title of "Ja avarman" which corresponded to 8th August 1269 and in my opinion belonged to the reign of Kielhorn's Vira Paudya, the regnal year being correct. I considered this sufficient proof that the dynastic title of this king was "Jatavarman. 1 also published (op. cit. XI, p. 266, No. 117) the date which is now republished by Mr. Swamikannu Pillai (No. 395 cf 1909). It is perfect and regular and it confirms the former ones in all respects as regards the king's accession, but it gives him the dynastic title "Maravarman. This seemed to me to be a mistake for "Jatavarman," at any rate the evidence was evenly balanced up to that point. Subsequent study of Mr. Swamikannu Pillai's inscriptions confirms me in my opinion that the king's title was "Ja ava min and that the Miravarman" of No. 395 of 1909 was an error of the engraver.10 Mr. Swamikannu Pillai's belief, however, is different, as I have shewn above, 8. 16 Here in England, I have no means of knowing what is the descriptive formula applied to the king in this inscription. I hope that the Madras Epigraphist will enlighten us on this point: for if it should be found that the short account of the king's exploits often given in these records is given hero, and is similar to that stated in some of Mr. Swamikannu Pillai's inscriptions (e. g., Nos. 134 of 1908, 435 of 1906. 402 of 1907) that fact would go strongly to prove that the Vira Pandya of No. 395 of 1909 ("Maravarman") and he of the other inscriptions ( Ja avarman") were one and the same person, the title in No. 395 having been engraved in error. These exploits are as follows" He took flam, Kongu, and, Si amanda ara". e, Ceylon. Ch ra and Chola), "performed the anointment of heroes at Perum Arrapuliyur" and apparently introduced into his army "Kannadiyan horsemen", i e., a regiment of cavalry from the Kanarese country. The inscription mentioned in the text, which I call "my No. 69 states that the king conquered "Ko ganam," took the river Kaverf (i. e., defeated the Cholas) and performed the anointment of heroes at Puliyur; and this statement proves him to be the same king as the Vira Pandya of the three records noted above.

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SEPTEMBER, 1916) THE CHRONOLOGY OF THE PANDYA MONARCHY 195 though he agrees with me as to the date of the inscripsions. Three of his eight inscriptions (Nos, 435 of 1906, 402 of 1907, and 128 of 1908) support my view, while the o her five, four of which all come from the same temple, also do so if it is allowed that a mistakeof one regaal year was accidentally made-in each. The mistake in the group of four may be explained by the engravers of the last three following an initial error in the first so that I may claim actually to make only two corrections in the regnal years of all these eight inscriptions in order, by so doing, to make the whole of them confirmatory of the accuracy of my view of the case. I shall now briefly review these eight new inscriptiondates upon which Mr. Swamikannu Pillai relies. His calculations are correct as to the civil days. (No. 142 of 1894). " 4th "regnal year of Jatavarman Vira, 14th May 1258. I hold that " 4th" regnal year is an error for "5th," and that the king in question is Kielhorn's "E" (accession in A. D. 1253). (No. 129 of 1894.) From the same temple, "4th " rognal year, for "5th "; 5th August A. D. 1257. But here, as in former instances noted above, a kshaya, or expunged, tithi is quoted, the reason for which does not appear. As regards the number of the regnal year I assume that it is correctly read as " 4th" though I observe that the Epigraphist has classed the figure as doubtful. Should it be really *5th " the inscription, if acceptable, directly supports my contention, (No. 136 of 1894). From the same temple. "6th" regnal year, for " 7th "; 11th July A. D. 1259. The solar month incorrectly stated as "Kanya "instead of "Karka." Hence the date is not a perfect one. (No. 151 of 1894). From the same temple. "7th " regnal year, for "8th ", 12th November A.D. 1260. The tithi and week-day are not mentioned. (No. 134 of 1908). From another place." 10th " regnal year for "11th." 1 June A. D. 1264.Again no mention of tithi and week-day. If I am correct in my revision of the regnal year this date proves that this king oould not have begun to reign earlier than 2 June 1253. Using it for his own purposes Mr. Swamikannu Pillai should have observed that the earliest possible accession-day of his new king would be 2 June 1254, whereas he has stated that earliest day as 15 May of that year. . (No. 435 of 1906). 14th regnal year. 4 July A. D. 1266. This date directly supports my case, giving the latest possible day for accession of the king as 4 July 1253. Accession on 5 July of that year would cause 4 July 1266 to be in the 13th year. To make it suit his case Mr. Swamikannu Pillai would have to alter the number of the regnal year. (No. 402 of 1907). 14th regnal year. 19 June A, D. 1267. The day corresponded with the 11th ksiahua tithi of Nija Jyesh:ha, which was the day called "Yogini ekadast" and a festival day. But the moon only entered the given nakshatra after about 6 hours had elapsed from mean sunrise ; so that by common custom the day would have been connected with the nakshatra next earlier. If this correction be allowed this date must be taken as supporting my case, and as shewing that the king could not have begun to reign earlier than 20th June 1253. Such a correction is in accordance with Mr. Swamikannu Pillai's own processes. (No. 128 of 1908). 22nd regnal year. 29th April, A. D. 1275. This date is perfect and regular and directly supports my case, the given day failing in the 22nd year of the Vira Pa dya who came to the throne in A. D. 1253.11 He is styled "Jatavarman." In order T The "E" of Prof. Kiellorn's List (Fpig. Ind. IX. p. 287.)

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196 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (SEPTEMBER, 1915 to make the record suit the reign of his new supposititious king Mr. Swamikannu Pillai has had to assume that the number of the regnal year was wrongly engravod and should have been the 21st " year. (This inscription is the same as Prof. Jacobi's " No. 91 " noticed below). I now turn to Prof. Jacobi's dates of Vira Pandya (Epig: Ind: XI pp. 187-38, Nos. 90 to 94). (No. 90) 6th regnal year. The date is perfect and regular for 28 September A. D. 1302, as decided by Prof. Jacobi; but, with one alteration, supposing the "6th" tithi to have been engraved in error for the " 8th," it corresponds exactly to 6 September A. D. 1258, which was in the 6th regnal year of the known Vira Pandya (accession in 1253 A. D.). Prof. Jacobi considers that it belongs to a hitherto unknown Vira Pagdya whose accession was in A. D. 1295, but the regnal year given does not support such an assumption. (No. 91). This is Mr. Swamikannu Pillai's date No. 128 of 1908 (see above). 22nd regnal year. Prof. Jacobi's date for this is 3 May A. D. 1318, but he admits that, if so, it contains two errors, moreover the regnal year would be wrong for the reign of his supposed king. It however exactly suits, unchanged,--the reign of Kielhorn's Vira Pandys ("E" and is a perfect and regular date, the civil day being 29 April 1275. To make it suit bis theory Mr. Swamikannu Pillai has to alter the number of the regnal year. (No. 92). This date of the 44th regnal year corresponds to Prof. Jacobi's fixtare of the civil day, viz. 2 December A.D. 1339, and points to the reign of a king whose accoesion took place, on a day between 3 December 1295 and 2 December 1296. For this day the date is regular and exceptionally perfect. It does not coincide with a day in the given regnal year of the king (or kings) of the same name whose inscriptions we are discussing; and therefore, for present purposes, must be set aside. (No. 93). The dato here given appears to belong to a later king of the same namo. It contains historical allusions proving this to be the case. (See below, my remarks on No. 119 of 1908 (the record in question) 8. v. Jatavarman Vira Pandya with accession in A. D. 1296). (No. 94). The number of the regnal year here appears to be doubtful, but the date perfectly suits the day determined by Prof. Jacobi, viz., 16 June A.D. 1342. For present purposes we are not concerned with it. To sum up the case. It is no part of my duty positively to assert that Mr. Swami. kannu Pillai is mistaken, but I insist that my theory is quite as good as his, and that the evidence before us is insufficient to prove that there were two Vira Pandyas, the later coming to the throne a year after the earlier. On that evidence, founded on all these inscriptions put together, it is permissible to maintain that the existence of a Jatavarman Vira Pandya with accession in A. D. 1254 is not proved, while the accession-period of Kielhorn's Vira Pandya, whose dynastic title was " Jatavarman," is limited to the days between 20 June and 4 July A. D. 1258. Maravarman Srivallabhadeva. (A new king proposed by Mr. Swamikannu Pillai with accession between 4 and 10 September A. D. 1257). We are asked to accept as proved the existence of this new king on the strength of three inscription dates, one of which, the Pudukota inscription, ap.ears to have not we yet been critically examined by the epigraphical officers.

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SEPTEMBER, 1915) THE CHRONOLOGY OF THE PANDYA MONARCHY 197 (No. 110 of 1900). The date perfectly corresponds to 25 June A. D. 1278. But, since the day of the solar month is not quoted, precisely the same combination of details would be reproduced in a year perhaps 30 or 35 years distant from A. D. 1278. If careful palaeographic examination results in a declaration that it probably belongs to that year the fixture may be accepted. If accepted we have a new king whose reign began between 26 June 1257 and 25 June 1258 A, D. Is this confirmed by the other records quoted ? (No. 589 of 1904). The text here specifies the 5th sukla tithi of Simha, Wednesday with the moon in Kritika. Mr. Swamikannu Pillai fixes the day as "probably " 3 September 1292, which would fall in the given 35th regnal year. But to do this he has to make two emendations, reading the " 5th krishna tithi of Kanya " instead of the " 5th sukla tithi of Simha." This is rather too sweeping for the situation. It is not as if this were a date proposed as confirmatory of the reigi of king whose existence has already been conclusively established. To establish the existence and date of accession of a king hitherto unknown we must not rely upon imperfect or incorrectly stated inscription-dates. (The Predukcola inscription). 35th regnal year. The text mentions the solar month Kanya, the 15th sukla or paurvami tithi, Monday, with the moon in Revati. Mr. Swami. kannu Pillai decides that this corresponds to Monday, 10th September A.D. 1291. The date however is imperfect, as the author admits. That Monday would have been coupled with Uttara Bhadrapada, in which nakshatra the moon stood at sunrise. The moon entered Revati only a little before sunset. I can trace no reason for departure in this case from the usual custom of naming the day, as before stated this inscription has apparently not as yot been examined by the epigraphical expert. Neither of these two last dates are satisfactory, and therefore, if we are to build up our history on a solid foundation, it must be held that the first one stands alone. The correct course to adopt is not to insist on the existence of this king on the strength of this meagre evidence, but to pronounce his existence possible and await confirmation. In his Annual Report for 1907, $ 26, the Epigraphist mentions a fragmentary inscription of a Srivallabha (No. 456 of 1906), which it would be well to examine, but as he gives no date for this record it may belong to a different period altogether. Maravarman Kulabekhara I. (Accession fixed by Kielhorn 2-27 June A. D. 1268. Doubtful period reduced subsequently to 10-27 June.) This king is already well-known. Kielhorn established his accession-period as 2-27 Juno A. D. 1268. I was able (Epig: Ind: X, p. 141) to reduce this to 10-27 June. I do not know why Mr. Swamikannu Pillai gives it on p. 171 as" 12 May to 27 June." In the List which he gives on p. 165 he states the earliest day as not 12 May but 12 June, and gives this as his own discovery, marking it with an asterisk. But none of the dates which he publishes affords any warrant for this change, nor does not any inscription with which I an acquainted. (No. 598 of 1902). The given date appears to me intrinsically wrong, for a 2nd sukla tithi cannot in any circumstances, I think, be connected with a noon in Anuradha during the solar month Kanya. Mr. Swamikannu Pillai states that the coincidence can take place in unusual circumstances; he may be right, but I should like an explanation. During the month Kanya the sun's true longitude must be between 150deg and 180deg During a 2nd sukla tithi the moon's distance from the sun must be between 12 and 24o. Hence the least possible true longitude of the moon during that tithi in Kanya must be

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198 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (SEPTEMBER, 1915 (150deg +12deg) 162' and the greatest possible must be (180deg +24) 204. By the Brahma Siddhanta the moon enters Anuradha at 210deg 49' 20," while by the equal-space system and that of Garga she enters it at 213deg 20. It appears to me therefore that the combination is impossible. However that may be this date is imperfect. Mr. Swamikannu Pillai corrects "Kanya" to "Tula," and thus finds the corresponding day to be 19 October A. D. 1278. With this change his calculation is quite correct. (No. 126 of 1910). I published this date in Vol. XI of the Epig: Ind: (p. 263, No. 112). We both agree in the day, and find the date perfect and regular. It corresponds to 21 September 1281. (No. 123 of 1910). An irregular date which must be set aside. (No. 124 of 1910). I published this date in Vol. XI of the Epig: Ind: (p. 263.No.118). Mr. Swamikannu Pillai arrives at the same conclusion as myself. We fix the day as 27 November 1295. The date is a perfect one. (No. 734 of 1909). This date is admittedly irregular. Even if we allow Mr. Swamikannu Pillai's sweeping change of the 6th solar month Kanya into the 9th Dhanus we should still have to account for the day being wrongly coupled with the 10th instead of with, as it should be, the 9th krishna tithi. The lunar month was Margabirsha and I can find no ceremonial reason for a departure from the ordinary custom. The date should not be quoted as definitely established (No. 506 of 1904). My calculation agrees with the author's. The date is 10 May, 1299. (No. 46 of 1906). Do d o. do.' do. The date is 10 September 1301. (No. 288 of 1903). I am unable to accept the author's conclusions with regard to this date. It is a troublesome one because the regnal year is exceedingly doubtful. The Epigraphist pronounces the first figure "4" to be questionable, lubas subsequently stated that the second figure, which he read as "9," may b I have tried, unsuccessfully, all the years possible with these uncertain figures. I found the nearest approach to the details stated in the text to be in the 21st regral year, when the solar month, tithi, and nakshatra agree together, but the week-day is different, viz., Sunday, and not, as gi'ren, Wednesday. If this change be allowed the date correspond to 27 March, 1289; and perhaps this is the correct solution, Mr. Swamikannu Pillai's date, 27 March, 1308 is inacceptable for two reasons. First, he makes this day fall in the 41st year which is incorrect. This king's 41st year began in June 1308. Consequently 27 March of that year fell in the 40th regnal year, and the last figure of the given regnal year cannot, it appears, be read "0". Secondly, at sunrise on 27 March 1308 the moon had already passed out of the quoted Rohini and was in Mrigasiras. Mr. Swamikannu Pillai thinks that calculation for true sunrise and local time may have proved the moon to have been in Rohini. I differ from him here. Taking into account the latitude and longitude of the place (Madras), and converting mean to true time I calculate that the moon passed out of Rohinf and into Mrigasiras 15m. 182. before true sunrise in Madras local time, on the Wednesday in question, Jatavarman Sundara Pandra. (This is a new king proposed by Mr. Swamikannu Pillai, with accession in A. D. 1270. Are his existence and date conclusively proved by the inscription-dates on which the author relies ? I take sach in turn as before).

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SEPTEMBER, 1915] THE CHRONOLOGY OF THE PANDYA MONARCH1 199 (No. 680 of 1909). I published this date in Vol. XI of the Epig: Ind: (p. 254, No. 93), finding it irregular. It is irregular; for it gives 11 Sukla in Vrishabha on a Monday with moon in Pushya, and the moon cannot be in Pushya on an 11 sukla in Vrishabha. The author proposes to correct "11" into "5," which would meet all requirements. As to the result of this he is quite right. So stated the date, 22 May 1273. would be perfect and regular. But it must be borne in mind that in this instance the proposed change is not the change of one figure into another, but the substitution of a whole word for another whole word. The record has, in letters, "ekadasi", and we have to change this to "panchami" I therefore agree with the author that this date is not satisfactory. If it were accepted we should have the accession-period from 23 May 1270 to 22 May 1271. On the other hand I look on the date which he proposes alternatively, viz., 4 April 1278, as inadmissible. That day would properly be called 10 sukla in Mesha" with the moon in Magha. We cannot go so far as to assume that that is the day meant by the given description "11 sukla in Vrishabha, Purva Phalguni"; which he considers just possible. (No. 303 of 1909). I published this date in Epig: Ind: Vol. XI, (p. 254, No. 99) finding it irregular. This it is intrinsically, for on a sukla 10 in Mina the moon cannot be in Hasta, as the record states. Mr. Swamikannu Pillai supposes that "Mina" may be an error for "Vrishabha"-but the two names are very unlike. With this change he finds the given combination to have existed on 24 May 1276. He also supposes that there was a second mistake, the 7th regnal year being quoted instead of the 6th; the date thus found being in the 6th year of his new king according to the date of accession which he deduces from the other records quoted by him and noticed below. A date which requires two alterations to bring it into comformity with a theory cannot be depended upon to prove the existence of a king of whom hitherto we know nothing. (No. 411 of 1908). This is Prof. Jacobi's No. 83 (Epig: Ind: XI, p. 134). He pointed out that if "sukla 8" in the date were considered a mistake for "sukla 9" the details given would suit Friday, 6 December A. D. 1258, which was in the given 8th year of the king hitherto known as Jatavarman Sundara Pandya I, whose accession was in A. D. 1251. For the reign of the second king of that name, as known to us, he made an unfortunate mistake. and worked for the 18th not 8th year. Mr. Swamikannu Pillai finds the given date exactly correct for Friday 23 December 1278, and I agree. For this day the date is regular, and it is also a perfect date. According to this the accession must have taken place on a day between 24 December 1270 and 23 December 1271, and, allowing No. 303 of 1909 (above) to pass, we should have the accession period as between 24 December 1270 and 24 May 1271. But we must bear in mind that with the one reasonable change of "sukla 8" to "sukla 9" it would also correspond to 6 December 1258; while, with a change, presupposing a mistake in the original, of the 8th to the 3rd regnal year his date in A. D. 1278 would regularly belong to the reign of Jatavarman Sundara II. (No. 667 of 1909). I published this date in Epig: Ind: XI, (p. 257, No. 105), shewing that it was perfect and regular for 17. Jan. A. D. 1285, and expressing my opinion that probably it belonged to the reign of the known Jatavarman Sundara Pandya, whose accession was in 1276, a mistake having been made in quoting the 8th regnal year instead of the 9th. Mr. Swamikannu Pillai sets this aside and insists on our acceptance of the date he has assigned, namely 5 Jan. 1278. But equally with my

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200 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [SEPTEMBER, 1915 fixture his date has a defect; for the moon was not at sunrise on that day in the quoted nakshatra Rohivi, but was in Ksittik. She passed into Rohiyi only about 7 hours after sunriso, and I know no reason for any departure from the usual custom in this case. (See my note in the Introduction--"The nakshatra of the day.) (No. 319 of 1909). I published this inscription in Epig: Ind: XI, p. 255 (No. 100), and found it irregular for the given 8th regnal year of either of the known Jayavarman Sundaras. Mr. Swamikannu Pillai decides that the day was 26 May 1278. It is true that the given waek-day, tithi and solar month coincide with that day; but at mean sunrise the moon was in the 7th nakshatra Punarvasu and not in the 8th Pushya as given. She passed into Pashya about 4 hours after mean sunrise. According to the author this does not matter, and if he is correct his conclusions cannot be gainsaid. (See remarks under the last inscription.) Granting the date perfect it only remains to be quite certain that the regnal year has been rightly read, since the date would fall in the 2nd year of the known Jayavarman Sundara whose accession was (probably) in August 1276. The date if ascepted for the new king does not affect the period of accession already found. (No. 805 of 1909). I published this inscription in Epig. Ind. XI, p. 256, (No. 103). The given details are the 8th regnal year, 16 Monday, on a day not stated of the dark fortnight in the solar month Mithuna, the moon being in Uttara Bhadrapada. All these are correst for the 8th year of Ja av. Sundara I, coinciding with 27 May 1258, but by the equa!-3p23e system of nakshatrss, which I think was then in use, the moon entered the given nakshatra about an hour after mean sunrise. By the system of Garga and the Brahmi Siddhanta the details given are correct in all respects for that day. If, as laid down by Mr. Swamikannu, it does not invalidate a date that the given nakshatra should be one into which the moon had entered not at sunrise but at some later moment, I fail to see why he should have set aside this date and conclusively declared it to correspond to a different one, viz., 13th June 1278. He gives no reason. I have nothing to say against his date, which is certainly perfect and following his own reasoning, regular. My only point is that it may belong, equally well, to the reign of Jatar : Sundara I, and therefore it should not be used as proof of the existence of a new king. If, however, it be accepted for this new king his accession date remains as already found (584 of 1902). The given details are the 10th regnal year, the solar month Dhanus, suk: 2, Sunday, and the moon in Pushya. Mr. Swamikannu Pillai is correct in saying that this date cannot belong to the reign of either of the other known Sundaras ; and it has to be altered completely out of shape to make it suit the reign of his new king. By changing "Dhanus" to " Makara ", "sukla 2" to " Pahula 2" and the 11th "regnal year to the 10th " regnal year, he makes the details all correct for 29th December 1281. But these alterations are too sweeping. The date as given is thoroughly irregular and should be set aside. Instead of which the author makes it of such historical importance that he relies upon it as establishing the earliest possible date of the reign of his new king, viz: 29th December 1270. I cannot allow this to pass unchallenged. (315 of 1909). I published this date in Epig: Ind: Vol. XI, (p. 256, No. 102) declaring it irregular for the reign of either of then known kings. Mr. Swamikannu Pillai finds it correct for 3rd February A. D. 1283. I agree with his calculations, but it is not a perfect date. Certainly the quoted tithi was current for nearly 19 hours on the quoted Wednesday, and the moon was in the quoted nakshatra for nearly 15 hours of that day. Nevertheless it was the Thursday not the Wednesday that was called after that nakshatra and was connected with that tithi. And no ceremonial reason is apparent for such a change of nomenclature. If accepted, as seems reasonable, the date would be in the 16 I am assured that the figure "8" is quite clear in the wiginal.

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SEPTEMBER, 1915) THE CHRONOLOGY OF THE PANDYA MONARCHY 201 13th year, as quoted, of the new king. But it would also fall in the 7th regnal year of Jatav: Sundara II. (418 of 1909). I published this inscription in Epig: Ind: Vol. XI (p. 258 No. 109) stating that with one apparent defect it corresponded to 26th February A.D. 1289. This defect is precisely similar to that pointed out as existing in the inscription last noted. The quoted tithi and nakshatra really belonged by custom to Sunday 27th February, but the tithi was current for part of Saturday 26th and the moon was in the given nakshatra for part of that day. With this reservation I gave the corresponding day as the Saturday. I maintain this date as the correct one merely in order to point out to Mr. Swamikannu Pillai that it stands on precisely the same plane as No. 315 of 1909 which he insists on our accepting as settled. Why not, then, allow this one to be settled as I suggested ? It falls in the given 13th year of Jatav. Sundara II. However, I admit that his date, corresponding to 6th March 1283, is perfect and regular one. The only question would be whether a mistake was made in the regnal year which is quoted as the "13th". The day (6 March, A. D. 1283) would fall in the 7th year of Jativ: Sundara II, or in the given 13 h year of Mr. Swamikannu Pillai's new king of the same name. (No. 191 of 1901). This, I think, is a new date, never previously published. The details given are the 14th regnal year, solar munth Adi, Monday, Hasta. The tithi is not given. These details will not correspond regularly with any day in the 14th year of either of the known Ja av: Sundaras, nor indeed with any in the 14th year of Mr. Swamikannu Piliai's king. To make the date suit his purposes he alters the regual year from "14" to << 15", seeing that in the 15th year of his new king the details correspond to Monday 9th July, 1285. They do so. But with a defective date (w.nting the tithi) to begin with and an arbitrary change of regnal year to follow, this inscription cannot be accepted as historical proof. While I have said that the details do not regularly suit any day in the 14th year of either of the known Jalgv: Sun laras, the date might, on Mr. Swamikannu Pillai's principle, be held to correspond to 30th June 1264. On that day, which was 4 Adi and a Monday and in the given 14th regnal year of Jatav: Sundara I, the moon entered Hasta about 19h. 36m, after mean sunrise. The inscription should be examined to ascertain if there is any further clue; e. g., many of the 1st Jatavarman Sundara Pandya's records begin with the words "Samasta jagaci-adhara." (308 of 1909). I published this inscription-date in Epig. Ind. XI, (p. 259, No. 108) and pronounced it regular, corresponding to 25 August A. D. 1292, which was in the quoted solar month Simha, in the quoted regnal year, 17th, of Jatav: Sundara II (accn. 1276) the tithi being the 11th sukla (the numeral is obliterated in the text, but the sukla fortnight was given), with the moon in the given nakshatra, Uttara Ashadha, by all systems. Its only imperfection is in the obliteration of the word or figures of the tithi. Mir, Swamikannu Pillai states that the last akshara of the number is to be read-mi, and if this is quite certain the number might be 5, 6, 8, 9, or 10, and not 11. For my figure 11, the last al-sha:a ought to be . Even if he is correct the akshara might have been engraved in error; and I see ne sufficient reason in this for declaring the date, otherwise perfect, to be incorrect.19 What about his fixture? He states it to be 6th September 1288. Now that day was not in the 17th year of his king, as given, but in the 18th. Secondly, the solar month was not Simha as given, but Kanya, (the author mentions it as in Sinha but this is not the case). Thirdly the nakshatra which would regularly have given its name to that day by the qual-space system was Purva Ashadha, 19 If anyone should consider this as going too far let me call attention to No. 680 of 1909, above, in which case Mr. Swamikannu Pillai changes not one syllable only but a whole, clearly engraved, word Akadail into parichami to suit his theory.

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202 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [SEPTEMBER, 1915 and not, as given, Uttara Ashadha, 20 though the latter began about 7 hours after mean sunrise. His tithi, 9 bukla, would be correct (9th == navami). So that the date which he proposes to substitute for mine is exceedingly defective. There is no comparison between the two. And I continue to believe that the inscription in question may belong to the reign of the Sundara Paodya who came to the throne in August 1276. To sum up the case for and against Mr. Swamikannu Pillai's contention that a king named Jafavarman Sundara began to reign 29th December 1270 to 5 Jan. 1271. (Let me once for all state that we cannot possibly accept the date on which he relies, viz., 29th December 1270. At the best the accession period was 24th December 1270 to 5th January 1271.] This king being a new one, not before heard-of, we require solid proof of his existence. What is the proof? He offers us eleven dates of which he declares six to be regular and the rest fairly regular, but all corroborative. I take first the "regular" dates, six in number. Mr. Swamikannu Pillai's "regular" dates are (1 omit the number of the year as they cannot be confused) Nos. 411, 667, 319, 305, 315, 418. Three of these, viz., Nos. 667, 319 and 315 quote a nakshatra as giving its name to the day, which nakshatra by regular custom gave its name not to that day but to the following day. The remaining three I admit to be regular. In the case of No. 305 I bad proved the date to be equally regular for a day in the reign of a king already known, and in the case of all the other five the dates may, if we suppose a mistake to have been made in each case in the number of the regnal year, belong equally to the reign of a known king. So that none of these six dates can be held as quite conclusive of the truth of Mr. Swamikannu Pillai's theory. (If it should be thought that I am stretching a point by suggesting an alteration, or correction, of the regnal year, I may reply by pointing out that, in thirteen cases Mr. Swamikannu has, in his article under consideration, done the same thing.) The dates which the author considers as corroborative although irregular are Nos. 680, 303. 584, 191 and 308. The first two are in themselves intrinsically irregular. He proposes to regularize each of these by a drastic change, namely, by supposing that whole words, not merely numbers, were erroneously engraved by mistake. No. 584 he regularizes by altering three out of the nve details given, two of these being, like the last, changes of entire words. No. 191 is in itself an imperfect date, the tithi not being given, and he regularizes it by changing the number of the regoal year. In doing so he has not observed that it might be held as correct for the given year of another king whose reign has been already well-established. No. 308 is not in itself a perfect date, but it is quite regular for another reign. He rejects this last date in favour of one which he regularizes by changing the regnal year, but has made the mistake of declaring that his date falls in the given solar month, whereas this is not the case. Any impartial enquirer must, I think, be now convinced that the existence of this new king Jatavarman Sundara with accession in 1270-71 is not at present conclusively proved. There may have been such a king, or may not. What we want is two dates, perfect in themselves and found regular when standing unaltered, corroborating one another, and corresponding with some day prior to August 1276 ; so that no arbitrary change of the stated regnal year could possibly connect them with the reign of the Jatavarman Sundara who ascended the throne in that year. At present we have only two days offered to us by Mr. Swamikannu Pillai prior to August 1276, namely Nos. 680 and 303, and each of these is imperfect. If two such perfect dates can be found then several of the present ones may certainly be held as corroborative; but standing by themselves alone the evidence these offer is insufficient. (To be continued.) 20 Ctuara Ashachi' would be correct by the systems of Garga and the Brahma Siddhanta, but 1 believe that these were not in use.

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SEPTEMBER, 1915] AGNISKANDHA AND THE FOURTH ROCK EDICT OF ASOKA 203 AGNISKANDHA AND THE FOURTH ROCK EDICT OF ASOKA. BY PROFESSOR S. KRISHNASWAMI AIYANGAR, MADRAS UNIVERSITY. In a series of interesting notes which Mr. F. W. Thomas is contributing to the pages of the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, this word in the second sentence of the fourth Rock-Edict of the Buddhist Emperor Asoka occurs as number 6 on pages 394 and 395 of 1914. Examining the views of Senart, Buhler and Prof. Hultzsch, Mr. Thomas gives it as his rendering of Asoka's Aggikha da that it means nothing else than bon-fire. This rendering may be accepted as correct in a general sense ; but it is capable, I think, of a more particular interpretation as a peculiar kind of bon-fire. There is a kind of bon-fire which is of peouliar appropriateness to festivities of a holy character. In temples in South India there is a particular festival of lights' celebrated on the full moon of the month of Kartika (Solar). This is common with a difference of a day to both Siva and Vishnu temples alike. A tree trunk, usually cocoanut or palmyra according to locality, is planted in the ground decorated artificially with buntings and festoons, more or less elaborately according to the means. The shape given to it is generally that of a car. As soon as the lamps in the temple, often many thousands in large temples, are lighted after it is dark, this tree is set on fire. This is ralled in Tamil Sokkappanai, in popular parlance Sokkappanai. This is composed of two Tamil words Sokka the adjective and panai. The first may be rendered either pretty or decorated, and the latter palmyra. This festival is celebrated in commemoration of the victory of Vishnu Trivikrama over the Emperor Bali, whom the former sent into the nether world, having taken up the earth and heaven in two of the "three feet of earth granted to him." It seems to me that Asoka's Aggikhamda is exactly the Tamil Sokkappanai. There are references in the Tamil classics to palmyra trunks having been made use of for beacon-lights in parts. A tall tree trunk was planted with a big lamp of fresh clay on top. Such a one is referred to in the Pattniappalai in reference to the city of Puhar at the mouth of Kavery River. A similar big lamp but without the palmyra trunk is lighted of the Kartika day on the top of the hill at Tiruvannamalai, which I am told is seen for many miles around. If the third century analogue of this palmyra lamp (and this seems only too likely before Asoka got into the habit of planting pillars which eventually developed into the dhvajastambhas or flag staffs of modern times) be what Aboka refers to by the term Aggikha idha, which the Shah bazgarhi version makes Jyotiskandha, what then is the meaning of the second sentence of the fourth Rock Edict? Taking the Girnar version of the Edict as the standard for the purpose, the first three sentences make the statements that for centuries ill-treatment of God's creatures, want of affection towards relations and want of affectionate reverence towards Brahmanas and Sramanas have been the order of things. With the adoption of the dharma by Asoka all this gave way to a better order of things; the beat of this great ruler's drums is lo! really the sound of the dharma; the sights to be seen under this ruler are the sights of cars, elephants, fire-troos and such other holy sights; in consequence of these the evil practices of the people have given place good to such a degree as was never before witnessed. This seems to be the logical order of the ideas. The particle aho (what wonder?) in itself contains a predicate. The beat of drums calling a war muster is only a call to assemble for the celebration of a holy festival. The vimana, elephants, fire-trees and other divine forms

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204 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [SEPTEMBER, 1915 are what would be seen in place of the war-chariots, fighting-elephants, fire-trees and other death-dealing implements of war. Vimana, in its origin, implies an old-world Zeppelin ; but processional cars are su called from a fancied similarity of form, these being always constructed on the pattern of the flying-cars of the gods. Hence the name vimana for the tower of the inner-shrines or the sancta of temples. These took the place of war-chariots. Hasti (elephants) are in the one case merely processional and in the other fighting. Agniskandha (fire-trees) the fostival-trees described above in the one case and combus. tible material propared and ready to be lighted and thrown at an enemy or into his camp &c., in the other. Divyani riipani (forms of gods) are holy sights as opposed to the terrible sights of fighting-men and war. According to the nature of the deity in particular temples and on particular.occasions, all the paraphernalia indicated by these terms are to be seen in festival processions in the larger temples of South India to-day. That these were exactly the features of festivals in the early centuries of the Christian era is in evidence in the twin Tamil classics the Silpadhikaram and Manimekhalai, in both of which is given a rather elaborate description of a festival to Indra. This is a festival lasting for 28 days in all, and seems the one indicated in the Raghuvamia of Kalidasa in the Sloka : Puruhita-dhvajas y-niva tasy-onnayana-pan ktayah || Nav-abhyutthana-darsinyo nananduh saprajah prajah 11 (Canto. IV. bloka 3 ) His (Raghu's ) subjects with their children were delighted at the accession of the new monarch as people looking with upturned eyes at Indra's flag do. The actual form of the dhvaja (flag) described in the sloka may expiain the particular mention of elephants in the edict. Gajakaram chatustarbham puradvari pratish!hitam || paurah kurvanti iaradi Puruhitamahotsavam 11 This is the flag which had the figure of Airavata (Indra's white elephant), painted on it and was kept in the temple of Kalpataru (the tree that gave whatever was wished for) that was hoisted at the beginning of the festival. The festival to Indra was announced to the people by beat of drum taken from the shrine dedicated to Vajra, Indra's thunderbolt. The beginning and end of the festival were announced to the elephant itself at the shrine of Airavata (the elephant of Indra). This intimation is understood to be in token of & request to bring Indra from his heaven. The drum was mounted on the back of an elephant which carried it round the town announcing the festival and enjoining upon the inhabitants to do what had to be done by way of decoration. The whole town was to be in festive trim. Houses of assembly and halls of learning had to be suitably equipped, each in its way for the occasion. Temples beginning with that of the three-eyed Siva to that of the guardian deity of the market-place had to put on festival array. What is pertinent in all this to the question in hand' is that this elephant carrying the big-drum itself was accompanied by Warriors with bright swords, cars, horses and elephants,' the four proverbial elements of an army. 1 It must be noted that the white elephant is in a way sacred to the Buddha algo. ? Silappadhik dram, Bk, V., pp. 141-146.

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SEPTEMBER, 1915] AGNISKANDHA AND THE FOURTH ROCK EDICT OF ASOKA 205 Oliruvaw maravarum terumairum Kaliru suldarakkan murakyambi. (Manimekhalai I, pp. 68-69) On the 28 days that this festival was in progress at Puhar at the mouth of the Kavery not only was it that Indra came down from heaven to preside at the festival, but all the devas in attendance on him also descended to earth, leaving the svarga empty of its people. "Tivakachchanti seydarunaina! Ayirangangoi rannodangula Nalverudevaru nalattahu sirappir Palveru devarumippadippalaridu Mannan Karikal valavaningiyanal Innahar polva toriyalbinadahi Ponnahar varidappaduvarenbadu Tonnilaiyuxaridor tuniporuladalin" (Manimekhalai I, 36-43) On the occasion of propitiation of the thousand-eyed Indra for the benefit of this land, along with Indra will descend into the city of Puhar the four different orders and the various classes of devas as well, leaving the heaven of Indra (Amaravati) empty of the devas just as this city was when the illustrious Karikala left it. This passage contains the idea embodied in the divyani rupani of the edict. These devas in their various degree will find more or less adequate representation in the festive paraphernalia of temples and festivals. From this it will be clear that the divyani rupani need be neither more nor less divine than the other items specified. The passage of the edict under discussion can then be rendered thus : "But now, in consequence of the adoption of the dharma (law of morality) by Devanapriya Priyadarain, the sound of the drum is, lo! but the sound of the dharma, the spectacle presented to the people, processional cars, elephants, bon-fires and others, the representations of the dovas. That is, the drum that sounds is no more the war-drum, and the spectacle presented is no more the merciless destruction of God's creatures both in war and in the chasy. As a consequence of this change in the conduct of the king, the subjects reverse their previous evil practices to the opposite good one in accordance with the proverbial Yatha Raja tata prajah (as the king so the people). This is what exactly is stated in the sentence following. In the edict :-Yarisi, dec. The following twe verses which Mallinatha quotes in his comment on the verse 3 of Canto IV of the Raghuvarna would go to indicate that the festival to Indra is an old institution; and the way in which the two Buddhistic Tamil works treat of this would indicate that this was a cosmopolitan festival in which every one joined. Evam yah kurute yatram Indraketor-Yudhisthira Parjanyak kamavarshi syat tasya rajye na sambayah Yudhisthira. whoever in this manner takes Indra's Hay in procession, in his kingdom . clouds will pour down, as much as is wished for, of rain. Of this there is no doubt. Chaturasrash dhvajakarasi rajadvari pratishthitam Ahuh Sakra-dh rajai nama paura-16ke sukhavaham.

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206 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [SEPTEMBER, 1915 What is quadrangular, in the form of a flag, fixed in front of the palace gate, that they call Indra's flag; it bears on it the happiness of the inhabitants of the city; The first is from the Bhavishyttarapurana. These explanations in regard to the nature of the festival, the allusion that. Kalidasa makes to it as though it were a thing familiar to all, the eclat with which the two Tamil poets describe it and the explanation that the 12th century A. D. Tamil commentary and the later Mallinatha are able to give of its details go to establish the popularity as well as the long vogue of the festival. It would not be surprising if this itself, or something akin to it had been in existence in Asoka's time and if he himself had contributed to rid it of any element of grossness. Any way there is no mistaking the light that this festival to Indra throws upon the edict under consideration. If this should in the least contribute towards the elucidation of the particular sentence in the edict, the Tamil poets deserve to be gratefully studied. THE ADVENTURES OF THE GOD OF MADURA. BY V. VENKATACHALLAM IYER, NELLORE. (Continued from Vol. XLII, page 72.) In the reign of this monarch, Ugra-Pandya, it came to pass that for a second time the land suffered from famine and scarcity. On this occasion Indra was not to blame, for, the want of rain resulted from a certain collocation of the planets. The king appealed to his father, the god in the temple, for relief from the distress. But he appealed in vain. For, the god confessed himself powerless to control, much less to vary, the eternal and immutable laws of planetary motions. He told the prince, however, that there was an abundance of treasure stowed away in some recesses of Mount Meru ; that the prince might take it if he could, and by largesses out of it alleviate the sufferings of his subjects. The king made up his mind to venture on the enterprise. He left Madura and steadily marched northwards. He passed through the Dekhan. He went up to Benares, where he bathed in the Ganges. He proceeded further north, crossed the Himalayas and passed through the several varshas or districts, which lay between the abode of snow and Ilavritavarsha, in the centre of which Mount Meru towered his height. By forced marches, the king came to close quarters with the mountain. The campaign was begun in earnest. After some progress made, the mountain-god was summoned to audience. He, however, proved refractory in the first instance. The Pandya was exasperated. He discharged the rendu or bali against the haughty crown of the mountain. This, the reader will recollect, was the third of the divine weapons which the king as crown-prince had received from his father, the god. The mountain was shaken to its foundations. The divinity of the mountain-god could not withstand the attack. He came down humbly. He appeared before the Pandya with four heads, eight hands and a white umbrella in one of his hands. He wished to know all that was wanted of him. The king badly wanted the treasure of which the mountain-god kept charge. This was readily yielded up. The Pandya took as uch as he cared to have. The mountain-god was now free to air his height as before. The king returned to Madura, with all possible expedition. The people were relieved and comforted and, when the year came round, rains fell with tropical copiousness. After a long and prosperous rule, Ugra-Pandya passed away and became unified with his father, the god of the temple.

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SEPTEMBER, 1915] THE ADVENTURES OF THE GOD OF MADURA [Mount Meru is the central conical mountain of Hindu mythology. In the Hindu system it has replaced the central cosmic tree of earlier mythic conception. It is fairly developed in other systems also. Ideas once in vogue are never allowed to die out in the East. Thus we find that the notion of the cosmic tree exists in the Puranas side by side with that of the cosmic mountain. This tree has passed in the Puranas into the akshaya-vafa, later, localised at Gaya in Hindustan. It answers to the Ygg-drasil of Norse legend. The Sun, the Moon and the stars revolve round this central mountain. They have their roosting places in its caverns. The Sun and the Moon emerge for their daily rounds from opposite sides of Mera. The sendu thrown by the Pandya at the top of Meru is the burning globe of the Sun, as stated already. The white umbrella with which the mountain-god showed himself to the king is a cognisance of the Sun-god. It is the epitome of the Sun-lit firmament, the umbrella-shaped overhanging canopy. The four heads of the mountain are the four heads of the Sun...... the four Equinoctial and Solstitial positions. The eight arms of the mountain-god are the eight cardinal points. The central mountain, as localised in Zoroastrian appropriation, answers to Mount Elburz, which has supplied much of the detail of the description of Meru in Purapic orography.] 207 VI. Ugra-Pandya left a son Vira-Pandya who succeeded his father on the throne. The Brahmans of old learnt the Vedas by rote from oral tradition, without caring to inform themselves of the meaning of what they repeated, much as they do at the present day. In the forest of Naimisharanya dwelt two Rishis, Kanva and Garga, who felt a great desire to learn the meaning of the Vedas. They found no one in that part of the continent competent to enlighten them. They happened to come across a wandering Brahman hermit, a great devotee of Biva, who gave them to understand that the true meaning of Vedic lore could be expounded only by Dakshinamurti, a god who had his seat at Madura, to the south of the big temple. He added that this god could not be propitiated except by a long course of prayer, penance and austerities. The Rishis accordingly went through this course and all three of them set out for Madura. They reached the place in due time. The god condescended to appear to them in the guise of a Brahman Seer, at his seat under a tree known in the vernacular as kallalamaram. The Seer said to the pilgrims that, if they wished to hear him expound the Vedas, they must go with him to the great temple, for he would do no lecturing except under the presidency of the god there. Thither, accordingly, they all repaired, and the Seer proceeded with his exposition. The sum and substance of the Vedas was, as expounded by him, no more than the manifestation of Siva in diverse forms of knowledge of a more or less esoteric character. When the exposition was finished, the god Dakshinamarti disappeared having become one with the presiding god there, This event occurred in the reign of Vira-Pandya. [The substance of the exposition as outlined in the Purana betrays the ignorance on the part of the Saiva-siddhantins of the contents of the Vedas, which really exhibit nothing to the purpose. The Saiva-siddhantins appear to have held, in common with the bulk of the masses, erroneous notions of the matter which is to be found in the Vedas. The exposition of Vedic lore as ascribed to the god Dakshinamurti contains in outline all the creed and dogma of the Saiva-siddhanta. The attempt to represent the creed of the siddhanta as the sum and substance of Vedic teaching was to claim for it the same divine sanction of revelation as also the same sanctity, Dakshinamurti is a form of Siva. He is the Dictaean Jupiter and the kallalamaram is the sacred Cretan ficus.]

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208 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [SEPTEMBER, 1915 VII. In the period when Abhisheka-Pandya ruled, the gods Indra and Varuna (Poseidon) had a disputation about the relative merits of some of the greater gods. Indra informed Poseidon that the god of Madura was the greatest among the divinities, and that his worship sincerely and devoutly performed secured to the votary all that he wished for. Poseidon had long been afflicted with a colic. It had defied the healing art of Aesculapius and the remedial efforts of Eshmun. He wished to know if the god of Madura could cure him of this organic trouble. Indra assured him that the god could certainly do it. Poseidon took it into his head to claim the notice, or test the prowess, of the god of Madura by doing something out of the way. He raised a storm at sea, and sent the waters inland to submerge the country up to and beyond Madura. The king of the land at once proceeded to the temple and prayed to the god to avert the catastrophe. The god of Madura had four clouds nestling in his hair-tufts. He commanded them to go out and drink up the whole flood. They did so, and Poseidon had to go back beaten. He was, however, not minded to take a defeat with anything like composure. As the lord of the waters he had seven giant clouds under his command. He sent them abroad with orders to drink up the waters of all the seven oceans and discharge the same in persistent rain on the town of Madura, so that all the buildings, the temple included, should be levelled down to their foundations. The clouds obeyed. The gates of the firmament were opened and the rains fell in torrents and incessantly, with hail-stones of the size of pumpkins. It was impossible to live in this state of things. It looked as if the deluge had fairly started. The king prayed to the god of Madura to save him, his people and his country from the cataclysm. The god sent out his four clouds to spread themselves over the city like an umbrella and prevent the rain from descending into Madura. The ruse succeeded. No one could say where all the rain went, but not a drop descended on the city. Poseidon, this time, was willing to admit himself beaten. He acknowledged to himself the undoubted superiority of the local god. It behoved him to make amends. He went into the city and walked the way barefooted to the temple. When he had proceeded no farther than the tank of the golden lotus flowers, he understood that his colic left him, he hoped... for ever. He was surprised at the marvel. He repaired to the temple. He rendered homage to the god and addressed a fervent prayer begging for forgiveness of his trespasses. The All-merciful admitted him to grace. Poseidon, before he left, made a presentation of a pearl-necklace for the service the god of Madura. [It was pointed out in the first course of these sketches that there is reason to believe that the earliest capital of these Dravidian tribes was placed somewhere on the coast and that seismic disasters coupled perhaps with political and administrative exigencies suggested the shifting of the capital farther inland. The persistent tradition, repeated in this tale, of an inundation by the waters of the sea, is otherwise unintelligible, and it is impossible to associate any such disaster with the present location of Madura. The name, Abhisheka-Pandya, of the king is suggestive. He was probably the first to be anointed and crowned and to assume the insignia of royalty.] VIII. Thiruppuvanam was a place of Siva worship in Pandyanad. Everything there was regarded as only a form of Siva. In that place dwelt a courtesan, young and beautiful .... the fairest of her sex and age. She was sincerely devoted to the worship of Siva. She

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SEPTEMBER, 1915] THE ADVENTURES OF THE GOD OF MADURA danced frequently in the temple and added an intense devotion to the bond of duty. She spent all she acquired in the way of her calling on religious charities, in the name of the great god. She felt drawn irresistibly towards the god. She conceived a passion for him. She developed a strong desire to set up in the temple a molten image in gold of the god she sodearly loved. But she had not the means. How should her desire.... the one sacred purpose of an otherwise undesirable life.... come to be accomplished? The god took pity on her. One day he appeared to her in the form of an ascetic, and said to her:-"My child, put everything metallic, brass, copper, iron, into the melting-pot, whatever you can lay your hands on, and you shall find it all turned into gold." After giving this direction, the ascetic disappeared. The old nurse scoffed at the idea. The neighbourhood derided. But the woman knew better, for was it not the god that condescended to appear unto her to deliver his message in person? She had faith in the ascetic and in his recipe. That night she went to work in obedience to the precept she had received. On the morrow she was in raptures when she rose to find that the alchemy was successful and a liquefied mass of shining gold formed the contents of the pot. 209 The image was cast. It was so handsome and so like the god that the poor girl lost her heart or her wits and was tempted to kiss the Xoanon on both the cheeks. The warmth of the osculation left indentations on the metal. The god, however, does not appear to have resented the liberty. But the sequel is dull and uninteresting. For we are not told that her devotion met with a good fortune similar to that which attended the efforts of Pygmalion at Paphos with his statue of Venus, the account of which has been rendered for English readers by Dryden's muse. The image was duly installed in the temple. But it has changed with the times and has since assumed a form more appropriate to the sinful iron age. IX. During the reign of Kulottunga-Pandya, a stranger to the district, who was hard-pressed for a living, went to settle at Madura. He was a skilled swordsman. He taught pupils to make a living. He was a married man, and his spouses were sincere devotees of Siva. Among his pupils, one Siddhan qualified as the best. In due time, Siddhan opened a rival school. He was wickedly disposed and harboured envy against his old teacher. He cast about for means to damage the reputation of his former guru and went so far as to tempt the virtue of the guru's wife. She was a very chaste woman, and was known and honoured as such in the neighbourhood, though she was poor and humble. The advances of Siddhan were repudiated with scorn, but his attentions proved intolerable. She hoped that the man would behave better, and intended that her husband should not be made aware of it, as she feared that heavy retribution would be meted out to the erring man. She had great faith in her own courage, and she believed she had a friend in the last resort in the god whom she adored. She was ultimately obliged to appeal to this friend. Her prayer was heard. The god came down in the assumed form of her husband. He called out Siddhan to a duel. They fought with swords. In the end the miscreant, Siddhan, was vanquished, and the disguised god cut him to pieces limb by limb. This done, he disappeared. The on-lookers were lost in wonderment. They believed it was the old guru. Later, however, they met him and found him quite innocent of all that had happened. On comparing notes, they discovered that it could have been no other than the god of Madura who had condescended to champion the cause of the wronged woman.

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210 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [SEPTEMBER, 1915 [This fable puts one in mind of the ill-advised.contest of Marsyas with Apollo, which ended so fatally for the finder of Athena's flute. At the end of the contest, Marsyas was flayed alive by Apollo. The mutilation of Siddhan's body is evidently an Egyptian touch.) Varaguna-Pandya unwittingly caused a case of manslaughter. On one occasion, returning from the chase, he let his horse go at full gallop in the dark. Brahman youth happened to lie sleeping in the wilderness at the foot of a tree. How he came to be there and to make that place his dormitory has not been explained. The horse lighted on his body, and continued his gallop. The king did not notice it, but the man died instantaneously. When this came to be known, the king was sorely grieved, and did his best to make amende for it so far as money would go. But that would not go a long way. To purge himself from the sin he spent much of his time in prayer and penance. He observed many fasts, made several largesses and went through diverse religious ceremonies. But the Furies laid hold of him and the brahmahatya tormented him. He appealed to his godthe god of Madura--for relief, who assured him that he would be rid of his trouble on a future day, when, in the pursuit of his hereditary foe, the Chola, he should enter Thiruvidai. maruthur and worship the god in the temple there. The speciality of the god there was that he worshipped himself. Thiruvidaimaruthur is a celebrated place of Siva worship in the Tanjore district. What had been foretold came to pass in due course of time. The Pandya entered the temple through the eastern gate. As he went in, he felt that the Furies. left him. He duly worshipped the god in the temple. When the service was ended, the god vouchsafed to caution him against returning through the eastern gate; for, at the portals there, the Furies were waiting for his return. The king profited by the advice and passed out at the western gate. He stayed some days at Thiruvidaimaruthur, spending his time in the worship of the god. He built the great western tower and made other consider. able benefactions to the temple. He took leave of the god of Thiruvidaimaruthur and returned to Madura, where he at once reported himself to his own god. The deity was much pleased with the king's devotion and wished to know what he could do for the Pandyan. The latter submitted that he would esteem it as the greatest blessing of his life if he were privileged to see face to face the author of evolution holding his Court in Siva-lokai. The god was pleased to grant the boon. He commissioned his usher, the bull Nandi, to conjure up a vision of Siva-lokan for the benefit of the king and to show him all the wonderful sights of that world. Accordingly, all in a moment, the whole of Siva-lokai was unfolded to the eyes of the wondering Pandyan. The Apis' acted as his cicerone. He saw thore groups of the blessed, drinking ambrosia and taking their ease in flowery arbours and in the cool shades of nectar-dripping trees. He saw there rivers of gold and meadows of emerald. He saw the palaces of the several greater and lessor gods: the mansions of the Dikpalas, the seats of Brahma, Vishou and Rudra : and several other things not avail. able for mortal eyes to behold. Above all, he saw his chosen god enthroned in a central position with his partner by his side and waited on by all the gods, angels, Rishis and the hosts. He was almost entirely lost in bliss. It was too much for nuortal nerves. The bull perceived this and the vision disappeared. Varagapa-Pandya found himself again in the temple sanctum in the presence of his god. The temple at Thiruvidaimaruthur is the Inferum. It is the seat of Osiris. The Pandy who had sinned had to pass through this toalm and atone for the manslanghter before he could be admitted to grace and the regions of light.

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SEPTEMBER, 1915) THE ADVENTURES OF THE GOD OF MADURA 211 The god in this templo worshipped himself, as, into the region of Hades, other gods and angels did not and ordinarily could not go. The souls of mortals pass into the dominion of Hades only through the portals of death. They make their entry into that unknown region through the eastern gate. When the Sun sinks below the horizon in the west, he makes his appearance as the rising Sun in the orient of the nether world. It is even so with the souls of the departed, which pass out through the west and enter Hades through the eastern gate. Thither they are conducted by tha Furies, which stand outside to prevent the egress of the sinners once they have gone inside. The original notion about the experiences in Hades was uninfluenced by the virtue and vice of the life lived here on the earth. But this was manifestly unjust. In later ages a conception grew up of separate compartments in Hades, one for the good and one for the bad. A higher development was to separate the two groups entirely and place them in different localities. The blessed were sent to some islands in the regions of light, while the sinners were consigned to the lethal surroundings of the Inferum. Such was the belief of ancient nationali ties. But it cannot be predicated of any one that he was so pure and righteous that there was not some flaw or irregularity in his life-work; nor that he was so bad that there was not some redeeming feature in all that he did or suffered. While the former could not escape some tribulation or discipline in purgatory, the latter is not consigned to eternal perdition. The former, therefore, has to pass through Hades for expiation before he is qualified for admittance into the isles of the blessed.' The Pandyan had to satisfy the law and had to pass through the temple of Thiruvidaimaruthur before the grace descended on him and he was privileged to behold (in the vision) his admission into Siva-lokal. The god of Madura, as his name suggests is the god of light, and he of Thiruvidaimaruthur presided over Hades.] XI. In the period when Kirtibhushana-Pandya ruled over the kingdom, the deluge super vened. The Tamil districts, Pandynad included, were submerged. All living creatures were wiped out. After the waters were drained back into the ocean or sunk into the earth, the races were again re-created. Vamsasekhara-Pandya was the first monarch of the new creation. The deluge had obliterated all traces of the boundaries of the city. The king was not able to discover the marks on the line of which the new walls to be raised were to be carried. He prayed to the god of Madura, who directed a serpent which was always wound up round his wrist to go down and delineate the boundaries. The serpent wriggled out and proceeded eastwarde, until he reached a certain point, where he stationed himself. He then elongated his tail to an enormous degree and carried it in a sort of circle round the old line of the city walls. When the delineation was completed, he got the tip of his tail into his mouth. The new walls were raised on this perimeter. [This deluge was a local appropriation, something like Deucalion's. The alignment of the city's limits by the agency of the serpent is an adaptation of the symbolism of the

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212 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY SEPTEMBER, 1915 serpent as associated with the Thoth of Egypt and Phoenicia. In Dean Stanley Faber's Origin of Pagan Idolatry (1794 A. D.) we find the following :-"The Egyptians symbolised the world by a circle and placed in the centre of it a hawk-headed snake, denoting the world by the circle and by the snake the Agathodemon. Eusebius says that Taut (Thoth) Was the reputed inventor of serpent-worship. Hence the hieroglyphic of the serpent and the egg was probably ascribed to him. This hieroglyphic looked very much like the Greek . It is probable that the form of the Groek letter 8 was borrowed from this hieroglyphic: that the name of the letter itself as well as the name of the corresponding Hebrew or Phoenician letter Teth 'is but a variation of Thoth or Taut." The egg symbolised the universe and the serpent (the oreator or demiurge) wound himself round it. The symbol of the egg enfolded by the serpent was understood by the Phoenicians (Sanchoniatho in Cory's Fragments ) as the union of Chaos and Ether. This union resulted in the creation of all things. Thoth was the inventor of all handicrafts. He was the divine architect and presided over the construction of cities and towns. Any one who looks at the Hebrew alphabetic character Teth will be satisfied that it is an exact graphic representation of the figure described by the Madura serpent. The claim may be extravagant but the intendment is clear that Madura is the universe in epitome and it is enfolded by the god in the form of his deputy the serpent. Two of the thousand names of the great goddess in Sanskrit have to be explained with reference to this symbolism. RET: NET They both mean the same thing, to wit, She of the form of the letter' Ta', 'She of the form of a Theth'. The great mother in the serpent form entwines tho mundane egg. It would not be possible to account for the idea underlying these names by a reference to the form of the letter in Nagari or other local script. It can only be explained satisfactorily by going back to the Teth of Hebrew and the 8 of Greek.] XII. Once upon a time, the god Somasundara was pleased to discourse to the goddess on the import of the Vedas. The goddess as might be presumed, was absent-minded or inattentive. The god took offence. He pronounced a curse that she should be born as the daughter of a fisherman. The goddess was sorely troubled and begged him to promise a speedy redemption from this state of degradation. He granted that the curse would be at an end when he should claim her in her new birth as his wife. The sons of the goddess were naturally enraged at the treatment to which their mother was subjected. Siddhi Vinayaka, thinking that the Vedas were to blame, made a bundle of the cadjans and threw them into the sea. The younger son, Kumara rushed in and pulled out a cadjan book from the hands of the god--that from which he had been expounding to the goddess and threw it after the bundle removed by Vinayaka. The god was irate and wished to curse his first-born son, Siddhi-Vinayaka. But he restrained himself, as he knew very well that any curse pronounced on this god would redound on the one who uttered it. (To be continued.)

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Ootovna, 1916] KOLLIPAKA 213 KOLLIPAKA. BY LEWIS RICE, C.LE. A PLACE of this name, and one evidently of some importance, is mentioned in inscriptions, chiefly in connexion with the wars of the Cholas against the Western Chalukyas in the 12th century. But, so far as I am aware, it has not hitherto been identified. A record at the Tanjore temple, of the 6th year of Rajendra Chola (1018 A. D.), says that he conquered Kollippakkai, whose walls were surrounded by Sulli trees or bushes (SII, ii, 90). A similar statement is made in a record at Nandigunda, in the Nanjangud taluq of Mysore (EC, iii, Nj 134), whose date is the Saka year 943 (1021 A. D.). In this the name is Kollipake. It occurs again in a record at Tadi Malingi, in the Tirumakudal Narsipur taluq of Mysore (EC, iii, TN 34), of the same king's 10th year. This being in Tamil, the place is again called Kollippakkai. Yet another, of his 12th year, on the Tirumalai hill in North Arcot (SII, i, 95) repeats the same. In a revised version (EI, ix, 233) the phrase surrounded with Sulli trees' is rendered 'surrounded with brushwood.' In support of this, the Dictionnaire Tamoul-Francais is quoted, which gives for Sulli a meaning-broutilles, menu bois sec pour bruler,' and it is suggested that this was perhaps done by the besieging Chola army when setting fire to the city. But there is no mention of its being burnt until more than 20 years later. The next mention of the place is in a Hala Kannada record at Bhairanmatti, in the Bijapur District of Bombay (EI, iii, 230). It states that in the Saka year 955 (1033-4 A. D.) the Western Chalukya king Jagadekamalla (Jayasimha II) was reigning Kollipakeya bidino!, in the camp or residence of Kollipake. Somewhat later, a record of 1045 at Belgami, in the Shikarpur taluq of Mysore (EC, vii, Sk 323), of the time of the Western Chalukya king Trailokyamalla (Somesvara I), gives to a governor under him the titles-guardian of Kollipake '(Kollipakeya kavam) as well as door of the south region' (dakshina-disa-kavatam). The latter would seem more appropriate to the place. We then come to Tamil records of 1046 A. D. at Gangavarapalli, in the Devanhalli taluq of Mysore (EC, ix, Dv 75), and at Manimangalam, in the Conjeeveram taluq of Madras (SII, iii, 51), of the time of the Chola king Rajadhiraja, He, in a war against Ahavamalla (the Western Chalukya Someevara I), is said to have caused Kollippakkai of the enemies to be consumed by fire. Then follows a Telugu record at Chebrolu, in the Bapatla taluq of Kistna District (EI, vi, 233). It is of the Saka year 1049 (1127 A. D.), the 9th year of Vikrama Chola. A feudatory of his, named Nambaya, is styled lord of the city of Kollipaka' and was governor of the Six Thousand country on the southern bank of the Krishnavenna river. The last mention is found in copper plates at the British Museum, obtained by Sir Walter Elliot in the Chingleput taluq of Madras (EI, iv, 1). They are of the time of the Vijayanagar king Sadasiva Raya, and are dated in the Saka year 1478 (1566 A. D.). They are composed in Sanskrit, and record a grant of 31 villages, made at the request of Rama Raja, the ruler of the Karnats kingdom, on behalf of a prince named Kondaruja, to a great sage Ramanuja, for the worship of the god Vishnu and the support of his devotees.

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214 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (OOTORER, 1915 A good portion of the plates is oocupied with details of the villages, and among these is named Kolpaka, described as gramam pratitam cha manoharam, famous and beautiful. Until now I had been dispused, merely on hearsay, to identify it with Ujjini, on the Mysore-Bellary border, one of the five simhasanas of the Lingayats. But I had not been able to visit the place to verify this. The question, however, seems at last to have arrived at a solution in a recent issue of the Times of India newspaper (14th April). Special interest attaches to an account given in it of a visit to what is called Kolipak-the Benares of the South', and there seems little doubt that it must be the place referred to in the foregoing recorde. It is said to be a fairly big village, situated about 4 miles to the north-west of Aler, a station on the Bezwada line of the N. C. S. Railway, and 42 miles from Secunderabad, in the Jagir of Nawab Behram-ud-Daulah Babadur.' An ancient Jain temple there of the Svetambaras has lately been restored with liberal expenditure by Mr. Heeracband Poonamchand, an enterprising and wealthy Jaina Sowcar of Secunderabad. The temple is said to have been founded in the 7th century by a Raja Shankar of the Chalukya dynasty. A number of stone slabs, bearing fragmentary inscriptions in Sanskrit characters, were unearthed during the reconstruction. They are said to be not earlier than the 14th century, and to relate to former restorations of the temple. They have now been built into the walls To the mouth-west, across a narrow channel of water, is a large Siva temple of Somesvara, where also there are inscriptions, from which it is estimated to be about a thousand years old. South-east, inside the village, is a Vishnu temple of Vira Narayanasyami. The people believe it to have once been a Saiva temple, but it has been Vaishnava since at least the 11th century, as is evident from a stone inscription found within of the Chalukya king Vikramaditya VI. Passing on eastward, a small Hanuman shrine is met with, and on the bank of the dried up stream is a fluted monolith column with a square base insoribed, having in relief at the bottom the figure of a Jina with chauri-bearers. Various shrines are scattered about, mostly Saiva. One, which is resorted to by the tailors, has behind the linga & stone statuette of a boarded person with high dress. This image has, carved by his side, & pair of scissors ! Last is a solitary column on the mound in the tank, about 25 feet high, with a long inscription on the four sides of its square base. One side is hopelessly abraded : those that are legible indicate that it was a kirti-stambha erected in 1125 A. D. by Somesvara-Deva. son of the reigning sovereign, the illustrious Vikramaditya of the Chalukya dynasty. Kollipaka is said in it to be & rajadhani or capital, and was probably the residence of the heir apparent. During four generations of the Chalukya kings of Kalyana it seems to have retained its importance, and in the 14th century formed part of the kingdom of Pratapa Rudra, the most illustrious of the Kakatiya sovereigns of Warangal. The place is about midway between the old capitals Warangal and Golkonda, and I think enough evidence bas been collected to show that it is of special historical interest.' It is to be hoped that an effort will be made in the Archeological Department to obtain trustworthy copies of the various inscriptions said to exist there, which seem calonlated to throw light on many obscure points.

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OCTOBER, 1915] THE INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKACHALLA 215 THE INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKACHALLA. BY S. KUMAR, M.R.A.S., CALCUTTA. In the issue for November, 1913, of this Journal, Mr. Ramaprasad Chanda has contributed a note on the Age of Sri-Harsha, in which among other things, he has tried to prove that the king Asokavalla (sic, for Asokacalla) of Sapadalakha cannot be placed at an earlier date than the latter kalf of the thirteenth century. So that, assuming the approximate date of the fall of Lakshmanasena, as he understands the expression Lakhmarasenasyatita rdjya to mean, to be 1200 A.D., he concludr.3 that the two records of Alokavalla (sic) dated 51 and 74 in the atta-rajya era of Lakshmanasena, are to be assigned to 1251 and 1274 A. D. respectively. This conclusion turns upon the date of Lakshmanasena. Mr. Chanda as - sumes that the records are dated 51 and 74 years respectively after the fall of Lakshmanasena, i. e., the initial year of this era was the year of his fall. I have already tried to point out the fact that an inauspicious event had never been commemorated by the institution of an era.1 By a comparison of the almanacs and the copper plate-grant of Sivasimha of Mithila, General Cunningham came to the conclusion, though not an accurate one, that the initial year of Lakshmanasena's era falls in the year 1106 A. D., and that these records being referred to the above era would point to 1157 and 1180 respectively. The error in this calculation was due to the fact that too much reliance was placed on data, which, owing to some unknown mistake in caloulation, did not actually agree with one another. General Cunningham himself felt much diffidence in counting the result he thus arrived at as absolutely correct. Prof. Kielhorn in the 19th volume of this Journal has definitely ascertained from various data, which it would be needless to repeat here, that the initial year of the era of Lakshmanasena falls on 1119-1120 A. D. Prof. Kielhorn has aleo referred to a passage in the Akbarnama of 'Abu 'l-Fadl, to which his attention was drawn by Mr. Beveridge in the course of his preparing a translation of the work for the Bibliotheca Indica, which indisputably supports his views. It is this : " It is also apparent that within the imperial dominions diverse eras are followed by the people of India. For example, in Bengal, the era dates from the beginning of the reign of Lachman Sen, from which date till now 465 years have elapsed."2 Now, if this statement be correct, and undoubtedly 'Abu'l-Fadl was well-informed about the current local date, the number of years mentioned in the passage in Lakshma: a. sa invat, added to 1119-1120 would be 1584-1585 A. D., i.e., A. H. 992-993 roughly. This takes us to the latter part of Akbar's reign, the period during which this part of the Akbarnlima was written. Further ground is afforded by the next passage - "In Gujrat and the Deccan the Salivahana (sic, for Saka) era prevails of which this is the 1506th year. Deduoting 465 from 1506 we get 1041, the approximate date in Saka era of the accession of Lakshmanasena." This view is also further strengthened by the sentence occurring next to the one quoted above : "In Malwa and Delhi, etc., the era of Bikramajit (sic, for Vikramaditya) is current, of which there have been now 1641 years." Now, 1641 - 465 = 1176 in Vikrama Samvat corresponding to 1040-41 Saka year. So that. 1176-1177 V. S. would be equivalent to 1119-1120 A. D., the year of Lakshmasasena's Ante. XLII, 186. 2 Bev. Trans. (Bib. Ind.) II. 21-22.

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216 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [OCTOBER, 1915 accession to the throne of Bengal and the initial year of his era which after his death came to be designated as his atitarajya era. There seems to be no difference whatever between the expressions Lakshmana-saivat (i. e., Lakshmanasena's era) and Lakshmana-senasyatitardjya era. The purvanipata of the word atita in the compound atitarajya is rather significant. The word atita is treated in this compound ag unimportant, if not altogether meaningless, and has no syntactical relation with what follows the compound. The attention is generally arrested by the word rajya. We cannot interpret atitarajya as meaning rajye atite sati. What would be apparent to one who is acquainted with Sanskrit is that it refers to the beginning of a regnal period which has already come to an end. In course of time, as Prof. Kielhorn rightly observes, such phrases as atitorajya are apt to become meaningless, and probably it was already so, in the case of Lakshmanasenasyatitardjya, when the inscriptions in question were incised. Instances are not rare of the use of such meaningless and redundant phrases. In Bendall's Catalogue of Sanskrit Buddhist Manuscripts, p. 70, a manuscript is dated Srimad-Vikramaditya-devapad anam-atita-rajye sai 1503. One acquainted with the materials hitherto collected for a history of the Pala dominion in Bengal would be reminded of such atita-rajya samats used in inscriptions and colophons of manuscripts executed during the period. Mr. Chanda refers to Dunasagara as the landmark in the Sena chronology, and bases his theory on the date of composition of this work. He has brought forward also other literary evidences for substantiating the theory advocated by him. They include among others the Adbhutasigara, which is said to have been written by Vallalasena. The manuscripts quoted above have already been examined in detail in the J. A.S.B., 1913, pp. 274-276. The manuscripts quoted in support of the theory are only modern copies. We are of opinion that the Danasagara and the Adbhutasdgara, probably never formed parts of the original works of Vallalasena. Instances are not rare of works pomposed by unknown scholars and attributed to some luminaries in spheres other than literary. In the case of these works, perhaps the name of a king no longer alive, who figured not altogether unworthily in the contemporary political history of the land, was perhaps put down as their author in order to ensure their popularity. These manuscripts cannot also be supposed to have escaped clever and ingenious interpolation by shrewd and unscrupulous Brahmans. Vallalasena could not have spoken about himself as Nikhila-chakra-tilaka, or as Gaudendrakuniar-Ilana-stambha-vahur-mahipatih. In attributing these works to Vallalasena, probably the authors either out of carelessness did not antedate their works so as to make them synchronous with the regnal period of Vallalasena, or had no exact idea of the Saka year which would come within the lifetime of the sovereign. Any way, their composition was certainly undertaken long after Vallalasena's death, and at a period when people would not care much for the exact synchronism of events or the historicity of the achievements of an idealised sovereign, when a popular idol had already been removed from the real matter-of-fact world and historical accounts about him had been giving way to legends. To return to our arguments, evidence based on modern copies of manuscripts only cannot be matched against the testimony of contemporary epigraphic records, and in the present oase, this piece of literary evidence is not based on any reliable authority. In the light of such facts as enumerated above, Prof. Ki worn was probably right in not changing the dates of the Gaya inscriptions of Asokavalla (sic) in his List of dated Inscriptions of Northern India. The conclusion drawn by Mr. Chanda that the era of Lakshmana

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OCTOMBER, 1915) THE INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKACHALLA 217 sena began with his fall in 1200 A. D. is rather untenable. In April, 1911, an inscription was discovered on the base of an image of the goddess Changi at Dalbazar in the town of Dacoa3. The inscription is dated year 3 in the Lakshma yasena era. In it, the absence of such expressions as gata or atita definitely proves that the inscription was incised during the regnal period of Lakshmanasena, so that the era on which so much has been discussed and so many wise and ingenious theories have been propounded was certainly initiated on the installation of Lakshmanasena. That Lakahmanasena came to the throne in 11191120 A. D. has been definitely proved by the corroboration of 'Abu'l-Fadl. The use of the Lakahmana-sa mvat 74 in the inscription of Asokavalla (sic), also definitely shows that in the 74th year of the era, Gaya and the surrounding country were in possession of the Senas of Bengal. If the conclusion that Lakshmanasena came to the throne in 1119-1120 A. D. be correct, then he could not have lived till 1200 A. D., which is regarded by Mr. Chanda as the approximate date of his fall. In the Madhainagar copper plate grant (J. A. S. B. 1909) it has been hinted that Lakshmanasena, when still a humara, led an expedition against the Kaliigas. This must have been when he had already attained his youth and was capable of leading an expeditionary force into a foreign land. So ihat, this was when he might be assumed to be at least 20 years of age. Now, as he was called to the throne afterwards, it would not be altogether absurd to assume that he must have been at least 22 years of age when he was invested with the regnal authority. Then in 1200 A. D. Lakshmanagena should have attained 22 +81 - 103 years, which is almost a physical impossibility and even against all supposition. Neither do we know of a second era instituted in 1200 A. D. in commemoration of the Turkish raid; and if any were instituted, the death of Lakshmanasena taking place earlier, it would not be styled Lakshmanasenasyatilardjya era. So the argument in favour of the inauguration of a new era in commemoration of the fall of Lakshmanasena in 1200 A. D. does not seem to be valid. Facts and reason equally point to the possibility of promulgating an era on the occasion of his accession, which took place when he has already attained his manhood in 1119-1120 A. D., and in absence of a second era we may safely believe, at least in the present state of our knowledge of the materials for the history of Bengal, that the atitar djyasamvat of Lakshma qasena is the same as the Lak_hmana-sarivat. * Next comes the Nirvana year of 1813. This is a bit more complicated. There is a good deal of differenoe in the opinions hitherto held with regard to the initial year of this era. According to the chronicles of Ceylon and Burma, the Nirvana took place in 544 B. C. But referring to the accession of Asoka, which took place 218 years after the Nirvara, an error of 66 years would be apparent. In fact, in Northern India the true date of the Nirvana was lost sight of at a very early period. Hieun-Thsang gives an account of wide divergence in the opinions held with regard to the initial year of this era, which ranged from 250 to 850 B. C. According to Fa-Hian it was in B. C. 770, or thereabout. Again, from the data of the Puranas, we see that Asoka came to the throne between 311-312 years after the Nirvaoa. With such wide disagreement in premises, there cannot be any definiteness in conclusion. Mr. Chanda, following Dr. Fleet (J. R. A. 8., 1909, 1911 and 1912), concludes that an era starting from B. C. 544, an innovation of the Ceylon Buddhists of the 11th century, was adopted by the Burmese and imported in the inscription of Asokavalla (sic). Well, the chance of such borrowing in the case of the inscription of Purushottama, a chief of Northern India (Kama country) is far too rare; and the more so, in the case of an innovated era of the 11th oentury which, perhaps, did not attain, so soon, such a wide popularity as would impart 3 J. A. S. B. 1913, 290.

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218 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [OCTOBER, 1915. to the supposition of Dr. Fleet and Mr. Chanda even the appearance of plausibility. Dr. Bhagwanlal Indrajit thought that the Pegu era of B. C. 638 was adopted in this inscription. This supposition would perhaps be nearer to the mark, but it is a singular instance of borrowing, and up till now no inscription has been found with a parallel insiance of date borrowed from Burma or Pegu. The suggestion of Dr. Bhagwanlal Ir.draji has been rejected by Dr. Fleet, who has launched another surmise which fails to carry conviction. To us it appears that the Burmese era of B. C. 544 is as bad a supposition as the Pegu era of B. C. 638. The conclusion of Dr. Fleet (J. R. A. S., 1909) that there must have been two Asokavallas (sic) reigning in Sapadalaksha in the latter half of the 12th century does not appear to be well-grounded. The inscription No. 1 dated the year 1813 of the Nirvana era does not, he says, mention that its king " Asokavalla" (sic) was a Buddhist. But it states that " Purushottama," a king of Kama (Kumaon) country, seeing that the religion of Buddha was in decadance, sought the help of two neighbouring kings, King Asokacalla (read by Dr. Fleet and General Cunningham as Asokavalla) of the Sapadalakea (Savalakh) mountains and the King of the Chindas, and restored the religion to its pure state. "If Asokacalla (Dr. Fleet's Asokavalla) had not been a Buddhist, he would not have taken an interest in the religious work of Purushottama, and the latter could not have sought his help in the work of "restoration of the religion of Buddha to its purity." Moreover, the very mention of the name of Asokachalla (Dr. Fleet's Asokatalla) in such an inscription and in such a record shows that he cannot be other than a Buddhist. The inscription No. 3 dated in the year 74 of the Lakshmanasena era, says Dr. Fleet, mention is made of Jinendra, which he understands to refer to Mahavira, the 24th Tirthaikara. But referring to Mahkvyutpatti one can easily find that Jina is also an epithet of Buddha, to whom it is very often applied in the Mahayana Sutras. But we have further to add that the word is not Jinendra at all, Hevajra, but which is exclusively a Buddhist name. The passage reads as follows: Hevajra-charan-dravinda-makaranda-madhukara-phalakara. With regard to the inscription No. 4 from Gopesvara, Dr. Fleet has been misled by the mention of Siva and his trident, and conjectures that Asokavalla (sic) was a Saiva. But the bare mention of Siva and his trident does not warrant us at all in passing any decisive judgment on his religious belief and locating him in the niche of Saivism. A 12th-century Buddhist was not very particular about the gods he worshipped, and chose them indiscriminately from the Buddhist and Hindu pantheons. Finally the reading Asokavalla is certainly erroneous. The inscription dated the year 1813 in the Nirvana era and the one dated the year 74 in the Lakshmana-saiat have Asokachalla. It is only in the other inscriptions, which have been very carelessly incised and are abounding in mistakes, that the name Asokavalla appears. We have every reason to reject the latter as unreliable and to adopt the form that appears in the inscriptions which are more neatly and carefully executed. In fact, in those inscriptions where the name Asokavalla appears, practically very little difference exists between v and ch. The question has already beun uiscussed and it is needless to repeat what has been said elsewhere.5 In conclusion, we do not find any reason to change our views with regard to the initial point of the Lakshmara-samat. We still hold that 1119-1120 A. D. was the initial year of the era of Lakshmanasena, that it was instituted on the occasion of his accession and that Lakshmanasenasyalitarajya era is the same as Lak hmara-sanitat. So that, the two inscriptions of Asokachalla dated the year 51 and the year 74 of the Lakshmanasenasyatitarajya era should be placed in 1171 and 1194 A. D. respectively. This was some time after Lakshmanasena ceased to exist, but before the son of Bakhtiyar led his Turkish hordes into Bengal. + Ante, x, 342. 6 Anto, XLII, 186 et seqq. J. A. S. B., (N. 8.) IX p. 27 et seqq.

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OCTOBER, 1915) THE RELIGION OF THE VIJAYANAGARA HOUSE 219 THE RELIGION OF THE VIJAYANAGARA HOUSE. BY C. R. KRISHNAMACHARLU. It is an interesting oocupation to study the religious ereeds of this Royal House at the several periods of its rule. In the case of the Western monarchs, for example, those of England, France, Germany, etc., for a knowledge of their religious life we depend upon diaries, notes, court papers, etc. The writers of these were invariably influenced by their leaning towards or away from the monarchs to which they related. But in the case of the South-Indian monarchs, for building up a tolerably correct idea of their individual faiths we have very definite evidences in records writton on stone and copper. The courtpapers of the Wost, more often than not, caught a diplomatic strain, 80 much so that the vagueness of political records which is natural to such, throws a veil over the realities contained in them. But in the case of almost all Hindu-rather Indian-kings, the inscriptions left by them in the several temples of their empires give us a vivid picture of the material sought for. These inscriptions, dating so far back as the 3rd century B. o. live even to-day as the religious momoirs of these kings. The contents of such records, being facts as hard as the stone and metal on which they are written, are probably the most trustworthy evidence available for our purpose. The inscriptions are, as it were, the declarations of these kings to their contemporaries and messages and remembrancers to posterity and time. What is it that an inscription has to say regarding the religion of the past? The mere symbolio introduotion, in the shape of a linga and a seated or standing bull in front of it, to a inscription suggest to us the fact that the worship of Riva was in great favour with those oonnected with the record. So too, a figure of the garuda bird, with the lankham and chakram and the Vaishnava caste-mark (urdhva pundrum), suggest to us that the worship of Vishnu was held strongly by those to whom this class of records relate. In some cases we have figures of Jinacharya seated in the yogasan posture similarly out in the tops of insoribed slabs, in the spirit of invocation, and historically serving as a symbolio introduction to the records set up by the ancients. Addud to these, the mention of certain gods and goddesses, the gifts made to whom are recorded in the inscriptions are further steps for helping us to solid information in these respects. In determining, however, the religion of the kings of old through inscriptions we must take care to avoid conclusions based merely on such symbolic and verbal evidence for they are, in private records, evidence not of the monarch's religion, but of the donor's only. We shall now proceed to show what were the creeds of this Royal House from the earliest known times, though the attempt made in this note will only give an indication of the religious attitude of the several sovereigns of this dynasty, and not a thorough and exhaustive account of their religious life. Tradition, as well as worked-out history, chows us that the Vijayanagara, or Anegondi (as it is popularly known), House was from its very birth connected with the shrine of Virapaksha on the banks of the Tunge.bhadra. Vicaranya used to perform his penanoo and lead his very austere life in the hiis in this part of the country, traditionally known, from Valmiki's time, as the Pamp&thata, i. e., the banks of the Pampa and historically known as Hampe, One day he came upon a stone oylindrical in shupe which approximated to a linga in form, the most sacred object of worship for Mahe varae (bhaktas of Siva); and his intensely devotional insight saw nothing but a manifestation ni the Mahela in it. This stone became thenceforth the most prized possession and the holiest object for Vidyaranya. He could not rest in peace till he had the linga fittingly ensurined.

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220 THE INDIAN ANTIQUAP.Y [OCTOBER, 1916 - For some time, daily, he had been watching a cow-boy driving up a number of cows amidst those same hills for grazing. This boy had also been watching the silent and serene ascetic frequenting the banks of the Tungabhadra for baths and ablutions. In courso of time, an attachment grew up between the saint and the cow-boy. The non-Brahman in India has ever been drawn by the holy life of the Brahman and has ever thought himself blest if he ministered to the material wants of those who cultivated and spent their thought-power in propitiating God for the prosperity of the king of the land, its people and the entire creation. This spirit of the Brahman's life we find embodied and echoed in thc following invocation uttered by orthodox Brahmans every day after they close their Ramayanaparayanam : Kale varshatu Parjanyah Prithivi sasya alini Kale varshatu Vasavah Svasti prajabhyah paripalayantam Nyayena mergena mahim mahisah Go-Brahmanebhyah subham-asta nityam Lokas-samastah sukhino bhavantu May Parjanya rain in time May the Earth (be) cropful May Vasava (Indra) rain in time Prosperity be to the people! May kings reign in justice May there be eternal good to cows and Brahmans May all the worlds be happy! The finest illustration of this sort of relation between the caring sage and the cared-for monaroh we find in that soene in Kalidasa's Raghuvamia where Dilipa meets Vrsishtha in his drama. So, too, this cowboy lovingly 1:1 worshipfully supplied milk every day to the saint for food, as well as holy offerings in the sacrificial fire. Some time passed thus. Vidyaranya had been growing more ardent day after day in his desire to enshrine the Mahesa, who had deigned to come to him of himself in the form of the linga. In the cow-boy the sage found a disinterested spirit of offering which looked for no return in the shape of any blessing. Time was ripe. Keen was desire. One day the sage thought it fit to call up the cow-boy, who was retracing his steps after bringing in his daily milk-offering and making his usual pranamam, and say to him: "Blessed young man, would you like to be a king?" The innocent boy opened his mouth in awe. The sage's question had surprised him so, that he thought he was being ridiculed. In his discomfiture, the cow-boy said "Swamint Please do not befool me. I have been giving a small quantity of milk every day only because it was a duty on my part to minister to your holy needs. I have been doing tuis. that I might merit the grace of Heaven and be blossed with peace and happiness in my humble and contented household. I have never given way to such extravagance as to hope even in dream for a king's crown. They say that sages know the thoughts of others, If that saying is true, I am sure your Holiness must be able to know my heart, Can your Holiness be serious in what you say?"

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OCTOBER, 1916] THE RELIGION OF THE VIJAYANAGARA HOUSE 221 . The saint would not be stopped, as he had seen that the time was come for perpetuating the worship of the Tanga and transmitting to posterity his spirit of devotion to it, he stopped the boy and materialised his own fervoured thought into the utterance of a wlessing and the grant of boon. The boy was blest and the glow of royalty shone on his brow. The saint invoked the powers and for seven ghatikas there showered gold on the land that was to become the site of the later Vijayanagara, or Vidyanagara. Tho hermit's thought-power made a king out of a cow-boy and through him raised a shrine for Virupeksha. Hindu philosophy believes that the universe is but the materialisation or substantiation of the sankalpa of the Adipursha. Be that as it may, in this case, this city, that was to be the oapital of the greatest and the most powerful empire that Southern India had seen, and the shrine, that was to be the centre of worship and prayers for that part of the country, are both attributed to the sage Vidyaranya. The Royal Race, the Imperial City and the Empire are gone. But the shrine with the Linga of Virupaksha and the image of Vidyaranya are still there. Such in brief outline is the legend of the origin of the imperial city of Vidyanagara and the royal race of Vijayanageriyas. In all the copper-plate records of this house, we find mention of the famous 8.rines of Southern India that the kings use1 to visit and make grants to. The stanzas mentioning these will serve in the course of the prasasti as items in an algebraical formula. They give in succession the shrines they refer to. Srisaila (in Kurnool Dt.), Sonasaila, Ahobala, (in Kurnool), Sangama. Kanakasabha (Chidambaram), Srirangam, Seshachalam, Kanobi, Kalahasti, etc., are all mentioned. And yet, the temples visited by these kings and the grants made by them all go to prove their eclecticism as betweet: Saivism and Vaishnavism. It has been the practice of modern scholars to divide this royal line into three sections, denoting each by a special appellation. The first section is generally known as the First Vijayanagari dynasty, the second as the Second Vijayanagara and the third (and last) as the Third Vijayanagara dynasty. During the period of the rule of the First dynasty, the source of inspiration and encouragement for the Imperial enterprise of the growing Royal House was the shrine of Virapaksha. Its prayers and hopes ho vered about the lotus-feet of Virupaksha. As the Greeks looked to Zeus and Athene in their days of conquest and expansion, the early Vijayanagariyas always cast their eyes on the feet of Virupaksha for the blessings of success and prosperity. With the beginnings of the ascendancy of the second Vijayanagara dynasty we see a wider horizon of religious life growing round the royal household. Npisimha was a staunch Vaishiava, but not a hater of Siva. He continued to be as good a devotee of Siva da any of his predecessors, on the throne. If in the time of the Udayers, SofVirapaksha was the Guardian-God of the Empire and the favourite deity of the palace in the tirse of the second dynasty, he was no less their a Guardian-God and favourite deity. Whether he was certainly the only home-god for these, we have no means of determining. The Vijayanagara throne was still believed to be under the blessed guardianship of the wings of Virupaksha. The king on the throne neither could nor would dismiss Vir apaksha from the place of veneration in his heart. And then what departures or developments do we notice arising in the days of the second dynasty ? Vaishnavism rises in the estimation of the emperors. Now do Vaishnava sarines begin to put an equal weight into the balance against Saiva shrines. Royal grants are now as numerous to the Vishoava shrines as to the Saiva shrines. In their time, too, Virapaksha continued to be the City-god and the Empire-god.

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222 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [OCTOBER, 1916 In Krishnaraya's time we find a more complex religion held by the ruler. Krishna raya's conquests are of the widest range for this Ruling House. His marches began and ended at the sea-borders of Peninsular India. His armies swept like the powerful summer zephyr from the Arabian Sea to the Bay of Bengal, and, like the Northeast monsoon-gale of October, swept across from Ganjam and Simhachalam in the North to Malabar and Ceylon in the South. His ir.scriptions we find in the temple of Nrisimha at Simhachalam and in those of Madura and Tinnevelly. One of his records at Ponnam balam (i.e., Chidambaram) informs us that he had marched up to Simhachalam, where he planted a pillar of victory, and sweeping southward he halted at Chidambaram, on his way probably to the feet of India. At Chidambaram he built a tower for the temple of Nataraja. The Vaishnava temples of Arulala-Perurnal (i. e. Varadaraja) at Conjeeveram, of Srt-Venkatesa at Tirupati and of Ra ganatha at Srirangam, to the orthodox known as Tiruvarangam, and the Saiva temple at Chidambaram contain inscriptions, which record his devotional visits and grants to them. When he recovered the fort of Udayagiri from the Gajapati king, who was just then in temporary revolt against the Vijayanagara throne, he found a beautiful image of Krishna in one of the humble temples there. This he carried with extreme love and veneration to his capital, Vidyanagara, and there he had a temple erected especially for enshrining this image. It is not unlikely that the god, being of his own name, evoked special love and veneration from Ktishnadeva. Here is an instance of sctive royal enterprise in the matter or manifesting special leaning to Vaishoaviem. Krishnaraya was eclectic not only thus far. His eclecticism was of & wider circum. ference than that of any monarch on the Vijayanagara throne, and that he was warmly devoted to Virgipaksha is established by the taste he has displayed in putting up his inscription at Virupaksha's shrine. The Red-slab record, the only one of its kind put up in this temple, or for the matter of that, in all this part of the country, is testimony enough to this At the top of this slab are cut the linga, the bull, and the universally appearing sun and cresceut. That an inscription of this king, relating to Virupaksha, would be consigned to a red slab which is unique among inscribed slabs, shows that Krishoadeva way whole hearted in his devotion to that god. To me it suggests itself, that the poetically minded Krishnadevareya must have taken special pains to secure a peculiar slab for recording this inscription To this combination of devotion to Siva and Vishnu, Krishoadeva added a no less warm devotion to Vithoba. The worship of Vithoba is a phase of Vaishnavism that had its origin, development and numerous following in the Maharashtra country only. As & phase of devotional belief, it is only an importation into and not indigenous to the Karnata country. Several forms of Vishyu had heen known and worshipped in the latter, but not Vithoba. He was only a special development of the Vaishne viem of the Maharashtra. And the fact of the consecration of Vithoba by Krishnadeva, in a temple specially built by him, which is the flower of the sculptural art patronised by the Vijayanagara court, opens to us a new page in the religious creed and the consecrational enterprise of that ruler. During the projection of his conquesta into Mahara shtra Krishoadeva failed not to appreciate the influence of this deity in that part of the country. If the scale and highly artistio nature of a shrine could alone determine the strength of the devotion of the builder to the enshrined, we migit say that Vithoba had the highest place in Krishnadeva's heart. Wonderful are the structures making up this huge temple. The choicest blossoms of the soulptor's fancy have been realised in this shrine. In one place we gaze up on the stonecut medallions in the ceilings of the mantapas ; in an other place we are accosted by the 1 We cannot, even on this basis, conclude that Krishnadeva's ishtadaivatam was Vithoba. From Alasani Peddana's Prologue to his Manucharitram, we learn that Krishnar&ya was attached to Venkatesa. This is also oonfirmed by the fact that copper images of this king and his two queens are found set up in the temple at Tirumalai (North Aroot Dt. For the notice of these by the Madras Epigraphist on page 6 of his reports for 1904 and 1913.

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223: OCTOBER, 1915] THE RELIGION OF THE VIJAYANAGARA HOUSE robust, though mutilated, forms of dvarapalakas. The smoothness of the stone and the delicacy and accuracy of limb-shaping exhibited in this case ehould remind us of the Greek samples of sculpture. Here and there, beside us, as we pass observantly on, lie mutilated images of the gods and goddesses. These are cf black marble. While the calmness of the faces of the images represents to us the serenity of godhood which Hindu philosophy has formulated and Hindu iconography has realised in stone, the wild disorder and the pitiable mutilation which they lie are an echo the spirit of the Muhammadan conquest. Such was the temple in which Krishnadeva consecrated Vithoba. With the raising of this shrine, a gem of sacred architecture was introduced into the metropolis, and through its consecration to Vithoba was introduced a new creed, not substitutory but supplementary-into the palace and the city. Akbar, the great Mughal emperor, was an eclectic to a degree too far advanced for his time. As Sister Nivedita has shrewdly pointed out, his was the Elizabethan period for India, while Aurangazeb's was the Maryan. It was England's fortune, that her Mary preceded her Elizabeth; India's and especially the Mughal Empire's misfortune, that their Aurangazeb succeeded their Akbar. Indian History would certainly have run a different course if the latter had been the latest of the two to occupy the imperial throne, for the great eclectic Akbar was a reformer beyond all his predecessors in religion as well as in art. Scenes from the life of Jesus formed the subject of many paintings in his palace. The Indian epics, Ramayana and Mahabharata, were rendered into Persian and Arabic for the Emperor, and these volumes were, as it were, enshrined in volumes bound especially in silk and gold, Though Muhammadan canons of propriety precluded the imitation of forms in pictures, Akbar engaged many painters, Persian as well as Indian, for work in his palace. Such was Akbar's eclecticism. With him toleration stretched beyond the several forms of Muhammadan faith to Hinduism and Christianity. Krishnadeva, too, was a reformer and a catholic to an equal degree within the fold of the myriad-cultured Hinduism. One has a strong temptation to trace the course of the two parallel lines of the sculptural art and faith-development in the Vijayanagara court. The temple of Virupaksha, the earliest substantial temple built by this House is grand, spacious and of the early plain type in its sculptures. The temple of Vi hoba is a much more refined and elegant edifice. Even in the imperial career of Krishnadeva we have different stages of sculptural art attributable to the several periods of his patronage. The gapura at the first entrance into the Virupaksha temple is lofty, broad and deep. It is very large in dimensions but poor in sculpture. This gopura is attributed to Krishnadeva. In that case it must have been built very early in his reign. At any rate, it must have risen up long before the Vi hoba temple was built. For if Krishuadeva had spread his conquests to the south and seen any of the gopuras of the Chola and Pandya countries before he built this one, he would not have been satisfied with a gopura with sides bare of images, except in the large number of niches and porch like apartments that fill the four faces of this structure. Besides this, the pillars, the ceiling and the well-worked capitals of the Vithoba temple present a striking contrast. Sculptures here are also of a more advanced state of the art. Proportion, profuseness of detail, and delicacy of features are the main points to be noticed in the Vithoba temple. This must certainly mean that the temple was built later than the gopura above referred to though in the same king's reign as that. The columns in the mandapas, the entrances to the gopuras, and the bodies of the gopuras themselves are all very close approaches to those of the Tamil land. It would be valuable to compare the Krishnadeva gopura of the Virupaksha temple with the partly hale gopuras of the deserted Vithoba temple. It should be very easy to

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224 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [OCTOBER, 1915 note that the former presents a very bare and elementarily artistic appearance beside the latter ones. In the case of the Vithoba temple, the inspiration for the consecration came from the North-west while the inspiration for the construction came from the South-east. Maratha faith and Chola art have both left a combined specimen in the Vithoba temple at Vijayanagara. In Achyuta's time the spirit of eclecticism continues to exist. But there are no religious developments seen in his reign. He keeps up his predecessor's memory only. No long strides are taken either in conquest or in construction. The religious life of the palace or the emperor undergoes no change or development. The emperor's consecrational enterprise marches at a rather low speed and makes only very humble stretches. If Krishnadeva's consecration of the image of Krishna is but one and that an humble item in the roll of his consecrations, that of Achyutarayasvamin is probably the only instance and that too a moderate one of Achyuta's time. In Sadasiva's time too, no steps were taken in the wake of Krishnadeva. The reigns of these two monarchs are but a period of gloom. These come after Krishnadeva's reign as night after day. In Sadasiva's time, "the head that wears the crown" lies easy. Kingship and king's person become idolised. They are but like the complacent puppets of all royal lines whose "graph of glory "has begun to descend. The powerful ministers maintain the phantom of an emperor in him, and Ramaraja, the Bismarck of the Vijayanagara court steps forth. With the death of Krishnadeva, personal greatness and intrinsic worth in the emperor vanishes, and ministerial power had begun to grow. The king had become unfit to dream loftily, to build boldly and to think newly in anything. Much less could he think anew in matters religious. But there is one fact that suggests to us that the last two monarchs had become more staunch Vaishnavas. While in Krishnadeva's and earlier copper-plate records we find the expression " he made Heaven his place of rule (instead of the earth)" to refer in poetry to the king's death in Achyuta's and Sadasiva's plates, we find the expression " prapte padam VaishnavamAchyutendre" or "Sadasivendre" to signify the same. Was not Vaishnava influence beginning to creep into the palace more strongly and exclusively than ever before? It is a superstitious tradition that the dynasty of Vijayanagara came to an end only when Siva was neglected in favour of Vishnu. In these days, it is hard to honour any such superstition or feeling. But when one passes through the ruins of Vijayanagara, he is brought face to face with the fact that the Vithoba temple has suffered much damage at the hands of the Bahmani conquerors. It is a matter for wonder that the Virupaksha temple escaped their attacks and plunderings, while Vithoba only bore the evil of them all. If the reason was that the one was guarded more valourously than the other, it is still plained why a temple like Vithoba's was negligently guarded in preference to a plain structure like Virupaksha's. It may also be argued that the guarding was not carried on or conducted by people who had any instinct for appreciation of art. That argument stands on loose sands. To say that only a genius for art had created such a temple, but that there was no such appreciative genius in the court to do its best to save it from the enemy's ravages is off the point. The only explanation seems to be that Vithoba's temple fell into the enemy's hands while the Hindus were off their guard, and that they made it too hard for the foe to pluck even a single stone off the walls of Virapaksha's temple by a prompt garrisoning and heroic defence. The mystic logic of the Hindu mind has attributed the fall of the Vijayanagara House to the neglect by its later ruling members of Siva, the guardian god of the House from ancient times.

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OCTOBER, 1915) THE RELIGION OF THE VIJAYANAGARA HOUSE 225 But whatever the unseen force was, Vaishoavism as shown above, was becoming the favourite creed of the Vijayanagara rulers. To what extent was it so? It was so only so far as the personal leanings of the king and his household were concerned. In the plates of Achyuta and Sadasiva, we find only side-rays of the rising Vaishnavism shooting out. For these records, like all older records, begin with the invocation " Sri Ganadhipataye namah," (i. e., Salutation to Ganeba) and end with the colophon Sri Virupaksha, the name of the guardian deity. And the side-rays of the future Veishnavism that we catch are in expressions like "prapte padai Vaishnavam Achyutendre" or "Saddsive." The sun that had cast these side-rays as through clouds presently became more pronounced in appearance and potency. After the second dynasty, came the Ara vitis to play the part of sovereigns for the Vijayanagara Empire. We have already seen that they had been the powerful ministers of the last two of its members. At first merely powerful ministers, they were soon on the way of becoming emperors. From de facto kingship they rose to de jure kingship. The battle of Talikota had left the Aravitis the only powerful entities in the crest-fallen Vijayanagara court. So they became kings. It must be remarked that at first the Araviti kings also were originally catholio Vaishnavas. But, if we study the religion of this family, in detail, we find that they were, nevertheless, from the beginning Vaish avas. In tracing their genealogy, mention is made of Rajanarendra, Bijja a, etc., among their ancestors. Rajanarendra is described as a sripatiruchi, i.e., one that finds taste in the worship of) Vishnu. Bijjala is said to have been a muraribhukta. The names of most of the chiefs of this line, which are Raghava, Rama, Sauri, Tirumala, Venkatadri, are all names of Vishnu or his avatdras. Tirumala, the first emperor of the Third Vijayanagara dynasty, the first emperor to rule from Penugonda, retains the system of his predecessors in his copperplate grants. Their initial salutation to Ganadhipati and the invocatory verses addressed to Siva and Lilabaraha (Vishnu), and the ancient colophon Virupaksha, written in Canarese, are found in his grants. These must have been retained merely for purposes of imperial policy and tradition. But that Tirumala's heart was attached to the feet of Vishnu is quite evident from the fact that in more places than one, he is described as Haribhakti-sudhanidhi, i. e., a depository of the nectar of devotion to Hari. Tirumala probably is the last of the Vijayanagara emperors that has the old colophon. With the change of the capital to Penugonca, the imperial grants are made in the presence of the local god Ramachandra. Sri-Virupaksha-sannidhi is no longer the place of grant-ceremonies. Though Tirumala and his successor Ranga made grants before Ramachandra, they adopted the colophon " Sri-Virupaksha." But their successors adopt a new formula. The initial invocation is addressed to Sri Venkatesa instead of to Ganadhipatl. The Moon, the first father of the race, is praised as the brother of Lakshmi, probably in preference to the earlier practice of calling him "the great Darkness-dispelling Light," while Siva and Vishnu were both invoked in the earlier grants, in these later grants we find Vishou exclusively invokod. Thecolophon too ig Sri Venkatesa." This practice continues to the very end of the rule of this royal house. During the time of the Third Vijayanagara dynasty, we notioe a commingling of the family creed and the state creed. To put it in other words, the family creed of Vaishoavism develops into the official creed also. As the Vijayanagariyas drifted southwards from Vidyanagara to Penugonda first and thence later to Chandragirl-from the feet of Virapaksba to the feet of Venkatesa, and from Saivism to Vaishnavism.

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226 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER, 1915. THE NORTH-WESTERN GROUP OF THE INDO-ARYAN VERNACULARS. BY SIR GEORGE A. GRIERSON, K.C.L.E. The North-Western Group of Indo-Aryan Vernaculars comprises two languages, Sindhi and Lahnda. The number of speakers has been estimated Number of Speakers. for the purposes of the Linguistic Survey as follows: Sindhi ... ... 3,069,470 Lahnda ... . 7,092,781 Total ... 10,162,251 As its name implies, the languages of this group are spoken in the extreme North West of India,-in the Panjab, west of about the 74th degree of Where Spoken. east longitude, and, south of the Panjab, in Sindh and Cutch. It is bounded on the West, in the Panjab, by Afghanistan, and in Sindh, by Balaohistan; but, in the latter country, Sindhi has overstepped the political frontier into Kachchhi Gandava and into Las Bela, both of which fall within the geographical boundaries of Baluchistan. In Afghanistan and in Balochistan the languages are Eranian, and are quite distinct Linguistio Bounda- from both Lahnda and Sindhs. On the North, the North-Western ries. languages are bounded by the Pisacha languages of the North-West Frontier, of which Kashmiri is the most important. These are closely connected with the languages now under consideration. On the East, Lahnda is bounded by Panjabi, and Sindhi by Rajasthani. On the South, Lahnda has Sindhi, and Sindhi Gujarati. The position of Lahnda in regard to Panjabi is altogether peculiar. The whole in regard to Panjab is the meeting ground of two entirely distinct languages, neighbouring Indian viz., the Pikacha parent of Lahnda which expanded from the Languages. Indus Valley eastwards, and the old Mid and language, the parent of the modern. Western Hindi, which expanded from the Jamna Valley westwards. In the Panjab they overlapped. In the Eastern Panjab, the wave of old Lahnda had nearly exhausted itself, and old Western Hindi had the mastery, the resulting language being Panjabi. In the Western Panjab, the old Western Hindi had nearly exhausted itself, and old Lahnda had the mastery, the resulting language being modern Lahnda. The latter language is therefore in the main of Pisacha origin, but bears traces of the old Western Hindi. Such traces are much more numerous, and of much greater importance in PanjAbi. Lahnda may be described as a Pisacha language infected by Western Hindi, while Panjabi is a form of Western Hindi infected by Pisacha. Sindhi, on the contrary, shows a much more clear relationship to the Pisacha languages. being protected from invasion from the East by the desert of Western Rajputana. While modern Lahnda, from its origin, merges imperceptibly into Panjabi, Sindhi does not merge into Rajasthani, but remains quite distinct from it. Such border dialects as exist are mere mechanical mixtures, not stages in a gradual linguistic change. On the South, the case of Sindhi and Gujarati 18 nearly the same; but there is a certain amount of real change from one language to another in the border dialect of Kachchhi owing to the fact that Gujarati, although now, like Rajasthani, a member of the Central Group of Indo-Aryan Vernaculars, has at its base remnants of some north-western language. The North-Western Group is a member of the Outer Circle of Indo-Aryan Vernaculars. Position as regards The other members of this Outer Circle are the southern language other Indian Lan- Marathi, and the eastern group of languages, Oriya, Bengali, Bihari, guages. and Assamese. The mutual connexion of all these languages, and their relationship to the Central and Mediate languages, Rajasthani, Pahari, Western

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OCTOBER, 1918) THE N.-W. GROUP OF INDO-ARYAN VERNACULARS 227 Hindi, and Eastern Hindi, is not discussed here. Of them, the only forms of speech that can show any close relationship to the languages of the North-Western Group, are the three Pahari languages. These, as explained in the artiole on the subject in Vol. XLIII, pp. 142 and 159, have, like Sindhi, a basis connected with the Pisa cha languages. The country in which the North-Western languages are spoken is described in the Ancient History. Mahabharata as rude and barbarous, and as almost outside the pale of Aryan civilization. The Lahnda area at that time included the two kingdoms of Gandhara (i. e., the country round the modern Peshawar) and Kekaya (lower down the Indus, on its left bank), while the Sindhi area was inhabited by the Sindhus and Sauviras. In spite of the evil character given to the inhabitants of the country in the Mahabharata, it is certain that the capital of Gandhara, Takshasile, was, as long ago as six centuries before Christ, the site of the greatest university in India. Its ruins still exist in the Rawalpindi District. It was at Salatura, close to this university that Panini, the greatest of Sanskrit Grammarians was born in the 5th or 4th century A. D. In those early times the land of Kekaya also was famous for its learning. We are told in the Chhandogya Upanishad (V, xi) how five great theologians came to a Brahman with hard questions, which he could not answer for them. So he sent them to Asvapati, the Kshatriya king of Kekaya, who, like a second Solomon, solved all their difficulties. Two persons famous in Indian legend came from the Lahnda area. Front Gandhara came Gandhari, the wife of Dhritarashtra, and mother of Duryodhana and his 99 brothers, the Kuru protagonists in the great war of the Mahabharata. From Kekaya, came Kaikeyi, the wife of Dasaratha and step-mother of Rama-chandra. It was through her intrigues that Rama-chandra was sent into banishment, as recorded in the other great Indian epic, the Ramayana. The Western Panjab has always been peculiarly exposed to conquerors from the North and from the West. It was through it Chat the Aryans entered India. The next recorded invasion was that of Darius I of Persia (B. c. 521-485) shortly after the time of the Buddha. According to Herodotus he conquered it and divided it between two satrapies, one of which included Gandhara (Herodotus, iii. 91), while the Indians,' i, e., the inhabitants of the Indus Valley, formed by themselves the 20th satrapy (iii, 94). Beyond this, the authority of Darius did not extend (iii, 101). Herodotus adds (iii, 94) that these Indians are more numerous than any other nation with which we are acquainted, and paid a tribute exceeding that of any other people, to wit, 360 talents of gold dust.' Darius had such complete authority over this part of India, or rather over what was to him and to Herodotus 'India,' that he sent a fleet under Skylax down the Indus to the sea, whence they sailed homewards towards the West (iv, 44). The huge army that his successor Xerxes led (B. C. 480) against Greece contained men from Gandhara and from the Western Panjab. The latter, according to Herodotus (vii, 65, 66), wore cotton dresses, and carried bows of cane and arrows also of cane, with iron tips. The invasion of Alexander the Great (B. U. 327-325) was also confined to the Western Panjab and Sindh. One point of interest that has hitherto escaped notice is that many of the Indian names recorded by the Greek historians of this invasion, who necessarily gave them as pronounced by the people of the Western Punjab, show that the local form of speech at that time must have been some form of Paisachi Prakrit, a language which, according to the present writer, was the main origin of the modern languages of the Western Panja b 1 Although the general opinion of scholars is quite different, I am personally inclined to believe that PAli, the language of the Southern Buddhist scriptures, is & literary form of the ancient language spokon 4t Takshasila. This accounts for the striking points of resemblance between it and Paisacht Prakrit. ? See also Rawlinson's note in his translation of Herodotus iii, 98.

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228 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [OCTOBER, 1915 and Sindh, and also of the Pisacha languages of the North-West Frontier. Such were Peukelaitis corresponding to the Indian Pukkhalavati, Sandrophagos for Chandrabhaga, and Savopakortos for Chandragupta. In the first & medial t is preserved, in the second bh has become ph, and in the third a medial g has become k, exaotly as is required by the rules of Paisachi Prakrit.3 In B. c. 305 Seleucus Nicator invaded India, and after crossing the Indus made a treaty of peace with the Chandragupta already mentioned. In the second century B. o. two Greek dynasties from Bactria founded kingdoms in the Western Panjab. One, that founded by Euthydemus, ended about B. c. 156, and the other, that of Eucratides, about B. c. 20. After them, at various times, other nationalities, Scythians, Parthians, Kushanas, and Huns, invaded India through the North-West and finally, through the same portal, or through Sindh, came the many Musalman invasions of India, such as those of Mahmud of Ghazni or those of the Mughals. We have thus seen that from the earliest times the area in which the North-Western Group of Indo-Aryan vernaculars is spoken has been frequently subjected to foreign influ. ence, and it is extraordinary how little the speech of the people has been affected by it, except that, under Musalman domination, the vocabulary has become largely mixed with Persian (including Arabic) words. In the true Pisacha languages a few Greek words have survived to the present day, such as the Kashmiri dyar (plural), coined money, & corruption of the Greek onvapia, or the Khower drokkum, silver, a corruption of the Greek 8paxui, but I have not met any such instanoes either in Lahnda or in Sindhi. Even the name. Sindhu' of the Indus has remained unchanged, and we meet with nothing like the Old Persian Hindu,' the form that is the progenitor of the Greek 'Ivdos and of our India.' Little is known about the linguistic ancestry of these languages. The immediate pre decessor of Sindhi was an Apabhramsa Prakrit, named Vrachada, Linguistic Ancestry. sury: regarding which the Indian grammarian Markandeya has given us a few particulars. He moreover mentions & Vrachada Paisachi spoken in the same locality. and lays stress on the fact that the Kekaya Paisachf is the principal form of that Prakrit. We have no information regarding the particular form of Apabhramba spoken in the Lahnda tract, corresponding to the ancient Gandhara and Kekaya, except that the people who spoke it were fond of saying a word twice over in order to indicate repetition or continuance (savipsa Kaikeyi), but in Gandhara there are two famous rock-inscriptions of the Indian Emperor Aboka (circa B. c. 250) at Shahbazgashi and at Mansehra which are couched in what was then the official language of the country. This was a dialectic form of Pali, distinguished by possessing several phonetic peculiarities that are still observable in the Pisacha languages and in Lahnda and Sindhi. * Other examplos from the North-West of India, but not necessarily connected with Alexander are : Sanskrit. Greek. Amitraghata Aperpoxarns (change of gk to kh). Kalyapapura Kagarupos (retention of medial p). Kubha Kophen (change of oh to ph). Sindhu Zudos or (Latin) Sindus, (change of de to th). Subhagasens Luqaydonros (change of bh to ph). Cf. the maprixoca of Ctesias, the name of a fabulous man-eating animal of North-Western India, corresponding to some word like the Persian mard-khor. These dates are taken from Mr. Vincent Smith's Early History of India, pp. 224 and 240. See J. R A. S. 1904, p. 725.

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OOTORER, 1915) THE ADVENTURES OF THE GOD OF MADURA 229 THE ADVENTURES OF THE GOD OF MADURA. BY V. VENKATACHELLAM IYER, NELLORE. (Continued from p. 212.) So he revenged himself on the younger son, by cursing him to be born as a dumb mortal boy. The god was exasperated with the bull Nandi, the usher, for having allowed these unruly boys into the presence. In his case the curse was that he should be born as a fish in the sea. All this came to pass. The goddess was born as the daughter of the chieftain of a fishing village. Nandi was born as a shark in the waters there, and became & terror to the fisher-folk thereabouts. He however succeeded in raising the cadjans and secured them on the tip of his nose. After sometime, the chief advertised that whoever should succeed in removing the shark from the waters, to him the chief's daughter would be given in marriage. This was a very fitting opportunity. The god changed himself into a fisherman, and accompanied by his attendants, similarly disguised, reported himself to the chieftain and offered to catch the shark. The offer was accepted. With the help of his men the god succeeded in netting the troublesome thing. The shark was hauled up ashore. The god took charge of the Vedas and claimed the chieftain's daughter in marriage, which was duly celebrated. The spousas prepared to depart for the honey-moon. At once the shark changed into a bull, and the god and the goddess rode on his back. Before their departure, the god made a brief confession to the fisherman chief about the true identity of himself and his bride. The bull flew up into the sky and the chief was left to console hiniself as best he could with the future prospect of Sivalokam. [The story records in part the expiring echo of an ancient Phoenician legend and in part a Puranio fable about the Vedas. It is not difficult to conjecture where this fishing village lay, the chief of which had a goddess for his daughter. Agenor was the chieftain or king of Sidon, the first born of Canaan'. The name Sidon is explained to mean, the fishing village'. The Phoenicians started as fishermen before the discovery of mineral wealth enabled them to become merchant-princes. Europa was the daughter of Agenor. The god in the Tamil fable is the Dictaean Jupiter, who ran away with Europa, rather unceremoniously, and in the changed form of the bull, taking his bride on his back. The slight changes in the Indian fable are due to a desire to bring the story into accord with native sentiment. The bull is a cognisance of Isvara as of Jupiter. It is the Apis of Osiris. In the Puranas we find Siva's bull recognised and described as a second form of Siva. In the Tamil SkandaPuranam this bull is frequently referred to as the second Sambhu (Siva). The throwing of the Vedas into the sea and their being fished up later on is an incident borrowed from the Puranio fable of one of the avatdras. . In ancient times, there was a widely prevalent belief about the sacred books or Vedas of every nation having been subjected to submersion in the deluge and having been recovered after the waters receded or having been lost in the deluge. The information relating to this matter is collected in Faber's Origin of Pagan Idolatry. The Chaldaean sacred books were buried securely in Sippara, the city of the Sun, before the deluge. They were recovered afterwards by the survivors in the Ark. The idea in respect of the Hindu sacred books is variously put in Puranic fables. The main feature is that they were wrested or stolen from Brahma by an Asura and thrown into the ocean or secured at the bottom of it. From there they were recovered by Vishnu in the form of a huge fish. The Tamil story is an adaptation of the Puranic account.

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230 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [OOTOBER, 1915 The reason why the god was unable to pronounce a curse on Siddhi-Vinayaka was that the latter was really a superseded and dethroned deity. He was not in truth the son of the god Siva, but his ancestor. Siddhi-Vinayaka was a sort of Kronos. The dumb boy was due to a mistake, made also in modern times as in classical, that the son-god, who was often represented as a human child with his fore-finger to his lips to suggest his infancy, was intended to be represented as dumb. (Rawlinson's Herodotus).] KhII. In the Tamil Purana we find Madura designated as TITUT ERITTA. The name is not suggestive of any definite location. The word means the position at the end of the twelve.' It is possible that the idea is borrowed from the well-known Sanskrit religious chant of Mantrapushpark adhoniSThayA vitasvAnte nAbhyAmupari siSThati, and ritasti is a unit of lineal measurement of twelve inches. If this suggestion is correct, the name oren should stand for the location of the soul, which is placed twelva inches below the neck, somewhere in the region of the heart. In the attempted explanation of this title and the peculiar sanctity of the Madura shrino, the Tamil Purara gives expression to ideas, which make it very clear that at some remote period, the cult and religion of Osiris passed from Egypt into Southern India and formed the ground-work of the Saiva-siddhanta system of belief. We are told that the universe is the body of Brahma. The tourteen lokas or worlds, which the Universe comprises, are only the several anatomical portions of this body. Of these fourteen lokas seven find themselves in the upper and seven in the lower portion of this body. The Universo being conceived as the body of Brahma, the Creator, and Brahma being conceived as anthropomorphic, the result is that each one of these fourteen lokas is equated to some member or portion of the human frame. There is a further development. Of those fourteen lokas each is self-contained. . That is to say, each loka contains in itself all the anatomical structure of the human body complete. Eo that, each loka contains the locations of all the fourteen worlds. Therefore, each loka is a miniature body of Brahma. Devotion and faith require that every man should on his own person localise the position of all the fourteen worlds, composing the body of Brahma. The earth on which we live aleo satisfies the same law. It is only one of the fourteen Lakas and yet it contains in itself all the fourteen locations. The earth is likewise a portion of Brahmi's body. It is the first of the seven upper lokas in the ascending order. It is that portion of Brahmi's body which corresponds to the Perineum. And again, on the earth itself, the locations of the several tokas or anatomical parts have been marked. India is the only holy land on this planet. The other countries being god-forsaken. India, therefore, appropriates all the fourteen locations. We are thus told that Thiruvalur in Tanjore, where the god is worshipped under the name of Thya garAjan, is the position of the Perineum. The temple at Jambukesvaram, in the island of Sriraigan occupies the location of the membrum virile. The navelor umbilicus is-localised by the shrine at Arunachalam (Trinomali in South Arcot). At Chidambaram, in Cuddalore, the god occupies the region of the heart. The place of the neck is oocupied by the temple at Kalahasti. Higher up, Benares is at the position of the Cerebellum. Topmost of all stands the seat of Kailass on the location of Brahmarandhram, the occipital foramen

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VUKOBER, 1915] THE ADVENTURES OF THE GOD OF MADURA 231 the aperture through which life or the soul is let in and which, immediately after, is hermetically sealed. But Madura stands higher than all these, which after all represent only the anatomical parts of the body. But the body is at its best only matter and as such perishable. The soul is independent of the body. It survives the destruction of the latter even as the creating spirit survives the destruction of all these fourteen worlds. It is divine in essence, and such ig Madura, the soul of this cosmic body of the earth, of the fourteen worlds and of Brahma. This is what we may gather from the Tamil Purdna. [Readers who are familiar with the Osirian myth will at once recogniso that this idea of the cosmic body, with a temple corresponding to each member of that body, is nothing more than an adaptation and elaboration of the fable about the mutilation or the body of Osiris, and the foundation of seats of worship on the spots where the dismembered fragments were alleged to have been interred. Isis was the wife and Typhon or Set was the brother of Osiris. Typhon murdered his brother and out up his body into fourteen pieces .which were divided among the associates of his guilt. Isis recovered the mangled pieces. She made as many statues of wax as there were pieces. Each statue contained a piece of the body of the dead Osiris. Isis summoned the priests of the different cantons in her dominions and gave them each a statue, with strict injunctions that they should establish a form of worship in each division. (Lempriore's Classical Dictionary.) The account is sometimes varied in detail. I shall set out here a passage from Sir. J. G. Frazer's Adonis, Attis and Osiris, page 215, which is very pertinent to the real explanation of the matter in the Tamil Purana. "Typhon rent the body in fourteen pieces and scattered them abroad. But Isis sailed up and down the marshes looking for the pieces. That is the reason, why there are many graves of Osiris in Egypt, for she buried each limb as she found it. But others will have it that she buried an image of him in every city pretending it was his body, in order that Osiris might be worshipped in many places. However, the genital member of Osiris had been baton by the fishes, so Isis made an image of it. Such is the myth of Osiris as told by Plutarch. A long inscription in the temple at Dendereh, has preserved a list of the gods' graves, and other texts mention the parts of his body which were treasured as holy relios in each of the sanctuaries. Thus, his heart was at Athribis, his backbone at Busiris, his neck at Letopolis, and his head at Memphis. As often happens in such cases, some of his divine limbs were miraculously multiplied. His head for xample was at Abydos as well as at Memphis, and his legs, which were remarkably numerous, would have sufficed for several ordinary mortals. In this respect, however, Osiris was nothing to St. Denys of whom no less than seven heads, all equally genuine, are extant." Each loka was complete in itself, because the wax figures of Osiris were equally so as complete models, though each statuette contained only a piece of the mangled body. The lokas represent the nomes of the Nile valley. The division into seven upper and even lower lokas was borrowed from the idea of the division into upper and lower Egypt. To this day it is well-established in popular tradition that one and all of these big Siva compies of ancient foundation were raised on samadhis or graves. The sad experience of Osiris in the Egyptian story, his slaughter and the rending of his mortal remains has been reproduced in Sanskrit in the Kalika-Purana, with a suggestivo

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232 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY OCTOBER, 1915 Variation. (Vide, chap. 18.) Here the victim is the goddess, not the god. The great Siva was woe-begone at the death (by suicide) of his consort, even to the point of dementia. He took the dead body of the goddess on his shoulder, and roamed about like mad, weeping and wailing like a vulgar mortal. The other gods, Brahma, Vishnu and some more, did not know what to do. Their persuasions had failed. Their sympathy did not avail. When was this to end ? When would the distressed god come back to himself and be like one of themselves as before ? They took counsel together. They got into the corpse and as the distracted god proceeded (he started from the west and went eastwards) they cut up the limbs of the cold frame one after another and sot about dropping them at intervals, on the line of march. On each Apot where one of the divino limbs was dropped a temple rose up subsequently, and the goddoss and the god wore duly worshipped there. itisazcintayantaste brahmaviSNucanazcarAH // satIzavAntamvivizurahazyA yogamAyayA // pravizyAthadAvandevAH khaNDazAste satIcavam / / bhUtale pAtayAmAsuH sthAnesthAne vizeSataH // devIkR? paadyugmmprthmaayptkssito|| naDDiyAne coruyugmaM hinAyajagatAntataH // kAmarUpe kAmagirI nyapatayonimaNDalam // tatrai nyapataDUmau pUrvato nAnimaNDalam !! jAlandharestanayugasvarNahAra vibhUSitam || integrita..................* || "So thinking, the gods, Brahma, Vishnu and Saturn entered the dead body of Sati. Having done so, they caused the body to drop down in pieces in successive places. The first to fall on the earth was the pair of the goddess's feet. This fell on Devikutam. And next, the two thighs were received at Uddiana. The pudendum dropped on Kamagiri, where also the navel had fallen a little before. The breasts fell on the mount of Jalandhara. The neok on the mountain of Purna...... To explain the reason of the variation from the god to the goddess, we have to get behind the popular version of the fable and inquire into its deeper meaning, which is not quite within my plan in these sketches, and yet a word in place. Much of the Sanskrit mythology was drawn, mediately, from sources in which the divinity of the moon was ascribed to goddesses and that of the Sun to gods, though the names of both the Sun and the Moon in Sanskrit are of the masculine gender and though, at a certain period, the moon was himself worshipped as a god. If Osiris was the moon-god, his sufferingshad to be transferred to the corresponding deity in the Sanskrit system, who turned out to be a goddess when tho transfer was effected. That Osiris in the earliest conception of the myth was the moon-god has, I think, been made sufficiently clear by Mr. Frazer. (Vide, his Adonis, Attis and Osiris Chap. VIII.) The torn limbs of Sati as of Osiris were fourteen. The march eastwards of the weeping god is suggestive of the course travelled by the cult from the west to the east. Of course, in India as in Egypt we find the mangled limbs of the divine body multiplied in the Sthalapuranas).

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NOVEMBER, 1915) THE DATE OF AKBAR'S BIRTH 233 THE DATE OF AKBAR'S BIRTH BY VINCENT A. SMITH. ALTHOUGH the remarkable disorepancy in the accounts given of the date of Akbar's birth as recorded by contemporary writers has been noticed frequently, it has never been thoroughly discussed and elucidated. The matter is worthy of discussion, not only because the date on which Akbar first saw the light is in itself of interest, and a matter which cannot be left indeterminate by any careful historian or biographer, but also because the thorough investigation of the discrepancy helps a critical student of the sources to appreciate the relative value of the Persian histories of Akbar, and at the same time indicates the nature of the motives which in this case and many others tempted the courtly authors to tamper with the truth. Two distinct and irreconellable statements concerning the date of birth are on record, namely, (1) the official version that the event occurred early in the morning of Sunday, Rajab 5, A. H. 949=Oct. 15, 1542 (old style); and (2) Jauhar's version that it occurred on the night of the full moon (14) of Shaban in the same year, equivalent to Thursday, Nov. 23. Both statements cannot be true. The contradiction must be due either to mistake or to deliberate lying on one side or the other. The third possible hypothesis that both parties may be in error, although admissible a priori, is excluded by the fact that one version, namely that of Jauhar, can be proved conclusively to be true and accurate, the offcial version being the result of deliberate falsification effected for adequate and ascertainable reasons. That proposition is placed in the forefront of my dissertation in order that the reader may not lose sight of the main issue among a multitude of side issues and petty details. Proof will be giver also that the original title conferred upon the child Akbar was Badru-d-din, not Jalalu-d-din, and satisfactory reasons will be shown for the change of title as well as for the change of date. Incidentally, explanations - will be offered of the reasons for the selection of the name Akbar and the name or title Jalalu-d-din. The discussion must necessarily occupy considerable space; it cannot be compressed if the evidence is to be set forth in full, so that any careful student can appraise it at its real value. The subject has been present to my mind for many months, and the conclusion announced above has been arrived at after careful consideration of all relevant facts and arguments. Mr. Beveridge, who until now has upheld the official view, has kindly examined the manuscripts of Jauhar's work in the British museum on my behalf, while the published essay of Kavi Raj Shyamal Das is based on independent examination of other manuscript copies of the same work. No doubt, therefore, is possible that Jauhar recorded the birth as having taken place at the time of the full moon of Shaban, the eighth month of the Muhammadan year, equivalent to Shaban 14, or November 23, 1542, old style, whereas the court chroniclers adupted as the date the 5th of Rajab, the seventh month of the Muhammadan year, equivalent to October 15, 1642. The two statements cannot be harmonized. As observed above, proof can be given that one statement is true, and the other false. The proof seems to my mind so convincing that more could not be required if Adu-l. Fazl were on his trial for forgery.1 It remains for me now to justify those strong assertions. 1 In Abu-l-Fazl the w is pronounced short, although written as if long. The spelling adopted in the text is the bestu

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234 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [NOVEMBER, 1915 It will suffice to give the official version as recorded by three contemporary authors, namely Abu-l-Fazl, Badaoni, and Gulbadan Begam. The first named writer narrates the event with his usual copious rhetoric, from which the essential statements have to be extracted. He'states that: The most holy nativity, to wit-of his Majesty from the sublime veil and consecrated curtain of her Highness.... her Majesty Miryam Makani, chaste one of church and state, Hamida Banu Begam ... occurred when the altitude of Procyon was 38, and when 8 hrs. 20 m. had passed from the beginning of the night [scil. sunset] of 8th Aben 464. Jalalt era (scil. era beginning March 15, 1079), corresponding to 19th Isfandarmiz 911 of the old era [scil. era of Yazdajird beginning June 16, 632], and to night of Sunday (shab-i-yakshamba) 5th Rajab, lunar era [ scil. Hijri] and to 6th Kartik 1599, Hindu era [scil. Vikrama samvat], and to 16th Tishrinu-l-awwal 1854, Greek era [scil. Seleucidan or Syro-Macedonian] ;-4 hrs. 22 m. of the said night (that of Saturday, or rather Sunday) were remaining. The place was the auspicious city and fortunate fort, Amarkot2.' Badaoni gives the same date, stating that: On Sunday, the fifth of the month of the month Rajab, in the year 949 H., the auspicious birth of the Khalifah of the age Akbar Padshah occurred in a fortunate moment at Amarkot3. Gulbadan Begam's account is as follows: In 'Umarkot he left many people, and his family and relations, and also Khwaja Mu'azzam to have charge of the haram. Hamida-banu Begam was with child. Three days after his Majesty's departure, and in the early morning of Sunday, the fourth day of the revered Rajab, 949 H. October 15, 1542], there was born his imperial Majesty, the world's refuge and conqueror, Jalalu-d-din Muhammad Akbar Ghazi. The moon was in Seo.' The reader will observe that the lady gives the date as the fourth, not the fifth day of Rajab. She must either be mistaken, or have used a different almanac, because she agrees with Abu-l-Fazi and Badaoni about the day of the week being Sunday, which fell on the Akbarndmah (cited as A. N.), tr. Beveridge, vol. I, chap. II, pp. 50-55. Abu-l-Fazl spells the name of the town as Amarko, deriving it apparently from the Sanskrit amara, 'immortal'. The same derivation is expressly adopted by Hamilton (Description of Hindoetan, quarto ed., 1820, vol. I, p. 554), who explains 'Amerkote' as meaning, the fort of the immortals.' Tieffenthaler (French tr., p. 122) spells Amaroott'. In the Ain, vol. II, tr. Jarrett, pp. 339, 341, the name is written Umarkot, but in ibid., vol. III, p. 59, it is entered as Amarkot, birthplace of his Majesty ;' and ibid., p. 421, note 1, Jarrett twice writes Amarkot, without diacritical marks. The Imperial Gazetteer, 1908, gives the form Umarkot' (s. v.), and states that it is said to have been founded by one Umar, & chief of the Sumra tribe, but at what date is not known.' Probably the form 'Umarkog or' Umarkot meaning the fort of "Umar (O mar)', is correct, but it is olear that many people always regarded the name as being purely Hindu, meaning the fort of Amar'. The word Amar (amara) ofton is an element in Hindu names. I shall ust the form ''Umarkt', or simply, 'Umarkot'. The statement in I. G. (1908 and earlier ed.) that it was through this town that Akbar, when emperor, marched in A. D. 1591 to conquer Sind' is erroneous. As Raverty truly remarks, Akbar never returned to either Umarkot or Sind (Notes on Afghanistan, p. 601 note). The conquest of the province was effected by Mirzl Abdu-r-rahim Khan Khanan 1590-2. 3 Tr. Ranking, I, 566. 4 The History of Humayun (Humayan-nama), tr. A. S. Beveridge, 1902, p. 167 and text p. 59. The `mrkhwt wh tort gives the name w

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NOVEMBER, 1915] THE DATE OF AKBAR'S BIRTH 235 fifth, and not on the fourth day of the month, according to the standard tables. We may take it as a fact, therefore, that Abu-l-Fazl, Badaoni, and Gulbadan agree in assigning the birth to Sunday, Rajab 5. En quoting those authors I hava purposely refrained from citing collateral details, because they can be considered more conveniently in relation to Jauhar's statements, which will now be quoted in full, so far as relevant. Chap. XI.His Majesty waited for a fortunate hour, and then commenced his journey, leaving all his family in the fortress of Amerkote: the first day we marched twentyfour miles, and encamped on the banks of a large pond. Chap. XII.-The next day, while the king was encamped at the large pond, a messenger arrived from Amerkote with the joyful intelligence of the birth of a son and hoir. This auspicious event happened on the night of the full moon of the month Shaban 949; in consequence of which his Majesty was pleased to name the child. The full moon of religion (Budr addyn) Muhummad Akber. On this joyful occasion he prostrated himself, and returned thanks to the Almighty Disposer of all events. When this joyful news was made known, all the chiefs came and offered their congratulations. The king then ordered the author of this memoir (Jauhar) to bring him the articles he had given in trust to him.' Humayun returned the silver coins and bracelet to the owners, keeping only a pad of musk, which he broke on a china plate and distributod, saying : * This is all the present I can afford to make you on the birth of my son, whose fame will I trust be one day expanded all over the world, as the perfume of the musk now fills this apartment." After this ceremony the drums were besten, and the trumpets proolaimed the auspicious event to the world, As soon as the evening prayers were finished we marched from the pond... After five marches we arrived in the vicinity of Jun.... After this affray we moved on, and took possession of Jun, when the royal tent was pitched in a large garden .. .. from this place a messenger was despatched to Amerkote to bring the young Prince and his mother. On the 20th of the month of Ramzan the Prince arrived, and had the honour of being first embraced by his Majesty on the 35th day of his age ............ During our stay at Jun the king issued orders that all the chiefs of that country should wait on him.... ..... About this time Shah Hussyn having marched from Tatta, arrived within eight miles of Jun, and took post on the bank of the river (Indus). It was one evening during the fast of Ramzan, just as his Majesty had taken his first mouthful of water, that intelligence was brought him of the desertion of Tersh Beg, and of his having joined his enemy, Huseyn ........ Various incidents are next related, and the author prooeeds 5 Probably Gulbadan used a different almanac. Cunninghan points out that 'according to Jervis the Indian almanaca give one year in each decade of each cycle differently from Ulugh Bog's tables, as regards the intercalary year. The result is, that where the years 8,19, and 27 are made intercalary those years will begin one day earlier than in the Tables, and every day throughout each of these yoar will be one day earlier. In the accompanying Tables I have placed Roman numerals against the interdalary years of the accepted reckoning, and stars against the three years which differ' (Indian Eras, 1883, p. 68). 949 is one of the starred years, the 19th, so that Gulbadan Begam was right according to the Indian almanacs. Jauhar seeins to have forgotten an intermediate halt. The party first moved out four farsakhs, or about sixteen miles, and then, after. A rest, went on to the pond (A. N., p. 59). Tardi Beg Khan was the messenger (Badami, I, 568) He was executed in 1566 by Bairam Khan for failure to defend Delhi. 8 Abu-l-Fazl gives an absurdly exaggerated account of the sublime festivities." (A. N., P. 60). 9 Shaban, 29 days less 1416, plus 20-35. Shaban 14 WM a Thursday.

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236 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (NOVEMBER, 1915 During this time intelligence was brought that Byram Beg (Khan), who had fled from the battle of Canouge, was come from Gujerat to join his Majesty. On hearing this joyful news the king ordered all the chiefs to go out and meet him : he was shortly introduced, and had the honour of being presented to his Majesty, who was inuch rejoiced by the arrival of so celebrated a character.'10 Abu-l-Faz! (A. N., 1, 380) fixes the date of Bajram Khan's arrival as Muharram 7,950April, 13, 1643. Muharram is the first month of the Muhammadan year. The same author (ibid., p. 389) states that Humayun left Jun on Rabi'ul Akhir 7,950=July H, 1543. Those dates may be accepted without hesitation. They are quite independent of the birthday date, and no reason can be imagined why they should be falsified. Jauhar (p. 49) does not mention the precise date of Humayun's departure from the camp near Jun. Kavi Raj Shyamal Das gives the following independent translation of Jauhar's text : On leaf 44 of MSS. Tazkirat-ul-waqyat the author Akbar Jauhar, who was Aftabchf or the ewer-bearer of the Emperor Humayun, writes " While the Emperor Humayan was encamped on the banks of a pond, at the distance of 12 kos (=24 miles) from Amarkot on the way to Bukkar, a messenger arrived in the morning from the former place with the joyful intelligence of the birth of a son and heir ; and delivered his charge in the following terms: The Supreme Being has been pleased to bless your Majesty's royal household with a fortunate prince,' which highly pleased the Emperor. This auspicious event happened on the night of Saturdayil the 14th of Shaban A. H. 949=23rd November, 1542=Margsir Sudi 15th Samvat 1599. The moon of the 14th night (full moon) is called Badr, in consequence of which the child was named Badr-ud-din which signifies nearly the same thing as Jalaluddin, the name by which Akbar is commonly known.' Then follows the account of the congratulations and the musk-pod incident. The passage regarding the arrival of Akbar at Jan camp is given thus : Now, the following account of the village of Jun to which Humayan had his Queen Hamidah Banu Begam and the prince Akbar brought from Amarkot by Jauhar, proves that the birth did really happen in the month of Shaban : "Several bands of robbers had to be encountered near the village of Jun; Sheikh Ali Beg returned after putting them to flight. The emperor halted in a garden adjoining the village, and ordered entrenchments to be thrown up round it, then he sent one of the chiefs. to Amarkot to bring the young prince, the females, and the servants. On the 20th Ramzan the prince arrived, and had the honour of being embraced by his Majesty for the first time on the 35th day of his age." This proves to a certainty that the prince was born on the 14th Shaban. A few lines further on, the author mentions the Roza or fast, from which the inference is drawn that the prince did really arrive in Ramzan, the month when the Roza or fast is kept.' Mr. Beveridge (A.N., I, 59 note) certifies that the rendering by the Kavi Raj 'is closer than Stewart's.' But it is really immaterial which version is used, inasmuch as both testify to the fact that Akbar was born on the full-moon night of Shaban. The text used by 10 Jauhar, tr. Stewart, pp. 46-47. 11 According to Cunningham's tables, the week-day was Thursday.

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NOVEMBER, 1915) THE DATE OF AKBAR'S BIRTH 237 the Kavi Raj apparently gives also the day of the month, 14, which is not in Stewart. Mr. Beveridge further points out that there are two editions of Jauhar. Since Mr. Beveridge translated the Akbarna mah, he has kindly re-examined the MSS. in the British Museum on my behalf and informs me that edition No. 1-the original Memoirs, is B.M. MS. Additional 16.711, in which the birth and arrival passages are respectively entered on folios 54 b and 56 a. The edition revised at Jauhar's request by Faizi Sirhindi (B.M., MS. or 1890) distinctly gives Rajab as the month of birth, with Shaban as a marginal note. Faizi omits the words stating that Akbar arrived at Jun on the 35th day after his birth (raz az taulud-i shabzada). But he preserves the day of the month, the 4th for the nativity, applying it to Rajab instead of Shaban. Mr. Beveridge in his letter dated June 6, 1914, which he authorizes me to quote, goes on to say " It seems to me that it is quite possible that the day of the month was the 14th, and that hence Jauhar calls Akbar Badru-d-din. Jauhar, however, adds that Badr and Jalal mean the same thing, that is the full moon, and, of course, the 14th or 15th Rajab would be full moon, just as much as 14th Shaban. 12 Supposing that the day of the month really was the 14th, it is quite possible that the courtiers may have changed it to the 5th in order to make Akbar's natal day a Sunday, which was a sort of special day with him. But I cannot believe that Gulbadan Begam and all the others were mistaken about the month. It is simpler and more probable that Jauhar was mistaken about the month, and that therefore his editor altered the passage and made it Rajab. There could be no object in their giving a wrong month. Jauhai was old and silly." Those remarks give away the whole case, because they admit that Jauhar's editor tampered with the author's manuscript, and that the courtiers probably altered the day of the month in order to bring in Sunday. In reality, there is no question of mistake at all. Jauhar was not mistaken about Akbar's arrival during the Ramazan fast. He could not possibly blunder in that detail. Nor was there any mistake possible about the namegiving. The story of the name-giving in Jauhar is inseparably bound up with the date. Both statements together are either true or false. They could not have come into existence in any conceivable manner as the result of inadvertence or forgetfulness. The discrepancy in the authorities is due to deliberate falsification on one side or the other, and to nothing else. It should be remembered that Jauhar's memoir is believed to have been composed under instructions from Abu-l-Farl, who must have read it. I have been occupied all my adult life in weighing evidence and have no hesitation in finding the verdict that Jauhar's statements are true both as concerning the date and as concerning the naming-indeed, I go so far as to say, that owing to the form in which they are made, they not only are. but must be true. Hence it follows that the allegations of the "courtiers" are false, having been made for definite and adequate reasons which will be discussed presently. 12 Jauhar does not call Akbar Badru-d-din. He states that he himself was present when Hamiyan conferred that name or title for the reason clearly enunciated. He does not say that the two titlos 'mon the same thing'. His comotion is that Badru-d-din signifies nearly the same thing as Jalaluddin, th me by which Akbar i sommonly known.'

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238 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [NOVEMBER, 1915 The following statement will make clear the discrepancy in dates. Dates connected with Akbar's birth. AKBARNAMAH DATE. JAUHAR'S DATE. Event. A. H. 949 A. D. 1542 A. H. 949 A. D. 1642 Arrival of Humavan at 'Umarkot. Jumada'l-aw. Aug. 2313. wal 10 (p. 375). Humayen quitted 'Umarkot ... Rajab 1 Oct. 11 (p. 376). Birth of Akbar ... ... Rajab 5. Oct. 15. Arrival of Humayen at Jan Not stated (p. 380). Akbar left 'Umarkot ... Shaban 11. Nov. 20. ...... Shaban 14, | Nov. 23. full moon. About Nov. 30 (6 or 7 marches). About Dec. 18 (6 or 7 marches) (75 miles but travelling slowly). 35 Days after Dec. 28. birth Ramzan 20. 950. 1543. Akbar arrived at Jan camp .. Shaban 29. Dec. 8 950. 1643. Arrival of Bairam Khan at Jan... Muharram 7. April 13. Humayin left Jan... Rabiu'-1- July 1114 akhir 7. Which of these contradietoky sets of dates is correct? Both cannot be true. Abu-l-Fazl, who takes the date of birth as Rajab 5, accommodates to guit that day three other days, namely, one antecedent and two subsequent. Jauhar, who takes the full moon of Shaban (14th) as the birth day, has no antecedent dates to fit in, but is quite clear as to the subsequent date, Ramazan 20, being the 35th day of Akbar's age. These facta preclude the possibility of mere inadvertence on the part of either Jauhar or Abu-l-Fazl. It is useless to urge that Janhar was old and possibly weak-minded when he finally faired out his memoirs nearly fifty years after Akbar's birth. It is obvious that he did not trust to his unaided memory. His tract is full of minute details which necessarily imply the preservation of contemporary private notes. If he had not possessed guch notes he would not have been asked to write his memoir, nor could be possibly hate performed the vask. Everybody admits that he wrote as a simple, honest man of slight education. There is no rhetoric or nonsense in his book. Mere inadvertence being inadmissible as an explanation of his lates, he must have lied deliberately if his statements are false. Why should he lie! What conceivable object could ne have in inventing thu statements that Akhar was born on the night of the full moon of Shaban and reached his father on Ramazan 20 ? It he was wither inadvertent or 13 This date may be accepted, as being in accordance with eithe birthday 14 The two dates in A. H. 950 may be accepted.

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NOVEMBER, 1915) THE DATE OF AKBAR'S BIRTH 239 a liar his evidence as that of a contemporary and to some extent an eye-witness should be accepted. We must remember that he was actually in personal attendance on Humayun when the news of the child's birth arrived, and that he witnessed the naming ceremony. As further conclusive proof that he was not inadvertent, we have his statement that the child was named Badru-d-din because he was born at the time of full moon (badr). His glogs that Badru-d-din and Jalalu-d-din mean nearly the same thing is not an accurate statement, and is merely an attempt to explain the notorious fact that everybody knew Akbar only as Jalalu-d-din. Having already shown that Jauhar was not a blunderer, and that his narrative is transparently honest, we must believe his account of the naming as well as his dates. Abu-l-Fazl wastes much eloquence in recounting Sunday supposed' miracles or semi-miraculous occurrences connected with Akbar's birth and naming as Jalalu-d-din. One such anecdote is intelligible only on the supposition that he was aware that Akbar had been named Badru-d-din originally. The italios are mine; this is the story Sharif Khan related that when his brother Shamsu-d-din Mu. Khan Atza was in Ghazni, in the 22nd year of his age, he dreamt he saw the moon (mah) come into his arms. He related the fact to his venerable father Mir Yar Mu. Ghaznavi who was a spiritually minded householder, and the latter rejoiced at the happy appearance of the auspicious circumstance and interpreted it to mean that God would, one day, bestow a great privilege upon him which would be the means of exalting their family. And so it turned out, for by the blessings of that full moon (badr) of glory of the heaven (Akbar) the family was raised from the nadir of the dust to the zenith of heaven. '15 That tale applies to Badru-d-din, the Full Moon of Religion,' but has no relevance to Jalal-u-din, the "Splendour (or Glory) of Religion,' I have no doubt whatever that Akbar originally was named Badru-d-din because he was born at the time of full moon (badr), as Jauhar asserts from personal knowledge that he was. The time has now come to consider the collateral details alluded to. Abu-l-Fazl devotes much space and futile learning to the discussion of four distinct horoscopes cast on behalf of Akbar, and in the course of his wearisome disquisition makes certain remarks which bear on the subject of this paper. Two of the horoscopes show Akbar as born under the constellation Virgo, and two as born under Leo, the next preceding constellation. Mr. Beveridge states that Virgo is 'correct--if correctness can be predicated of such matters,' that is to say, it is correct for the Rajab 5 birthday. It is remarkable that two of the horoscopes should have been drawn as under Leo, the constellation preceding Virgo. The fact throws doubt on the official date of birth. Abu-l-Fazl recommends the acceptance of the Leo horoscope drawn by Azdu-l-Daulah Amir Fathu-l-lah of Shiraz.16 Gulbadan also adopts the Leo version' and expresses her gratification that it was of very good omen that the birth was in a fixed sign, and the astrologers said a child so born would be fortunate and long-lived.' 15 4. N. I, p. 43. The significant Persian words are : khkh b wj hm chnn shd khh z brkht nwr yn bdr asmn qdr py@ `dt yn slslh z j`bh nlkh bSwd nmwd (Bibl. Ind. ed. Fascic. I, p. 14). Here Akbar is designated as badr.j.daman,' 'the full moon of the sky.' 16 A. N. Chap. V, Vol. I, p. 96. In the opinion of the writer, this is the most reliable horoscope.

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240 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [NOVEMBER, 1915. Abu-l-Fazl's comments on the discrepancy are significant because they betray hesitation concerning the real date of the birth. Kavi Raj Shyamal Das states in the English version of his paper that Abu-l-Fazl after writing several horoscopes of Akbar that do not tally, says: 'It is but meet that everybody should not know the actual account of the birthday of a sample of creation' (like Akbar). That quotation has been filtered through two translations, and I cannot find anything exactly corresponding to it in Mr. Beveridge's version. But, at p. 123, he translates :-- Owing to the jealousy of God, the truth of the holy nativity remained under the veil of cencealment and was hidden behind the curtain of contradiction.' Those rhetorical words give nearly the same sense as the quotation in the form adopted by the English translator of the Kavi Raj. Abu-l-Fazl proceeds to argue that the discrepant horoscopes agree at any rate in predicting everything favourable about Akbar. The author of the Mira t-i-Afta bnuma, a compilation written in A. D. 1803,17 as quoted by the Kavi Raj, avows uncertainty as to the date of Akbar's birth, saying: In the year A. H. 949 according to some accounts, or in A. H. 950 as others would have it, at Amarkot was born Jalaluddin Muhammad Akbar of Hamidah Banu Begam a descendant of Ahmad Jam. According to the Akbarnama the auspicious birth of the prince took place at Amarkot on Sunday night the 15th [sic] Rajjab A. H. 949, the sun being at the time in Scorpio.' The passage is of value only as showing the existence of doubt on the subject, and for the curious statement that Akbar was born on Sunday, Rajab 15, 949. That statement will be explained presently. Proof having been given that the positive statements of Jauhar are true, it follows that the contrary statements of Abu-l-Fazl, etc., must be false. Those false statements were not made without reason. The principal reason for making them was satisfactorily explained by Kavi Raj Shyamal Das, whose paper published in 1886, convinced me many years ago.18 It will be best to quote his words so far as necessary : 'What led the authors of the Akbar Namah, the Tabaqati Akbari, and the Muntakhab-ut-Tawarikh to record the 5th Rajjab, Sunday, instead of the true date, 14th Shaban, Saturday? [sic].19 My explanation may be embodied in a single term, superstition, still I should like to say something in detail. There is a couplet enjoining on the Hindus to conceal nine things: gef velgedete i dAnayAnApayAna nava gopyAni kArayeta // that is -1, age, 2, wealth, 3, defects in one's household, 4, mantra (Vedic or Tantric), 5, coition, 6, medicine, 7, charity, 8, honour, and 9, dishonour, should be concealed. 17 Elliot and Dawson, VIII, 332. I have not met with any history which gives the year as 950. 18 My Oxford Student's History of India, of which the first edition appeared in 1908, is, I think, the only history of India which gives Nov. 23 as the date of Akbar's birth. 19 Shaban 14 was Thursday.

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NOVEMBER, 1915) THE DATE OF AKBAR'S BIRTH 241 Now, the first of these with which we are immediately concerned, is still strictly observed by well-to-do Hindus, of whom only 10 per cent. of enlightened views would ever dare to lay aside this rule. The annual birthday festivals are in most cases held a day or two previous to or after the actual birthday, and if the date is published in this way, the year of birth is kept a profound secret. Horoscopes of the nobility and gentry are always entrusted to confidential family-priests, who never betray their charge. or are at least expected not to do so. The writer has personally observed people sometimes acousing their enemies of practising witchcraft against the life of some person; and to confirm the charge brought by them, the accusers try to produce fabricated horoscopes bearing special symbols, and a puppet figure of the proposed victim, from the houses of the parties accused. The Mughals borrowed those superstitious potions from the Hindas.' The author proceeds to give instances of superstitions which were regarded by Babur, Humayun, and Akbar, The list might be largely extended. He goes on to argue that Hamida Begam probably reported the faise date, Rajab 5 in order to preserve her child from danger, and that horoscopes were prepared accordingly. It is also possible, he observes, that the court historians themselves may have deliberately published a falser date, from the same motive. That explanation in either form is perfectly adequate. Akbar, as everybody knows, was exposed to constant danger of many kinds during his childhood, so that his mother and her male friends must have been terribly anxious lest harm should befall him. No harm could be more deadly in their estimation than that wrought by witchcraft, ard their beliefs being such as they were, they lay under an obligation to protect the helpless child by every possible means. Nobody knew anything about the existence of Jauhar's private notes, which remained hidden for nearly half a century, and there was nothing to prevent the family from agreeing on a date for public use. The selection of Rajab 5, and the consequent change of name may have taken place in 1545, when Akbar then aged about three, was restored to his father and circumcised with great ceremony. There is some reason to suppose that, as the Kavi Raj points out, he bore the title Jalal-ud-din long before his accession. The fort at Jalalabad was named after him and given him in jdgir when he was about ten years of age and his father was still in Kabul. Naturally, therefore, the title Jalal-ud-din appears on his coinage from the first year of the reign, 1556-7,20 Sir Beveridge's noto 2, A. N., Vol. I, p. 112; Revuty, Notes on Afghanistan, p. 51. There is no doubt that after the death of Hindal in Nov. 1551, his domain of Ghazni with its dependencies was conferred upon Akbar, then in his tenth year, But it is not clear when the name of Jalalabad was given to the new fort at Jof-BhAht, which was the old name of the place. According to I. G. (1908) 8. Jalalabad was founded by Akbar in 1670, somo four years after his accension, Humkyn loft Kabul in January 1566. Ravuty says that "Bayazid, the Byat, says that Humlyn BadshAh built a fort at JOf ShAht, where in after years another fort was built, and called after that Badshah's son-Jalal-ud-din - Muhammad. Akbar BadshAhhy the name of Jalalabad. Humayan, he also says, built this fort in Rajab, 950 H. (June, 1662, A.D.)." Raverty's words "in after years" support the Gazetteer dato, Abu-1-Fazl distinctly states that it was Munim Khan who gavo Jat ShAht its holy appellation and solonized it. As he was governor of Kabul from 1555 to 1500, the bastowal of the name Jalalibad should be referred to that period (4. N. I 566).

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242 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [NOVEMBER, 1915 The concealment of the true date of birth, namely, Shaban 14 November 23, is satisfactorily explained by the desire of the persons responsible for Akbar's safety to preserve him from the perils of witchcraft. The selection of Rajab 5, Sunday, as the official false date seems to have been suggested by special reasons. All students of the history of Akbar are aware that in his later days he paid special reverence to the Sun and Sunday. But that late predilection of his would not explain the selection of Sunday for his official birthday by his relatives in his infancy. They, however, may be reasonably credited with a preference on astrological grounds for the first day of the week, the day of the Sun, which was always highly reverenced by Persians. Abu-l-Fazl in his commentary on one of the rival horoscopes dilates on the glory of the Great Light (the Sun,) the benefactor of the universe, and moderator of the affairs of mortals, and the special bestower of glory, pomp, power, and prestige, (A. N. I, p. 75). There are other similar passages. A powerful motive for the selection of Rajab 5 is found in the statement of Sedillot (Prolegommer 240, as quoted by Beveridge, A. N. I, p. 54, note 5) that Rajab 5 was believed to be the day of Muhammad's conception. Ulugh Beg, we are told, dated that event on Rajab 15. It is curious that according to the quotation cited above, the author of the Mirdt-i-Aftabnuma places the birth on Rajab 15, while stating that the year was uncertain still averring that the day of the week was Sunday 21 It actually was so on Rajab 15, 950. The writer seems to have confused Rajab 5, 949 with Rajab 15, 950. Akbar himself bore the name of Muhammad, but it is so usual for Muslims to bear that name that no significance can be attached to its bestowal upon Akbar. The name Akbar appears to have been suggested by that of the child's grandfather 'Ali Akbar. The name or title Jala lu-d-din was given as a substitute for Badr-ud-din, which could not be retained when the birth was no longer connected with badr--the full moon. It was natural to choose a title which came as near as possible in form to the original one conferred by Humayun, and did not differ too widely in meaning. We do not know when the official birthday was adopted and the consequent change of name effected. But both alterations were made during Akbar's childhood, and prior to the time, A. D. 1852, when Hindal's jagirs, including Jalalabad, named after Akbar, were assigned to the young prince after the death of Hindal. I have suggested that the solemn occasion in 1545, or early in 1546, when Akbar was restored to his father and underwent the ceremony of circumcision would have afforded a suitable opportunity for the changes. It is not unlikely that only a few readers will have had the patience to follow me closely through all the details of a long argument. Those who have done so will be convinced, I think that the argument is sound. It seems to me that no other conclusion on the main issue is possible for anybody who can appreciate the value of evidence. A summary of the results attained may be convenient. The following propositions may be considered to have been finally established, namely : 2 In A. H. 949. Rajab 16 was Wednesday. But in 950, which the Mirat gives as an alternative year for the birth, Rajab 15 was a Sunday. That fast confirms the hypothesis that the official birthday was selected with regard for the supposed date of Muhammad's conception.

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NOVEMBER, 1915) THE DATE OF AKBAR'S BIRTH 243 (1) That the statements of Jauhar concerning both the date of birth and the naming of Akbar are true; (2) That the statements of the court chroniclers concerning the same matters are false; (3) That Akbar was born on Shaban 14, at the time of full moon, A. H. 949 - Thursday morning, November 23, A.D. 1542, old style ; (4) That the child was originally named Badru-d-din, the full moon of religion'; (5) That during his childhood, at some date, probably prior to 1562, the official birthday was substituted for the real one, and, in consequence, the name or title Badru-d-din, which was no longer suitable, was replaced by Jalalu-d-din; (6) That three motives determined the changes in the birthday and name. The first and principal one was the desire to preserve the child from the perils of witchcraft by concealing the true date of his birth. Secondary motives were the preference for Sunday over Thursday, and tho wish to associate the birthday with the assumed date of the conception of Muhammad. Inferences probable, but not certain, are - (1) that the name Akbar was suggested by the name of the child's grandfather, 'Ali Akbar; (2) that the changes of birth day and name took place in 1545 or 1546 when Akbar was restored to his father and circumcised with much ceremony 122 The authorities, as usual, differ concerning the date of Akbar's death. Some years ago the late Mr. William Irvine kindly examined the Persian histories on my behalf, and arrived at the conclusion that the most probable date was October 15, old style (O. S.), or October 25 new style (N. S.)23. "Inayatu-llah, author of the Takmila-i-Akbarnama (E. &. D. VI, 115) 24 gives the date as 9th Azur [Persian month), the night of Wednesday, 12 Jumada II, A. H. 1014. Muhammad Amin, author of the Anfau-l-Akhbar (ibid., p. 248) gives the same date, Wednesday, 12 Jumada II, 1014. Mr. G. P. Taylor accepts 12 Jumada II, but makes it equivalent to 10 Aban [Persian month] of 50 Ildbi (J. & Proc. A. S. B. 1911, p. 710). Abdu-l-Baki, author of the Ma'asir-s-Rahimi (ibid., p. 243), dates the event on the 23rd Jumada I of same year, without mentioning the weekday. The weekday undoubtedly is correct, it being understood that a Muhammadan " Day extends from sunset to sunset. Consequently, hours after midnight on Wednesday-Thursday night, which we should reckon as Thursday a.m., count as Wednesday for Mussalmans. Some corroborative evidence that the day of the week by Muslim reckoning was Wednesday is supplied by Jahangir, who regarded that day as unlucky, calling it kam-shamba (R. & D., Memoirs. I, 9 n.),25 distinguishing it from Thursday mubarak-shumba, his lucky day and birthday (ibid, II, 10, 74). It is extremely unlikely, in any case, that a mistake should be made about the week day. Authoritios differ w to the date of the circumcision ceremony. Mrs. Bovoridge inolines to nocept March, 1548 (Gulbadans p. 179, n.) >> That date, accordingly, was adopted in The Oxford Student's History of India, 5th ed., 1915, p. 180 n. 24 E. & D. means Elliot and Douson, History of India as told by its own Historians. * Rogers and Beveridge, tr, of Jahangir's authentic Memoirs, publ. by R. Asiatic Society, Vol. L, 1909, Vol. II, 1914.

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244 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [NOVEMBER, 1915 According to Cunningham's Tables, 12 Jumada II was Tuesday. The date 23 Jumada I given by Abdu-l-Baki is clearly wrong. Nobody seems to have noticed that Du Jarrie states the date as October 27. Inasmuch as the "new style" came into use in Portugal and Spain from 1582, the 27th means "now style", equivalent to the 17th "old style." The Dominical Letter for 1605, old style, is F, and for new style is B. Either yields Thursday as the day of the week.26 Thursday 1.m. is Wednesday night by Muhummadan reckoning. The corresponding Hijri date would be Jumada II, 14 not 12, and Jumada II, 14, was Thursday by Cunningham's Tables.27 Du Jarrie's account is based on the statements of Jerome Xavier and Benedict & Goes, who were in Agra at the time, and actually had an interview with Akbar the Sunday before he died. On that Sunday he was gay and cheerful, in spite of the alarming current rumours about his health, but two days later, (Tuesday), he was obviously dying. The Fathers do not explicitly state the weekday on which he died, but they cannot possibly be mistaken about the day of the month. Du Jarrie's third volume was published in French in 1614. The Latin translation which I have used appeared in 1616. The correet date of Akbar's death therefore is :Wednesday to Thursday night after midnight, October 17, old style; , 27, new style ; Jumada. II, 14, A. H. 1014. I append the relevant passages from Du Jarrie (India office copy, vol. III) : Page 131. Magnus et potens hic Monarcha XXVII Octobrio MDCV. ita demoritur .. Invaletudinis eius facti certiores Patres, die Sabbathi illum adeunt ... Verim ita hilarum et leatam inta satrapas viderunt, importunum ut censerent de hujus vitae catashophe et ad alteram transmigratione cum ipso tum agere ... At post hidnum rex in extremis passim esse dicebatur.' In English: "This great and powerful monarch on October 27, 1605, so died ... The Fathers, on learning of his illness, attended on him on the sabbath day ... But they saw him so gay and cheerful among his nobles, that they judged it inopportune to discuss with him then the end of this life and the change to the other ... But two days later, every body was saying that he was on the point of death.28 The Fathers did their best to obtain admittance but failed. They were informed that the dying monarch, after he had lost the power of speech, received Prince Salim, and by signs directed him to assume the royal diadem and gird on the sword which hung at the head of the bed. Another sign with the hand commanded the prince to depart That account seem to represent truly what really happened, but this note is confined to the question of date. For that I accept the Jesuit evidence as conclusive. On another occasion I may discuss the evidence concerning the death bed scene, which is more complicated. > Sir Harris Nicolas, The Chronology of History (1833), tables C, D, E. In Persian manuscript 14 might be easily corrupted into 12. 23 Du Jarrie's work whether in French or Latin, is extremely rare, and the third volume is the rarest. Obaptors IV-XV of Book I. In that Volume, pp. 38-137, concern the roign of Akbar. The short title of the work is Rerum Indirarum Thesaurus.

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NOVEMBER, 1918) THE CHRONOLOGY OF THE PANDYA MONARCHY 245 THE CHRONOLOGY OF THE PANDYA MONARCHY. (MR. SWAMIKANNU PILLAI'S THEORY.) BY ROBERT SEWELL. (Contirised from p. 202.) Jatavarman Sundara Pandya. (Accession August 1276.) T have paid very great attention to the question of the date of accession of this king and in Epig. Ind. XI (pp. 259-61) have given full reasons for supposing that it was on a day between 6 and 25 August 1276.21 We have many records of this reign. (414 of 1908). Professor Jacobi published this date in Epig. Ind. XI (p. 135, No. 85) and decided that, for the year 1285, the given week-day, Sunday, did not work out correctly; and his calculation is correct. Mr. Swamikannu Pillai, however, wishes us to accept the date as Sunday 21st October A. D. in that year. The stated regnal year is the 9th. According to all former information October 1283 would be in the 10th, (or even perhaps in the 11th) regnal year of this king. I believe it to have been in his 10th year; so that, taking his date, we must consider "9" as a mistake for "10". Then, though the day was one in the given solar month Tula, the given 7th krishna tithi was properly connected with the following day, Monday, not Sunday; and the nakshatra named was also appropriate to the Monday. The tithi belonged to the lunar month 'Karttika, and it was current on the forenoon of that day; it was therefore the occasion of a Kalpadi ceremony. I hold then that the date may be Monday 22 October 1285, "Sunday" being an error. This really strengthens the author's case because it predicates only two instead of three errors in the original. The date is not to be classed as regular, because the wrong regnal year and the wrong week-day are given. (581 A of 1902). I concur with the author as to this date. It confirms the opinion I expressed as to the date of accession, and it is in itself a perfect and regular. (575 of 1902). Prof. Kielhorn published this date in Epig. Ind. VIII (p. 279, No. 54), stating that the corresponding day was "apparently" 27 August A.D. 1287. The present author names the same day. There is another inscription in the same temple (No. 580 of 1902) which looks as if it were intended to be of the same date, and Mr Swamikannu Pillai has noticed this second date on his p. 228, utilizing it as establishing the reign of a different king altogether and declaring it to correspond to 28 August A.D. 1314 (below p. 252). For prezent purposes I place the details of the two together. It will be seen that the second is mutilated. The first seems to be good condition with the exception of the first figure of the day of the solar month, the second, "1" being legible. The details of No. 575 are copied from the publication of Prof. Kielhori, and as supplied by the Epigraphist. (No. 575). 12th regnal year; Revati; Wednesday ; 3 ks : ; [3]1 Simha. (No. 580). 1[?] regnal year; -vati ; Wed. ... ; 3 kr:; 31 Simha. Mr. Swamikannu Pillai does not explain why, when the responsible Epigraphist read the solar month day in the first case as " [3]1 ", (there being no doubt as to the "1") he decli.res it to be " 29". (As a matter of fact the date, if allotted to A.D. 1287, corresponds to 30 Simha,"31" being taken as an error in the original). Nor does he 21 Prof. Jacobi's No. 88. (Epig. Ind. XI, p. 136), reduces the period to 10-26 August 1276.

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246 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY NOVEMBER, 1915 explain why, with this extraordinary similarity in the dates, he fixes the date of the first as 27 August 1287 A.D. and the second as 28 August 1314. It is true that the details are perfect for A.D. 1314, while for A.D. 1287 the solar day would be wrong by one. Then why not attribute both to A.D. 1314 ? or, if the error is passed over as accidental, both to A.D. 1287, following Kielhorn ? (No. 590 of 1907). I published this date in Epig. Ind. X, (p. 142, No. 75). It is perfectly regular for the 14th year of this king, and as the regnal year is declared by the Epigraphist to be damaged (though he thinks it may be read "13" or "15") the date arrived at by both Mr. Swamikannu Pillai and myself, viz., 20 February A. D. 1290 may, without the correction which he considers necessary, be accepted. There can be no question as to the year, for the record quotes the cyclic year "Virodhin." (Mr Swamikannu Pillai's remarks on this date have become misplaced in his article, and are to be found immediately after his explanation of No. 302 of 1909). (No. 302 of 1909). I published this date in Epig. Ind. XI, (p. 259, No. 107) arriving at precisely the same conclusion as Mr. Swamikannu Pillai. (No. 69 of 1908). This record is dated in the 16th year of a king named Jatavarman Sundara Pandya who has the additional title "Konerinmelkondan" applied to him. The details of the date are the 16th regnal year, solar month Karka, sukla 7, Hasta. Mr. Swamikannu Pillai decides that this corresponds to 4 July A.D. 1291, and states that the moon passed out of Hasta just after sunrise. I think this is correct if the calculation wee made for true sunrise ; but if this is the correct date we must, I think, consider that the 16th regnal year was quoted in error for the 15th. (No. 123 of 1904). Mr. Swamikannu Pillai's calculation is perfectly correct; but the date given is imperfect as it states no week-day, and the combination of Mesha, sukla 9 and Pushya is one that often occurs. It is important that this date, which apparently belongs to the reign of the same king as the last, should be very carefully examined by the Epigraphist, since it states that the given day was the 276th day of the 16th regnal yrar, and this would give us the exact day of the king's accession. I cannot agree with the conclusion put forward by the quthor that it must correspond to 28th March 1292 A.D., and must belong to the reign of Jata varman Sundara (acc. 1276). The date is itself imperfect. As to its consistency with other dater of this Jatavarman Sundara, I may refer to my remarks in Epig. Ind. XI, pp. 259-261. I there gave a list of six perfect and regular dates which, as they stand, unaltered, prove the king's accession to have been later than 5 August 1276. Professor Jacobi's No. 86 (op. cit. XI. 186) is an additional proof, being perfect and regular, and proving accession to have taken place after 9 August 1276. According to these seven therefore the accession period is 10-25 August 1276. The date 69. of 1908 above is, as it stands, inconsistent with this, and so would be 123 of 1904 if it belongs to the same reign; for, if finally determined as the author wishes, it would make the day of accession 26 June 1276 (not 25 June as he states in the heading, or 24 June as given by him on p. 165). Maravarman Vikrama Pandya. (A new king proposed by Mr. Swamikannu Pillai with accession 12 January-29 August 1283). I consider that in this instance the author has established his case. He points out that two records (Nos. 53 and 54 of 1905) mention the king's name, giving the date in the Sakn year 1209, A.D. 1287, while another mentions his victory over the Kakatiya king

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NOVEMBER, 1915) THE CHRONOLOGY OF THE PANDYA MONARCHY 2 47 Ganapati.22 These facts are conclusive that a Vikrama Pandya reigned about the period assigned, and it only remains to try and determine the date of his accession. (No. 143 of 1902). I concur with the date determined for this, viz., 11 January 1286. "Sukla 4" is an error for sukla 14. The date is therefore not quite perfect, but it may be accepted. If so it fixes the earliest possible accession-day as 12 January 1283, the regnal year given being the 3rd. (No. 120 of 1896). This, of the 5th regnal year, is a perfect and regular date and agrees, as fixed by the author, with 14 December 1287. According to it the earliest possible accession-day would be 15 December A.D. 1282. (No. 410 of 1909). The corresponding date is 29 August 1288, but the date in the record is not quite satisfactory, since the moon passed into the given nakshatra more than 8 hours after mean sunrise. If accepted it determines the earliest possible day for the ling's accession as 30 August 1282, since the given regnal year is the 6th. (No. 116 of 1900). A perfect and regular date corresponding to 14 December A.D. 1291. The 8th regnal year is stated, which would fix the earliest possible accession-date as 15 December A.D. 1283 ; but this contradicts the first three inscriptions noted above. Mr. Swamikannu Pillai has not noticed that if the date be accepted we shall have to correct the number of the regnal year, taking the "8th " year to have been quoted in error for the 9th. Then the date will agree with the others. (No. 251 of 1901). This is an unsatisfactory date as the number of the regnal year is very doubtful and, even if we accept Mr. Swamikannu Pillai's suggestion, the quoted nakshatra is not the one which by custom would have been connected with the civil day. I prefer therefore to set this date on one side. The first three of these dates fix the king's accession as on a day between 12 January and 29 August A.D. 1283, as determined by the author. But amongst the five inscriptions noticed only two datos are perfoot and regular, and if accepted without the alteration suggested in No. 116) one of these contradicts the other. Nevertheless I think that Mr. Swamikannu Pillai is justified in his conclusion. Jatavarman Tribh: Vikrama Pandya. (No. 11 of 1894). I find no justification for the entry of this name in the list proposed for our acceptance. Mr. Swamikannu Pillai only offers us one inscription, no other corroborating it having as yet been found. And he gives us two dates, viz., 30 June A.D. 1278, and 1 July A.D. 1305, for either of which he says the details will suit. I take these in turn. The given details are the 9th sukla tithi in solar Mithuna; Thursday; the moon in Svati. 1) For Thursday, 30 June A.D. 1278. On this day at sunrise the moon was certainly in Svati and the 9th sukla tithi was current; but the solar month was not, as given, Mithuna. The day in question was the 3rd day of Karka. For the 9th sukla tithi in Mithuna in that year the week-day was Wednesday, and the moon at sunrise was in Hasta. The day was 6 Mithuna and 1 June. (*) For Thursday, 1 July A.D. 1305. On this day the 9th sukla tithi was current at sunrise and the moon was in Svati as given; but, as before, I find that the current If Vikrama Pandya's accession took place as late as A.D. 1283 it is not probable that the king whom he conquered was the Ganapati whose last known date was about 1250 A. D. It may have been a Vassal of the Kakatiya bearing the same name, or it may have been Queen Rudramma, the gonario name " Ganapati" being applied to her.

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248 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [NOVEMBER, 1915 solar month was Karka and not Mithuna. The day corresponded to 4th Karka. The 9th sukla tithi in Mithuna was connected with Wednesday 2 June A.D. 1305, which corresponded to 7th Mithuna with the moon in Hasta at sunrise. Thus I find Mr. Swamikannu Pillai's calculation in each case erroneous. It is no part of my present purpose to search for an appropriate date. That can be done at leisure. The combination of a 9th sukla tithi with the moon in Svati in the month of Mithuna requires that the civil day should be one towards the end of that olar month. The 9th sukla tithi in each of the years suggested by Mr. Swamikannu Pillai fell early in Mithuna when the combination was impossible. Jatavarman Brivallabhadeva. This is another new king whose reign is considered by Mr. Swamikannu Pillai to be satisfactorily established by the evidence of the four inscriptions of which he quotes the dates. He fixes this king's accession as between 5th April and 12th November A.D. 1291, but the first of his dates proves that the accession conld not have been on a day earlier than 20 April A.D. 1291. (No. 508 of 1909). Mr. Swamikannu Pillai's date is quite correct and the details of it are regular. It corresponds to Friday 19 April A.D. 1297. (No. 499 of 1909). Examining this date, of which the details are Mesha 11. Paurnami, Tuesday, I find that in A.D. 1300, in the solar month Mesha, the 15th sukla, or paurnami, tithi was probably repeated and was connected both with 11 Mesha, which was Monday, and 12 Mesha, Tuesday. The paurnami tithi began about 56m. before mean sunrise on that Monday (4 April A.D. 1300) and ended about 26m. after mean sunrise on the Tuesday (5 April). Properly speaking, therefore, the real paurnami tithi was connected with Tuesday 5 April, but that day was the 12th and not the 11th Mesha. The date, therefore, is not quite regular, also it is imperfect. (No. 642 of 1902). I find the author's date quite suitable for the details given. The 11th sukla tithi is quoted though it only began on the Saturday in question, 3rd April A. D. 1316, about 4 hours after sunrise, and this is not the general rule. But the difference may be accounted for by the tithi in question being the occasion of the Kamada ekada celebration. (No. 689 of 1902). Here there are two daies mentioned in the record. The first is a date in the 21st year of the well-known king Maravarman Kulasekhara (acc. 1314) the beginning of whose reign has been fixed for us by Professor Kielhorn. l'he given date corresponds to Monday 13th June A.D. 1334, the 12th sukla tithi being wrongly quoted for the correct) 11th. The second date Mr. Swamikannu Pillai identifies, though a little doubtfully, with Wednesday, 12th November A. D. 1315, I have examinod this carefully. and conour with the author's view; the details given are peculiar and contain an expression which he characterizes, rightly, as "extraordinary." The date is distinctly unsatisfactory. To sum up this evidence. There is only one perfect date offered to us, which, so far as it goes, shews that it may belong to a king whose reign began inside the year from 20th April 1291 to 19th April 1292 A. D. This is the first date mentioned. The second is imperfect and not quite regular. The third may be held to be perfect and regular ; ite date would go to shew that the king's accession could not have taken place later than 3rd April A. D. 1292. The fourth is hardly to be accepted.

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NOVEMBER, 1915] THE CHRONOLOGY OF THE PANDYA MONARCHY 249 I think the existence of this king, whose accession must be placed on a day between 20 April A. D. 1291 and 3 April 1292, quite possible; and as No. 642 of 1902 mentions his 25th year he lived, if he lived at all, till A.D. 1316. But we require a little better ovidenoo before we oan be quite sure. It should never be forgotten that all the details of & perfoot date (though not of an extraordinarily perfect one, i. e., when the number of the day of the solar month is stated in addition to the rest) will be found suitable to about three days in every century. Thus on his p. 227 the author gives us two alternative European dates for one perfect and regular Paniya date, one in A. D. 1266 and one in 1310. Henoe two of these dates, 499 of 1909 and 642 of 1902, may be found perfectly to correspond with a year some 30 or 35 years before or after the dates claimed for them by the author, and still fulfil all the requirements of the Epigraphist. Maravarman Tribh : Sundara Pandya. (A king named Sundara Pandya is known to have lived about the end of the 13th and beginning of the 14th century]4. D. The author proposes for his accession a day between 19 February and 6 March A. D. 1294.) (No. 342 of 1911). The given details of the date correspond in part to the day fixed by Mr. Swamikannu Pillai, viz., Sunday, 16 April A.D. 1307; but by the usual practice that day would have been called the day of "Hasta," out of which nakshatri the moon passed during the day. The quoted " Chitra" would have been connected with the next day, Monday. The date is not quit, regular. It would probably be found porfect for a year about (roughly) 35 years earlier or later. (No. 343 of 1911). The same remarks apply to this date, mutatis mutandie. It is not quite regular. An error of I was made in the number of the tithi. The author's oalculation agrees with mine. (No. 344 of 1911). In this day the number of the tithi is illegible, and to regalarize the date the author changes the quoted fortnight to make it suit the year he has found for the accession of this king. But this is in my opinion, going too far. In every year the moon was in the quoted nakshatri on some day in the quoted solar month Kumbha. These two details therefore afford no guide whatever. The only guides to the date are the week-day, Monday (this conjunction would occur once in every six years or SO) and the lunar fortnight. The author changes the fortnight. This date is therefore quite useless as proof. And yet I find that Mr. Swamikannu Pillai uses it to fix the earliest possible day of the king's accession, & conolusion I must hold to be inadmissible. It is possible for these three dates to be found regular for quite other years. They are none of them conclusive as they stand. I must hold tho a coassion-date proposed for this king to be at present not proved, Jatavarman Vira Pandya. (A king named Vira Pand ya is known to have lived early in the 14th century. The author proposes for his accession a day between 23 June and 24 July A. D. 1296). I have not been able to ascertain on what foundation Mr. Swamikannu Pillai bases thess possible accession days. Professor Jacobi published five inscription dates of a king (or kings) baaring the same nam; (Ep. Int. XI, 137-39), and Mr. Swamikannu Pillai has given us three more; but in none of them is a day mentioned which would give us the accession limits stated by the latter. He is evidently convinced of their correctness (see the note to p. 226), and it must be assumed that he had some reason, possibly founded

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250 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [NOVEMBER, 1915 on other records, for his decision; but he has not published the dates. Those contained in the paper under discussion, would give rise to a different conclusion altogether; and moreover he does not seem to have noticed that they are contradictory. Putting together his results for records 401 of 1908, 45 of 1906 and 120 of 1908 we should find the accession to have taken place on a day between 17 Deceni ber 1296 and 16 June 1297 A. D. ; whereas his results for records 122 of 1908, 393 of 1906, and 119 of 1908 as they stand would give us the accession period 14 December 1295 to 12 July 1296 A. D. Thus three of his dates, standing unchanged, contradict the other three as to the date of accession, and the dates he gives for accession in the heading of the section do not agree with either group. I think however, that the solution may be found as I have suggested below. It is a historical fact, well-known, that a king called Vira Pandya lived early in the 14th century, but hitherto the date of his accession has not been determined. It is with this alone that we are now concerned. (No. 78 of 1900). The only details given us in this date are the 5th regnal year, the solar month Mithuna, and the moon in Hasta. It is manifest that it would be absurd to attempt to determine the record as belonging to any one year on such evidence, since in every year the moon is in Hasta on some day in Mithuna. Mr. Swamikannu Pillai, however, not only fixes the year and day for us, but does so after changing (13) Hasta in the date to (8) Pushya. He must, I feel sure, feel on reconsideration that such a courie of reasoning cannot stand in the light of common sense. This date must be set aside altogether. It can never prove anything by itself. (No. 401 of 1908). Mr. Swamikannu Pillai's date Friday 28 September A.D. 1302 certainly suits the given details of the date in the record ; and in accepting it all that we need remember is that it would probably be found equally correct for a year about 30 or 35 years before or after A. D. 1302. Professor Jacobi has published this date (Epig. Ind. XI, p. 137, No. 90), arriving at the same conclusion as to the corresponding day. Such as it is it can be accepted if it is held, palaeographically and from its contents, to belong to that year, and if so accepted it fixes the accession as on a day between 29 September 1296 and 28 September 1297 A. D. Relying on the accession-date given in the heading " 23 June to 24 July 1296" the author says that the given date would fall at the beginning of the seventh regnal year. And if so he has to weaken considerably the strength of the date by altering the number of the regnal year and considering "6" to have been stated in error. In such case the date would not be wholly convincing. Accepting it for the time in order to see if it is supported we pass on. (No. 45 of 1906). I concur with the author in his opinion that the date given corresponds to Wednesday 16 December A. D. 1310. It is a perfect and regular date; and the historical allusion whiah it contains to the 41st year of his natural father (he himself was illegitimate) constitutes further evidence that the king in question was the Vira Paudya who reigned at the time of the first Muhammadan inroad into Southern India. To show how careful we have to be let it be noticed that the date is equally regular, as shewn by Mr. Swamikannu Pillai, for Wednesday 22 December A.D. 1266, which fell in the 14th year of that Jatavarman Vira whose accession-date, so far as is known to us from the late Prof. Kielhorn's researches (the king is the "E" of the Professor's List (E pig. Ind. IX),was on a day between 11 November A. D. 1252 and 13 July 1253. (In my remarks above (p. 196) I have suggested that the accession period may now be reduced

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NOVEMBER, 1915) THE CHRONOLOGY OF THE PANDYA MONARCHY 251 - to a day between 20 June and 4 July A.D. 1253). Accepting the cate, as ! think we should do, for 16 December A, D. 1310 we have the erliest possible day of accession fixed by it as 17 December 1296 and the latest 16 December 1297 A.D. It appears fully to support the date of No. 401 of 1908, last examined. (No. 122 of 1908). This date was published by Prof. Jacobi (Ep. Ind. XI, p. 138 No. 92). I have again examined it. We are all three in accord, finding that the details correspond to Thursday, 2 December A, D. 1339. I have further examined it on the chance of its belonging to the earlier Jatavarman Vira Pandya whose accession took place in A. D. 1253, but it does not work out properly for that reign. Granting, then, that the date is accepted as corresponding to 2 December A.D. 1339 we have to consider how it agrees with dates 401 of 1898 and 45 of 1906 (above). The result of the date is to limit the acoession to & day between 3 December A.D. 1298 and 2 December 1296: that is to say the latest possible day for accession is 2 December 1296 ; but I have just shown that from the date 45 of 1906 we have the earliest possible day fixed as 17 December of that year. The two therefore are contradictory, and if this date 122 of 1908 is to be accepted in full we must consider the given regnal year "44" as an error for 43. (No. 398 of 1906). I observe that in this record the last figure of the number given for the regnal year is doubtful. The number is given tentatively as "4 [6] ". As with the last date, if the dates 401 of 1908 and 46 of 1906 are accepted, this number "45" must be changed to 44. The date will then regularly correspond to Wednesday, 13 December A. D. 1340 for which day the given details work out correctly, as stated by Mr. Swamikannu Pillai. The date does not work out correctly for the 45th year of the earlier king of the name (accession in A. D. 1253). (No. 119 of 1908). This date was published by Prof. Jacobi as his No. 93 (Ep. Ind. XI, p. 138). I concur with Mr. Swamikannu Pillai that if we change the " 14th day of the solar month to the 15th, the date works out regularly as corresponding to Monday, 12 July A. D. 1339. (The date fixed on by Prof. Jacobi does not suit the given details and apparently was put forward by some mistake). But the number of the regnal year must, to suit the results of No. 401 of 1908, and 45 of 1906, be changed from " 46" to 43: and as the number 46 is stated by the Epigraphist to be clear in the original the date must not be held as being a regular one. Two changes have had to be made in it, and it is so far unsatisfactory; but the historical allusion in it makes it quite clear that the record cannot belong to a date much earlier than (roughly) the date we have assigned for it, though it might suit a year about 30 or 35 years later, if there should have been another king of the same name then reigning. No such king is yet known. I assume, of course, that palaeographically it belongs to this period. The length, however, of the king's reign points to the Jatavarman Vira of the other records just considered. (No. 120 of 1908). This date was published by Professor Jacobi (Ep. Ind. XI, p. 188). as his No. 94. Both he and Mr. Swamikannu Pillai find that the details correspond to 16 June A. D. 1342, and they are right. The latter tells us that the Epigraphist has decided that the number of the regnal year should be read as 46 in the original, or 49, and nut as 44. Reading it as " 46" the date falls in exactly with the results of Nos. 401 of 1908 and 45 of 1906, and it is thus found to be in every particular regular.

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252 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (NOVEMBER, 1915 As already stated the results of Nos. 401 of 1908, 45 of 1906 and 120 of 1908 give us the king's accession as on a day between 17 December 1296 and 16 June 1297 A. D.; and if we allow the changes in the numbers of the regnal years in Nos. 122 of 1908, 393 of 1906, and 119 of 1908 to be made as suggested, the results of these three also will agree with that fixture. Jatavarman Sundara Pandya. (Accession between 29 Aug. 1302 and 28 Aug. 1303 A, D. according to Mr. Swamikannu Pillai.) No. 580 of 1902. I have already remarked (above p. 245) on the extreme similarity between the details of this date and those of another record, No. 575 of 1902, both engraved on the walls of the same temple; a similarity so marked as to leave no doubt on the mind that both refer to the same day. And I have there criticized the course which Mr. Swamikannu Pillai has adopted in assigning one of these to 27 August A. D. 1287 and the other to 28 August 1314. As regards the date itself it works out regularly for A. D. 1314, and if accepted for A. D. 1287 an error of one day has to be passed over in the solar month,"31" being considered as wrongly stated for 30 Simha (Mr. Swamikannu Pillai's " 29" on p. 223 being a mistake). Prof. Kielhorn accepted the date as belonging to A. D. 1287 and passed over this error; and so do: a the present author in using the date as correct for A. D. 1287. But in considering it anew for A. D. 1314 he accepts it for that year and considers it sufficiently important to warrant his establishing by it the reign of a new and hitherto unheard-of king whose accession-day (as given in the heading above) he fixes by this, and this alone, unsupported by any second date. So certain is he of this that he has entered this king's name in his lists on p. 166 calling him Jatavarman Sundara Pandya IV. For this the evidence is wholly insufficient, even if we overthrow the date as belonging to A. D. 1287 (which he has not done). But there is more than this. The number of the regnal year in this No. 580 of 1902 is 80 difficult to decypher that the author could only make out the figure "1." Having obtained from the details of this No. 580 the day, 28 Aug. 1314, as corresponding to the given date, he still could have had no conception that the number of the regnal year ought to be " 12,' and consequently could have had no conception of the time of acoession of this king, unless he had obtained the figure " 12" from the other record, 575 of 1902, which states its date as being in the "12th year of Jata varman Sundara." But according to the author (8. v. No. 575. p. 223) this is a totally different Jatavarman Sundara. Hence (granted that the date 575 should be assigned to A. D. 1287) we do not know the correot number of the regnal year of No. 580 (if it belongs to A. D. 1314) and therefore we know nothing of the date of accession of the king whose name it mentions. It is surely plain that Mr. Swamikannu Pillai must abandon his position for one or other of these fixtures. The date is, no doubt, correct for 28 Aug. A. D. 1314, but it stands alone and it may belong to the year 1287. Unless therefore some other record is found which supports the theory we must hold the existence of this king and his accession in A. D. 1802-8 unproved, and if it is so supported we must strike out No. 575 from the list of dates belonging to the king who came to the throne in A. D. 1276. The author has still further confused the issue by his statements of date. Accepting for a moment his fixture for A.D. 1314 and the accession twelve years earlier, all we can say is that the king's reign lasted from his accession on some day between 29 Aug. 1302 and

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NOVEMBER, 1915) THE CHRONOLOGY OF THE PANDYA MONARCHY 253 28 Aug. 1303 till at least 28 Aug. 1314. But in his list at the top of p. 166 Mr. Swamikannu Pillai give his Jata varman Sundara Pandya IV accession between 29 Aug. 1302 and 5 July 1303 (where does he get this last date from ?), and in his list at the bottom of the same page he gives the reign as lasting from 1302 to 1318 (where does 1318 come from?). There is also an error in the author's calculation of the date No. 580. The damaged original enables only & part of the name of the nakshatra to be read, viz "vati." He supposes this to represent the Tamil form Aivati, for Asvini, which he says " ended at 47" of the day. But this is a mistake. It was Revali that ended then, and--vati is a part of that word and does not represent Ayvati. Maravarman Kulasekhara "II." (Accession between 6 and 29 Mar. A. D. 1814.) The date of this king's accession has been proved by Prof. Kielhorn. (595 of 1902). Mr. Swamikannu Pillai makes several changes in this date to make it correspond with the civil day he selects; moreover it is in itself an imperfect date, and the number of the regnal year cannot, it seems, be clearly read. The date, taking the usual practice as our guide, would, in the lunar tithi as well as in the nakshatra, correspond to a Thursday. To make it Wednesday he has to assume errors in both ther details or reversion of the ordinary custom of reckoning. I see no necessity for dwelling on it further. It might well have been discarded as unsatisfactory. We gain nothing by it as regards the accession-date. (119 of 1903). The date is stated as in the 3rd year of a king who, according to Mr. Swamikannu's rendering, seems to have had some second name between "Kulasekhara" and " Pandya." He also bore the official title " who conquered every country." It is however possible that the space between the two names is due to an error in the Press, and as the author pays no attention to it I presume this is the case. I take it then, that the king's name was Kulasekhara Pandya. The official title is translated for us into English, so that we have no guide as to whether or not it is the same as the title "who tooke every country," a title applied to Maravarman Kulasekhara (acc. 1268.) The details of the date give the 3rd regnal year; Saturday; an 8th tithi (the fortnight illegible); with the moon in Rohini; name of solar month obliterated. For the combination of an 8th tithi and Rohini the solar month must be either Simha or Kumbha. It would be an 8th tithi of the second fortnight in Simha and an 8th tithi of the first fortnight in Kumbha. I have examined the date for the reign of Ma avarman Kulasekhara (acc. 1268) and find that it does not suit the week day Saturday, in either case. For the reign of Maravarman Kulasekhara (acc. 1314) it only suits the date mentioned by the author, viz. Saturday, 17 Feb. A. D. 1317, which corresponded to the 8th tithi of the bright fortnight in the solar month Kumbha, and in the lunar month Phalguna. The rognal year given is correct. This record if accepted as satisfactory, as it appears to be, goes to show that to this king as well as to the earlier king of that name was alloted the official title " who conquered" or " took every country." These titles should be quoted in the original words.] ( -) The next date quoted bears no number in the author's list. It may be alluded to as "the Courtallum (Kurralam) inscription." The regnal year, we are assured, though at first considered somewhat doubtful, has now been proved to te "7." With this figure the date is perfect and regular. It corresponds throughout to the day fixed by Mr. Swamikannu Pillai, viz, Friday, 6 Feb. A. D. 1321 ("5" Feb, is evidently a misprint), which fell in the 7th year of this king.

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254 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [NOVEMBER, 1915 (126 of 1907). The date is perfect and regular; and corresponds, as decided by the author, to Wednesday, 30 Sept. A.D. 1321. I published it in a. D. 1910, in Epig. Ind. Vol. X. p. 146. No. 79. (125 of 1907). The reading "Dhanus 11" should certainly, as proposed by Mr. Swamikannu Pillai and sanctioned by the Epigraphist he altered to "Dhanus 19," which is evidently correct. For that day, which corresponded to 15 Dec. A. D. 1321, the details are regular, though the number of the lunar tithi, " 10," is missing. (149 of 1907). This date is unsatisfactory and might well have been passed over, as it does not appear to add to our knowledge. Firstly, as it stands it is intrinsically wrong, for on a 5th (ukla tithi in Vrischika the mcon cannot be in Revati; secondly, it may do for the reign of either of the two Majavarman Kulasekharas if certain alterations are made in the details as suggested by the author; and as there is no reason for making one alteration rather than another it must always remain doubtful to which king it belongs. With one change it can be made to belong to one king, with another to the other, and epigraphical study can hardly turn the balance one way or the other. Internal evidence may do so, but with the information at present at our command in Europe we are not in position to cope with it. I observe one slight slip on the part of the author-a very natural one. He found that on Thursday 25 January A. D. 1330 "suk. 5 and Revati ended at 20 and '18 respectively" and were current for the greater part of Wednesday 24 January; and since "Wednesday" was the week-day quoted in the date he thinks that the day intended was the 24 January. He places this Wednesday in the solar month Kumbha, and thinks that for an engraver to change the word "Kumbha " into "Viifchika" by mistake is an error not difficult to account for. But as a matter of fact the Kumbha samkranti took place about two hours before mean sunrise on that very Thursday; so that the actual solar day corresponding to Wednesday 24 January was 30 Makara, and not Kumbha at all; and we should have to suppose that the careless engraver changed not "Kumbha " but "Makara" into "Vrischika." The Thursday, 25 January, was the first day of Kumbha. I coneur with the author's decision as to three of the five new dates put forward, and hold that they may be held to belong to the reign in question. The accession-date remains as fixed by Prof. Kielhorn. Jata varman Tribh. Parakrama Pandya. (Reign began (?) 24 March to 10 August A. D. 1315.) In Epig. Ind. XI. (p. 264, No. 115) I suggested the existence of a king of this name with accession on ecme day between 24 March 1315 and 23 March 1316 A. D.. Mr. Swamikannu Pillai gives us two new dates of which the second (17 of 1894), which is perfect and regular, corresponds to 10 August A. D. 1323. My own date (487 of 1909) stated the Saka year in addition to the regnal year and the other customary details, but I pointed out that in the matter of the nakshatra there was room for a slight doubt. Now, however, that we have a second date quite regular I think we may assume the existence of this king to be not improbable. The two together shew that his accession took place between 24 March and 10 August. A. D. 1315. Mr. Swamikannu Pillai's first date, 395 of 1906, is unconvincing. He has to change the 12th regnal year, as given, into the 10th year; and then to assume that both the tithi and nakshatra, which usually would be connected with Monday 11 February, were for some reason quoted as being connected with the previous day Sunday (the given week-day) 10 February A. D. 1325, which is the day on which he fixes as corresponding. But on studying the valuable "Notes on tithis in connection with festivals " in his "Indian Chronology" (p. 51) I do do not gather that the quoted tithi, the 12th krishna, or bahula, of Magha, is considered as a festival day except when it is combined with the moon in Sravans. In the

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NOVEMBER, 1916) THE CHRONOLOGY OF THE PANDYA MONARCHY 255 present instance this is not the case, and there appears no reason for any departure from the usual custom Neither of these three dates give us the day 15 April, and I do not understani' why Mr. Swamikannu Pillei gives us, as the accession-period of this king, a day bet, "15 April and 10 August 1316," as he has done in the heading. It seems to me that if the two dates on which I rely are accepted the accession period must be 24 March to 10 August A. D. 1815. His first (doubtful) date, 10th February, 1325, would not alter this fixture. It would be well to search for some confirmation of this reign, as we have actually only one quite perfect and regular date to go on; while as I have previously urged, the same combination of week-day, tithi, nakshatra and solar month may be looked for at intervals of about 30 or 35 years. Tribh, Kulabekhara. (Reign began (1) 24 July 1161 to 23 July 1162 A. D. As the author states, the details of the date regularly correspond to Saturday 23rd July A. D. 1166; and as this date is confirmed by the characters of the record the inscription may be assumed to belong to the Kulasekhara who was possibly) the son of Maravarmani Srivallabha who came to the throne in A, D. 1160-61. Kulasekhara after murdering the reigning Paqdya Parakrama and all his family at Madura, fought a desperate and losing fight with the Singhalese invader Lankapura, which is fully described in the Mahavamea. The war is now usually called "The war of Pandya succession." This date, if accepted (it is not confirmed as yet by any other) Axes Kulasekhara's accession as on a day between 24 July 1161 and 28 July 1162. ADDITIONAL NOTES. The author's Eight "Chila Dates." I am indebted to Mr. Swamikannu Pillai for his remarks in his paper on 'Eight Chola Dates" (Epig. Ind. XI, pp. 287 ff.) regarding the celebration of the Sivaratri festival. I have examined the dates he has published and agree with his results in all cases. They certainly belong to the reign of Kulottuiga Chola II, whose accession may now be determined to have taken place on a day between 10th May (not 9th) and 14th July A. D. 1133. Both in No. 244 and 248 a "ninth " tithi has been wrongly quoted for an eighth. Under No. 249 Mr. Swamikannu Pillai writes that "a 6th tithi oan conour with the nakshatra Bharani only in the dark fortnight of lunar Srava a or of lunar Bhadrapada." I think he will find on examination that it can conour also with that nakshatra in the light, or first, fortnight of lunar Phalguna. "Hints to workers in South Indian Chronology." In this lecture Mr. Swamikannu Pillai has given excellent advice to residents in Southern India. I only hope that before any of their working deductions are accepted they may be very carefully tested, since it is exceedingly easy to go wrong in these matters. The author must allow me a few remarks on his proposed corrections of certain conclusions to which I arrived in my examination of dates published in the Epig. Ind. Vols. X and XI. (1). Chola date No. 162 (No. 491 of 1907); Epig. Ind. X, p. 122, "Hints ..." p. 18). The nakshatra was quoted to me by the Epigraphist as Hasta. The original (damaged) was quoted in English characters as "[A]tta [t]tu." Mr. Swamikannu Pillai gives it in Tamil characters as-LL , English-ddattu. He proposes to read this as meaning Anudattu and states that this stands for Anuradha. But it does not do so. It might

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256 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (NOVEMBER, 1915 stand for Dhanishtha. The Tamil for an Anuradha-day is Anilattu-na!, as he himself points out lower down on the same page. The author proposes to verify this date (which I had given up as irregular) by also changing the name (given in legible letters) of the solar month "Makara" into Kumbha. He coajectures that the reading should be " Monday; the 7th krishna tithi; in solar Kumbha; nakshatra Anuradha." But on calculation I find that the day in solar Kumbha on which he relies because it coincided with Anuradha and the 7th ktishna tithi, viz., 11th February A.D. 1121, was not a Monday at all but was a Friday. It is impossible to accept this amendation. His date would have details totally different from the original. (2) Choja date 165. Mr. Swamikannu Pillai's date corresponding to the given description is 11 July A. D. 1125. This he states was in solar Kanya, but it was not. It was in Karla. However, that his date may be the one intended I do not dispute. The point must remain doubtfu) as the solar month seems to be wrong in the original; and I must uphold my decision that the date cannot be depended upon. I fail to understand the author's statement that "A krishna navami tithi on Anuradha day in Makara is a chronological impossibility." On the contrary it is perfectly possible, and in that very solar year, viz., on 19th January A. D. 1126, which was 26 Makara, the day was the day of Anuradha and at sunrise the tithi was the krishna navami. The reason I could not accept that day as the day intended was because it was a Tuesday, whereas the record cites a Saturday; and because the lunar fortnight was a different one from that stated in the original. We must not recklessly alter the text and then declare that a certain civil day was meant. My course is safer-namely when a date is irregular to say that it is irregular. (8) Chola date 170. I have given full reasons for my declaration that this date is irregular. Mr. Swamikannu Pillai proposes to regularize the date by altering the name of the nakshatra, and supposing a very unusual combination of tithi and nakshatra. But it seems that the name of the nakshatra in the original clearly begins with the characters An- and cannot be read Ayi-as he wishes. It is of course possible that the engraver made a mistake, but that would not account for the irregularity of the rest of the date; and therefore I cannot admit that this proposed date is necessarily any better than the one (the day following) which I suggested but gave reasons for abandoning. Chola date 190. The original clearly mentions" Ashadha" as the lunar month current, there being no difficulty in reading the characters. Mr. Swamikannu Pillai proposes to alter this to "Sravama," and to consider that a mistake was made. From that point of view his rendering would be correct; but the date is unimportant, and he admits that my decision that it was "unsatisfactory " is equally correct. (5) Pandya date 71. I think that the author's solution here is admissable. He proposes to change the douliful[panja] m Liyum]" of the original into "dvadaliyum," and thereby make the details of the date correspond to Wednesday 3 November A. D. 1283. Without such a change the date was, as I stated, irregular. As there is only one drastic change, which consists in supposing one letter, m, which forms no part of the word dvadasi, to have been ongraved in error, the remainder of the reading panjami being a mistake of the Epigraphist, I think we may accept the author's suggestion. His calculation is quite oorrect

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DECEMBER, 1915) THE LINGUISTIC CLASSIFICATION OF KASHMIRI 257 THE LINGUISTIC CLASSIFICATION OF KASHMIRI. BY SIR GEORGE A. GRIERSON, K.C.L.E. IN the Kashmir Census Report for 1911 (p. 179) the following remarks are made regarding the classification of Kashmiri Kashmiri used to be hitherto treated as of Sanskritic origin. It has this time been grouped with Shina-Khowar according to the revised system of classification, but the claim locally urged that it is essentially & Sanskritic language persists, and in view of the historical fact that the Valley of Kashmir, before its conversion to Islam, was wholly populated by Brahmans with their shastric lore, that claim might merit reconsideration. As this point has thus been raised in an official publication of the Kashmir State, it is advisable to discuss the question of the correct. classification of the Kashmiri language in some detail. In the first place, questions of sentiment, however much we may sympathize with them, must be put altogether to one side in dealing with a purely scientific question. No one values the contributions of Kashmir Pandits to Sanskrit literature more highly than the present writer. For upwards of two thousand years Kashmir has been a home of Sanskrit learning, and from this small valley have issued masterpieces of history, poetry, romance, fable, and philosophy. Kashmiris are proud, and justly proud, of the literary glories of their land. During all these centuries, Kashmir has been subjected to the civilization of India proper. The Pibacha tribes to its North and North-West remained a hostile and barbarous people, devoid of Indian culture and with no literary history of their own. Kashmiris themselves maintain that their country was formerly inhabited by Pisachas, who were ultimately overcome by Aryan immigrants from India, and this tradition is borne out by the features presented by their language. That the literary activity of the country and the imported Indian culture should not have reacted on the vernacular speech of the inhabitants is impossible. It has reacted most powerfully, and under that influence the language has become deeply imbued with forms and idioms derived from the languages of India proper. But all the time the basis,-the old speech of the original Pibacha inhabitants, has, as will be shown in the following pages, remained firmly estab lished, and it is upon this basis that linguistic science demands that classification be founded. It need hardly be said that it does not therefore follow that the present in. habitants of Kashmir are necessarily of Pisa cha stook. The language no more proves this than the fact that the descendants of the Norman invaders of England now speak Englieh proves that they are of Anglo-Saxon origin. It has been previously pointed out that the Pifacha languages, which include the Shinakhowar group, occupy a position intermediate between the Sanskritic languages of India proper and the Eranian languages farther to their West. They thus possess many features that are common to them and to the Sanskritic languages. But they also possess features peculiar to themselves, and others in which they agree rather with languages of the Eranian family. It is unnecessary to discuss here those common to them and to Sanskritio languages, but, as regards the others, we shall see that they are also to be found in Kashmirt. That language possesses nearly all the features that are peculiar to Pigacha, and also those in which Pisacha agrees with Eranian. We therefore now proceed to examine, from this point of view, Kashmiri phonetics, aceidenoe, syntax, prosody, and vocabulary. For further details, so The Pildod Languages of North-Western India, by G. A. Grierson, published by the Royal Asiatic Society in 1908.

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258 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [DECEMBER, 1915 As many languages will have to be referred to, it will be convenient to use abbreviations of their names. These are as follows: Ar.-Arabic. Av.-Avesta (the ancient Eranian language). Bah.Bashgall Kafir ( Pilileta hargasugo). Gwr.-Gawar-bati (Pisacha). Grw.-Garwi (Pisacha). H.Hindi (as typical Sanskritic language). Kh.=Khowar (Pisacha). KI.=Kalasha (Pisacha). Ksh.=Kashmiri. My.=Maiya (Pisa cha). Pash. Pashai (Pisacha). Pr. Prakrit. Prs.=Persian. Sh.Shina (Pisacha). Skr.=Sanskrit V.=Veron (Pisacha). Wai.=Wai-ala (Pikacha). Phoneties. In none of the modern Pikacha languages, except in the case of a few borrowed words, are there any sonant aspirates. When such letters originally formed part of a word, the aspiration is dropped, so that gh becomes g, jh beoomes j orz, dh becomes d orr, dh becomes d, and bh becomes g. There is nothing like this in India proper, but it is & universal rule in Kashmiri. Thus - gh becomes y, Skr. ghotaka-, a horse, Ksh. guru. So Wai. gur. Gwr. gora, Grw. giit, Pash. gord; but all Indian languages ghord, etc. jh becomes j or 2. Skr. budhyate, Pr. bujjhai, Ksh. bozi, he will hear; but H. bajhe. dh becomes d or r. Skr. vardhate, Pr. vaddhai, Ksh. badi, he will increase; but H. barhe. dh becomes d. Skr. dugdha-, Pr. duddha-, Ksh. dod, milk; but H. dudh. bh becomes b. Skr. bhratar., Ksh. bayu, a brother; so Kl. baya, but H. bhdi. All the modern Pisacha languages disaspirate their sonant letters in the same way as Ksh., is as indicated in the first example given above. One of the most typical characteristics of moder Pisacha nlanguages is the not uncommon bardening of original sonant letters, so that g becomes k, j becomes ch, a becomes 1, d becomes t, and b or v becomes p. This was the universal rule in the days when Paitachi Prakrit was spoken. In process of time most of the hardened letters have again become softened, -as is the tendency in the growth of all languages, - but, nevertheless, several instances of these hardened letters still survive, and in borrowing from other languages the tendency again com:s into play, and sonant letters in borrowed words often become surde. Examples for Kashmiri aro : a becomes k. Skr khadga-, & sword, Ksh. khadak. Similarly, in other modern Pikacha languages, we have Bah. kile, Wai, kele, V. kili, Pash. kuli, all signs of the plural, and the same in origin as the Prs. gala. For borrowed words, we may quote Prs. lagam, Ksh. lakam, a bridle ; Ar. 'idgah, Ksh. yed'kah, an 'idgah ; Prs. kaghaz, Keh. kakaz, paper.

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259 DECEMBER, 1915] THE LINGUISTIC CLASSIFICATION OF KASHMIRI j becomes ch or ts. Skr. kshudyate, Pr. khujjai, Ksh. khotsi, he will fear. Similarly. Bah. has achu, a tear, as compared with H. ajha. d becomes t. Skr. dridha-, Ksh, dro!", firm. d becomes t. Skr. vapada-, Ksh. hapat-, a bear. Similarly, Prs. daman, Bsh. taman, the skirt of a garment; Skr. dugdha-, Pr. duddha-, Sh. dut, milk. bor v becomes p. Skr. sava-, Ksh. hap-, a corpse; Prs. baz, Ksh. poz, a falcon. So, Ar. tabib, Bsh. iapip, a physician; Skr. svasar-, Kh, ispusar a sister. It will be noticed that, in respect to the hardening of sonant consonants, Kashmiri is in entire agreement with the modern Pisacha languages. A noteworthy peculiarity of the Pisacha languages is the confusion between cerebral and dental letters. This is universal and extends to Kashmiri. Compare the following:Sh. got, or got, a house; Bsh., V. osht-, Wai. fsht, Gwr., Kl. usht-, Ksh. woth-, but H. utharise; Ksh. dal or dal, a leaf; Grw. ath, Sh. ath, eight; Skr. kala-kufa-, black poison, Ksh. kla-kal or kta-kal. and many other similar cases. A marked feature of Kashmiri is consonantal epenthesis, i. e. the change in a consonant under the influence of a following vowel or semivowel. This also occurs in the modern Pisacha languages, but not in India. Thus, in Ksh. k becomes ch before palatal letters, as in thoku, weary, fem. thich"; hokhu, dry, fem. hochhu. So from the root kar, do, we have Wai. cha-st, he does; and the Sh. mocho, before, is connected with the Skr. mukha-, a face. Similarly, and change in Ksh. to ts and ch, respectively, as in rat-, night, plur. rotsu; puti, a board, plur. pache. So, we have Bsh. kti, but V. ktseh, the back; Eranian root yet, come, compared with Bsh. ats, Wai. atsh; Skr. putra-, a son, Grw. pach, Sh. puch or push; Skr. stri, a woman, Sh. chei or tshriga; Sh. trak or chak, see, and others. In Ksh. under such circumstances d becomes j, and d becomes z, as in budu (fem.), great, plur. baje; grand, a counting, plur. grunzu. Similarly, the H. dhi, a daughter, is ju in Bah. ; and the H. do, two, is represented in Kh. by ju, and in Ksh. by zh. In Ksh. I under similar circumstances becomes j, as in anguji, a finger, representing the Skr. anguli-. So the Panjabi gall (fem.), a word, is represented by gijji in Bsh. The Kashmiri system of epenthetic changes of vowels, though strange to nearly all the languages of India proper, obtains also in the Pisaoha languages, although too little is known of these to enable us to set out definite rules for them. As examples we may quote the change of a to i under the influence of a following i in the V. izhi, Gwr. itsin, Kl. and Kh. ech, an eye, as compared with the original Av. asi. So the Bsh. dusht, a hand, has its plural duisht, for dushti, just as ass, we, is pronounced aisi in Kashmiri. Again, the Skr. asya-(i. e. *asia-), a mouth, becomes ish in V., and the Skr. surya-(i. e., *suria-), the sun, becomes swir in My., sir in Grw., and siri in Ksh. As an example of the epenthesis of u, we may quote the Kl. guro, for garo or gano, singing, in which the a has become u under the influence of the following o. Similarly, in Bsh. broh, a brother; Sh. dono, a bull; Bsh. kor, Kl. kuro, Sh. kon, an ear, and many others, a or a has become u or o. Many more examples could be quoted, but the above are sufficient to show that Kashmiri shares its tendency to epenthesis with all the Pieacha languages, In Kashmiri, when a word ends in one of the letters k, ch, ts, !, t, or p, that letter is aspirated, and becomes kh, chh, tsh, th, th, or ph, respectively. There is nothing like this in India, but it certainly also occurs in V., and probably in other Pieacha languages. Thus, the Ksh, krak-, noise, becomes krakh, and similarly the V. masek-, moon, becomes masekh.

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260 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [DECEMBER, 1915 In the languages of India proper, when a Prakrit word contained a double letter, this letter is either retained unchanged, or else reduced to a single letter with a lengthening of the preceding vowel in compensation. Thus, the Pr. bhatta-, boiled rice, becomes the Panjabi bhatt, and the H. bhdt. But in Ksh., and in Lahnda and Sindhi (two languages much subjected to Pisacha influence), the vowel is not lengthened, although the double consonant is reduoed to a single one. Thus, the same Sanskrit word becomes bhatu in Sindhi and bata in Ksh. It also, perhaps, reappears in the Beh. bita, meat. The following table gives further examples of the same law : Sanskrit. Apabhratsa Prakrit. Panjabi. Lahnda. Sindhi Kashmiri. Western Hindt. dao daba uchcha sachcha dablu uchs zaslyn richhu Jabh acha sach or vaoh richh sadd sada mfh duddh dod darbhal, a kind of dabbhu or dabdabbh grass. bhu. uchchakah, high. uchchad uchcha satyah, true. sachchu sachch pikaha), a bear. richchhu . richchh tabdah, a sound. saddu sadd dugdham, milk. duiddhes duddh agrd, before. agge adya, to-day. ajjt aji chakram, a wheel. chaklou chakk tarhayati, he ascertains. takkti takkfushlakah, dry. sukkhau mukha karma, an action. kammt kamm dada aga aggali aggd aj chakk adudhw aggt laj chak takk tal tak. miks kamm kama kam hokha koms (ex ceptional long vowel). cham chamm chama cham chamm kann kann kan kan sapp sapp garch Sao aasa hash charma, skin. chammes karnah, an ear. kanal sarpah, & snake. sappu Suadrad, mother-in-law. and bhakam, boiled rice. bhathu rakalah, red. rattal karlayati, he cute. latti hastal, a hand. hatthus Prishtham, the back. pitthu, puthu bhatt 4o. bhatu bata bhat ratta ratt, blood rada rato kat. kat hatth rat-, blood katatha hatth la thu hath | puthi pijt pith The above table shows how regularly the law applies to Kashmiri, and I here quote a few examples from Beh, in order to show how typical this is of the Pikacha languages generally Pr. uchcha-, high, H. Icha, but Beh, ucha-sth, to raise ; Pr. chamma-, skin, H. cham, Beh. cham; Pr. kaftei, he cuts, H. kate, but Beh. kata, a knife; Pr. pilthi, the back, H. pith, Beh. pti (for piti). Similarly for the other Pikacha languages. We thus see that, in this respect Kashmiri is in entire agreement with Pikacha, and differs from the languages of India proper.

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DECEMBXR, 1918) THE LINGUISTIC CLASSIFICATION OF KASHMIRI 281 So far we have dealt with general phonetic rules, but when we consider letters in detail the connexion between Kashmiri and Pisacha is equally manifest. Thus : In the Dard group of Pibacha languages an initial k sometimes becomes y, as in My. gi, what? The same occasionally happens in Ksh. gdsh, light, as compared with the Skr. kdra. In India, when the letter v in Sanskrit forms the latter member of a compound consonant, the firsu member of which is a mute, it is elided in Prakrit, and the first member is doubled. Thus, Skr. pakva-, ripe, Pr. pakka-, H. pakkd. In the Pisacha languages, including Ksh., exactly the reverse process is followed. It is the first member that is elided, while the vis retained and is hardened to p. Thus, the Skr. pakva- becomes the Ksh. popu. There is very little like this in the modern Indian languages, but in Pisacha we have cases like Bsh. psur, a father-in-law (Skr. svasura-) ; V. pseh, what?, derived from a word akin to Av. chvant-. It will be observed that in these the sibilant is preserved as well as the hardenod v, and the same is the case in the Kh. ispusar, a sister, connected with the Skr. svasdr. In Indian languages this only occurred in Apabhra Prakrit, where we find such forms as pai for Skr, tvam, thou, and other cases of the change of tv to pp, but no other compound, with v for the second member, became p. In Indian languages an original t between two vowels is as a rule dropped, as in Skr. krita-, dono, H. kid; Skr. pita, a father, H. piu ; Skr. kata-, a hundred, H. san. In Faibachi Prakrit this t was, on the contrary, preserved, and this rule is followed with great consistency in the modern Pisacha languages, as well as in Kashmiri. Thus, from the Pahlavi katak, a house, we have Kh. Ichatan; Skr. tata-, a father, Bsh. tot, Wai, tata, and so others; Skr. krita- Beh. kutt, done, Ksh. kyutu (i. e., kitu), for ; Skr. kata-, a hundred, Bsh. sher (with change of tor), Ksh. hat. (with change of i to h); Skr. bhdta- booome, Ksh. (Siraji) buto, was. In India an original ty becomes ch, as in H. Aach, true, from Skr, eatya-. In Pisacha and Ksh., on the other hand, ty often becomes t, as in Ksh. sat, true. So, corresponding to the Skr, nrityati, he dances, we have the Bsh, root nat- and the Sh. root nat, but H. nach. In India a Skr. tr becomes t, as in Skr. putra, a son, H. pit; Skr. gotra-, a clan, H. got, and so on. In the Pisacha languages and in Ksh, it may remain unchanged, as in Wai. piutr, Kl. putr, Ksh. potr, a son; Skr. trini, three, H. tin, while, compared with the Av. thrayo, three, we have Bsh., KI., Ksh, treh, Wai., Sh. Ire, Kh, troi. We have seen that in the Pijacha languages ir usually remains unchanged. Often. however, in the Dard group it is as already stated changed to ch or sh. Thus, we have the Sh. root chak or trak, see; the Skr. gotra-, a clan, becomes got or gosh in Sh.; the Skr. putra-, a son, is push in Sh. and puch in Grw.; the Skr. stri, a woman, is chei in Sh. Similarly, in the Rambani dialect of Ksh., we have chei or trai, three, corresponding to the Sh. che, V. chhi, and My. cha. It may be noted that a similar change ocours in the neighbouring Eranian Ghalohah languages, as in Wakhi potr, Sariqoli pols, a son. One of the most persistent consonants in India is the letter n. In the modern languages it almost always survives, but in the Piacha languages and in Ksh. it is liable to elision. Thus, Skr. manusha-, a man, is Kl, moch, V., Sh. mush. In Ksh. we have the correspond. ing word mots-, which is said to be the word for man' used by demons, the ordinary word being manosh, which is borrowed direct from Skr. In other words, the original Pisacha term has been discarded as vulgar in favour of the high-flown borrowed Skr. word. Another

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262 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [DECEMBER, 1915 important example is the Ksh. word dyar, money, which, strange to say, is a corruption of the Latin denarii, come to Kashmir through Greek and Sanskrit, or through Greek direct. The Skr. form of the word is dinarah. The Hinda Prakrit grammarians noted as a peculiar fact that in Paisachi Prakrit ny became n. This is not the case in India, where ny became n, as in Skr. dhanya-, H. dhan, paddy ; Skt. anya-, H. an, another. But Ksh. exactly follows the Paisachi Prakrit rule: It has dane, paddy, and several other similar words. In modern Pikacha languages r, when standing alone, is frequently elided. Thus, we have the Sh. root mir, but Gwr.root mi, die ; Pash. karam or kam, I do ; Bsh, shei, the head, as compared with the Skr. siras; Bsh. dao, wood (Skr, daru-); Kl. chau, four (H. char) So in Ksh. we have bosi, a kind of almanac, derived from the Skr., bhaskari; grangal or gangal, distraction; and brongh or bonlh, before. So, in the Kashtawati dialect of Ksh. we have nyit for nirit, having emerged ; and in the Siraji dialect ichchh for richchh, & bear, and many others. In India, when r originally preceded another consonant, it is usually dropped, as in H. sab, all, from Skr. sarva-; but in the Piskcha languages and in Kashmiri the r is usually retained, and if any consonant is dropped it is the second one. Thus, corresponding to the Skr, karna-, an ear, we have Bsh. kor, Kh., Wai, kar, Kl. kurd; to the Skr. gardabha-, an ass, we have Kl. gardok, Kh, gurdohg; to Skr. surya-, the sun, we have KI. suri, Gwr, suri. Kh. suri, My, swir, and Ksh. siri; and to Skr. sarva-, all, Ksh. 8oru. In India, a sibilant now and then becomes h, as in Skr. ekasaptati-, H. ikhattar, seventy-one. This change is, however, rare except in Lahnda and Sindhi, which are under strong Pisacha influence. On the other hand, in the Dard Pisacha languages and in Ksh. this change is very common, and is subject to the rule that it is mainly confined to an original a or sh, s being rarely changed. Moreover, the sibilant is retained before certain vowels. A good example of this latter point is the Ksh. hihu (pronounced hyuhu), like, derived from an older hiju. But the feminine of hihu is hishi, even in the modern language, because & sibilant does not become h when followed by 3-matra. Other examples of this change are : Skr, upavitati, he site down, Ksh. behi, and so other Dard languages; Skr. vinnsati-, twenty, Sh. beh, Ksh. wuh ; Skr. daia-, ten, Ksh. dah ; Skr. data-, a hundred, Ksh. hat-; Av. Ichevas, six Gwr. shoh, My.. Kl. choh, Ksh, sheh ; Skr. iras-, a head, Ksh. hir ; Skr. kava-, & oorpse, Ksh. hap-; Skr. visha-, poison, Ksh. veh, and many others. It should be observed that this obtains almost exclusively in the Dard group. For instance, in the Kafir Pisa cha dialects we have Bah. vitsi, twenty: dits, ten; ghai, a head; and wish, poison. The compound consonants shp and sm of Skr, sometimes become a simple sh in Pisacha. Thus, Skr. pushpa-, a flower, becomes Kl. push-ik, Ksh. posh; and the Skr. Karmira-, Kashmir. becomes Kushiril in Ksh. Similarly, ak becomes 8 in bosi for Skr. bhaskari, a kind of almanac. There is nothing like this in India. It has been stated that the Piskoha languages often show changes peculiar to Eranian, especially East Eranian, languages, and which are not found, or are rare, in India. A few of these may be mentioned here, as they are noticeable in Ksh. In East Eranian the change of ch to 18 is common. So also in modern Piskoha and Ksh. The same change occurs in the Indian Marathi, but only before certain vowels. Here it ooours before all vowels. Thus, while Kl. and Pash. have kuch, the belly, Wai, has kiuls. Compare H. char, with Gwr. tsur, Ksh. tsor ; H. pach five, with Gwr. pants, Ksh,

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DECEMBER, 1910) THE LINGUISTIC CLASSIFICATION OF KASHMIRI 263 pants; Burushaski chomar, with Gwr. tsimar, iron; Skr. chhagala-, with Ksh. tshawulu, a goat. Another very similar change that of j to 2,- is frequent in Eranian. It is very common in Ksh. One example will suffioc. Compare Skr. jiva-, life, with Gwr. zien, alive, Ksh. zuv, life. There is a similar change on the Indian Marathi, but not before i. The change of d to l is regular in East Eranian. It is common in the Pisacha Veron, and is also found in other Pikacha dialects. An interesting example is the Prs. madar, a mother, which corresponds to the Sh. maliIn Ksh. 1, but not d, becomes before ii-matra, so tha', we get moja, a mother. From Sh. mali, a secondary masculine is formed, viz., malo, a he-mother, i.e., a father, the Ksh. form of which is molu. In Eastern Eranian sht is frequently changed to t. So, in Pisa cha and Ksh., the Prs. pusht, the back, becomes Beh. pti, Sh. pato, Gwr., Ksh. pata, behind, and so on in others, just as in the East Eranian Balochi it becomes phut. In modern. Indian languages, the sh of the Skr. shat, six, becomes chh, as in the H. chha, Bengali chhay, Panjabi chhe. The Pisacha languages, including Ksh., follow the Eranian method of changing the initial khav of the Av. khavas, six, to sh, instead of using the Indian chh. Thus we have Bsh. sho, Wai, shu, V. ushu, Pash, sha, Kl, shoh, and so on, which agrees with the Ksh. sheh. There is nothing like this in India. In modern Eranian dialects, an original e sometimes changes to ch, as in the Kashani chum for the standard Prs. sham, evening. This, also, is not uncommon in Pisacha and in Ksh. Thus, the Av. asi, an eye, is represented by Bsh, Wai, achi, Kl. cch, Ksh uchhi. So Skr. sunya-, empty, becomes Ksh. chhonu ; Skr, root pas, see, is represented by the Sb. pach ; Skr. afru-, a tear, is oshu in Ksh., but achu in Bsb.; Skr. sveta-, white, Ksh. chhotu. In India, the reverse is the case, chh often becoming 8, and the change from 6 or 8h to chh, as in the H. chha, is very rare. Finally, Ksh. has certain phonetic changes of its own that are quite foreign to India, In India, dm becomes dd, as in the Bengali poddo, from Skr. padma., a lotus. In Ksh. this becomes m, as in the word pam-posh, a lotus-flower. Again, in Ksh. ld becomes 1 (a thoroughly un-Indian change), as in gal, a shout, connected with the vedic Skr. galda-, and with the Bsh. gijji, speech. This word is also heard, under the form gall, in Panjabi and Lahnda, which are, as we know, strongly influenced by modern Pisacha. Sanskrit itself in post-vedic times borrowed it from Prakrit in the form gali-, from which there is a series of modern Indian derivatives meaning abuse.' Acoidence-Turning how to accidence, in the first place it should be noticed that, like Eranian languages, KAshmiri possesses & suffix with the force of the indefinite article, equivalent to the Persian ya-e wahdat. Just as in Persian i (ancient e) is suffixed, so, in Kashmiri, & is suffixed. Thus, Prs. yak-i, Ksh. akch-a, a certain me, a. It is hardly necessary to point out that there is nothing like this in India ; but the same phenomenon is presented by Bsh., as in pale-i, a servant. The main principles of the declension of nouns is very similar in Indian languages, in Eranian languages, and in modern Pisacha. We may, however, point out that there are some important differences of detail between Ksh, and Indian languages. Thus, in all the languages of northern India, strong masculine nouns, such as ghora, a horse, end in the

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264 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [DECEMBER, 1915 rominative singular in a, and in the nominative plural in e (ghore). In Ksh., the corresponding nouns end in u-matra in the singular, and in i-matra in the plural, as in guru, a horse, plural guri. Moreover, all masculine nouns have, in Ksh., a dative singular ending in 8 (as in tsuras, to a thief, guris, to a horse), and a dative plural in n (as in tsuran, to thieves, guren, to horses). In some Indian dialects there are oblique plurals in n, but there is nothing like the Kashmiri dative singular in s till we reach Marathi, far to the South. Further, Ksh. has cases of the agent (as in gur, by a horse) and ablative (as in guri, from a horse), to which there is nothing corresponding in India. The 8-dative is not peculiar to Ksh., but also exists in Kl. and Pash., and also perhaps in Sh., where it has the force of the agent. To add definiteness to the meaning of the cases, post positions are employed in Indian and prepositions in Eranian languages. In the Pisacha languages both are used, though. Ksh. prefers the former. Of the postpositions, one or two only remind one of India, the rest being peculiar to Pisacha. The Ksh. postpositions of the genitive, sondu, uku, and unu, all have parallels in India,-a relative of sondu being found in the Marwari hando, of uku in the H. ka, and of unu in the Gujarati no. Similarly, it is possible to compare manz, in, with the H. majh, but it more nearly resembles the Pisacha V. munj and the My. maz.. But the other postpositions are either quite peculiar to Pisacha or are borrowed from Persian. As Pisacha examples, we may quote kyutu (an adjective), for; putshy, for; peth, on; keth, in; and petha, from. Ordinary adjectives here call for no remarks, but the Ksh. numerals are so decidedly Pisacha and so distinct from the forms current in India that some attention must be paid. to them. Thus : One. This is ak-. It may be either Indian, Eranian, or Pisacha, but is more like Prs. and Gwr. yak than Indian ek. Two, zah. In Ksh. di becomes z, so that the word is connected with the Bsh. diu and the Kh. ju, rather than with the Indian do. Three, treh. This is regular Pisacha. Cf. Bsh., Kl. treh., Wai. tre, Sh. tre, Kh. troi,. and so on. India has tin, and the like. Four, tsor. The o is Pisacha, as in Kh., Grw. chor, Gwr. tsur, Sh. chorr. India has a as in char. Five, pants. This may be Indian, Eranian, or Pisacha. Six, sheh. This is Pisacha, as in Bsh. sho, Wai. shu, V. ushu, Pash. sha, Gwr. shoh, Ki.. shoh, Sh. shah, and so on. Seven, sat-. This, with the short, is, Pisacha, as in Pash., Gwr., Kl. Grw., sat, Sh satt, and so others. India has sat. Eight, oth or aith. This may be Indian or Pisacha, but the vowel is not Indian. Nine, nav. This may be Indian, Eranian, or Pisacha. Ten, dah. This is Pisacha, with the typical change of to h. Twenty, wuh. The same remarks apply. Hundred, hat-. The same remarks apply. From the above we see that all the first ten numerals may be of Pisacha origin, and that some of them must be. Some are distinctly not Indian.

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DECEMBER, 1915] THE LINGUISTIC CLASSIFICATION OF KASHMIRI The first two personal pronouns may be shown as follows:I boh thou tsah me me thee tse my myonu thy we asi ye us ase you our sonu your It will at once be seen that not one of these forms agrees with the corresponding Indian pronouns. chyonu tohi tohe tuhondu Similarly or the demonstrative pronouns we have: That (near). huh This. yih Sing. Nom. Dat. (animate) yimis Dat. (inanimate) yith Plur. Nom. tim timan Dat. humis, amis huth, ath hum, am human, aman 265 That (far) suh tamis tath tim timan Again it is Lot necessary to draw attention to the various points of difference between his and the Indian forms. It may be especially pointed out that India has nothing corresponding to the distinction between the proximate and remote demonstrative pronouns, although it once existed in Sanskrit. While none of the above forms are Indian, they all have their cognates on other Pisacha languages. This has been fully worked out in my Pisaca Languages of North-Western India, and need not be repeated here. The above remarks also apply to the other pronouns, and space need not here be wasted in considering them. Particulars will be found in the work just mentioned. As regards verbs, the general principles of conjugation are on the whole the same in Indian, in Eranian, and in Pisacha, but a few facts stand out. While the present tense of the verb substantive, based on the participial form chhuh, he is, is also to be found in India, the past tense, formed from the root as, sit, in osu, he was, is not at all used in that sense in that country. This root as is, however, common in Pisacha. Thus, for he was ' we have My. as, Grw. ash, Kh. asistai, Kl. asis, and so on. In the conjugation of the ordinary verb, the present participle ends in an, as in riaran, striking, a form that does not occur in India, but which has many Pisacha relatives, such as Bsh. vinan, Gwr. thliman, Kl. timan, all meaning 'striking.' While the Indian verb has only ons past participle, Ksh. has three,-one (moru, struck) indicating past time in the near past, another (maryov) indicating past time indefinitely, and a third (maryav) indicating remote past time. One of these (maryov, for maryo) has the same origin as the past tense of India (Braj maryau), but the others have had an independent line of growth. Although we do not yet know enough in regard to the Pisacha languages to distinguish between the meanings of the various forms of the past participle in them, it is certain that Wai., Kh., Sh., and My. have at least each two. Thus Wai. has vina and vinasta, Kh. gani and ganista, Sh, shido and shidego, and My. kuta and kutagal, all meaning 'struck' The Ksh. infinitive is built on the same lines as in Indian languages, i. e., it ends in un (marun), which may be compared with the H. ending in na (marna). In most Pitachs ? It is not the same as the root as, be, which does occur in several Indian languages.

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266 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [DECEMBER, 1915 languages, the infinitive ends in k, but in V. it ends in n to which k is added, as in pesumtin-ik, to strike. The termination un is therefore not specially Indian. In the formation of the tenses Ksh, differs widely from Indian languages. The old present, a tense that survives alike in Indian, Persian, and Pisacha, in India generally has the force of the present subjunctive, but in Ksh. it is used as a future. In its conjugation it shows little relationship with Indian languages. Thus, to compare Ksh. with H., we have: Sing. 1. 2. 3. Plur. 1. 2. 3. Ksh. mara, I shall strike. marakh H. mara, I may strike. mare mari marav mariv maran On the other hand, as shown in the book above referred to, the Ksh. conjugation closely follows that of the other Pisacha languages. The same remarks also apply to the imperative. As regards the participial tenses, they are made in the Pisacha languages on the same principles as in India. A present and imperfect are formed from the present participle conjugated with the appropriate tenses of the verb substantive, and a perfect and pluperfect from the past participle conjugated with the same. These call for no remarks. mare mare while in H. they say: maro mare Ksh. has three past tenses, one corresponding to each of the three past participles. Indian languages, of course, have only one. Some Indian languages form the past tense by adding pronominal suffixes to the past participle, as in the Bengali marila-m, struckby-me, i. e., I struck. In Ksh. the same procedure is followed, but with the important difference that the suffixes do not form a necessary part of the word. They are removable, Thus, he may say either morum, struckThis affects the whole structure of the and may be used or not as the speaker desires. by-me, or me moru, by-me struck, for 'I struck.' language. Syntax. In the order of words in a sentence, Ksh. differs altogether from Indian languages. In the latter the subject comes first, then the object or predicate, and last of all the verb; but, in ordinary Ksh. the verb precedes the predicate, as in Persian. Thus, in Ksh. they say : suh chhuh gatulu mahanyuvu he is clever man, woh hoshyar admi hai he clever man is. Now, the order of words used by a man in speaking indicates the order of his thoughts. Hence, the order of thought in Kashmir is different from the order of thought in India. Prosody. In prosody, although the whole literary history of Kashmir is intimately connected with Sanskrit, modern Kashmiri has abandoned Indian metres. The metres used are all Eranian, and what may be called the heroic metre of the language, employed even in Hindu epics like the Ramavataracharita, is the well known Persian metre called Bahri Hazaj.

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DECEMBER, 1916] THE LINGUISTIC CLASSIFICATION OF WASHMIRI 267 Vocabulary.-Finally we come to the question of vocabulary. It is on this that the claim that Kashmiri is a Sanskritic language is most strongly based, and, if languages were classed according to vocabulary, the claim would be difficult to controvert. But it is well known that vocabulary cannot be used as a basis of linguistic classification. If it were, High Urdu would have to be classed with Persian as an Eranian language, for the great majority of its words are borrowed from Persian, So, if vocabulary were the test, the Kashmiri spoken by Musalmans, who form nino-tenths, and more, of the population of the Valley, might be classed as a form of the same language. As has been stated above, Kashmir has for at least two thousand years been under Indian literary influence. It is the only one of the Pisachis languages that has a written character and that has a literature. For centuries it was tho home of great Sanskrit scholars, and at least one great Indirn religion, Saivism, has found its most eloquent teachers on the banks of the Vitasta. Some of the greatest Sanskrit poets were born in and wrote in the Valley, and from it has issued in the Sanskrit language a world-famous collection of folklore. Under such circumstances it would be extraordinary if the great bulk of Kashmiri vocabulary were not closely connected with the vocabularies of the neighbouring Sanskritic languages, and such, indeed is the fact. But, nevertheless, some of the commonest words,-words that are retained longest on any language, however mixed, and that are seldom borrowed, such as the earlier numerals, or the words for 'father,' mother, and the like,-are closely allied to the corresponding Shina words, and are therefore of Pisacha origin. The following is a list of some Shina words which have cognate forms in Kashmiri. Some of these words occur in Indian languages, but they are also Pikacha, and are examples of the same form appearing in both families of Aryan speech English Shina Kashmir acid churko after phatu pata. anger Tosh rash. army sina. arrow kon kan. aunt (father's sister) pop. aunt (mother's sister) ma mas. autumn sharo harud. bad kach kochu. be bo bovbear ich ichchh (Siraji). beard dai dori. between majja manz, in. bite chup- (verb) tsop" (noun). blow phukhblue nilo nitu. bone ati adiju. be born 10 ze. both beye biyc, a second time. danu dunu. boy shudar shuru. break phu. breath ahah. brown guro gurutu. Isok". papi pha bow pout end

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268 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [DECEMBER, 1916 Shina dino niin shidalo Kashmiri. dand. go English bull camel cold 00W crooked crow dance day death die shatil. gav. holu. lalo kan. nat des dog maren mirshu dar auto kon buyial ko natsdoh. mara. marhun (or, dialectic shuinu.) dar. hokhu. kan. bunulu, khe. gronu. host. mokal-, muts. achhi. mokh. gra hasto much achi muth dur malo, babo agui ant dar. molu, baba. onguja. 8tu. pdd. pa amush door dry ear earthquake eat eclipse elephant escape eye face far father finger flour foot forget fortnight fox give gold grape gras great hand handle hot industrious kill knee language lay down lead (metal) leaf (of tree) learn lip pach mashpach. loh. son. loy di801 jach leach badde hat dono tato gresto mar but bash dacht. kach. bodu. atha. dan. tot. gristu, & farmer. marbothu. basho, child's cry. pdwvag. paturnechuh. wuth. po nang pato sich

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DHCEMBER, 1916] THE LINGUISTIO CLASSIFICATION OF KASHMIRI 269 Shina chon manucho mos dut yun maz muts mali Kashmiri. chhonu, empty. manosh or mahanyuvu maz. dod. zun. mds. mata, much. moju (for molu). os (for asi). non. nav. nowe ral nast. pronu. dish. ala. bajer (for badyer), greatness. ka! English little man meat milk moon month more mother mouth naked name new night nose old place plough pride ram receive return right (not left) rise sand scatter seed shoulder silver singing sit smoke smooth snow son soul spade strength sun sweet take hold tear (vb.) throat to-day tongue tooth vein village nanno nam now rati nato prono dish hal badyar karelo layfardashino uthsigel shijbi piow rup lab pher. dachhinu. toth. 8ek chhikbyhlu pyule rop. gai gevbih. dah. pishulu. shin. putra baidim pichiliko hin puch jil bel shat suri moro lam zit bel. hekat.. siri. moduru, lam-, pull. lsathoru tser shoto acho jip don nar zv. dand. nora gam. luthu, a room girom wall

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270 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [DECEMBER, 1915 English Shina Kashmiri weep TO riwwife gren garin, mistress of a house. window dari dorii wino mo mas. with siti soti. woman chai trai. work kom komii. write lckhyes Qua awa. We therefore arrive at the following conclusions. Kashmiri is a mixed language, having as its basis a language of the Dard group of the Pikacha family allied to Shina. It has been powerfully influenced by Indian culture and literature, and the greater part of its vocabulary is now of Indian origin and is allied to that of the Sanskritic Indo-Aryan languages of northern India As, however, its basis,-in other words, its phonetic system, its accidence, its syntax, its prosody,-is Pisacha, it must be classed as such, and not as a Sanskritic form of speech. EARLIEST SEAT OF THE SENAS. BY S. KUMAR, M.R.A.S., CALCUTTA. Mr. Vincent A. Smith, in the third edition of his Early History of India, writes :-"Th earliest actually known seat of the Senas was at Kasipuri, the modern Kasiari, on the Suvarya rekha river, in the Mayurbhanja State, the most northerly of the Orissa Tributary States, adjoining the Midnapur District.1" Then in support of this statement, the following passage from the Report of the Archeological Survey of Mayurbhanj of Mr. Nagendranatha Vasu has been quoted : "We have read in the genealogical history of the Paschatys Vaidika of Bengal, written on palm leaves and about three hundred years old, that the royal Sena dynasty reigned in a place called Kasipuri and situated on the banks of the Suvarnarekha. Two sons were born to Vijayasena, one of the rulers of this place, the elder being named Malla and the younger Syamala. It was the latter that conquered Eastern Bengal and made the city of Vikrampura his capital. According to the Paschatya Kulamanjari, Syamalavarma's sway in Vikrampura commenoed in Saka 994, i.e., 1072 A. D. There is no doubt that the ancient name of Kasipuri has now degenerated into Kasiari." "I cannot follow out "says Mr. Smith "the problems of local history suggested by that passage, and the observations which follow in the work cited." "At present " continues Mr. Smith, "I am concerned to note that Kasipuri or Kablari was the early seat of the Sena Kings. The date 1072 A. D. for Vijayasena's son seems to be too early." In the footnote, Mr. Smith comments - "It is not easy to see how Kasipuri could become Kassari. An alternative synonymous name Kasiwari may have existed. The name of the towul seems to be derived from that of Kasasena, the second of the four Senas' of Taranath, who may be identified with either Hemantasena, or Vijayasona, but probably the latter, whose name is definitely associated with Kasipuri." The statement that the "royal Sena dynasty reigned in a place called Kasipuri, on the Suvarnarekha river, is said to have been found by Mr. Nagendranatha Vasu in the "genealogical history "of the Pasohatya Vaidika class of Bengal. It is a manuscript in palm leaves and declared by Mr. Vasu to be "about three hundred years old." 1 P. 420.

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EARLIEST SEAT OF THE SENAS 271 DECEMBER, 1915] Now, let us consider the exact historical value of these genealogical works on which Mr. Vasu places so much reliance. The palm leaf manuscript, above referred to, gives the following account : A king, called Syamalavarma, "brought down several sagnika Brahmans from Karnavati (sic) with a view to perform a yajna called the Sakunasatra."2 The elder brother of this king was called Mallavarma. Both these Varmans are said to be the sons of one Vijayasena. And from another genealogical work, Mr. Vasu declares that "the aforesaid Vijayasena conquered Gauda, and was the father of the highly famous Vallalasena."3 But this theory of the conquest of Gauda by Vijayasena was afterwards probably given up by Mr. Vasn; otherwise, he could not have maintained, in a recent article, that Syamalavarman was the first Sena King of Bengal. Recently, a copper plate Grant of Bhojavarman has been discovered at Belabo and published in the J. A.-S. B., n. s., X, 121 ff., and in the E. I., XII, p. 37ff. This grant has brought to light new facts and yielded a new genealogy of the Varmans. According to this grant, Bhojavarman had the following lineage: Vajravarman I Jatavarman J Samalavarman T Bhojavarman Thus, we find that Bhojavarman's father was one Samalavarman, or more correctly Syamalavarman. This record plainly states that Vajravarman, and so his descendants, belonged to the Yadava clan of the Lunar race. From this, Syamalavarman does not seem to be connected in any way with the Senas of Bengal. His father's name was Jatavarman; he defeated Karpadeva of the KalachuriChedi dynasty and got one of his daughters in marriage. After the discovery of this inscription, two alternatives were open to Mr. Vasu : (1) that this Syamalavarman was a different person from the one referred to in the genealogies of the Paschatya Vaidikas; (2) that they were one and the same person. Mr. Vasu chose the latter. In doing so, he found that in the face of this admission, it would, no longer, be possible to maintain the infallibility of his "three-hundred-years-old " palm leaf manuscript, on which he had so boldly based his account of the lineage of Syamalavarman some eight years ago. In a Bengali journal of some note, Mr. Vasu has admitted the identity of the father of Bhojavarman and the Syamalavarman of the Kulapanjikas. But he would still uphold his original theory of the descent of Syamalavarman from Vijayasena on the statement of the Kulasastras. And in support of his views, he says that he has found in one of the Kulapanjikas, which he has got in his possession, a copy of a grant of Syamalavarman. Mr. Vasu, in quoting from this copy of the grant, admits that it is of the same type as that of Visvarupasena. But by actual examination of the reproduction of the grant we are led to think that the genuineness of the record is rather difficult to maintain. We believe it to have been interpolated by some clever Brahman with an ulterior motive of self-interest. The manuscript, thus mutilated, came into the hands of Mr. Vasu, who, we think, a little too credulously and without bestowing sufficient consideration on the matter, has jumped to a conclusion, which cannot stand the test of scientific criticism. Mr. Vasu thinks it to be of the "same type as the Grant of Visvarupasena," but we find it to be 3 Ibid. 4 Bhiratavarsha, I. 18. 5 J. A. S. B. 2 Mayurbhanj A. S. R. by N. N. Vasu. pp. 122 ft.

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272 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [DECEMBER, - 1915 an exact copy of the latter with only a slight modification, not quito enough to shield its identity. Mr. Vasu's words are :-" They are both cast in the same form." The expression seems to us too mild to describe the actual identity of the records. in the second grant the expression Varmavasa-kulakamala has been substituted for the Senavansa-kulakamala of the first one, and the name, Syamalavarman appears in place of Visvarupasena of the original. Hence, this piece of evidence may be rejected as unreliable, as it is based on a datu.n. of doubtful Validity. In this connoction, it might also be noted that only a copy of the wording of a grant can never lead us to any definite conolusion with regard to its genuineness, since any epigraphic discussion, under the circumstance, is impossible. The epigraphic evidence of an inscription is almost a sure test of its genuineness. In the case in which any particular record fails to stand this test, we are surely justified in rejecting it as spurious, and hence, not at all suitable for serving as a basis of any constructive argument. Mr. Vasu admits that the manuscript, on which he based his original theory of SyamalaVarman's doscent, was a copy only, and as such it abounds in mistakes, which scribes and copyists of Inria, who are not always very accomplished scholars, are liable to commit. The passage quoted from this manuscript by Mr. Vasu reads as follows :-- Trivikramu maharaja Senava i sa-samudbhavah Asit paramadharmajnah Kasipurasamipatah. Svar rarekha-nali yatra svarrayantramayi subha Svarganga-salilaih puta sallokajanakatarini Asau tatra mahipala Malatyai namatah strian Atmaja i janayamasa namna Vijayasenakan. Asit sa eva raja ca tatra puryah mahamatih Patni tasya Vilola ca purna-candra-samad yutih. Striyantasyair hi putrau dvau Malla-Syamalavarmakau Sa eva janayamasa ksauni-rak akara bubhau. Malla statraiva prathitah Syamal'otra samagatah Jetuin satruganan sarvan Gaudadesanivasinah Vijitya ripusardulai Vangade sanivasinan Rajasit paramadharmajno namna Syamalavarmakah. This passage is the key-note of Mr. Vasu's theory. It states that of the Senas, Vijayasena, son of Trivikrama, had two sons, Malla and Syamala. Malla remained in his original home, on the banks of the Suvarnarekh a-iradi, while Syamala came to Gauda, and established a kingdom in Bengal. This passage by itself militates against the accepted chronology and the recognised data for the history of Bengal. We might take this opportunity of reminding Mr. Vasu of certain evidence, if it is evidence at all, adduced from his favourite work of Danasagara, supposed to be written by Vallalasena, where it is found stated : Tadanu Vijayasenah pradurasit Varendre "After (Hemantsasena) Vijayasena came to Northern Bengal." So that, in the light of this passage, Syamalavarman cannot be regarded as the first Sena King of Bengal as hinted by the Kulapanjikas : and the date Saka 994, i.e., 1072 A. D.. for the establishment of the Sena Kingdom in Eastern Bengal, by the supposed son of Vijayasena, is not only "too early", but altogether against all chronological data. But now that the discovery of the Belabo copper-plate Grant has brought to light the fact that the lineage of Syamalavarman, as deduced from the genealogical works, is no longer tenable, Mr. Vasu has come forward with another palm leaf manuscript, which he vouches to be an original one and about "three hundred years old." It is a Kulapanjika by Isvara Vaidika, deposited with a local Pandit at Tala, a place near Calcutta. This manuscript Mr. Vasu declares to be more reliable and free from such mistakes as are found in the one he first cited.

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DECEMBER, 1915) EARLIEST SEAT OF THE SENAS 1 273 The passage that Mr. Vasu quotes from the Tala manuscript offers the following chief points for consideration : (1) 1. 1, the word Surava isaappears in place of Senava isa of No. 1. (2) 1. 2, dese Kasisamipatah for Kasipurasamipatah of No. 1. (3) 1. 3, Svarnarekhapuri for Svarnarekhanadi of No. 1. (4) 1. 5, the name Kanasenaka for Vijayasenakan of No.1. (5) After 1. 5, the two quotations differ a good deal in the subject matter, e. g. Vilola appears as the daughter of Kanasena in No. 2 (6) Malla and Syamala are m@ntioned in both the passages as sons of Vilola. (7) The name "Syamalavarma " has been spelt with a dental sibilant in No. 2. Well, in the quotation from the Manuscript No. 2, we find it stated that Trivikrama of the Sura dynasty had a son named Kanasena (sic for Karnasena) by his queen MAlati: Kanasena had a daughtur called Vilola, who had two sons, namely Malla and Syamala. The account deduced from the Manuscript No. 1, is widely different from that derived from the Manusoript Nv. 2,-they are almost irreoonoilable. No. 1 says that Trivikrama was of the Sena family, whereas according to No. 2, he was one of Suras of Bengal. The first manusoript indicatos that a placo near Kasipura was the seat of the Sena family, while No. 2 shows that it was the original home of tho Suras. The genealogies given by the two manuscripts are also different, thus :No. 1. Trivikrama (Sena)=Malati Vijayasena=Viiola Mallavarman Syamalavarman No. 2. Trivikrama (Sura]=Malati Kanasena Vilola (daughter) Mallavar man Syamalavarman [sic for Syamalavar man) The passage reads as follows "Trivikrama Maharja Stravansa-samudbhavah, Asit paramadharmajno dake Kolisamipatab Svarnarekhapurl yatra svarnayantramay subha, Svarganga salilaih pata sallokajanatopinj. Asau tatra mahipalo Malatyar namatah striyen. Atmajam janay miss namn Kansanakan. Asit sa ova raja ca tatra purgan mahkmatil, . Kany& tasya Viloldca parnacandrasamadyutib.. Srlyn tayfri hi dvau putrau Malla-SyAmalvarmaksu [ c] SA ova janayamisa kssun raksakabv-ubbau. Mallas tatraiva prathitah Syamalo"tra (sic) samagatah, Jetum patruganan servan Geudado anivAsinab, Vijitys ripuardalan Vangadebanivkainah sol. RAJAalt paramadharmajno namna SyAmalavarmakab [sic] Jitvd sarvamahipatim bhujavalaih pancasyatulyo [io] vali. Srimadvikramapura nima nagaro rdjabbanniroitam," 'Mr. Vasu understands this to mean "dynasty of herove," but I cannot agree with him. See Bharufavara, I, 31.

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274 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [DECEMBER, 1915 From the Belkbo grant, we have come to know that Syamalavarman's mother was Virasri, a daughter of Karnadeva and a grand-daughter of Gangoya of the Kalachuri-Chedi dynasty. It is rather suspicious to find the name of Karnasena, or Kanasena, in the Ma 108cript No.2, as a substitute for Vijayasena of No. 1. We cannot also lose sight of the fact that the Manuscript No. 2 was discovered some time after the Belabo Grant was brought to the notice of the public. We might, perhaps, be justified in doubting the genuineness of the manuscript. One might reasonably declare that probably No. 2 is a spurious document and should not have been treated with such reliance as Mr. Vasu hasranted it. In the Vaidika-Kulamasjari of Ramadeva Vidyabhashana, Syamalavarman has been described as one of the sons of Vijayasena of the Sura dynasty. This statement also militates against the nocoptance of the Kulapanjika by Isvara Vaidika as a genuine and reliable work. Mr. Vasu himself fools a good deal of difficulty in accepting in toto the statements . of these Kulakaslras. Mr. Vasu, following rather too closely the genealogical works, has concluded that Syamalavarman was the first of his dynasty to reign in Gauda and so in Bengal, but the Belabo Grant proves, as strongly as any fact in history, that Jatavarman can alone be styled as suoh. Mr. Vasu in his Mayurbhanj Archaeological Survey Report has stated that from the genealogical history of the Pascatya Vaidikas we learn that the royal Sona dynasty reigned in a place callo Kasipuri," situated "on the banks of the Suvargarekha," although "Kasipucasamipatal" would mean only " near Kasi pura." But later, and especially in his article on the subjoot in Bharatavarsha, he seems to have abandoned this theory, in favour of another which does not seem to be in any way sounder. He has said that Simhapura of the Belabo Grant must be a placo "near Kasi" and is identical with the "Svarnarekhapuri " named by Tavara Vaidika. The key-stone of this theory is the identity of Syamalavarman with the younger son Vijayasena and that Syamalavarman was the first Sena King of Bengal. or Gauda. But whon we find so many things against its validity, we cannot admit the conclusion to be sound and acceptable. Mr. Vasu has also agreed that Sirihapura is Sam-ho-pro-lo of Hienn-thsang. Well, then Simhapura cannot be on the Ganges, nor is it "near Kasi." Howover, it ennnot be denied that the Varmans of the Belabo Grant do not seem to havo any relation with the Senas of Bengal, and that Syamalavarman was not the younger brothor of Vallalasona and the second son of Vijayasena as Mr. Vasu concludes, and also that Homantasona has never been known to have another name, viz., Trivikrama of the Panjikas. And also it should be noted that there is no ground for believing that Syamalavarman was only a kingling under the Senas. If our abovo conclusions be right, then it follows that the Senas had nothing to do with Simhapura, which is neither very olose to Kasi, nor identioal with it, as Mr. Vasu maintains As to the roal soat of tho Senas before they held their sway in Bengal, we are still in the dark. It is difficult to trace the original home of a soldier of fortune, as Vijayasena, probably was. The theory of Kasiari or Kasipuri is only a figment. We can say this only, that the name Vallala points to a foreign origin, probably South Indian, and in the present state of our knowledge any further step forward would be unsure-perhaps, dangerous. * Bhdratvaraha, I, p. 32. * Op. cit.

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DECEMBER, 1915] THE NYASAKARA AND THE JAINA SAKATAYANA THE NYASAKARA AND THE JAINA SAKATAYANA. BY K. B. PATHAK, CHITRASHALA, POONA. We shall not part with Sakatayana until he has been made to yield all the literary information which his work contains. It has been already proved that he frequently refers to the authors of the Kasika and that he derives his material even for his sutras from that work. On this latter point only one more instance need be cited here. On the following two sutras of Panini aho'na III, 2, 68. kravye ca III, 2, 69 the remarks of the Kaiika are thus wound up kRttavikRttapakamAMsabhakSaH kravAda ucyate / AmamAMsabhakSaH kravyAditi // Sakatayana condenses this remark into his sutra thuskravyAtkavyA zavAmapakkA Amogh. IV, 3, 178. Chintamani 33 Hemachandra V, 1, 151. 33 275 But the most interesting fact which I wish to bring to the notice of Sanskrit scholars is that this Jaina grammarian is largely indebted for the material of his sutras and his Amoghavritti to the celebrated Nyasakara Jinendrabuddhi, the Buddhist Commentator of the Kasika. The great reputation which the Nyasakara enjoys rests on the fact that he is not content to explain the text of the Kasika, but offers independent interpretations of the original sutras. He tells us why Panini uses so many synonyms in the following sutra: svAmIzvarAdhipatidAyAdasAkSipratibhUprasUteca Panini II 3,39 svAmIzvarAdInAmekAryatvepi bhedenopAdAnaM paryAyAMtaranivRttvarye / / iha mA bhUt / grAmasya rAjeti || Nyasa on Kafika II, 3, 39. Deccan College Ms. 33 of 1881-82 p. 52 (b) Sakatayana copies this remark thus: svAmIzvarAdhipatIti paryAyopAdAnAsa paryAyAMtarayoge na bhavati / mAmasya rAjA / grAmasva patiH / Amogh. I, 3, 179. Cf. Hemachandra, Brihadvritti II, 2, 98. After explaining the text of the Kasika on the sutra a a maa mamugy (Panini II, 3, 37) the Nyasakara proposes the following instance of his own, and asks why the locative is used in it though there are not two actions here : atha kathaM kalikAmAtreSvAtreSu gataH // pakkeSvAgata ityatra saptamI na hIha bhAvaH zrUyate / yadyapi na zrUyate tathApi gambate || kalikAmAtreSu jAteSvityadoSaH || Nyasa on Kaika II, 3, 37. D. C. Ms. 33 of 1881-82, p. 52 (b). Sakatayana reproduces this remark thus: AtreSu kalavamAneSu gataH / pakSe (ke) bvAgataH [1] kalAvamAne [ Su jAte ]sthiti gamyate / gambamAnamapi vibhakternimitta bhavatyeva / yayA vRkSe dyAkhA mAme devadattaH / Amogh. 1, 3, 180. 1 kalAbI mAlavakaprasiddhodhanadhAnyavizeSaH (Laghu Nyasa II, 2,106).

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276 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [DECEMBER, 1915 Yakshavarman in his Chintamani reads jAteviti gamyate. Hemachandra also reads atra safara toza Brihadvritti II, 2, 106. The authors of the Kalika, in explaining the vartika svArukarmakAca on Panini bhADoyamahanaH I,3,28, remark: bhAyacchate pANi / bhAhate shirH| svAGga caha na pAribhASikaM gRhyate / kiM sahi svamaGgastAGgaM tena iha na . bhavati / Ahanti ziraH parakIyamiti / The Nyasakara says :- nAtra pAribhASikaM sva jagRhyate bhadravaM mUrtimat svAGgamiti kiM sahi svamaMgaM svAMsamiti AtmIyamagamityarthaH D.C. Ms. 34 of 1881-82, p. 68 (5). Sakatayana says that he accepts this view and t the uses the two separate words in his sutra in order to avoid the ambiguous compound fata thug : yaMghnaH skheMge vA(cA ) AipUrvAyametema lastaho bhavati / karmaNyasati | skhe AtmIye cAMge kartuH krmnni| ........... svAMga iti samAse pa(pA)ribhASika pratipattiH sthaahitysmaasH| Amogh. I, 4, 59. Hemachandra follows Sakatayana thus :. bhAjo yamahanaH svene c| svAGga iti samastanirdeze pAribhASikasvAGga-pratipattiH sthAdityasamastAbhidhAnam Brihadoritti III, 3, 86. Lotus turn to the two following sutras of Panini :pogayuvatistokakatipayagRSTidhenuvazAvehaSkavaNIpavakRtrotriyAdhyApakadhUrteAtiH II, 1, 65. prazaMsAvacanaizca 1,1,66. On the latter sutra the Katika says : rUDhizabdAH prazasAvacanA gRhyante masallikAdayaH The Nyasa kara explains : viprakArA hi prazaMsAzabdAH // kecijjAvizabdAH parapadArthe prayujyamAnAH prazaMsAmAcakSate / siMho devadattaH // kecituNazabdAH guNasaMbaMdhena prazaMsAbacanA bhavaMti / ramaNIyo mAmaH / zobhamAnaH) pAka iti / keSivRddhizAdA matalikAdayaH // teSAM prasava pAyaH / tadiha vacanamahaNAt pracaMsAbAmeva ye vartate te gRhyate kadizabdAH // goprakAMDamiti // dhobhana[] prazaslo gorityarthaH / / bogavibhAgo asaMvahAryaH // yadi pUrvayoga eva prazaMsAvacanA gRoran / sahA saMdehaH svAt // kiM poTAdinirvacanamahaNaM pratyekamapi saMbadhyate / bhaya prasa()sabaiveti / / poTAdibhidha saMbabhyatA (jUnavA).tasparvAvairapi samAsaH syAt / D.C. Ms. 33 of 1881-82 p.24 (6). In this passage the Nyasakara says that Panini does not combine the two sutras into une because the term would have caused ambiguity. Sakata yana 800epts this view and, dispensing witin the terni , coins a new phrase waarse, which is not open to the above objection, and writes his one sutra in lieu of Panini's two thus : poTAbupatistokakatipavagRSTidhenuvazAvehaSkayanIpravakRtrivA-bApakadhUrtaprazaMsAkaDetiH and explains the new phrase thus - paJcasAkamA matanikAyaH bhaavissttliNgaaH| te gAmatAlikA / bhndhmtaadhikaa| .......... ............... | kAmahapAdiha na bhavati / gauH ramaNIyA / gauH zobhanA / Amogh. II, 1, 73... . Mahabhashya IV, 1. 64. RAimogh. 3,27.

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DECEMBER, 1915] THE NYASAKARA AND THE JAINA SAKATAYANA 277 %3 Hemachandra borrows the amended sutra as well as the explanation of Sakatayana in his Brihadvritti (III, 1, 111), while his commentator the Laghu-Nya sakara remarks : rUDhapahaNAditi / rUDhamahaNasyoktarUpamatallikAdiparimAhakatvAdramaNIyazobhanazabdayozca ramaNIya- . svAdiguNamupAdAya prazaMsAyAM vartamAnasvAdAbhyAM jAtine samasyata iti It is interesting to note that Haradatta, who copies the three kinds of gareT mentioned by the Nya saka ra proposes the following emendation :prazaMsAvacanapoTAyuvatItyekayoge kartavye yogavibhAgazcityaprayojanaH Padamaiijari, vol. I, p. 384. The next sutra of Panini, which I wish to notice here is : yuvA khalAtipalitavalinajaratIbhiH II,1, 66. Patanjali says that yuvatiH jaratI can be formed into the compound yuvajaratI, yuvA being changed into yuvati according to the maxim prAtipadikamahaNe liGga-viziSTasyApi mahaNaM bhavati. But the Kafika mentions another compound 7 FTTH which is not authorized by the above maxim, which applies only to the first member of the compound, The Nyasakara, who is conscious of this difficulty, accounts for the second compound thus : nanvevamapi jaratyA samAsa ucyamAno jaratA na pAmoti yuvajaraniti / / naiSa dossH| vRtyaM(tyaM )tare rajaji( jaragiriti paThyate / / ubhayathA hyAcAryeNa ziSyAH pratipAditA ityubhayaM siddhyati D.C. Ms. No. 33 of 1881-82, p. 25 (a). Sakatayana simplifies the matter by admitting fra into his sutra. khalatijaratpalitavalinairyavA. Amogh. II, 1,75. but does not give illustretions. The sutra is fully explained by Yakshavarman in his Chintamani, which is followed by Hemachandra. (Brihadvritti III, 1, 113) On the other hand, Kaiyata is obliged to accept the explanation given by the Nyasakara: puMliGgasya strIliGgana sAmAnAdhikaraNyaM nIpapayata ityarthApatyA paribhASA jJApyate / tena yuvatirjaratIti strIliGgayoH samAsaH // nanvesayorapi viruddhavayovAcisvAnnAsti sAmAnAdhikaraNyam / / naiSa dossH| jaratyAM yuvatidharmopalambhAt / yuvatervA jaratIdharmasadbhAvAt tadrUpAropAt / yuvatizabdasyaiva pUrvanipAtArthamidam aniyamo hi guNazabdasvArasyAt / / jaraddhiH ityapi pAThaM ziSyA bhAcAryeNa bodhitA iti yuvajaranityapi bhavati Mahabhashya, Nirnayasagara ed. Vol. II, p. 405. Haradatta says : asyAM hi paribhASAyAM satyAM yuvazabdasya mahaNe yuvatizabdasyApi mahaNAdupapadyate yuvatijaratIzabdayoH sAmAnAdhikaraNyamasatyAM tu nopapadyata ityaryApattyA paribhASA jJAyate / ............ / yuvajaraniti / jarazirityapi pAThaH kenacidAcAryeNa podhita iti puMliGganApi samAso bhavatIti bhAvaH / buvatirjaratIti / kathaM viruddha vayo ]vAcinoH sAmAnAdhikaraNyam, bhanyonyadharmopalambhAttadrUpatvAropAiviSyAti, barSe vibhinnalijanyorapyevameva sAmAnAdhikaraNyasaMbhavAtkathaM paribhASA jJApyata iti cintyaM, yuvazabdasya pUrvanipAtaniyamArya vacanamaniyamohi guNazabdatvAtsyAt Padamafijari, Benares Ed., Voi. I, pp. 383-84. In this passage Haradatta says that he is not prepared to accept Kaiyata's explanation as regards youth and old age by stret, because it would equally apply in the case of

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278 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [DECEMBER, 1915 different genders and would thus render unnecessary the after insisted upon by Patanjali. Nagoji Bhatta defends Kaiyata thus : tapAropAditi / manvaM puMstvasthApyAropostu kiM jJApakena asaMgataM ca tariti ghaMna / ubhayArope gauravAt lakSyAnurodhena bhASyaprAmANyena chaptaparibhASAjJApanasvaivaucityAcetyalam | jarazirityapIti / bhatra mAna cintyam | yuvajarAniti / bahulagrahaNenApi sAdham | Mahabhashya, Nirnayasagara Ed., Vol. II, pp. 405-406. From these passages it is evident that Haradatta is posterior to Kaiyata and that both are indebted to the Nyasakara. In his remarks on the Kafika (Panini I, 3, 47) the Nyasakarat says that thy and other words in the satra oonvey the different meanings of the root or itself. Sakatayana, who borrows the word it as the equivalent of a from the Katika says: * vImyAdayaH sarve [vati ]dhAtorI evetyeke Amogh. I, 4, 51. By pa the Nyesakara is obviously referred to here. Sakatayana owes his explanations of many words entirely to the Nyasakara. (a) paitrakamadhA anuharante mAtRkaM gAvonuharanta iti pitRvanmAtRvAmanameSAM svabhAva ityarthaH Nyasa on Kalika I, 3,21. D.C.Ms. No. 34 of 1881-82, p. 68(4). pitRvammAtRvaca gamanameSAM svabhAvata evetyarthaH Amogh. I, 4, 13. (7) upacchati cikitsAM vaiyaH Kalika I, 3, 75. cikitsAzAstramadhigatuM samarma karotItvarthaH Nyasa on Kanika I, 3, 75, D.C. Ms. No. 34 of 1881-82, p. 74 (a). cikitsite prathe upamaM karotItyarthaH Amogh. I, 4, 67. (0) bhAkAmati mANavakaH kutapamiti bhavabhayatItyarthaH Nyasa on Kanika I, 3, 40.. D. C. Ms. No. 34 of 1881-82, p. 89 (6). bhAkAmati mANavakaH kutapaM / bhavanAtItyarthaH Amogh. d Chintamani, I, 4, 26. (d) vikrAmasyAjinasandhiH Kasika I, 3, 41. vidhAbhavati sphuTIbhavatItyayaH Nydea on Karika I, 3,41. D.C. Ms. 34 of 1881-82, p. 69 (6). vikrAmatyajinasandhiH sphuTatItvaryaH Amogh. I, 4,24. The Nyasakara calls himself Bodhisattva-debiyacharya Jinendrabuddhi, while Sakatayana wishes to assure distant posterity that he is in no way inferior in erudition to his Buddhist predecessor by assuming to himself an exactly similar title Sruta-kevalidesiyacharya Sakatayana iti bodhisattvadezIyAcArya jineMdraiddhiviracitAyAM kAzikAvivaraNapaMci(ji)kAyAM prathamasthAdhyAyasva tRtIyaH pAraH smaaptH|| D.C. Ms. No. 34 of 1881-82, p. 78a. . +D.O. Ma No. of 1881-82, p. 70a.

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DECEMBER, 1918) THE NYASAKARA AND THE JAINA SAKATAYANA 279 iti (q)takevalidezIyAcAryazAkaTAyanakRtI zabdAnuzAsane vRttI prathamasyAdhyAyasya kRtIyaH paadH|| Ms. of the Jaina Matha, Kolhapur. Before discussing the chronological relations between the Nyasakara and Saka yana, it will be convenient to examine two more s-atras of the latter. Patanjali quotes two verses containing past participles of certain verbs conveying the sense of the present tense under Panini III, 2, 188. These verses are also found in the Karikd with the following remark: tathA suptaH / shyitH| AzitaH / liptH| dRptH| ityevamAdayopi vartamAne bATaNyAH ___Kalika III, 2, 188. All these words and some others are included in the verses that occur in the Annoghavritti under the following sutra: matipUjArthami(mI)cchIlyAdibhyaHkkA IV,3,278. satIti vartate / matyarthebhyaH pUjArthebhyaH mi(bhI)apaH zIlyAdibhyazca dhAtubhyaH satyarthe vartamAnebhyaH ktapratyayo bhavati / .................... / zIlyAdibhyaH / zIlito rakSitaHkSAMta AkruSTa(ho juSTa ucataH / saMyataH saM(za)thitastuSTo ruSTa(To) rupita bhAsi (zi)taH / / kAntobhivyAhato dRSTo dRptaskRto mRtastathA / liptaH khigdhazca dayita ityAdyAH sati lkssitaaH|| kaSTaM bhaviSyatItyAhaH sa gamyAdiSu dRzyatAm | keciva() [5] bhUtakAlatA tatra ka(kta) itIdaM nAraM (2) me (bhaM) [] Amogh. & Chintamani IV, 3, 278. By fra Chandra is referred to, who has no corresponding sitra. In the last line we are told that he is to be looked for in the T T T which occurs in the following sutra : gamyAdivatsyati IV, 3,280. gamyAdiH zabdagaNa inAdi pratyayAntaH vaya'ti dhAsvarthe sAdhurveditavyaH / gamI / bhAgAmI............ kaSTa / pade sAmAnyattAvapyarthAtprakaraNAcchabdAnsarasaMnidheo vizeSapratipattirbhavati / (dhI gamI mAmamiti sa vaakyaarth|| Amogh. & Chintamani, IV,3,280. It is thus evident that the verses, the sutras and the Amoghavritti containing the gaNapATha were all composed by Sakatayana himself. Chandra has the following independent siltra : samAnasya pakSAdiSu 7,2,103. ' We learn from the Kasiki that this is got by TTT or separating the word samAnasya from Panini's sitra VI,3,84, which deals exclusively with Vedic forms, in order to account for words like sapakSa. In his sitra (V,2, 104) Chandra borrows his material from Panini (VI, 3, 85). These facts were before Sakatayana, who improves upon Chandra's method by composing one sutra, while he relegates to his Amoghavritti all the words noticed by Chandra and the authors of the Kasika. In order to enable the reader to appreoiate the importance of this subject I shall cite below the sutras of Panini and Chandra : Panini. Chandra. - (a) samAnasya chandasyamUrkhaprabhRtyudarkeSu / / (a) samAnasya pakSAdiSu VI, 3, 84. v,2, 103. (6) jyotirjanapararAbimAbhinAmagI nAmagotrarUpasthAnavarNavayovacanadharmavarUpasthAnavarNavayovacanabandhuSu jAtIye vA VI, 3,85.J V,2,104. (To be continued.)

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280 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY [DECEMBER, 1916 507-8 1 12 Phalguna NOTES AND QUERIES. A CORRECTION IN THE INDIAN where those oolumns are left blank, the following CALENDAR. should be substituted :(Extract from the Journal of the Royal Ariatio YEAR COL. 8. COL. COL. (COL. COL. A.D. Society, April 1915, p. 335.) 9. 10. 11. 12. 16 8 KArttika (9884 29662 66 0.1957 I HAVE to thank Dowan Bahadur L. D. Swami- 8 11 Magha (Ksh.) 15 0.0489980 29.940 9980 29-9401 51 0.158 kannu Pillai for having, in his Indian Chronology I 8 Karttika 997629-928 12 0.0367 751.2 R 9 Margas.(Kal.) (pp. 99-101), pointed out two errors of caloulation 121 0-036.992029-760 in the Indian Calendar (1896), of which the late The result is the same whether calculation is made by the first Arya Siddhanta or by the Sarya Sankara Balkrishna Dikshit and myself were the Siddhanta. authors, I find, on examination, that his criticism In case these corrections should lead to any is perfectly just. It is unnecessary for me to ex doubt as to the accuracy of our other caloulations it will be well to note that the above are the only plain how these regrettable mistakes arose, but it mistakes that have as yet been brought to my is of importance that they should be notified for notice in all the tables of the Indian Calendar since its publication eighteen years ago. Morethe guidance of those who are in the habit of over, as Mr. Swamikannu Pillai has, freshly and using our tables for the verification of dates of by a different system, gone over the whole ground inscriptions. covered by our tables and finds no other correction necessary, that in itself is sufficient proof of their The mistakes concern the intercalation and reliability. His criticism in these two cases is a suppression of lunar months in the years Baka 430 testimony to the correctness of the remainder. Nevertheless humanum est errare, and I shall be and 674 current, or A.D. 507-8 and 761-2. The greatly obliged if any reader of the Antiquary will following corrections should be made in Table I of tell me if he detects any other mistake. I have the Indian Calendar discovered one for myself, which I take this (1) In the entry for the year A.D. 507-8 (p. xiv). opportunity of notifying. In Table I of the Indian Calendar, in the entry for the year A.D. 1496-7, in columna 8-12, instead of the present entry col. 13. the entry in bracketa" (86)." should be << 12 Phalguna; 9983; 20-249; 52; 0.156"; and " (87)." (ii) in the entry for the year A.D. 751-2 (p. Xxx), R. SEWELLE BOOK NOTICE. A COLLECTION or MALAY PROVERBS, by J. L. into the ways and thoughts of the people. It is HUMPHREYS. Reprinted from Journal, No. 67, thus useful not only to the anthropologist, but also Straite Branch, R. A. S., December 1914. to the magistrate and the administrator. It need hardly be pointed out that this is the really Txas short collection of proverbs from Johor practical way, in which to present a colleotion of and Naning is notable and worthy of general study Oriental proverbs to British readers and I congratu. for the manner in which it is put together. There late the author on his effort. is the proverb, its rendering into English, its appliontion and a brief account of the circumstan. R. C. TEMPLE, ces in which it is used, involving a useful insight 18th April 1015.

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INDEX Sup. stands for the Supplement, Polklore of the Konkan pp. 25-92. F. G. stands for the Supplement, Folklore of Gujarat pp. 13--108. .. .. 139 A Girl Aaks Her Brother for a Gift, song .. 2 | Agrammes, Xandrames.. .. .. 51 A Girl Bride's Homesicknese, song .. .. 3 Agris, their death custome . . Sup. 69 A Girl Bride's Lainent, song .. .. .. 1 havamalla, Sameavars I., Chola k., and Kol-, A Girl's Song .. .. .. .. .. 2 lippakksi.. .. .. .. .. .. 213 abhisheka, ceremony .. .. .. Sup. 92 Aheo Navami day .. .. .. .. Sup. 42 Abhisheka-Pandye, k. .. .. .. .. 208dhuti, offering .. .. .. .. F. G. 74 ahaida, in a church of .. .. 155, 1. Aitareya Brahmana, the .. 177, 179 and ., 180 *Abu 1-Fall and oras used in India .. 216, 217 | Ajanta, buildings, illustrated .. .. .. 146 Abul Fazl, on Akbar's date 233-236, 237-242 Ajataiatru, k. .. .. 42, 1, 46, f., 48-50 Abu Sadaim Husein bin Ali al-Ash'ari, built Akalanka Jains priest .. .. .. .. 128 the Kum Mosque . .. Akbar, 62 ; Acabar 111, f.; 167 ; his toleration Abu Said, Sultan .. .. .. .. .. .. 143 223; date of his birth .. .. .. 233, ff. Abydos, tn., and Osiris .. .. .. .. 231 Akbarndmah, the 234 n.; 237, 1., 240, 242 Acabar, Akbar .. .. .. .. .. 111 Akkuyunlu, or White Sheep dyn. .. .. 83 accidence, in Kashmirt .. .. .. 363--265 Akpapada, author, and the syllogiam .. .. 83 Achaomonian Age, the architecture of 138, . Alagar Malai, rock fort, Madura .. 69 and n. 138, f., 143 | Alandi, seat of a Swami .. .. .. Sup. 50 Acharya, Vaishnava .. .. .. .. 164 Alavandar, alias of Yamuna Acharya .. .. 164 Achin, and J. Smith 26, Atchin, .. 26--29 Aloxander, the Great and India 41; 227, 228 n. Achyuta, Vijayanagara k., and Achyutarayas- Al Hadra, Hatra, vaulted palace .. .. 135 vamin .. .. .. .. .. .. 224 Ali, Shi' a hero .. .. .. .. .. 140 Adbhdtandgura, a work attributed to Vallalase Ali,' shrine, at Naju .. .. na .. .. . .. 216 'Ali Akbar, g. father of Akbar .. .. .. 242, f. Adh Dhahir, the Fatimite, and the Rook of Alauddin, the bloody, .. .. F. G. 102, f. Jerusalom .. .. .. .. .. 155 almanacs of Sivasitha .. .. .. .. 215 Adi Gudi Imam, Mahomedan saint . Sup. 76 alms, secret, .. .. .. F. G. 86; 92 adjectives, in Old W. Rajasthan 4-6; 33, f.; Alvars, Vaishnava.. .. .. .. .. 164 53, 65; 74; 104 Alv&r-Tirunagiri, Pandya vice-royalty .. 37 Administrative system, Naik ..' .. 113, ff. Amarkot, Umark@t, etc., fort, birthplace of Adonis, Attis, and Osiris, by Sir J. G. Frazer, Akbar 234 and n., 236, 240 quoted .. .. .. .. .. 231, 1. Ambaji, goddess .. .. .. .. F. G. 73 Adventure, the ship .. .. .. .. 26 Amir Khuard, on Malik KAfur .. .. .. 175 Adventures of the God of Mathura, contd. Am ittivara, templo, at Amcitapur .. 93, f. from Vol. XLII p. 72 .. .. 206, ff.; 229, ff. amulets .. .. .. Sup. 33, f., 64, f., 86 adverbe, in Old W. RajasthAni .. 4, 5, 36, 52, ff. Anandmurti, Swami .. .. .. Sup. 45 Aseculapius and Poseidon Anamalai inscripe. and Mathura Kavi. 164 n. Afghanistan, and the Eranian languages .. 226 Anarkali, Immaoque Kello, Nadira Begam 111 and Age, The, of Srt-Haraha .. .. .. .. 216 n., 112 Agenor, k. of Sidon .. .. .. .. 229 ancestors, as deities .. Sup. 28; 40, fl.; Aggikhanda, bon-fire, and Sokkappanai .. 203 F. G. 82, 85; 89, ff. Agha Muhaminad Khan, and the Imam Kya.. 166 Andiyar, fort .. Agnihotra, sacrifice .. .. .. Sup. 82 Anogondi, Vijayanagara .. .. .. .. 219 Agniskandha, and the Fourth Rock Ediet of Anglo-Indian Worthies, Some, of the Seven. Aboka .. .. . .. .. 203, 1. teenth century, contd. from Vol. XLIII Agra, and Shahjahan 24 ; tombs at . 143, 2441 p. 255, John Smith .. .. 12-18; 25-29

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282 INDEX animals, sacred, ete. Sup. 78, f; 81, 83--85 Aurangzeb .. .. .. 24; 223 anushthan, ceremony Sup. 34; F. G. 81 Ava Merchant, the ship .. .. .. .. 25 anushubh-gayatri, lines 131, 132 n.; 178-180 Avanti dyn. .. .. .. 44 Anviksikl, philosophy .. .. .. .. 83 Ayodhya, holy c... .. Sup. 68 Apabhramca, ree Grammar of the Old w. Rajasthani 3, ff., etc.; or Praksit 106, f. Apis, .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 229 Babhrivahan, and smallpox .. F. G. 78 and n. Apollo .. .. .. .. .. .. 210 Babin, C., and architecture .. .. 143 and n. A ppaji Kulkarni, & Sambandh .. .. Sup. 59 Babruvdhan, k... .. . .. F. G. 93 Arabic words in Gujarati .. .. 18 n.; 228 BAbur, emp. .. .. .. .. .. 241 Arabs, and paper 111; and the Goths 138 n.; Bacon, Roger, and the telescope .. .. 95 and boys' names, etc. F. G. 101; 107 Baddonf, on the birth of Akbar.. .. 234, t. Aravitis and the second Vijayanagara dyn... 225 Badr-i-doman, title of Akbar .. .. 239 n., 242 Archeologie du Sud de l'Inde; by G. Jouveau Badru.d-din, and Jalalu-d-din, titles attribut -Dubreuil .. .. .. .. .. 90 od to Akbar .. .. .. 233, 235Architecture and Sculpture in Mysore; The 237 and n., 239 Hoysala Style .. .. .. .. 8995 Badugas and Visvanatha.. .. . 37, 38 Architecture of The Hindu by Ram Rax .. 143 Bahudur Khan of Dhanora and Prince Chain Ark, the .. .. .. .. .. .. 229 185--188 Arsacid, lato Parthian period .. .. .. 138 Pahiri, goddess .. .. .. .. Sup. 25 Art, the Black .. .. .. Sup. 85, f. 89, 92 BAhmani conquerors Vijayanagara .. .. 224 Arthasastra of Chanakya.. .. .. 83, 86, 87 Bahri Hazaj, Persian metre .. .. .. 266 Artha sastra, or Kamasutra, a work by Vatsyd- Babuchanji, Bechraji, goddess .. .. F. G. 73 yane, the Sage .. .. .. .. .. 88 Baichoja of Nande, Hoysala seulptor .. 94, f. arti, ceremony .. .. .. .. Sup. 45 Bairam Khan 157; and Delhi .. ..235 n., 238 artistic products of Mysore .. .. Baiswari, old, lang., and Rajasthan .. .. 119 artists, sculptors, in Mysore .. .. :. 95 Bait-ul-Khalifah, vaulted palace at Rakka .. 135 Arunachalam (Trinomali) shrine of Brahma .. 230 Bajrangbali, Hanuman .. .. .. 184 and n. Aryanatha, and the Five Pandyas .. .. 37 baldans, cakes .. .. .. .. F. G. 87 Aryanatha Mudali, Minister to Visvanatha .. 62 Bakrowar, probably Bucklesore, a spa in Ben. -64; 113 gal, mentioned by J. Bmith .. .. .. 12 n. Aryans and India 227; and Kashmir .. .. 257 Balaghat, in N. Salem .. .. .. .. 66 Asami Pir .. .. .. F. G. 96 | Balasor Ballasore, and J. Smith 12, 13; and Ascetics and barrennes.. .. .. F. G. 99 W. Clavell, oto... .. .. 14, 18: 25. 27 Ashapuri, goddess.. .. .. .. Sup. 25 bali, offering .. Sup. 31, 32, 87; dan F. G. 75 Ashtadik-Palas, protectors .. .. Sup. 84 Balthasar Bourbon, alias Shahzada Mastb.. Asia Minor and Uzun Hasan .. .. .. 162 183 n. Asoka, in legends 41; his mother 51; stupas in Balachistan, and the Eranian langs... ..226 Kafei .. .. .. .. ..87 n.: 127 Bana, and tradition 41; and the faisunagas, Asoka, Fourth Rock Edict of .. .. 203-206 etc. . . 45, 49 A sokachalla, Inscriptions of .. ... 215--218 Banas, and the Hoysalas.. .. .. .. 174 Assyria and the dome .. .. . 133, f. hands European, and bhute .. .. F. G. 93 Asuras and Kali .. .. .. 65 n. Bangaru Tirumala, exiled Naik.. .. 114-118 asur gati, path of demons .. .. F. G. 90 Banian tree, Vad, legend of .. .. Sup. 73 Aevapati, k. of Kekaya .. .. .. .. 227 banjan rite .. .. .. .. .. Sup. 41 Atharvaveda Upanishads . .. .. 130 Bapdev, 8. .. .. .. .. .. Sup. 26 Athens and Panhagia Lycodemo .. .. 152 Bapujipant Kulkarni, dead man, guard of a Athribis, tn., and Osiris.. .. ... .. 231 treasure .. .. . .. .. Sup. 59 atit, holy man .. .. .. : F. G. 94 Baramahal, dist. in Salem .. .. 66 Ati Vira-Rama-Pandya, k. 38 and n., 39 and n. barber, the, in marriages.. .. . 1 and n. Attilturai, fort .. . . . 66 Barkheda Bazar, vil., and Prince Chain 184 n; Attur, fort .. .. .. .. 68 and n., 67 n. Barkhera.. .. .. .. .. .. 185 algapalya, Indian game .. Sup. 89 Barnes, Frances, and J. Smith's murderer .. 27, f. Aulia Pir .. .. .. .. F.G. 98 and n. Barth, A., and the Upanishads .. .. 130 and .

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INDEX 283 Barus, Paris, Dutch factory, Sumatra.. .. 27 Bibi Khanum, mausoleum 145-147, 149, f. barrennes, oures for, Sup. 38, 47, f. ; F. G. 98, 100 Bikramajit, Vikramaditya era .. .. .. 215 Battis Shirale Satara, fair at . Sup. 72, 75 Bimbisara, k., 42 alias Srenika 43-46, 48-51 Bauddha and Kanchi .. .. .. 127, f. Bindusara, Maurys, k., father of Asoka .. 51 baed, recluse .. .. .. F. G. 88, 91 Birbhum dist., Bengal, had sulphur springs ..12n. Bawan Pir, and barrenners . .. Sup. 47 birch leaf, for mantras .. .. .. Sup. 34 Bay, the: E. L Co's station .. . 13, f. birds, etc., revered .. .. .. .. Sup. 83, f. Bayas, smallpox deities .. .. .. Sup. 30birth of Akbar, date of .. .. .. 233-244 Beames, M, his Comparative Grammar .. .. 102 black art, chelak .. .. Sup. 85, f, or jadu 92 Belabo, copper-plate grant found at .. 271, f.; 274 Blue Mosque at Tabriz, illustration of 144, 152 Belgami, temples at .. .. .. .. 93 blood offerings and ghosts .. .. Sup. 107 belt, wrought, ordered by J. Smith .. .. 12 body, and the soul . Sup. 104, f., 107, f. Belor, the Keava temple at .. .. .. 92 Bombay Pres., and fetish stones .. Sup. 81 Benares, Kast, in the Jatakas 43, 44, 48; and bottles, for evil spirits .. .. F. G. 87, f. Brahmi 230; Shraddhas at .. .. Sup. 67, f. Bourbons, of Bhopal, and Prince Chain 183 n., Benedict a Goes, and Akbar .. .. .. 244 188 n. Bengal, a spa in 12 and n.; E. L Co's. fac- Brahma g. 23 n., the fourteen lokas of 230, 232 tories, etc. 14-16; and the Lakshmanagona Brahman, records of the Saisunagas 44; invoera 215, f.; Turkish raid into 218; E., cation .. .. .. .. .. .. 220 conquered by Syamsia, eto... . 270--274 Brahmanas, the Aitareya and the Satapatha 177- Berasia, in Dhar State, and Prince hain 179 183 and n., 185 Brahmans, Naik Dalavdis 113, t.; their literaBhagats, removers of evil spirits .. Sup. 36 ture 177 n.; 207; and the Keshmir Valley Bhagavata Purana, in sculpture .. .. .. 93 257; and gyamala 271 ; and Shiva Sup. 26; Bhagavaran Kottai, fort.. .. .. .. 60 worshipped. etc. 30; and disease 31 ; fed bhajan rite .. .. .. .. .. Sup. 42 35; 48, 87; and ancestor worship 40, 41; Bhaktimarga, path.. .. .. .. Sup. 52 and Musalman saints, etc. 45, 46; and fune Bhandarkar, R. G. and Prakrit 102 ; and pho rals, etc., 66; 69, 70; (Karhada Brahmans netic spelling .. .. .. .. .. 110 and poison 80 -82 ;) and silence, etc., 88; Bhangis, scavengers, and cholera F. G. 74, f., 91, 92 ; and disease F. G. 74, 75; 77; and 79, 88 exorcism, etc., 82, 83; 89, 90; 101; murder Bharani rite. .. . . . Sup. 35 of .. .. .. .. .. . . . . 108 Bharathpur, Bhurtpora .. .. . 88 Brevarius, pilgrim and the absida .. .. 156 Bhasa, and secular tradition 41 ; and the Saisu- Brihadkath and secular tradition .. .. 41 nagas .. .. .. .. .. .. 45 British, and cholera outbreak .. .. F. G. 74 Bhavani, fort and river 65 and n., 66, 69 Bucklesore, Bakreswar .. .. .. 12 n. Bhavinis, public women ... .. .. Sup. 74 Buddha Vestiges in Kanchipura .. 127-129 Bhavnagar House-Front, Delhi Exhibition .. 143 Buddha, contemporaries of 43 and n.; Nirvana, Bhensagur, buffalo demon .. ..F. G. 106 death, etc. 45, 47, 48, date of 50--52 ; and Bhima-slavaraj, book read to the dying Sup. 26 Kanci .. .. .. .. .. 87 n.; 218 Bhojavarman, copperplato grant of .. .. 271 Buddhaghosha, and the faisun gas.. 49 . Bhopal, and Prince Chain 181 ; and the Bour- Buddhism, Mahiyana, rise of .. .. .. 87 bons . . . . .. 183 n, 188 Buddhist traditions and Indian history 41Bhujanga Swami .. . .. .. Sup. 45 44, 46, and n.; 47:-50 and n., 51 ; 177 n. bhunga, black bee .. . . .. Sup. 25 buffalo, sacred .. .. .. .. Sup. 83 Bhutalis, women who influence spirits.. Sup. 85 Bugden, Ed., and J. Smith .. 12, 16, 25-29 Bhutanath incarnation of Shiva . Sup. 25 Buhler, Prof., and paper.. Bhutes, caste of beggars .. .. .. Sup. 36 buildings, notable .. .. .. .. .. 91 bhuts, evil spirit, eto. Sup. 51-53,56,76; F. G. Bukhara, and Islam .. .. .. .. 154 92, f., 105, 107 bullock, sacred .. .. .. .. Sup. 83 Bhutin, dedicated girl .. .. .. Sup. 74 burial, Hindu . . . . . . . Sup. 67 Bhurtpore, Bharathpur, treasure in .. .. 88 burning of the dead .. .. Sup. 66, 67 Bhutya, dedicated boy .. .. .. Sup. 74 burning grounds ... .. .. F. G. 87, 88, 92 bhunds, exorcists :.. F. G. 81-84, 86-88, 90 Burma Chronicles and Nirvana era o 217, f.

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284 INDEX Burmese, Buddhist legend 46 n; era.. .. 219 Bugiris, tn., and Osiris .. .. .. .. 231 Byzantine architecture .. 144 and n., 151 And n. 152 Cairo, mosques in, illustrated .. .. - 144, 150 calamities and dreams . Sup. 49, L.; 53 Calendar, Indian, a correction in .. .. 280 Calo Johnnes, Comneni emp. .. .. .. 162 Canakya, Kautilya, author of the Arthasdatra 83 Canarose, and Visvanatha .. .. 61, f.; 73 Canouge, battle .. .. .. .. .. 236 case, in Old W. Rajasthani .. .. 347, 10 Cassam bazer, Kasimbazar and J. Smith, eto., 12; 14 cataract .. .. .. .. .. F. G. 78 Caterino Zend, Venetian ambassador .. .. 162 Cathedral, of Florence .. .. .. 142; PS. cattle, protection of etc., Sup. 27, f.; 33; 46 : 70,79; 87; F. G. 80, f., 83; 95 Ceremonies, funeral Sup. 66, f.; sacred thread 71, 90; 82; of choialins 85; ploughing, eto., 87, f.; puberty, oto. 90-92; war F. G. 81, f.; Nilolsava 83 and n.; funeral 89, 92; preg. nancy, etc. .. .. .. .. 98, 1. Ceylon 172-174; or flam 194 n.; Chronicles, and Nirvana .. .. .. .. : .. 217 .. 21 chak padane, pustules .. .. . Sup. 62 Chaldaea, and the dome 133, 1, 138; sacred books of .. .. .. " Chalukyan or Hoysala style of architecture 89, . Chamant Begam, Chiminy, dr. of Shah-Jahan. 24; 112 Chamars, as guardians of treasure .. .. 88 Chambali, Samapalli, fort .. .. 85 n. Ch&nakys, usurper .. . 41, 47, 51 n. Chanda, Mr. Ramaprasad, and The Age of Sri Haraha .. .. .. .. .. 215_218 Chanda Pradyota and Chanda Pajjota.. .. 43 Chandiks and cholera .. .. .. F. G. 75 Chandrabhaga, Greek form .. .. .. 228 Chandragiri, cap. of Vijayanagara .. .. 225 Chandragupta 41, 43, f, 47-50, reputed ser vile origin 51 and n.; Greek form .. .. 228 Chandragupta II, Vikramaditya, reputed con temporary of Vatsyayans .. .. Chandrasekhara, Pandya k. 37 and n.; and Aryanatha .. .. .. .. .. 64 Channagiri, temple at . . Chardin, on architecture 144 and n., 162- 164, 168 charms, .. .. .. .. Sup. 34, 608 Chennaklava temple at Hallikere, described... 91 Chera, Kongu .. .. . 194 n. Cheraman, Peramal k. .. .. .. .. 164 chelak, black art .. .. .. Sup. 85, 89, 92 chetuk, servant spirit . .. .. Sup. 70 chhap, seal, chop.. .. .. .. 26, 28 Chidambaram, and Brahma .. .. .. 230 Child, Mr. J., and J. Smith childbed .. .. .. .. F. G. 99 n., 107 childbirth and spirits, etc. 55-58, 67, 70; F. G. 73 children and Satwai, godden Sup. 91; and the evil eye Sup. 60-64 ; and smallpox, eto. F. G. 77, 88, f. 96; spirits of 90; early death of .. .. .. .. .. .. 101 Chinese, Buddhist tradition and Pradyota 43; and paper 111, legend of the Five Pandyas .. 176 Chiniz Khan .. .. .. 149 Chinna Dorai, second in power, Naik official.. 118 Chinna Kadir Naik of Kanni Vadi, Polygar hero ... .. .. .. .. .. 37 Chipiez, Chas., History of Art in Ancient Egypt. 133 and 1., 138 Chitharia, ragged Py ..F.G. 85, f. Chokkanatha Naik, and Trichinopoly, etc. 71; 114, 118 Cholas and Visvanatha 59; and Pandya, war, eto, 64; 173-175, 210; king statue of 94; 194 n.; and the W. Chalukyas 213, Eight ." Dates .. 229 Chalukyan or Howala Chalukyaa, w. . hih Jahan. Choeroes, cholera, cure, etc. .. .. Sup. 88; F. G. 74, f., 79 Chorawa, Shirar, ritual .. .. .. Sup. 87 Choeroes, hall of, at Ctesiphon .. .. .. 160 Christianity and Akbar .. .. .. .. 223 Chronology of the Pandya Monarchy .. 165 176; 189--202; 245-256 Chronology, 8. Indian, hints to workers in .. 255 Chronology of the Upanishads, some Remarks on .. .. .. .. 130-132; 177-180 Chachuk (Tchouchouck) Biki, mausoleum .. 145 Chudel, female ghosts .. .. ..F. G. 107 Church of the Holy Sepulchre .. .. 142, 155 churnis, dyed cloths .. .. ..2, 3 and n. circles, as protection .. .. . Sup. 65 Circumcision of Akbar .. .. 242, 243 and . Clarke, Mr. S., and dome construction in Egypt .. .. .. .. .. .. 158 Classification, Linguistic, of Kashmiri.. 257-270 Clavell, W., and J. Smith, .. .. 14, 16, 25 Coates, Mr. and J. Smith .. .. 26-28 Coinage, Indian and Oriental, some recent researches into .. .. . .. 39, 1.

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INDEX 285 Coimbatore, and Vibvanatha ..59, 66 and n.. Dasakumaracharita, ite author.. .. 67, 68 66; 115 Dauera foast .. .. .. .. Sup. 72 Comorin, S, limit of Malabar .. .. .. 176 Datir Pir .. .. Sup. 14, F. G. 95 and n., 96 conception of Muhammad, date of 342 and n., Date of Akbar's Birth and death . 233--244 243 ; security in Sup., 91; .. F. G. 97-10), 107 Dace of Sankaracharya III. .. .. .. 164 confinement .. .. .. .. F. G. 99 and n. Date, of the Yoga-Bhashya of Vyass .. .. 24 Conjerveram, ancient Kapoipura .. 87; 127, f. dates, of Indian inscriptions . 165, 167, 169 Conjunctions, in Old W. Rajasthant .. 58458 Datta, 8. .. .. .. .. . Sup. 36 conquerors of India .. .. .. 227, f. Dattatraya temple, animal worship in. Sup. 79 Constantinople and Venice .. .. .. 151 days, lucky and unlucky .. .. .. Sup. 15 Copper-plate grant, mentions Kollipaka 213 ; dead, the malevolent, worship of F. G. 102-108 of Sivasitha 215; the Madhainagar 217; death, of Akbar 343; violent, eto, 63, f. 57; of Vijayanagara 221, 224; of Tirumala 225; F. G. 94; 101 of Bhojavarman .. .. .. .. .. 271 Deccan, the, Dravida 87; and the Salivahana corpees, re-incarnation of ete. .. F. G. 108, f. era 216; and Hindu burial eto. Sup. 67; 75, Correction, A, in the Indian Calendar .. .. 280 1.; and hill worship .. .. .. .. 80 Coste, P., on donies .. . 138, 146, 156 De Imperio Magni Mogoli, by De Laet .. 24 Courtallum, KurrAlam .. .. .. 263 deities, village Sup. 25-27; 29, f. and cattle cow, sacred .. .. .. .. .. Sup. 78, 83 | disease 33-35 worshipped 42; and dreams Cow-boy who became a king .. .. 220, 1. etc. 50 ; 75; 81, 83; and cures of diseases Creeds and Religions, of Vijayanagara .. 219, 222 F. G. 73-78; 80 cremation grounds, and chetaking .. Sup. 85 de Lact, on the muguls. . . . . 24; 111 crops, and spirits .. .. .. Sup. 70, 87-89 Delavadi-devi, at Ghivali .. .. .. Sup. 25 orosses, as charm .. .. .. .. Sup. 85, f. Delhi, Mayurapura or Indraprastha 61; and Ctesiphon, hall of .. .. .. .. .. 150 domo construction 140; 143, 149, 153, 157; Cunningham, Gen., and the Lakemanasena and the Bikramajit era etc. .. 215; 235 n. era .. .. .. .. .. .. 216, 218 deluge, the, in Tamil oo. .. .. .. 211, 229 Cupid, and the Holi .. .. .. Sup. 90 Delwadi-devi, goddess .. .. .. Sup. 25 cupolas, in Nineveh 123, and Pompeii .. 134 demon, mdmo F. G. 85, f.; path of .. .. 90 cures, for snake bites, etc. .. Sup. 76, 1., denarii, and the Kashmiri dydr .. .. .. 262 91; and deities F. G. 73-75, 81, 85-87; Dendereh, inscrip. at . .. .. 231 95-98 Denison, G. B., Lord Grimthorpe, and The Mathematical Theory of Domes .. .. 141 denominatives, Old W. Rajasthani .. 161, f. Dacca, Decca, and J. Smith 12-14, 26, f.: in. Denys, St., his heads .. .. .. .. 231 soription found at .. .. .. .. 217 Deopan, Devaski ceremony .. .. Sup. 28 dakan, witch .. .. .. ..F. G. 82, f. Desai, the late Mr. Madhavial, and Gujarati Daksha, Prajapati, and fever .. .. F. G. 78 spelling .. .. .. .. . .. 108 dakshina, money gifts .. .. .. Sup. 41, f. Despina, Comneni princess, wife of Uzun Dakshinamurti, g. of Madura .. .. .. 207 Hman .. .. .. .. 152 Dalap rite .. .. .. .. .. Sap. 27 Deussen, P., and the Upanishads .. 130 and n. Dalavai, Naik general, .. .. 113 and n., 114 devachar rite .. .. Sup. 27 Damascus and the dome.. 147, 149-151, 159 devaks, kul, totems .. .. Sup. 78; 82 Danai Naiken-Kottai, fort .. .. .. 65 deval righane process .. .. .. Sup. 74 Danasagara, work attributed to Vallalasena .. 216 Devalsha Pir .. .. .. .. F. G. 96 dancing, in exorcism .. .. Sup. 3436; Devanapriya Priyadarsin, Asoka .. F. G. 81, 83 Deva Sarpa, sacred snake.. . .. Sup. 77 Daplin, and the Ddoakumiracharita .. 67, f. deva yoshita, templo proscitute .. .. Sup. 74 Daniyhl, Sultan, Don Sha .. .. .. 111 Devikutam, tn., and Sati.. .. .. 232 dan klanvaga Inars, drum beaters.. .. F. G. 84 devis .. .. .. .. .. .. F. G. 83 Dara Shikoh, son of Shahjahan . .. 112 devrishis, removers of evil spirits . Sup. 36 Darius I., and India .. .. .. .. 227 Dewar, ruler of Malabar .. .. .. 175, f. Darkaka (Naga) and Harshaka 45, 46 and n., 47, 49 | dhaljatra ceremony .. . Sup. 25 Darsha Shraddha, rite .. .. .. Sup. 40 Dhammapada, the .. .. .. 177 n., 178, 180

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286 INDEX Dhanapala, perhaps a form of Hiranyagupta 45 n. Elizabethan period' in Indian History .223 Dharapuram, fort.. .. .. . 66 Elura Kailasa, its date .. .. .. .. 22 dhara-uddi, stream of milk . F. G. 74, f., 80 Elwes, Mr., and J. Smith 12, 1., death of .. 14 dharma, and Asoka .. .. .. 203, 205 English, the, and Prince Chain 185 : words, Dharmapala and Karof 87, n., 88; Papa .. 127 and Kashmirf .. .. .. .. 267-270 Dharmaraja, g. of hell .. .. .. F. G. 108 epidemics .. .. .. Sup. 88; F. G. 81, 83 Dhunda Rakahahasin, demon .. .. Sup. 90 epigraphy and history 41; reports on 165-167, Dhulmad, Holiday.. .. .. .. Sup. 90 169 dhuajastambhas, flagstaffs .. .. 203 Eranian, languages 226; and Pisacha etc. 257, Diaram, Daya Ram, raja of Hathras .. .. 88 261-264, 266 Digambara sect .. .. .. .. .. 127 Eras, of Lakshamanasena, eto... . 218 f. Dignaga, and Vatsyayana, dates of 82, 86 ; Eshman and Poseidon ... .. .. .. 208 and Kanc .. .. .. .. .. 88 Eton, W., and dome construction .. 159 and n. Dindugul, rock fort ; 69 and n., 115, 117 Eucratides, founder of a dynasty .. .. 228 Diocletian, temple built by .. .. .. 135 eunuchs .. .. .. .. .. F. G. 95 Dipavamsa and history .. .. .. 41, 44, f. Europa, dr. or Agenor .. .. .. .. 229 disease, etc., Sup. 26, 27-34; cure and trans. Europe and paper .. .. .. . ference of, etc. 37-39; 53, f.; 81, 90, f.; European band and bhuts .. .. F. G. 93 deities F. G. 74--76; 81, 86--88; 94, f., and Eusebius .. .. .. .. .. .. 212 ghosts .. .. .. .. .. .. 106 Eusebrius .. .. .. .. .. .. 156 Dirydni repdai,i>> r ms of gods .. .. 204, f. Euthydemus, founder of a dynasty .. . 228 Divyavadana, the, and Indian history .. 41, Eutychius, and the Rock of Jerusalem .. 156 43-45 and n.; 50, 81 and n. evil, protection from .. .. Sup. 40; 81 dog-bite .. .. .. .. .. F, G. 88 evil eye, and the scaring of ghosts .. Sup. 60, ff. Domo, The, in Persia, History and Evolution evil spirits and dreams etc. Sup. 50-52 ; 65; of .. .. .. ... . 133-159 7 0; and stones etc. 80, f., 88, 92, and disease Domingo Alvares .. .. .. 132 F. G. 74; 81-83; 86, 88, f. 92, 97, 106 Don Ruy Gonzales di Clavijo, envoy to Timur 150 existence, stages of .. .. .F. G. 102 Don Sha, Sultan Daniyal, monument to .. 111 exorcist, exorcism Sup. 25, 33-36, 39, 54, f., Dramila (and Dravila), a name of Vatsyayans 87 F. G. 81-83, 95, 97, 99, 100 Draupadi, Pandava .. .. .. .. 172 axtradition in India, an early method. i .. 132 Dravida, the Deocan, and Vatsyayana 87 and n., 88 eye maladies.. .. .. .. F. G. 81; 87 Dravidian style of architecture .. .. .. 93 dreams .. . Sup. 49, f. ; F. G. 102-104 Druslamani, black beads.. .. .. Sup. 61 Du Jarrie and Akbar's birth .. .. 244 and n. Fa-Hian, and the Nirvana era .. .. .. 217 Durga 22 ; incarnations ... .. Sup. 28, f., 89 fairs Sup. 25-27; 44 ; 72, 75, 87; ..F. G. 93, f. Dwarka, c. and Delwadi devi .. .. Sup. 25 fan, in marriage song .. .. .. .. 3 dyar, Kashmirt, from denarii .. .. .. 262 fate, in song.. .. .. .. .. .. ? dynasties, of Vijayanagars .. .. .. 221 father, in marriage arrangements .. 1 and n. Fatima, shrine at Kam .. .. .. .. 154 females, become males .. .. .. Sup. 63 eclecticism, of Krishoaraya 222, of Akbar 223, 1. Ferguson, Jas; and domes 136, 138, 141, 143, eclipse day .. .. .. .. .. Sup. 65 145,- 147 n., 352, 159 n. Edessa, the Church dome .. . 149 n. Festival of lights, 8. India 203 ; of Indra etc. Edwards, Mr., and J. Smith 12 and n., 13, 16, 25, f. 204, f. egg, symbol 212; ms offering .. .. Sup. 25 Fetishism and Totemism .. .. Sup. 78-82 Egypt and the dome 133, f., 136, 158; and the Feudalism, European, and the Polygar system serpent 212 , and Osiris .. .. 230, 232 71, 73. ekanterio, intermittent fever .. . F. G. 79 fever, Zar, origin of, etc., Sup. 78, f., 88; Elburz, mt. .. .. .. .. .. .. 207 F. G. 79 Elements of Hindu Iconography, by T. A. Go. Finoh, 17th cen. writer, on Lahor .. .. 111 pinatha Rao .. .. .. ..90; 128 n.. fire, Sup, 82; Holi .. 89-91; F. G. 81 elephant, sacred animal .. .. Sup. 78, 83, f. Firoz Shah, tomb of .. .. 140, 146; 149.

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INDEX 287 Sup. 75 Firozabad and the dome, illustrated 135-139; ghelun, (mad) a tree .. .. .. F. G. 79 146, 149, 159 Ghetti Mudaliar and Attur fort.. . 66 n. flags and exorcism .. .. .. Sup. 86 | Ghids-ud-din Tughlak Shah, tomb of .. .. 146 Flandin, on Firozabad . . . . . . . 138 ghosts, as deities eto. Sup. : 5, 1., 28, 43; 81 ; Fleet, Dr., and the Nirvana era.. .. 217, f. and dreams 51, 56, ff.; the scaring of 60Florence, Cathedral dome .. .. .. 143 64 , 67, 70, 75, 81; F. G, 89, 92, 105, f., and flower-pot design, in Masrur temple .. 21; 23 n. conception .. .. .. .. .. 107 Fockockei, the, Mongol work, and the Balku ghumat, drum, .. .. .. .. Sup. 35 nagas .. .. .. .. .. .. 44 gilt tiles .. .. .. .. .. .. 155 Folklore, from the Konkan, Sup. 25--92; from Girha, evil spirit .. .. .. .. Sup. 51 Gujarat .. .. .. .. F. G. 73--108 Girnar, inscrip. 203; Samadhsin.. F. G. 94-97 footsteps, and footprints, worshipped ..F. G. 94,96 Goa, inquisition in 132; and buried treasure Fort St. George, and J. Smith, Factory Records 12 and n., 13 n., 14 n., 15 and r., 25, 26 Gobalsha Pir, ... .. .. .. F. G. 96 forts, fortifications, of. Visvanatha 65 and n., God of Mathura, The Adventures of, from 66 and n., 67, 69 Vol. XLII p. 72 .. .. 206--212; 229-232 frieze, in temple .. .. .. .. .. 93 Godlings, minor, Bhutt-Devalas.. Sup. 26-28 funeral ceremonjes Sup. 66--69; or Shraddhas Gods and Goddesses, Vaishnava deities 90 ; F. G. 89, 92 and disease etc. Sup. 25-27; 31, f., and troes 71 ; and snakes 74; great men. F. G.91,. Gondhal dance . . . . . . . Sup. 27 Ganadhipati, and Vijayanagara.. .. .. 225 Good Hope, the ship .. .. .. 25--29 Ganapati, Kakatiya k., and the Pandyas 247 Gopradan, gift .. .. .. . Sup. 67 and n Goraknath, Pir .. .. .. E. G. 94 Ganapatis of Oraigal .. 174 goranis, unwidowed women . . F. G. 83 Gandhara co. .. .. .. .. 227 Gosavis, caste, and burial .. . Sup. 68 Gandhari, wife of Dhritardahtra . Govardhan, mt. .. .. .. .. Sup. 80 Ganesa, g., in Vijayanagara .. .. .. 225 gramadevatas, of Ratnagiri diet. .. Sup. 25--27 Gaugeya, Kalachuri-Chedi k. .. .. .. 274 Grammar of the Old Western Rajasthan, with Ganneau, Clermont, and the Church of the special reference to Apabhramca, and to Holy Sepulchre .. .. .. .. .. Gujarati and to Marwari, notes on, contiGanpati, g., and barrenness Sup. 48; stone .. 80 nued from Vol. XLIII, p. 236, 3--11; Ganapatipujan rito.. .. .. .. Sup. 91 30--36; 52-58; 74-81; 96-105; 119Garbhaddn, Rutushante ceremony .Sup. 91 126; 159-163 Garga Bisbi.. .. .. .. .. .. 207 | grants, copper-plate eto. 213, 216, 217, 221, garbhane rite .. .. .. .. Sup. 27 224, f., 271, f. Garda, g. in Masrur temple .. 20, 22, 23, n. great men, as gods .. .. .. F. G. 91 Garud-puran and the soul after death Greek, temples 143 and .. ; forms of Indian F. G. 107, f. names .. .. .. .. 228 and n. Gauda and Jijayasena 271, and Symalavar- Gregory, Grigory, Mr. and J. Smith .. 26-28 man .. .. .. .. .. .. 274 Grierson, Sir Geo., and Gujarati, Rajasthani etc. Gautama, death of .. . . . 41 17, n., 19 n., 103, 105, 107, 109 and n. Gawhar Shah, and the Meshed Moeque. 151, . Grimthorpe, Lord, or Denison, E. B., on Gaya 207 ; inscriptions .. .. .. 216, f. domes .. .. .. .. .. .. 141 sayatri, the, and the Anushtubh 178 and n., Gubbadan Begam, on the birth of Akbar 234, 179, 180 and n. 235 and n., 237, 239 Gazelhatti, pass, fortified by Visvanatha .. 65 Gazetteer Gleanings in c. India, Women's gruhyaks, divinities.. .. .. .. F. G. 93 Songs 1-3; The Lay of Prince Chain Singh Gujarat, The Folklore of, "F. G." 73-108 181-188 Gujarati language, A Note on Some Special Gobansha Pir .. .. .. .. F. G. 95 | Features of Pronunciation ete. 16--19; genealogy of the Varmans . .. .. 271 106-110 gerundives, in Old W. Rajasthan .. .. 120 Gujarati and Old W. Rajasthani, Soe Gram. Ghazni, and Akbar .. .. .. 241 n. mar of Old W. Rajasthani .. .. ..3, ff. 155

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288 INDEX Gujarat and the 'Salivahana era .. ... 216 Gor Amir Mausoleum, illustrated 145--147, 149, f. Gurus, Maharajas .. .. .. .. F. G. 91 Hades h, elision of, etc., in Gujarati .. 17, 106-109 .. .. .. .. .. 211 Haji Beg Jani Kurbanf, and Tus .. .. 163 Haji Karmini Pir .. .. .. .. F. G. 95 Hajkim, Balthasar Bourbon, a Bhopal Bour. bon, and Prince Chain .. . .. 183, 188 Halebid, Hoysalesvars temples at .. 89, 91-95 Hall, Jos., E. I. Co's servant, 13; and J. Smith 14, 15 and n. Hamida-band-Begam, mother of Akbar 234, 236, 240, f. Hamid Ibn Kahtabah, Mausoleum .. .. 153 Hampe, or the Pampathata .. .. .. 219 Hanuma Malai, fort .. .. . 66 n. Hanuman g., in Masrur temple 21 ; or Bajran. bali 184 and n.; and barrennes Sup. 47; and cholera F. G. 75; or Chithario 85, f. ; and dreams .. .. .. .. 103, f. Haradatta, 277, posterior to Kaiyata .. .. 278 Hargreaves, Mr., Supdt., Archaeological Dept., and the Masrur temple . . 20-22 Haripur, ancient ta. .. .. .. .. 20 Harischandra, &. and dreams .. ..F. G. 103 Harshacharita, the, and the Baisun gas .. 45 Harshaka, and Nagadaka .. .. 42, 45, f. Hart, Mr. and J. Smith .. .. .. 27-29 Harvest, and chetakin. Sup. 85, f., offerings.. 87 Harvey, Horvy, Mr., E. I. Co's servant, super coded J. Smith .. .. .. 12, 14-16 Hasan Mosque, Cairo, illustrated .. 144, 150 Hasti, elaphanto .. .. .. .. .. 204 Hathras, Hattress, in U. Provinces .. .. 88 Hatra, Al Hadra .. .. .. .. .. 135 Hazrat Khwaja Ahmad Yesavi, tomb of .. 145 Hazrat-i-Turkestan, monquo, .. 148 and Hemachandra and Indian history ato. 44, 46 and n., 47, 50, 51 n., 87; and Old W. Rajasthan oto. .. .. 96, 1., 101; 275--277 Hemantaeena, and Kahagena 270 ; and Tri vikrams .. .. .. .. .. .. 274 Herst, buildings, illustrated .. .. .. 161 Herodotus, on Darius l... . 227 and 2., 230 Hioun Theang, and the Nirvana era .. 217; 374 Hieraconpolis, has domed remains .. .. 133 hills, mte, worshipped .. .. Sup. 79, PS Himalayas .. .. .. .. .. Sup. 62 Himasitala, k. .. .. .. .. .. 128 Himmat of Dhanora, and Prince Chain 184 and n.-188 HindAl of Ghazni, and Akbar .. 241 n., 242 Hindi language, 107; 226, f., and a pir bhut Sup. 51 Hindu Iconography, Elements of, by T. A. Gopinatha Rao .. .. .. 90 ; 128 n. Hindu, Hindus, their Sacre. Books and Indian history 41; image makers, their system etc. 90, f.; or Hindoo, policy ir Naik Kingdom 118; methods of reckoning dates 170, f.; kings and asceticism 173; couplet 240,. ; and Muhammadan saints or pirs Sup. 43-46; and dreams 50, 52; and the evil eye 60, 62: and Saturday etc. 65-68; and tree worship 71-73; and Naga worship 74-76; and totemism 78--82; objects and animals sacred to 81-84; 88; and the Holi festival, 90, f. ; temple, a Muhammadan gift 92; and alms F. G. 86; and Maharajas, or spiritual heads 91 ; name customs 93; and Pirs .. .. .. .. .. 94-97 Hiranyagupta and Dhanapala .. .. 45 n. History, Ancient, of Magadha .. .. 41-52 History and Evolution of The Domo in Persia. 133--159 History of the Naik Kingdom of Madura. 37-39; 6967; 113-118 History, lost, of 8. India.. .. .. .. 165 Hoernle, Dr., and Old W. Rajasthini.. 80; 101 Holi fire, and fostival .. Sup. 89, f. ; F. G. 81 Holy Sepulchro, Church of .. 142 and n., 165 homa, holy fires .. .. .. .. 31, 48, 91 Homahavan sacrifice .. .. .. F. G. 75 horoscopes, of Akbar .. .. 239 and 1.-241 horse, sacred animal .. . Sup. 78, 83 Hoysala style, of architecture and sculpture in Mysore .. .. .. .. .. 89--95 Hoysalas of Mysore .. .. .. .. 174 Hoysalesvara temple at Halebid, illustrated .. 92--95 Hagli, Haglf Garden, and J. Smith etc. 1-16; 25 Hullikero, the Chonnakesava temple at .. 91 Hultach, Prof., and Indian inscriptions etc.. 165; 194 Human sacrifices .. .. .. .. Sup. 80, f. Hunyon, mausoleum illustrated 156; and Akbar . . . . .234 n.-239, 241 n., 242 hanger, and ghosts .. .. .. F. G. 108 Husain, Shi's hero 140 ; shrine at Kerbala .. 154 Husain Mirza, Sultan .. .. .. .. 151 Hutchinson, R., and J. Smith's sffairs.. .. 29 Hwon-theang, Hieun-Thaang, and the Deccan etc. .. .. .. .. .. 87 n.; 217; 274

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INDEX 289 hydrophobia spirit, or vachharo .. .. F. G. 86 Indradatta, Brahman, reputed paramour of Hynmers, Mr. J., and J. Smith .. .. .. 27 Nanda's wife .. . .. 67 n. Indraprastha, Delhi .. .. .. " Indravajra lines . .. .. .. 131, f. Ibn 'Abdar Rabbeh, and the Rock of Jerusalem 155 Indus, Sindhu . .. .. .. 228 Ibn al Athir, and the Rook of Jerusalem .. 155 Inquisition at Gou .. .. .. .. 132 Ibn Batutah and the Umayyad Mosque, etc... i Inscriptions of Asokachalla .. .. 215-218 150, 163 insoriptions, at Kaniard, and Krishna worship Ibn Jubair, Spanish Arab, and the Ummayyad 22; referring to the Five Pandyae 37 and n., Mosque .. .. .. .. .. 148, 150 38, 39 n.; at Kanolpuram 65 n.; 87 n.; in Iconography, Hindu, Elements of .. 90; 128 n. Belgami Temple 93; Sravana Belgola 94; Ilam, co. 166; Ceylon, and Vira Pandya (1252 on Rock of Jerusalem 155; of Mathurg-Kavi 53) .. .. .. .. .. .. 194 n. 164 and n.; and the lost history of 8. India image maker, or sculptor, Hindu, his method. 90 165--169; 176; Pandya 189 and n.-192; images, of Buddha, at Kanchipura 128, f.; of 194 and n.,-198, 200--202; and records, snakes, worshipped .. Sup. 74-76; of gods 80 mentioning Kollipakka 213, f. ; Gaya, eto. Imam al Horr, at Kerbela, illustrated .. .. 169 216-218; and the religious creeds of Imam Hussein, saint .. .. . Sup. 46 Indian kings 219; of Ktishpareya 222; rock, Imam Mahdi shrine, at Samarr& .. 154, f. of Asoka 228; at Dendereh 231; Pdpdya 245, Imam Musa, Shrine at Kazimain.. .. 154,4. 247--249; copper-plates .. 213; 215; 217; Imam Riza, Shrine at Meshed.. .. 144; 153, f. 221; 224, f.; 271 Imanzadeh Yahia, at VerAmin .. .. .. 144 insecte revered .. .. .. .. Sup. 83, f. Immacque Kelle, Anarkali .. .. .. 111 Invaders, of India .. .. .. 227, 1. incantations, and the evil eye .. .. Sup. 60, f. Isfahan, Masjid.i. Shah, eto., at 145, 163, 1... 158 indas, egg-shaped pots .. .. .. F. G. 97 Isis and Osiris .. .. .. .. .. 231 India, C., Gazetteer Gleanings in, Women's Islam, and dome construction 139, 149, 154, f., Songs 1-3; The Lay of Prince Chain Singh, 158 ; and Kashmir .. 181-188 Isvara and Jupiter .. .. .. .. 229 India, an early method of extradition in .. 132 .. .. .. .. .. F.G. 85 India, visited by Peter Mundy 24; lost history of 41 ; and the telescope 95; introduction of paper 111; and dome construction 146; 166; Jabal-i-Sang, building at Kerman .. .. 140 159; many eras used in 215--218; the Eliza- Jackson, Prof., and architecture . .. 163 bethan and Maryan periods, under Akbar Jacobi, Prof., and Pandya dates 153, 192, 196, 223; and Siva and Sati 232; and Kashmir 199; 245 n., 249-251 257, languages of 259-266; O. and S., rook Jagadekamalla, Jayasimha II .. .. .. 213 temples in 19; S., one kingdom; art and jdgriti, wakefulness .. .. .. F. G. 102 sculpture in 89, 1. ; inscriptions etc. 165; Jahanard and Shahjahan .. .. 24; 111, f. 170, f., in the 13th century 174-176; Festi. Jahangir, and Shahjahan, etc. 111, f. ; 943 and n. val of Lights, etc. 203, f.; shrines of 221; and Jahan Shah, killed . . . .. .. 152 Osiris 230; Muhammadan inroad into 250; Jahlwad, Jhalavad, Co. .. .. .. F. G. 93 N. W., languages of, etc. 226-228; W. and Jain, records and traditions, and ancient Indian shraddhas Sup. 66; and Totemism 78; and history 41-43; 46, f.; 50, f.; temples 93 ; teachers, human sacrifices.. .. .. .. .. 80 and disease, etc... .. .. F. G. 88, 91, 99. ndian, and Oriental Coinage, some recent Jaina teachers, etc. and Kaffpura . 127, f. researches into .. .. .. .. 39, f. JalalAbad, fort and Akbar .. 241 and n., 242 Indian Calendar, & correction in .. .. .. 280 Jalala'ddin, mosque at Shiraz, illustrated .. 167 Indian art 91, 93, f.; buildings, 14th century, JalAlu-d-din, and Badru-d-din, titles of Akbar Mohammaden 146; kings, and inseriptions 233, f., 236-240 .. .. .. .242 219; chronology, 8., hints to workers 256; jalap, dreams .. .. .. .. Sup. 49 literary influence in Kashmir .. .. 267, 267 Jama Masjid Firuzabad .. .. 146, 149 Indians, inhabitants of the Indus Valley .. 227 Jambukebvarath temple and Brahma - 230 Indo-Aryan Vernaculars, N. W. Group. 226--228 Jamiut Tawdrikh, and the Pandyas - .. 175 Indra, g. festival of, etc. .. 204--206, 208 jan, Arabic jinni, the ghost .. F. G. 107 and n. ** .. .. 267

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290 Janapadakalyani reputed wife of Bindusara, two of the name Janma suwasini, perpetual unwidowhood jaran, jadu, etc. forms of black art Jari, goddess Sup. 74 Jatavarman, two Pandya kings of . Sup. 92 Sup. 30 .. 181 and n. 41, 43 and n. the name 172; ancestor, of Bhojavarman 271; and Gauja ... .. 274 Jatavarman Kulasekhara II, supposed Pandya k. 167; two of the name, (of 1190, and of 1237) 173, f., I, (1190) note on 189, 191; II (1237) 190, note on .. 193 174 Jatavarman Parakrama Paplya Jatavarman Srivallabhadeva, new king, (1291) note on ... Jaswant Rao Holkar Jatakas, the, and history INDEX 248, f. Jatavarman Sundara Pandya 166, 173; f.; I. (of 1251) note on 192; 199, f.; I (of 1258) 200; new king (of 1270) 198, 201, f.; (probably 1276) 199, f.; II (of 1276) 199, 201, f.; note on 245, f.; IV. (1302-03) note on 252, 1. Jaavarman Tribh. Parakrama Pandya (1315) note on .. .. 254 Jatavarman Tribh. Vikrama Pandya k. 167;. (of 1278-1305) note on 247; Jajavarman Vira Paplya k. 166, two of the name 167, f., 174; new king, (of 1254) note on 189, 194, ff; (of 1296) 196; note on 249252; (of 1252-1253) 250, f. Ja ilavarman Srivallabha Palya k. 166 Jauhar, and the date of Akbar's birth and death 233, 235 and n..-239, 243 Javagal, Lakshmi-narasimha temple at 92, 94 Jayasimha II., Jagada Ramalla, W. Chalukya k., and Kollipake Jerome Xavier, and Akbar Jerusalem, Church of the Holy Sepulchre in 155, T.; Rock of 142 and n.; .. Jesal and Toral, tombs of 51 jinni, Arabic, and jun jogata, jogatin, etc., dedicated children. Jivaka, physician to Bimbisara Johnson, Geo. murdered J. Smith Jones, Commander J. F., and the Imam Madhi Shrine, Samarra Jordan, Clem., and J. Smith .. 135 95 F. G. Jesus, scenes from his life, in Akbar's palace. 223 Jhaloba, ghost deity Jhalavad, Jahlwad Sup. 26 F. G. 93 218 Jina, applied to Buddha Jinendrabuddhi, Buddhist Commentator (Ny. asakara) .. 213 244 275, 278 F. G. 107 n. Sup. 74 43 n. 25-29 155 26--29 X Joseph Jai-Shahi, Jalalabad Jun, tn., and Humayun.. Jupiter 207; and Ievara.. F. G. 94 241 and n. .. 226 87 n. 111 kabars, tombs of miraculous powers Kabul, and Humayan .. Kachchhi, border dialect Kadamba and Pallava kings kagadh, Arabic, paper kagvas, kagwas, food offerings Kaikeyi, wife of Dasaratha Kailasa, and Brahma ".. Kajyata, 277, anterior to Haradatta. Kakavarna, Kakavarnin, Kalasoka 42, f.; 45-47; 49 and n.-51 230 146 Sup. 52; 68 227 230 .. 278 Kalahasti temple and Brahma KALAN masjid Kalasoka, Kakavarna 43, 45 and n.-47, 49-51 Kala Yavan, Datar Pir.. F. G. 95 Kalesa, Kulasekhara .. 176 Kalidasa and tradition 43 n. and an Indra festival .. Kalika, goddess 204, 206 .. 183 .. 231 217 F. G. 90 .. 207 245 .. ** .. Kalpasitra, the, and Indian history Kal Purusha g. of death.. Kalu Pir Kalika-Purana and Osiris Kalinga kings, and Laksha Manasena Kali Yuga kallalamaram, sacred tree kalpadi ceremony.. Kalpadruma-Kali ki, and Indian history... 41, 43, f. 44 .. Sup. 83 F. G. 96 218 248 Sup. 83 .. 232 128 F. G. 101 241 n. ..235, f.; 238 .. 229 Kama co., 217, Kumaon and Buddhism kamada ekidasi, ceremony kama dhenu, cow.. Kamagiri, tn. and Sat! Kamasutra, the, and the Arthasastra Kambam, hill fort... .. .. .. .. Kamakshidevi temple, Kanchipura Kamaruns, German, and dome construction, illustrated .. Kamdev, g. kanakkan, Naik accountant-general Kanarese characters on Mysore sculptures Kanasena, Karnasena, Sura k... Kanauj, and Humayun Kaneipura, modern Conjeeveram, cap. of the Deccan 87 and n., 88; or Kanchipura, Buddha vestiges in 127-129 Kangra, dist., rock hewn Vaishnava temple in 19; Baijnath? .. .. 21 .. 139 88 59 Sup. 89 113-116 94 273, f. 156

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INDEX 291 . .. 157 Kanha lade Prabandha, epic by Padmanabha Kerala, co., and Sankaracharya III .. .. 16+ of Jalor .. .. .. .. .. .. 16 Kerbala, Husaia's shrine eto., at, illustrated.. Kaniara, near Dharmsale, inscriptions at .. 22 154, 159 Kannadiyan horsemen .. .. .. 194 n. Kerman, the Jabal-i-Sang at, illustrated 140 Kannanur, and the Hoysalas .. .. . 174 Keru Nana Chhatre, arithmetician . Sup. 63 Kannivadi, Chief and Visvanatha 37; Naik Keiava, temple at Belor 92; at Somnathpar.. 94 .. .. .. .. .. 117 Kevaldas, Pir .. .. .. .. F. G. 94 Kanva, Rishi . . . . . 207 Khad-Khadya-besad vi ceremony .. .. F. G. 85 Kanwa dynasty .. .. Khakhi, a recluse .. .. .. .. F. G. 88 Kapilavastu, C., and Chandragupta .. .. 51 Khalif Walid, and the Rock of Jerusalem .. 156 Karhada Brahmans .. .. .. Sup. 80, f. Khalil Zahiri, and the Hasan mosque .. .. 150 Kasi, father of Satakopa, two of the name .. 164 Khema, goddesa . .. .. .. Sup. 27 Karikala and Puhar .. .. .. .. 20 Khandepujan, worship of instruments.. Sup. 82 Karim Khan .. .. .. .. .. 157 Khandoba, g. and childlessness Sup. 73; and Karmamarga, path to the other world.. Sup. 52 horse worship .. .. .. .. .. 79 Karadeva, Kalachuri-Chedi k... .. 271; 274 Khan Jahan, buildings attributed to him .. 146 Karnasena, Kanasena, Sura k... .. 273, f. Khan Khanan, mausoleum, illustrated .. 157 Karnavati, tn., and syamalavarma .. .. 271 Khavis, an evil spirit .. .. .. Sup. 54 Kartas, kings, Telugu 39; 72; Naik .. 115-117 Khilohipur, State, and Prince Chain .. 183 und n. Karukkil-amarndaamman temple, near Vishnu. kho kho, Indian game .. .. .. Sup. 89 Kanchi . . . . . . .. .. 129 Khorsabad, palace .. .. 134, 136, 138 Karur, fort .. .. .. .. .. .. 66 Khudabunda, Muhammad, Sultan .. 140 143 Karasena, a Sena of Taranath, and Kasipuri .. 270 Khurasan, tn., and the double dome .. .. 151 Kashi, tn., and Prince Chain .. 182, f., 186 Khurram, prince, Shahjahan, and Jahangir .. 111 Kashmiri, Linguistic Classification of .. 257-270 i Kielhorn, the late Prof, and dates . 163, KAI, Benares .. .. .. .. 43, f. 167, 169, f. ; 189--192; 194--197; 215, f.; Kasiari, ancient Kusipuri .. .. 270, 274 245, f., 248, 250, 252--254 Kotika, the, quoted .. .. .. 275-279 Killi, Chola prinoe.. .. .. .. .. 127 Kasimbazar, Cassambazar, and J. Smith. 12 Kirtibhushana Pandya k... .. .. .. 211 and n., 15 Knipe, Ed., and Mr. Edwards .. . 12 n. Kasim ibn 'Abbis, Saint .. .. .. .. 145 | Kolaba dist., and ghost deities, Sup. 26, f., Kasipuri, modern Kagiari, earliest known Sena 30--32; cattle disease etc. 33, f. ; 36-39; sent.. .. .. .. .. 270, 273; PS. and ancestor worship etc. 44; 46-48 ; and Kast Kharaneh, vaulted palace, illustrated.. dreams 00 ; 52; ghosts, evil eye, eto. 56, f.; i 35, 138 61, f., 64; and sorcery etc. 66, 67, f.; and Katha Upanishad .. .. .. .. 177, f. death customs 69, f. ; and tree worship etc. Kathekaris, reciters of legends .. . Sup. 74 72 ; 78; and totems 79; 82; field custom KathiAwar, and the Arabs . .. 107 and n. 87: and childlessness .. .. .. .. 91 knathan, two preparations of the name.. F.G. Kolhapur dist., and disease Sup. 31 ; 33-39; 98 and n. sacred tombs, 43, end deified Musalman kaul, ceremony, etc. .. Sup. 26, 29-31, saints 45, f. ; and barrenness eto. 48, 50, 33, 35, 4., 70 52-54 ; and evil spirits eto, 56, 58, f. ; 62; Kautilya, 47 and n.; and the Nandas etc. 48, and change of sex 63 ; and amulets etc. 66, f.; Canakya .. .. 83 70; and tree worship 72; and snakes 75, Kavalgar-72, f.; Naik royal servant .. .. 116 77 ; objects of worship etc... ..82, 85-88 Kaveripuram, and Visvanatha .. .. 65 and n. Kolipak, Benares of the South, and Kollipaka. 214 Kavunda, chiefs and Visvanatha .. ... 61 Kollipaka .. .. .. .. .. 213, f. Kayattar, seat of a Pandya viceroy .. 37, 39 kolu, court .. .. .. .. .. 116-118 Kayatha, and Kayastha .. .. .. .. 111 kondi, witch's pot .. .. .. .. Sup. 85 Kazamain, Imam Musa shrine at .. 164, f. Kondopant Chhatre, name used opprobriously Kekaya, land famous for learning 227; and the Sup. 63 Paisachi lang. .. .. .. .. .. 228 Konerinmelkondan, Pandya title . 246 Kellogg, author of Hindi Grammar. 99, 102; Kongu, co., the forts of 66; and Vilvanatha 119, f., 163 6 9; 166 ; or Chera .. .. .. 194 n.

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292 INDEX 06-111 Konkan, Folklore from .. . Sup. 25--92 Lakshmana-samvat and Lakshmana-senasyaKoran, the, and the stealing of children. F. G. 101 titarijwa .. . . .. .. 216, 218 Kosala and Magadba .. .. .. 43 Lakshmanasena ora, date.. Lakabmangan ora data .. .. 216-218 Kot Kangra, historical town .. .. .. 20 Lakshminarasimha temple, at Javagal 02, 94 ; Krishna, g. worship of 22; and Krishnaraya at Nuggihallii . .. .. .. 93, f. 222, 224; and barreness Sup. 47, f.; and Lakshmiram, Mr., Navalram and Gujarati.. 107 the Tulsi plant 73 ; legends .. F. G. 78 ; 91 Lala bhakta, Samadh of.. .. .. .. 295 Krishnaraya, Vijayanagara k., his conquesta Lala Hardev .. .. .. .. F. G. 76 etc. .. .. .. .. 222 and n., 223 Langenegger, author of Die Baukunst des Kabatrajit, and Prasenajit 45, f.; and Bim Iraq, and dome construction .. .. .. 157 bisara 48 ; alias of Mahapadma .. .. 51 Language, the Gujarati, A note on Some SpeKshatriya race .. .. .. .. .. 49 cial Features of Pronunciation eto. 16-19, Kshatriyas, and the god Parashuram .. Sup. 25 Kshattraujas, alias of Mahapadma .. .. 49 Languages, the North Western Group 226 Kalaya Tithis, in Pandya chronology .. 167, f. 228 ; of Kashmir .. .. .. 258262 Kahelrapal, sacred stonos eto... Sup. 81 F.G. 73 Lanka, destruction of .. .. .. F. G. 103 Kshetravarman, k. .. .. 46 and n., 49 Lankapura, Singhalese invader .. .. 166; 255 Kubbat-an-Naar, the Vulture Done, Damas. Lankdvatdra-sutra, the, and the Nydyabhanya 8587 Kubbat as Sakhra, Jerusalem .. .. .. 155 Idwani, lavani, planting of crops . Sup. 87 Kubera, and the Sangamehvara temple at Layard, and bas-reliefs .. .. 134, f., 138, f. Bharani .. .. .. .. .. 65 n. legends, and Indian history eto. 41; 227; kul, deval .. .. .. .. .. Sup. 78 F. G. 77, 79 Kulasekhara, Tirunelveli Kulasekhara Peruma! leprosy .. .. .. .. .. Sup. 67 37 and n., 39 Letopolis, and Osiris .. .. .. .. 231 Kulasekhars, Kalesa .. .. .. .. 176 Levi, son of Jacob... . .. ..F. G. 101 kulera, offering .. .. .. .. F. G. 76 Lewis, Pruf. H., and The Holy Places of JeruKulottunga Cola I., and the Pandyas .. 172 salem .. .. .. .. ..142 and n. Kulottunga Cho!a II., date .. .. .. 255 Lieulafoy, author of L'Art Antique de la Kulottunga-Pandye, .. .. .. 209 Perse .. .. .. .. 135, f., 138, 142 Kum, the great Mosque, and other buildings lights, festival of.. .. .. .. .. 203 139, 163, f. Liabariha, Vishnu Llaberliha .. .. . ..225 Kumaon, Kama .. .. .. .. .. 218 Linga, tho, and Mabeia .. .. .. 219-222 Kumara, and the Vedas.. Vedas. . .. . . . . . 212 Linganna, a Tottiya Dalavdi .. .. .. 113 Kumara Krishnapa, Naik .. .. .. 118 Lingayat, outo, and burial .. Sup. 67-69 Kumara Muttu, brother of Tirumal Naik .. 118 Linguistio Classification of Kashmir .. 267--370 Kumbhavivaha, pot-wedding .. .. Sup. 78 liquor offering .. .. .. .. Sup. 25 kundi, pot .. .. .. .. .. Sup. 86 Littleton, Ed. and W. Clavell .. .. 14 and n. Kunika, k. .. .. .. .. .. .. 43 livelihood, implements of worshipped.. Sup. 81, f. Kurdistan and dome construction .. .. 139 Lokas, or worlds, fourteen, and Brahm& 230, leuri, sowing implement .. .. Sup. 87 And Osiris .. .. .. .. .. 231 Kurralam, Courtallum .. .. .. 253, 255 Lopis, John, and the murder of J. Smith .. 27 kusumbha, opium drink .. .. 186, 187 and n. Lyall, Sir Ch., author of a Sketch of The Hin. Kutb Minar.. .. .. .. .. .. 149 dustani Language . .. .. .. 102 kwspar kandyo, chief devotee .. Sup. 76 Lachman Son, and Bengal .. .. .. 215 Laghurudra ceremony .. .. .. Sup. 91 Lahnda, N. W. Indo-Aryan vernacular 226-228 Lahore, tombe in .. .. .. .. 111, f. Lake, Lord, and Bhurtpore .. .. .. 88 Lakshmana, in Masrur temple .. .. 21 and Malabar, the Chola 00. .. .. .. .. 178 Macedonian emperors and St. Mark's .. .. 151 Macleod, Miss O., Chiefe and Cities of Central Africa, by .. .. .. .. 139 and 4. Madanakai, figures in Mysore temple .. 92. 1. Maddook, Mr., Political Agent and Prince Chain 181 or Mendak 182 and n., .. 185-186 Madhainagar oopper-plate grant . .. 217

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INDEX 293 Madhyamika-Sutra quoted 84, and VAtsya. Malati, sura queen .. 173 yana 86; and the Prajnaparamitra-sutra .. 87 Malay, Proverbs, a Collection, book Notice .. 280 Madras, E. I. Co's Factory 14; Museum Plates, Maldov, k. of Jhalavad .. .. ..F. G. 93 and the Pandyas etc. .. .. .. 172, 176 Maldive Merchant, the ship .. .. 16, 25, l. Madrassah-i- Shah Husain, illustrated.. .. 166 males, become females .. .. .. Sup. 63 Madura, Adventures of the God of, contd. from Malevolent Dead, The, worship of Sup. 49- Vol. XLII p. 72 .. .. 206--212; 229-232 52; .. .. .. .. F. G. 102-108 Madura, Naik Kingdom, History of, contd. Malhar Rao, Holkar .. .. .. 181 and 1 from Vol. XLIII p. 262, 37-39; 59--67; Malik Kafur, raid by 174, in Madura .. .. 175 69-73; 113--118 malin, evil spirits .. .. .. F. G. 74, 1. Madura, under rivals 175; and Kulabekhara.. 255 Malla, elder son of Vijayasena 270 ; MallavarMagadha, The Ancient History of .. 41-52 ms 271, f. ; or son of Vilold .. .. . 373 MAganas, collection of Ndik villages .. .. 117 Mallavarman, Sena k. .. .. .. .273 Mahabali Pir .. .. .. .. F. G. 96 Mallavarman, Sora k. .. .. .. .. 273 Mahabharata, the, in sculpture 93 ; legends Mallin&tha and the Indra festival .. 205, f. 172 and 2 ; 223, 227 Mallitamma II., Hoysala sculptor 94, 1. Mahabhdaya, of Patanjali, used by Vateyayans Malta, and dome construction .. .. .. 159 83, 86 Malwa, and the Lay of Prince Chain Singh 181; Maha Giri, g., and cattle disease .. Sup. 33 and the Bikramajit era .. .. .. 216 Mahalakshmi, g. .. .. .. .. Sup. 25 Mamallapuram Rathas and the Pandavas .. 32 Mahalaya Shraddha rito .. .. Sup. 40 M&mo, demon .. .. .. F. G. 85, f. Mahamanjala k. .. .. .. .. 50 Manapparai, Trichinopoly .. .. .. 115 Mahamari Devi, and cholers .. .. F. G. 75 Mandan Mishra, whose wife questioned ShanMahanandin, k. 42 and Mundo .. .. 45; 49 karacharya .. .. .. F. G, 104, f. Mahd-Nandin, k. .. .. .. .. 50, f. rand bharani ceremony .. .. .. Sup. 29 Mahdnardyana-Upanishad, chronological data Mangalasutra, marriage string .. .. Sup. 74 of 131 ; position of the chesurs sto. in 177-180 Maigammal, Naik regent .. .. .. 114 Mahapadma k. 42, and MahAmandala or Manimekhalai, heroine of a Tamil spic .. 127 Ugrasena 45 and n.,-48; alias of Kshattrau. Maninskhalai, a Tamil epic .. .. 127, 204, 1. jos 49; and the Council of Voedli 60 and Manjaro, Goa dist., and make-bito .. Sup. 77 n.; two persons of the name.. .. .. 51 Mansehra inscrip. .. .. .. .. .. 428 Maharaja, guru, spiritual head.. .. F. G. 91 mantras, Sup. 33; of Pirs 34-36; 38, 40; Maharashtra, co., and Vithoba, g. .. .. 222 and barrenners 47, f.; and ghosts.. F. G. 107 Maharudra ceremony .. . Bup. 91; F. G. 75 | Mantri, Naik prime minister .. . Mahdsamudha, or Munda, k. .. i .. 47 Mdran eto, black art .. .. .. Sup. 92 Mahasena, k. of Avanti .. .. .. .. 45 Marathas and totemism .. .. .. Sup. 78 Mahavalipuram, rock out temples at ... .. 172 Marathi language, and Gujarati .. 17; 97 Mahavarisa, the, and Indian history 37 a., 41, Mayavarman, soveral Pandya kings of the 43--51 ; legends 172--174; 176; 255 name .. .. .. .. .. .. 172 Mahavira, death of .. .. 41; 45, 50, 52 Mayavarman Kulakekhara, Pandya k. (1288) ir Swami, Jain teacher .. .. F. G. 91 174, f. ; L 197, 253, f. Mahayana Buddhism, rise of .. .. .. 87 Mapavarman Kulasekhara II. (1314) 174, 248; Mahesa, g. .. . .. .. .. 219, f. note on .. .. .. .. .. 253, Maheshwar, & natural linga of Shiva .. Sup. 25 Maravarman Srivallabha, k. (1160--61) .. 20.5 Malimod of Ghazni .. .. .. .. 228 Maravarman Srivallabba Deva, unknown PanMahomedan, sainte, worshipped by Hindu dya k. 165 n. ; 174; (of 1257) .. .. 1965 Sup. 45 : merchant built Hindu temple .. 92 Mapavarman Sundara, Pandya k. (of 1216) Maipedu, near Conjoovaram, birthplace of 173; I., note on .. .. .. .. 190 Aryani tha .. .. . .. ..63 Maravarman Bundara, II., Pandya k. (of 1238) Maitrayana Upanishad, date .. .. .. 130 173 ; note on .. .. .. . 191 Maitreyanatha, founder of the Yogacara phil- Maravarman Tribh. Sundara, Pandya k., (ok osophy .. .. .. .. .. .. 86, 1. 1294) note on .. .. .. .. 949 Malabar 175; Malabar, or India the Greater.. 176 Maravarman Vikrama, Pandya k. (of 1283) Malai Kotai, fort.. ..... . .. 60 1 74; proposed new k., note on.. 246, 247 and n.

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294 INDEX .. .. 153 .. 153 Marates of the E. Coast, and Visvanatha 59, . Mirabai .. .. .. .. 16 Marco Polo, and the Five Pandyas 37 n. ; 173, ! miracles .. .. ..Sup. 44; F. G. 91 175, L Miran Datar Datar .. .. .. . .. ..F. G. 96, f. Mari, goddess ... .. . Sup. 30, 32 | Miran Shah, and Toe ... Markandeya, grammarian, on the Vracha Mirat-i-Afta bnumd, the, and the date of dialect .. .. .. .. .. .. 228 Akbar .. .. .. .. 240, 242 and n. marriage, early Hindu, Sap. 58; of widows Minianjiyu, Ms., and Chandrasekhara.. 64 and n. rte. 73, 89; ceremony 78; 82; . F. G. 73 Mirza Abdu-r-rahim Khan Khanan, conquered Marshall, Mr., E. I. Co's servant .. .. 14 Sind .. .. .. .. .. 234 n. Marsyas and Apollo .. .. .. .. 210 miscarriage, cause of .. .. F. G. 98 Martanda in Kashmir, and the Papdavas .. 22 misery and dreams .. . .. F. G. 103 Alarwadi, lang. .. .. .. .. 16, 1. Mogul, rulers of Persis and dome construction, 146 Marwari lang.. See Notes on the Old W. RA- Mohammedan, buildings of the 14th cen. .. 146 jasthani.. .. .. .. .. ..3, ff. Moharram, the, and Hindus .. .. Sup. 45, f. Mary, Mother, Not Mavali .. .. Sup. 92 Mohun, k., mentioned by J. Smith .. .. 12 Maryan period of Indian history .. .. 223 Mokaha, salvation.. .. .. .. F. G. 92 Mashita, vaulted palace .. .. .. .. 135 Monarchy, Pandya, Chronology of (Mr. Swami. Masjid-i-Jama at Veramin .. .. .. 143 kannu Pillai's Theory) 165--176; 189--202; Masjid-i-Shah at Isfahan, illustrated .. .. 145 245--256 Maerur Dera Tahsil, Kangra dist., rock hown Monastries, Buddhistic, in Kanchipura .. 127 Vaishnava Temple at .. .. .. 1923 Mongol tradition and Indian history .. .. 44 Magulipatam, and J. Smith 26; and Streyn. Mongols and Tas .. .. .. sham Master .. .. mood, in Old W. Rajasthan .. . .. 120 Matas, Devis, and disease F. G. 74 and n., 76, Morier, J. author, of A Journey through Persia 76 and n., 77, 80, 83-85, 88 141 and n., 154 and n. Matha, the Jaina, quoted .. .. .. 279 Mosques, 139, of Omar 142 n.; the Blus etc. Mathura Kavi, alias Kari, and Satakopa .. 143, f. ; at Damascus 147-149; at Cairo 164 and n. etc... .. .. 150, f. : 153 ; 167; 159 Milrikds, worshipped .. .. .. Sup. 30 Moti bungalow, Political Agent's house 186 Matrya, the, and the Beisunagas. .. .. 44 and n. Maunya urata rito.. .. .. .. Sup. 88 Mot-Mavali, Mother Mary Sup. 92 Maurya dyn., reputed servile origin ato. 51, . mountains, holy .. .. .. .. Sup. 79 Maaryaputra, a Sthavira .. .. .. 52 .. .. .. .. Sup. 89 Mausoleuma, of Sultan Sanjar 140; at Samar- Mousta, in Malta, domed church at .. .. 159 kand 145, f.; at Herat 151; 163; of Imam Mrityunjaya, epithet of Shiva .. .. F. G. 78 Riza 154 ; of Humayun 166; of Khan mrudunga, tabour .. .. .. .. Sup. 74 Khanen ete. . . .. .. .. 167 MB, of the Jaina Matha, quoted .. .. 279 Maus, C., on dome construction . 142 and n. Mas., palm-leaf, and Sena history 270, f.; from Max Muller, F., and the Upanishads .. 130 and n. TALA .. .. .. .. .. 272, f. Mayurapura, Delhi .. Mudrd Rdkahaaa, and secular tradition . 41 Mehidpur, battle .. .. .. .. 181 and n. Muhammad, conception of .. .. 242 and n. Memphis, tn., and Osiris.. .. .. .. 231 Muhammad II, Sultan .. .. .. .. 152 men, great, as gods .. .. ..F. G. 91, f. Muhammad bin Musa .. .. .. .. 139 Meru, mt., treasure in 206; Note on .. .. 207 Muhammad Khudabunda, k. .. .. .. 140 Merutunga, on dates eto. .. .. 43, L, 47, 60, f. Muhammadan, influence in Naik kingdom 117. Merv, tn., Sultan Sanjar's tomb in .. .. 140 1.; architecture and dome construction 139, Meshed, Imam Riza shrine eto, at 144 : 151 f.; f., 143, 157; historians and Pandya rulers or Metched .. .. .. .. 153, f. 173; raid into 8. India 168 ; 174 ; 250; minisMesopotamia, and dome construction 132 and ter, in Malabar 175, f. ; conquest of Vijaya n., 134, f., 139 nagara 223 ; and Hindu, saints, tombs of mecals, sacred .. .. .. .. Sup. 81 Sup. 43-45; F. G. 85,9497 Mtan Mir, tomb of .. .. .. .. 112 Mukaddasl, and the Umayyad Mosque 148; Minakshi, last Ndik ruler .. . 71; 114 and the Rock of Jerusalem .. .. .. 155 Minakshi, q. to Chokkanatha .. .. .. 118 Munda, Mahasamudhe, k. .. .. .. 47

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INDEX 295 Mundo, and MahAnandin, k. .. .. .. 48 Mundy, Peter, and Shahjahan .. .. 111, f. Muntakhab-tu-Tawdrikh and Akbar's date .. 240 muralis, dedicated girls .. .. .. Sup. 74 Musalman, Mussalman domination in Trichi nopoly 71; 114 ; invasion of India 228; saints, deified .. .. Sup. 48 ; Pirs 46 ; F. G. 91 Musalmans and Kashmiri 987; and kaul cere mony Sup. 30; and names .. ..F. G. 101 Museum plate, Madras .. .. .. .. 172 muth marane, spell, black art .. Sup. 32, 38, 92 Muttu AjakAdri, son of Tiram Naik .. .. 118 Mysoro, Architecture and Soulpture in.. Mysore, and VisvanAtha 65 and n., 66; 89, 71; conquered by Ramappai 113; and the Ndik kingdom 117; and the Hoyialas .. .. 174 myth, of Osiris . . . . . . . . . . 231 mythology, Sanskrit .. .. .. .. Nadira Begam, Sharifu'n-nissi, Anar-kell .. 112 Nadir Shah, and the Ali shrine.. .. .. 155 Nadumandalam, Srivilliputar .. .. .. 118 nadu, Naik subdivisions of land Naga, oobra, worship .. .. .. Sup. 74 ndgabali rito .. .. .. .. Sup. 47, f. Nagadasaka and (Naga) Dargaka or Harshaka, etc. .. .. .. .. ... 43, 45, 49 Nagama, accession of 37 n. ; Ndik, and Arya natha .. .. .. .. .. 83, f. nigan, roll of opium .. .. ..187 and n. Nagarjuna, anterior to Vataydyana 84; and the Nadhyamika dootrine .. .. .. 87 Ndik kingdom of Madura, History of, contd. from Vol. XLIII p. 262 37--39; 59--67; 69--73 ; 113-118 Naimisharanya forest .. .. .. .. 207 Naishadham; and other works by Ati-Vira Rama Papdys .. .. .. .. .. 39 naivedya, god's meal, .. .. Sup. 87, 90 Najat, Ali shrine at .. .. .. 154, f. ndkhudd, noccada, skipper .. .. 28 Nakshatra, of the day, in Pandya Chronology 170, f., 200 Nala, k. . .. . . ..F. G. 103 Nala and Damayanti, romance of .. .. 89 NAlanda, university .. .. .. 127 n. Naplis, Mr. R., pilot .. .. .. .. 13 names, to avert evil eye, etc. Sup. 63; F. G. 101 Nanda, Naga k. and saint . .. 50 and n. Nanda, dyn., 44, 47 and 1., 48, 50 and 2., 51 and n. Nanda Mahapadma, and Mahapadma.. ..46 n. Nandi, in Mysore, temple at . .. 93, f. Nandi-Shraddha, ceremony .. F. G. 73, 89 Nandivardhana, k., .. .. ..42, 47-50 naraka, hills.. .. .. .. .. F. G. 108 Narasappaiye, a Ndik dalaudi .. .. .. 114 Narayana, Raja, alias Parantaka .. .. 164 narayan ndgabali rite .. Sup. 42, 48; F. G. 89 Narsing. 8. .. .. .. .. .. Sup. 38 Narsinghgash, State in Bhopal and Prince Chain Singh .. .. 181-183, 188--188 Narasinha Mehta .. .. .. .. .. 16 Narsobachiwadi, in Kolhapur, holy village Sup. 35 Nasik, holy o. .. .. Nasir-i. Khusrau, and the rook of Jorusalem .. 166 Nathamuni, compiler, date .. .. .. 164 navachandi, sacrifice .. .. .F. G. 75 navagrahahandi rito, . .. .. Sup. 91 natakdddn, gitt . .. .. .. Sup. 67 navaratra, holidays, and ghosts .. .. F. G. 106 Navaratri festival, and Visvanatha, oto. .. 84 Naylor, Mr. and J. Smith .. .. 12 n. Nellore, N. limit of Malabar, and inscrips. 176 and n. Neriosang Dhaval, a Mobed, translator .. 109 Newton, and the Calculus .. .. .. 142 Nile, Valley and Osiris .. .. .. .. 231 nilotaava, nil-parnavim ceremony F. G. 83 and n. nil parnavavi or tripindis oeromony : F. G. 89 Nineveh, palace of Sennacherib in, illustrated 133 Nirvana, of Buddha 45, 48; of Mahavira.. 47, 50; era 217, f. Nooremoholl, Normahal .. .. .. 111, f. North Western Group of Indo-Aryan Vernaculars .. .. 226-228 Nossa Sentusa de Monte, the ship, and J. Smith ... .. .. .. .. .. 13 Note, on Some Special Features of Pronunciation, etc., in the Gujarati Language 18-19; 106-110 Note, on The Rook-Hewn Vaishnava Temple at Masrur Dera Tahsil, Kangra district, Panjab .. .. .. .. .. 19-23 Notes on the Grammar of The Old Western Rajasthanf with Special Reference to Apabhramcs and to Gujarati and Marwart 3-11; 30--36 ; 52-58; 74-81 ; 96--105 ; 119 126 ; 159-163 nouns, in Old W. Rajasthanf, etc. 103 ; 122 ; 263 Nsisimha, Vijayanagara k. .. .. .. 321 Nuggihalli, Lakshminarasimha temple at 89, 93-96 numbers, lucky and unlucky .. .. Sup. 65 numerals, in Old W. RAjasthan 7-9; in Kish miri 264

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296 INDEX Normahal, Nooremoholl.. .. 111 f. Panhagid Lycodemo, and Athens .. .. 152 Nya sa kara, The, and the Jaina gakatayane.. Panini, his birthplace, etc. 227; 275-277; 279 275-280 Panipat and Bairam Khan .. .. .. 157 Nyaya-bhashya, the, and the Yoga-Bhashya .. 24 Panjab, languages, etc. .. .. .. 226-228 Nyaya-bhashya, The, a work by V&tay&yana 82-88 Pantheon, illustrated .. .. 134, f., 141 papar, Chinese invention, Telugu and other names for it .. .. objects, inauspicious, etc... Sup. 66; F. G. 103, f. paradi, ceremony . .. .. . Sup. 29, f. obscene words, in Holi festival .. Sup. 89, f. parakaya pravesh, power of leaving and returnO'Donovan, and architecture 151-153, 159 ing to, the body.. .. .. .. F. G. 105 and n. Parakesari ot Rajakesari.. .. .. .. . 194 offerings, harvest, eto. .. .. .. Sup. 87 Parikrama, Papdya k., murdered .. .. 255 Ogilvy, Alex, and the murder of J. Smith .. 27 Parakrama Bahu of Ceylon... .. .. 172 Omar, Mosque of .. .. .. .. 142 n. Parantaka, alias of Nardyana .. .. ... 164 omens, and dreams Sup. 50; and sneezing, Paroshuram, 8., legend of .. .. Sup. 25 etc. 63; 68; 66, or kaula .. .. .. 70 Parapanisus, region N. of Herat . . 139. Onderhill, Onderbergh, on the murder of Parshad Vaikunta, heaven of Vishnu .. F. G. 108. Smith .. .. .. .. .. .. 27 Parsis, language, etc. of.. .. .. 16; 109, f. ophium, traded in by J. Smith.. . .. 12 Parthian, later, period of architecture, or Orai gal, home of the Galapatis .. .. 174 Arsacid .. .. .. .. .. .. 138 Osiris, g. 210 ; and S. India .. .. 229-232 participles in Old, W. Rajasthan 96-105 ; owl, the, .. .. .. .. .. Sup. 58, f. 119, f., 125 Oxus Region, and dome construction.. .. 149 Paschatya Kulamasjari, the .. .. .. 270 Paschatya Vaidikas, history of.. .. 270, 2., 274 passes, fortified by Visvanatha.. 68 and n., 66 Pace, Thos., mentioned J. Smith .. .. 13 Patanjali, 83, anterior to Vatayayana 84; Padang, Padam, J. Smith 26 or Padam ..27, f. 277-279 Padmanabha of Jalor, author of the Kanha- pat lavani, widow marriage .. .. Sup. 73 qade Prabandha .. .. .. .. 16 Patna, and Mr. Elwes 13; and J. Smith .. 14 Padmavati, wife of Udayana .. .. .. 45 Pegu era .. .. . . . . . . . 218 pad ukas, footsteps.. ... . F. G. 94 pendentive; in architecture 134, the Byzanpajusan, fast .. . .. . . .. F. G. 91 tine .. .. .. .. .. .. 135 Paksila Svami, a name of Vatsyayana .. 87, f. Perja Mudali, served by Aryanatha .. .. 13 PAlaka, Pradyota k. .. 42, f. Penugonda, eap. of Vijayanagars .. .. 225 Palayams, under Visvanathe .. 69,-71; 117 Perrot, Geo., author of History of Art in palejatra, fair, ... .. . .. Sup. 25, 27, 87 Ancient Egypt .. .. .. 133 and n., 138 Pali, lang., and Takshasila .. .. 227 n. Persepolis, tn. palace at .. .. .. 136, 138 palki, palenquin .. .. Persia, History and Evolution of The Dome in Pallava and Kadamba kings 87 n.; and Kan. 133--159 chi.. .... .... . 127, f. Persia, J. Smith's trade with .. .. .. 16 Palm leaf Mes.. and the Senas.. 270-272, 274 Persian words, in N. W. India.. .. .. 228 palmyra lamp and beacon lights .. .. 203 Persians, and Turks 152; and opprobrious Pampathara, or Hampe, and Vidyaranya .. 219 names. .. .. .. .. ... F. G. 101 Panch Pirs .. .. .. .. F. G. 96 persons, inauspicious .. .. .. Sup. 66 panchakshari, one who knows mantras of evil i Perumbartu-puliyur, tn., anointment of heroes spirits .. .. .. .. .. Sup. 34 at .. .. .. .. .. 166; 194 n. Panchatantra storiee, in temple frieze .. 93 Perufijingadeva, Pallava k. .. .. .. 174 Panjava Brothers, and the Masrur temple 22; Perunjingadeva, Chola k. .. .. .. 193 the Five, and the Pandyas 172; .. F. G. 78 Peshwas of Poola, and the Swami of Chinch. Pandya Monarchy, The Chronology of 165 wad .. .. .. .. .. Sup. 45 176; 189_202; 245--256 Peter, mentioned a connection with J. Smith.. 27 PAndyan, the Five 37 and n., 38; and Vibva- Peter Mundy, on Shah Jahan .. .. .. 24 natha, eto. 6064, 70 ; fort of, .. .. 176 Petrie, Prof., and domes.. .. .. 134, f. Pangale devi... ... .. .. .. Sup. 25 Pharos of Alexandria, the .. .. 149 n.

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INDEX 297 philosophies, Indian .. .. 127 Phoenicia, and the serpent 212; and fisherman ... .. .. .. .. 229 phonetic spelling .. .. 107-110; 258-261 Pietro della Valle, and the Hasan mosque .. 160 Pillai Mr. Swamikannu, his Theory of The Chronology of the Pandya Monarchy 165 177 ; 189202; 146-158; 37 n. pillars, in Nandi temple 94; memorial eto. 83; 88-90 Pipal tree . .. .. .. .. Sup. 71, f. Pippalavana, c, of the Mauryas .. ... 52. Pir's, Musalman Sap. 43; worshipped by Hin dus, ato. 44-47; the bhut of 51; F. G. 85, 1, 91; the Samadhs etc. of... 94-97. Pisachs, origin of the Lahnda language eto. 226--238 ; and Sanskrit etc. .. 257-265. Picbel. Prof., and Prakrit .. .. .. 100 pishachas, ghosts .. .. .. ..F. G. 92, f. pitris, spirits of ancestors . F. G. 102, f. pitriyas, deceased ancestore ..F.G. 89, f., 93, f. Pitt, Thos., and J. Smith .. .. .. 25 Piyadasi, Asoka, in legend plague .. .. .. .. ... F. G. 79, f. planets and disease .. Sup. 30, f., 83 plates, or tiles, gilt .. .. 163, f. plough, ploughing ceremonies .. .. Sup. 87 Plutarch and Osiris .. .. .. .. 231 poisuns .. .. .. .. .. Sup. 81, f. policeman, or Kavalgar, or talayari, in the Polygar systum.. .. .. .. .. 72 PalAchchi, fort .. .. .. .. .. 66 Polygars 37; 39; and Visvanaths 59; 69,f; the system of, instituted 71-73; 113, 116- 118; antiquity of .. .. .. 172 n. Pompeii, and the cupola .. .. .. 13: Pondhar, deity .. .. .. .. Sup. 25 Poseidon, Varuna, and the g. of Madura .. 208 postpositions, in Old W. Rajasthani 3-7; 10, 119 potentials, in Old W. Rajasthant . 120, 126 pothias, bhuvas .. .. .. .. F. G. 84 Pradhani, Nail Finance minister .. 113-116 Pradyota, founder of the dynasty of that name, a contemporary of Buddha .. 43, 45 Pradyuta, dyn., 42 and the Saisundgas 43, 45, 1., 48 Prajwaparamild sira, and the Yogacara school of philosophy .. .. .. .. .. 87 prakdra, compound wall of a tomple .. 93 Praktit, and the Old W. Rajasthani 10, 17; or Apabhrampa 18, f., 100-102, 105-107 and n., 169, 1. Prasenajit, k., and Kahatrajit .. .. 45, L., 48 Prasii, tribe .. .. .. .. 51 Pratiqua, Rudra, Kakatiya k... .. .. 214 Prayag, holy e... .. .. . Sup. 68 pregnancy, or simant ceremony ..F. G. 98, f. prepositions, in Old W. Rajasthani .. 3, f. preta, spirit .. .. .. .. F. G. 93 Price, James, E. I. Co's servant . .. 15 priest, in marriage ceremony .. priest. in marrinca naram .. 1 and n. Prince Chain Singh, The Lay of .. 181-188 Priyadarain, Devanampriya .. .. .. 205 processions, religious ... .. Sup. 25, 27, 30 producte, of Mysore, Artistic .. .. .. 89 pronouns, in the Old W. Rajasthani 5, 7, 10, f., 30--38; in Gujarati 110; in KAshmiri .. 265 pronunciation, etc., in the Gujarati language, a note on some special features in 16--19; 106-110 propitiation of the dead.. .. .. F. G. 90 proportions, system of, in Hindi sculpture .. 91 Prosody, Kashmir .. .. .. .. 266 Proverbs, Malay, A Collection of, Book Notice. 280 puberty, among Hindus .. .. .. Sup. 90, f. Puckle, Major W., E. I. Co's agent .. ..14, 1. Pudukkottai plates 38 n., 39 and n.; or Pudukota 165 n., 196, note on .. .. 197 Puhar, C., and beacon lights oto. .. 203 ; 205 Pukkhalavati, tin., Grook form of the name .. 228 Puliyor, and Perumbarrapuliyar .. 194 n. Punema vow .. .. .. F. G. 100 Punhydhavachan rite .. .. .. Sup. 91 Punyahavachane ceremony .. .. Sup. 78 punishments after death.. .. .. F. G. 108 Punya tithi day .. .. . . Sup. 40 Forana Kila Mosque, Delhi .. .. .. 153 Purdnas, the and ancient Indian history 41 51; the Tamil .. 51: the Tamil . . .. 229-231 Purna, mt., and San .. .. .. .. 232 Purushottama inscription .. .. 217, f. purvaj, purvajas, spirits. . .. F. G. 82, 89, 94 Pyramid, the Great .. .. .. .. 143 Qsair 'Amrah, palace .. .. .. .. 138 Quarrel Between a Girl Bride and Her Brother. in-Law, song .. .. .. Quoda, tn., and the murder of J. Smith 26-29 Quintus Curtius ; .. .. .. .. .. 139 rage, as offerings .. .. .. ..F. G. 85, f. rain ceremonies .. .. .. .. Sup. 87, 88 Rajadhiraja, Chola k. .. . . . . . 213 Rajadhiraja il., Choa k., Rajakesari.. .. 194 Rejanarendra, Araviti k .. .. .. .. 225

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298 INDEX " 41-51 Rajaputana .. .. .. .. .. .. 16 Ropani, transplanting ing .. .. .. .. Sup. 87 Rajaraja II. Chola k. .. .. .. .. 194 Rousseau, and the Imam Musa .. .. .. 155 Rajaratndbart, the, and the Beibunagas .. 45 Royai mosque at Isfahan .. .. 153 Rajasthan, Old Western, soe Notes on the Rai, plant, and marriage.. .. .. Sup. 73 Grammar of.. .. .. .. .. 3, ff. Rukn-ud-din Firon 88, tomb of .. .. 146 Rajendra Chola and the conquest of Kollip Rudrabhisheka ceremony.. Sup. 88 F. G. 7 pakkai .. .. .. .. .. .. 213 Rudramma, q.. Ganapati .. .. 247 n. Rakka, Bait-ul-Khalifah palace in .. .. 135 Rudrayag, sacrifice.. .. .. .. F. G. 76 Rama, in the Masrur temple 21 and n., 22; | Rap Ram Bohra, minister under Pr.noe Chain and barrennon Sup. 48 ; and the Shami Singh .. .. .. .. .. 181, f. tree eto. .. .. .. .. 71; F. G. 91 Rustam Khan, oppressor of Chokkantha .. 114 Ramabhadra and Visvanaths ..... .. 59 Ruushanti or Garbhddan, first bridal night Ramachandra, g., and Vijayanagars .. .. 225 Sup. 91 Rama Krishna, tutor to Ati Vira Rama, 39 and n. Riminuja, dato .. .. .. .. 164; 213 Ramappaiya, Naik minister .. .. .. 113 sacrod objects .. .. .. .. Sup. 81 Rama Raja, Karnatak .. .. .. .. 213 sacrifices, human, Sup. 80, 1. ; yadras 82, 88 Ramaraja, the Bismarok of Vijayanagars .. 224 Sadakira Rays, Vijayanagara k., and Kollipaks Ramayana, the, in sculpture 93; legenda 179; 213; and Vaishnaviam .. .. 234, 1. 227; and Akbar .. .. .. .. 223 Safdar Jang Mausoleum.. .. .. .. 158 Ramdepir, evil deity .. .. F. G. 75; 97 sages, rovered .. .. .. .. F. G. 92 Ram Raz, author of Architecture of The Hindu 143 Sabalys or Sumalya k... .. .. 47; 49 Ranjit Singh .. .. .. . .. 112 sahasrabhojan fast .. .. .. Sup. 84 rapier, ordered by J. Smith .. .. .. 12 nainte, Maalman, deified Sup. 45; and anoseRaahidud-din, author of the Jamiut Tawark 175 tors, worshipped .. .. 40; F. G. 89--9% Ratnagiri dist., offerings oto. Sup. 26, 27; 86; Baikuniga dya. .. " dissade deities 29, 1., 32-38; sacred trees 36, 06.V gods and goddesses .. .. .. 90 f.; evil spirita 38, 1, 5858 ; 64; anosetor wor. Saiva-Siddhanta system .. .. .. .. 230 ship 40, 42, and saints eto. 43-48 ; barron. Saivism and Vaiahnaviem 22, 23 n. ; 221, f., neas 47; dream, ato. 49, . ; 52; the ovil 294, 1. ; in Kashmir ... .. .. .. 287 eye 61 ; ghosta 67, 70;f; widow remarriage Baka, BalavAlans ors .. .. 73 ; make bite 77; totems 78, 80, L ;.86; Sakanwidt, vil., and Prince Chain Singh 184 and n. Holi festival .. .. .. .. 89, f. ; 92 Bakagayans, the Jains, and the Nyankars RauahanArt, dr. of Sh&hjahan .. .. 975--280 Ravalnath, incarnation of Shiva . Sup Sakhardon Bdva, his tomb .. . Sup. 44 Rayasam, Naik private secretary .. .. 113 Sakhra (Rock) of Jerusalem .. .. .. 156 Reade, Ed., and J. Smith .. .. .. 20 Slya, Ianuy or mapuv u .. .. .. 1 records, the Red Slab, eto, of Krishnaraya 222 Saladin, author of the Manuel d'art Musalman Religion, the, of the Vijayanagars House 219-225 145 n., 146, 147, 147 n. ; 150 and n. 157 Ro.marks, Some, on The Chronology of The Salaturi, birthplace of Papini .. .. .. 227 Upanishads .. .. 130-132; 177-130 Salom, dist... .. .. 65, L, 67 n., fort 69 remedies, for fevers oto. .. .. F. G. 78--81 Salim, prince, and Akbar .. .. .. 244 Rifoh, tn., cupola roof romains, illustrated .. 133 Salivahana or Saks era, in Gujarat oto. .. 215 rites, propitiatory, and ceremonies Sup. 86 Saloniks, and 8. Bardias .. .. .. 144 n. 28: 31, 40-42; and barrennege 47; rain Saleott, ial., Roman Catholio worship in ... 132 87, t.; Chetaks 89 ; puberty 01 ; of exorciam 87 Salsette, Taluka, deities of .. Sup. 26; 31 Rock, of Jerusalem, dome illustrated 142, 155, f. samadh, gravo F. G. 04; cormony 98 and n. ; 96 Rock Edict, Fourth, of Asoka, and the word samadhis, graves . . .. 231 Sup. 41 Agniskanda .. .. .. .. 203--2068&malavarman, Bykmalavarban, L . .. 271 rock inscription of Afoka .. .. .. 928 Samapalli, Chambali, eto. fort . .. 65 and n. rooks, fortified by Visvanaths .. .. 69 n. Samarkand, Mausoleums and other buildings Roderick, k. of the W. Goths .. .. 138. at, illustrated .. 145 and n., 149-151 ; 164 Roman Catholic worship in Saleott .. .. 132 | BAMATTA, Imam Madhi shrine at .. 104, f. Rome, and dome bonstruction .. .. 134, t. Sambandha, Sambadhas, spirito.. Sup. 37, 51, to Baiva gods and goddess 24

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INDEX 299 . 149. f settlement.. Sam-ho-po-lo, tn., and Simbapura .. Senas, The Earliest Seat of .. .. 270274 Sampraadrana, phonetic procees 18 n.; anti- Sendu, ball, the son .. .. .. 206, f. sampraadrana.. .. .. .. .. 19 Sennacherib, his palace at Nineveh .. 133, 6. Sampatarik shraddha, rite .. . Sup. 40 Serpent, symbol 311; and Thoth 212; and Sancht, topa .. .. .. .. 147 tree worship .. .. .. .. Sup. 71 andai, Tamil, a weekly market, and Shandy .. 139 Set, or Typhon .. .. .. .. .. 231 Sanjah bridge .. ... Setupati, Chief of the Maravas .. .. 59, 1. Sanjan, Parti settlement.. .. .. .. 16 Sevaka, Bhuva disciple .. .. .. F. G. 84 Sanjar, Sultan, his Mausoleum at Merv, Bevappa Naik, of Tanjore .. .. .. 70 illustrated .. .. .. ... 140 Seventeenth Century Anglo-Indian Worthies, Sankaracharya, and Kanoh .. .. .. 128 John Smith, Contd, from Vol. XLIII p. 265 Sankaracharya III, date of i. 12-16; 25-29 Sanskrit, language, namerals 7-9; pronouns sex Change .. .. .. .. .. Sup. 63 10, f.; adverbs 52, 54; 56; participles Shah Abbas, moeque built by .. .. .. 153 101, 1. 108; and Gujarati 17, f.: 106-108; Shahbazgashi, inscrip. .. .. .. 203; 228 and Rajasthanf 120 ; 159 ; 162, f. ; origin of ShAh Chiragh, a domod building .. .. 167 Kashmir 267-265; mythology .. .. 232 ShAh Hussyn, and Humayan .. .. .. 235 Sapadalaksha, 00.215; or Savalakh .. .. 218 Shah Jahan and Jahanard .. .. 24, 111, f. Sarah, the ship.. .. .. .. .. 28 Shah Rukn, son of Timur, and dome construeBargon, his palace .. .. . .. 134 tion .. .. .. .. .. 151-153 earpa bandhane, snake cbarm.. . Sup. 77 Shah Salim, Sha Selim, Jahangir .. .. 111 Sarpadhikari, or Diwan, Naik officer .. 116-117 Shah Sulaiman, and dome construction 144,153,155 Sarvardba-Siddhi, k. .. .. .. 45 n. Shah Talmasp, aided Humayun .. .. 156 Sarvartha-Siddhi, ancestor of the Nandas eto. Shahzada Masih, alias of Balthasar Bourbon 61 n. 183 n., 188 Narvisten, and dome construotion, illustrated Shah Zindah, or Living Saint, group of build. 136, 137--139; 143, 169 ings at Samarkund .. .. .. .. 145 Sasanian period, architecture referred to 136, Shakespeere .. .. .. .. .. 12 138, 140 Shaktas, rect, and black art .. . Sup. 92 Satakpa Namma var, Vaishnava saint, and Shakti, goddess .. .. .. .. Sup. 36 Shaligram stone Mathura Kavi .. 164 and n. .. .. .. .. . .. Sup. 80, f. Satdp, magical berb .. .. .. Sup. 51 Shams-ud-din Altamah, tomb of .. .. 146 Batara, c., groves Sup. 71, f.; and snake bite Shandy, and shindy, Note on .. .. .. 132 .. cures .. .. .. .. .. Shankar, 8... 76 .. .. .. .. Sup. 92 Satt, temples, and Siva 232; worship .. F. G. 90 Shankar Raja, a Chalukya .. .. .. 214 Sauang, contact with the righteous .. F. G. 80 Shankaracharya, and married life .F.G. 102, 4. .. Saturn, g. 232; and disons .. Sharul-ud-din 'Ali, biographer of Timar Sup. 31 .. 160 Satwai, g. .. .. .. .. Sharifu'n-riasd, Nadira Begam .. .. Sup. 79 .. .. 112 Satyamaugalam tn. 60; fort 65 and n., 66, 69; Shatachandi, sacrifice .. .. .. F. G. 75 Naik province .. .. .. .. 115 shaving .. .. .. .. .. Sup. 68 Sautrdntika School of Buddhism .. .. 87 Shawe Jahan, Shahjahan .. .. .. 24 Savalakh, SapAdalaksha .. .. .. 218 shoop disease .. .. .. .. F. G. 81 Sawanakarin, goddess .. . Sup. 25 Shanwad, a Holiday .. .. .. Sup. 90 Scapegoats for disease .. .. .. Sup. 38, f. Sher Shah and dome construction, illustrated 153 Screens, perforated, in the Keiava templo .. 92, 1. Sher Shah Sur, and Humayun .. .. .. 156 Scriptures and child stealing .. .. F. G. 101 shead bharans, process .. .. .. Sup. 74 Sculptors, Hoysala, records of .. .. 94, f. Shidha offering .. .. .. .. Sup. 43 Sculpture and Architecture in Mysors, The Shihabu-ud-din Ahmad, Nisha pari, Persian Hoysala style .. .. .. .. 89-95 governor of Delhi .. 156 Becrecy, and silence, in rites. .. .. Sup. 88, f. | shili odlom vow .. .. .. .. Sup. 77 Sebore, where Prince Chain Singh was killed Shipl-Khawar, lang, and Kashmir 267: 181, or Sikor 182--185 examples .. .. .. .. 267-270 Seloucos Nicator, and India .. .. .. 228 Shindy and Shandy .. .. .. .. 132 Bena dyn, and Bengal .. .. .. .. 217 | Shirlahet, idol of a king.. .. .. Sup. 75

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300 INDEX Shiriz, mosque at .. .. 157, 159 small-pox .. Sup. 29-31; 67; F. G. 74, 76, 80, f. Shir Dar, domed building .. .. 149 Smith, John, Seventeenth Century AngloShit, fowl sacrificed .. .. .. Sup. 89 Indian Worthy .. .. .. 12-16, 25--29 Shitala, goddess and small-pox Sup. 30, f.; snake, bite Sup. 44; cures for 76, f., 88; and and barrenness 48; Mate . F.G. 76--78 sorcerors etc. 65, 1. ; worship .. 74, f. Shiva, incarnations, Sup. 25; and Brahmans sneezing .. .. .. .. Sup. 53, f., 66 etc. 25, 28; 31; and barronness 48 ; and rain Sokkappanai, Tamil word and Aggik kamida, in 88; and disease.. .. F. G. 78; 80; 93, f. Rock Edict IV. .. .. .. .. ... 203 Shiwar or Chorawa ritual.. .. .. Sup. 87 Bolamandalam, co. 166; and Vira Papdya Shraddha, various forms of, Sup. 40-43; 48; 194 n. 66-68; .. .. F. G. 83; 80--90, 92 ; 108 Somasundara, g. .. .. . . .. .. 212 Shri Satya Narayan and barrennees .. Sup. 48 Some Hindu "Silpa" Shastras, in their Shrines, with gilt domes 154, f.; of S. India relation to South Indian Sculpture .. .. 90 .. .. F. G. 85 Some vara temple, at Nuggihalli . 93, f. shuna, store pits .. .. .. .. .. 133 8omeavara II., Trailokyamalle, W. ChalOkya Siddhan, an evil man .. .. .. 209, 1. k., and Kollipake .. .. .. 213 Siddhasena Divakara, Jaina logician .. 83 n. 8omesvara Deva, and Kolipak . .. .. 214 Siddhis, accomplishments .. ..F. G. 105 Somnathpur, Kesava temple .. 89-91, 94, f. Siddhi-Vinayaka, and the Vedas .. 212; 230 Songs, Women's .. .. .. .. 1-3 Sidhas, inferior divinities sorcerore Sup. 34-36, 38, 47, 57, 60, 63, 68, Sidon, meaning, a fishing village ... .. 220 76, 77, 86, 92 signatures, of Hoysala poulptors . .. 94 souls, as ghosts etc. .. F. G. 92, 104, f., 107, 1. Sihor, Sehore .. .. .. .. 182--185 Spa, Spawe, in Bengal, Bakreswar .. 12 n. silence and secrecy .. ..Sup. 88, . Spalatro, temple .. .. .. .. .. 135 Sulpidhiledram, Tamil work, and the Indra spelling, phonetic .. .. .. .. 107-110 festival .. .. .. .. .. .. 204 Spiers. Prof., and architecture 138, 143, 146, n., Silpa Shastras, and 8. Indian Sculpture. 90; 143 147 Simais, Naik provinces.. .. .. 116-117 spirite, evil, and diseases etc. 34-36; 40, Simant, first pregnancy custom .. F.G. 98 42, f., 50--59; 63-67; 70, 72, 74, f., 79 Simhapura, Sam-ho-po-lo, tn, named in the 83; 85-87, 89; F. G. 79, 88-92, 96, f., BelAbo grant .. .. .. .. .. 274 104 n., 106-107 sin, and disease .. .. .. F. G. 79 spiritual guides, Maharajas, guru. .. F. G. C, . Sind, and Akbar .. .. .. .. 234 . Srenika, alias of Bimbisara .. .. 43, 46, 49 Sindhi, N. W. Indo-Aryan vernacular.. 226--228 Srt-Harsha, The Age of .. .. .. .. 215 Sindhu, Indus, riv. .. .. .. .. 228 Sri Krishna, ancestor of the Kavanda chiefs.. 61 Singhalese, records, and Pandya kinge 172, 174; Sripatiruchi, epithet applied to Rajanarendra. 225 custom of sub-kings .. .. . .. Brfrangam shrine, and Visvanatha . 70, f. Sippara, C. of the sun .. .. .. .. 22 Bri-Vallabha, k., and the Pudukottai plates Sinnamantr grant .. .. .. .. .. 172 38 D.; 30; fragmentary inscription of .. 197 Sirhind, battle .. .. .. .. .. 157 Sri Venkatesa, and Vijayanagara .. .. 225 Bisun Aga, founder of the Baisunaga dyn. 12- Srivillipattur or Nadumandalam, Naik pro. 46 and .., 48 vince .. .. .. .. .. .. 115 Sita, in Masrur temple .. .. ... 21 and n. Sri Viropdksha-sannidhi, g. and Vijayanagara.. 225 Siva, and Vishnu, in Masrur templo 21 and 8t. Denys, his heads .. .. .. .. 231 n.-23 and .. ; worship 208, 210; and the St. George, fort, and J. Smith .. 12-14; 25-29 Vijayanagaras 224, 1. ; temples or sand- St. George, Church at Thessalonica .. .. 156 dhis ... .. .. .. .. 231-233 St. Marks', Venice, illustrated .. .. .. 151 Biva-loban, heaven .. .. .. .211 St. Peters', Rome .. .. .. .. .. 142 Siva Ramaiya, Naik Dalandi .. .. .. 113 St. Thomas and Madras .... .. .. 176 Sivaratri festival .. .. .. 265 Stephen Carr and dome construction .. 146, 149 n. Sivasitha of Mithild, his copperplate to... 216 Sthanapatis, ambassadors .. 70, 72, 113, f., 116 Sisa Bandhane rite . .. .. Sup. 28 Sthavira school of Buddhism ... .. .. 127 Skylax, naval commander under Darius I... 227 Sthalabhadra, Mantrin of the 9th Nanda .. 44 langhter-bouses .. .. .. .F. G. 92 stones, totems Sup. 80, . ; 90 ; memorial F. G. 90

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INDEX 301 Strabo, and Asian architecture.. .. 134 and n. Talaghat, dist. in Salem, part of Kongu .. 66 Streynsham Master, E. I. Co's supervisor, Dia. Talamalai, fort .. .. .. .. .. 85 ries of 16 and n.; and J. Smith .. 26, 29 alaydris, NAik policemen .. .. 72, f. Struys, J., author of Travels and Voyages Talikota, battle .. .. .. .. .. 225 141 and n Tamil, Chiefs, and Visvanatha 60, f. ; records, stuoco decoration .. .. .. .. 136, f. and Kollipakkai.. .. .. .. 213 Subhag Singh, Raja, father of Prince Chain Tamilian Pajayama .. .. 71, 73 Singh .. .. . 181, 183, 188 Tamjai, 8., and cattle dise wae .. .. Sup. 33 sub-kings, a Singhalest custom.. ... .. 173 Tanjore .. . .. .. .. 117 substantives, in Old W. Rajasthanfi.104; 161, f. tanks, images . .. Sup. 43 suffixes, in Old W. Rajasthanf .. . 162, f. Taradevt, and the Kamakshi tomple .. .. 129 suicide .. .. .. .. .. Sup. 53 Taranatha, and the Council of Vedli. 50 n. Sulaiman,Shah, and dome construction 144, 153 Tardt Beg Khan, servant to Humayan.. 235 n. sulphur Springs, at Bekreswar .. .. 12 n. tarpan, rito .. .. .. .. .. Sup. 41 Sultan Ali Said .. .. .. .. .. 143 Taut, Thoth Sultan Husain Mirza, mosque of . . 151 Tazkirat-ul-udgydt, and the date of Akbar .. 238 Sultan Muhammad IL and Van Hasan .. 152 Teheran, mosque, illustrated .. .. .. 159 Sultan Sanjar, tomb at Merv, illustrated .. 140 telescopo, in temple soulpture .. .. .. 95 Sultanieh, domed buildings at, illustrated, Telugu, chiefs, and VisvanAtha 10--12 Pd! 140, 142-146, 159 yame 71; 73; records, and Kollipaka .. 213 SumAlye, or Sahalys, k. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 47 47 Templo, Rock-hewn Vaishnava, at Masrur, Sumatra, Storme, ial. .. .. .. 28 and a Dera Tahsil .. .. .. .. 19-23 Sun, Sunday, and Akbar.. .. .. .. 242 Temples, in Mysore, 89-94; Greek 143; undara-Morti Ndyanir, Saiva saint .. 164 rook out, at Mahe valipuram 172; in 8. undara Pandya k. 39.n.; 174, 178 and n.: India 222-224; of Siva .. .. 231, f. (of 1276) .. .. .. .. .. 176; 249 Tenkasi, and the Five Pandyas.. .. 37-39 supadun, winnowing fan .. .. .. F. G. 73 tense, in Old Western Rajasthant 96, 98, 104, gara dyn., of Bengal .. .. .. .. 273 123-126 Suri governor of Nishapur .. 144 Tersh Beg, traitor to Humayun .. .. 235 surnames in W. India, derivation .. Sup. 78 Sup. 78 Tessitori, Dr. and Old W. Kajasthani 16-18, Suropuros, spirits of heroes .. F. G. 89 107, 109, f. Susa, palace ., 136, 138 Teth, Hebrow letter i. .. . .. 212 Bahupti, sleep .. .. .. F.G. 102' Thakurdvara, shrine in Masrur templo .. 22 Syon Hedin, and Persian house .. .. 139 Thana dist., deities of Sup. 25, 28, 31, f.; and Swapna, drosm .. .. .. .. F. G, 102 disease 33-35, 38, evil spirits 36, 56, f., Swayambhu, natural linga .. Sup. 26; 80 62, 70 ; sacred trees 37, 71-73 ; ancestor SyAmala, son of Vijayasena 270-272; or of worship 43; tombs etc. 44-46; 48, 65; Viloid .. . .. .. .. 273 68; and witchcraft etc. .. .. 85-89 SyAmalavarman, k. .. .. .. 271-274 Thessalonica, Church of St. George .. .. 156 ayllogism, theory of the .. 82, f. thirst, and ghosts. . . . .. .. F. G. 106 syntax, Kashmiri .. .. 266 Thiruppuvanam, tn. and fiva worship .. 208 Syria, Upper, houses in .. Thiruvalur, in Tanjore, and Brahma .. .. 230 Thiruvidaimaruthur, in Tanjore and Biva worship .. .. .. .. .. .. 210 Thomas, St., and Madras.. .. .. .. 176 Tabagati Akbari, and the date of Akbar .. 240 Thoth, Taut .. .. .. .. .. 212 Tabriz, Blue mosque at 144, under Uzun thread ceremony ... .. .. Sup. 37; 71 Hman .. .. .. .. .. .. 152 Thyagarajan, 8. of Madura .. .. .. 230 caffaties, mentioned by J. Smith .. .. 12 Tiamur, Amir ... .. .. .. .. 162 Tag Pir .. .. .. .. .. F. G. 97 Tibetan Chronicle and the Saibunagas.. .. 46 Taj Mahal, illustrated .. .. .. 143, 158, f. tiles, plates, gilt .. .. .. .. 163, f. Tak Kisra, vaulted palace .. .. .. 135 Timar, emp, and architecture 146-147, 150 Takshasila, cap. of Gandhara, university.. 153, 159 227 and n. | Timari age of architecture .. .. .. 144 .. 133

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302 INDEX 138 and .. Timurides of Herat, and domos.. .. .. 161 Tas, N. W. of Meshed, domed building at 102, . Tinnevelly, and the Pandyas 37 and n., 38;. Typhon or Set .. .. . ..231 and Visvanatha 59 and n., 61; 114, f. ; 172 n. Tirujinasambandha, Saiva saint 128 ; 164 Tirumala, emp., 3rd Vijayanagara dyn. .. 225 Tirumalai, W. Aroot dist, and Krisboaraya 222 n. Udal Shanti ceremony .. .. .. Sup. 31 Tirumal Naik, palce of 69 n.; and Trichinu Udays, L .. .. .. 48, 48 and n., 47, 60 poly 70 n., 71 ; 113; death .. .. .. 118 Udayane, of Kausambf contemporary of Prad. Tirumangai Alvar, Vaishnava saint .. .. 164 yots, etc... 42, 43 and n., 45, 46 and n.; 50 Tirunelveli Kulasokhara PerumA, and the Five Uddians, tn., and Satt .. .. .. .. 232 PAndy .. .. .. .. .. 37, f Tauntalare antha dhe New R2 Tiruvannamalai, hill, and beacon lights .. 2031 Ugra-Pandya, and the treasure in Mt. Moru 206, f. Tithis, Kahaya, in Hindu Chronology 167; Ograna, k., and Mahapadma .. 48 and n., 46 Nakshatra .. .. .. .. 170, f ujani festival .. .. . F. G. 74, 80 Todormal, contemporary of VilvanAtha .. 62 Ujjain, and the Pradyota .. .. .. 44 toleration, under Akbar .. .. .. .. 323 Uj;ini, on the Mysore-Bellary border, and Koltombe, famous, noe History and Evolution of lipaks .. .. .. .. tho Domo 133-169; of Hindu and Muham Ukhaidir, vaulted palace of, illustrated 138, madan sainta Sup. 43-46; or samadhe, ete. 41; F. G. 94-96 Umarkot, Amarkot .. .. 284 and n., 238 Toqdaman Chief of Puddukkottai, and Vive- Umayyad Mosque at Damasous, illustrated natha .. .. .. .. .. .. 81 147-161 Jooth rotio .. .. .. .. .. .. 174 Umbar, troo Sup. 71, legend .. .. 72; 78 topes, and domee.. .. .. .. 146, 1., 149 uncle, in marriage arrangement. ..1 and n., 3 Toral and Josal, their tombs .. .. F. G. 95 University of Takahasila.. .. .. .. 227 Totemiam and Tetishism .. Sup. 78--82 Upanada, Naga k. and saint .. .. .. 80 Tottiya chiefs .. .. .. .. .. 89 Upanishads, Tho, Some Remarks on The ChroTottiyans . . . . . . . . . . . . 61 nology of .. .. .. 130-132; 177-180 Trailokyamalla, 80meivars I. .. .. .. 213 utar coromony .. ..F. G. 81-83, 87; 107 transference, of disona .. .. F. G. 8688 Utama-daia-tala measure, used in making Travanoore, and the Papdya Co. 39; and images .. .. . .. .. ... .. 90 Visvanatha .. .. .. .. 60, 69 Uzun Hasan, Baiondari, and Shah Jahan .. 152 roasure, guarded by Chamars 88; buried Sup. VAoaspati Miare, author 82, f, and Vatsyaya 89, 64, 78; and snake.. .. .. .. 76 na.. .. .. .. .. .. ... 87 Trebizond .. .. .. .. .. .. 153 vaccination .. .. .. .. .. Sup. 38 troos, saored Sup. 36, L.; haunted oto. 56, f.; 61, odchharo, hydrophobia spirit . .. V. G. 86 63, f. ; 70,-73; 76, 78; F. G. 55, 4. 106 Vad, Banian troo, legend .. .. Sup. 73, 78 Tribh, Kulasekhara, k., noto on .. .. 255 | Vdghya, dedicated boy .. . .. Sup. 74 Trichinopoly, and Visvanatha 60, 70 and n., Vaibhagika school of Buddhism .. .. 87 71; 118; 116 Vaishpava, Temple, rockhown, at Maarur Ders Trinomali, or Arunachalam .. .. .. 230 Tahsil, Kangra dist. .. .. .. 19-23 Trishubh-Jagatt, line, and the Mahandrd- Vaishnava, deitios 90 ; Alvars .. .. .. 164 yasa- Upanishad .. .. .. 131, 132 and n. Vaishnavism, and Saivism in Vijayanagara Trivikrama, Sena k. 272 (Stra) 273 and n. 221, 1., 224, f. and Homantana .. .. .. .. 274 | Vaishwadev offering Vaishnadev offering .. .. .. Bup. 68 Suchakdo, method of transference of disease Vajiri, Kobala princess, w. of Ajatasatru .. 43 F. G. 87 Vajra-bai, Vajreshwari, goddess . Sup. 26 Tulasi Dion, and Old Baiswart .. .. 99, f., 119 vajrabutu, black beads ... . . Sup. 61 Tulst, plant, legend .. .. .. Sup. 73 Valkonda, Valoonda or Valikandapuram, N. Tuli Khan, saokod Merv ! .. .. 140 limit of Ndik kingdom . .. 69 and n. Turkey and dome construction.. .. .. 159 Vallalasena, 7orks attributed to him .. .. 216 Turkish, raid in Bengal 217, 4. Vallalasena, son of Vijayasena .. .. 271, 274 Turks and Persiane .. .. .. .. 152 Vallam, tn., exchanged for Trichinopoly .. 70

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Valley of Kashmir, and Islam.. 257, 267 Vameasekhara-Pandya, king after the deluge. 211 131, f. Vamsastha (indravamsa) lines.. Vanada Rayars, rule Madura 37; and Visvanatha INDEX .. .. Varaguna-Pandya, and the temple of Thiru. vidaimaruthur Varatunga Rama, and the Pudukkottai .. 39 and n. plates Varman, dyn., and the Belabo grant.. 271, 274 Varuna, g., Poseidon 208; F. G. 106 F. G. 93 and n. .. vdsand, impressions Vasubandhu, probably later than Vatsyayana 82, 86; and the syllogism Vattagamini, k. .. 83 and n. 173 82-88 134-139 Vatayayana, author of the Nydyabhasya .. Venkata Krishnaiya, Dalavai Venkatesa, and Krishnaraya 222 n.; Bri, and Vijayanagara .. 60 vault, construction Vedas, the.. 207; 212; 229 Vedic, professors in Kanchipura Velan, stick .. 127 F. G. 82 Vellala chiefs, and Visvanatha 61; Aryanatha, etc. 62, 64 Velvikuli grant, and Mathura-Kavi 164 n.; and the Pandyas Venice, St. Mark's.. 210 sup. 172 151 114 Veramin, Masjid-i-Jama, etc., in, illustrated 143, f., 152 verb, the, in Old W. Rajasthant 102; 160; in Kashmiri 265, 1. Vernaculars, Indo-Aryan, The North Western ..226-228 group Vestli, council 50 Vetal, k. of evil spirits.. Sup. 70, 81, 88. Vetavare tanks, in Savantwadi, and snake bite Sup. 77 221, 225 219, f. Vidyanagara, Vijayanagara Vidyaranya, sage and the linga Vijayanagar, and Aryanatha-Mudali 63, f.; and Chandrasekhara 64; and Kongu 66 n.; policy 116 n.;.. .. 117 Vijayanagara House, the Religion of.. 219-225 114 Vijayaranga Chokkanatha, Naik 271-273 Vijayasena, k. 270 and Gauda.. Vikrama, Chola k., and Kollipaka 213; and Cholera .. F. G. 74 88 Vikramaditya, Chandragupta II Vikramaditya VL., Chalukya k., inscrip. of 214; .. or Bikramajit Vikrampura, cap. of Syamala .. Village foundation ceremony.. Vilola, Sara princess, W. of Vijayasena .. 215 270 26 273 225 303 Vimana, sancta of temple Vinayaka-Siddhi 203, f. 230 16, 25, f. Vincent, Matt., and J. Smith etc. 12 n., Vira Pandya, k... 174, f.; 207 Vira Pandya (1252-53) 190, 194 and n 196 Vira Pandya, Jatavarman 196 Vira Pandya (14th. cen.) and Jatavarman Vira Pandya, note on Viraari, q., mother of Syamalavarman.. Virs, male spirits F. G... Virupaksha, shrine, and the Vijayanagars 219, 221-225 43 .. 249, f. 274 87 Vishalgad fort, has pirs' tombs sup. Vishnu, and Siva, in Masrur temple 22; figures, in Hullikere temple 91, f.; 224; or Lilabaraha 225; 232; and trees sup. Vishnu-Kancht 73 129 Vishnu-Purana and ancient Indian history 41, 44n. Visuchika, goddess, and cholera F. G. 75 Visvanatha, conquered the Pandyas 37-39; his other conquests etc. 59-63; and the Navaratri festival 64; forts etc., built by him 65-67, n; 69; acquired Trichinopoly 70; founded the Polygar system .. 71,73, 113 271, f. 222 and n.-224 134 267-270 16 123-126 vows, and disease etc. F. G. 76, f., 79, f; and conception 100; sup. ..91, f. 228 Visvarapasena, grant by Vithoba, g., and Krishnaraya Vitruvius, and domes Vocabulary, Kashmiri vocal, groups in Gujarati voice, in Old W. Rajasthani .. Vrachada, Prakrit dialect, and Sindhf.. Vrunda, wife of a demon, loved by Krishna, sup. 73 24 Vyasa, date of his Yoga-Bhashya Waghoba, Waghya, g. sup. 28; or Waghjai etc. Waldram, p., author of Structural Mechanics 33, 88 139 and n. Walid, Khalif, and the Umayyad Mosque 147; Al Walid .. 148 Wassif; historian and Malabar 175, 1. Watt, Sir G., Indian Architecture at Delhi.. 143 Weber, Alb., and the Upanishads .. 130 and n. 243, f. Wednesday, and Jahangir .. 181 Wellesley, Mr., and Prince Chain Singh White Sheep dyn., or Akkuyunlu Widow, Marriage.. Williamson, the ship witches, witchcraft Women's songs .. 152 ..sup. 73,89 25 Sup. 32, 38, 64, 85, f; 92 ..1-3

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304 INDEX Wonders, of the Medieval world of Islam 149 and n. Woodruff, M., wife of W. Clavell .. ..14 n. worship, of the serpent 212; of ancestors and Saints sup. 40, ff; of the Malevolent Dead 4952 ; of trow oto. 71, 83, L.; of implements 87, f.; of Holi ato. 89-91, of ancestors and saints F. G. 89-92; 101; of the Malevolent Dead 102-108; of spiritual guides 90 and great men .. .. .. .. .. .. 91, f. Wynn, Mr., and J. Smith .. .. .. 25 Yadnas, sacrifices sup. 82, or Yadnyas .. 88 Yakut, mentioned the Umayyad mosque etc. .. .. .. .. .. .. 149, 163 Yama, G. of death .. .. Sup. 83; F. G. 107 Yamuna Acharya , alias Alavandir .. .. 164 Yato, Col., and Herat buildings.. .. 151, 1. Yaugandharayana, Kaukazabi minister .. 45 yawning .. .. .. .. .. Sup 53, f. Yoga-Bhdshya, of Vyasa, date of .. .. 24 Yogacara school of Buddhism .. .. 86, f. Yogaminga, path to the other world.. Sup62 Yuan Chwang, and Kafichfpura 197 and n. 128 Xandramou, or Agrammes, K. .. Xeres, battle .. .. .. Xerxes, had Indian soldiers .. Xoanon, &. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 51 .. 138 Dezamiadi, femalo spirit .. .. 227 zar, fover .. .. .. .. 209 zarman Zarun coromony .. .. .. .. .. F. G. 82 .. P. G. 78 .. F. G. 99

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FOLKLORE OF THE KONKAN. CHAPTER I. NATURE POWERS. THE worship of minor local deities is connected with such low castes as Guravas, Bhopis, Maratha Kunbis, Dhangars, Waghes, Murlis, Mahars and Mangs in the District of Kolhapur. It is believed by the Brahmans that once an image is consecrated and worshipped, it should be worshipped uninterruptedly every day, and he who neglects to worship such an image daily incurs the sin of Brahma-hatya or Brahman-murder. For this reason Brahmans generally do not worship minor local deities. In former times Brahmans who worshipped these deities were excommunicated by their caste-men. Such Pujaris were compelled to wear a folded dhotur or waist cloth, and were forbidden to put on the gandh or sandal paste mark in straight or cross lines. They were allowed to put on the tila or circular mark of sandal paste. Another reason why Brahmans are not the Pujaris or worshippers of such deities is that Brahmans cannot accept or partake of the Naivedya offering of cooked food, fowls, etc., made to them. Lower class people can partake of such offerings, and are therefore generally the worshippers or ministrants of minor local deities. At Palshet in the Ratnagiri District, there are two gramdevis, viz., Jholai and Mharjai, and the pujaris of these deities are respectively a Gurav and a Mahar.1 The pujaris of goddesses are generally men of the lower castes. The guardian goddesses of the villages of Pule, Varavade, Nandivade, and Rila 1 School Master, Palshet, Ratnagiri, 3 School Master, Parule, Ratnagiri. School Master, Rajapur, Ratnagiri. School Master, Malad, Thana. have Kunbis as their pujaris; while the pujaris of the goddesses Mahalakshmi, Bhagvati, Mahakali, and Jogai are generally chosen from the Gurav caste.2 In the Konkan the Rauls (Shudras) are the pujaris of the deities Vithoba, Ravalnath and Bhavani; the Ghadis are the pujaris of the deities Sateri and Khavaneshwar; while the deities Mahadev and Maruti are worshipped by pujaris belonging to the Gurav caste,.3 The goddesses Makhajan and Jakhmata at Sangameshwar in the Ratnagiri District are worshipped by pujaris who belong to the Gurav and Bhoi castes respectively. The god Ganpati at Makhnele has for his pujari a Wani. The pujaris of the temple of Shiva at Lanje in the Ratnagiri District are Wanis. It is said that the pujari of Pundarik at Pandharpur is a Kirata (fisherman) by caste." 6 The pujari of the goddess Narmata at Sidgad in the Thana District is a Koli; whilst the pujaris of Kanoba, Khandoba, and Vetal are of the lower castes, The goddesses Mahalakshmi of Kolvan and Vajreshvari have their pujaris chosen from the lower castes, 7 The pujaris of Jari-Mari, Mhasoba, Bahiroba, Cheda and other deities which are said to prevent contagious diseases, are always men of the lower castes, 8 The pujaris of the guardian goddesses of the villages Petsai, Dasgaum and Nizampur are a Mahar, a Kumbhar or potter, and a Maratha, respectively. The pujari of the 2 School Master, Adivare, Ratnagiri, 4 School Master, Makhnele, Ratnagiri. School Masters, Agashi and Arnala, Thani, 8 School Master, Shahapur, Thana. School Master, Dasgaum, Kolaba.

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2 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY guardian goddesses of Chaul in the Kolaba District belongs to the lower castes.1 The goddess Mangai has always a Mahar as her pujari. Everyday the god Shiva is required to be worshipped first by a pujari of the Gurav caste. The pujari of Bahiri, a corruption of the word Bhairav, one of the manifestations of Shiva, is a man belonging to the lower castes. Similarly the pujaris of Bhagavati, Bhavani, Ambika, Kalika, Jakhai, Jholai, Jannis Kolhai, Vadyajai, Shitaladevi, Chandika, etc., are persons belonging to lower castes.3 It is considered by the Hindus very meritorious and holy to worship the Sun; and by Brahmans the Sun is considered to be their chief deity. The Gayatri Mantra of the Brahmans is a prayer to the Sun-god or the Savita Dev, and the Brahmans offer arghya or oblations of water to the Sun thrice a day. Those who want health, wealth and prosperity propitiate the Sun-god by prayers and ceremonies. The Ratha Saptami is considered to be the principal day for special worship and festivities in honour of the Sun-god. On this day, on a low wooden stool, is drawn, in red sandal paste, a figure of the Sun in human shape seated in a chariot drawn by seven horses, or by a horse with seven faces. This figure is then plaeed in the sun-shine, and it is then worshipped by offering it arghya or spoonfuls of water, red powder, red flowers mixed with red sandal paste, camphor incense and fruits. Some people kneel down while offering the arghyas to the Sun. These arghyas are either three or twelve in number. Some persons make a vow not to eat anything unless they have worshipped the Sun and performed the twelve Namaskaras by falling prostrate and towing with folded hands twelve times, and at each time repeating one of the twelve names of the Sun.* In the Ratnagiri District some people worship the Sun on the Sundays of the month of Shravan. A ceremony held on the Rathasaptami day, i.e., the 7th day of the bright half of Magh, is deemed a special festival in honour of the Sun-god. On that day people draw, on a small wooden stool, an image of the Sun, seated in a chariot drawn by seven horses, and worship it with great reverence. Milk is then boiled on a fire made of cow-dung cakes in front of the household Tulsi plant. If the milk overwill be abundance of crops, but if it flows flows to the east, it is believed that there to the west it is taken as a sign of the near approach of famine, The Sun-god is also Trikal, Gajacchaya, Ardhodaya, Mahodaya, worshipped on the following occasions, e.g.. and the Solar eclipse, Though there are Vyatipat, Makar Sankrant. Kark-Sankrant few temples dedicated to the Sun, the village of Parule has the honour of having one Brahmanical classes are not seen worshippcalled "the temple of Adi-Narayan," Noning the Sun in this district, despite the fact that the Sun is said to be the embodiment of the three principal deities of the Hindus." The people of the Thana District believe that the Swastika is the central point of the helmet of the Sun, and a vow called the Swastika Vrata is held in its honor. A woman who observes this vow, draws a figure of the Swastika and worships it daily during the Chaturmas (four months of the rainy season), at the expiration of which she gives a Brahman a golden or silver plate with the sign of the Swastika upon it. Another vow named Dhanurmas, common to all districts in the Konkan. requires a person to complete his daily rites before sun-rise, and to offer a 2 School Master, Akola, Kolaba, 1 School Master, Chaul, Kolaba. School Master, Poladpur, Kolaba. These twelve names are:-1 Mitra, 2 Ravi, 3 Surya, 4 Bhanu, 5 Khaga, 6 Pushne, 7 Hiranyagarbha 8 Marichi, 9 Aditya, 10 Savita, 11 Arka, 12 Bhasker, 4 School Master, Phonden, School Master, Parule. 5 School Master, Devarukh, School Master, Anjur.

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FOLKLOKE OF THE KONKAN preparation of food called Khichadi to the ions, are seated on the Swastika. The people Sun-god. The observer of this vow then par- of the Ratnagiri District worship the Swastikas takes of the food, regarding it as a gift from regarding it as the symbol as well as the seat that god, This is either done for one day or re-l of the Sun-god.10 peated for a month till the Dhanu-Sankrant.1 By some the Swastika is regarded as the On the Somavati-Amavasya day (the 15th foundation-stone of the universeli and is held day of the dark half of a month falling on to be the symbol of the god Shiva, and not Monday), and the Kapilashasthi day, the Sun of the Sun,12 is held in especial reverence. A curious story The conception of Kunbi is said to have is narrated regarding the offering of Arghya taken place by the influence of the rays of to the Sun. It is said that the Sun rejoices at the Sun.13 the birth of a Brahman, and gives 1,000,000 "The Swastika is considered as an emblem cows in charity, believing that the Arghya of peace and prosperity, and for this reason which the Brahman will offer later on will Brahman women draw a figure of the Swastdevour his foes, one drop of the Arghya ika in front of their houses, 14 The custom of killing 1,000 of them. The repetition of the moving round such sacred objects as the BanGayatri-mantra 108 times a day is supposed to yan, the Pipal, the Tulsi or sweet basil plant, release a Brahman from the debt of 1,000,000 the Umbar, the Avala (Phylarthus emblica), cows owed in this way to the Sun, 3 The etc., is prevalent in the district of Kolhapur. Yoga-Sutras of Patanjali however prohibit a There are no cases recorded in which women man from looking at the setting Sun, though after child-birth are exposed to the Sun. But the sin thus incurred is made amends for on the 12th day after her delivery, the mother by the offering of Arghya to that god. It is puts on new bangles and new clothes; cocoainteresting to note that women do not grind nuts, betel nuts and leaves, grains of rice, corn on the Ratha Saptami day. plantains and grains of wheat are placed in her Women bow down to the Sun on the 11th, lap. She then comes out and bows to the Sun. 12th, 30th or 40th day after their delivery; Wealthy persons on this occasion porform a but Kunbi women generally worship that god homa sacrifice in their houses by kindling the on the 7th day. On this occasion some holy fire and feeding Brahmans. No one in women show a churniag handlet to the Sun- this district believes that conception is caused, god and offer him some grains of rice. or is likely to be caused, by exposure to the The Swastika is considered so holy in the rays of the Sun. Konkan that it is always drawn on the The Hindu women of the Konkan walk 'Antarpat; ard at the time of the Punyaha round Pipal, Tulsi, and Umbar trees every Wachan ceremony which precedes a Hindu Saturday and on the Somavati-amavasya day, wedding, a Swastika drawn in rice is worship- ie, the 15th day of the dark half of a month ped. The principal deities of the Hindus, when it falls on Monday.15 Sometimes, howwhenever they are invoked on special occas- ever, women make a vow to walk round 1 School Master, Vasind. 2 School Master, Melad. 3 School Master, Malad. School Masters, Agashi and Arnela, 5 School Master, Padaghe. * 33,000,0000 demons are said to be born every day to impede the journey of the Sun. & School Master, Chau), Kolaba. 1 School Master, Nevare, Ratnagiri. * School Master, Mithbav, Ratnagiri. School Master, Makbanele, Ratnagiri. 10 School Master, Pendhur, Malvan, Ratnagiri. 11 School Masters, Agashi and Arnila. 12 School Masters, Chauk, Karjat, Kolaba, 13 School Masters, Chauk, Karjat, Kolaba. 14 Rao Saheb Shelke. 15 School Master, Malgund, Ratnagiri. The churning handle or rod is called in Marathi Ravi, which is one of the names of the Sun.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY temple or a sacred tree one-hundred thousand times; and for the fulfilment of this vow they walk round the temple or tree for about seven or eight hours every day. If they find it difficult to make up the number of rounds themselves, they ask their near relations to assist them in their undertaking.1 The Moon is worshipped by the Hindus on the 2nd of the bright half of every month. On this day it is considered very lucky to see the moon, and many people, particularly the lower classes, pull out threads from the clothes they wear, and offer them to the moon, saying "O! God, accept these old clothes of ours and be pleased to give us new ones in their stead." Some people worship the moon on the Sankasti Chaturthi 4th day of the dark half of every month; and such people will not eat anything until they have seen and worshipped the moon on that day. The moon is not worshipped on the Ganesh Chaturthi day that is, the 4th of the bright half of the month of Bhadrapad, as it is considered very unlucky to see the moon on that night. It is firmly believed that any one who sees the moon on the Ganesh Chaturthi day even by accident will be falsely accused of theft or some other crinie. In order to avoid this, people who have accident ly seen the moon, throw stones at the houses of their neighbours, and if the neighbours abuse them in return, the mischief makers consider themselves freed by the abuse from the sin of having looked at the moon on a forbidden night. The spots on the surface of the moon are believed by some to be the rath or chariot of the god. Others think that they are lunar mountains; but many believe that the spots are the visible signs of the stain on the character of the moon-god due to his having outraged the modesty of the wife of his guru, the god Brahaspati or Jupiter. In the Purans it is stated that on one occasion, a dispute arose between the moon and Brahaspati or Jupiter about the wife of Brahaspati, each of them claiming to be the cause of her conception. Subsequently a son was born who was named Budha (Mercury). Brahaspati's wife, on being asked who was the father of the child, named the moon. Thereupon Brahaspati cursed the moon for his adultery. The spots on the surface of the moon are said to be the effect of this curse. The moon-god is believed to distribute nectar through his rays, and therefore this deity is said to have the power of removing diseases and restoring human beings to health. The moon is the king of herbs, and all trees, plants, etc., thrive owing to the influence of the moon. Sometimes people place at night, figs, plantains, sugarcane and other eatables in the moonlight and eat them early in the morning; and it is said that those who do so improve in health. The practice of drinking the moon's rays does not prevail in the Kolhapur district. But people occasionally dine in the moon light.2 On a full moon day people perform the special worship of their chosen deity. On the full moon of the month of Kartika temples are illuminated, and on the full moon day of Magha, raw corn such as wheat, bajri, etc., is cooked and offered to the household and other deities. On this day are also performed the special rites and ceremonies that are required in connection with the Kula-devatas or family gods or goddesses. On the full moon day of Falguna the Holi fire is kindled and worshipped. In certain families the full moon of Chaitra is considered auspicious for making offerings to family deities. On the full moon day of Shravan is observed the feast of Cocoanut day, and on this day Brahmans put on new sacred threads. The full moon is considered by the Sanyasis or ascetics an auspicious day for shaving their heads, 1 School Master, Phonde, Ratnagiri. 2 Rao Sahib Shelke. In the Konkan the Navanna Purnima or full moon day of new food is observed in the month of Ashwina, This is, no doubt, due to the difference in the season of the harvest.

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FOLKLORE OF THE KONKAN On the new moon day the Pitras or Manes are worshipped. Lighted lamps are worshipped on the new moon day, of Ashadha, In the Kolhapur State this is called Tadali new moon day, and in the Konkan it is called Divali new moon day. On the new moon day of Ashwin, Lakshmi the god less of wealth is worshipped. All special ceremonies for the propitiation of the Bhutas or evil spirits are usually performed on the new moon day. The Dwitiya or 2nd day of every month is considered sacred to the moon, and on this day the noon is worshipped; while the Chaturthi is considered sacred to the god Ganapati, and on the Chaturthi of Bhadrapada a special festival is held in honour of the god Ganpati, 1 On the 15th day of the bright half of the month of Ashwin people put milk in the rays of the moon for some time, and then, after offering it to the moon, they drink it. Drinking milk in this way is called drinking the rays of the moon. 2 On the Sankrant Chaturthi day and on that Chaturthi which immediately follows the Dasara holiday, people draw an image of the moon and worship it. 3 In the Ratnagiri district several conflicting theories are held regarding the spots on the surface of the moon. Sone believe that the spo: observed on the moon is a tamarind tree in which that gol has stationed himself; others hold that the spot is the reflection of a deer which is yoked to the chariot of the moon.'; while many more believe that it has been occasioned by the hoof of the horse of King Nala, Some say that the spot on the surface of the moon represents a Pipal tree and a cow fastened to the roots of the tree; others on the authority of Hindu mythology 1 Rao Saheb, Shelke. 3 School Mster, Gaumkhadi, Rajapur. 5 School Master, Dabhol, Ratnagiri. | School Master, Ubhadanda, Vengurla. School Master, Murbad. 11 School Master, Wada, suppose that God created Madan (cupid) from the essence taken from the body of the moon and hence the moon-god has spots on his body." In the Mahabharat it is stated that oa the surface of the moon is reflected the island of Sudarshan on this earth, together with some trees and a great hare, the bright part being nothing but water. The spo: on the surface of the moon is considered by some a deer which the gol has taken on his lap.7 Some believe that Yashoda, the mother of Krishna, after waving an earthen dish round the face of Krishna, threw it at the sky. It struck the moon and thereby the spots on the surface of the moon were caused. Nectar is supposed to have been derived from the rays of the moon; and in some sacred books it is 5 stated that the Chakora bird (Bartavelle Partridge) drinks the rays of the moon,8 The people of the Thana District hold similar notions regarding the spots on the surface of the moon. It has been said by some that the portion in question represents mud, while others say that the moon has been disfigured owing to a curse from a sage, Some people say that the spots are due to the moon being cursed by his preceptor Brahaspati with whose wife the moon-god had connection. Being unable to bear the pain of the spots, the moon, it is said, propitiated his preceptor, who directed him to bathe in the Bhima river to alleviate the agony. Accordingly the pain was assuaged, and the part of the river where the Moon-god bathed thus came to be called Chandra bhaga, 10 Some persons suggest that the spots are a Pipal tree with two deer feeding upon it from two sides11. Others told that the spots on the surface of the moon are due to its having been kicked by a deer which, when pursued by a hunter, was refused shelter, 12 School Master, Ibhrampur. # School Master, Adivare, Rajapur. 6 School Master, Ratnagiri. 8 School Master, Ratnagiri. 10 School Master, Vasind, Sabapur. 12 School Master, Edvan, Mahim,

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY The people of the Thana District believe that The following are days of special importance. the rays of the moon influence conception." Gudhi-padva, i.e., the first day of the bright In the Kolaba District, to sit in an open half of Chaitra:--This being the first day of place on a moon-light night, is regarded as the year, gudhis and toranas are hoisted in drinking the rays of the moon. The elong- front of every house and are worshipped. ated part of the orb of the moon pointing Bhau-bij-On the 2nd day of the bright towards the north or the south is supposed to half of Kartike every sister waves round ihe forebode scarcity or abundance, respectively. face of her brother a lamp, and makes him a It is a common belief that the moon should present. 10 not be seen on the Ganesh Chaturthi day, The ceremony on the Bhau-bij day has come Thecer i.e., the 4th day of the bright half of Bhadra into vogue on account of Subhadra having pad. given a very pleasant bath to her brother Looking at the moon continuously for a Krishna on that day. The Court of Yama is short time on every moon light night is said also said to be closed on that day, since he to keep one's sight in good order.. goes to his sister; and consequently perIf the Amavasya falls on Monday, Brahman sons who die on that day, however suuful they women of the Thana District walk round a may be, are not supposed to go to Yamaloka Tulsi plant or a Pipal tree and make a vow i. e., hell.12 to a Brahman.5 Akshya Tritiya:-On the third day of In the Kolaba District a special ceremony the bright half of Vaishakh cold water and is held in honour of minor goddesses on the winnowing fans are distribut.d as tokens for 8th day of a month. The following things appeasing the Manes of ancestors. On this are avoided one on each of the fifteen tithis day is also celebrated the birth of the god respectively Parashuram.12 Kohala (pumpkin) dorli (Solanum indicum,) Ganesh Chaturthi-On the 4th day of salt, sesamum, sour things, oil, avale (Emblic the bright half of Bhadrapad, an earthen myrobalan), cocoanats, bhopala (gourd), image of Ganpati is worshipped and a great padval (snake-gourd), pavte(Dolichos Lablah) ceremony is held in his honour.13 The fourth masur (Lens esculenta) brinjal, honey, gam day of the bright half of every month is called bling. Vinayaka-Chaturthi; while that of the dark half is called Sankasti-Chaturthi. On the The people observe a fast on the 13th (Pradosha) and the 14th day (Shivaratra) of Vinayaka-Chaturthi day, people fast the whole the dark half of every month.7 On the 15th day and dine the next day; while on the day of the bright half of Chaitra, a fair is Sankasti Chaturthi day, they fast during the day time and dine after moon-rise.14 That held in honour of the guardian deity of a village, and hens, goats, etc., are offered as a Sankasti Chaturthi which falls on Tuesday is sacrifice.8 considered the best.13 1 School Master, Kalyan, No. 1 and School Master, Padagbe, Bbivandi. 2 School Master, Chidhraa, Kolaba. 3 School Master, Poladpur. * School Master, Chauk, Kolaba. 5 School Master, Anjur, Thana, 6 School Master, Chauk, Kolaba, + School Master, Poladpur. & School Master, Poladpur, Kolaba 9 School Master, Basani, Ratnagiri, 20 School Master, Basani, Ratasgiri, 11 School Master, Pendur, Malvan, Rainigiri, 12 School Master, Basani, Ratnagiri, 13 School Master, Basani, Ratnagiri. * School Master, Malguad, Ratnagirl, 15 School Master, Ubbidanda, Vengurla

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FOLKLORE OF THE KONKAN - Nagpanchami:-On the 5th day of the Narak-Chaturdashi:-On the 14th day of bright half of Shravan, pictures of serpents the dark half of Ashvin, the demon Narakasur and snake holes are worshipped. 1 was killed. In consequence, on this day people Champa-Shashti-On the 6th day of the take their bath before sun-rise, break Karinta bright half of Margashirshe, some ceremony (a fruit), regarding it as a demon, and apply relating to the family-deity is performed. 2 to the family-deity is performed. 2 its seeds to their heads. 11 Ratha-Saptami-On the 7th day of the Narali Paurnima :-On the 15th day of bright half of Magh, the sun is worshipped the bright half of Shravan, people worship the and milk is boiled until it overflows. sea and throw into it a cocoanut.12 Gokul-Ashtami:-On the 8th day of the Wata-Paurnima:-On the 15th day of dark half of Shravan the birth of the god the bright half of Jyestha, women whose hus bands are alive fast the whole day, and worship Krishna is celebrated.4 the Wata-tree. 13 Rama-Navami:-On the 9th day of the bright half of Chaitra the birth of the god On the 15th day of the bright half of Rama is celebrated. Ashvin, people keep themselves awake the whole night and amuse themselves in a variety Vijayadashmi On the 10th day of the of ways. On the 15ta day of the bright half of bright half of Ashvin people cross the bound Kartika houses are illuminated. This day is ary of their village and distribute sone (leaves called Tripuri-Paurnima. On this night people of the Shami and 4 pta trees). It is a popular illuminate with earthen lamps all temples in belief that a work commenced on this day is the village, but particularly the temple of sure to end well. Weapons are also worshipped Shiva. This is done in commemoration of the on this day. triumph of the god Shiva over the demon TriEkadashi:-On the 11th day of Ashadh and purasura. The full-moon day of the month Kartik a special fast is observed. People also of Magha is called Chudi Pauriima. On this fast on the 11th day of each month. A man night people light chudies torches and with who dies oa this auspicious day is supposed to them slightly burn certain flowers, trees and go to heaven." Sometimes the Ekadasi falls on plants. The full-moon day of the month of two consecutive days; in which case the Smar Falguna is called the Holi or Holi-Paurnima tas observe the first, while the Bhagvats and is the biggest holiday of the lower class observe the second. Hindus. On this night the Hindus kindle the Waman-dwadashi:-On the 12th day of Holi-fire and worship it.14 On the 15th day of the bright half of Bhadrapad Waman is wor the bright half of dslevin people eat grain of the shipped and one or twelve boys are adored, pred, new harvest. On the full-moon day of Shravan being held to represent Waman. The marri they perform the Shravani ceremony and give age of the Tulsi plant is sometimes celebrated a lamp i charity. On the full-moon day of on this day. the month of Chaitra, Vaishakha and MargaDhana Trayodashi:-On the 13th day of shirsha, the births of Maruti, Narasimha and the dark half of Ashwin, Lakshmi, the Dattatraya respectively are celebrated 16 The goddess of wealth is worshipped 10 Kunbis of the Ratnagiri District believe that 1 School Master, Basani, Ratnagiri, 2 School Master, Basani, Ratnagiri, 3 School Master, Basani, Ratnagiri, School Master, Basani, Ratnagiri, 5 School Master, Basani, Ratnagiri, & School Master, Basani, Ratnagiri, 7 School Master, Basani, Ratnagiri.. 8 School Master, Malgund, Ratnagiri. 9 School Master, Basani, Ratnagiri, 10 School Master, Basani, Ratnagiri. 11 School Master, Basani, Ratnagiri, 1: School Master, Basani, Ratnagiri. 13 School Master, Basani, Ratnagiri. 14 School Master, Bandivade Budruk, Ratnagiri. 15 School Master, Pendur, Ratnagiri.

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8 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY on the 15th or full-moon day of Pausha, the Hindu gods go out hunting and that they return from their hunting expedition on the full-moon day of the month of Magha. During this period the Kunbis abstain from worshipping their gods.1 Amavasya:-On the 15th day of the dark half of every month, oblations are given to the Manes of the dead.2 The commencement of a good deed, journey to a distant place, and the ploughing of land are postponed on the nomoon day of a month. Sanyasis are enjoined to get their beard shaved on the Paurnima and 'Amavasya days only. People do not set out on a journey on the following tithis, regarding them as rikta (unfruitful or inauspicious):-- Chaturthi, Navami and Chaturdashi The Chandrayana 'rata:-Widows fast on the no-moon day of a month. They are required to regulate their diet in such an increasing proportion that on the next full moon day they should have a full meal. The reverse process follows for a fortnight after, that they observe an absolute fast on the following no-moon day. SO People have various ideas about the cause of the eclipses of the sun and the moon. Some say that the sun and the moon are superior deities, and that the demons Rahu and Ketu who belong to the caste of Mangs attempt to touch them and to devour them. Others believe that the planets Rahu and Ketu stand in the path of the Sun and the Moon and thereby darkness is caused on the earth. It is believed that about 5 hours before the conmencement of the obscuration, in the case of the Sun and about 4 hours in the case of the Moon, the Vedha or malign influence of the monsters begins and during the period till the whole eclipse is over a 1 School Master, Anjarle, Ratnagiri. 3 School Master, Pendur, Ratnagiri, J 5 School Master, Adivare, Ratnagiri. School Master, Khetwadi, A. V. School, Bombay. 9 School Master, strict fast is observed. At the commencement of the eclipse, as well as at its close, people bathe. Some sit on a low wooden stool with a rosary in their hands repeating the names of the gods, or the gayatri or some of the mantras. But those who want to acquire the art of magic or witch-craft or the power of removing the evil effects of snakepoison, or scorpion sting, go to a lonely place on the riverside, and there standing in water repeat the mantras taught to them by their guru or teacher. People give alms to Mahars and Mangs on this occasion, and therefore persons of this class go about the streets saying loudly "Give us alms and the eclipse will be over" De dan sute girun. A strict fast is observed on an eclipse day, bu: children and pregnant women who cannot bear the privation are given something to eat under a sike. The eclipse time is so inauspicious that children and animals born at that time are considered unlucky.7 Sometimes an eclipse cannot be observed owing to the intervention of clouds. On that occasion the people of the Konkan resort to the following expedient in order to ascertain whether the luminary is eclipsed or not. They take a potful of water and hold in it a musal, If it stands in the pot unsupported it is regarded as indicative of the existence of an eclipse. Mangs, Mahars, etc., are supposed to be the descendants of Rahu and Ketu; and for this reason gifts are made to them in charity on an eclipse day,8 The pcople of the Thana District believe that corn grows abundantly in a year that witnesses many eclipses. The popular cause of an eclipse in the Kolaba district, is the Girha, a minor deity which is said to wander through the sky and swallow the Sun and the Moon when 2 School Master, Basani, Ratnagiri. 4 School Master, Rajapur, Ratnagiri. School Master, Uhhadanda, Ratnagiri. 8 School Master, Khetwadi, A.V. School, Bombay. Padaghe, Thana

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FOLKLORE OF THE KONKAN they cross his path. Besides the mytho--the rain-bow appears in the east, it indicates logical story regarding the cause of an the coming of more rain, and if it appears eclipse, the people of the Ratnagiri District in the West. it is a sure sign of the close of also believe that the Girha throws his the monsoon. shadow on the sun and the moon, when The milky way is believed to be the he con es to demand his dues from them. heavenly Ganges. Well known tradition The Konkan villagers, on an eclipse day, lagers, on an eclipse day, relates how Waman (the 5th incarnation of strike barren trees with a pestle, in order that Vishnu) went to Bali the king of the lower they may bear fruits and flowers. A barren regions and asked him to give him land woman is also beaten with the same motive, measuring three feet only. The king conSimilarly many other superstitious beliefs sented, whereupon the god Waman enlarged are connected with an eclipse. Pregnant his body to such an extent that by his one women are not allowed to see the eclipse of footstep he occupied the whole earth and by the sun or the moon, nor are they to engage the second be occupied heaven. Upon this the in cutting, sewing, etc. as this is believed to god Brahma worshipped the foot of the god be injurious to the child in the womb. The Vishnu which was in heaven, and from that eclipse time is supposed to be the most foot sprang the heavenly Ganges which flows suitable to learn mantras or incantations." in heaven and is called Dudha Ganga or the The mantris also mutter incantations during milky Ganges. an eclipse in a naked condition. The people The worship of stars and planets is in who believe that the eclipses are caused by vogue among Konkan Hindu families of the the influence of the planets Rahu and Ketu higher castes. The polar star in particular offer prayers to Rahu on the lunar eclipse is seen and worshipped by the bride and day and to Ketu un the solar eclipse day.? the bridegroom after the ceremony at the The planets and stars are worshipped by marriage altar is over.8 A very interesting the Hindus. It is believed that a person story is connected with the polar star. By who is to die within six months cannot see the great power of his penance the sage the polar star. From the movements of the Vishvamitra despatched king Trisha nku to planets past and future events of one's Heaven, but the gods hurled him down, career are foretold by Brahman and other Thereupon Vishvamitra became enraged and astrologers, Aud as it is believed that man's began to create a new heaven. Hindu mygood and bad luck are dependant upon the thological books say that he thus created the influence of the planets, offerings of various sages Vashista, Angiras, Pulah, Pulastya, kinds are made and sacrifices performed for Rutu, Atri, and Marichi, and stationed Trisecuring the favour of the Navagrahas or the shanku in the sky. The Nava-grahas or the nine planets. In order to avert the effect of nine planets are worshipped before the com. the evil influence of certain planets people sometimes wear rings of those precious stones mencement of all important ceremonies. A which are supposed to be the favourites of cluster of seven stars called the Sapta-rishis the planets, are worshipped by men at the time of the The rainbow is called Indra dhanushya or Shravani ceremony, while women worship the Indra's bow, and it is believed that if them on the 5th day of the bright half of 1 School Master, Poladpur, Kolaba, 2 School Master, Masuri, Ratnagiri. 3 School Master, Kalse, Ratnagiri. School Master, Vijayadurg, Ratnagiri. 5 School Master, Makbanole, Ratnagiri. & School Master, Ubhadenda, Ratnagiri. 7 School Master, Makhanele, Ratnagiri. & School Master, Makbanele, Ratnagiri. 9 School Master, Devarukh, Ratnagiri,

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10 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY Bhadrapada. 1 These Sapta-rishis are said Sometimes the milky way is believed to be a to have been created by the God Brahms white cloud, 10 from his own body; and teaching them the On the authority of the Malakala Nirvan four Vedas, he handed them over to them Tantra, some people of the Thana District and asked them to regulate the affairs of the believe that a person who cannot get a view world.2 of the polar star will die within six months"; Some people of the Ratnagiri District be while others substitute the Arundhati star lieve that the rain-bow is the bow used by for the polar star and determine the duration Rama, the hero of the Ramayana, Its appea of life of a diseased person by the same rance on the east is regarded by tam as process, 11 symptomatic of the approach of rain, while its The people of the Thana District believe appearance on the west is equivalent to the that the rain-bow is caused by the accumuladeparture of rain, Lion of moisture in the air, 12 The rain-bow The short duration of the rainbow is held is said to consecrate the region over which it to indicate an excessive fall of rain while appears 13. The appearance of the rain-bow its long duration fort oder a scarcity of in the morning is suppused to forbode the rain. The appearance of the rain-bow on approach of rain, a river is supposed to indicate the approach Some people of the Kolaba District believe of rain, while its appearance on a mountain that the holy persons such as Kashyapa, means the departure of rain, Of the two Arundhati and other sages, who lived bows of which the rain-bow seems to be on this earth in ancient times are seen composed, the larger is believed to belong shining in the sky by the sacred lustre of to Rama, and the smaller to Lakshman. their powers, 15 Hindu women worship the Since the God Indra is supposed to send planets Budha and Guru (Mercury and Jupi. rain, the Indradhanushya (the rain-bow) is ter) in the month of Shravan 16 regarded as a sign of the advent of rain, The Sapta-rishis are somewhere callei By some Hindus it is believed that the Khatale and Bajale (cot) 17. The rain-bos milky way is a heavenly river which is a is held by some to be the symbol of Rame and Lakshman, who visit the world in that favourite bathing place of the gods. Others suppose it to be a branch of the celestial form with the view of watching its proceed. Ganges which is said to have been brought ings. Others, however, believe that it re presents God Indra who assumes that fo-m to down upon this earth by king Bhagiratha, see how his orders are executed by his suborSome persons, however, believe that since dinates. 18 The rain-bow is said to foretell the great sage Agastya is said to reside at good if it appears either at the beginning or Rameshwar in the southern direction, the end of the rainy season, while its apperGanges (the milky way) runs through the rance at any other time is supposed sky to the south in order to bathe him. I forbode evil. 10 1 School Master, Mal binele, Ratnigiri. 2 School Master, Pendur, Ratnagiri. 3 School Master, Basani, Ratnagiri, School Master, Makhanele, Ratnagiri. 6 School Master, Navare, Ratnagiri. & School Master, Adivare, Ratnagiri. 7 School Master, Malgund, Ratnagiri, & School Master, Kankavli, Ratnagiri. 9 School Master, Makhanele, Ratnagiri, 10 School Master, Basani, Ratnagiri. 11 School Master, Agashi and Arnala, Thana. 12 School Master, Rai, Thana. 13 School Master, Badlapur. Thana. 14 School Master, Mokhada, Thana. 15 School Master, Chaul, Kolaba, 16 School Master, Kasu, Kolaba. 17 School Master, Vavasi, Kolaba, 18 School Master, Chaul, Kolaba, 19 School Master, Vavanje, Kolaba,

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FOLKLORE OF THE KONKAN 11 Hindus regard the earth as one of their earth, viz; pearls, the Shaligram stone, an image important deities and worship it on various of the god Vishnu, the ling of Shiva, occasions. It is enjoined upon Brahmans a conchshell, the sacred thread of a Brahman, to worship it daily at the time of their flowers intended for worship, basil leaves, and Sandhya rite, as well as while performing the Govardan, 12 Shravani ceremony. The people of the The following lines are repeated in the Ratnagiri District pray to the earth as soon morning before setting foot to the ground 13:as they leave their bed in the morning. O Goddess! who is clothed (surrounded) The earth is required to be worshipped at the by the sea, whose breasts are nountains, time of laying the foundation-stone of a house, and who is the wife of Vishnu, I bow down as well as at the time of tringing into use a to thee; please forgive the touch of my feet. newly built house. Since it is held unkoly to O Goddess Earth! who art born by the power sleep on the bare ground, those whose parents of Vishnu, whose surface is of the colo:r of a conch shell and who art the store house die, sleep on a woollen cloth on the ground of innumerable jewels, I bow down to thee. till their parents anniversary is over. Wan Some women of the Thana District worship prastas, Sanyasis, and Brahmans are required are required the earth daily during the Chaturmas (four to sleep on the grourd,5 Some pious men sleep months of the rainy season), at the end of on the bare ground during the Chaturmas (the which they give a Brahman a piece of land or four months of the rainy season), at the expiry the money equivalent of it14. Persons who perof which they present a bed to a Brahman. form a particular rite, c. 8., the SolasomavarIt is enjoined upon a prince to sleep on the vrata (a vow observed on sixteen success. bare ground on the eve of the coronation ive Mondays) are required to sleep on the bare day.7 ground 15 At the sowing and harvest time, Widows and women are required to sleep farmers appease the earth by offering it cocoaon the ground during their monthly courses. nuts, fowls, rice mixed with curd, etc,16 The Women whose husbands are away are also to blood of a king and the balls of rice given to the manes of the dead are not allowed to do the same. In the Ratnagiri District touch the ground. People convey to a distant Katkaris, on the day on which they wish to place the water of the Ganges, without placing be possessed by a particular deity or spirit, it on the ground. 17 are required to sleep on the earth. When The earth is required to be worshipped people are on the point of death, hey are before taking a portion of it for sacrificial mede to lie on blades of darbha grass placed purposes.18 A vessel containing water over which incantations have been repeated is not on the earth.10 The performer of a sacrifice allowed to touch the ground. 10 On the 15th as well. 28 one who has observed a vow day of the bright half of Ashvin erery farmer are to sleep on the ground, 11 The following prepares some sweetmeats in his house, and articles should not be allowed to touch the takes them to his farm. There he gathers five 1 School Master, Nevare, Ratnagiri. 2 School Master, Kasba, Sangameshwar, Ratnagiri. 3 School Master, Adivare, Ratasgiri, School Master, Pendhur. Ratnagiri. 5 Schrol Master, Devarukh, Ratnagiri. * School Master, Malgund, Ratnagiri. School Master, Ratnagiri. 8 School Master, Vijayadurg, Ratnagiri. School Master, Chiplun, Ratnagiri, 10 School Master, Kankava, katnagiri. 11 School Master, Masure, Ratnagiri, 12 School Master, Chiplun, Ratnagiri. 13 School Master, Khetwadi, A. V, S., Bombay. 14 School Master, Anjur, Thana. 15 School Master, Rai, Thana. 16 School Master, Shahapur. Thana, 11 School Master, Bhuvan, Thana. 18 School Master, Chauk, Koleba. 19 School Master, Vavanje, Kolaba,

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12 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY stones, worships them, and offers the sweet- the wind, and produce thunder. The dashmeats to the earth. Afterwards he takes ing of these stones against each other also a portion of the food and scatters it over the generates lightning.8 farm. His family then gather there and take a hearty meal. In the evening the person who carried the food to the farm, picks up some grains of barley and puts them into a basket. On return home the grains are thrown over the house.1 Various conflicting notions are entertained regarding thunder and lightning. The people of the Ratnagiri District believe that the clouds are animals that roar. When these animals emit water it bursts forth on account of the circular motion of the winds called Chanda and Munda. This bursting is supposed to produce thunder and lightning.2 Somewhere thunder and lightning are said to be the signals given by the god Indra, to birds, beasts, etc., of the setting in of the rainy season.3 Some people believe that the ged Indra sends rain through his elephants who, being excited, make a noise like thunder." Others regard the thunder as the roaring of the elephant of the gods, while sucking seawater. The thunder is also believed to be the roaring of the god Varuna, the king of the clouds. The boys of the Ratnagiri District believe that thunder is a sign of the wedding ceremonies performed in the heavenly houses of the gods. Some Mahomedans believe that an angel called Mekail has control over the rain. To cause a fall of rain Mekail strikes the clouds with a whip of lightning. The clouds then utter a cry, and this is the cause of thunder. Some people of the Thana District believe that there are big stones in the sky which strike against each other owing to the force of 1 School Master, Akol, Kolaba. 3 School Master, Kasba, Sangameshwar, Ratnagiri 5 Schooi Master, Masure, Ratnegi 7 School Master, Chiplun, Ratnagiri. School Master, Varsai, Kolaba, 11 School Master, Varsai, Kolaba, 13 School Master, Chauk, Kolaba, 15 School Master, Palspot, Ratnagiri. 17 School Master, Murbad, Thana. In the Kolaba District it is believed that thunder is the military band of the king of clouds and lightning is his banner." Lightning is said to be produced by the fighting of celestial elephants; while thunder is heard when they pour out water.10 Some people think that thunder is the noise of the feet of the elephants (clouds) that give rain; lightning is also said to be generated from their foot fall,11 The clouds are supposed to be the messengers of gods, lightning being the manifestation of Divine power. The gods are said to confine these messengers from the nakshatra of Ardra to the nakshatra of Hasti, in which latter nakshatra they again begin to roar, 12 Thunder is supposed to take place when the god Indra draws his bow; while lightning is said to be produced when the same god strikes his adamant against a mountain,15 In the Ratuagiri District it is believed that earthquake occurs whenever the thousand headed Shesha shakes its head,14 It is said that at one time a demon named Gayasur became very troublesome, and all the gods held him down by standing on his body. Thereupon the demon requested all the gods to remain on his body for ever. Occasionally this Gayasur shakes his body and this causes the earthquake.15 Some people believe that the earth trembles of its own accord when sins accumul ate upon it.16 Others hold that the earthquake takes place in the hollow parts of the earth.17 Some people, however, believe that since the earth floats upon water, it naturally quakes at times,18 2 School Master, Pendur, Ratnagiri, 4 School Master, Makhanele, Ratnagiri, School Master, Basani, Ratnagiri, 8 School Master, Anjur, Thana. 10 School Master, Chaul, Kolaba, 12 School Master, Poladpur, Kolaba. 14 School Master, Chiplun, Ratnagiri. 16 School Master, Pendur, Ratnagiri. 13 School Master, Bhuvan, Thana.

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FOLKLORE OF THE KONKA. 13 The Hindus being element worshippers na- them with water, and after repeating sacred turally hold in reverence certain rivers, ponds, | mantras over the water, throws the mixture etc. In the Ratnagiri District the spring at into the well. After this ceremony, the people Rajapur, called the Rajapurchi Ganga is con- are at liberty to drink water from the well, sidered very sacred. It flows from the roots of Befor a well is dug, an expert is a Banyan tree. There are fifteen Kundas or consulted to ascertain the place where i ponds, and the principal Kunda always remains spring flows. A well is then dug, after filled with water. On occasions a big jatra offering a sacrifice to the spirits and deities fair is held and people from distant places that happen to dwell at that spot. A cone to bathe and worship at the spring. 1 dinner is given to Brahmans after the well is Some people believe that many of the lakes, built. A golden cow is often thrown into a springs, etc., situated in the Kolhapur State are newly built well as an offering to the water sacred. A spring or rivulet that flows to the deities.10 There is a well at Mandangad, the east is considered specially sacred. It is called water of which serves as medicine to cure a Surya-Vansi spring, and it is considered meri- the poison of snakes and other reptiles.11 torious to bathe in it. In the village of Kun- It is believed that there is a class of wicked knuli in the Ratnagiri District if a person is water nymphs called Asara who generally bitten by a snike or other poisonous reptile, no dwell in wells, ponds, or rivers, far from the medicine is administered to him, but holy water habitation of men. Whenever these nymphs brought from the temple of the village goddess come across a lonely man or woman entering is given to him to drink, and it is said that the well, pond, etc., they carry that persou under patient is thus cured. The water fall at Maral water. The village of Mitha-Bar in the Ratnear Devarkuha, where the river Ban takes its nagiri district is a well-known resort of these rise, is held saered," At Shivam in the Ratna- Asaras, and many instances are given by the giri District the people use the tirtha of a villagers of persons being drowned and carried deity as medicine for diseases due to poison. off in the river by these wicked nymphs. A They say that it is the sole remedy they apply tank in the village of Hindalem in the same in such cases. There are ponds at Manora in district has a similar reputation.12 The people the Gou State, and Vetore in the Savantwadiof the Konkan believe that water nymphs are State, the water of which is used as medicine sometimes seen in the form of women near for the cure of persons suffering from the poi- wells, rivers, and ponds.19 Some say that the son of snakes, mice, spiders, and scorpions, water nymphs and water spirit, contr objects When a well is duz, the people call a Brabman desired by worshippers if they are propitiated priest to consecrate it. The Brahman takes by prayers, 14 cow's urine, milk, curds, ghi, sandle paste, There are seven kundas, pouds, at Nirmal in flowers, basil leaves, and rice, and mixes the Thana District, forming a large lake. This School Master, Ratnagiri. 3 School Master, Wanhavli, Ratnagiri. 5 School Master, Makhanele, Ratnagiri. 7 School Master, Ubhadanda, Ratnagiri, 9 School Master, Basani, Ratnagiri. 11 School Master, Basani, Ratnagiri. 13 School Master, Malgund, Ratnagiri. 2 School Master, Phon de, Ratnagiri, School Master, Bandivade, Budruk, Ratnagiri. * School Master, Masure, Ratnagiri. $ School Master, Mith-Bav, Ratnagiri. 10 School Master, Magure, Ratnagiri, 14 School Master, Mith-Bav, Ratniciri. 14 School Master, Devarukh, Ratnagiri

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14 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY Jake is said to have been formed from the ed for public purposes. But no ceremony is blood of the demon Vimalasur. At Shahapur required to be performed if a well is dug for there is a holy spring of hot water under a the benefit of the public,11 Pipal tree. It is called Ganga. There are | The people of the Thana District believe kundas, pools, of hot water in the Vaitarna that water nymphs reside in every reservoir river in the Thana District, in which people of water.12 Some people, however, believe bathe on the 13th day of the dark half of that the water nymphs dwell in those lakes in Chaitra. There are also springs of hot water which lotuses grow. These nymphs are said on the bank of the Surya river at Vajre- to do harm to children and young women, shvari and at Koknere, in the Thana District. especially when they set out for a walk A handful of corn, if thrown into the hot accompanied by their brother Gavala. They water kundas at Tungar, is said to be boiled are unusually dangerous 13 The people worat once. It is held holy to bathe in the ship the images of the following seven water kundes, of hot water that are situated in the nymphs or apsaras, viz., Machhi. Kurmi. rivers Tansa and Banganga in the Thana Dis- Karkati, Darduri, Jatupi, Somapa and trict. The water of a well which is drawn Makari.1. without touching the earth or without being The following places are said to be inhabited placed upon the ground is given as medicine by water spirits:-the channel of Kalamba, for indigestion. Similarly the water of seven the tanks of Sopara and Utaratal and the lake tanks, or at least of one pond, in which lotuses called Tambra-tirtha at Bassein 15 Water grow is said to check the virulence of measles, nymphs are supposed to drown a person who small-pox, etc. A bath in a certain tank in tries to save another fallca fato water. 10 A the Mahim taluka is said to cure persons species of small men named Uda, otherwise suffering from the itch, and water purified by called water-spirits, are said to dwell in water repeating incantations over it is also said to be and subsist on fishes,17 "The spirits called a good remedy for the same disease. Khais and Mhashya are supposed to reside in The water of a tank or a well is supposed water 18 to be wholesome to a person of indifferent The river Savitri in the Kolaba District health, if given to him to drink without pla- takes its rise near Mahabaleshwar and is concing it upon the ground. Some people be- sidered very saered. The following traditionlieve that the water of the Ganges is so holy ary account is given of its origin. The god and powerful that if bows are thrown into it Brahma had two wives, Savitri and Gavalri. A they are instantly reduced to powder. The dispute having arisen between them, they both repair of lakes, caravansaries, temples, etc., is | jumped over a precipice. Savitri assumed held nore meritorious than their actual erec- the form of a river and fell into the sea tion.10 It is enjoined upon a man to perform near Bankot. Gayatri, on the other hand, a certain rite if he wishes to relinquish his concealed herself in the river Savitri and right of ownership over a well or tank, nd manifested herself as a spring near Hariafter this rite is performed, it can be utiliz- hareshwar in the Janjira State 19 A man is Master 40 7bhana School Masters, Agashi and Arnala, Thaca. 2 School Master, Murbad, Thana. 3 School Master, Malad, Thana. School Master, Anjur, Thana. 5 School Master, Wada, Thana. School Masters, Agashi and Arnala, Thana. School- Master, Anjur, Thana. + School Master, Saloli, That... 9 School Masters, Agashi and Arnala, Thana. 10 School Master, Kinhavali, Thana. Il School Master, Rai, Thana. 12 School Master, Khativali, Thana, 13 School Masters, Agashi and Arnala, Thana. 14 School Master, Murbad, Thana. 15 School Masters, Agashi and Arnala, Thana, 16 School Master, Bhuvan, Thana. 17 School Masters, Wada, Thana, 13 School Master, Shabapur, Thana, * School Master, Poladpur, Kolaba.

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FOLKLORE OF THE KONKAN said to be released from re-birth if he takes a bath in the kund (pond) named Katkale-tirtha near Nasik.1 Bows are said to be reduced to powder if thrown into a certain kund at Uddhar-Rameshwar in the Sudhagad taluka. Kupotsarga is defined to be the digging of a well for the benefit of the public and abandoning one's right of ownership over it,3 A pond near Khopoli in the Kolaba district is held very sacred. The following story is related in connection with it. The villagers say that the water nymphs in the pond used to provide pots for marriage festivities if a written application were made to them a day previous to the wedding. The pots were, however, required to be returned within a limited time. But one man having failed to comply with this condition, they have ceased to lend pots. Another interesting story is associated with the same pond. It is as follows. A man had fallen into the pond and was taken to the abode of the nymphs. He was, however, returned by them after a few days on the understanding that he would be recalled if he spoke of what he had seen there. One day he communicated to the people the good things that he enjoyed there, and to the surprise of all he was found dead immediately after, Water nymphs are said to reside in a pond at Varsai in the Kolaba district. Consequently persons that are held unclean, e.g., women in their monthly course, etc., are not allowed to touch it. The nymphs of the same lake were once said to lend pots on festive occasions. It is said that the water nymphs used to provide ornaments for marriage and other ceremonies, if returned within a prescribed period. But some people having failed to return them, they ceased to lend them." 1 School Master, Chauk, Kolaba. 3 School Master, Varsai, Kolaba, 5 School Master, Wavasi, Kolaba, 7 School Master, Chaul, Kolaba, School Master, Vavasi, Kolaba, 11 School Master, Bandivade, Budruk, Ratnagiri. 13 School Masters, Agashi and Arnala, Thana. 15 A spirit called Girha is supposed to reside in water. It is said to make mischief with man in a variety of ways by enticing him into deep water. The Jakrin is said to be a deity residing in water. Persons drowned in water are believed to become water-spirits, and to trouble innocent passers-by." A mountain near the village Pule, in the district of Ratnagiri is held sacred on account of the residence of the god Ganpati at that place. For this reason people walk round the mountain and worship it. Tradition says that Ganpati was at first at Gule in the Ratnagiri district, but on account of the sanctity of the place being violated by some wicked persons the god transferred his residence to Pule. At Gule there is still a very beautiful temple of Ganpati, though it is now in a dilapidated condition. The cave of the sage Much-kund near Machal on the Sahyadri mountain is considered sacred. In the Konkan it is not held sinful to ascend a mountain or a hill, though to sit upon its summit is considered sinful.11 The hill of Mirya near Ratnagiri is considered sacred This hill is believed to be a particle (miri) of the mythological mountain Dronagiri 12 A hill near Dharavi in the Thana District is consecrated by the temple of a goddess upon the top. This goddess is said to preserve ships at sea, and people are occasionally possessed by her. It is said that a Roman Catholic priest met instantaneous death on having insulted her 13 The hill of Mahalakshmi in the Dahanu taluka is held sacred. The villagers consider it dangerous to ascend this hill 14 On the hill of the same name is a temple of the goddess Jivadhani, who is said to preserve children from small-pox. The following 2. School Master, Wavasi, Kolaba, School Master, Khopoli, Kolaba, 6 School Master, Chauk, Kolaba. 5 School Master, Akol, Kolaba, 10 School Master, Basani, Ratnagiri. 12,chool Master, Malgund, Ratnagiri, 14 School Master, Dahanu, Thana.

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16 . THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY story is told in connection with the goddess. pujari of the Pir on the hill of Baba Malang A person in need of money used to place be- near Kalyan. It is said that the Pir has fore her image as large a heap of flowers as declared that no Moslem pujari should worhe wanted gold, stating that he would return ship him. The Hindus and Moslems worship the gold when he had done with it. He used him alike. then to go home and return on an appointed Brahmans do not cross the top of a mounduy for the gold, which was sure to be found tain without stopping for a short time before where he had placed the heap of flowers. ascending the summit.8 Once a man failed to return the gold, and At a short distance from thenceforth the goddess withheld her bounty. Chaul in the There is no door to the temple of this god Kolaba District is a hill dedicated to the god Dattatraya, in whose honour a' great fair dess. It is only through a hole in a big is held annually. The following story is told stone that one can have a view of her image. in connection with this hill. In ancient times Sweet scent is said to be continually emitted a Brahman used to practise austerities on this from this hole. The goddess is said to have fastened the door of her temple for the fol hill near * Tulsi plant (the place on which the lowing reason. One day the goddess was present temple stands). He used to spend the walking at the foot of the hill at night. A whole day there, but returned home at night fall. On his way home fearful scenes were cowherd who happened to be there was be often presented to him, and in his dreams he witched by her matchless beauty and fell a . was asked not to go there any more. But the prey to evil desire. He pursued her to the Brahman was obdurate. He persisted in his top of the hiil, when the goddess, divining resolution to practise austerities for a number: his motive, fastened the door of her temple of years, and at last succeeded in obtaining with a prodigious stone. On the same hill is a personal interview with the god Dattatraya, a cattle shed in which fresh cow-dung is said who commanded him to bow down to his feet to be always found. This place being inaccessible to cows and other quadrupeds, the (paduka). From that time pious men live on this hill and offer their prayers to the god people believe that the goddess keeps a cow Dattatraya. Nearly four hundred steps have of her own. been constructed for the ascent of this hill, The hill of Tungar is consecrated by the and additional steps are being built every temple of a certain goddess upon it. There year. Here also are some springs of pure is also a very famous hill near Arnala, called water. It is worth while to note that the the hill of Buddha. This hill was once the pujari of this god is a Shudra by caste. On seat of a king belonging to the Weaver caste. the north-east side of the bill dedicated to the Recently a pond was discovered upon it, in god Dattatraya stands the temple of the godwhich was found & stone-box containing & begging-pot and a diamond. A great fair is dess Hinglaj. To the north of this temple held annually on the hill of Motmavali near are four caves, while to the west is a deep den Bandra in the Thana district. The devotees resembling a well, through which a lane apof the deity are Hindus, Parsis, and Chris-peurs to have been dug. This is said to be the tians. It is said this goddess was once wor- road excavated by the Pandavas to enable shipped by Hindus only. A Brahman is the them to go to Kasi 5 At a distance of 1 School Masters, Agasbi and Arndln, Thana, School Masters, Agashi and Arnala, Thapa. & School Master, Umbargaum, Thina. * School Master, Chaul, Kolaba. School Master, Chaul, Kolaba.

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FOLKLORE OF THE KONKAN two miles from Akola in the Kolaba Dis- trict is a hill called Mallikarjun. This is said to be a small stone fallen from the mythological mountain Dronagiri. This hill is said to contain many medical herbs.1 The hill at Kankeshwar near Alibag is held sacred, and tradition says that in ancient times it had golden-dust upon it.? A cave at Ambivali near Karjat in the Kolaba district consists of seven rooms, one of which is spacious enough to accommodate five hundred persons. In the same taluka there is another cave at Kondhavane.3 The gods Indra and Varuna are supposed to send rain; but it is believed that the god Shiva in chief has the power of causing the fall of rain, and for this reason whenever there is a scarcity of rain people pour water over the linga of Shiva until the whole linga is sub- merged. In order that there should be a fall of rain, some people besmear the linga of the god Shiva with cooked rice and curds. In the Ratnagiri District, whenever there is a scarcity of rain, people go to the place known as Para- shuram Kshetra, and there pray to the god Parashuram to send rain. Sacrifices are also offered to Indra, the god of rain, in order that there should be plenty of rain. Some believe that there are certain mantris or enchanters who by the power of their mantras are able to prevent the fall of rain, In the Ratnagiri District the following ceremony is performed by the lower castes such as Konbis, etc., to avert drought. All the male villagers assemble together at an appointed place, and there they select one of them as their Gowala-deva. All of them then go about in the village from house to house. The owner of every house sprinkles water over the assembly, and curds and butter-milk over the body of the Gowala-deva. They are also given some shidha consisting of rice, pulse, vegetables, etc. After visiting most of the houses in the village, the assembly headed by the Govaladeva go to the bank of a river. Here they cook the food, offer it first to the Govala-deva and then partake of the remainder as a prasad from the Govala-deva. Some people make an image of the sage Shringarishi for the purpose of causing the fall of rain.9 Others make an image of Dhondal-deva in order that there should be plenty of rain.10 Sometimes people repeat mantras addressed to Parjanya (rain) so that rain should fall 11 The goddess Navachandika is worshipped in order that there should be rain. The Kunbis perform a peculiar rite for checking the fall of rain. They ask a person born in the months of Jyestha, Ashadh, Shravan or Bhadrapad to fetch some rain-water in an alu leaf, and this is fastened to the eaves of thatched houses by means of a string. Note that, if this rite is to be performed in the month of Jyestha, a person born in that month only is required and no other, and so forth. 12 In order to check an excessive fall of rain the villagers sometimes ask a boy to take off his clothes and then to catch rainwater in the leaves of the alu plant. The leaves containing the water are then tied to the eaves of the house. 13 "The people say that during the rule of the Peshwas there was a class of mantris who had the power of causing a failure of rain. 11 To check the fall of rain, some people ask naked boys to throw burning 1 School Master, Akol, Kolaba. * School Master, Chank, Kolaba 5 School Master, Malvan, Ratnagiri. School Master, Kankavli, Ratnagiri. * School Master, Chiplun, Ratnagiri. 1 School Master, Ratnagiri. 13 School Master, Bandevade, Budruk, Ratnagiri. 2 School Master, Sasavane, Kolaba. * School Master, Mith Bav, Ratnagiri. School Master, Anjarle, Ratnagiri. * School Master, Phonde, Ratnagiri. 10 School Master, Nevare, Ratnagiri. 12 School Master, Ubhadanda, Ratnagiri 2 School Master, Malvan, Ratnagiri.

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18 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY coals into the rain water, Irale (a protection then swung to and fro?. Some people peragainst rain made of the leaves of trees) is form the following rite known as the Dhondil. kept in the rain upside down, the goddess Ho- jagya. They ask a person of the Kaikadi or lika is worshipped, the boughs of the Avali tree Vadar caste to remain naked and break the are conveyed to a place where four roads meet string round his waist. A small image of and stones are heaped over it, and eaves of black earth is made and placed upon his thatched houses are beaten by boys who do not head. The boy then conveys the image from wear clothes, all these being done by the villa- house to house in the village. A woman in gers with view to preventing an excessive each house sprinkles water over the image fall of rain, while the boy dances saying " Dhondil gajya, The people of the Thana District believe Paus gajya." It is believed that it rains in that distinct deities preside over distinct seasons, the direction in which the water sprinkled e.g., Mars presides over the spring (Vasant), falls. A person who accompanies the boy Venus over summer (Grishma) the moon over gathers corn at every house. A dinner is then autumn (Varsha) Mercu. y over sharat, Saturn prepared, and the people of the caste to which over winter (Hemant and Sluishir). When the boy belongs, partake of it heartily. It is the people are in need of rain they say to the also said that making water in a standing posgod of rain "Let us have plenty of rain to- ture causes the fall of rain,& The god Ramorrow and we will give thee, Oh! God of meshwar at Chaul in the Kolaoa district is rain! rice mixed with curd." The same offer is said to have control over rain. In the temple made to the god of rain even when they do of this god there is a parjanya-kund (pond) not want it. In order that there should be no which is opened after performing a sacred rite, if there be a scarcity of rain. There are scarcity of rain, some people perform the also other kundas in the temple, viz., Vayurites of Laghu-rudra and Mahf-rudra. The kund and Agni-kund, but no occasion has yet following measure if adopted is said to cause arisen to open them. Some people believe rain. The villagers go from house to house that the god Agni regulates the seasons 10 with boughs of the Limb tree on their heads, Eaves of thatched houses are cleansed with and water is then poured upon them by the a brush made from the leaves of cocoanut inmates". The fall of rain is supposed to trees in order that a fall of rain should be cease if a person born in the month of Falgun prevented, 11 extinguishes burning coals in rainwater when The ceremonies of Haritalika, Rishi-Pan ased. his garments have been removed. chami, Vata-Savitri, Vana-Shasthi, MangalaSome stones are supposed to have influence Gouri, Shital-Saptami are to be performed by over rain fall. There is a big stone at Varasai women alone. 13 Similarly, the ceremonies of in the Kolaba District on which are drawn Mahalakshmi, Vasubaras, Shiva-mutha, and a certain images. The people believe that it rite on the Makar Sankrant day are performed rains hard if this stone is held straight, and by women exclusively 13 1 School Master, Dabbol, Ratnagiri. 2 School Master, Basani, Ratnagiri. 3 School Masters, Agashi and Arnala, Thana. 4 School Master, Murbad, Thana 5 School Master, Dahanu, Thana. School Master, Padagbe, Thana, 7 School Master, Nagothana, Kolaba & School Master, Akol, Kolabe 9 School Master, Chaul, Kolaba. 19 School Master, Apte, Kolaba, u School Master, Khetwadi, A.V.S., Bombay. 12 School Master, Malvan, Ratnagiri. 13 School Master, Malgund, Ratnagiri.

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FOLKLORE OF THE KONKAN The rite of Rishi-Panchami is performed duy of Ashvin, the host and the hostess put off on the 5th day of the bright-half of Bhadra- their clothes and perform certain family pad to make amends for sins committed with rites. out knowledge. On this day women go to a The women of the Thana District fast the river, & well, or some other sacred place, whole day on the 12th day of the dark half cleanse their teeth with the leaves of the of Ashvin. At night they worship a cow, Aghada plant, and take baths with something I give in charity a calf, and then take their on the head. They then take some stones meal. It is to be noted that this ceremony from that place and worship them as Rishis called the Vasu-dwadasi is performed by On the conclusion of the worship, they partake women who have children. On the Haritalika of fruits. On the Vrata Savitri day women day some women live on the leaves of a worship a Banyan tree or its boughs. The Rui tree, ceremony falls on the 15th day of the bright On the Somavati.Amavasya day women worhalf of Jyesta. On the Haritalika day i.e., I ship a Pipal tree and offer it a hundred the 3rd day of the bright half of Bhadrapad, and eight things of one kind, Women women make images of earth of Parvati and desirous of having a son perform a certain her two friends and worship them and fast rite at midnight, without clothing. If one the whole day. The observance of this rite wishes to have a son, one has to go through contributes to their good fortume. Even girls la ceremony called the Hanuman in a naked of tender years observe this fast. The wor- state. ship of Mangala-Gauri is a ceremony per- The god Kalbhairav is worshipped by a formed by married girls for five successive naked person on the Narka-Chathurdasi day years on every Tuesday of the month of (14th day of the dark half of Ashvin). Shravan, Similarly the goddess Mahalakshmi Those learning the dark lore, e. 8., muth is worshipped on the 8th day of the bright marane, are also required to remain naked half of Ashvin. On the Makar Sankrant day while studying it. They learn this lore on an women worship a sugad * and present it to a eclipse day on the bank of a river.10 The rite Brahman, The Shiva-mutha consists of a called Somaya is performed by the host handful of corn offered to the god Shiva byl when his clothes are off his body. On a married girls on every Monday in the month certain Monday in the month of Shravan a of Shravan, lamp of wheat flour is prepared and burned The worship of Shadananda and the Holika by adding ghi. This lamp is regarded as a Devi and the ceremonies of Shravani, deity, and is worshipped solemnly. During Shoraddha and Antyesti are performed by men the performance of this ceremony as well alone. as the preparation of the requisite food, the In some families of non-Brahmans on a host and the hostess are required to remain particular day, especially on the full-moon nakod. 11 1 School Master, Ubbadanda, Ratnagiri, * Two aarthen pots tied face to face, one of which containing some corn and red and yellow powders. 2 School Master, Basani, Ratnagiri. 3 School Master, Malgand, Ratnagiri. * School Master, Malvan, Ratnagiri. 5 School Master, Makhanele, Ratnagiri. * School Master, Anjur, Thana, * School Master, Badlapur, Kalyan. * School Master, Bhuvan, Thana. . School Master, Bhuvan, Thana. 20 3chool Master, Tale, School No. I, Kolaba. 11 School Master, Poladpur, Kolaba.

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20 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY The Swayambhu (unartificial) linga of the he alights on the earth in the shape of a god Shiva is supposed to have influence over shooting star. Sometimes a big star falls on the fall of rain. 1 the earth, and thereby a noise like that of The people of the Thana District believe thunder is produced. When this happens, that the following ceremony causes a fall of people believe that a great Raja or a holy rain. Stones are taken out of a pool and saint whose merit has been exhausted is going worshipped. They are then carried to every to be born on earth. The following verse house in the village, and water is poured upon from the Mrichhakatiha Natak supports the them by the inmates. There is a temple of view in accordance with which orthodox the god of clouds at Viranath in the Thana people in the Konkan avoid looking at District. shooting stars The appearance of a comet is regarded by for utara Iwift uit the Hindus as symptomatic of a coming i groforfer H T Tanilie, evil, e.g., a big war, a great famine, or a The following four things, viz. the rainterrible contagious disease spreading itself bow, the fall of shooting stars, the delivery throughout the length and breadth of a coun- of a cow, and the death-struggle of saints or try. Some persons think that comets and holy men should not be looked at? It is shooting stars bode evil to the king." generally believed by Hindus that a child Whenever a great person or a very holy will immediately be born in the house toman is about to be born, it is believed that wards which shooting stars are directed.8 1 School Master, Devarukh, Ratnagiri. * School Master, Badlapar, Thana, * School Masters, Agashi and Arnala, Thana. * School Master, Mith Bav, Ratnagiri. 5 School Master, Nivare, Ratnagiri, School Master, Mith Bav, Ratnagiri. School Master, Thana, & School Master, Kolaba.

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CHAPTER II. THE HEROIC GODLINGS, In the Konkan the deities of the Hindus temple ministrant, who offers a part of the are divided into the following five classes, oil and red lead to the deity, places the garvis land round the deity's neck, and, breaking the (1) The Gramadevatas or Village deities, cocoanut into pieces, gives a piece or two to (2) The Sthanaderatas or Local deities, the devotee as the prasad or favoured gift of (3) The Kuladevatas or Family deities, the deity. Saturday is the sacred day of (4) The Ishtadevatas or Chosen deities, and the monkey god Maruti. Every Saturday (5) The Wastudevatas or Grihadevatas, that fresh oil and red lead are offered to the god is, the class of deity which presides over the by the devotees. The Pujaris in most of the house and is established at the time of the temples of Maruti are Guravs, Ghadis, Marshousewarming or Wastu ceremony. thas or Gosavis. The principal Grama-devatas are Hanu- Every Saturday in the month of Shravan man or Maruti, Kalika, Amba, Waghoba, (August), called the Sampat Shaniwar or the Chedoba, Mhasoba, Bahiroba or Bhairav, wealth-giving Saturday a special puja or Ganesh, Vira, Mhalsa or Maha Lakshmi, worship is performed in the temples of MAChamunda, Vetal, Khandoba Malhari Jogai, ruti in Bombay as well as in the Konkan. On Bhaweni, and Wageshwari and Shiva. In this day people fast the whole day and dine most villages the chief village god is Maruti in the evening, after offering the god Hanoor Hanuman, whose temple is situated at the man or Maruti a preparation of rice and entrance of the village. Maruli is consider- pulse called khichadi and cakes made of udid ed to be an avatar or incarnation of Shiva, flour called vade,1 and is held in great reverence by all classes. There is no village in the Konkan which A festival or jatra is held in honour of Ha- has not the honour of having a temple of the numan on the bright half of the month of god Maruti. Maruti is supposed to guard Chaitra. On this occasion the temple is de- the village against evils of all kinds. Care corated with ever-greens, and flowers, the is therefore taken to build the temple of Mastone image of the god is newly painted or roti at the outskirts of the village. There is covered with red lead and oil, and garlands a tradition that at the time of leaving the of the Rui (Gigantic snake wort) flowers are Dandaka forest (the present Maharashtra), placed round the neck of the image, cocoa- Rama asked Maruti to reside therein. It is nuts, plantains, betel-nuts and leaves are for this reason, the people say, that every offered to the god, camphor is lighted and village in the Konkan and on the Gbats has waved round the image, incense is burnt, & temple of Maruti." The god Maruti is cooked food and sweets are offered, and money worshipped in the village of Wasind on presents are made. Every worshipper brings Tuesdays and Saturdays. In former days with him some oil, red-lead or Cendur, a co- it was customary to establish an image of the coannt, a vida-su pari i.e., two betel leaves, god Maruti in a newly built castle or fort." one betel-nut and a copper coin, and a gar- Hanuman, the son of Anjani and the wind or land of Rui flowers. These are given to the Marut, is known for his loyalty to his master 1 School Master, Khetwadi, Bombay. 2 School Master, Devgad, Ratnagiri, * School Master, Kamathipura, Bombay, * School Master, Wasbind, Thada, School Master, Umela, Thana

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22 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY and for his bravery. In days gone by he uti- the planets. On this day they make wreaths lized his strength for the protection of Saints, of the leaves and flowers of the Rui plant and Rishis, Brahmans and cows, and for this adorn his neck with them. They also offer merit he was elevated to the rank of a Hindu him udid (Phaseolus radiatus) and salt. The god. Every Hindu village or locality is sup- story told of Maruti is that Anjani his mother posed to possess at least one temple of ihe god pleased the god Shiva with her penance, and Maruli, and in Maharashtra Marati is the guar- when the god asked her to claim a boon, she dian of every village. He is a Brahmachari, requested that Shiva himself should be born or bachelor and is one of the seven heroes who as her son. Shiva therefore took birth in her are believed to be chiranjivis or immortals.* | womb and manifested himself as Hanuman Maruti is supposed to be the originator of the or Maruti? Mantra-Shastra, by the study and repetition of The Local deities are generally found in which one obtains strength and superhuman special localities or sacred places called Kshepower. Women desirous of getting children tras or Punya sthanas. Thus the god Rams go to the temple of Maruti, and there burn at Nasik, Vithoba at Pandharpur, Krishna at. before his image lamps made of wheat flour Dwarka, Mahalakshmi at Kolwan, Wagreand filled with ghi. The image of Hanuman shwari at Nirmal (Thana), Mharloba in the is represented in temples in two ways, that is Ratnagiri, Shitala devi at Kelwa Mahim, (1) Vira Hanuman or Warrior Hanuman (2) and Khandoba or Khanderai at Jejuri, Dasa-Hanuman or servant Hanuman, The Khanderai is said to be an incarnation of former is found in a temple consecrated to the god Shiva. Khanderai killed the demon the worship of the god Hanuman alone, Mani-Malla who was devastating the earth. whereas the latter is found in a temple dedi- and he is therefore called Mallari or Malhari. cated to the worship of the god Rama 1 Kunbis and lower class Hindus in the Konkan Since Maruti is the god of strength, gymnasts as well as in the Deccan occasionally make 4. tie an image of Maruti to their wrists, and vow to the god Khandoba that if their desire they also consecrate an image of Maruti in is fulfilled they will offer their first born their gymnasiums. The number eleven is male or female child to the service of the said to be dear and sacred to him because he god. The male child thus dedicated to isbelieved to be an incarnation of the eleven Khandoba is called Wagbya and the female is Rodras. The birth day of the god Marati called Murali, The Waghya and Murali do which falls on the 15th of the bright half of not engage in any business, but maintain Chaitra, called the Hanuman Jayanti day, is themselves by begging in the streets in the celebrated in the Kolhapur District with name of the god Khanderai. Though they are great reverence. Those who wish to have a not actually married, the Waghyas and son draw the figure of Maruti on a wall in Muralis live as husband and wife, and their red-lead, and worship it daily with sandal progeny are also called Waghyas and Muralis. paste, flowers and garlands of Rui, Others They repeat the sacred cry jai khanderayacha burn lamps made of wheat flour before the Elkot, and give to people bel.bhandar image of the god. Persons who are under of Khanderai consisting of the sacred the evil influence of the planets, and especi- Bel leaves and turmeric powder. The god ally of the planets Saturn, worship the god Khanderai is the family deity of some DeHanuman on Saturdays in order to propitiate shasth Brahmans, .who perform a family rite The Hindus believe that there are seven heroes who can never die, i.e., 1 Ashwatthama, 2 Bali, 3 Vyasa, 4 Hanuman, 5 Bibbishana, 6 Kripacharya and 7 Parashuram. The Sanskrit text is: azvatthAmA bali AsI hanumaMto bibhiissnnH| kRpAcAryaH parazurAmassasaite cirajIvinaH / / 1 School Masters, Agashi and Arnala, Thana. ? School Master, Samangad, Kolhapur.

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FOLKLORE OF THE KONKAN called Tali bharane taLI bharaNe on every purnima or full moon day. The rite is as follows: A tali or plate is filled with cocoanuts, fruits, betel nuts, saffron, turmeric or bel-bhandar, etc. Then a pot is filled with water, and on its mouth a cocoanut is placed. This cocoanut, with the pot, is then worshipped with flowers, sandal paste, etc., a lighted lamp filled with ghi is put in the same place, and the tali is waved thrice round the pot, which is supposed to contain the god Khandoba. Five persons then lift up the cocoanut with the tali and place it three times on the pot, repeating each time the words Elkot or Khande rayacha Elkot. The cocoanut is then broken into pieces, mixed with sugar or jagri, and is distributed among friends and relations as prasad. On this occasion, as well as on the occasions of all Kuladharmas, that is, the days fixed for performing the special worship of the family goddess or family god of each family, the ceremony called the Gondhal dance is performed. On the same occasion another ceremony called Bodan is performed by the Deshasths and by the Chitpavans. It is as follows:An image of the family deity is placed in a pot or plate called tamhan, and it is then bathed in the panchamrit, that is, the five holy things, vis: milk, curds, ghi, honey and sugar. Sandalpaste is offered to it as well as flowers, lighted lamps and some sweets and incense.. Five women whose husbands are alive then prepare five lamps of wheat flour called Kuranandi and wave them thrice round the face of the goddess or god, as the case may be. All the lamps are then placed in the plate or tamhan in which the deity is kept, and the panchamrita and other materials of worship and food and sweet cakes are mixed together. Occasionally one of the five women becomes possessed with the spirit of the kula-devi or family deity, and 1 School Master, Poladpur, Kolaba. 3 School Master, Wavahi, Kolaba. 5 School Master, Apta, Kolaba. 7 School Master, Tale, Kolaba. 23 confers blessings on the members of the family for their devotion. It is believed that those families which fail to perform periodically the Bodan, Tali and Gondhal ceremonies in honour of their tutelary deity are sure to suffer, from some misfortune or calamity during the year.1 The local deities chiefly worshipped at Chaul, Kolaba District, are Hinglaj, Jakhmata, Bhagawati, Champawati, Mahikawati, and Golamba-devi. At the sowing and reaping times, people of the lower castes offer fowls and goats to these deities, and Brahmans offer cocoanuts.2 The local deity of the village Wavashi near Pen in the Kolaba District is said to possess the power of averting evil, and is accordingly held in great respect by the people of many villages in the District. Every third year a great fair is held, and a buffalo is sacrificed to the goddess on the full moon day of the month of Chaitra. The Pujari of this goddess is a Gurav. Another celebrated Sthana-deva in the Kolaba District is Bahiri-Somajai of Khopoli. It is believed that a person suffering from snake-bite is cured without any medicine if he simply resides for one night in the temple of this goddess. Sacrifices of goats, fowls and coconuts are made to this goddess at the time of sowing and reaping. The Pujaris of this deity are known as Shingade Guravs. The worship of the local deity Bapdev is much in favour among the villages of Apta and the surrounding places. At the times of sowing and reaping, offerings of fowls, goats and cocoanuts are made to Bapdev through the Pujari. The worship of the local deities Kolambai, Bhawani, and Giroba is prevalent in the Chauk villages. To the Grama-devi of the village of Tale every third year a buffalo is sacrificed, and at an interval of two years goats are offered. The deities Shiva and Kalkai are worshipped with great reverence at Bakavali in the Ratnagiri District. 2 School Master, Chaul, Kolaba. 4 School Master, Khopoli, Kolaba. School Master, Chauk, Kolaba. School Master, Bakavali, Ratnagiri.

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24 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY In many villages of the Ratnagiri District Lingayat Guravs. No animal sacrifices are the goddess Pandhar is considered to be the made at these shrines. At a short distance Gaon-devi or the chief goddess of the from the village of Makhamle there is a temvillage. The Pujari is generally a Gurav or ple of the god Shiva called Amnayeshwar. Miratha Kunbi. On every full moon day cocoa- The following legend is narrated in connection nuts are offered, and on the occasions of sow-with this temple. The place where the present ing and reaping, goats and fowls are sacrificed temple stands once abounded with Amani trees to this deity. At Devgad there is a temple of and formed a pasture for cattle. The cow of the goddess Gajabai on the sea shore. The a certain man of the village daily used to go Pujari ot' this goddess is a man of the Ghadi to graze at this place. The cow used to give caste. On the first day of the bright half of milk twice, but one day she gave milk only the month of Margashirsh (December) special once, and thercafter she continued to give offerings of goats, fowls and cocoanuts are milk only once a day. The owner therefore made by the villagers. The deities Raval- | asked the Gavali or cowherd to ascertain the nath, Mauli, Vetal, Rameshwar and Hanuman cause of this sudden change. One day the are usually worshipped in most villages in cowherd noticed that the cow allowed her Ratnagiri. The villagers in the Ratnagiri milk to drop upon a stone. At this the cowDistrict have great faith in their local deities, herd was so enraged that he struck the stone and before undertaking any important busi- with his scythe so hard that it was cloven in ness they obtain the consent or take the omen two and blood gushed forth. He hurriedly of the deity. This ceremony is known as repaired to the village and related this wonkaul ghalne and it is performed as follows :- derful phenomenon to the people. The villaTwo betel nuts or flowers are taken and one gers came to the spot, and decided to build a of them is placed on the right side of the temple to the god Shiva over the stone. deity and the other on the left side. The One part of the stone is in this temple and the worshipper then bows before the deity and other part was taken to the village of Kalamrequests her to let the nut on the right side buri, where another temple was built over it." fall first if the deity is pleased to con In the Sangameshwar village the Brahmans sent, if not, to let the nut on the left side fall also worship the images of the local goddesses first. Naturally one of the two nuts falls Chandukai, Jholai and Sunkai. In the Kon kan the deities Narayan, Rawalnath, Manli, first, and they interpret this as either Datta, Vetal and Shiva are worshipped every consent or dissent as the case may be. The where. The following legend is told about villagers have so much faith in this kaul that the deity Vetal, the leader of the ghosts. In they make use of this method of divination to the Sawantwadi State there is a temple of ascertain whether sick or diseased persons Vetal in the village of Ajgaon,? As part of will recover or die. Special sacrifices are offer his worship it is considered necessary to ed to these local deities whenever an epide offer to this deity a pair of shoes every month. mic like cholera occurs. In the Ratnagiri The people believe that after a few days District, at many places, there are Swayambhu tle shoes become worn out. The inference or natural lingas of the god Shiva, and over drawn from this by the people is that at these places temples are built. The Pujaris night the god Vetal goes out walking in of these temples are generally Jangams or the new shoes. In the village of Khed School Master, Ratnagiri. 3 School Master, Parule, Ratnagiri. 5 School Master, Malgond, Ratnagiri. School Master, Sangameshwar, Ratnagiri. 2 School Master, Devgad, Ratnagiri. 4 School Master, Poladpur, Kolaba. * School Master, Makbamle, Ratnagiri... * School Master, Kamathipura, Bombay.

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FOLKLORE OF THE KONKAN 25 in tho Ratnagiri District, a buffalo is offered day except Monday and Ekadashi, Tuesdays to the goddess Redjai on the full moon and Sundays being considered most suitable, day of Chaitra every third year, 1 At Narin At Ubhadanda in the Ratnagiri District, Ravgre offerings of cocoanuts, etc. are made to the alnath and Bhutanath are held in great reverdeities Bhavakai, Chala, etc, on the 1st of the ence. They are believed to be incarnations of month of Margashirsha. 2 The Schoolmaster the god Shiva. The Pujaris are generally of Ibrampur states that one of the following Guravs, Ghadis, Rauls and Sutars. The deities is the gramadevata of every village in following goddesses which are popular in the the Ratnagiri District viz: Chandkai, Varad- Ratnagiri District are believed to be incarnations han, Khem, Bahiri, Kedar, Vaggaya, Antaral of the goddess Durga, vis, Navala-devi, VaghurManaya, Salbaya and Vaghambari. A proces- devi, Jakha-devi and Kalkai, At Maral in sion in their honour takes place in the months the Ratnagiri District there is a swayambhu of Chaitra and Falgun. The Pujaris are gener- or natural linga of the god Shiva. It is called ally either Guravs or Maratha Kunbis. A Maheshwar, and in its honour a fair is held ceremony called Palejatra is performed in the on the Sankrant day. The chief local deity sowing season, while the Dhal-jatra is per- of the Dahanu taluka, Thana District, is Mahaformed at the harvest tiine. At these fairs | lakshmi. She has seven sisters and one brofowls, cocoanpts, goats, fruits, etc. are offered ther, two of the sisters being the Pangala-devi to these deities. At Malwan on the no-moon at Tarapur and the Delavadi-devi at Ghivali. day of Shravan (August) local deities and Goats and fowls are offered to the Pangalaghosts are propitiated by offering to them goats, devi on the Dasara day. Her Pujari is a fowls, etc. At Palset in the Ratnagiri Gurav. It is said that the goddess Delwadi District, the god Parashuram is the most used to receive her garments from the sea, but important dcity especially for Chitpavans, now this is no longer the case though it is stili He exterminated the Kshatriyas twenty-one believed that the incense which is burnt before times, and having no space for himself and her comes floating from Dwarka.10 In the his Brahmans, he asked the sea to provide him village of Edwan there is a goddess called with new land. On mecting with a refusal, Ashapuri, who used to supply her devotees with Parashuram became enraged and was about to whatever they wanted. The devotee was repush the sea back with his arrow, when, at the quired to besmear with cow-dung a plot of instigation of the sea, a black-bee (bhunga) ground in the temple, and to pray for the things cut the string of his bow, and the arrow only wanted by him. The next day, when he came to the temple, he found the desired things went a short distance. The people say that the on the spot besmeared with cow-dung.11 At space thus recovered from the sea came to be Mangaon the Pujari of the local goddess is called Konkan. At Anjarle there are two local either the Patil or the Madhavi of the village 12 goddesses Sawanekarin and Bahiri. Offerings In the village of Dahigaon cocoanuts are of goats and fowls are made to them in the offered annually to the village Maruti, and months of Margashirsha (Decenaber) and fowls and goats to the other local deities, in Falgun (March). Sometimes liquor and eggs order that the village may be protected against are also offered. Offerings can be made on any danger and disease. 12 It is believed that any 1 School Master, Dabhol, Ratnagiri. 2 School Master, Naringre, Ratnagiri. 3 School Master, Ibrampur, Ratnagiri. * School Master, Malwan, Ratnagiri 5 School Master, Palset, Ratnagiri. & School Master, Anjarle, Ratnagiri. 1 School Master, Ubhadanda, Ratnagiri. 8 School Master, Masure, Ratnagiri. School Master, Sekbarpe, Ratnagiri. 10 School Master, Dahanu, Thana. 11 School Master, Edwan, Thana. 12 School Master, Mangaon, Thana 13 School Master , Dahigaon.

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26 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY Brahman who acts as the Pujari of the god deities. Cheda is represented by a long piece Shiva will find his family exterminated, and for of wood or stone besmeared with red-powder. this reason Brahmans do not act as Pujaris and is placed on the outskirts of the village. in the temples of Shiva. No Brahman is necessary for establishing a In a few temples of goddesses like Jakhai Cheda. The Pujari is generally a Kunbi or etc. the Pujari is of the Mahar caste.1 A Mali, and he establishes the deity by offering great fair is held in honour of the goddess it a goat or fowls and cocoanuts. Sometimes Vajra-bai or Vajreshwari near Nirmal in the the guardian deity of a new settlement is month of Kartika (November). The Pujari decided upon by a Kaul. Two or three names of the goddess is a Gosavi of the Giri sect. of deities are selected, betelnuts or powers The worship of Bhimasena is not prevalent in is not prevalent in are placed on the sides of the guardian deity the Konkan, but the hero Bhima, like Maruti, of the neighbouring village and that deity is held in reverence by the gymnasts. Bhima in whose name the betelnut talls first is is not worshipped, but a work called the closen as the deity of the new village. At Bhima-stavaraj is read at the bed of a dying Chaul, the deity called Bapdev is very popular man in order that he may obtain salvation among the lower classes. It is represented by At Ashirgad there is a gum pha or cave of a big stone fixed on mortar and besmeared Ashwathama, a hero of the Mahabharata, and with red-powder. When it is established for it is said that a noise is heard coming from the the first time in a village, a Brahman is required cave on the full moon day.2 to make the first puja or worship, but after Wherever a village is founded, it is custo this it is worshipped by a Pujari of a lower many to establish a village deity as the guar caste.7 The Mahars in the Kolaba District dian of the village. se. The deities chosen are The deities chosen are select the ghost-deity called Jhaloba as the Maruti, Kali, Chandkai, Varadani, etc. In the guardian deity of a new settlement. In many Konkan, goddesses are preferred, and on the the cases the deity of their former village or of Ghats generally Maruti is preferred. Certain the neighbouring village is named by a ceremonies are performed for consecrating the Bhagat or exorcist, who becomes possessed.10 place to the deity, and sometimes the deity is In the Konkan every village farm is suppocalled after the village as Marleshwar3 etc. sed to be under the guardianship of the minor By many lower class people the goddess Pon- godlings, the majority of which are called dhar is often selected as the guardian of a Bhuta-Devatas or ghostly godlings. In some new village. At Shahpur, if the newly found- cases the field guardians are also the Brahmaed village is to be inhabited by high class nic godlings like Marati and Shiva. To the Hindus, the deities Maruti and Durga are Brahuanic guardians of the field, cocoanuts and selected as grama-devatas, but if it is to be flowers are offered at the sowing and reaping inhabited by lower class people, then such seasons, and to the rest, fowls, cocoanuts, and deities as Mhasoba, Chedoba, Jakhai, etc. are sometimes goats, are offered. The higher claschosen. In the Bassein and Salsette talukas ses feed one or two Brahmans in order to prothe following deities vis. Maruti, Cheda, pitiate the deities of the fields; and for the Chandkai, and Shiva, are chosen as village propitiation of the minor deities of the field 1 School Master, Bhiwandi, Thana. ? School Master, Agasbi, Arnala. Thana 3 School Master, Agashi, Thana. School Master, Malgund, Ratnagiri, 5 School Master, Shahapur, Thana. & School Master, Agashi, Thana. * School Master, Medhe, Kolaba. & School Master, Chaul, Kolaba. . School Master, Akol, Kolaba! 10 School Master, Masure, Ratnagiri. 11 School Master, Shiroshi, Thana District.

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FOLKLORE OF THE KONKAN 27 the lower classes perform a rite called Dalap. special worship takes place on the full-moon This rite is performed by a man of the Gurav, day of Margashirsha and on this occasion the Ghadi, or Raul, caste by sacrificing to the field sacred Gondhal dance is also performed. deity a goat or fowls and cocoanuts. The In certain villages of the Ratnagiri District, for pujari repeats prayers for a good harvest, and obtaining good harvest, people worship the then distributes portions of the offerings among godling Mahapurush at the beginning of the the people assembled there for witnessing the sowing and reaping operations, and offer the rite. In the Ratnagiri District on the no moon deity fowls, cocoanuts and cooked rice.7 In day of Jeshta people assemble in the temple of the village of Malwan, at the sowing and the village deity and perform a rite called reaping seasons, the villagers usually make Garhane in order that they should have a good offerings of fowls and cocoanuts and goats to crop, that their village may be free from the guardians of the fields, but Brahmans diseases, and that their cattle may be protected and such Kunbi farmers as do not eat flesh A similar rite is performed on the first day of make offerings of cooked rice mixed with the bright half of the month of Margashirsha curds. At Ubhadanda village, in order (December), and on this occasion sometimes a to secure a good harvest and for the protection goat or sheep is sacrificed at the boundary of the of the cattle, the villagers worship the spirit village.2 In order that there should be godlings called Sambandhas and perform the a good harvest, the villagers of Kankaoli rite called Devachar. At Kochare, annual Worship on certain days from the month of prayers are offered to the godling called GavatKartika (November) to the month of Shimga dev for the protection of the village cattle 10 (March) the minor deities of the field by In the Devgad taluka people believe that some offering them fowls, cocoanuts, etc.3 At Achare deity resides in every farm or in every collec(Ratnagiri) some people worship the god of tion of fields, and that good or bad harvests are the clouds on the day on which the Mriga- caused as the deity is pleased or displeased 11 shirsha constellation begins, and they believe In order that there should be plenty of rain that thereby plenty of rain is ensured for the and that the cattle should be protected, the vilseason. For good harvests and for the agers of Malgund assemble in the temple of protection of their cattle, the villagers of the village deity and offer prayers on the full Achare pray to the Grama-devata in the moon day of Falgun (March) and on the 1st month of Jeshta (June), and then go in pro- day of the bright half of Margashirsh 12 In cession from the temple of the village deity the Kolaba District, for the protection of cattle to the boundary of the village, where they , and for good crops, prayers are offered to the sacrifice a cock and offer some cooked rice god Bahiri and the ghosts Khavis and Samwith a burning wick upon it, to the deity bandh 13 that presides over the fields and harvests." At Chauk in the Kolaba District the vilIn the village of Palset of the Ratnagiri lagers perform a special puja or worship of District the goddess Khema is worshipped by the god Krishna in order that the village the villagers to obtain good crops, and for cattle may be protected 14 At Casawani a the protection of their cattle. The Puja or fair called pale jatra is held in the month of 1 School Master, Parale, Ratnagiri. 3 School Master, Kankaoli, Ratnagiri. 5 School Master, Masure, Ratnagiri. * School Master, Basani, Ratnagiri. 9 School Master, Ubhadanda, Ratnagiri, 11 School Master, Devgad, Ratnagiri. 13 School Master, Khopoli, Kolaba. 2 School Master, Adivare, Ratnagiri. 4 School Master, Achare, Ratnagiri. 6 School Master, Palset, Ratnagiri. 8 School Master, Malwan, Ratnagiri. 10 School Master, Kochare, Ratnagiri. 12 School Master, Malgund, Ratnagirl. 14 School Master, Chauk, Kolaba.

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28 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY Bhadrapad (September) in order that the vill- goat decorated with garlands and red powder agers may have a good harvest, and that their is then made to walk round the village three cattle may be protected against tigers and times at night, accompanied by the villagers, disease,1 At Akol, on the day which follows who throw lahya parched rice while passing. the Ganesh Chaturthi, people throw parched This rite is called Sima Bandhane or bindrice over their fields and houses so that the ing the boundary, and is supposed to protect rats may not run over them. At Malad in the village crops and cattle. No farner dares the Thana District, for the protection of cattle, to sow his seed unless this rite has been perthe god Waghoba is worshipped at night on formed. After this rite has been performed, the 12th of Ashwin which is called the Wagh- every farmer appeases his family deity i.e. baras 3 In some villages of the Thana Khandoba, Bahiroba, Kankoba, etc., by perDistrict the deity Waghoba or Waghya is forming a ceremony at home called Deopan worshipped on the 12th day of the dark half or Devaski, which relates to the worship of of Kartik. On that day the cowherds collect ancestors. Most of the farmers regard one of a quantity of milk and prepare a kind of food their dead ancestors as their chief deity, and known as Khir by mixing jagri and cooked represent him in their house by a cocoanut. Tice. They then proceed to the stone image They do not enter on any new business withof the deity in the jungle, and besmear it without first offering prayers to this cocoanut, and new red-lead or shendur. They pour a portion they also believe that they can bring evil npon of the sweet milk over the stone, and offer their eneinies by simply cursing them before prayers for the protection of their cattle. the deified cocoanut. . The only materials They Shen partake of the remaining milk.4 generally required for the worship of this At Agashi and other neighbouring villages, cocoanut are red powder, incense and flowers. before the fields are ploughed, the vil. On rare occasions, goats and fowls are sacri ficed. lagers assemble and collect a certain It is believed that the ancestor in the sum of money, with cocoanut likes to be worshipped by the wife or which they buy husband (as the case may be) of the person goats, fowls, red-powder, cucoanuts and par represented by the cocoanut. Some fariners, ched grain. A goat and some cocks are then in addition to the cocoanut, worship a stick or sacrificed to the spirits residing in the ceme cap of their ancestor along with the cocoanut, teries and at the boundary of the village. and offer prayers for the protection of their Cocoanuts besmeared with gulal red powder cattle for good rain and harvest, and also for are also offered to these ghost godlings. A the destruction of thcir enemies, 1 School Master, Sasawani, Kolaba. 2 School Master, Akol, Kolaba. 3 School Master, Malad, Thana. School Master, Bhuwan, Thana. 5 School Master, Agashi, Thana District,

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CHAPTER III. DISEASE DEITIES. AT Vengurla, in the Ratnagiri District, when ceeded to worship the village deity; but a few epidemic diseases prevail, the people of cases of plague occurred, even after worshippthe village assemble and prepare a basket in ing the village goddess Jakhmata. When the which are placed cooked rice, cocoanots, lemons, penple went to the temple and asked the reason wine, red flowers and Udid (Phaseolus radia- why the plague continued, it was announced by tas) grain. The basket is then carried out of the deity through the temple ministrant that the village along with a cock or a goat, and she was helpless in the case of plague, and deposited outside the village boudary. To desired the people to worship the god Shiva, carry this basket, a person belonging to the thereby signifying that the village deity has Mahar caste is generally selected. The people limited powers, and that the power of averting of the next village similarly carry the basket great evils lies with Shiva the god of destrucbeyond their village limits; and it is finally tion 2 In the Devgad Talu'sa of the Ratnagiri thrown into the sea. It is believed that if the District in epidentic diseases like cholera, etc., basket of offerings to the disease-deities is car- the usual ceremony, i.e., the Paradi (diseaseried from one village to another, it is sure to scaring basket) is performed. A basket bring the dis9189 with it. Great care is there containing boiled rice, red powder, red fore taken to throw the offerings into the sea, flowers, lemons, betel nuts, betel leaves, etc., In cases of small pox a feast is given to women is prepared, and on that rice is kept whose husbands are alive. In some cases a burning cotton wick dipped in oil. The boiled rice is mixed with the blood of a cock, basket is then carried beyond the village and on the rics is placed a burning black cot- boundary along with a goat having a red ton Wick in a coconut shell with a little oil in flower garland round its neck. The goat it. The whole is then carried beyond the is set free at the outskirts of the village, village bound try and thrown away.1 In the In cases of small pox, married women whose village of Mitbay in the Ratnagiri District, busbands are alive are worshipped with epidemic diseases like cholera, small pox, turmeric powder, cocoanuts, flowers, etc., and plagu, etc., are supposed to come from incense is kept burning in the house. The disease deities, and in order to avoid the dan- deity of small pox is also specially worshipped ger of such diseases the people of the village for a number of days. It is represented by a go to the temple of the village deity and pray brass or copper lota with a cocoanut placed for protection. The special form of worship over it. This process is called mand bharane on such occasions is the Kaul i.e., asking a i.e. arranging the materials of worship. The favour from the deity. When an epidemic of girls in the house sing songs in praise of the plague broke out for the first time at Sang- sinall pox deity. It is believed that in this way meshwar, the people of the village at once pro- the severity of the disease is reduced.3 1 School Master, Ubbadanda, Ratnagiri. * School Master, Mitbav, Ratnagiri, 3 School Master, Fonda, Ratnagiris

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30 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY In the Sangameshwar taluka of the Ratna- given a feast of sweet things, and rice and giri District, when epidemic diseases prevail, the cocoanuts are put into her lap by another wopeople of the village assemble in the temple man whose husband is alive. She is then of the village deity, offer a cocoanut to the carried in procession through the village with goddess, and ask for a Kaul (omen). After beating of drums and the singing of songs. receiving the Kaul they pray for mercy. It is This is similar to the Paradi procession, which believed that if the Kaul is in favour of the is also common in that District.5 people the diseases will disappear.1 At Achare in the Malwan taluka of the Ratnagiri At Navare in the Ratnagiri District, in District it is believed that epidemic diseases cases of small pox, the diseased child and the such as cholera, small pos, etc., are caused by person into whose body the small pox deities the anger of the deities Jari and Mari; and in called Bayas enter, are worshipped with Abir order to satisfy those deities animal sacrifices black scented powder, flower garlands, &c.8 are offered at the time of their worship. There At Pendur in the Malwan taluka of the are no other deities who cause such diseases. Ratnagiri District the wrath of the female At Vijayadurg in the Ratnagiri District, in deities or Matrikas is supposed to be the cause cases of small pox, the child suffering from the of epidemic diseases, and these Matrikas are disease is made to sleep on a silk garment accordingly worshipped for their pacification." Sovalen. Flowers are thrown apon the At Chaul in the Kolaba District the god patient's body, and are given to him to smell. Shankar is worshipped by Brahmans when epiIncense is burnt in the house. On the denic diseases prevail in a village. The worseventh day frora the beginning of the disease, ship consists in repeating Vedic hymns. The the child is first bathed in milk and then in nine planets are also propitiated by sacrifices of water. Black scented powder called Abir is boiled rice, etc. There is a famous temple of throw on the body. After two or three days the goddess Shitala at Chaul where the deity an image representing the deity is made of is worshipped by Brahmans, who recite Vedic flour, which is worshipped, and a feast is given hymns, whenever small pox prevails in the ta Brahmans and unwidowed women. village. The mantras of the goddess and the At Basani in the Ratnagiri District the Shitala Ashtaka are also repeated in the disease of small pox is averted by a Brabman Pauranic style. The women walk round the worshipping the goddess Shitala. Brahmans temple every day as long as the signs of the are also worshipped, and a feast is given to disease are visible on their children. The them. In cases of cholera and the other epide goddess is worshipped with turmeric and red mic diseases the village deity is worshipped powders, and clothes and fruits are given to and sacrifices are made to her. her. The Kaul ceremony is also practised in At Kochare in the Vengurla taluks of the this District. It is worth noticing that even Ratnagiri District, a woman whose husband is Muralmans ask for a Kaul from this goddess. alive is made to represent the goddess Jari The days fixed for Kaul are -Sunday. Mari, and is worshipped with flowers, red pow- Tuesday, Thursday and Friday. The morning der Kunku and black ointment Kajal. She is hours are considered specially auspicious . 1 School Master, Sangmeshwar, Ratnagiri. 2 School Master, Achare, Ratnagiri. School Master, Vijaydurg, Ratnagiri. 4 School Master, Basani, Ratnagiri. School Master, Kochare, Ratnagiri. & School Master, Navare, Ratnagiri. School Master, Pendur, Ratnagiri.

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FOLKLORE OF THE KONKAN for the Kaul. There is another temple at Chaul, of the goddess Shri Golaba Devi. This goddess is also worshipped when other epidemic diseases prevail in the village. Saptaha i.e. continuous worship for seven days is also performed in honour of the deity. The gardeners (Malis) of the village worship this deity every Tuesday morning with cocoanuts gathered from every house in the village. This temple is being repaired at present. 1 When epidemic diseases prevail in the village of Poladpur of the Kolaba District the god Shiva is worshipped by continuously pouring water over the deity's head or linga. Sacrifices of fruits and animals are also offered to the village deity. Where there is a temple of the deity Mari or Mahamari, the deity is worshipped through a Brahman, and sacrifices of cocks and goats are offered to her. The deity named Shitala is worshipped in cases of small pox.2 At Vavashi in the Pen taluka of the Kolaba District, in cases of epidemic diseases, the people of the village invoke the god Shiva, and holy fires called homa are kindled in honour of that god. Sacrifices of boiled rice are also offered to the deity. For averting small pox the deity Shitala is invoked by the mantras called Shitala Astaka. For averting fevers the gods Shankar and Vishnu are also worshipped.3 At Medhe in the Rohe taluka of the Kolaba District the god Shiva is worshipped in order to avert an epidemic, and Hanuman is worshipped to avert fevers. At Malad in the Salsette taluka of the Thana District, when an epidemic prevails in a village, the goddess Navachandi is worshipped and the Homa is kindled in her honour. On the last day of worship a goat is set free as a sacrifice to the deity. The Bali i. e., the offering of boiled rice, and the goat are taken beyond the boundary of the village, and handed over to the people of the neighbouring village, who follow the same procedure, and at last both the sacrifices are thrown into the sea. The goat generally dies, as it does not get water and food till it reaches the sea." In the village of Anjur in the Thana District, in cases of long standing fevers the Brahmans observe the ceremony called Udak Shanti or propitiation by water. It is as follows: An earthen pot filled with water is placed on the ground. On the top of the pot is placed a round plate in which the image of the god Brahmadev the son of Vishnu is consecrated, Four Brahmans sit on the four sides of the pot and repeat their Vedic hymns, These four Brahmans are supposed to be the four mouths of the god Brahmadev. It is believed by the people that by performing this ceremony the fever is made to disappear, At Rai in the Thana District some people believe that malarial fevers are averted by placing secretly a small stone on the head of the god Hanuman.7 In the Kolhapur District the nine planets are worshipped in the house to ward off diseases such as cholera, small pox, fevers, etc. The goddess Laxmi is worshipped in order to avert small pox, the worship being generally performed in a garden or a grove of mango trees, when parched rice, cocoanuts and lemons are offered to her. The people assembled at the spot partake of the food, To avert fever, the people perform a certain ceremony ordained in the Shastras. If the sick person is supposed to be under the evil influence of the planet Saturn, the planet is invoked by repeating the 1 School Master, Chaul, Kolaba. * School Master, Vavashi, Kolaba. 5 School Master, Malad, Thana. 2 School Master, Poladpur, Kolaba. School Master, Medhe, Kolaba. & School Master, Anjur, Than: 1. School Marter, Rai, Thana

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32 THE INDIAN ANTIQUACV mantras, and worshipped with the usual offer- be destroyed, the people of the village ings. Garments such as a Sari and a Choli are assemble in a mob and attack the sorcerer, & offered to the goddesses Mari and Kalubai, small quantity of blood is taken from his When an epidemic disease such as cholera tongue and water from the earthen pot of a prevails in a village, the people of the village Chambhar is poured upon it. It is believed instal the deity Margai at a place where four that by so doing the spirit is permanently roads meet, and worship her for seven or eight destroyed and the sorcerer either forgets all days with much ceremony. Every one brings his mantras or they become ineffective. The offerings of cocoanuts, lemons, ambil or conjee, spirit is called tond bhut, and it sometimes cooked rice and curds, etc. with the beating troubles even animals. * of drums to offer to the deity. After worshipp At Chauk in the Karjat taluka, of the ing the goddess in this manner for eight Kolaba District, the people believe that the successive days they sacrifice a Bali of a devotees of the Mari deity bring on epidemic he-buffalo before her. The deity is then put discases by the use of their mantras, and in upon a bullock cart and carried through order to satisfy them, offerings are made the village with the beating of drums and much to the deity Mari which are taken by the ceremony, to be thrown away beyond the devotees or Bhagats.5 At Vade in the Thana village boundary along with the offerings. District epidemic diseases are attributed to Epidemic diseases are not attributed to witchcraft. There are some women who are witchcraft at Devgad in the Ratnagiri Dis-supposed to bring on, or at least foster, the trict. It is believed that they are caused by growth of such diseases by their evil mantras. the accumulated sins of the people. In the Such women are threatened or punished by Dapoli taluka of the Ratnagiri District the people, and sometimes they are even driven epidemic diseases are attributed to witchcraft out of the village. In the village of Anjur by low caste people. The power of averting of the Thana District, if a man vomits blood such diseases lies in the hands of the village accidently and falls ill, or dies, it is believed deities. They are therefore propitiated by to be due to the act of Muth Marane, the sacrifices of cocks, goats, and cocoanuts, that is, the throwing of a handful of rice over At Poladpur in the Kolaba District, epidemic which incantations have been repeated. If diseases are sometimes attributed to witchcraft there be any sorcerer in the village who has by low caste people, Persons well versed in learnt the same incantations, he alone is able the mantras of evil spirits are called Bhagats to return the Mutk to the sorcerer who first or exorcists. Some of them keep evil spirits at used it? At Shirgaum in the Umbergaon their command. The poor people believe that taloka of the Thana District, when epidemic what these exorcists foretell is sure to occur. diseases prevail in the village, the people of the It is believed that the spirit dwells on the village take a turn round the village in a tongue of these exorcists. When these spirits body and kill a buffalo. A Bali or offering are hungry, they are let loose in the village by of boiled rice, cocoanuts, cocks and goats is the sorcerers for the destruction of the people, also offered to the deities that cause epidemic thus causing an epidemic. When a spirit is to diseases.8 1 Rao Saheb Shelke, Kolhapur. * School Master, Anjarle, Ratnagiri. 5 School Master, Chank, Kolaba. 7 School Master, Anjar, Thana. * School Master, Mitbav, Ratnagiri, * School Master, Poladpur, Kolabn. & School Master, Vade, Thana. 8 School Master, Umbergaon, Tbana.

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FOLKLORE OF THE KONKAN When cattle disease breaks out in a village the people of the Devagad taluka in the Ratnagiri District generally prevent the healthy cattle from mixing with the diseased, and the people of the neighbouring villages take precautions against using the milk, etc. of the diseased cattle. At such times the cattle of the village in which the disease breaks out are prohibited from entering the neighbouring villages. At Ubhadanda in the Ratnagiri District, the deity named Maha Gira is worshipped in connection with cattle diseases. At some places a feast is given to Brahmans, and in certain villages of this District a man is painted like a tiger, carried out of the village and bathed in a river. It is believed that this is one of the remedies for averting cattle diseases.2 At Fonda in the Ratnagiri District, when cattle disease breaks out, a goat or a cock is sacrificed at the temples of the village deity. In some villages of the Malwan taluka the deity Brahman is worshipped. At Basani in the Ratnagiri District the gods of the Mahars as also the village deity are worshipped in connection with the cattle diseases. At Vavashi in the Kolaba District when cattle disease prevails in a village, a pig is killed and buried on the border of the village. A sweet oil lamp in the shell of a crab or a lobster is kept burning in the cowshed. River or sweet water fishes are boiled in water, and the water is given to the animals to drink. The owner also cleans the cowshed and burns sulpher, camphor, dammer and other disinfectants." At Varsai in the Pen taluka of the Kolaba District a Kaul is taken from the village deity to prevent cattle diseases, that is, the village deity is consulted through the temple ministrant, who acts as the spokesman of the oracle. At Medhe in the Rohe taluka of the Kolaba District the village deity Bahiroba is worshipped 1 School Master, Mitbav, Ratnagiri. 3 School Master, Fonda, Ratnagiri. 5 School Master, Basani, Ratnagiri. School Master, Varsai, Kolaba. School Master, Umela, Thana. 11 School Master, Mitbav, Ratnagiri. 13 School Master, Ubhadanda, Ratnagiri, in connection with cattle diseases. The diseased animals are minutely examined, and the affected part of their body is branded with a red hot iron. In the village of Umela of the Thana District the village deity is worshipped and sacrifices are offered to her. Milk from the affected villages is prohibited, and vegetables are not fried in oil during the prevalence of the disease in the village. At Kolhapur, the people make vows to the god, and ashes from the temples are brought and applied to the forehead of the cattle. Cotton strings are tied to the feet or the neck of the cattle in the name of the god. They also make vows to the deities Tamjai and Waghjai, and offer to them eyes made of silver, a new cloth, a fowl or a goat, when their animals are cured of the disease,10 In the Devgad taluka of the Ratnagiri District, in cases of malarial fevers pieces of certain kinds of herbs are fastened together with black cotton strings, and tied round the arm or neck of the person suffering from the disease. Sacred ashes are put in a copper amulet and the amulet is tied in the manner above described.11 At Fonda in the Ratnagiri District, in addition to herbs and copper amulets, peacock feathers in black cotton strings are tied to the arms of the persons suffering from inalarial fevers, etc. 12 At Vengurla in the Ratnagiri District, in fevers like malaria, black strings of cotton are tied round the arm or neck, and certain secret mantras are repeated at the time. It is believed that the power of the mantras is lust if they are disclosed to the public,13 At Murud in the Dapoli taluka of the Narsinh, the fourth incarnation of Vishnu, are Ratnagiri District the mantras of the god repeated for the exorcism of diseases.14 In the Dapoli taluka people who want to get rid of their diseases tie a copper amulet to their arms. The mantras that are repeated on such occasions are kept secret. There are at present. School Master, Ubhadanda, Ratnagiri. School Master, Bandivade, Ratnagiri. 33 6 School Master, Vavashi, Kolaba. 8 School Master, Medhe, Kolaba 10 Rao Saheb Shelke, Kolhapur. 12 School Master, Fonda, Ratnagirl, 14 School Master, Murud, Ratnagiri,

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34 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY sonje persons in the Anjarle village who give and also make vows to the same deity. The such amulets and charms. In the Chiplun lower classes offer cocoanuts, fowls or a goat. taluka of the Ratnagiri District the following They sometimes go to the exorcist for ashes articles are used for averting diseases: -Copper in the name of the god, and apply them to amulets, black cotton strings, and holy water the forehead of the diseased person, Copper over which certain mantras have been repeated amulets and cotton strings given by the exorcist by the exorcist.2 At Poladpur in the Kolaba are also tied round the neck of the sick person District. black cotton strings are tied round At Adivare in the Ratnagiri District the the arm in cases of malarial fevers. Some following practices are adopted for driving out mantras are repeated in cases of pain in the evil spirits that cause disease. Incense is right or left side of the body. Besides the burnt before the exorcist, drums are beaten, mantras some signs and figures are drawn on and then the exorcist takes a burning wick in birch leaves, and tied round the arm or the his hand and frightens the diseascd person by neck of the patient. Women who wish to have striking the ground with a cane or a broom of children wear such black cotton strings and peacock feathers. He also cries out loudly. copper amulets. At Vavashi in the Kolaba He then draws out the evil spirit from the body District mantras are in vogue for the exorcism of the diseased person, and puts it in a bottle, of discases such as liver and spleen affections, which is either carried out of the village and For exorcising eye diseases black cotton thread buried under ground near a big tree or is is tied to the ear.4 At Chauk in the Karjat | thrown into the sea. In the Sangameshwar taluka of the Kolaba District, ashes are applied taluka of the Ratnagiri District, the process of to the body of the sick person after repeating exorcising is sometimes accompanied by danccertain mantras over them. At Malad in the ing and loud cries. The person who suffers Thana District, for exorcising diseases caused from evil spirits is taken to Narsoba's Wadi in bly evil spirits, certain letters of the Nrisinha the Kolhapur State where patients are believed mantra are written on a birch leaf, and the to find a cure 10 In the Devgad taluka of the leaf is tied round the arm of the sick man with Ratnagiri District the exorcist, when possessed, a copper amulet. In order to drive out the does not dance as at other places, but freely evil spirit permanently, the god Nrisinha is uses abusive epithets to drive out the evil worshipped, and sacred fire is kindled to pro- spirits; and on such occasions the threats are pitiate the deity. For the worship of Nrisinha repeated loudly by the exorcist 11 In the the ministrant required must be a regular Dapoli taluka of the Ratnagiri District, dancdevotee of Nrisinha, and he must also be ing is used in exorcism. While dancing, the a Panchakshari i.e. one who knows the exorcist makes a show of different kinds of fits. mantras of evil spirits. In the village They are similar to those made by a person of Shirgaon in the Mahim taluka of the suffcring from hysteria. He also stands and Thu District, in addition to copper amulets sways his body to and fro for some time, then ith black threads of cotton, mantras of assumes a serene and quiet attitude, and begins Musulman saints or pirs are in vogue for to cry out loudly. 12 There are some sorcerers at es rising disease.7 At Kolhapur, the higher Dasgaon in the Kolaba District, who dance and classes perform the religious cere.nony called cry out loudly in order to drive out the evil Anushthan to propitiate Shiva. the god spirits froin the body of the diseased 12 At of destruction, in order to avert disease, Malad in the Thana District dancing is used 1 Schoo! Master, Anjarle, Ratnagiri. & School Master, Ibhrampur, Ratnagiri. - School Master, Poladpur, Kolaba. 4 School Master, Vavashi, Kolaba. 5 School Master, Chauk, Kolaba. & School Master, Malad, Thana. School Master, Shirgaon, Thana. 8 Rao Saheb, Shelle, Kolkapur. School Master, Adivare, Ratnagiri. 10 School Master, Sangmeshwar, Ratnagiri. 11 School Master, Fonde, Ratnagiri. 12 School Master, Anjarle, Ratnagiri. 13 School Master, Dasgaon, Kolaba.

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FOLKLORE OF THE KONKAN in exorcism. The following is a description of At Kulhapur, dancing is not used in exorcism one of these dances, Songs of the deity which but the people suffering from evil spirits someis to be summoned on the occasion are sung times dance and cry out loudly. Some of along with the music of the Tal (a kind of them loose their hair while dancing, and even cymbal) and the beating of drums called strike their heads. Some quarrel like comba: Ghumat. The Ghemat is an earthen jar, the tants, and soine of them try to make speeches lower and upper ends of which are covered like orators. There is a temple of the god over with leather. The man in whose body Shri Dutta at Narsinhwadi in the Kolhapur the deity is to make its appearance takes his State, to which people suffering from evil spirits bath and sits by the side of a small prayer are brought for a cure. These people cry out carpet called Asan. A small quantity of rice loudly when the palanquin of the Swami Maha(about a ser) is put in front of the carpet, and raj is carried through the village, and spirits a copper pot filled with water is placed on the usually quit the bodies of their victims at this rice. The musicians begin to strike their time, for it is said that they cannot bear the instrument with a loud clash, and the exorcist's proximity of the Swami Maharaj. Patients body begins to shuke. The shaking of the are also cured by residing in the village for a body is a sure indication of his being spirit certain period. On this account the village of possessed. He then sits upon the carpet and Narsobachiwadi is considered very holy. A begins to throw grains of rice into the copper big festival is celebrated in this village annupot containing water, gives out the name ally on the twelfth day of the dark half of of the particular spirit with which he is Ashwin (October). Feasts are given to the possessed, and the cause for which it has Brahmans, the expenses being borne by the attacked the patient. He then explains Kolhapur State. the measures and rites by which the spirit can In the Sangameshwar taluka of the Ratnagiri be driven out. The people abide by his direct- District, the Bhagat or exorcist is respected by ions, and the patient is thus cured, the lower caste people. His duties are to ask At Padghe in the Thana District, when an a kaul from the deity on behalf of the people evil spirit is to be driven out from the body of and to alleviate their sufferings. His appointthe patient, the latter is asked to hold in his ment is hereditary, the clever member of the mouth a bctelnut or a lemon. After some family generally following the profession of time, the betelnut or the lemon is put into a his father. In the Devgad taluka of the bottle, the bottle is then tightly corked and Ratnagiri District, low class people are afraid buried undergroand. A copper pot is filled of sorcerers because they might injure them if with water, and the diseased person is asked to they are offended. They therefore are carehold the pot upside down. If the water runs ful not to cause them displeasure. There, the out it is believed that the spirit has dis- profession of a sorcerer or exorcist is not appeared. hereditary. Any one who learns the wicked In the village of Edwan of the Thana Dist- mantrus after attending regularly the burial rict, dancing is practised in cases of spirit and burning grounds for some days becomes possession, but it is resorted to among the lower an expert, and may follow the profession, castes only. While daucing, the sorcerer cries In the Malwan taluka of the Ratnagiri District out loudly, and throws grains of Udid (Phase the chief function of the village sorcerer is to olus radintuy)on the body of the diseased person worship the village deity. All kind of gifts after repeating certain mantras. This rite and presents intended for the deity are made is styled Blrarani or the process of charming through him. His profession is hereditary 1 School Master, Malad, Thana. 3 School Master, Edwan, Thana. 5 School Master, Sangameshwar, Ratnagiri, 2 School Master, Padghe, Thana. 4 Rao Saheb Shelke, Kolhapur. & School Master, Mitbav, Ratnagiri.

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36 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY and he is much respected by the ignorant people. At Fonda in the Ratnagiri District the exorcist is not appointed, but one who can satisfactorily interpret or explain to the village deity the sufferings of the people is generally selected.2 In the Vengurla taluka of the Ratnagiri District, the chief function of the village sorcerer is to find remedies for the cure of persons suffering from evil spirits. His position among the people of the low classes is considered high. He follows the hereditary profession of a sorcerer, and generally the eldest son suc ceeds his father." At Chidhran in the Panwel taluka of the Kolaba District, Bhutes, a caste of beggars, are the devotees of a goddess. Some of them are called Bhagats. Devrishis are very rare. The difference between a Devrishi and a Bhagat is as follows:-A Devrishi removes the evil spirits by simply repeating the mantras while the Bhagat removes them by bringing the evil spirit into his own body and by dancing, etc. At Chaul in the Kolaba District, Bhutes g begging in the morning every day for the first nine days of the month of Ashwin (October). On the tenth day the Bhutya is given a pice from every house. These Bhutes are devotees of the goddess Shakti. At Sasawane in the Kolaba District the village sorcerer comes to beg every day and is given rice, etc., but during the first nine days of the bright half of Ashwin (October) he is given copper coins.5 At Anjur in the Thana District the devotee of a particular god is called Bhagat, and one who knows how to summon or eject evil spirits is called Bhutya. A Devrishi is a person who knows the mantras for warding off the great evil spirits such as Brahma Rakshasa, Brahma Samband, etc. These three classes are res 1 School Master, Bandiwade, Ratnagiri. 3 School Master, Ubhadanda, Ratnagiri. 5 School Master, Sasawane, Kolaba. r keo Saheb Shelke, Kolhapur. pected only for performing their respective duties, and not otherwise." At Kolhapur, the sorcerer is never appointed. His functions are to ask a kaul from the deity, to pray for the welfare of the people, and explain to them what he sees in his dreams. He holds no position in higher society, but the poor people who believe in him are afraid of him. Sorcerers are generally very cunning; they frighten poor people, and obtain from them presents and gifts for their maintenance." In the Vengurla taluka of the Ratnagri District red flags are hoisted on Banyan, Pipal, and Umbar trees, and on certain occasions offerings of coins and cocoanuts are made. It is believed that when the three kinds of trees happen to grow together, ie., close to each other, near a well or on the bank of a river, the god Datta resides there, but such cases are very rare. These trees are supposed to be the haunts of the Munja spirit, and therefore copper coins waved round the persons suffering from evil spirits are thrown underneath them. There are no sacred wells in this taluka. In the Dapoli taluka of the Ratnagiri District, the Banyan and Pipal trees are worshipped. The former is worshipped by women on the full moon day of the month of Jestha (June) and on the no moon day when it falls on Monday. On these occasions a cotton thread is tied round the tree, and offerings of glass beads, cocoanuts, fruits, etc., are made. These trees are also worshipped with offerings of copper coins, etc. In the Dapoli taluka, there is a certain place between the two villages of Anjarla and Harnai where persons passing by that side throw one or two stones, causing thereby a heap of stones there. It is be lieved that by doing this the person who throws such stones gets rid of his itch. This place 2 School Master, Fonda, Ratnagiri. 4 School Master, Chidran, Kolaba. 6 School Master, Anjur, Thana. 8 School Master, Ubhadanda, Ratnagiri. School Master, Bankavli, Ratnagiri.

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FOLKLORE OF THE KONKAN 37 is called Girjoba. Hands and feet made of silver coins and fruit are offered to the tree. wood are also offered by persons who make These offerings are taken by the Brahman vows to do so when their hands or legs are priest, who explains to them the modes of affected by any disease, At Ibhrampur in worship. The Brahman priest is also given the Ratnagiri District offerings of colton some money as a gift. This Vrata, i.e., vow, is thread, copper coins, and fruit are made to | observed by women by fasting for three sucBanyan and Pipal trees on the full moon day cessive days, from the 13th to the 15th day of of the month of Jestha (June) and on every the bright balf of Jestha (June). The Pipal Saturday in the month of Shraman (August). tree is worshipped daily by some men and At Vavanje in the Panwel taluka of the women of the Brahman caste. Women walk Kolaba District, offerings of coins, etc., to round this tree for a hundred and eight times sacred trees are made at the time of Parmani or more daily. Some persons hold a thread (a festival). For instance, when the no moon ceremony for the Pipal tree in order to obtain day falls on Monday, the women worship the a son, and worship the tree for a certain Pipal tree, and on the full moon day of Jestha period. It is worshipped with fruit and cop(June) they worship the Banyan tree. The per coins, Wooden cradles are also offered to custom prevails of the worship of a well by the tree. Wells are worshipped on auspicious women after their delivery. A woman, after days such as Parmani by women of the upper completing the period of her confinement or castes. At Padghe in the Thana District the ceremonial impurity, is taken to a well, from Banyan tree is worshipped on the full moon which she has to bring home water, and is re- day of Jestha, and the Pipal is worsnipped quired to worship the well with the following every Saturday in the month of Skrawan niaterials, vis - cotton thread, copper coins, (August). The Pipal tree is not worshipped cocoanuts and such other fruit as can be had before the performance of its thread ceremony, on the occasion. 3 At Varsai in the Pen taluka and its thread ceremony is not performed till the of the Kolaba District, offerings of cotton tree bears at least one thousand leaves. cloth, copper coins, cocoanuts, betelnuts and At Kolhapur, the Banyan and Pipal trees plantains are made to the Banyan, Pipas, and are considered very holy, and offerings of Umbar trees, and also to holy wells. The rags, coins, etc., are made to them. It is a Pipal, Tulsi, and Umbar trees are worshipped custom amorg the Hindu women to worship daily by women in this district, while the Ban-the Banyan tree on the full moon day of Jesyan is worshipped on the full moon day of tha. Offerings of cloth and fruit are made Jestha (June). The materials of worship to this tree, and copper or silver coins are given are : -' rice, fruits, water, sandalpaste, flowers, as dakahana. Some women make a small momangoes and jack fruits del in gold, silver, or copper of the Banyan At Malad in the Thana District, the Ban- tree or of its leaf, and present it to the Brahyan tree is worshipped by women of the Dwi- man priest along with a present of money. jas, i.e., of the twice born castes, on the full | All these rites are required to be strictly permoon day of the month of Jestha. Copper or formed as enjoined in the Shastras, 1 School Master, Anjarle, Ratnagiri. 3 School Master, Ibhrampur, Ratnagiri. 3 School Master, Vavanje, Kolaba. * School Master, Varsai, Kolaba 5 School Master, Maled, Thana . School Master, Padghe, Thana. TRAo she Shelle, Kolhipur.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY .38 At Nagothane in the Kolaba District, it is the next morning and thrown away at a place believed that men who are well versed in the where three roads meet. It is then supposed mantras of witchcraft and sorcery sometimes that the person who steps on the bundle first is transfer diseases from one person to another. 1 attacked with the discase, and the one for Vaccination is believed to be a method of whom the rite is performed is cured.5 transferring disease to other persons ? At Devgad taluka in the Ratnagiri District At Malad in the Thana District a method it is believed that evil spirits are fond of of transferring disease from one person to things like a cock, cocoanuts, boiled rice, etc., another is in practice among the Shudras. It and when a person considers himself attacked is as follows :-A woman without a child cuts by evil spirits, these things are waved round secretly a little piece from the garment of a his body and thrown away at some distance woman who has children. She then burns the from his residence. This is generally done in piece, puts the ashes into water, and the mixture the evening, but if necessary it can be done at is then drunk by the barren woman. it is any time. The person who goes to throw these believed that, by so doing, the evil spirit of things away is prohibited from looking behind. the disease that is troubling the barren woman The things required for a bali, i, e., oblation, is transferred to the other who has children. an such occasions are boiled rice, red powder, The barrenness of the first wolnan then and an oil lamp made of black cotton wick. disappears, and she begets children. It is said 1 In the Vengurla taluka of the Ratnagiri that if the second woman comes to know of the District, when a person is suffering from any mischief before using that garment, she disease for a long time, and when ordinary discontinues the use of the same, and no harm medicines prove to be ineffective, a goat or a is done to her cock is waved round the body of the patient, In the Umbergaon taluka of the Thana and are then put bevond the villam and are then pot beyond the village boundary District the methods of transferring disease or taken away by the sorcerer. While are called Muth Marane i. e, a bewitched performing this rite, the man must repeat lime is sent to the person to whom the disease certain mantras, is to be transferred. Various mantras are also At Fonda in the Ratnagiri District, the nec secretly repeated with the object of trans- of scapegoats is resorted to in cases of persons ferring the disease to an enemy supposed to have been attacked by evil spirits. At Kolhapur, there are no methods of Curds and boiled rice are waved round the transferring disease to other persons, but it is body of the diseased person and thrown away said that the following ceremony is practised at a distance from the house. In some cases it in the case of persons suffering from swollen is said that the cock which is waved round glands. Rice, Udid grain etc. are tied in a the body of the sick person dies instantane yellow cloth, and three knots are made in itously." This is then kept for one night under the In the Malwan taluka of the Ratnagiri Dispillow of the diseased person. It is taken out trict the scapegoat (often a cock) is waved 1 School Master, Nagothane, Kolaba. * School Master, Malad, Tbana. 5 Rao Saheb Shelke, Kolhapur. School Master, Ubhadanda, Ratnagiri. School Master, Navare, katnagiri, * School Master, Shirgaon, Thana. * School Master, Mitbav, Ratnagiri, * School Master, Fonde, Ratnagiria

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FOLKLORE OF THE KONKAN 39 three times round the sick person and thrown spirits from the body of the patient are not into the street. The man who goes to throw thrown away, but are eaten by the exorcist. it away is prohibited from looking behind. At Navre in the Ratnagiri District, hens Burnt cowdung ashes are thrown out of the are used to extract the poison of snake bites door after the man has left the house, and the from the body of the sufferer. In cases of door is closed at once.1 evil spirits alone, cocoanuts, cocks and goats In the Dapoli taluka, cocoanuts, curde, are used as scapegoats, boiled rice, turmeric powder, red powder, cocks At Dasgaon in the Kolaba District, a Paradi (basket) containing black glass beads, bangles etc. are waved round the body of the sick turmeric and red powders, sweetmeat of five person and taken beyond the village boundary sorts, flowers, cocoanut, a burning scented or to a big tree supposed to be haunted by stick, and rice, is waved three times round the evil spirits, and in some cases these things are body of the patient, and thrown away outside thrown away where four roads meet." the village.? In the Rajapor taluka of the Ratnagiri At Kolbapur, the use of fowls, goats, limes, District scapegoats are used by the low caste cocoanuts, copper coins, dry chillies and salt people, while Brahmans use cocoanuts, boiled is in vogue, not only in cases of sick persons, rice and copper coins.8 At Kalse in the Rat- but also when a person performs a feat such nagiri District eggs, cocks, goats, etc, are used as bending an iron bar, or doubling with his as scapegoats. These things are waved round hands a silver coin, or winning a victory in the body of the patient, and taken beyond the wrestling. The articles are then waved round him and thrown away in order that he may village limits or far from the residence of the not suffer from an evil eye. Among the rich sick person. For this rite a man from the the same rite is performed on ordinary occaGhadi, Garav, Raval, or Mabar caste is in sions such as leaving a house, starting on a vited at night, and he is paid in cash for his journey etc. In cases of illness it is specially services. performed in the evening, and the articles are At Ibhrampur in the Ratnagiri District, the thrown away at the outskirts of the village, cocks and goats used for driving out evil or by the side of a well.8 1 School Master, Bandivade, Ratuagiri. 3 School Master, Adivare, Ratnagiri. 5 School Master, Ibhrampur, Ratnagiri. * School Master, Dasgaon, Kolaba. School Master, Anjarla, Ratnagiri, School Master, Kalse, Ratnagiri, * School Master, Navre, Ratnagiri. Rao Sabib Shelke, Kolhapur.

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CHAPTER IV. WORSHIP OF ANCESTORS AND SAINTS. In the Konkan, especially among the lower belief that one spirit dies and another takes classes, a strong belief prevails regarding the its place, but it is believed that the ancestors mortality of the spirits of the dead and of are sometimes reborn in the same family.1 thcir re-appearance or re-birth in their At Ubhadanda in the Vengurla taluka of children. And for this reason, as well as for the Ratnagiri District ancestors are worshipped protection against evil, the dead ancestors are every year on the same date of the month worshipped, (according to the Hindu calendar year) on. The custom regarding the worship of an- which the person died, by performing a Shradcestors prevailing at Kalshe in the Ratnagiri dha rite. They are also worshipped on the District is as follows:-The worship of an- same date in the second half of Bhadrapada cestors is called Shraddha (anniversary). It (September) every year. This is by a rite is performed on the no moon day of every called Mahalaya Shraddha. On both these. month on the date of the death of the person occasions Brahmans are invited, and the worcvery year, and also on the same date of the shipping ceremony is performed by repeating dark half of the month of Bhadrapada (Sep- the mantras. After the ceremony, all the invittember). Among the Brahmans, Brabinaned guests men and women partake of food. priests are invited, worshipped, and are given a Sadhus are worshipped after washing their feast, after worshipping balls of boiled rice feet with sandal paste, flowers, cocoanuts and as representing the dead ancestors. The gifts of money. special materials used for worship are sesa- It is believed that evil spirits undergo a nium and barley grain. The same custom transformation after a lapse of twelve years, prevails among non-Brahmans with the excep- The practice of giving the names of ancestors tion that the balls are made of rice flour and to children is common, and it is due to the not of boiled rice. To partake of the food on belief that the spirits of the dead are reborn such occasions, the lower classes invite married in children in the same family. persons of their own caste. The anniversary At Pendur in the Ratnigiri District the day of Sadhus and Mahants, i.e. saints, is ancestors are worshipped on the last day of called Punya tithi i.e. the day of merit. every Hindu calendar month. This monthly It is commonly believed that spirits are worship is called Darsha Shraddha. The mortal. The life of the deceased remains in annual anniversay of the manes is celebrated the spirit condition until the sins which he by the ceremony called the Samvatsarik may have committed are washed away by the Shraddha. If any ancestor has died after good deeds of his descendants. There is no becoming a recluse or Sangasi, his body is. 1 School Master, Kalse, Ratnagiri. School Master, Ubbadanda, Ratnagiri,

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! FOLKLORE OF THE KONKAN buried, and a tonib called a samadhi is erected of their desires remain unfulfilled at the time over it; and his descendants, instead of per- of their demise. forming the annual Shraddha, worsbip the At Shiravde in the Ratnagiri District ancestomb of the recluse every day. It is believed tors are worshipped every year by performing that the spirits take a different form after the the rites called tarpan, which consist in offering lapse of seven generations. The belief that oblations of holy water, sesamun, barley grains the spirits of the dead are reborn in the same and repeating prayers. The tarpan is obserfamily prevails among the people of this dis- ved on the very date of the month in which the trict. The following measures are adopted for person died. The procedure of worshipping the purpose of identification. When a person the Hindu saints is similar to that of the other dies in a family, a basil or bel leaf is placed deities. Owing to the belief that the spirits on a certain part of the body, or some familiar of the dead are reborn in children in the same sign is made in sandal paste, and when a child family the name of the grandfather is given is born in the family, its body is carefully to the grandson." examined to ascertain whether there are any At Naringre in the Ratnagiri taluka ances signs on the body of the child such as were tors are worshipped by inviting Brahman made on the dead body of tbe ancestor. If priests, and worshipping them with sandal the same sign appears to the satisfaction of paste and flowers. These Brahmans are the nenibers of the family, it is believed that supposed to represent the father, grandfather the dead person has been reborn in the same and great grandfather of the worshipper. family.1 At Bandivade in the Ratnagiri District the At Navare in the Ratnagiri District Brah- leaves of the herb called pudina, (a good medimans are invited, worshipped and given a feast cine for wors) sesamum, and darbha grass are in honour of ancestors. Sadhus and Mahants, or required for the worship of ancestors. The saints, are worshipped by giving them the same man who worships the ancestors has to turn his honour accorded to the family deities.2 sacred thread from the right hand to the left.7 At Basani in the Ratnagiri District the At Anjarle in the Ratnagiri District Mahants anniversary day of saints is observed by the and Sadhus are worshipped in their lifeperformance of a Bhajan, which consists in time like family deities, and their tonbs are singing the good deeds of saints and in offering worshipped after their death. prayers. It is believed that spirits are nortal, At Fonde in the Ratnagiri District ancestors. but they do not die like ordinary human beings are worshipped by making balls of boiled rice They cease to exist as spirits as soon as the on their anniversary day. The balls are supposperiod of their release is over. The spiritsed to take the place of the dead parents, and obtain absolution by visiting certain holy they are worshipped with sandal paste and places, flowers, and by burning incense and lighting a At Dabhol in the Ratnagiri District the lamp of clarified butter. Betelnuts and leaves, people believe that the souls of ancestors are cocoanuts and Dakshina (presents of money) reborn in children in the same family if some are given to them. People also bow before them. 1 School Master, Pendar, Ratnagiri. 3 School Master, Basani, Ratnagiri. 5 School Master, Shiravde, Ratnagiri. School Master, Baodivade, Ratnagiri. 2 School Master, Navare, Ratnagiri, 4 School Master, Dabhol, Ratnagiri. & School Master, Naringre, Ratnagiri. School Master, Anjarle, Ratnagiri,

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42 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY Mahants and Sadhus are worshipped by washing their feet, sandal paste is applied to their body, and they are garlanded with flowers. Cocoanuts, a piece of cloth and a gift in coins are given to them according to the means of the giver. It is said that spirits can remain as spirits for about a thousand years,1 At Vijayadurg in the Ratnagiri District the method of worshipping ancestors is as follows:-In some cases elderly parents as well as a grandfather and great grandfather are also worshipped, their feet are washed with water, and the water is accepted as tirth or holywater. While worshipping the Mahants and Sadhus, or saints, water is poured on their right hand, and they are worshipped with sandal paste and flowers, and given a dakshana or gifts of money according to one's means and will. The padukas, or foot prints, of saints are worshipped after their death.2 At Mitbav in the Ratnagiri District holy persons such as Sanyasis are worshipped after their death by performing their anniversary ceremony every year. It is believed that spirits are mortal. Evil spirits such as munjas, etc., undergo a kind of transformation, and it is believed that this occurs at places like Narsoba's Wadi,3 At Devgad in the Ratnagiri District ancestors are worshipped on their anniversary days, the manes being represented by pieces of Darbhe grass and balls of boiled rice, At Poladpur in the Kolaba District a person whose father is alive but who has lost his mother's father, has to perform the Shraddha of that grandfather on the 1st day of the bright half of Ashwin (October). This Shraddha is called Duhitra. A person who has lost his wife has to perform the Shraddha for that 1 School Master, Fonde, Ratnagiri, 3 School Master, Mitbav, Ratnagiri. School Master, Poladpur, Kolaba, wife on the 9th day of the dark half of the month of Bhadrapada. This day is called Ahev Navami. These different sorts of Shraddhus are observed only by the high class Hindus. The lower classes worship their ancestors on the last day of the month of Bhadrapada by preparing a ball of boiled rice or flour, and putting it out for the crows to eat. It is believed that spirits are mortal. The ceremony called Narayan Nagabali is perforned when it is believed that the spirit of an ancestor is giving trouble to the family. When this rite is performed, the spirit is saved and the ailment ceases. It is believed that the spirits of the dead are sometimes reborn in children in the same family, and in such cases the names of the ancestors are given to their children by the people.5 At Khopoli in the Karjat taluka of the Kolaba District the form of worship of ancestors is similar to that of the ordinary Hindu deities. In the case of the worship of the deities the person performing the worship has to sit with his face towards the east, while at the worship of the ancestors he has to sit with his face towards the south. At Chaul in the Kolaba District, the tombs of Sanyasis, i.e. ascetics and Sadhus are worshipped on their anniversary days, and a great fair is held in their honour. The other ancestors are worshipped by the shraddha rites. The anniversary of the founders of the different sects is observed by their followers by a bhajan, i, e, singing songs in their own style and exhibiting the different insignia and flag of the sect as advised by their founders,? The people of Chidhran in the Kolaba District believe that the period for which the soul has to remain in the spirit state depends 2 School Master, Vijayadurg, Ratnagiri. 4 School Master, Devgad, Ratnagiri. * School Master, Khopoli, Kolaba. 7 School Master, Chaul, Kolaba.

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FOLKLORE OF THE KONKAN 43 upon the sins of the person, or the wishes which completion of one year by inviting Brahmans remained unfulfilled during his life time. It and giving them a feast. This is done among is not that all the spirits of the dead are Brahmans only. The other communities worship reborn in children. The rebirth depends upon their ances.ors by performing the rite called the good or bad deeds of the deceased. Chata Shraddha and by giving Shidha, i.e. rice However, if the nature of any child suggests pulse, vegetables and gli to Brahman priests. the nature of any dead person in the family, it A feast is then given to their castemen, is assumed that the spirit of the deceased has At Kolhapur, ancestors, Mahants and Sareturned to the family. dhus are worshipped by the rites known as the At Nagothane in the Pen taluka of the Puranic ritual, that is, no Vedic mantras are Kolaba District some of the communities repeated while performing these rites. It is a worship small images called tanks on the common belief in this province that the scul anniversary of their ancestors' death; among of the person who has committed a murder, or the Shudras food is given to the crows on the has incurred debt and enmity, is obliged to last day of Bhodrapad. The custom of repay the debt by being born again as a giving a grandfather's name to the grandson servant or in some other subordinate capacity prevails largely, and is due to the belief that of the debtor. the spirits of the dead are sometimes reborn | The tombs of the Hindu and Mahomedan in the same family. It is also said that in saints are considered holy, but they are not some of the Hindu communities, if a child supposed to possess miracular powers. The cries continuously, ashes are applied to its following is a list of saints who have been forehead in the name of one of the ancestors deified and worshipped by the people of the in the family, and if the child sleeps quietly Ratnagiri District. (1) Mukundraj. (2) or stops crying, the name of that ancestor is Drvandey. (3) Tukaram. (4) Plne given to it.3 (5) Namdev, (6) Ran.das, (7) Akkalkotche At Shirgaon in the Thana District, the Swami, (8) Ranganath, (9) Dev Mamlatdar worship of ancestors is perforined on the (10) Kabir, (11) Kamal, (12) Nipatday of the father's death, cvery year. On Niranjan, (13) Tulshidas, (14) Pundalik, any auspicious occasion the rite called Nandi (15) Vashistha, (16) Dattatraya, (17) sluraddha is performed at the beginning of the Sohiroba, (18) Gorakshanath, (19) Purceremony. It is believed that evil spirits or nanath, ghosts have to remain in the ghostly state for At Shiroda in the Ratnagiri District a about one thousand years, or at least until one practice prevails of making vows to the tombs of the descendants in the family goes to of women who burnt themselves as Salvis, a holy place like Kashi (Benares) and there Vows are also made to the Musalman Pirs, performs the shraddha rites of his ancestors and offerings are often made in fulfilment of At Malad in the Thana District. the such vows 8 worship of ancestors is performed on the day At the fort of Vishalgad there is a tomb of of the father's death every month till the a Pir (saint). It is usual to make a row to 1 School Master, Chidhran, Kolaba. * School Master, Vavanje, Kolaba. 5 School Master, Malad, Thana * School Master, Pendor, Ratnagiri. * School Master, Nagothane, Kolaba. * School Master, Shirgaon, Thana. Rao Saheb Shelke, Kolbapur. & School Master, Shiroda, Ratnagiri.

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44 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY worship this Pir with fetters on one's legs, and it is believed that, at the time of worship, the chains break off.1 There is at Dahibav in the Ratnagiri District a tomb of a Hindu saint named Shri Anand Murti, to which the people of that locality make vows when severe calamities befall them, and it is believed that the saint listens to their prayers.2 When a Brahman assumes the garb of a recluse or Sanyasi, he is considered by the people as sacred as a Hindu god, and is worshipped with great reverence, provided he abides by the rules contained in the shastras, There is a tomb of a Pir at Bawa Malangad in the Panwel taluka of the Kolaba District, where the people make vows to the Pir, and it is believed that the Pir fulfils their wishes. Hindu saints such as Ramdas, Dnyaneshwar, Namdev are held in great honour in this District.1 There is a temple of Nagoba at Avas in the Kolabe District where persons suffering from snake-bite, if carried to the temple while still alive, are said to be cured." At Kawad in the Bhiwandi taluka of the Thana District there is a tomb of a Brahmachari named Sakharam Bava who has been deified by the people of that District. A great fair is held at the tomb every year. The following instance is given of a miracle at the tomb Sakharam Bava of Kawad. A man suffering from fits showed an inclination to go to Kawad to read Guru Charitra for seven successive days. He was taken to that place accordingly. After his arrival, he continued to suffer from these fits in the 1 School Master, Sakharane, Ratnagiri. School Master, Adivare, Ratnagiri. 5 School Master, Akshi, Kolaba. School Master, Padghe, Thana. 9 School Master, Umbergaon, Thana. morning and evening at the time of the worship at the tomb. Once during the fits he said that he would be free from the disease if Rs. 200 were spent in giving a feast to the Brahmans at Pali. The relatives of the sufferer agreed to arrange accordingly, and instantly the man put his head on the Samadhi (tomb) and threw himself on his back. He came to his senses after ten minutes, and from that time he was completely cured. A feast was then given to the Brahmans at Pali, and Rs. 200 were spent over it as promised. Another instance of miracular power is cited, and that is of the priest of the goddess Mahaluami of Kolwan. This priest goes up and hoists the flag of the goddess on a steep hill which no other person can climb, and it is believed that he can do this only when the spirit of the goddess enters his body." At Umbergaon in the Thana District there is a miracle-working tomb of a saint called the Datar "Pir." Sakharambava of Angaon Kawad, a Hindu saint, is held in high honour in this village. At this place it is a'so believed that some of the Pirs walk round the village at night, and their tombs are said to be seen in motion. The Datar Pir is worshipped even. by the Hindus of that locality." At Shirosi in the Murbad Taluka of the Thana District, Sakharambava of Kawad, Dev Mamlatdar, Chandirambuva of Khed, Narayanbuva of Nanuri, the Swami of Akkalkot, the Swami of Kumbhar Peth at Kolhapur, and the Dandekerbuva of Rajapur are the principal saints held in honour by the people. 10 At Manikpur in the Thana District it is said. that a bright light or flames emanate from certain tombs of Musalman saints 11 * School Master, Naringre, Ratnagiri. 4 School Master, Chank, Ratnagiri. School Master, Vada, Thana. School Master, Dahanu, Thana. 10 School Master, Shirosi, Thana. 11 School Master, Manikpur, Thana

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FOLKLORE OF THE KONKAN 45 At Umela in the Thana District it is said of social equality among the Deccan Brahmans, that flames and smoke are given out from the granted an Inam of some villages for the tombs of certain Mahomedan saints situated in maintenance of this Samadhi, and the British the locality. These flames appear and Government have allowed the descendants of disappear very suddenly.1 the swami to retain the Inam. The following In the Kolhapur District people believe that are the principal Musalman saints who have the Samadhi of Swami Anandmurti, who was been deified in the Kolhapur District:a disciple of Raghunath Swami of Bhramanal (1) Baba Jamal, (2) Ghod Pir, (3) Bara shakes on the Shiwaratri day, that is the 13th Imant, (4) Avachit Pir, (5) Buran Saheb of the dark half of Magha, and on the Rana and (6) Mira Saheb of Miraj. All these nawami day i, e, the 9th of the bright half of Pirs have been supplied with annual grants of Chaitra, at the time of the worship called money by the Kolhapur State.2 Bhajan. Among the tombs held most sacred At Ubhadanda in the Vengurla taluka of by the Hindus of the Konkan may be inentioned the Ratnagiri District some Hindus have adopt the following vis: Bhujang Swami of Lokapur, ed the worship of Mahomedan saints. MahoRamdas Swami, the Samadhi of Shri Shankara- medan Pirs are worshipped in the month of charya at Shirgaon, Chintaman Swami of Moharram. On these occasions Hindus beg Murgud, and the Samadhi of Mangalmurti in the town in the disguise of Fakirs, and the Morya at Chinchwad near Poona. All these alms thus obtained are offered to the Pir. Swamis Were Brahmacharis or bachelors, and They make offerings of water to the Pirs, while they spent their lives in the service of God and the tabuts are being carried to the sea for preached virtue and morality to the masses. immersion. But this practice is being slowly These Samadhis are of two kinds: (1) of saints discontinred, after death, and (2) of saints on the point of At Bandivade in the Ratnagiri District death The third kind is called Jal Samadhi, Hindus offer cocoanuts and khichadi to the i.e. immersion in water, but no tomb of the Pirs at the time of the Moharram, and at some latter kind is to be found in this Province. It places a lamp is kept burning every Monday in is said that, if a lime is placed above the Sama honour of a Pir. dhi of Bhujanga Swani, it begins to shake at At Kalbudevi in the Ratnagiri taluka there the time of the Arti ceremony. The present is a tomb of a Musalman saint who is worshipdisciple of Bhujanga Swami sits in (Samadhi) ped by the Hindus. Similarly there is a Pir meditation continuously for fuur to eight days. at Gaonkhadi in the Rajapur taluka who is There prevails a belief at Kolhapur that the held in reverence even by high caste Hindus. swami whose body is buried in the tomb at At Ade in the Dapoli taluka of the Ratnagiri Chinchwad is still alive. Some years ago when District there is a tomb of a Musalman saint the present disciple of the Chinchwad Swami which is worshipped by the Hindus including was anxious to take Samadh, he had a dream in the Brahmans. The building and also the * which the stami in the tomb told him that he mosque in that village have been repaired from was still living in that Samadhi, and that there- contributions obtained from high class Hindus, fore there was no need for his disciple to take Many Hindus of Devagad in the Ratnagiri Samadh. He was thus obliged to forego the District worship Musalman saints, Occasionalproject. The Peshwas of Poona, who werely they offer cocuanuts to tabuts, and throw staunch devotees of the Chinchwad snami, and red powder over them. They also make vows by whose favour they were raised to a position to the Pirs.? 1 School Master, Umela, Thana. * Rao Saheb Shelse, Kolkapur. 3 School Master, Ubhadanda, Ratnagiri. * School Master, Bandivade, Ratnagiri. 6 School Master, Basani, Ratnagiri. * School Master, Murud, Ratnbgiri. * School Master, Devagad, Ratnagiri.

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46 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY There are two Pirs at Vijayadurg who are worshipped by the Hindus. The same practice prevails at Rajapur and Kharepatan,1 at Chank in the Karjat taluka of the Kolaba District some Hindus worship Pirs. The members of the Ketkar family of Chauk are the Pujaris or ministrants of the Musalman saint known as Bava Malangad, This shows that even Brahmans worship Musalman saints,2 The tomb of Bava Malangad situated in the Kolaba District is worshipped first by a Brahman and then by Musalmans. The Brahman worshipper performs this task more for the pecuniary benefit which he derives from the worship than from faith in the divinity of the Pir,3 At Poladpur in the Mahad taluka of the Kolaba District there are no instances of Musalman saints being worshipped by Hindus, but persons wishing to have children make vows to Pirs, and children born by the favour of such Pirs are required to assume the robe of a Fakir during the Moharram festivities.* The practice of worshipping such saints exists at Khopoli in the Kolaba District. Persons in trouble, or desirous of getting children, make vows to the saint Imam Hussein, and when their desires are fulfilled they dress themselves as Fakirs and beg at certain places during the Moharram festivities. A certain Lakshman Gangadhar Joshi of Rewdanda in the Kolaba District is the Mujawar (priest or ministrant) of a Musalman saint Chansewalli and he holds an Inam in connection with his office of Mujawar of the saint's Darga, At Akshi in the Kolaba District there is a tomb of a Pir which is worshipped by lower class Hindus such as Kolis, Malis and Bhandaris," The Hindus of Bhuwan in the Murbad taluka of the Kolaba District worship the Pir 1 School Master, Vijaydarg, Ratnagiri, 3 School Master, Chidhran, Kolaba. 5 School Master, Khopoli, Kolaba. 7 School Master, Akshi, Kolaba. 9 School Master, Malad, Thana. of the locality. It is said that the cultivators of the village once lost their cattle, and that a Fakir attributed the loss to the rage of the Pir. Since that time they are careful to worship the saint, and the result is that there has been Malinda i. e. bread and jagri, to the Pir every no disease among their cattle. They ofer Thursday,8 The Hindu inhabitants of Malad in the Thana District sprinkle water over the roads by which the tabuts are to pass, and allow their children to pass beneath the tabuts. Some throw sweetmeat on the tabuts, and distribute the same to the poor.9 At Shirgaon in the Mahim taluka of the Thana District some Hindus make vows to the local Pir and take part in the tabut procession. They pour water over the feet of the tabut bearers, and throw abir (black scented powder) to the fakirs Malinda, or Khichadi,10 and flowers on the tabuts. They also distribute The Mujawar (priest) of the saint Walli Amir Shaha of Shahapur in the Thana District is a Maratha by caste,11 In the Kolhapur District Pirs are held in great reverence by Hindus. They make vows to the Pirs in order to get a son, and when their object is fulfilled they offer a preparation of Til (sesainum) and sugar called Rewadi, and other sweets called Chonge, Malinda and Pedhe at the time of Moharram. They also give Fakiri to their sons in the tabut season. Some of them even bring a tabut and Nal saheb to their houses, and spend much money on them for illuminations, etc. They dance from one Nalpir to the other saying that the Nalpir has entered their bodies. While going through the streets they cry out very loudly the words 'Yalli Dhulla'. The holiday of the Moharram is obsereved for ten days. On the tenth day the tabuts and the Nalpirs are taken 2 School Master, Chauk, Kolaba. 4 School Master, Poladpur, Kolaba. School Master, Chowl, Kolaba. School Master; Bhuwan, Thana. 10 School Master, Shirgaon, Thana. 11 School Master, Shirosi, Thana.

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FOLKLORE OF THE KONK.IN to the river for the purpose of immersion. To walk round Pipal and Umbar trees, to While returning home from the river with the circuinambulate the temple of a particular bundle of the Patka of Nalpir on their heads deity, and to make vows to that deity, to recite they cry out loudly the following words: or have recited the holy scripture Harivansha, "Alabiddyo ala bidasha ya Husan bani arc methods in practice for cure of barrenness alidoshake sultan albida". On the third day at Achre in the Malwan taluka of the after the immersion of tabuts into the river, Ratnagiri District. the Pirs devotees kill a goat in the name of At Vijayadurg in the Ratnagiri District, it their patron Pir and make a preparation of is believed that beatirg a wonian at the time the goat's flesh called Konduri 1 of an eclipse is one of the surest methods of The following rites are in vogue for the curing barrenness. Some people give charity, cure of barrenness in the village of Dabhol in observe fasts, worship certain deities and the Ratnagiri District.-(1) Walking round make vows to them to obtain children.7 the Pipal tree daily; (2) Observing a fast for At Ubhadanda in the Ratnagiri District, sixteen successive Mondays; (3) Performing stealing the idol of Krishna when it is being the worship of Shiva after observing the worshipped on the 8th day of the dark half aforesaid fast.2 of Shrawan (August), the birth day of the At Kalshe in the Malwan taluka of the god Krishna, and putting a cocoanut or a Ratnagiri District a barren woman is required betelnut in its place is believed to be the best to walk round a Pipal tree every day in the nethod of curing barrenness, morning, and if the barrenness be attributed At Chauk in the Kolaba District, the same to the disfavour of any deity or the attack of plan of stealing the idol of the god Krishna is an evil spirit, the same deity or the evil spirit observed as a cure for barrenness. But here is invoked and worshipped by the woman her the idol is returned with great pomp, and re placed in its original place after the birth of a self, or through a medium who knows the child. The godlings Hanuman and Bawan appropriate mode of worship. Vir are also worshipped for the cure of To steal an earthen image of the God barrenness. Ganpati, to make a cross or a Swastika on the At Poladpur in the Kolaba District the bodies of children with marking nut, and the favourite method of curing barrenness is to worship of the god Maruti or some other obtain copper amulets and black or red cotton powerful deity at midnight in the no noon by strings from a Fakir 10 a barren woman, after divesting herself of lier The following are the methods in vogue for clothes, are rural methods for the cure of the care of barrenness at Khopoli in the barrenness observed at Anjarle and other Kolaba District. places in the Dapoli taluka of the Ratnagiri District. (1) To inquire from a sorcerer the cause At Bandivade in the Ratnagiri District of barrenness, and then to perform the rites copper amulets and black cotton strings are mentioned by him. used to cure barrenness. Some people make (2) To use copper amulets and cotton vows to a particular deity, and some perform strings taken from a Mantrik i, e., one well the site of Nagabali." versed in the mantras. 1 Rao Saheb Shelle, Kolapur. 3 School Master, Kalsbe, Ratnagiri. 5 School Master, Bandivade, Ratnagiri. 7 School Master, Vijayadurg, Ratnagiri. . School Master, Chauk, Kolaba. * School Master, Dabhol, Ratnagiri. School Master, Anjarle, Ratnagiri. 6 School Master, Achre, Ratnagiri. * School Master, Ubhadanda, Ratnagiris 10 School Master, Poladpur, Kolaba.

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48 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY (3) To walk round the Tulsi (basil) At Wade in the Thana District,women make plant or the Pipal or Banyan tree daily in the rows even to minor deities such as Chedoba morning after worshipping it. to get rid of barrenness. They also use copper (4) To feed another woman's child, or tu amulets and cotton strings procured from a give milk to a child, 1 sorcerer well versed in the use of mantras, At Nata in the Kolaba District, & Woman At Dahigaon in the Thana District the wishing to have a child is required to strike worship of the god Shri Satya Narayan is with a knife the Jack, the Tamarind, and the held to cure barrenness. Some women also Cham pa trees during an eclipse. It is believed distribute to the poor jagri equal to the that by so doing the woman will bear a child, weight of a child, and the trees will also bear flowers and fruits. At Dehari in the Murbad taluka of the At Medhe in the Roha taluka of the Kolaba Thana District, the village deity Dehari Mata District, the following methods are in vogue is invoked and worshipped by women for the for the cure of barrenness: cure of barrenness. In the Kolhapur District, (1) To worship the god Shiva and to the help of the family deities and of the observe fasts on Mondays. household deities is invoked. Women take (2) To worship the god Ganpati and to turns round the Banyan, Pipal and Umbar, observe fasts on Sankasthi chaturthi i. e., the trees. Some make rows to the gods, and fourth day of the dark half of every month. perform certain propitiatory rites as well as (3) To walk round the temple of Maruti the Narayan Nagabali. It is believed that and Pipal and Umbar trees every day, in the the children do not live long if a member of the morning. family has killed a snake, or if the funeral At Padaghe in the Bhiwandi taluka of the rites of a person in the family have remained unperformed. The following ceremony is Thana District, images of Rama and Krishna known as Narayan Nagabali. A snake is made are put into the lap of a barren woman on from the flour of Rala (panie seed), and their respective birthdays i.e., the 9th day of another made of gold is put into it. It is then the bright half of Chaitra, and the 8th day burnt like a 'dead budy. All the ordinary of the dark half of Shrawan, Coconuts are funeral rites are performed. After performing also placed in her lap with these images, the eleventh day rites, homa, i.e., sacred fire, At Manikpur in the Thana District the is kindled at night time, and after keeping goddess Shitala is worshipped by women to vigil for the whole night, milk and a dakshana cure barrenness. They observe fasts, and go are given to Brahmans. A feast is given to to the temple of the goddess bare-footed with eleven Brahmans on that day. On the twelfth day sixteen Bralmans are fed, and on the their hair loose and throwing milk on their thirteenth, five Brahmans are given a feast, path. They offer to the goddess wooden cradles after performing the Shruddha rites. On the and children's toys in fulfilment of their fourteenth day, again, a feast is given to about vows. 5 100 to 500 Bralmans according to the means At Shirgaon in the Mahim taluka of the of the lost. It is believed that, after the perThana District, it is said that the repetition formance of these rites, the soul of the deceased of the mantra" Santan Gopal jay" is resorted reaches heaven, and there is an end to the to as a cure for barrenness. troubles and misfortunes of the family.10 1 School Master, Khopoli, Kolaba. 3 School Master, Medhe, Kolaba, 5 School Master, Manikpur, Thana. School Master, Wade, Thana. 9 School Master Dehari, Thana. 2 School Master; Nata, Kolaba. School Master, Padagbe, Thana 6 School Master, Shirgaon, Thana. . School Master, Dahigaon, Thana. 10 Rao SAheb Shelke, Kolhipur.

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CHAPTER V. THE WORSHIP OF THE MALEVOLENT DEAD. At Ubhadanda in the Ratnagiri District the black substances excepting a lotus, a horse, following dreams are believed to be lucky and an elephant, and a deity are considered propitions. To swim through the river or inauspicious 3 sea, to rise to the sky, to see the sun, the At Ibhrampur in the Chiplun taluka, hormoon and the other planets, to eat meat, to rible dreams are good omens, while pleasing bathe in blood, and to eat rice and curds. It dreams indicate approaching calamities. is also believed that the sight of white objects At Pendur in the Ratnagiri District it is in dreams foretells success in any work or believed that dreams foretell future events. undertaking that may be in view. A deity, a' It is believed that the dream will prove correct Brahman, a king, a married woman decked and effective if the person dreaming has asked with ornaments, a bullock, a mountain, trees three questions and received three answers full of fruits, climbing the Umber tree, a in his dream. Those dreams which are caused looking-glass, meat and flowers, if seen in through cold are called Jalap. They are dreams, are good omens. Climbing the generally false dreams, and no good omens are Palas tree, Warul, i. e, an ant heap, the bitter derived therefrom." line tree, to marry, to use red clothes or red At Basani in the Ratnagiri District it is flower garlands, to eat cooked meat, to see the believed that the ancestors who take interest som and the moon without lustre, and to see 'in the welfare of their descendants appear in shooting stars during dreams, are said to be dreams and foretell future events, so that the bad omens. 1 dreaming person may take the needful precauAt Mitbav in the Devgad taluka of the tions for the prevention of future calamities. Ratnagiri District dreams are believed to At Kalse in the Malwan taluka of the be caused by indigestion and restlessness. Ratnagiri District it is believed that dreams in To embrace a dead body in a dream, to see the last part of the night, i, e., just before daybreak, and in which great men are seen, troubled waters, to dine heartily, are said to be generally prove effective. If anybody sees bad omens. Feasting friends and receiving ving himself married in a dream it is supposed that gifts from them are said to be good omens 2 he will hear of the death of some relative.? At Fonde in the Ratnagiri District dreams At Chauk in the Kolaba District it is are said to indicate things that have happened, believed that, when calamities are threatened, or are about to happen in the near future, the guardian deity of the family as well as All white substances other than cotton, salt, the dead ancestors appear in dreams and give und bones, arc considered auspicious, and all warnings of the coming calamities 8 1 School Master, Ubbadanda, Ratnagiri. 3 School Master, Fonde, Ratnagiri. 5 School Master, Pendur, Ratnagiri. 1 School Master, Kalse, Ratnagiri. : School Master, Mitbav, Ratnagiri. 4 School Master, Ibhrampur, Ratnagiri. & School Master, Bazani, Ratnagiri. & School Master, Chauk, Kolaba.

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50 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY The people of Poladpur in the Kolaba the fourth within one month, and those caused District believe in dreams, and when some of at daybreak are realized iminediately. their deities appear in dreams and give them At Kolhapur, dreams are believed to be advice or directions, they are careful to follow caused through some mentai derangement or them. Sometimes even evil spirits appear in bodily disorder. It is customary to derive dreams, and advise the people to do certain omens from dreams, but their nature greatly omens from dreams. but their things to avert calamitics. People who have depends upon the diffrent times at which faith in such spirits act according to their these dreanis occur. The dreams caused in wishes, and if they fail to do so, trouble the latter part of the night, i.e., just before is sure to follow.1 daybreak, are believed to come true. The people of Khopoli in the Kolaba At Ubhadanda in the Vengurla taluka it is District believe that if a person sees in a believed that the soul of a person leaves the dream the dead body of a near relative, it body temporarily during his sleep; hence it indicates that the person whose corpse was is said that no changes or marks of colour, etc., seen in the dream will live long.? should be made on the body of a person during At Birwadi in the Kolaba District it is sleep, because it is believed that, while believed that if a person soes a snake in a returning, the soul identifies the body, and if dream, a son will be born to lim; if he sees a it is satisfied with the marks of the body it hell, le is sure to get wealth. If he sees gold, enters it; otherwise it might not return.8 it is a sure sign of losing wealth. Again, if a At Adivare it is believed that only Hindu person sees himself taking bis nieals in a dreain, saints and ascetics, after deep and devout it indicates that his death is nigb at hand. ineditation, are capable of removing the soul At Malad in the Thana District, omens are from the body. It is believed that i heir souls derived from dreams. In case of bad dreams go to heaven during that period and return at the god Vishnu is remembered, and the gods pleasure. At present there are no such sadkus Shankar and Maruti are also worshipped. in the district. At Belapur, wood, cow dung cakes and Many Hindus in the Ratnagiri District turbid water, if seen in dreams, foretell believe that the soul goes to drink water at calamities. White clothes, beautiful flowers, night, and therefore keer a pot filled with and food containing sweetmeat are considered water at their sleeping place.10 auspicious. The people of Chaul in the Kolaba District At Murbad in the Thana District it is do not consider it possible ordinarily for the believed that all black things, and white things soul to leave the body, but they state that the such as ashes, are inauspicious when seen Swami of Alandi, who died in or about the year in dreams, but a black cow, white flowers, and pearls are auspicious. Considering the 1886, used to remove his soul from the body four parts of the night, the dreams that occur by means of Yoga,11 in the first part prove effective within one At Kolbapur, it is believed that the soul year, that of the second part within six months, leaves the body temporarily at night when a that of the third within three months, and of person is asleep. 12 1 School Master, Poladpur, Kolaba. 3 School Master, Birwadi, Kolaba. 5 School Master, Belapar, Thana. 7 Rao Saheb Shelke, Kolbapur. 9 School Master, Adivare, Ratnagiri. 11 School Master, Chaul, Kolaba. 2 School Master, Khopoli, Kolaba. * School Master, Malad, Thana. 6 School Master, Bhuwan, Murbad, Thana. & School Master, Ubhadanda, Ratnagiri. 10 School Master, Kalebe, Ratnagiri. * Rao Sabeb Shelle,

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FOLKLORE OF THE KONKAN 51 At Bankavali in the Dapoli taluka, it is! Pir becomes able to speak in the Hindi langubelieved that ghosts or evil spirits have the age although it may not be her mother tongue. form of a human being, but their feet are When a child or a person is suffering from the turned backwards. They can assume any attacks of a spirit, incense is burnt, and it at form they choose. Their character is ordinarily once begins to tell the whereabouts of the to trouble the people, but when satisfied they spirit and the reason why the person has been are said to prove friendly. The following attacked. He is then asked to state what be story is narrated of a person who went to wants, and when the things which the spirit reside in one of the villages of the Konkan wants are offered, it goes away. Spirits are His wife was first attacked by a ghost called generally invisible. Girba The Girha troubled him much by! The spirits that belong to the class of maligplaying mischief in his house, vis: by taking nant Bhuts are of a ferocious appearance ; away eatables or by mixing dirt in his food, but those that belong to the class of friendly At night he used to divest the couple of their Bhuts possess bodies like human beings. clothes, and on one occasion an ornament was removed by the spirit from the person of the believed that spirits are cruel by nature and wife. Tired of these annoyances, the man left have no shadow, that they are capable of taking the village and went to reside at a distance, any form they like, and can perform miracles. when, to the astonishment of the public, it At Pendur it is believed that Bhuts eat happened that the ornament which was lost at chillies, and that they do not speak with human the old village was restored to the man's wife beings. Spirits are said to remove and conwhile she was asleep in the new village, and ceal their victims for a certain period of nobody knew who brought it there. All this time." At Vijayadurg, a Bhut is considered was believed to be the work of the Girha,1 to be of mean character. People perform At Ubhadanda in the Vengurla taluka certain rites to bring it under subjection, people believe that a Bhut is fierce in aspect | Their actions are always contrary to nature, and very troublesome, but when its wishes are When a person begins to cry, dance, to eat coraplied with, it becomes harmless. forbidden things, etc., he is said to be attacked The Bhuts reside in jungles, burial or cremation by a Bhut. When there is enmity betgrounds, old trees, sacred groves and deserted ween two persons, the one who dies tirst houses. They assume all sorts of shapes and becomes a sambandh and troubles his living forms. Sometimes they appear very tall, and enemy." At Basani, there is a belief that they can instantly assume the shape of a dog, there are two kinds of spirits. Some ain at the welfare of the people, and others are a cat, a tiger, or any other animal. Some always troublesome. As they have no regular ghosts are even seen fishing on the banks of form they cannot easily be recognised. They rivers, can change their forms at any time. At Mitbav in the Desgad taluka it is The character of a Bhut is to trouble believed that the souls of those who die with people and to take revenge on an old enemy. their wishes unfulfilled take the form of a A person attacked by a spirit speaks Bhut. They enter the bodies of people. incoherently and acts like a mad man. In such Any woman who is attacked by the Bhut of a cases the leaves of the herb satap are used. 1 School Mas'er, Bankavali, Ratnagiri, 3 School Master, Mitbav, Ratnkgiri. 5 School Master, Naringre, Ratnagiri. 1 School Master, Vijayadurg, Ratnagiri. * School Master, Ubbadanda, Ratnagiri. * School Master, lbbrampur, Ratnagiri. 6 School Master, Peadur, Ratnagiri, 8 School Master, Basani, Ratnagiri,

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52 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY speak. 1 The leaves are pounded and put under the it is said that the cow which is given to a Brahpatient's nose. In a few minutes, the person man while performing the funeral rites of a who is possessed by the spirit begins to dead person helps him to reach heaven. He gets there by catching hold of her tail. There are The people of Chauk in the Kolaba District three paths to the other world. They are believe that the main function of a Bhut is to Bhaktimarga, Karmamarga, and Yogamarga. frighten people, to beat them, and to make them The Karmamarga is believed to be superior to perform unpleasant tasks and thereby to obtain all.8 At Malad, a belief prevails that the path food from them. At Poladpur it is believed to the other world is through the Himalayas. that if a person is able to bring a Bhut under While going through the mountains of the his control he can make it do every kind of Himalayas, souls find happiness or sorrow work for himself. The people of Abshi believe according to their actions in life-time. The that kindling fire without any reason and people also believe that the soul returns every throwing stones at certain houses are the main month on the date of the man's death to accept functions of Bhuts. At Vavashi in the Pen Kagvas i, e, cooked food given to the manes, taluka, it is believed that Bhuts, while walking, and reaches heaven at the end of one year. never touch the earth but always move through At Dahigaum in the Murbad taluka, it is the air, and that they have no shadow. The customary among the Hindus to smear with old men of Shirgaum in the Mahim taluka cow dung the place fron, which a dead body has advise young children not to respond to the call been removed to the burning ground. The of any body at night unless the person calling place is then covered with rice flour, and is is an acquaintance. For such calls are some hidden under a basket, an oil-lamp being kept, times those of an evil spirit. burning near by. The persons who accompany In the Kulhapur District, it is believed that the corpse return home to look at the lamp, and the character of a Bhut is like that of a humanit is believed that the soul of the deceased will being. When a person is attacked by a spirit, pass to any creature or species of which a great change is observed in his language and footprints are seen on the rice flour 10 actions. He begins to speak in the language At Kolhapur it is believed that the soul of a of the Bhut by which he is attacked. If the person after death attains that state to which ghost is of the female sex, the person speaks the he aspires at the last moment before his death. language of females. It is believed that the Virtuous persons who die without any desire souls of those who have been murdered or tor- reach heaven and remain there in the form of tored assume the form of a spirit known as the stars, where they are believed to enjoy the Sambandh, and trouble the murderer or the happiness of heaven. Some of them are sent torturer, by entering his body. It is said that in to this world when they wish to return, Sinners some cases the spirit does not leave the body of are said to reach hell in consequence of their such a person till he dies, thus exacting revenge misdeeds, but some remain in this world in the for his past misdeeds. In Khopoli in Ratnagiri form of Bhuts, 11 1 School Master, Chawl, Kolaba, 2 School Master, Cbauk, Kolaba. 3 School Master, Poladpur, Kolaba. 4 School Master, Aksbi, Kolaba. 5 School Master, Vavashi, Kolaba. & School Master, Shirgaum, Thana. RooSAheb Shelse, Kolkapur. * School Master, Kbopoli, Kolaba . School Master, Malad, Thana. 10 School Master, Dahigaon, Thana. 11 RAo Saheb Shelke, Kolhapur.

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FOLKLORE OF THE KONKAN 53 The people of Achare in the Malwan taluka hearing, while the people of Naringre hold believe that the souls of persons who die by that the hair is the best way for spirits to nccident return to the same caste, and have to enter. The residents of Iblirampur state remain there till the expiry of an appointed that the mouth and the nose are the favourite period. 1 channels for spirits entering human bodies, The people of Chauk believe that persons At Mitbay it is believed that spirits attack dying a sudden or violent death leare wishes people in the throat, and generally only those unfulfilled, and are therefore compelled to persons who are uncleanly in their habits are remain in this world in the form of Bhuts.2 liable to be attacked. There are no special At Rai in the Salsette taluka it is believed ways for entering human bodies.11 At Chaula that the souls of those dying a sudden or violent belief prevails that spirits enter the body death attain salvation according to their deeds when a person is suffering from any disease or in lifetime, but it is a current belief that those when he is frightened, 12 committing suicide take the form of a ghost, In the Konkan, people attempt to find good and those who die on battlefields attain eternal or bad omens in sneezing. It depends upon the salvation, time and the position or standing of the person At Kolhapur, it is believed that the souls of who sneezes. If a sick person sneezes it is those who die violent deaths do not attain presumed that he will recover from his illness salvation, but are turned into ghosts. within a very short period, but if the sneezing The people of Ubhadanda in the Vengurla is caused by the use of tobacco or snuff, no good taluka believe that Bhuts do not possess or bad omens are drawn 13 Sneezing at the visible huinan forms. They can assume any time of conversation or when conten:plating any shapes they like, but there is a conimon belief particular task or business is held to be that che hands and feet of Bhuts are always inauspicious. Hence if anybody sneezes at turned backwards. the beginning of a task, or at the time of The most favourable tiines for spirits to starting out on any such task, the time is enter human bodies are midday, midnight and unfavourable. Yawning is said to be caused twilight. Women in delivery as well as by a relative or friend remembering the person those in their menses are most liable to be who yawns.14 In ancient times happiness and attacked by spirits,? It is generally believed calamities were foretold by a voice from the that persons adorned with ornaments are sky, and in modern days they are expressed by attacked by spirits, especially in cases of sneezing. People have much faith in sneezing, women and children. Again, a common belief and often inquire whether it is a good or bad prevails in the Konkan that persons, and omen to sneeze at the beginning of any work or particularly ladies, decked with flowers and undertaking.15 ornaments are more liable to be attacked by If a man sneezes with his face towards the spirits than others. The people of Fonda west, it is considered auspicious. If a man are of opinion that spirits generally enter and sneezes while contemplating any task or busileave human bodies through the organ of ness, the sneezing is considered inauspicious, 1 School Master, Achare, Ratnagiri. * School Master, Chauk, Kolaba. 3 School Master, Rai, Thana, * Rao Saheb Shelke, Kolhapur. School Master, Ubhadanda, Ratnagiri. 6 School Master, Anjarle, Ratnagiri, 1 School Master, Rai, Thana. & School Master, Bandivade, Ratnagiri. o Shool Master, Fonde, Ratnagiri, 10 School Master, Ibhrampur, Ratnagiris 11 School Master, Mitbav, Ratnagiri. 12 School Master, Chawl, Kolaba, 3 School Master, Pendur, Ratnagiri. 14 School Master, Ubhadar-la, Ratnagiri. 15 School Master, Bandivade, Ratnagiri.

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54 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY Sneezing at the time of taking food i.e. while appearance, it is believed to be a demon at meals, while sleeping, and while sitting on a reborn. Such a child is supposed to bring bad luck to the family. The Konkan people praying carpet is considered auspicious, Snee believe that in former days Rakshasas, or zing with one's face turned towards the north, malevolent demons, used to be tall, ugly, black, the south, and the east is also unlucky, with long and lose hair, big teeth), and with In the case of Bhagats and exorcists yawn their forelicads painted with red lead, or ing is considered to indicate that the disense shendur. They could assume any form they will disappear.2 liked, were powerful, and could fly in the air, In the Konkan it is believed that sneezing and They were fond of human flesh. The yawning indicate the call of death, and therefore people of Khopoli believe that Khavis is the it is customary ainong the Hindus to snap the ghost of an African Sidhi. This spirit is thumb and the middle finger at the time of very nalevolent, and exorcists find it very yawning, and to repeat the words Shatanjiva difficult to bring it under control. A strong i, e. Live for hundred years, at the time of belief prevnils in the Konkan districts that sneezing. Sneeziug on a threshold is belier-1 those attacked by the spirits of non-Hindus ed to forebode evil, are beyond cure. At Kolhapur, people believe that sneezing According to the belief of the people in the and yawning forebode evil, and the practice is Kollapur District, Brahma Rakskusa is one of to repeat the following words at the time of the most powerful spirits. It takes up its sneezing and yawning, viz, Shatanjiva i e. Live abode in the sacred Pipal tree, and when it a hundred years, and also to repeat the name of attacks a person, little hope is entertnined of Ram, while snapping the thumb and finger his delivery from its grasp. 19 (chutaki). In the case of a person suffering The following are the principal malifrom a serious illness, sneezing is supposed gnant spirits of the Konkan. to indicate a cure. If a woman sneezes while (1) Vetal, (2) Brahmagraha, (3) Sama man speaks, it is lucky, and if a man sneezes bandhas, (4) Devachar, (5) Munja, (6) Khait is unlucky. The reverse is the case in vis, (7) Girha (8) Chetak, (9) Zoting, respect of females." (10) Vir, (11) Cheda, (12) Mhasoba, (13) In the Konkan, Rikshasas, or malevolent i Jakhin or Alwant, (14) Larsnnt, and (15) Haspirits, are believed to be very cruel These dal evil spirits are held in great fear, and people (1) Vetal is believed to be the King of try to avoid giving then offence. It is sup- Spirits 11 Vetal is considered to be a deity posed that to cause displeasure to these denions and not an evil spirit. It enters into the may bring about death. With a view to pro- body of an exorcist and helps him to drivo pitiate them, offerings of cocks and goats are a way other evil spirits. 12 made to them every year regularly on fixed (2) Brahmagraha is the ghost of a Brahdays. If a woman gives birth to a child which man well versed in the Vedas, but who is over is extraordinary or horrible in size and proud of his education 13 1 School Master, Khopoli, Kolaba. 2 School Master, Chawl, Kolaba, 3 School Master, Vavanje, Kolaba. School Master, Umbergaon, Thang 5 Rao Sabeb Shelke, Kolhapur. * School Master, Ubbadanda, Ratnagiri. * School Master, Fonde, Ratnagiri. & School Master, Adivan, Ratnagiri. 9 School Master, Khopoli, Kolaba. 10 Rao Saheb Shelke, Kolbapur. 11 School Master, Anjarle, Ratnagiri. u School Master, Shirgaon, Thana. 13 School Master, Ubbadanda, Ratnagiri.

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FOLKLORE OF THE KONKAN 55 Dilililo (3) Sambandha is the spirit of a person deceives persons at night by calling them by who dies without an heir, and whose funeral their names and leading them into false paths. cites have not been performed by any member It often troubles people while crossing rivers or of his family. It troubles the members of creeks at night, and leads them to places where the family, but when invoked through a Bha- the water is very deep. It is said that the gat it becomes harmless, and even favour spirit Girha becomes the regular slave of a able to the family. It is the spirit of a person who takes possession of the hair of its covetous person or a sanyasi who dies with head, and gives him anything that he requires. his desires unfulfilled. It does not allow It requests the person to return its hair, but anybody to enjoy his wealth, and takes this should not be given under any circumrevenge on an enemy till death ensues. It stances. For, if the Girha gets back its hair haunts trees, wells and unoccupied houses. all sorts of misfortunes will befall the man 11 (4) Devachar is the spirit of a Shudra who (8) Chetak is the ghost of a person of dies after his marriage. These (Devachar) | the Kunbi or Shadra caste. 12 This spirit is spirits are said to reside on the four sides of a also known as Dav. village. The spirits which reside in barial (9) Zoting is the ghost of a man belonging or cremation grounds, on river banks, and in to the Kharvi or Koli caste13 It is also said old trees are said to be subordinate to these. to be the ghost of a Musalman, 14 Cocoanuts, plantains, sugar, cocks and goats 1 (10) Vir is the ghost of an unmarried must be given annually to gain their favour. Person belonging to the Kshatriya com (5) Munja is the spirit of a Brahman boy munity13 It is also said to be the ghost of a who dies immediately after his thread ceremony, Rajput or a Purbhaya (Pardeshi.) but before the final ceremony called Sod-munj (11) Cheda is the ghost of an unmarried is complete. It does not greatly affect its Mahar. It resides on mountains, in jungles, victim but simply frightens. When it attacks, and the outskirts of the village 19 Cheda it is difficult to drive out. It is cast out only attacks domestic animals. It haunts fields and when the patient makes a pilgrimage to a holy farms, and resides at public places where the shrine. It resides in a Pipal tree or in a well. Holi fires are annully kindled. To avoid (6) Khayis is the spirit of a Musalman or being troubled by it, people offer annual a non-Hindu. It is also the spirit of a Mahar sacrifices of fowls and goats, 17 Or 4 Mang 8 (12) Mhisoba is the lord of the ghosts, (7) Girha is the ghost of a person who and is equal in might to Vetal 18 dies by drowning, or of a murdered person. (13) Jakhin or Alwant. Jakhin is the Girha is not very powerful, and obeys the orders ghost of a woman who has a husband alive. of the exorcists. It only frightens and troubles Alwant is believed to be the spirit of a woman people.10 It lives by the water side, and dying at childbirth or during her menses, 1 Rao Sabeb Shelse, Kolhapur. * School Master, Chauk, Kolaba. 5 School Master, Khopoli, Kolaba. Rao Saheb Sholke, Kolhapur. * School Master, Khopoli, Kolaba. 11 School Master, Anjarle, Ratnagiri 13 Rao Sebeb Shelke, Kolbapur. 15 School Master, Basani, Ratnagiri, 11 School Master, Anjarle, Ratnagiri. * School Master, Basani, Ratnagiri, * School Master, Ubbadanda, Ratnagiri. School Master, Anjarle, Ratnagiri. & School Master, Chowl, Kolaba, 10 School Master, Shirgaon, Thana! 12 School Master, Bankavli, Ratnagiri. 14 School Master, Basani, Ratnagiri. 16 School Master, Sbirgaon, Thana. 18 School Master, Sbirgaon, Thana.

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56 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY It resides at burial or cremation grounds. they favour any person, he enjoys health and Persons attacked by this spirit are taken to happiness for a period of twelve years. But Narsoba's Wadi or Gangapur, which are after that period he is ruined. In addition to celebrated as shrines for the removal of the varieties of malignant spirits already desz cribed, the following spirits are known at malignant spirits, Shirgaon in the Mahim taluka of the Thana (14) Larsat is the ghost of a widow. It District. They are-Hiriva, Waghoba, Araras, generally resides in burial and burning Gangud, Saitan and Chaitannadya. The spirit grounds, and attacks domestic animals and known as Hirma requires the offerings of a their calves. It is also said to tear clothes and bow and an arrow, bhang, bajri bread, and a eat corpses. chatni of garlic. The Waghoba haunts jungles (15) Hadal or Hedali is the ghost of a and troubles domestic animals. Cocoanuts and woman who dies within ten days of childbirth lamps of ghi are offered to it. Asaras are the or during her menses. It is supposed to be deities that dwell in water. They inf'esc the an evil spirit, but it can be kept in check by the wells and ponds, and attack women and children use of a cane. It attacks all sorts of persons, at noon time and in the evening. Red lead, but leaves them as soon as it is beaten. caroanuts, flowers, parched rice (lahya) and This spirit is also known as Dakan in the nadapudi are given to them.10 At Ibhrampur in the Ratnagiri District it Kolhapur district.4 Satavi is the ghost of a is said that the evil spirit Zoting goes about woman. It troubles women in childbirth, and headless 11 kills their children on the 5th or 6th day after The people of Medhe in the Rohe taluka their birth." Shakini is the ghost of an believe that the spirit known as Girha, which unmarried girl. Talkhamba is the ghost of resides in water, goes about headless, 12 an unmarried Shudra or a person from the low castes. The people of Vijayadrug believe At Shirgaon in the Mahim taluka it is beliethat one wbo hates and troubles the Brahmans ved that the spirit Hirna goes about headless, It troubles human beings and animals. The sea and speaks ill of their religious duties becomes and the jungle are its places of abode. To a Brahma Sambandha after death.7 At Polad avoid being troubled by it, bhang, cocoanuts, pur in the Kolaba District the ghost Bapa is fowls are given to it.13 represented by a stone painted with red lead The people of Dahigaon in the Murbad and oil and placed at the boundary of a field taluka believe that the Bhut known as Peesa It is the guardian of the field, and protects the goes about headless 14 owners' interests. Offerings are made to it Some evil spirits haunt trees such as the annually. If the annual offerings are neglect Pipal, Babhul and Adulsa. Some have their ed, it troubles the owner of the field. It also haunts on a public road where three streets troubles others when disturbed. 8 meet, or in a dirty place, some haunt old The spirits known as Kalkaiche Bhut and houses, and the rest prefer to reside in Bahirobache Bhut are not troublesome. When burial and burning grounds 15 School Master, Ubhadanda, Ratnagiri. 2 School Master, Chauk, Kolaba, 3 School Master, Khopol, Kolaba. 4 Rao Saheb Shelke, Kolhapur. 5 School Master, Chauk, Kolaba, & School Master, Basani, Ratnagiri, * School Master, Vijayadurg, Ratnagiri. & School Master, Poladpur, Kolaba. 9 School Master, Khopoli, Kolaba, 10 School Master, Shirgaon, Thang 11 School Master, Ibhrampur, Ratnagiri. 12 School Master, Medbe, Kotaban 13 School Master, Shirgaon, Thana. 14 School Master, Dabigaon, bana 15 Rao Sabeb Shelko, Kolhapur.

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FOLKLORE OF THE KONKAN Many spirits dwell in burial or cremation grounds, Among them are Vetal, Jakhin, Khavis, Khaprya, Zoting, Dav, Girha, Alavat and Lavsat.1 The spirits Munja and Sambandh are said to reside near houses and old trees that pro-duce sweet smelling flowers. The spirits Devchar and Chalegat are said to reside at the four corners or the boundary of a village.2 It is believed that all kinds of spirits assemble at night at the funeral ground when a body is burnt or buried.3 The evil spirits known as Khavis, Zoting and Kafri are said to dwell. on mountains and in jungles; while the others named Sambandha, Jakhin, Hadal and Lavsat are said to reside -on trees,1 Munja resides in the Pipal tree. Sambandha dwells in the Banyan, Pipal and Umbar trees. It is supposed to be a guardian of buried treasure.5 At Murbad in the Thana District, it is believed that an evil spirit known as Hadal infests the tamarind trees." In the Kolhapur District it is believed that the ghosts of persons dying on battlefields infest mountains and jungles, and the evil spirit known as Sambandh infests trees," Generally in the Konkan, and specially in the Ratnagiri District, young mothers and their children are supposed to be liable to the attacks of the spirits Satavi, Avagat, Alavant, Jakhin, Devchar and Chulegat 8 At Khopoli in the Kolaba District it is believed that a young mother and her child are generally attacked by the spirit of the dead wife of her husband, or by a Hadal or Lavsat. The spirit that attacks a woman 1 School Master, Mitbav, Ratnagiri. 3 School Master, Ibhrampur, Ratnagiri 5 School Mister, Chauk, Kolaba, + Rao Saheb Shelke, Kolbapur. School Master, Khopoli, Kolaba, 11 Rao Saheb Shelke, Kolhapur. 13 School Master, Bankavli, Ratnagiri, during her childbirth is difficult to drive out. The spirits are always afraid of cleanliness, and therefore, where there is cleanliness, there is very little fear of their attacks". 57 The people of Shirgaon believe that the fiend known as Hedli attacks a young mother and her child. The Bhutya, or the sorcerer, makes use of his cane and of the dirty incense known as Nurkya Uda, and compels her to speak and to ask for what she wants. Sometimes she speaks and asks for the things required. Boiled rice and curds, and oil with red lead are given to her. When she leaves the body, the person becomes insensible for a short time,10 The fiend known as Hadal, and other evil spirits of the female sex, generally attack a young mother and her child. They are generally attacked by these fiends on a public cross road where three roads meet, or under a Babhul tree, and also at wells.11 At Ubhadanda in the Vengurla taluka it is believed that those who are killed by tigers or other wild beasts are born as kings in the next generation 12 On the other hand the people of Bankavli are of opinion that those who suffer death at the hands of tigers and other wild beasts are turned into spirits. The spirit of a person killed by a tiger is called Vaghvir 13 At Achare it is believed that persons killed by lions and tigers attain salvation, while those killed by inferior beasts go to hell.14 The people of Ibhrampur believe that unmarried persons killed by tigers or other wild beasts take the form of a ghost. Males become Girhas and females become Jakhins and. Lavsats 15 2 School Master, Fonde, Ratnagiri. School Master, Ibhrampur, Ratnagiri. School Master, Murbad, Thana. 8 School Master, Achare, Ratnagiri. 10 School Master, Shirgaon, Thana. 12 School Master, Ubhadanda, Ratnagiri. 14 School Master, Achare, Ratnagiri. School Master, Ibhrampur, Ratnagiri.

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58 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY At Pendur it is believed that persons killed A knife or some other sharp weapon is kept by tigers and other wild beasts become under the bed of the woman in order that the Brahma Rakshasa. The same form is assum- mother and her child may not be attacked by ed by those who die by accident. A murdered a spirit. man becomes a Devachar.1 The chief reason for ensuring the correct In the District of Kolhapur a belief pre-moment for the birth is that, if the birth takesvails that the spirits of those killed by tigers place at an unlucky hour, special rites are or other wild beasts assume the form of necessary for averting the evil effects. These ghosts. It is also believed that persons who rites consist in the recitation of certain holy die before they are married do not attain mantras and in giving presents of money. salvation, and therefore it is considered in- sessamum, jagri, clarified butter, etc., to the auspicious among the Hindus to remain Brahmans and alms to the poor. unmarried. This is the real reason why the At Medhe in the Rohe taluka, it is customary majority of the Hindus marry their children for the father to throw a stone in a well, a pond, at an early age. or a river at the birth of his son, and then to The ghost of a woman dying in childbirth look at the face of the child. or during her menses assumes the form of An owl is considered to be a bird of such Alwant. For the purpose of preventing the evil repute that, in all parts of the Konkan, it dead woman turning into a ghost the following is considered necessary to perform expiatory device is adopted. The corpse, instead of being rites when an owl perches on the roof. If burnt as usual, is buried underground, and four these rites are not performed, it is firmly iron nails are fixed at the four corners of the believed that some evil will befall the members spot on which the body is buried, and plants of the family. Various omens are drawn from bearing red flowers are planted thereon.3 the cries of the bird Pingla, and these cries At Bankavli it is believed that the ghost of are known as Kilbil, Chilbil and Khit Khit 8 a woman dying in childbirt' or during her i If an owl sits on the roof of a house, it is menses assunses the form of Jakhin, while the a sure sign of coming death to a member of people of the Kolhapur District believe that it the family. assunies the form of Hadal. At Devgad in the Ratnagiri District the The special precautions that a father has sound of a bat or an owl is considered to take at the birth of a child are: inauspicious, and indicates the death of a sick To arrange for a suitable place or a room person in the house, 10 provided with the materials required for the e materials required for the At Chauk an owl is said to have some occasion, and to ensure the correct moment for connection with spirits. Its sound at night the birth of the child. No person other than indicates the approaching death of a sick a midwife is allowed to enter the room for the person in the house. One variety of the owl first ten days. A pot is kept filled with water called the pingla is supposed to foretell future and a twig of the nim tree in the entrance events by its movements and cries, while the of the house, and all persons entering the bat is considered an inauspicious bird, and house have to wash their feet with this water, its appearance forebodes coming evil 11 1 School Master, Pendur, Ratnagiri. * Rao Saheb Shelle, Kolkapur 3 School Master, Ubbadanda, Ratnagiri. * School Master, Bankavli, Ratnagiri. * Rao Saheb Shelle, Kolhpur, 6 School Master, Pendur, Ratnagiri, * School Master, Medbe, Kolaba. & School Master, Shirgaon, Thana. * School Master, Adivare, Ratnagiri, 10 School Master, Devgad, Ratnagiri. 12 School Master, Chauk, Kolaba.

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FOLKLORE OF THE KONKAN At Umbergaon people do not throw stones At Vijayadurg it is believed that a person at an owl. For it is considered that the owl who builds a house in the days of his prospemight sit and rub the stone, and that the rity and does not survive to enjoy it, becomes person throwing it will become weak and a Sambandh. He remains in that house in the wasted as the stone wears away.1 form of a ghost, and troubles every one who The people of Kolhapur do not believe that comes to stay there, excepting the members of there is any connection between the bat or owl his family. A man who buries his treasure and the spirits of the dead, but they believe underground becomes a ghost after death, that, if an owl cries out in the evening or at comes back to watch his treasure, and troubles night, it indicates the death of a sick person in those who try to remove it. the family. This applies also to the sound Unoccupied houses are generally haunted of a single pingla, but the sound of a pair of by evil spirits. At certain forts in the Konkan pinglas is considered auspicious. where battles were fought, the souls of those It is generally believed that old unoccu- slain in the battles are said to have assumed pied houses are haunted by evil spirits, the forms of spirits, and to keep a watch over Persons who wish to inhabit such houses first the forts.? perform the Vastu shanti ceremony, and give In the Kolhapur District there is a village a feast to Bralnians. In former times, in the Nigve beyond the river Panch Ganga at districts that were ruled by the Portuguese, a distance of three miles from Kolhapur, where religious persecution prevailed. To escape the soul of a person named Appaji Kulkarni from these persecutions, people were compelled has assumed the form of a Sambandh and to leave their houses unprotected. Before guards the buried treasures in his house, leaving their houses, they used to bury their When anybody tries to dig up the buried money, treasure in the ground, and on that spot the ghost enters the body of his daughter-in-law a human being or an animal was sacrificed in and begins to dance and cry out loudly, and order that the spirit of the dead should hover does not allow any one to touch bis treasure. about the place, and prevent strangers from It is also said that he strikes the ground with coming. bis stick at night. Another similar instance The evil spirits which haunt ruins and guard is cited in the case of the village of Latvade buried treasures and old forts are known as in the Shirol Peta, where Bapajipant KulkarMahapurush, Khavis, Brahma Rakshasa and ni continues to guard his house after death. Sambandh He does not allow anybody to live in the house, If there ble any buried treasure in an old and if any one is bold enough to sleep there unoccupied house, the owner of the treasure at night, the spirit of Bapuji appears and remains there in the forni of a ghost. If the throws him out of the house. The house is treasure be near the temple of a deity, it is therefore uninhabited at present. His wife supposed to be under the guardianship of that has adopted a son, but he has to live in another deity." village Vadange, 1 School Master, Umbergaon, Thana. School Master, Ubbadaada, Ratnagiri. 5 School Master, Pendur, Ratnagiri. 1 School Master, Poladpur, Kolaba. ? Rao Saheb Shelke, Kolbapur. * School Master, Adivare, Ratnagiri. . School Master, Vijayadrug, Ratnagiri. + Rao Saheb Shelle, Kolkapur.

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CHAPTER VI. THE EVIL EYE AND THE SCARING OF GHOSTS. Hindus generally believe in the effects of alum powder. The mixture is the evil eye. If an accident befall any thing waved round the patient three of value, or it undergoes any sudden change, times and then thrown into fire. it is said to be due to the effects of an evil Meanwhile the sorcerer repeats the eye. In order to escape from the influence names of all persons, things and of an evil eye, people begin the use of evil spirits suspected by him. After incantations and charms on a Sunday, this performance has been repeated Wednesday, or Thursday and finish them three times, the fire is deposited in on the third or the fifth day. Small children a public place where three roads domestic animals, and beautiful objects are meet. generally liable to be affected by an evil 4th.-If the evil eye is believed to be that eye. of a ghost, the sorcerer mutters The following are some of the methods some words to himself waves of evading the effects of an evil eye. ashes round the affected child, and blows them in the air. 18.-Dry chillies are waved round the body of the affected person and 5th.-The evil eye of a tiger is removed from an affected animal in the thrown into the fire, and if they do following manner. An oil lamp is not thereupon make a loud noise, burnt in the eye of a dead tiger it is said that the effects of an and the lamp is waved round the evil eye are averted, animal by a Mahar. The Mahar 2nd.-Mustard seed and salt are waved is given a loaf prepared from eight round the face of a child and then kinds of grain. thrown into the fire. 6th.-Copper amulets and black catton 3rd.-Alum is waved round the child and strings charmed by a sorcerer are then thrown into fire. The piece also tied round the neck or arms of of alum thus thrown is sometimes the patient, 1 believed to be changed into the form When a child is to be removed from one of a man or a woman. From this, village to another, rice is scattered at the conjectures are made as to the sex of boundary of the village, at the bridges, rivers, the person by whose evil eye the creeks, etc, that are crossed during the patient is affected. The form or the journey. Cocoanuts are waved round the child figure is then broken by a toe of the and thrown away at the boundary of the village left foot of the patient, and dry and at places supposed to be haunted by chillios, garlic, hair, rubbish from ghosts. Before entering a house in a new the house and salt are mixed in the village, a small quantity of boiled rice, bread 1 School Master, Ubhadanda, Ratnagiri,

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FOLKLORE OF THE KONKAN 61 or grains of rice are waved round the child At Ibhrampur in the Ratnagiri District, it and thrown away. It is believed that, when is believed that a person whose eyes have black ointment is applied to the eyes, checks, come under the influence of evil stars or forehead of a child, there is no fear of its possesses the power of the evil eye. Ashes being affected by an evil eye. This also are taken on a mango leaf, and charmed depends on the position of the stars at the with the mantras or incantations for an evil birth of a child. If anybody sees a beautiful eye, and then they are applied to the forehead thing and praises it, there is a chance of its of the affected person. being affected by an evil eye. It is believed The people of Poladpnr in the Kolaba District that children, animals, trees, and even wood believe the effects of an evil eye to be as and stones, are apt to be affected by an evil follows. A healthy child becomes sickly and eye. In order to avoid injury from an evil cries, a man may suffer from indigestion or loss eye, cocoanut shells or a shoe are tied on a of appetite, a cow or a she-buffalo yielding conspicuous part of a tree or a creeping plant, plenty of milk suddenly ceases to give miik black beads known as Vajrabuttu are tied or gives blood in place of it, a good image is round the necks of children, and cowries and disfigured or brokon, and even stones are shatblack beads are tied round the necks of animals. tered to pieces by the effects of an ovil eye. Even grown up persons are affected by an evil The following devices are used to ward eye. When a man is very ill or frequently be off such evil effects. A black mark is comes unconscious, cocoanuts, fowls and boiled made on the forehead of children. Black rice are waved round him and thrown away1 beads called Drustamani, and Vajrabuttu When the effects of an evil eye cannot be are tied round their necks. Marking nuts removed by ordinary methods, the evil influence and cowries tied with a black thread are is said to have entered through the bones, fastened round the necks of animals * Hadi drusta padali.' In order to remove it little black spot is marked on an image. people bring the bone of an animal in the A worn out shoe or a sandal is tied to the evening, and after besmearing it with oil and fruit-yielding trees. Salt and mustard seed turmeric powder, wash it in hot water. It are waved thrice round the face of a child is dressed in a yellow cloth, and black and repeating "Ishta mishta konya papinichi red ointments are applied to it. It is then drushta" and thrown into the fire. Sotue waved round the affected person, and thrown people roll a cotton thread round a curry away in some public place where three roads stone, wave it three times round the patient, meet, % and then put it into the fire ; if the thread For evading the effects of an evil cye, burns, tho evil eye is held to have been removed. If the ovil eye be on the food, three salt, mustard seed, hair, garlic, dry leaves of onions, dry chillies, and seven small stones morsels of food are first raised to the mouth, from the road are put on the fire. The fire and then thrown into the fire. Sacred ashes are applied to trees and creeping plants is then waved round the body of the affected to remove the effects of an evil eye." . person and thrown away. Charmed black The people of Khopoli in the Kolaba cotton strings are turned over the burning District believe that the evil eye can be incense and tied round the arm or the neck. diverted from living creatures only, and not Charmed ashes from the temples of certain from inanimate things such as a stone or an deities are also applied to the forehead of earthen image, Sacred ashes are applied the affected person, to the forehead of the suffering child by - School Master, Mitblv, Ratnagiri. 2 School Master, Anjarle, Ratnagirie : s School Master, Achare, Ratnagirl. * School Master, Ibhrampur, Ratnagiri. 5.Sobool Master, Poladpur, Kolaba.

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62 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY repeating the Ram raksha stotra, i. e, the them into water. Some people take water in protecting praises of Rama, the seventh a copper plate and extinguish in it burning incarnation of Vishnu. Among Brahmans, sticks of the tamarind tree, after waving them rice grains are waved thrice round the face round the body of the affected person, of a child and put into water. The water is At Kharbav in the Bassein taluka of the then thrown away. Even flowers are waved Thana District, five pieces of broken tiles round the faces of small children in the are made red hot and put into water in which evening and thrown away. At Chauk in the Karjat taluks of the a little quantity of all the cooked food in the house has been mixed. Turmeric powder is Kolaba District, some people wave the left also put into it. A pen knife or some other shoe thrice round the body of the affected iron instrument is then turned five times person for the purpose of evading the effects in the water. A winnowing basket and a of an evil eye. A red hot iron bar is also broom are waved thrice round the face of cooled in water mixed with turmeric the affected person, and placed over the water powder. pot. At Shirgaon in the Mahim taluka of the Thana District water is drawn in a brass or At Dahanu in the Thana District, two a copper pot in the evening, and turmeric big stones, of which one has been waved powder, rice, and any other edible articles on round the face of a person affected by an which the evil eye has fallen are put into it. evil eye, arc strack one against the other. Twentyone date leaves, each of them with If the stone breaks, it is believed that the a knot, are then waved round the body of the evil effect has been removed. Cowdung is affected person and thrown into the water pot, mixed with water in a brass or a copper burning coals being dropped into the misture. plate, and dust from a public road, hair, and The pot is then waved thrice round the body burning black cotton cloth are pot into of the affected person, and kept in a corner another small vessel. This vessel is then of the bedroom for one night, with a basket, waved round the person, and placed upside a broom, and a sandal or an old shoe placed down over the mixture of cowdung. If on the top. It is then thrown away in the it sticks to the brass plate, this is supposed morning in some public place where three to be due to the evil eye.7 roads meet. If the water becomes red, it is The people of Kolhapur believe in the supposed that the evil eye has been effects of an evil eye. A child suffering removed. from an evil eye turns pale and thin, and The effects of an evil eye are sometimes suffers from headache. To avoid these visible on the face of a child in the form of effects, elderly women make a mark with lamp small red postules. The appearance of such black on the face or brow of the child. pustules is called Chak padane, Boiled rice and cards, and Bread and oil If a person is affected by an evil eye at the are also passed round the face of a child, time of taking his meals, he loses his appetite. and thrown into a public road,8 He also becomes weaker day by day. Generally, in the Konkan districts, opproOne of the modes of removing these evils is brious names are given to children when they to wave fresh date leaves three times round are sickly, always crying, and weak, or when the face of the affected person, and to throw they are short lived. These names are * School Master, Khopoli, Kolaba. * School Master, Shirgaon, Thana. * School Master, Malad, Tbana. 7 School Master, Dabasu, Thana. School Master, Chauk, Kolaba, * School Master, Padghe, Thana. . School Mastor, Kbarbav, Thana. * Rdo Saheb Sbelke, Kolbapur.

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FOLKLORE OF THE KONKAN 63 Marya, Rodya, Kerya, etc. It is believed 1 In the Shivlilamruta, a book pertaining to that children improve in health when called the god Shiva, in the chapter of Simantini, by such opprobrious names.1 it has been described how a man was turned Opprobrious names such as Dhondu, Kondu, into a woman.7 Keru,are given to children in families in which At Kolhapur, there are no instances known the first children are shortlived. But their of a change of sex. The goddess Yallamma real names are different. The names of the has a high reputation in this district for wellknown arithmetician Keru Nana Chhatre and his son Kondopant Chhatre are examples making a change in the habits and deportments of opprobrious names. of men and women, especially among low caste people. It is believed that the curse of Among high class Hindus, the first son this goddess has the power of destroying the is not generally called by his real name, but by one of the opprobrious names given virility of males, whereupon they behave like females. Many instances of this type can be above. Children are sometimes weighed with shoes seen at the fair of the goddess Yallamma,which or sandals, and also with cowdung. In some is held in Margashirsha (December ); men cases, their nostrils are bored, especially the dressed in women's clothes and vice versa are right one. often seen at this fair. Hindus generally call their children by In Western India, iron nails are generally the names of their deities and ancestors, and used when any spirit is to be buried in the they attribute the premature death of their ground. Other metals, such as gold, silver, children to their own misbehaviour towards and copper, are sometimes offered to the ghosts. such ancestors, or to their having abused The blood of fowls and goats is also offered them; they fear that such abuse or to them. When incense is burnt before a misbehaviour has offended the ancestors. sorcerer, the spirit enters into his body. To avoid their displeasure and the consequent Water is charmed and sprinkled over the death of their children, the people give body of a person attacked by an evil spirit. opprobrious' names to their next born such Rice and udid grains are required for as Dagadya, Dhondya, Gundya, Dandya exorcising spirits. Red powder Pinjar, turKerya, Ukirdya, Kondya, Lobhya, etc. The meric powder, black ointment kajal, lemons, custom of tattooing one side of the body of Narak ya Wuda a kind of incense, betel-leaves, females also prevails in the Kolhapur District, betelnuts, cocoanuts, mango leaves, Nirgudi especially in cases where the children in a leaves, and pieces of cloth are also used for family are shortlived." the same purpose. In the Puranas there are instances of males Cane sticks are used by people as a protecbeing transformed into females, and females tion against evil spirits. A stick cut from into males. For example, the female Amba was the tree known as Pandhri is also used as transformed into a male called Shikhandi and protection. Charmed black cotton strings are the male Narad was transformed into a tied to the wrist, arm or neck. If a man is female. Arjuna, the third brother of the very much afraid of a ghost, he repeats the Pandavas is said to have changed his sex, and name of the monkey god Maruti or any other turned into Bruhannada. deity that may be favourable to his family.10 * School Master, Mitbav, Ratnagiri. * School Master, Bhayander, Thana, * Rao SAheb Shelse, Kolkapur. School Master, Murbad, Thana. 9 School Master, Basani, Ratnagiri. 2 School Master, Anjarle, Ratnagiri, 4 School Master, Dahanu, Thana. & School Master, Ibrahmpar, Ratnagiri. # Rao Saheb Shelke, Kolbapur. 10 School Master, Mitbav, Ratnagiri.

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64 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY The blood of .fowls and goats is used as a protection against ghosts and pevachars, and also against witchcraft. Charmed water is waved round the person affected by an evil spirit, and thrown away. Rings, amulets, and anklets made of metals of five kinds are put on the hands and legs of children to ward off the effects of evil spirits.1 It is customary among certain people to apply spittle to the sandalpaste mark on the forehead of a man, and to the red Kunku mark on the forehead of an unwidowed woman. It is considered to be a protection against evil spirits. The beak of an eagle, & stick cut from a tree known as Pandhri, a cane having three joints, and the root of a shrub called Shravad, which has white leaves, are used as protection against evil spirits. At Pendur in the Malwan talaka or the Ratnagiri District it is believed that an iron stick held in the hand is a protection against evil spirits." At Chauk in the Karjat talaka of the Kolaba District, pictures of certain deities are tattooed on the body for the purpose of protection against evil spirits. It is also believed that evil spirits run away when salt and garlic are thrown into fire as they cannot bear the smoke of burning garlic,5 At Medhe in the Rohe taluka, when the dead body of a woman dying within ten days of her delivery is taken out of the house for burial, an iron horseshoe is driven into the threshold of the house, and grains of Nachani are scattered in the street while the corpse is being carried to the burial ground, At Bhuwan in the Murbad talaka some people tie a square piece of leather to the necks of their children as protection against evil spirits." At Rai, a custom prevails of putting coral necklaces on children as a protective against evil spirits.8 Iron nails and horseshoes are driven into the threshold or on to the door of a house on the full moon day or the last day of the Hindu calendar month at evening time, to prevent the entrance of evil spirits. Dirty localities being considered to be haunts of evil spirits, people living in such localitics burn incense in their houses every day. While exorcising eyil spirits the sorcerere throw charmed Udid grains and Rale panic seeds on the body of the discased, or place these things below his bed. Rings made of metals of five kinds - iron, copper, brass, silver and gold--are charmed on an eclipse day, and worn by people. Red lead and cowries are tied to the necks or feet of animals as protection against evil spirits. The spirits that haunt buried treasures are pacified by the blood of fowls and goats when digging up such treasures. Certain mantras are written on a paper, and the paper is tied to a black cotton string, or the paper is pat into a copper annulet, and then tied to a black cotton string. The black cotton string with the amulet is then tied round the arm or the neck of a person attacked by evil spirits, or suffering from malarial fevers. These mantras are never disclosed to anybody.10 Nadadora is a black cotton thread having seven or nine knots with a charmed paper in one of these knots. The thread is first held over burning incense, and then tied round the neck or the arm of the diseased. Sunday is generally chosen for attaching these threads. 11 1 School Master, Ubbadanda, Ratnagiri. 2 School Master, Bandivade, Ratnagiri. 3 School Master, Fonde, Ratnagiri. + School Master, Pendur, Ratnagiri. 5 School Master, Chauk, Kolaba. . School Master, Medbe, Kolaba. 7 School Master, Bhuwan, Thana. & School Master, Rai, Thana, * RAo Baheb Shelle, Kolkpur. 10 School Master, Bandivade, Ratnagiri. u School Master, Kalse, Ratnagiri.

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FOLKLORE OF THE KONKAN 65 At Poladpur in the Kolaba District, there formerly sages and saints used to make lived a sorcerer who used to give such amulets such sacred circles round their residence, reand charmed threads. He placed about ten peating certain mantras, for their protection or twelve copper rings or amulets in a copper from evil spirits. It is believed that the plate kept in the sun. While thus exposed to spirits cannot enter or leave these enchanted the sun, these amulets were continuously watch circles. They used to bury bottles containing ed by the sorcerer for soine two hours, repeating such spirits at the boundaries of these circles. certain mantras. 1 At Malad in the Thana District, copper There are many such places in the Kolhapur Amulets and charmed black cotton threads District, such as Buransaheb of Brahmapuri, in the name of Kal Bhairav, an incarnation the Sadhubuwa of Panhala, and Babu Jamil of the god Shiva, are used as protective at Kolhapur. against evil spirits. They are tied to the aims It is a general belief among all classes of or the neck of the diseased on an eclipse day, Hindus in the Bombay Presidency that Saturon the last day of the Hindu calendar month, day is an unlucky day, and in some places or on a Tuesday, Wednesday and Saturday. Friday and Tuesday are also considered At Kolhapur, the use of amulets is generally inauspicious. resorted to by people suffering from the Sunday is considered as an ordinary day. attacks of evil spirits or from malarial fevers. Monday, Wednesday and Thursday are The sorcerer who exorcises the evil spirits writes certain mantras on a paper, or draws believed to be auspicious or lucky days. certain symbols and repeats che mantras over It is said that a thing suggested or thought them. The paper is then wrapped in an of on Friday cannot be carried out successamulet made of copper or silver, and fastened fully.? to a cotton thread. This amulet is tied round Sowing seed and watering trees is strictly the arm or the neck of the diseased. Before forbidden on Sunday. It is believed that tying it to the arm or the neck, it is once trees do not bear well if watered on Sundays.8 held over burning incense. Tuesday and Friday are considered unlucky A sacred circle is frequently used as a pro days for beginning a new task. Wednesday tection from spirits. The sorcerer draws a circle and Saturday are said to be ina uspicious for on the ground, with his stick, and the following visiting another village, articles are put inside it. Cocoanuts, lemons. red lead, and a Kohala gourd. Fowls are also The numbers 2, 6, 11, and zero are believed sacrificed to this circle. The filling in of this to be lucky, 4, 5, 10 and 8 are unlucky, and circle is called manda bharane by the exorcists. 1, 3, 7 and 9 are considered as middling or Rice or Udid grain, and ashes charmed by moderate. mantras, are scattered round a certain area The figure zero is by some considered of land, or are given to a person supposed to inauspicious 10 be affected by evil spirits. The spirits cannot The numbers 5, 7,9 are said by some to ! enter a place charmed in this manner. They be auspicious, and 1, 3, 11 and 13 are also scattered round the place supposed to be haunted by evil spirits in the belief that inauspicious 11 neither evil spirits nor snakes can transgress Odd numbers are auspicious, and even numthe boundary thus marked by a sorcerer." bers are said to be inauspicious, 12 1 School Master, Poladpur, Kolaba. + RAO SAheb, Shelse, Kolhapur, $ School Master, Ubbadanda, Ratnagiri. School Master, Ubhadanda, Ratnagiri. 9 School Master, Khopoli, Kolaba, 11 School Master, Bandivade, Ratnagiri. 2 School Master, Malad, Thana. 4 School Master, Bandivade, Ratnagiri. 6 Rao Saheb Shelle, Kolkapur. 8 School Master, Basani, Ratnagiri. 10 School Master, Rai, Thana. 4 Rao Saheb, Shelse, Kolhapur.

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66 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY The following are generally held to be sneezing, or the asking of a question, at the auspicious omens : time of departure, waiting, meeting a person While going on any business to come across with an empty vessel, bowling of dogs and an unwidowed woman, a cow, Brahmans, a jackals, a pair of crows playing on the ground, five-petaled flower, or a pot filled with water ; 1 and a lighted lamp extinguished by its fall the throbbing of the right eyelid and of the on the ground.' right arm of a man, and of the left eyelid of a | While plans or proposals are being made, it woman; a Brahman coming in front with a is considered inauspicious if any one sneczes cup and a spoon in his hand after taking his or the sound of a lizard is heard. Meeting bath;o the appearance of a peacock, the a person of the depressed classes whose touch Bharadwaj or the blue jay, and the mongoose, is pollution, or a brahman who accepts funeral especially when they pass on the left side of gifts, is considered inauspicious. Meeting a the person going on business.3 woman who is in her menses, a mourner, a The following are considered to be auspi buffalo, a snake and a diwad are considered inauspicious, 10 An iron vessel or an iron bar, cious when seen within a hundred paces of a cowdung cakes, salt, grass, a broom, a vulture, person starting on business : and a washerinan bringing with him dirty Brahmans, unwidowed women, boiled food, clothes are also considered to be inauspicious meat, fishes, milk, any kind of corn, the bird omens, 11 Chasha or the blue jay, passing by the left Among the Hindus in Western India, for side, the appearance of the moon in front, a the purpose of helping the spirit to go to person coming across one's path with vessels heaven safely, and for securing its goodwill filled with water, and a married couple, a cow towards the survivors, after death ceremonies with its calf, images of god, cocoanuts and other called the Shraddhas are generally performed. fruits, the mother, white clothes, the sound Some perform these ceremonies once a year of a musical instrument, a horse, an elephant, in the month of Bhadrapada, and others percurds, flowers, a lighted lamp, a jackal, a form them twice or thrice, i.e., on the anniverspiritual preceptor, a public woman, a Mahar, sary day of the deceased as well as in the a washerman coming with a bundle of washed dark half of Bhadrapada, which is generally clothes, and a marriage procession.* The following objects and persons are known as the manes' fortnight (pitru paksha). 12 generally believed to be inauspicious : The funeral solennities performed from the Oil, buttermilk, a couple of snakes, a mon 1st to the 14th day from the death of the key, pig, and an ass, firewood, ashes and cotton, deceased are as described below:a person with a disfigured nose, a man dressing On the first day, at the time of burning the his hair in the shape of a crown, red garlands, wet clothes, a woman wearing red cloth, an dead body, a plot of ground is purified by empty earthen vessel, a Brahman widow, a repeating certain mantras, and the corpse is Brahmachari and an unmarried Brahman", then placed on it. Before setting the funeral a widow, a bare-headed Brahman, a cat going pile on fire, balls o pile on fire, balls of boiled rice or wheat flour across the patb, a dog Alapping his ears, are put on the face, the forehead, arms and meeting a barber with his bag, a (beggar, the chest of the corpse. Such balls are placed - School Master, Ubhadanda, Ratnagiri. * School Master, Acbare, Ratnagiri. 5 School Master, Achare, Ratnagir. 7 School Master, Khopoli, Kolaba. 9 School Master, Anjarle, Ratnagiri. 1 Rao Saheb, Shelle, Kolkapur, 2 School Master, Khopoli, Kolaba. 4 School Master, Mitbav, Ratnagiri. * School Master, Ubhadanda, Ratnagiri. 8 School Master, Mitbav, Ratnagiri. 10 School Master, Pendur, Ratnagiri, - School Master, Devgad, Ratnagiri,

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FOLKLORE OF THE KONKAN 67 on the body of the deceased only when death they will help the soul of the dead while has taken place on an unlucky day, or when crossing the river Vaitsrna. there is an unlucky conjunction of stars. The Water mixed with til or sesanium seed, son, or some other near relative, of the deceased sandalpaste, and oblations of boiled rice are generally performs these rites with the help given daily to the manes to secure their goodof a Brahman priest. On the third day he will towards the survivors.2 goes to the burning place, collects the ashes At Bankavli in the Dapoli taluka of the of the deceased, and throws them into the sea, Ratnagiri District, in order to prevent the On this occasion he is accompanied by the soul from assuming the form of a ghost, there relatives of the deceased. Rich persons who are is a custom of tying a piece of Gulvel, a able to go to Benares keep the bones of their species of moonseed, or the seed of a vegetadeceased parents and throw them into the ble known as Mathbhaji, round the neck of Ganges at Prayag near Benares after per the corpse before burning it. It is also believed that, by doing this, the soul is preventforming certain Shraddhas there. The giving ed from troubling the survivors of oblations continues daily till the tenth day. The oblations of the tenth day are called Das At Poladpur in the Kolaba District, some Pinda. The rites of the eleventh day are villagers drive an iron nail into the head of called Ekotistha. On the eleventh day the the corpse before it is taken to the funeral ground. They believe that, in consequence, person performing the rites has to change his sacred thread, after sipping a little cow's the soul of the deceased will not turn into an urine, Cooked food is prepared at the place evil spirit. Some people scatter grain on the where the rites of the eleventh day are per road while the corpse is being carried to the formed, and Brahmans are fed there, or at cremation ground. least thirty-two mouthfuls of cooked food are Among the Hindus in the Konkan, as well offered to the sacred fire. A big ball of as in the Deccan, dead bodies are generally boiled rice is put before the sacred fire or near burnt, but under the following circumstances the Brahmans taking their meals. This ball they are buried. is then thrown into the sea. A male calf is Persons dying of small-pox, women dying branded, worshipped and let loose. This calf in childbirth or during their menses, children dying within six months from their birth, and is called Vasu, and is considered sacred by the villagers, On the 11th day, special ceremonies Sanyasis are buried. The bodies of persons for propitiating the eight Vasus and the eleven suffering from leprosy are necessarily buried. Rudras are performed, and gifts of a plot of Among Lingayats the bodies are always buried. Certain mantras are repeated while ground, a cow, cooking vessels, various kinds burying or burning the dead body. While of corn, golden images, silver and copper burying, cocoanuts and certain kinds of grain coins, clothes, Shoes, umbrellas, bedding, etc., i , bedding, etc., are thrown into the grave, and after covering are given to the Brahmans collected there. the dead body with salt, the grave is filled up On the 13th day after death a fenst is given with earth and stones. While burning, the to 13 or more Brahmans and the other relatives. dead body is placed on the funeral pile Navakadan, i.e., the gift of a ship and with its head to the north and feet towards Gopradan, i.e., of a cow and a calf, are also the south. Tulsi wood, sandal-wood, and given to the Brahnians on the understanding that Bel wood are kept on the pile before placing Ran Sabeb Shelke, Kolbapur. 3 School Master, Bankavli, Ratnagiri. 5 School Master, Ubhadanda, Ratnagiri. 2 School Master, Bandivade, Ratnagiri. 4 School Master, Poladpur, Kolaba. EUR School Master, Ibhrampur, Ratnagiri,

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68 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY the dead body over it. Cocoanuts and The Agnihotri, i.e., one who preserves perpecamphor cakes are placed on the body, and tual fire in his house for worship. has to get it is set on fire. Among the Lingayats and himself shaved every fortnight. Gosavis the dead are buried. Before burying Among high class Hindas boiled rice is the Lingayats have to take a written order daily offered to the dead after a portion has from their priest, the Ayya or Jang&m. been thrown into the fire, the remainder being The paper is then tied to the neck of the given to the crows. The portion thrown in deceased, and the body is placed in a bag the fire is called Vaishvadev, and that which is made of new cloth, the head being allowed to given to the crows is called Kagwas. Among remain out of the bag. Blasma or ashes, salt other Hindus it is given or the last day of and camphor are also put into the bag along Bhadrapada and on the date of the father's with the corpse, which is then buried. The death, annually. Oblations of boiled rice are Jangam repeats mantras when the body is in the given to the dead every day, on the last day of grave. No such written order is necessary for the Hindu calendar month, on the date of a the burial of Gosavis. A cocoanut is broken person's death every month, on the same date of on the head of the corpse at the time of the dark half of Bhadrapada every year. These burying it. Among high class Hindus the oblations are put out of the house before taking corpse is carried to the funeral ground in a the meals. It is believed that the ancestors. bier made of bamboos. Among the Lingayats come down in the form of crows to partake a gaily dressed frame called Makhar is pre- of these offerings.7 Oblations of cooked food pared on the bier, and the body is dressed with are also offered to a cow, and considered thus clothes and head dress and seated in the Mak. to be received by the dead. They are especially har. Some of them carry the dead body in a given to the crows annually in the dark half of bag made of blanket. There is a custom of Bhadrapada on the date of the deceased's keeping foot-prints on the spot where a San- death.8 After the corpse has been carried to yasi is buried, and they are daily worshipped the funeral ground, an oil lamp containing by the people. Among the Kathawatis of one cotton wick is kept on the spot where the Thana and Kolaba districts the dead body is deceased expired. The flame of the lamp is. first buried, and after a few days the skeleton directed towards the south as it is believed that is taken out of the grave and then burnt as the soul goes to heaven by the south. A ball usual 2 Among the high class Hindus the of boiled rice and a little quantity of water or moustaches are shaved at the death of parents milk is kept daily for the first ten days near paternal uncle and elder brother. Among the the lamp while repeating the name of the Shudras it is not necessary to shave. Persons deceased and of the gotra to which it belonged who have lost their parents have to perform The lamp is taken out of the house on the certain 'funeral rites or Shradhas when they 11th day. visit holy places such as Benares, Prayag, Hindus believe that impurity attaches to all Ayodhya and Nasiis, and they have to shave the things in the house in consequence of the their moustaches at all these places before death of a person in that house. All those performing the funeral rites. Moustaches things which can be purified by washing are are also shaved as a penance for certain sins. weshed and taken back, while things like 1 RAO SAheb Shelse, Kolhapur, 2 School Master, Mokbade, Thana. 3 School Master, Mitbav, Ratnagiri. + Rao Saheb Shelle, Kolkapur. 5 School Master, Khed, Ratnagiri. 6 School Master, Kelwe-Mabim, Thana. 1 School Master, Ubbadanda, Ratnagiri. 8 School Master, Devgad, Ratnagiri. * Rao Saheb Shelle, Kolhapur.

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FOLKLORE OF THE KONKAN 69 earthen pots, cooked food, etc., are thrown twelve days. A person hearing of the death away, special care being taken to break these of a member of his family within the first pots, so that they may not be used again. Even ten days from the date of the death, becomes the walls of the house are white washed. The free from that mourning on the eleventh earthen pots that are required for the funeral day. If he happens to hear it within one rites of the dead are all broken. One which month of the death, he has to observe it is required for boiling water to bathe the for three days, and after one month he has to corpse is broken when the body is carried to observe it for one day only. The son, or the funeral ground. Of the rest, one is broken one who performs the funeral rites of the at the funeral pile after the son has passed deceased has to sleep on the ground, and has thrice round the pile with an earthen vessel to take his meals only once a day till the end filled with water. It is believed that birds and of the 13th day. He takes his bath in cold animals drinking water out of these vessels water, Sweet things are not prepared in the would be infected by disease, and this is the house during the days of mourning. During reason why these pots are broken. The mour- the period of mourning, every morning, a ners who use carthen vessels during the mour- Brahman comes to the mourner's house and ning break them at the end of the mourning recites some passages from the Garud Purana, period. Among the Agris of Chaul in the which relates to the state of the soul after Kolaba District, all earthen vessels in the house death. On the eleventh day the house is are broken on the eleventh day after a death in besmeared with cowdung, and cow's urine is the family, the chief reason assigned for this sprinkled in the house. All the clothes are act being that the wishes and desires of the washed. Mourning is not observed in the deceased might lurk in the earthen vessels case of a death of a Sanyasi, and the Lingayats and cause trouble to the inmates of the house 3 do not observe any kind of mourning. All the members of the family of the dead The brother of the deceased, his son, grandhave to observe mourning for ten days. They son and all the members belonging to the are purified on the eleventh day after taking family, have to observe the mourning for ten a bath and sipping Panchgavya, or the five pro- days. The married daughter of the deceased ducts of the cow. The son of the dead person, or has to observe it for three days. From the one who performs the funeral rites of the dead fifth or sixth generation in the same family, it is purified on the twelfth day after completing is observed for three or one day only. In the rites of Sapindi. A man in mourning case of the death of a wife's parents, the does not touch those who are not in mourning. husband has to observe mourning for three If anybody touches him, both of them have to days. During the mourning days people do take a bath. The son of the deceased or, in the not worship the gods or go to the temples. absence of a son, any male member belonging to the family is entitled to perform the Milk is also prohibited during the mourning funeral rites of the dead. These rites are period. The mourners are not to touch anyperformed during the first twelve days, begin body except the members of their family.? ning from the first day or from the 3rd, On the thirteenth day the song and other 5th, 7th or the 9th. One who performs these members of the family are taken out to visit the rites has to sleep on the ground during these temple of any deity by the people assembled * School Master, Ubbadanda, Ratnagiri. * Rao Saoeb Shelse, Kolhapur. School Master, Cbowl, Kolaba. * School Master, Ubhadanda, Ratnagiri. * Rao Saheb Shelle, Kolhapur. * School Master, Mitbav, Ratnagiri. 1 School Master, Vavanje, Kolaba.

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70 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY for the purpose. It is believed that after The spirits known as Mahapurush haunts going to the teniple on the 13th day, the sons the Pipal and Umbar trees. Avagat the ghost and the other members of the family are at of a widow haumts the Avali (Phyllanthus liberty to go out of the house. 1 emblica) tree. Alwant, the ghost of a woman At Kolhapur it is believed that the deities dying at childbirth or during her menses, lives Etalai and Kalkai of the Konkan districts in the Nagchampa, Surang and the Kajra keep with thein evil spirits as their servants, trees. Devachar, Sambandh, Munje, Zoting, l'hese servant spirits obey the orders of these Khavis and Khapra reside in trees and plants. deities. Some people in this district go to The people of Kolhapur believe that the spirits known as Bramhasambandh, Brahma the temples of these deities and request them to Rakshasa, and Khavis reside in trees. lend them the services of these spirit servants. The spirits known as Devchar and Chalegat It is considered very lucky to secure the are considered to be the special protectors of belp of these spirits. The temple ministrant crops and cattle. then requests the deity to give a Kaul or omen. The people of Ubhadanda in the Ratnagiri For this purpose, the temple ministrant calls District believe that the village deities and on the deity to enter his body, and when he the Devachars are the special protectors of is possessed by the spirit of the deity, he crops and cattle. Offerings of fowls and allows the applicant to take with him one of cocoanuts are made to them annually.8 the deity's servants for a fixed period. The At Kochare in the Ratnagiri District, the Guray, or the ministrant, then explains to the spirit known as Viswati is believed to be the person the period for which the spirit servant special protector of crops and cattle. is given, and the amount of the annual tribute The people of the Kolaba District consider required to be given to the deity for the use of that the spirits known as Mhashya, Khavis, her servant. He also gives him a cocoanut and Bandav are the protectors of crops and and sacred ashes. The applicant then returns cattle 10 home, believing that the spirit servant will At Dahany in the Thana District, the spirit follow him, and from that time he prospers. Cheda is believed to be the guardian of crops This spirit servant is called Chetuk, and it and cattle.11 The people of Kolhapur believe that the can be seen only by the person in whose charge deities of the fields protect the crops and it is given by the Guray." cattle. Those who are in possession of the At Achare in the Rainagiri District, the spirit Chetuk, or the servant spirit, are sure to find of a Brahman well versed in the Vedas is called their crops and cattle protected by this servant Mahapurusha and it is said to be benevolent. spirit 12 It haunts Pipal and Umbar'trees. Evil spirits are not usually invoked to At Murbad in the Thana District, the spirit frighten children, but occasionally the names known as Vetal, the king of evil spirits, is of goblins such as Bagulbawa, Bowaji, Gosavi considered to be benevolent.* etc., are mentioned to scare them. 13 1 School Master, Malad, Thana. ? Rao Saheb Shelse, Kolkapur. 3 School Master, Achare, Ratnagiri. * School Master, Marbad, Thana. 5 School Master, Achare, Ratnagiri. 6 Bao Saheb Shelse, Kolhpu. . School Master, Fonde, Ratnagiri, 5 School Master, Ubbadanda, Ratnagir!, * School Master, Kochare, Ratnagiri 10 School Master Varsai, Kolaba. 11 School Master, Dabanu, Thana. 12 Rao Saheb Shelke, Kolhapus. 13 School Master, Achare, Ratnagiri,

Page #401
CHAPTER VII. TREE AND SERPENT WORSHIP Groves of mango trees are considered to be At Fonde in the Devgad taluka, it is consacred as they have a pleasing appearance, sidered inauspicious to cut the trees and the and afford grateful shelter against the heat of groves that surround the temple of a village the day. It is a general belief among Hindus deity, for they are believed to belong to that trees from which such pleasure and pro- that deity. 4 tection are derived must naturally be the abode At Padghe in the Thana District, the trees of the gods. There are many such groves in which are supposed to have been haunted by Satara. During the spring season people go evil spirits such as Sambandh, Munja, Devato these groves and worship the trees. The char, etc., are not generally cut by the people Hindus have a general prejudice against through fear of these spirits. When any cutting living trees which yield fruits, and it tree is cut down, the custom is to keep a stone is considered specially inauspicious to cut the at the root of the tree in order that the following trees - place may no longer be affected or haunted Umbar, Vad or Banian tree, Pipal, Saundad by the spirit in the tree. There are certain or Shami, Palus, Bel, Rui, Avali and the Tulsi families who do not burn Pipal, Khair, or plant, for it is believed that these trees are Shiwani wood. They believe that the burning the abode of deities, e.g., the god Dattatraya of these trees causes harm to their families. resides under the Umbar tree, the goddess It is said that the burning of the Apta tree Parvati on the Banjan tree, and the god Vishnu causes, the breeding of the insect known as resides near the Tulsi plant. The god Gochadi, i. e., the cattle or dog louse, Brahma, the creator of the world, is found in There is an Awdumbar tree of the god the Pipal tree. The plantain tree is also con Dattatraya at Bhillawadi, and a big Banian sidered to be sacred. While gathering a bunch tree near the math of the Lingayat swami of plantains, the tree is first cut before the named Kadappa near Kolhapur, which are bunch. It is considered inauspicious to gather worshipped by the people of the neighbouring the bunch without so doing. villages. The Saundad tree, better known as, There are certain groves at Ubhadanda in Shami, is worshipped once a year on the the Vengurla taluka of the Ratnagiri District Dasara, the 10th day of the bright half of which are supposed to be haunted by Dera- Ashwin (October). It is said that Rama, the chars, and are therefore not cut by the seventh incarnation of Vishnu, kept his arms people. on the Shami tree during his fourteen years' The people of Ibhrampur in the Chiplun exile, and took them back again when he taluka consider it inauspicious to cut the Vad marched upon Lanka or Ceylon to kill Rawan, and Pipal trees of which the thread ceremo- the demon king of Ceylon. While going to nies have been performed. After the thread Lanka he bowed to the Shami tree, and as ceremony of these trees is over, a stone plat- he was successful in his undertaking, the form is raised around them.3 Marathas used to start for a campaign on the 1 Rao Saheb, Shelke, Kolbupur. 3 School Master, Ibhrampur, Ratnagiri. 5 School Master, Padghe, Thana, * School Master, Ubbadanda, Ratnagiri. 4 School Master, Fonde, Ratnagiri. 6 School Master, Dahigaon, Thana.

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72 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY Dasara day after worshipping the Shami tree, and distributing its leaves among their friends calling it Suwarn or gold. This is said to be the origin of the festival of Dasara. A species of the tamarind tree called Gorakh Chinch is said to be connected with the Hindu saint Gorakhnath. For this reason this tree, is worshipped by the people. A great fair is held every year at Battis Shirale in the Satara District, which is situated at a distance of about ten miles from Kolhapur, 1 The Pipal, the Umbar, the Vad or Banian tree, and the Tulsi plant are worshipped by Hindus in general, The Apta tree is worshipped by Hindus on the Dasara day, and its leaves are distributed under the name of sone, or gold, among their friends and relatives, At Medbe in the Roha taluka of the Kolaba District, there is a tree Vehala (Beleric myrobalan) which is believed to be connected with the local deity Mhasoba. It is considered to be a sacred tree, and nobody dares to cut it or to touch it with the feet. At Shirgaon in the Mahim taluka of the Thada District there is a Ranjani tree on the bank of a tank called Khambale, which is said to be connected with the deity Brahma; and therefore no branch of that tree is cut by the people. It is considered harmful to cut the tree. At Ganagapur in the Kolhapur District, there is a Vad tree connected with the saint Kabir. It is called Kabirvad. There is also an Awdumbar tree connected with the god Dattatraya, and known as Dattatraya Awdumbar, The Umbar, Pipal, Vad, and the Tulsi plant are considered to be sacred, and are respected by Hindus. The following are some f the legends about their sacredness. Umbar-When the god Vishnu in his fourth incarnation, called Narsinh, i.e., half man and half lion, tore into pieces the body of the demon named Hiranyakashipu with his claws, he felt a burning sensation of the poison from the body of that demon, which was assuaged. by thrusting his hands into the trunk of the Umbar or Awadumbar tree. In order that they may get the auspicious sight of a deity early in the morning, Hindus generally plant the Umbar and Tulsi trees in front of their houses, and worship them daily. The juice of the root of the Umbar has a cooling effect, and hence it is freely used in cases of measles or itch. Its sap is also used as medicine for swellings. It is very pleasant to sit under the shade of this tree, and as it is believed that the god Dattatraya resides beneath this tree, it is held very sacred by the Hindus.7 Pipal--The Pipal tree is considered very sacred because it is believed that the god Brahma resides in the roots, the god Vishnu in the trunk, and the god Shiva on the top of this tree. Persons who make a particular vow or have any objects to be fulfilled worship the Pipal tree, and walk round it several times every day. The evil spirits Sambandh, Devachar, Munja, and Vetal haunt the Pipal tree. These spirits are considered to be the servants of the god Shiva. It is also believed that persons who worship and walk round this tree daily are not affected by those spirits. The Pipal tree is specially worshipped at dawn on Saturday as it is considered that the vods Brahma, Vishng, and Mahesh or Shiva happen to be there at that time, * Bao Saheb, Shelke, Kolhapur, 2 School Master, Shiravade, Ratnagiri. 3 School Master, Medhe, Kolaba, School Master, Shirgaon, Thana. 3 School Master, Umele, Thana. & School Master, Fonde, Ratnagiri. 7 Bao Baheb, Shelle, Kolkapur. 8 Rao Saheb, Shelle, Kolkapur. 9 School Master, Ubhadanda, Ratnagiri,

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FOLKLORE OF THE KONKAN 73 Vad or the Banian tree-A prince named tree sacred to god Ganpati, the son of Shiva, Satyawan died of snakebite under the Vad are considered to be holy by the Hindus. tree. His wife named Savitri, who was very A common custom among Hindus is for a chaste and dutiful, requested Yama, the god of person who has lost his two wives and wishes death, and succeeded in securing from him the to marry a third, to be first married to a Rui life of her husband Satyawan. As the prince plant, and then to the actual bride. His marriSatyawan returned from the jaws of death age with the Rui plant is considered as a third under the Vad tree, this tree was specially marriage. After the marriage, the Rui plant worshipped by her, and it is therefore believed is cut down and buried, and thus the marriage that Savitri has ever since then been responsi with the third bride is considered to be a fourth ble for the practice of worshipping the Vad marriage. The marriage with the Rui plant tree by women for the purpose of securing a has been adopted in the belief that the third long life to their husbands. It is also believed wife is sure to die unless the spirit of the that the god Vishnu takes shelter under the deceased is made to enter the Rui plant. Vad at the time of the general destruction of When a girl is born under the influence of the world. The worship of this tree is inauspicious planets which may be harmful to similar to that of the other deities, and women her husband, she is first married to a tree or take turns around it at the close of the worship an earthen pot, and then to the bridegroom. or puja. The marriage with the earthen pot is called The Tulsi plant is worshipped daily by the Kumbhavivaha, or the pot-wedding. It is Hindus in general, and women in particular, by believed that, by observing this practice, the keeping the plant near their houses. The god danger to her husband is avoided. The danger Vishna is worshipped particularly by the leaf passes to the tree to which she is first married, of this plant. The Tulsi plant is considered Among the lower classes in the Thana Disby the people to represent the goddess Luxmi, tricts a poor man unable to marry owing to his the wife of Vishnu. Hindu women will not poverty is first married to a Rui plant and take their meals before worshipping the Tulsi then to a widow. This marriage with a widow plant daily in the morning. It is also said that is called pat lavane. This remarriage of a the god Vishno, in his eighth incarnation called widow among the lower classes is generally Krishma, bad loved Vrunda, the wife of a performed at night, and under an old mango tree. demon. After her death she was burnt, but It is never performed in the house. A widow op' ber burning ground there grew the Tulsi who has remarried cannot take part in any plant. As Krishna loved Vrunda very dearly, auspicious ceremony such as a marriage, etc.8 he began to love this plant also, and hence the image of Bal Krishna, or the god Vishnu, At Vankavli in the Ratnagiri District there is married to this plant every year on the 12th is a custom among the low class Hindus of a woman who has lost her second husband and day of the bright half of Kartik (November).3 wishes to marry for the third time, first As it is also believed that the god Vishnu marrying a cock, i.e., she takes the cock in her resides in the Tulsi plant, the worship. of this arms at the time of her marriage with the third plant is equivalent to the worship of the god husband. Vishnu. Persons who have no children make a vow to Besides the above mentioned trees, the Palus Khandoba at Jejuri that the firstborn, male or (Butea frondosa), the Bel, a tree sacred to god female, sball be offered to him. The females, Shiva, and the Shami (Prosopis spicigera), a offered in fulfilment of such vows are called Rao Saheb Shelke, Kolbapur. 2 School Master, Mitbav, Ratnagiri. 3 School Master, Dahanu, Thana. 4 School Master, Ubbadanda, Ratnagiri. 5 School Master, Devgad, Ratnagiri. & School Master, Mitbav, Ratnagiri. ? Schrol Master, Khopoli, Kolaba. & School Master, Edwan, Thana. 9 School Mastec, Vankavli, Ratnagiri.

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74 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY Muralis. They are married to the god Khan She becomes the maid servant of the temple, and doba, and have to earn their livelihood by is free to behave as she likes. Daughters of begging in villages. A male child thus offered such Bhavinis who do not wish to marry. to the god is called a Vaghya 1 undergo the process of shesa bharane, and There is a custom of offering children to the follow the occupation of their mothers. The deities Yallamma and Khandoba in fulfilment of sons of the Bhavinis have an equal right to the vows made in order to get a child. The child property of their mother, but any daughter is taken to the temple of these deities, accom- who marries a lawful husband loses her share panied with music. The temple ministrant in the property < her mother. A Devali asks the child to stand on a wooden board on follows the occupation of blowing the horn or a heap of rice in front of the deity, and puts cornet, and is entitled to hold the torches in the into its hands a paradi-a flat basket of marriage ceremonies of the people in the village. bamboo, tying to its neck the darshana of the Many of them learn the art of playing upon deity. A female child is married to the the tabour--mrudunga--and are useful to dagger-Katyar of the deity. When once Kathekaris, i.e., those who recite legends of the this ceremony has been performed, parents gods with music and singing. Some of them abandon their rights to such children. When become farmers while others are unoccupied. these children come of age, the males can marry but the females cannot. The latter earns her Bhavinis follow the occupation of a maidlivelihood begging jogava in the name of the servant in the temple, but their real occupation goddess Amba with a paradi in her band. A is that of public women. They are not scorned male child offered to the goddess Yallamma is by the public. On the contrary, they are called jogata, and a female, jogatin. Children required to be present at the time of a marriage dedicated to the goddess Mayaka are called to tie the marriage-string-Mangalsutra of Jogi and Jogin, Children offered to Firangai * bride, for they are supposed to enjoy and Ambabai are called Bhutya (male) and perpetual unwidowhood--Janma surasini.' Bhutin (female). Some of the houses of Bhavinis become the In the Konkan districts there is a class of favourite resorts of gamblers and vagabonds, women known as Bhavinis who are said to be known as Bhavinis who are said to be in the absence of a daughter, a Bhavini purmarried to Khanjir, i.e., a dagger belonging to chases a girl from a harlot, and adopts her as the god. They are also called deva yoshita, i.e., her daughter to carry on her profession. 3 prostitutes offered to the god. They have no | Snakes are believed to be the step-brothers caste of their own. They retain the name of the of the gods. They reside under the earth caste to which they originally belonged, such and are very powerful. The snake is conas Marathe Bhavini, Bhandari Bhavini, Sutar sidered to be very beautiful among creeping Bhavini, etc. The following account is given animals, and is one of the ornaments of the of the origin of the sect of Bhavinis. A god Shiva. An image of a snake made of woman wishing to abandon her husband goes brass is kept in the temple of the god Shiva, to the temple of a village deity at night, and in presence of the people assembled in that and worshipped daily along with the god. temple she takes oil from the lamp burning in There is a custom among the Hindus of the temple, and pours it upon her head. This worshipping Naga, i.e., the cobra, once a year process is called Deval righane, i.e., to enter on the Naga panchami day, i.e., the fifth day into the service of the temple. After she has of the bright half of Shraman (August). poured sweet oil from the lamp upon her head, Images of snakes are drawn with sandalpaste she has no further connection with her husband. on a wooden board or on the walls of houses, School Master, Palshet, Ratnagiri. : Rao Baoeb Shelle, Kolhap * School Master, Kalshe, Ratnagiri.

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FOLKLORE OF THE KONKAN 75 and worshipped by Hindu women o this day. The names of the snake deities are Durva grass, sacred to Ganpati, parched rice Takshaka, Vasuki and Shesha. Their shrines lahya, legumes kadadan, and milk are offered are at Kolhapur, Nagothane, Prayaga, to this image. Some people go to the snakes, Nagadevachi Wadi and Subramhanya. A great abode Varul--an ant-hill-on this day to fair is held every year at Battisa Shirale on worship the stake itself, if they happen to the Naga panchami day.. catch sight of it.1 There is a shrine of a snake deity at It is said that at Battisa Shirale in the Savantwadi. The management of the shrine Belgaum District the real Naga comes out of is in the hands of the State officials. It is its abode below the earth on this day, and is believed that a real snake resides therein." worshipped by the people. Milk and lahya, There is a shrine of a snake deity at Awas parched rice, are put outside the house at night in the Alibag taluka of the Kolaba District, on this day with the intention that they may where a great fair is held every year on the be consumed by a snake. Hindus do not dig 14th day of the bright half of Kartik or plough the earth on Naga panchami day. (November ). It is said that persons sufEven vegetables are not cut and fried on this fering from snakebites recover when takra in day by some people. time to this temple. Earthen images of snakes are worshipped It is said that a covetous person who by some people in the Konkan districts on the acquires great wealth during his life-time and Naga panchami day. The Naga is considered dies without enjoying it, or without issue, to be a Brahman by caste, and it is believed becomes a snake after death, and guards his that the family of the person who kills a buried treasures. At Kolhapur there was a Sarkar-money-lender-named Kodulkar snake becomes extinct. The cobra being con who is said to have become a snake, and to sidered a Brahman, its dead body is adorned guiri his treasures. In the village of with the janame, and then burnt as that of a Kailaya in the Panhala petha of the Kolhapur human being. A copper coin is also thrown District there is a snake in the house of a into its funeral pile.3 Kulkarni, who scares away those who try to At certain villages in the Deccan a big enter the storehouse of the Kulkarni.? carthen image of a snake is consecrated in a It is a general belief among the Hindus public place on the Naga panchami day, and that snakes guard treasures. It is said that there are certain places guarded by snakes worshipped by Hindus in general, Women in Goa territory. Persons who were compelled sing their songs in circles before this image to abandon Portuguese territory owing to while men perform tamashas by its side. In religious persecutions at the hands of the fact, the day is enjoyed by the people | Portuguese buried their treasures beneath the as a holiday. The snake is removed next day, ground. Those who died during exile are said and an idol in the form of a man made of to have become bhuts or ghosts, and it is mud is seated in its place. This idol is called believed that they guard their buried treasures Shiralshet, who is said once to have been in the form of snakes. a king and to have ruled over this earth for The Hindus generally believe that the snakes one and one-fourths of a ghataka, i. e., for who guard buried treasures do not allow any half an hour only. This day, is observed as one to go near them. The snake frightens a day of rejoicing by the people, those who try to approach, but when he wishes * School Master, Mitbav, Ratnagiri. 2 School Master, Kalshe, Ratnagiri. 3 School Master, Khopoli, Kolaba. + Bao Baoeb Shelle, Kolhapur. * School Master, Pendur, Ratnagiri. School Master, Apte, Panwel, Kolaba. 1 Rao S45eb Shelle, Kolhapur. & School Master, Ubbadanda, Ratnagiri.

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76 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY to hand over the treasure to anybody he goes the temples devoted to snake deities, on the to that person at night, and tells him in a dream full moon day of Kartik, which is sacred to the that the treasure buried at such and such a snake deity, the deity is worshipped with place belongs to him, and requests him to special pomp, and the crests of the temples are take it over. After the person has taken illuminated on that night. possession of the treasure as requested, the The village cures for snakebite are : snake disappears from the spot. 1. The use of charmed water and the It is said that a snake which guards treasure repetition of mantras by a sorcerer, is generally very old, white in complexion, and 2. The use of certain roots and herbs as has long hair on its body." medicines, 3. The removal of the sufferer to the neighHindus worship the image of a snake made bouring temple. of Darbha grass or of silk thread on the Anant 4. Branding the wound with fire. Chaturdashi day, i.e., the 14th day of the bright 5. The drinking of soapnat juice, or of half of Ashwin (October), and observe that water in which copper coins have been boiled. day as a holiday. Legends of the exploits of by the patient, who is thus made to vomit the the god are related with music and singing on snake poison. this day. In the Deccan a person suffering from snakeA snake festival is observed in the Nageshwar temple at Awas in the Kolaba District on bite is taken to a village temple, and the minithe night of the 14th day of the bright half strant is requested to give him holy water. The deity is also invoked. of Kartika (November). Nearly four hundred Thus keeping the devotees of the god Shankar assemble in the person for one night in the temple, he is carried temple, holding in their hands vetra-sarpa long to his house the following day if cured. The vows made to the deity for the recovery of the cane sticks with snake images at their ends. person are then fulfilled. There is one turabat, They advance dancing and repeating certain a tomb of Avalia a Mahomedan saint, at words, and take turns round the temple till Panhala where persons suffering from snake. midnight. After getting the permission of the bite are made to sit near the tomb, and it is chief devotee, they scatter throughout the said that they are cured. In some villages neighbouring villages with small axes in their there are enchanted trees of Kadulimb where hands, and cut down, and bring from the gar- persons placed under the shade of such dens, cocoanuts, plantains, and other edible trees are cured of snakebites. Some people tie things that are seen on their way. They return a stone round the neck of the sufferer as soon to the temple after two hours, the last man as he is better, repeating the words Adi Gudi being the chief devotee called Kumarkandya. Imam the name of a Mahomedan saint. After The fruits are then distributed among the recovery from snakebite the person is taken to people assembled at the temple. Nobody inter the mosque of the Adi Gudi Imam Saheb, where the stone is untied before the tomb, and jagri feres with them on this day in taking away equal to the weight of the stone is offered. A cocoanuts and other fruits from the village feast is also given to the Mujawar or minisgardens. On the next day they go dancing in trant of the mosque. There is at persent a the same manner to the Kanakeshwar hill with famous enchanter-Mantrika--at Satara who the snake sticks in their hands. cures persone suffering from snakebite. It is In the Deccan no special snake festivals like said that he throws charmed water on the body those described above are celebrated. But in of the sufferer, and in a few minutes the snake 1 School Master, Chawk, Kolaba. 3 School Master, Pendar, Ratnagiri. + Rao Baheb Stalk, Kolbepur, 2 School Master, Basani, Ratnagiri. * School Master, Chawl, Kolaba. . School Master, Jambivali, Kolaba.

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FOLKLORE OF THE KONKAN 77 begins to speak through the victim. The At Naringre in the Ratnagiri District, persons sorcerer enquires what the snake wants. The suffering from snakebite are given the juice of snake gives reasons for biting the person. When Kadulimb leaves, and are kept in the temple any thing thus asked for by the snake is of Hanuman. The feet of the deity are offered, the victim comes to his senses, and is washed with holy water, and the water is given cured. There are many witnesses to the above to the victim to drink. 5 fact.1 At Mitbav in the Ratnagiri District chickens A snake is believed to have a white numbering from twenty to twenty-five are jewel or mani in its head, and it loses its life applied to the wound caused by the snakebite. when this jewel is removed. This jewel has A chicken has the power of drawing out the the power of drawing out the poison of poison from the body through the wound, but snakebite. When it is applied to the wound, this causes the death of the chicken. The it becomes green, but when kept in milk for sometime, it loses its greenness and reverts to remedy above described is sure to be successful if it is tried within three hours of the its usual white colour. It gives out to the person being bitten. There are several other milk all the poison that has been absorbed medicines which act on the snakebite, but they from the wound, and the milk becomes green. This jewel can be used several times as an must be given very promptly. There are some men in this village who give charmed water for absorbent of the poison of snakebite. The snake or any other bites. Many persons green milk must be buried under ground, so suffering from snakebite have been cured by that it may not be used again by any one the use of mantras and charmed water.2 else. Water from the tanks of Vetavare in the It is believed that an old snake having long Savantwadi State and Manjare in Goa territory hair on its body has a jewel in its head. This is generally used as medicine for snakebite. It jewel is compared with the colours of a is believed that by the power of mantras a snake rainbow. The snake can take this jewel from can be prevented from entering or leaving a its head at night, and search for food in its particular area. This process is called 'sarpa rocess is called 'sarpa lustre. Such snakes never come near the bandhane'. There are some sorcerers who can habitation of human beings, but always reside draw snakes out of their holes by the use of in the depth of the jungle. This species of their mantras, and carry them away without snake is called Deva Sarpa, i. e., a snake touching them with their hands, belonging to a deity. It is related that a At Adivare, in the Rajapur taluka, roots of of snake was born of a woman in the Kinkar's snake was certain herbs are mixed in water and applied house at Tardal in the Sangli State, and to the wound caused by the snakebite, and another one in the Gabale's house at given to the sufferer to drink. Kolhapur.7 1 Rao Saheb Shelke, Kolhapur. * School Master, Mitbav, Ratnagiri. 3 School Master, Ubhadanda, Ratnagiri. * School Master, Adivare, Ratnagiri. School Master, Naringre, Ratnagiri. * School Master, Kalshe, Ratnagiri, Rao Saney Shelse, Kolkapur.

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CHAPTER VIII. TOTEMISM AND FETISHISM. The worship of totems, or Devaks, prevails is taken by her. The father takes the among Hindus in Western India. The term winnowing fan and the mother takes the Deval is applied to the deity or de ties Kalasha, and they are carried from the mandap worshipped at the beginning of a thread or to the devak consecrated in the house. A a marriage ceremony. The ceremony is as lighted lamp is kept continually burning near follows: A small quantity of rice is put into this devak till the completion of the ceremony. a winnowing fan, and with it six sn:all sticks After completion of the thread or marriage of the Umbar tree, each covered with mango ceremony the devak is again worshipped, and leaves and cotton thread. These are worshipped the ceremony comes to an end. The deity in as deities. Near the winnowing fan is kept the devak is requested to depart on the second an earthen or copper vessel filled with rice, or the fourth day from the date of its conturmeric, red powder, betelnuts, sweet balls secration. No mourning is observed during made of wheat flour, ghi and sugar; and on the period the devak remains installed in the the top of the vessel is a small sprig of mango house. and a cocoanut covered with cotton thread. Among Marathas and many of the lower This vessel is also worshipped as a deity, classes in the Ratnagiri District the branch of and offerings of sweet eatables are made to it. a Vad, Kadamba, mango, or an Apta tree is After the worship of this vessel, the regular worshipped as their devak or kul. ceremony of Punyahavachana is performed. Some Marathas have a sword or a dagger Twenty-seven Matrikas, or village and local as their devak, which is worshipped by them deities, represented by betelnuts are consecrated before commencing the ritual of the marriage in a new winnowing fan or a bamboo basket. ceremony. Seven Matrikas are made of mango leaves, six The family known as Rane at Naringre in of which contain durva grags, and the seventh the Devgad taluka of the Ratnagiri District, darbha grass. Each of them is bound with and the families known as Gadakari and a raw cotton thread separately. They are Jadhava at Malwan, consider the Vad or Banyan worshipped along with a Kalasha or a copper tree as their devak, and do not make use of its lota as mentioned above. This copper lota leaves. In the same manner, some people conis filled with rice, betelnuts, turmeric, etc., a sider the Kadamba tree sacred to their family, sprig of mango leaves is placed on the lota, 1 There are some people among the Hindus and a cocoanut is put over it. The lota is in Western India whose surnames are derived also bound with a cotton thread. Sandalpaste, from the names of animals and plants, such as rice, flowers, and durva grass are required for Boke, Landage, Wagh, Dukre, Kawale, Garud More, Mhase, Rede, Keer, Popat, Ghode, its worship. An oil lamp called Arati is waved Shelar, Gayatonde, Waghmare, Shalunke, round the devak, the parents, and the boy or Bhende, Padwal, Walke, Apte, Ambekar, the girl whose thread or marriage ceremony is to Pimpalk hare. Kelkar and Kalke. be performed. A Suwasini is called and The Hindus believe that a cow, a horse, and requested to wave this Arati, and the silver an elephant are sacred animals. The cow is coin which is put into the Arati by the parents treated with special respect by the Hiudus 1 School Master, Adivare, Ratnagiri. School Master, Kalsbe, Ratnagiri, * School Master, Achare, Ratnagiri.

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FOLKLORE OF THE KONKAN 79 in general, and the bull by the Lingayats and the stones with red lead and oil, and worship oilmen. The milk, the urine, and the dung of them along with a she goat in the manner in a cow are used as medicines, and they are also which the vow was promised to be fulfilled. given as offerings to the god in sacrifices. The horse is connected with the worship of The Shelar family considers the sheep' as the god Khandoba because this animal is their devak, and they do not eat the flesh of a sacred to that deity, being his favourite sheep. The Shalunke family respects the vehicle. For this reason all the devotees or Skalunki or sparrow. People belonging to the Bhaktas of Khandoba take care to worship the More family do not eat the flesh of a peacock horse in order that its master, the god Khanas they consider it to be their devak 1 doba, may be pleased with them. The Bhandaris whose surname is Padwal It is well known that the cow is considered do not eat the vegetable of a snake-gourd or as most sacred of all the animals by the Padwal. Hindus, and the reason assigned for this Hindus do not eat the Aesh of the animal special veneration is that all the deities dwell respected by them, and those who offer any in the cow. fruit to their guru as a token of respect do The Nandi, or a bullock, made of stone, not eat that fruit in future. Some Hindus do consecrated in front of the temple of Shiva, not eat onions, garlic and the fruit of a palm the Vaght or a tiger at the temple of a goddess tree. The fruit of a tree believed to be the and cows and dogs in the temple of Dattatraya devak of a family is not eaten by the members are worshipped by the Hindus. of that family. The families of Rava and Rane do not take The mouse, being the vehicle of Ganpati the their food on the leaf of a Vad or Banyan god of wisdom, is worshipped by the people along with that god. tree as they consider it to be their devak.3 In the Konkan cattle are worshipped by the There are some Hindu families in the Kolaba District who believe that their kul or Hindus on the first day of Kartika, and they totem consists of the tortoise and the goat, and are made to pass over fire. they do not eat the flesh of such animals. A The mountains having caves and temples of certain community of the Vaishyas or traders deities are generally worshipped by the known as Swar believe that a jack tree or Hindus. The Abucha Pahad, the Girnar, the Phanas is their kul, and they do not use the Panchmadhi, the Brahmagiri, the Sahyadri, leaves of that tree.* the Tungar, the Jivadancha dongar, the Munja It is believed among the Hindus that the dongar at Junnar, the Tagabaicha dongar, the Ganesh Lene, and the Shivabai are the princideity Satwdi protects children for the first three months from their birth. The deity is pal holy mountains in the Bombay Presidency. worshipped on the fifth day from the birth of Mount Aby, known as the Abucha Pabad, is ..child, and if there occurs any omission or believed to be very sacred, and many Hindus error in the worship of that deity, the child go on a pilgrimage to that mountain begins to 'cry, or does not keep good health. Hills are worshipped at Ganpati Pule On such occasions the parents of the child and Chaul. At Pule there is a temple of the make certain vows to the deity, and if the god Ganpati, the son of Shiva, and at Chaul in child recovers, the parents go to a jungle, and the Kolaba District there is a temple of the collect seven small stones. They then besmear god Dattatraya. 1 School Master, Anjarle, Ratnagiri. School Master, Achare, Ratnagiri. * School Master, Fonde, Ratnagiri, School Master, Chauk, Kolaba. Rao Saheb Shelke, Kolbapar.

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. 80 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY The place which produces sound when water called Mora Dhonda lying by the seashore at is poured over it is considered to be holy, and Malwan in the Ratnagiri District. It is is worshipped by the people. supposed to be haunted by Devachar.5 In the Deccan, hills are worshipped by the The stones which are once consecrated and people on the Narak chaturdashi day in worshipped as deities have to be continually Dipawoli. 14th day of the dark half of Ashwin worshipped, even when perforated. The small. (October). The legend of this worship is round, white stone slab known as Vishnu pada, that the god Shri Krislina lifted the Govardhan which is naturally perforated, is considered to mountain on this day, and protected the people be holy, and is worshipped daily by the Hindus of this world. A hill made of cowdung is along with the other images of gods. The worshipped at every house on the Narak holes in this slab do not extend right through. chaturdashi day.1 It is considered inauspicious to worship the Stones of certain kinds are first considered fractured images of gods, but the perforated as one of the deities, or as one of the chief black stone called Shaligram, taken from the heroes in the family, and then worshipped by Gandaki river, is considered very holy, and the people. Many such stones are found worshipped by the people. For it is believed worshipped in the vicinity of any temple. to be perforated from its very beginning. A stone coming out of the earth with a Every Shaligram has a hole in it, even when it pballus or lingam of Shiva is worshipped by is in the river.7 the Hindus. If such a lingam lies in a deep Broken stones are not worshipped by the jungle, it is worshipped by them at least once people. But the household gods of the a year, and daily, if practicable, in the month Brahmans and other higher classes which are of Adhikamas, an intercalary month which called the Panchayatan-a collection of five comes every third year. gods-generally consist of five stones with holes The red stones found in the Narmada river in them.8 represent the god Ganpati, and are worshipped No instances of human sacrifices occur in by the people. India in these days, but there are many A big stone at Phutaka Tembha near Murud practices and customs which appear to be the in the Ratnagiri District is worshipped by the survivals of human sacrifices. These survivals people, who believe it to be the monkey god are visible in the offerings of fowls, goats, Hanuman or Maruti. All the stone images of landfalse buffaloes, and fruits like cocoanuts, brinjals, gode that are called Swayambhu or self the Kohale or pumpkien gourd and others. existent are nothi. 8 but rough stones of Human sacrifices are not practised in these peculiar shapes. There are such swayambhu- lde days, but among the Karhada Brahmans there natural-images--at Kelshi and Kolthare in the is a practice of giving poison to animals in Ratnagiri District. order to satisfy their family deity. It is said There is a big stone at Palshet in the that they used to kill a Brahman by giving Ratnagiri District which is worshipped as him poisoned food. Kdlikadedi. It is believed that the people belonging to Stones are sometimes worshipped by the the caste of Karhada Brahmans used to offer people in the belief that they are haunted by human sacrifices to their deity, and therefore evil spirits. We have for example a stone nobody relies on a Karhada Brahman in these 1 Rao Saheb Shelke, Kolbapor, * School Master, Anjarle, Ratnagiri. School Master, Kalshe, Ratnagiri, Rao Saheb Shelle, Kolhaper. 2 School Master, Medhe, Kolaba. - School Master, Palshet. Ratnagiri. . School Master, Mokhade, Thans $ School Master, Kalshe, Ratnagiri.

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FOLKLORE OF THE KONKAN days. There is a proverb in Marathi which means that a man can trust even a Kasai or a butcher but not a Karhada. As they cannot offer human sacrifices in these days, it is said that during the Navaratra holidays, i, e., the first nine days of the bright half of Ashwin (October), they offer poisoned food to crows, dogs and other animals.1 At Kalshe in the Malwan taluka of the Ratnagiri District, the servants of gods, i.e., the ministrants or the Bhopis of the temple prick their breast with a knife on the Dasara day, and cry out loudly the words 'Koya' Koya'. No blood comes from the breast as the wound is slight. This appears to be a survival of human sacrifice.2 In the Bombay Presidency, and more especially in the Konkan districts, fetish stones are generally worshipped for the purpose of averting evil and curing diseases. In every village stones are foun1 sacred to spirit deities like Bahiroba, Chedoba, Khandoba, Mhasoba, Zoting, Vetal, Jakhai, Kokai, Kalkai and others. The low class people such as Mahars, Mangs, etc., apply red lead and oil to stones, and call them by one of the above names, and ignorant people are very much afraid of such deities. They believe that such deities have control over all the evil spirits or ghosts. It is said that the spirit Vetal starts to take a round in a village on the night of the nomoon day of every month, accompanied by all the ghosts. When any epidemic prevails in a village, people offer to these fetish stones offerings of eatables, cocoanuts, fowls and goats. There is a stone deity named Bhavai at Kokisare in the Bavada State, to whom Vows are made by the people to cure diseases. As the deity is in the burning ground, it is naturally believed that this is the abode of spirits.3 1 School Master, Chawk, Kolaba. 3 School Master, Fonde, Ratnagiri. 5 School Master, Naringre, Ratnagiri, 81 At Achare, in the Malwan taluka of the Ratnagiri District, the round stones known as Kshetrapal are supposed to possess the power of curing diseases, and are also believed to be the abode of spirits.4 At Adivare, in the Ratnagiri District, there is a stone named Mahar Purukha which is worshipped by the people when cattle disease prevails, especially the disease of a large tick or the cattle or dog louse." At Ubhadanda, in the Ratnagiri District, there are some stones which are believed to be haunted by Vetal, Bhutnath, Rawalnath and such other servants of the god Shiva, and it is supposed that they have the power of curing epidemic diseases. People make vows to these stones when any disease prevails in the locality. The Hindus generally consider as sacred all objects that are the means of their livelihood, and, for this reason, the oilmen worship their oil-mill, the Brahmans hold in veneration the sacred thread-Yadnopavit, and religious books, the goldsmiths consider their firepots as sacred, and do not touch them with their feet. In case any one accidently happens to touch them with his foot, he apologises and bows to them. It is believed by the Hindus that the broom, the winnowing fan, the payali-a measure of four shers, the Samai or sweet-oil lamp, a metal vessel, fire and Sahan or the levigating slab should not be touched with foot. The metals gold, silver, and copper, the King's coins, jewels and pearls, corns, the Shaligram stone, the Ganpati stone from the Narmada river, conch-shell, sacred ashes, elephant tusks, the horns of an wild ox (Gava), tiger skin, deer skin, milk, curds, ghi, cow's urine, Bel, basil leaves or Tulsi, cocoanuts, betelnuts, and flowers are considered as sacred by the Hindus, and no one will dare to touch them with his foot. 2 School Master, Kalshe, Ratnagiri, 4 School Master, Achare, Ratnagiri. School Master, Ubhadanda, Ratnagiri.

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82 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY Hindus worship annually on the Dasara day the arms and all the instruments or implements by which they earn their livelihood. The corn sieve, the winnowing basket, the broom, the rice-pounder, the plough, the Awuta or wood bill, and other such implements are worshipped on this day. The agriculturists respect their winnowing fans and corn sieves, and do not touch them with their feet. In the Kolhapur District all the instruments and implements are worshipped by the people one day previous to the Dasara holiday. This worship is called Khandepujan. They also worship all agricultural instruments, and tie to them leaves of Pipal and mango trees.1 A new winnowing fan is considered to be holy by the Hindus. It is filled with rice, fruits, cocoanuts and betelnuts, and a Khana-a piece of bodice cloth-is spread over it. It is then worshipped and given to a Brahman lady in fulfilment of certain vows, or on the occasion of the worship of a Brahman Dampatya or married pair. The broom is considered to be holy by the Hindus. Red powder-Kunku-is applied to a new broom before it is taken into use. It should not be touched with the feet. At Rewadanda, in the Kolaba District, some people worship a wood-bill or Koyata on the 6th day from the birth of a child. The rice. pounder, or Musal, is worshipped by them as a devak at the time of thread and marriage ceremonies.2 Fire is considered to be holy among the high class Hindus. It is considered as an angel that conveys the sacrificial offerings from this earth to the gods in heaven. It is considered as one of the Hindu deities, and worshipped daily by high class Hindus. A Brahman has 1 Rao Saheb Shelke, Kolhapur. 3 School Master, Ibbrampur, Ratnagiri. to worship the fire every day in connection with the ceremony Vaishwadeva oblations of boiled rice and ghi given to the fire. It is also worshipped by the Hindus on special religious occasions. Fire is worshipped at the time of Yadnas or Sacrifices. Sacrifices are of five kinds. They are Devayadna, Bhutagades or Brahmayadna, Rishiyadna or Atithiyadna, Pitruyadna and Manushyayadna. The offerings of rice, ghi, firewood, Til or sesamum, Java or barley, etc, are made in these yadnas. It is also worshipped at the time of Shravani or Upakarmathe ceremony of renewing the sacred thread annually in the month of Shravan Among the lower classes fire is worshipped on the Mahalaya or Shraddha day. They throw oblations of food into the fire on that day. The fire produced by rubbing sticks of the Pipal or Shevari tree is considered sacred, and it is essentially necessary that the sacred fire required for the Agnihotra rites should be produced in the manner described above. Agnihotra is a perpetual sacred fire preserved in Agnikunda, a hole in the ground for receiving and preserving consecrated fire. A Brahman, who has to accept the Agnihotra, has to preserve in his house the sacred fire day and night after his thread ceremony, and to worship it three times a day after taking his bath. When an Agnihotri dies, his body is burnt by the people who prepare fire by rubbing sticks of Pipal wood together. There are some Brahmans who keep the fire continuously burning in their houses only for Chaturmas or four months of the year. The fire which is preserved and worshipped for four months is called "Smarta Agni," School Master, Rewadanda, Kolaba. 4 School Master, Adivare, Ratnagiri. 5 School Master, Anjur, Thana.

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CHAPTER IX. ANIMAL WORSHIP The following animals, birds and insects are gift of a cow along with its calf, to a Brahman. respected by the Hindas -The cow, bullock, The sight of a cow in the morning is believed she-buffalo, horse, elephant, tiger, deer, mouse, by all Hindus to be auspicious. goat, ants and alligators; and among the birds! The bullock is respected by the people as it the following are held sacred.-Peacock, swan, is the favourite vehicle of the god Shiva, and is eagie and kokil or cuckoo. very useful for agricultural purposes. The Of all the animals the cow is considered to Nandi or bull is worshipped by Hindus. The be the most sacred by Hindus. It is generally bullock is specially worshipped on the 12th worshipped daily in the morning for the whole day of the bright half of Kartika. When year, or at least for the Chaturmas or four performing the funeral rites of the dead, a bull months beginning from the 11th day of the is worshipped and set free. The bull thus set bright half of Ashudha to the 11th day of the free is considered sacred by the people, and is bright half of the month of Kartika; and a special worship is offered to it in the evening never used again for agricultural or any other on the 12th day of the dark half of Ashwin domestic purposes. (October) In order to avoid calamities arising from the The cow is believed to be the abode of all the influence of inauspicious planets, Hindus wordeities and rishis. It is compared with the ship the she-buffalo, and offer it as a gift to a earth in its sacredness, and it is considered that Brahman. The she-buffalo is compared with the when it is pleased it is capable of giving Kal Purusha or the god of Death, the reason everything required for the maintenance of being that Yama is believed to ride a buffalo. mankind, and for this reason it is styled the The Brahman who accepts this gift has to Kama Dhenu or the giver of desired objects. shave his moustaches and to undergo a certain It is said that a person who walks round | penance. The cowherds sometimes worship the the cow at the time of its delivery obtains the punya or merit of going round the whole she-buffalo. As it is the vehicle of Yama, the earth. The cow is even worshipped by the buffalo is specially worshipped by people when god Vishnu. an epidemic occurs in a village. In certain The cow is considered next to a mother, as villages in the Konkan districts the buffalo is little children and the people in general are worshipped and sacrificed on the same day. fed by the milk of a cow. Some women among The horse is the vehicle of the deity Khanhigh class Hindus take a vow not to take their doba of Jejuri. It is worshipped on the Vijaya meals before worshipping the cow, and when Dashami or the Dasara holiday as in former the cow is not available for worship, they draw days, on the occasion of the horse sacrifice or in turmeric, white or red powder the cow's Ashwamedha, foot-prints and worship the same. At the completion of the row it is worshipped, and The elephant is the vehicle of the god Indra then given as a gift to a Brahman. It is con- and is specially worshipped on the Dasara day. sidered very meritorious to give a Gopradan- It is also believed that there are eight sacred

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84 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY elephants posted at the eight directions. These feeding the ants with sugar or flour, a person are called Ashtadik-Palas, i.e., the protectors obtains the Punya or merit of sahasrabhojan, of the eight different directions, and they are i.e., of giving a feast to a thousand Brahmans. worshipped along with other deities on auspi- Alligators are worshipped as water deities cious ceremonial occasions, like weddings, by the Hindus. thread-girding, etc. The peacock is the favourite vehicle of The deer and the tiger are considered to be Saraswati, the Goddess of Learning, and it is holy by. Hindos, and their skins are used by therefore respected by the people, Brahmang and ascetics while performing their The swan is the vehicle of Brahma, the god austerities. The deer skin is used on the of creation. occasion of thread girding. A small piece of The eagle is the vehicle of the god Vishnu, the deer skin is tied to the neck of the boy and is a favourite devotee of that deity. It is along with the new sacred thread. therefore held sacred by Hindus. The mouse, beiug the vehicle of the god The cuckoo or Kokil is believed to be an Ganpati, is worshipped along with that deity incarnation of the goddess Parwati. This bird on the Ganesh Chaturthi day, the fourth day is specially worshipped by high caste Hindu of the bright half of Bhadrapada. women for the period of one month on the The goat is believed to be boly for sacrificial occasion of a special festival called the purposes. It is worshipped at the time of its festival of the cuckoos, or Kokila vrata, which sacrifice, which is performed to gain the favour is held in the month of Ashadha at intervals of certain deities. of twenty years. The ass is generally considered as unholy by The crow is generally held inauspicious by the Hindus, and its mere touch is held to cause Hindus, but as the manes or pitras are said to pollution. But certain lower class Hindus like assume the form of crows, these birds are resthe Lonaris consider it sacred, and worship it pected in order that they may be able to partake on the Gokul Ashthami day (8th day of the of the food offered to the dead ancestors in the dark half of Shrawan). dark half of Bhadrapada called Pitrupaksha. The dog is believed to be an incarnation of It is necessary that the oblations given in the deity Khandoba, and it is respected as the performance of the funeral rites on the tenth favourite animal of the god Dattatraya. But day after the death of a person should be eaten it is not touched by high class Hindus. by the crow. But if the crow refuses to touch It is considered a great sin to kill a cat these oblations, it is believed that the soul of the All domestic animals are worshipped by the dead has not obtained salvation; and hence it is Hindus on the morning of the first day of conjectured that certain wishes of the dead have Margashirsha (December). remained unfulfilled. The son or the relatives On this day the horns of these animals are of the dead then take water in the cavity of washed with warm water, painted with red their right hand, and solemnly promise to fulfil colours, and a lighted lamp is passed round the wishes of the dead. When this is done, the their faces. They are feasted on this day as it crow begins to eat the food. is considered to be the gala day (Divali holiday) The harsh sound of a crow is taken as a sure of the animals. sigo of an impending mishap. Hindus consider it meritorious to feed ants The dog, cat, pig, ass, buffalo, rat, bhaly, an and fish, and to throw grain to the birds. Ants old female jackal, lizard, and the birds cock, are fed by the people scattering sugar and crow, kite, vulture, owl, bat, and pingla are flour on the ant-hills. It is believed that, by considered as unholy and inauspicious by Hindus,

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CHAPTER X, WITCHCRAFT Chetak is an art secretly learnt by women. is believed to bring corn and other things from It is a form of the black art. A woman well houses or harvesting grounds. It is seen only versed in the mantras of chetak can do any by its mistress the chetakin. The belief that the mischief she chooses. She can kill a child or chetakins can turn a person into the form of turn any person into's dog or other animal by an animal does not prevail in this district. They the power of her incantations. The Chetakin do not wander from one place to another. can remove all the hair from the head of a The chetakin has to go once a year to the temple woman, or scatter filth, etc, in a person's house, of the deity from whom the chetak has been make marks of crosses with marking nuts on brought, and to pay the annual tribute for the all the clothes, or play many other such tricks use of that chetak or servant spirit,1 without betraying a trace of the author of the There are no witches in the Ratnagiri District. mischief. The chetakins are able to mesmerize It is said that there are some at Kolwan in the a man and order him to do anything they want. Thana District They are generally found A Chetakin or witch cannot herself appear in among Thakars. Some of them come to the the form of an animal. Ratnagiri District, but though no one can tell They follow revolting forms of ceremonies. anything about their powers, ignorant people All witches who have learnt the black art meet are very much afraid of them. It is believed at night once a month on the Amavasya day or that they can turn persons into animals by means no mon day of every month, at a burning ground of their incantations. The person once charmed outside the village. On such occasions they go by their mantras is said to blindly abide by quite naked, and apply turmeric and red powders their orders. It is also believed that they can the mud and favehead. Whileming to ruin anybody by their magic. the cremation ground they bring on their There are no witches at Rai in the Thana heads burning coals in an earthen pot called District. The woman who can influence evil Kondi. At this meeting they repeat their spirits to do harm to others is called a Bhutali. mantras, and take care that none are forgotten. It is said that the Bhutalis assemble at the After completing the repetition of the mantras, funeral ground in a naked state on the full-moon they go round the village and return to their day and on the Amavasya, or the last day of respective houses. They have no special every month, to refresh their knowledge of the haunts or seasons. black art, 3 In the Kolhapur District the woman who is A witch has dirty habits and observances. in possession of a chetak is called chetakin. The chief sign for detecting a witch or chetakis The chetak is said to abide by her orders. It is a foam or froth that appears on the lips of Rao Saheb Shelke, Kolhapur. 2 School Master, Anjarle, Ratnagiri. * School Master, Ri, Thang.

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86 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY her mouth when she is asleep. The only means to guard against her witchcraft is to remain on friendly terms with her, and not to hurt her feelings on any occasion. People generally keep a watch over the actions of a woman who is suspected to be a witch, and if she is found practising her black art, and is caught redhanded, people then pour into her mouth water brought from the shoe-maker's earthen pot or kundi. It is believed that, when she is compelled to drink such water, her black art becomes ineffective.1 In the Thana District it is believed that the skin round the eyes of a witch is always black, her eyes have an intoxicated appearance, her nails are generally parched and have a darkish colour, and the lower portions of her feet seem to be scraped. When any sorcerer gives out the name of such a Bhutali, she is threatened by the people that, should she continue to give trouble in the village, her own black art or another spirit would be set against her; and she then ceases to give trouble.* There are some sorcerers in the Thana District who can move a small brass cup or vati by the 1 School Master, Khopoli, Kolaba, School Master, Padghe, Thana. power of their magic. They can detect a witch by the movement of this vessel. When the brass vessel or vati reaches the house of a witch, it at once settles upon the witch's head. She is then threatened by the people that she will be driven out of the village if found practising her black art.3 In the Kolhapur District, when the people come to know of the existence of a witch in their village, they take special precautions at the time of harvest. They arrange to harvest a different kind of grain to the one selected for harvesting by the witch. After some time they go to the field of the witch, and discover whether there is a mixture of grain in her field. If they are convinced of the fact, they take further precautions. In order to avoid being troubled by the chetak, they keep an old, worn out shoe or sandal and a charmed copper amulet under the eaves at the main door of their houses, or make crosses with marking nut on both sides of a door. At some places chunam spots or circles are marked on the front of a house, the object being to guard against the evil effects of the chetak's tricks. * School Master, Rai, Thana. 4 Rao Saheb Shelke, Kolhapur.

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CHAPTER XI. GENERAL Offerings of cocoanuts, fowls or goats are Lawani or plantation of crops a fair called annually made to the spirits that guard the Palejatra is held by the people, and every fields. They are generally made at the time farmer breaks a cocoanut in the field at the of beginning a plantation or the harvesting of time of plantation or lavani of crops. At the a crop. When making these offerings, the time of harvesting it is customary with many farmers pray to the god to give prosperor of the cultivators in the Konkan to place a crops every year. They prepare their cooked cocoanut in the field and to thrash it with the first food in the field on the first harvesting day bundle of crop several times before the regular and offer it as naivedya (god's meal) along operation of thrashing is begun. At the close of with the above mentioned offerings.1 the harvest the peasants offer cocoanuts, fowls At Bandivade in the Ratnagiri District, while or a goat to the guardian deity of the field. commencing the sowing of crops, the farmers At Vada in the Thana District the ploughs worship a certain number of bullocks made of are worshipped by the farmers on Saturday and rice flour and then throw them into the pond or then carried to the fields for ploughing. At river adjoining the fields. On other occasions, the time of harvesting, the wooden post to which offerings of cocoanuts and fowls are sacrificed to the bullocks are tied is worshipped by them, and the deities that protect the fields. Some people at the close of the harvest the heap of new give a feast to the Brahmans at the end of the corn is worshipned and coenannte Are broken harvesting season. over it.7 Ceremonies in connection with ploughing, in the Kolhapur District the farmers worship etc., are not observed for all the land. But fields the plough before beginning to plough the land. which are supposed to be baunted by evil spirits | At the time of sowing the At the time of sowing the corn they worship are worshipped at the time of ploughing, and the Kuri, an implement for sowing corn. At the evil spirits are propitiated, cocoanuts, sugar, the time of Ropani or transplanting the crops fowls or goats being offered to the local deities or they split a cocoanut, and worship the stone devachars. There is a custom of worshipping consecrated by the side of the field after bein the fields the heaps of new corn at the time smearing it with red powders, and make a vow of of harvest, and this custom generally prevails sacrificing a goat for the prosperity of their in almost all the Konkan districts.3 . crops. At the time of harvesting they also At Fonde in the Ratnagiri District the worship the heap of new corn, and after giving Shimar, generally composed of boiled rice mixed to the deity offerings of cocoanuts, fowls or with curds, is kept at the corner of a field at goats they carry the corn to their houses. the time of reaping the crops. The Shimar is In the Konkan districts the village deity is sometimes composed of the offerings of fowls invoked to protect the cattle. People offer and goats. This ritual is also known by the fowls and cocoanats in the annual fair of a name Chorama,5 village deity, and request her to protect their At Dasgav in the Kolabr District, there is cattle and crops. They have to offer a goat or a custom of carrying one onion in the corn buffalo to the deity every third year, and to taken to the fields for sowing, and placing five hold annual fairs in her honour. The procession handfuls of corn on a piece of cloth before of bali is one of the measures adopted for beginning to sow the corn. At the time of averting cattle diseases. School Master, Khopoli, Kolaba, : School Master, Bandivade, Ratnagiri, 3 School Master, Devgad, Ratnagiri. . School Master, Fondo, Ratnagiri. & School Master, Ubhidenda, Rutpagiri. * School Master, Dasgav, Kolaba. School Master, Veda, Thana. * Rao Saheb Shelke, Kolhapur. School Master, Khopoli, Koldba,

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88 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY When there was scarcity of rain the Hindus fields. The figure of a tiger made of dry formerly invoked Indra, the god of rain, by leaves of sugarcane is posted at a conspicuous means of Yadnyas or sacrifices, but such sacri- place in the fields for protecting the crops of fices are now rarely performed as they are very sugarcane. costly. The general method of ensuring rain- Great secrecy is required to be observed on fall in these days is to drown the lingam of the occasion of the special puja of Shiva which the god Shiva in water and to offer prayers to is performed on the first day of the bright half that deity. 1 of the month of Bhadrapada (September). The following rural rites are intended to This rite is called Maunya urata or silent worensure sunshine and to check excessive rain. ship, and should be performed only by the male A man born in the month of Falgun (March) members of the family. On this day all the is requested to collect rain water in the leaf of members of the family have to remain silent the Alu plant, and the leaf is then tied to a while taking their meals. Women do not speak stick and kept on the roof of a house, Burning while cooking, as the food which is to be offered coals are also thrown into rainwater after passing to the god must be cooked in silence, 5 them between the legs of a person born in the | Newly married girls Jave to perform the wonth of Falgun. worship of Mangala Gauri successively for the In order to protect the crops from wild pig first five years on every Tuesday in the month the people of Umbergkon in the Thana District of Shrawan (August), and it is enjoined that post in their fields twigs of Ayan tree on the they should not speak while taking their meals Ganesh Chaturthi day (fourth day of the on that day. Som: people do not speak while bright half of Bhadrapada or September) taking their meals on every Monday of Shrawan, every year. 3 and others make a vow of observing silence and In the Kolhapur District the deities Tamjai secrecy at their meals every day. All Brahmans Tungai, and Waghai are invoked by the villa- have to remain silent when going to the closet gers for the protection of cattle. When the and making water. cattle disease has disappeared the people offer certain persons observe silence at their meals cocoanuts and other oiferings to these deities. during the period of four months (Chaturmas) The potters and the Chudbude Joshis observe commencing from the 11th day of the bright the following ceremony for causing rainfall. half of Ashadha (July) to the 11th day of the A lingam or phallus of Shiva made of mud is bright half of Kartile (November). Certain consecrated on a wooden board or pat, and a classes of Hindus observe the penance of secrecy naked boy is asked to hold it over his head in the additional month that occurs at the lapse The boy carries it from house to house and the of every third year.? inmates of the houses pour water over the phallus. Silence is essential at the time of performing The Brahmans and the high class Hindus pour certain austerities such as Sandhya, worshipping water on the lingam at the temple of the god the gods, and the repetition of the Brahma GaShiva continuously for several days. This is yatri mantra and other such mantras. Secrecy called Rudrabhisheka. It is a religious rite in is specially observed when a disciple is initiated which eleven Brahmans are seated in a temple by his Guru or spiritual guide with the sacred to repeat the prayers of the god Shiva. mantras or incantations, In order to scare noxious animals or insects Secrecy and silence are essential when learnfrom the fields, the owners of the fields throwing the mantras on snakebite, on evil eye and the charmed rice round the boundaries of their evil spirit of Vetal. All followers of the Shakta 1 School Master, Fondo, Ratnagiri. . School Master, Umbergaon, Thana, 5 School Master, Chinchani, Thana. School Master, Dabhol, Ratnagiri. . School Master, Neringre, Ratnagiri, * Rao Saheb Shelke, Kolbapur. * School Master, Dabanu, Thana, * School Master, Fonde, Ratnagiri.

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FOLKLORE OF THE KONKAN 89 sect must worship the goddess (Durga) very the sacred fire they take five turns round the secretly. Silence is also observed by people in Holi accompanied with the beating of drums and welcoming to their homes and worshipping the raise loud cries of obscene words. After this goddess Parvati or Gauri in the bright half of they play the Indian games of Atyapalya and Bhadrapada every year.1 Khokho and occasionally rob the neighbouring At Vade in the Thana District, one day people of their firewood and other combustible previous to the planting of rice crops the farmer articles. At the close of these games they daub has to go to his field even before day break with their foreheads with sacred ashes gathered from five balls of boiled rice, cocoanuts and other the Holi fire. They consider these ashes espethings. There he worships the guardian deity cially auspicious and carry them home for the of the field and buries the balls of rice under- use of the other members of their families. ground. He has to do it secretly and has to This process is continued every night till the remain silent during the whole period. He is close of the fullmoon day. Elderly persons also forbidden to look behind while going to the take part in this festival only during the last field for the purpose. 2 few days. Secrecy and silence are observed when per On the fullmoon day all the males of the forming the rites of Chetaks and evil spirits or village, including old men, start after sunset for ghosts. Widow remarriages among the lower the Holi spot, collecting on their way pieces of classes are performed secretly. The pair firewood from all the houses in the locality and wishing to be remarried are accompanied by a arrange them in the manner described above. Brahman priest, and the marriage is performed After having arranged the Holi, the officiating away from the house. The priest applies red priest recites sacred verses and the puja is lead (Kunku) to the forehead of the bride and performed by the mankari of the village. This throws grains of rice over their heads, and a mankari or patil is either the headman or some stone mortar or pata is touched to the backbone other leading person of the village, and to him of the bride. The priest then turns his face belongs the right of kindling the Holi fire first. and walks away silently 3 Some persons kindle a small Holi in front of The Holi is a religious festival. It is their houses and worship it individually, but annually celebrated in memory of the death of they can take part in the public Holi. In the Kamdev the God of Love, who was destroyed by the god Shankar on the full moon day of towns the Holis of different localities are kindled separately while in small villages there is only Falgun (March). The object of this festival one for every village. appears to have been a desire to abstain from At Vijaydurg in the Ratnagiri District a hen lust by burning in the Holi fire all vicious thoughts and desires. As a rule, females do is tied to the top of a tree or a bamboo placed in the pit dug out for kindling the Holi fire. not take any part in this festival. The fowl tied to the top of the bamboo is called In the Konkan districts the annual festival Shit. A small quantity of dry grass is first of Holi begins from the fifth day of the bright burnt at the bottom of this tree when the Mahars half of Falgun (March). Boys from all the beat their drums. The Shit (fowl) is then localities of a village assemble at a place ap removed from the tree after it is half burnt ported for the Holi. The place appointed for kindling the Holi is not generally changed. and taken by the Mahars. The Holi fire is The boys then go from house to house asking then worshipped and kindled by the Gurav. for firewood, and bring it to the Holi spot. Worshipping and kindling the Holi and taking They arrange the firewood and other combustible the Shit (fowl) are considered as high honours. articles around the branch of a mango, betelnut Occasionally quarrels and differences arise or a Sawar tree in the pit dug out for the over this privilege and they are decided by the purpose and then set it on fire. After kindling village Panch. 1 School Master, Chauk, Kolaba. * Rao Saheb Sheke, Kolkapur. 2 School Master, Vade, Thana. * School Master, Poladpur and Vijaydurg.

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90 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY After the kindling of the Holi the people assembled there offer to the Holi a Naivedya (gcd's meal) of poli-a sweet cake made of jagri, wheat flour and gram pulse. Cocoanuts from all the houses in the village are thrown into this sacred fire. Some of these cocoanuts are afterwards taken out of the sacred fire, cut into pieces, mixed with sugar and are distributed among the people assembled as prasad or favoured gift. Lower classes of Hindus offer a live goat to the Holi, take it out when it is half burnt and feast thereon. On the night of the fullmoon day and the first day of the dark half of Falgun, the people assembled at the Holi fire wander about the village, enter gardens and steal plantains, cocoanuts and other garden produce. Robbery of such things committed during these days is considered to be pardonable. Some people take advantage of this opportunity for taking revenge on their enemies in this respect. The fire kindled at the Holi on the fullmoon day is kept constantly burning till the Rangpanchami day i. e., fifth day of the dark half of Falgun. Next morning i. e., on the first day of the dark half of Falgun, the people boil water over that fire and use it for the purpose of bathing. It is believed that water boiled on the sacred fire has the power of dispelling all the diseases from the body. People go on dancing in the village and sing songs for the next five days. They generally sing Lavanis, a kind of ballad, during this festival. Among these dancers a boy is dressed like a girl and is called Radha. This Radha has to dance at every house while the others repeat Lavanis. The second day of the dark half of Falgun is called Dhulvad or dust day when people start in procession through the village, and compel the males of every house to join the party. They thus go to the Holi fire and raise loud cries of obscene words throwing mud and ashes upon each other. They afterwards go to the river or a pond to take their bath at noon time and then return to their houses. The third day of the dark half is also spent like the previous one with a slight 1 School Master, Ibbrampur, Ratnegiri. difference which is that cow dung is used instead of mud. This day is called Shenwac day. On the fourth day the Dhunda Rakshahasin (a demon goddess) is worshipped by the people, and the day is spent in making merry and singing obscene songs called Lavanis. The fifth day of the dark half is known as Rangpanchami day and is observed by the people in throwing coloured water upon each other. Water in which Kusumba and other colours are mixed is carried in large quantity on bullock carts through the streets of a city and sprinkled on the people passing through these streets. On this day the sacred fire of the Holi is extinguished by throwing coloured water over it. This water is also thrown upon the persons assembled at the Holi. The money collected as post during this period is utilised in feasting and drinking. At Ibhrampur in the Ratnagiri District the image of cupid is seated in a palanquin and carried with music from the temple to the Holi ground. The palanquin is then placed on a certain spot. The place for thus depositing the image of the god is called Sahan.1 At Naringre there is a big stone called Holder which is worshipped by the people before kindling the Holi fire. After the kindling of the sacred fire the palanquin is lifted from the Suhan, and carried round the Holi fire with great rejoicings. The palanquin is then carried through the village and is first taken to the house of a Mankari, and then from house to house during the next five days. The inmates of the houses worship the deity in the palanquin and offer cocoanuts and other fruits and make certain vows. The palanquin is taken back to the temple on the fifth day of the dark half of Falgun when on its way gulal or red powder is thrown over the image and on the people who accompany it.3 Among high class Hindus the thread girding ceremony of a boy is performed when he attains puberty. The girls are generally married at an early age, and when a girl attains puberty, sugar is distributed among the friends and relatives of her husband. She is then seated in a Makhara gaily dressed frame. Dishes of sweets which are brought by the 2 School Master, Naringre, Ratnagiri. 3 School Master, Ibhrampur, Ratnagiri.

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FOLKLORE OF THE KONKAN parents and the relatives of her husband are Special ceremonies called Laghurudra and given to her for the first three days. She Maherudra in honour of Shiva the god of destakes her bath on the fourth day, accompanied tructin.are also performed. Sweetmeats such by the playing of music and the beating of as pernas ctc. are offered to the gods in fulfildrums. Sweetmeats in dishes are brought by ment of vows. Some people make vows to the relatives till the day of Rutushanti (the observe fests, to feed Brahmans, and to distri. first bridal right). The Garbhadan or Rutu- bute coins and clothes to the poor ; while shanti ceremony is one of the sixteen cere- others hang toranas-wreaths of flowers and monies that are required to be performed mango leaves on the entrance of the temple, during the life of every Hindu. This cere- and hoist flags over it. Rich people erect new mony is performed within the first sixteen temples to different Hindu deities. Some obdays from the girl's attaining her puberty, the serve fasts to propitiate the goddess Chandika 4th, 7th, 9th, 11th and the 13th being cons- and worship her during Navaratra the first nine dered inauspicious for this purpose. While days of the bright half of Ashvin (October) performing this ceremony the following three and others offer fowls and goats to their farites are required to be observed. They are vourite deities. Women make a vow to Ganpatipujan or the worship of the god Gan- walk round the Audumbar or Pipal tree, and pati, Punhyahavachan or the special ceremony to distribute cocoanuts, sugar, jagri, copper or for invoking divine blessings and Navagraha silver equal to the weight of their children. slanti the ceremony for propitiating the nine | Vows are made by people with the object of planets. The ritual of this ceremony is as securing health, wealth and children and other follows desired objects such as education, etc. They are The husband and the wife are seated side by as follows: side on wooden boards to perform the above Performing che worship of Shri Satya three rites. The Kadali pujan or plantain tree Narayan, offering clothes and ornaments to the worship is performed by the pair. The sacred temple deities, hanging bells, constructing a fire or Homa is required to be kindled. The foot path or steps leading to the temple of the juice of the Durwa grass is then poured into the special deity.1 Vows are also made to obright nostril of the bride by her husband. This is tain freedom from disease or such other calamiintended to expel all diseases from the body of ties. When any person in the family becomes the girl and to secure safe conception. They ill or when a sudden calamity befalls a family are then seated in a Makhar, and presents of an elderly member of the family goes to the clothes, ornaments etc., are made by the parents temple of a deity and makes certain rows of the girl and other relatives. After this the according to his means, fulfilling them as soon husband fills the lap of the girl with rice, a as the calamity or disease has disappeared.2 cocoanut, five betelnuts, five dry dates, five Vows are usually to perform acts of benealmonds, five plantains and five pieces of volence. These consist in distributing cocosturmeric. The girl is then carried to a temple nut mixed in sugar, giving feasts to Brahman accompanied by the playing of music. A grand priests, observing fasts on Saturday, Tuesday feast is given to the friends and relatives at and Sunday, offering clothes and ornaments to the close of this ceremony. deities, building new temples and guest houses The Hindus generally make various kinds (dharmshalas), digging out new wells and in of vows in order to procure offspring or with distributing clothes and food to the poor.3 some other such object, and fulfil them when At Khopoli in the Kolaba District, people they succeed in getting their desire. The fol- who have no children or whose children die lowing are the different kinds of vows made. shortly after birth make a vow to the Satwai They offer cocoanuts, sugar, plantains and deity, whose temple is at a short distance from other fruits, costly new dresses and ornaments Khopoli. The vow is generally to bring the to the deities, and give feasts to Brahmans. child to the darshana (sight) of the deity and 1 School Master, Fonde, Ratnagiri. * School Master, Bankavli, Ratnagiri. 3 School Master, Vijaydurg, Ratnagiri.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY to feed five or more (married) Brahman pairs. In the Konkan districts there are some perSuch vows are fulfilled after the birth of a sons who practise black art of several kinds child. Some worship the god Satya Narayan such as Chetak, Jaran, Maran and Uchatan. on a grand scale and others propitiate the god Chetak is a kind of evil spirit brought from Shiva by the ceremony of Abhisheka (water the temple of the goddess Italai of the Konsprinkling).1 Some offer nails made of gold kan districts. It is brought for a fixed or or silver to the goddess Shitala after the re- limited period, and an annual tribute is recovery of a child suffering from small pox. quired to be paid to the goddess for the serEyes and other parts of the body made of vices. gold and silver are also occasionally offered in Another kind of black art widely practisfulfilment of vows. People abstain from eating ed in the Konkan districts is known by the certain things till the vows are fulfilled name of Muth marane. In this art the sor Vows are made in times of difficulties and cerer prepares an image of wheat flour, and sorrow. The person afflicted with sorrow or worships it with flowers, incense, etc. A lemon misfortune prays to his favourite deity and pierced with a number of pins is then placed promises to offer particular things or to per before the image. The sorcerer begins to form special ceremonies, and fulfils his vows pour spoonfuls of water mixed with jagri on when his desired objects are attained. The the face of the image, and repeats certain ceremonies commonly observed for these pur- mantras. Meanwhile, the lemon gradually poses are the special pujas of Satya Narayan disappears and goes to the person whose and Satya Vinayak. Native Christians make death it is intended to secure. The person their vows to their saints and Mot-Mavali aimed at receives a heavy blow in the chest (Mother Mary) in the taluka of Salsette. and at once falls to the ground vomiting There is a shrine of the god Shankar at blood. Sometimes he is known to expire Kanakeshwar a village on the sea side two instantaneously. The charmed lemon, after miles from Mitbav in the Ratnagiri District completing its task returns to the sorcerer, Many years ago it so happenied that a rich. who antiously awaits its return, for it is beMahomedan merchant was carrying his mer- lieved that if the lemon fails to return some chandise in a ship. The ship foundered in a calamity or misfortune is sure to occur to him. storm at a distance of about two or three For this reason the beginner desiring to be miles from Kanakeshwar. When the vessel, initiated into the mystery of this black art has seemed to be on the point of sinking the to make the first trial of his mantras on a merchant despairing of his life and goods, tree or a fowl. made a vow to erect a pice templo for the Females are also initiated into the mysHindu 'shrine of Kanakeshwar if he, his vessell teries of Jadu or black art. Such wa and its cargo were saved. By the grace of required to go to the burning ground at midGod the vessel weathered the storm and he night in a naked state, holding in their hands arrived anfely in his country with the merch hearths containing burning coals. While on andise. In fulfilment of this vow he crected their way they untie their hair, and then a good temple over the shrine of Shri Shan begin the recital of their mantras. There kar at Kanakcshwar, which cost him about they dig out the bones of buried corpses, bring rupees sis thousand. This temple is in good them home, and preserve them for practiscondition to the present day. Many such vows are made to special deities. When the ing black art. people get their desired objects they attribute There is a sect of Hindus known as the success to the favour of the deity invok Shaktas who. practise the black art. The ed, but when their expectations are not Shaktas worship their goddess at night, make fulSlled they blame their fate and not the offerings of wine and flesh, and then feast deity. hereon. * School Master, Kbopoli, Kolaba. 3 School Master, Bassein, Thana. 2 School Master, Poladpur. Kolaba. - School Master, Mitbav, Ratnagiri,

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p. 234, kne 234, 235, 237, 237, 237, 237, note 238, line 239, 239, 239, 239, 239, 33 12 " 19 33 23 39 33 97 " 19 23 "3 12 " 20 " " " " " 23 241, 241, 241, 241, 242, 242, 242, 243, 243, 243, 244. 244, 244, 244, 244, 244, 244, 244, 244, vnM gnlyHkhlii 33 " " .. " 29 "2 33 29 ERRATA. THE DATE OF AKBAR'S BIRTH AND DEATH. Y VINCENT A. SMITH. 39 8tM 629 tngh 34 10 31 12 17 39 37 40 15 18 34 34, 39 30 14 40 20 41 43 7 12, 13 24 26 26 For 26 27 27 8.50 'or' Umarkot Tersh shabadda 4th Rajab th Jauhar Sunday Atsa Andu-l Daulah bAnAbA Dawson 29 3 and three other places Du Jarrie 2 5 faleer Sir Ravuty 1852 Prolegommer After In A. H. 949.' Gulbadane Douson Muhummadan Sunday Octobrio Verim laotum inta catashophe hidnum Read Lou or Omarkot Terdy shdhadda 14th Rajab the Jauhar sundry Atga Asdu-d-Daulah mAnApamA Dowson ,5, falso See Raverty 1552 Prolegomena dele full stop dele note of exclamation Gulbadan Dowson Du Jarric Muhammadan Saturday Octobris Verum laetum intre catastrophe biduum

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